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NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAK 
 
 (ADRIAN IV.) 
 
THE TOMB OF ADRIAN IV. AND PORTRAIT FROM A MOSAIC 
 IN THE VATICAN COLLECTION. 
 
NICHOLAS BEEAKSPEAE 
 
 (ADRIAN IV.) 
 
 ENGLISHMAN 
 
 AND 
 
 POPE 
 
 By ALFEED H. TAELETON 
 
 PU15LISHED BY AETHUE L. HUMPHEEYS *''•'" 
 
 AND SOLD BY 
 
 HATCHARDS, 187, PICCADILLY, LONDON 
 
 1896 
 
T"3 
 
 ^;sW«- SATH€R 
 
 CHISWICK PRESS :— CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. 
 1X)0KS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. 
 
PEEFACE. 
 
 iHIS life of the only Englishman who 
 ever occupied the Papal chair is the 
 outcome of, at least, a conscientious 
 study of the subject. Some years ago I 
 was interested in trying to ascertain the 
 grounds on which one of the traditions 
 current concerning Nicholas Breakspear rested, and, by 
 degrees, I accumulated such a number of notes about him 
 as to make me think it worth while to throw them into the 
 form of a memoir of his life, and of the times in which he 
 lived, so far as they influenced or were influenced by him. 
 It is strange that notwithstanding the unique character 
 of Breakspear's career it is still very little known. Every 
 schoolboy can give the outlines of the life of Thomas a 
 Beket, who was made Archdeacon of Canterbury in the 
 year Adrian IV. died; while it is not everyone who can 
 even fix the century in which the English Pope lived. 
 
 Besides the article upon Adrian in the '^ Dictionary 
 of National Biography," and those in other biographical 
 works, only two lives of him have been published in 
 English, one by Richard Raby in 1849, the other, a short 
 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 sketch, in the publications of the Society of Antiquaries, by 
 the Eev. E. Trollope in 1857. There was also a small 
 book upon the subject printed by a Rev. S. Baynes of 
 Rickmansworth, now out of print. 
 
 I am only too painfully conscious of the shortcomings 
 of the present work, which has no pretensions to literary 
 merit, being rather a collection of materials drawn from 
 original sources than a finished biography. 
 
 I can, however, claim that I have done my best to 
 verify all the statements I have made, and have appended 
 a full bibliography for those who care to make further 
 researches. 
 
 One thing more : whoever writes the life of a Pope is 
 bound to tread upon delicate ground, and to run the risk of 
 wounding the susceptibilities of some. I would, therefore, 
 if I have anywhere expressed opinions which are oifensive 
 to any body of Christians, express my regret here once for 
 all, merely saying that I have at least made an honest 
 endeavour to present controversial matter in an impartial 
 hght. 
 
 It only remains for me to say that I could not have 
 brought out this volume at all had it not been for the kind 
 assistance I have received from all quarters, and to thank 
 all who have by their advice helped me in my work. 
 
 Special acknowledgment is due to the Bishop of 
 Peterborough, Dr. Creighton (who wrote the article upon 
 Adrian IV. in the " Dictionary of National Biography "), 
 Mr. C. Comyns Tucker, Lord Aldenham, Archdeacon 
 
PREFACE. Vll 
 
 Lawrance of S. Albans, the Rev. W. Fowler, and Professor 
 Hales ; also to Monsignor Stonor of the Vatican. 
 
 The illustrations in the book have been reproduced 
 with great care, and sufficiently explain themselves. I have, 
 however, to thank Prince Doria Pamphilj for obtaining for 
 me the original of the illustration of the Portico of SS. 
 Giovanni e Paolo; and the Duke of Newcastle for his 
 photograph of Breakspears. 
 
 The compilation of the book owes much to the care 
 of Mr. Humphreys, of Messrs. Hatchard ; and the well- 
 known courtesy of the officials at the British Museum 
 needs no mention from me. I must also acknowledge the 
 excellent work of Mr. Sidney Lamert, especially in the 
 translations, and in his careful verification of references, etc. 
 
 In conclusion, I shall feel amply repaid if the memory 
 of the great English Pope should, through my humble 
 effiDrts, be in any degree revived among his countrymen. 
 It seems unjust that while his enemies and inferior men are 
 remembered, he should be numbered among the forgotten 
 heroes of England. If it is good for us to study the lives 
 of those who by unsullied careers have added lustre to 
 their native country, and to revere their names, we English- 
 men can surely spare some of our admiration for Nicholas 
 Breakspear. 
 
 Alfred H. Tarleton. 
 
 October, 1896. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 V 
 
 Preface . 
 
 List of Illustrations xv-xvii 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1100 TO 1120. 
 
 Birth, Parentage, and Early Life — Traditions as to Breakspear's 
 
 Home — Rejected at S. Albans — Leaves for France . . 1-20 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 The Condition of England and France in the Twelfth Century — 
 Suger, Abbot of S. Denys — The Pope's Influence in the 
 Church of England . 21-34 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 1120 TO 1151. 
 
 Nicholas Breakspear in France — The Abbey of S. Rufus — Prior — 
 Abbot — The Insubordination of the Monks — Eugenius III. — 
 Journey to Rome — Return to S. Rufus — Second Journey to 
 Rome — Breakspear attached to the Pope's Suite — Bishop of 
 Albano — Cardinal — The Second Crusade — Eugenius III. at 
 S. Denys — Breakspear chosen for the Mission to Scandinavia . 35-48 
 
 h 
 
X NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1151 TO 1154. 
 
 Church Histoiy in Scandinavia — Breakspear leaves Rome for 
 Norway — Passes through England — His Norwegian Mission 
 — Reform of the Church in Norway — Church Division in 
 Sweden — Breakspear's Diplomacy in Danemark — The War 
 between Danemark and Sweden — Return to Rome — Death of 
 Eugenius III. — Anastasius IV. — His Character — His Death 
 — Breakspear elected Pope 49-67 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Church in the Twelfth Century — The Monastic Movement — 
 The Crusades — Bernard of Clairvaulx — His Teaching — 
 Peter Abelard — The Council of Sens — Arnold of Brescia — 
 His Opinions — Condition of Rome — Effect of the Second 
 Crusade — Frederic Barbarossa crosses the Alps — Adrian's 
 Difficulties 68-92 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1154 TO 1155. 
 
 Adrian's Difficulties — Cardinal Boso — Arnold of Brescia in Rome 
 — The Interdict — Adrian's Entry into Rome — Easter, 1155 
 — Advance of Frederic Barbarossa — Negotiations between 
 Pope and Emperor — Capture and Death of Arnold of 
 Brescia — Roman Deputation to Frederic — Adrian proceeds 
 to meet the Emperor at Sutri 93-113 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1155. 
 
 Frederic Barbarossa — The Meeting of 9th June — Spiritual 
 Power V. Temporal Power — Adrian's Crisis — Submis&ion of 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 the Emperor — Entry in Rome of Pope and Emperor — 
 Coronation of Frederic — The Riot in Rome — Frederic leaves 
 Rome — Negotiations with the Emperor Manuel — The 
 German Army recrosses the Alps 114-126 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 English Affairs at Adrian's Succession — The Congratulatory 
 Embassy to the Pope — Adrian's Reception of the Abbot of 
 S. Albans — Henry II. 's Letter to the Pope — John of 
 Salisbury — His Life — His Friendship with Adrian — Con- 
 versation with the Pope — His Recollections of Adrian . 127-152 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Adrian's grant of Ireland to Henry IL — The Text and Transla- 
 tion of the Bull — Arguments for and against its Genuineness 
 — State of Ireland in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries — 
 Historical Evidence — Conclusions 153-181 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1155 TO 1156. 
 
 Growth and History of the Kingdom of Sicily — William IL of 
 Sicily — Adrian's Letter to him — Attack on Beneventum — 
 Adrian excommunicates William — Roman Defeats in Cam- 
 pania — Negotiations with Manuel I. — Proposed Treaty 
 with William— ^Divisions among the Cardinals — Failure of 
 Negotiations — William takes Brundisium and Bari — 
 Appears before Beneventum — Terms of Peace with the 
 Pope — Embassy from the Eastern Church — Proposed 
 Reunion — Adrian goes to Orvieto . J 4' . . 182-203 
 
Xll NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 1156 TO 1158. 
 
 Frederic's Dissatisfaction at the Pope's Conduct — The Capture of 
 the Archbishop of Lund — Diet at Besan§on — Reception of 
 Adrian's Envoys — The Pope's Letter — Cardinal Roland — 
 The Dispute about " Beneficium " — Frederic's Proclamation 
 to the German Church — Preparations for the Second Invasion 
 of Italy — Adrian's Second Letter to the German Bishops — 
 The Answer — Frederic at Augsburg — The Pope sends two 
 Cardinals to the Emperor — Their Misfortunes— Their Recep- 
 tion — Temporary Reconciliation 204-224 
 
 CHAPTER XIL 
 
 1158 TO 1159. 
 
 Causes which led to the Second Invasion of Italy — The Countess 
 Matilda's Possessions — The History of the Guelph Claim — 
 State of Lombardy and Tuscany — Frederic's Army enters 
 Italy — Surrender of Brescia — Siege and Capture of Milan 
 — Diet of Roncaglia — TheCase of the Archbishop of Ravenna 
 — Adrian writes again to the Emperor — Frederic's Declara- 
 tion at Roncaglia — Adrian's Repudiation of the Imperial 
 Claims — Revolt of Milan — Adrian's Courage — Frederic's 
 last Insult — The Embassy of the four Cardinals — Adrian's 
 Ultimatum — Frederic's Vacillation — Adrian Retires to 
 Anagni — War — Preparations for Excommunication of the 
 Emperor — Adrian's Death — His Funeral — His Tomb . . 225-246 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 John of Salisbury on Adrian's Death — Adrian's Character — 
 Boso's Estimate of him — Pictures of Adrian I V. — High Altar 
 Screen at S. Albans — His Literary Works — Improvements in 
 Orvieto and Rome — Concluding Remarks .... 247-257 
 
CONTENTS. Xlll 
 
 PAGE 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Text and Translation of the Facsimile Bull .... 258-265 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 Bibliography 266-268 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 List of Cardinals Living at the Accession of Adrian IV. and 
 
 of those Created by him — Bulls issued by Adrian IV. . 269-276 
 
 Index 277-292 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 The Tomb of Adrian IV. 
 
 Seal of Adrian IV. . . 
 
 Initial Letter ± to 
 Preface 
 
 Initial Letter JN 
 Chapter I. . . 
 
 TO 
 
 PAGE 
 
 From a painting by B. Venuti, Eome, 1894. 
 With head of Adrian IV., from a mosaic 
 in the Vatican collection . . . Frontispiece 
 
 Eeproduced from the lead seal attached to 
 the Bull described in Appendix I. . Title page 
 
 Date, the twelfth century. From the British 
 Museum Eoyal MS. I. c. vii. (Shaw's 
 "Alphabets," 1846) . v 
 
 From Bail's " Concilia ' 
 
 Breakspears 
 
 Initial Letter X to 
 Chapter II. .... 
 
 Map No. I. 
 
 Initial Letter W to 
 Chapter III 
 
 From a photograph by His Grace the Duke 
 of Newcastle, 1895 16 
 
 From Stowe's " Chronicle," 1615 . 
 Western Europe in twelfth century 
 
 From Matthew Paris 
 
 21 
 
 26 
 
 35 
 
 Pope Etjgenius III. (Ber- 
 nard of Pisa) .... 
 
 Initial Letter JL to 
 Chapter IV 
 
 From Sacchi, "Historia B. Platinse de vitis 
 
 Pontificorum," etc., 1610 41 -^ 
 
 From Fuller's " Church History," 1666 . 
 
 49 
 
XVI 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Adrian IV, 
 
 Initial Letter x5 
 Chapter V. . . 
 
 From Sacchi, " Historia B. Platinse de vitis 
 
 Pontificorum," etc., 1610 65 /^ 
 
 From the Saxon Clu'oiiicle 68 
 
 Saint Bernard (Abbot of 
 Clairvaulx) 
 
 Initial Letter 1. to 
 Chapter VI 
 
 From a print in the British Museum 
 
 72 
 
 Map No. II. 
 
 Initial Letter \J 
 Chapter VTI. 
 
 TO 
 
 From Ciaconius, "Vitse . . . Pontificorum 
 Romanorum," 1687 93 
 
 Showing the movements of Adrian IV. and 
 Frederic Barbarossa at Easter, 1156 . . 104 
 
 From Camden, " Anglica Scripta " . 
 
 114 
 
 The Entry of Adrian IV. 
 AND Frederic Barba- 
 rossa INTO BOME, 1155 
 
 Initial Letter JlI to 
 Chapter VIII. . . . 
 
 From an old panel picture at Breakspears. 
 Date unknown 120 
 
 From Dugdale, " Monasticon Anglicanum " 127 
 
 Adrian IV. 
 
 Initial Letter A to 
 Chapter IX 
 
 Henry II., King of 
 England 
 
 Initial Letter JD to 
 Chapter X 
 
 From Ciaconius, " Vitae • . . Pontificorum 
 Romanorum," 1687 150 
 
 From Ciaconius, " Vitae . . . Pontificorum 
 Romanorum," 1687 153 
 
 From a print in the British Museum 
 
 166 
 
 . . . From Muratori, "Rerum Italicarum Scrip- 
 
 tores" 182 
 
 Adrian IV From a print in the British Museum . . . 1C6 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 XVll 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Initial Lettee Jb to 
 
 Chapteb XI Date, the twelfth century. Prom the British 
 
 Museum Eoyal MS. I. c. vii. (Shaw's 
 
 " Alphabets,'' 1845) 204- 
 
 Frederic I. (Barbarossa) From a print in the British Museum . . . 204 
 
 Cardinal Eoland Ban- 
 DiNELLi (Pope Alex- 
 ander III.) 
 
 The Portico op the 
 Church of SS. Gio- 
 vanni E Paolo . . . 
 
 From Sacchi, "Historia B. Platinae de vitis 
 Pontificorum," etc., 1610 214 
 
 Initial Letter Jj to 
 Chapter XII. . . . From Holinshed's " Chronicles " 
 
 222 
 
 225 
 
 Genealogical Table 229 ^ 
 
 Map No. Ill Italy in the twelfth century 237 .^ 
 
 Initial Letter X Or ij From Matthew Paris 247 
 
 The High Altar Screen 
 AT S. Alban's Abbey . 
 
 Facsimile of a Bull op 
 Adrian IV 
 
 Completed design, from an etching lent by 
 Lord Aldenham 252 
 
 268 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1100 TO 1120. 
 
 Birth, Parentage, and Early Life — Traditions as to Breakspear's Home — 
 Rejected at S. Albans — Leaves for France. 
 
 CHOLAS BREAKSPEAR or Brek- 
 
 spere/ the subject of this memoir, was 
 born somewhere in the neighbourhood 
 of S. Albans. The records of his origin 
 are conflicting and scanty, and if we 
 were tied down to actual authentic 
 proof, we might at once dismiss any conjecture as to when 
 and where was the time and place which has the honour 
 of claiming the earliest evidence of his birth. Before 
 mentioning my conclusions in this matter, it may be 
 well to give verbatim the sources from which we may 
 deduce our information. The narrow jealousy of the 
 monastic orders in the twelfth century caused rumour to 
 be suited to their own particular ends ; while early ecclesias- 
 tical writers make it difficult for us to sift fact from fancy, 
 
 ^ Early French writers speak of him as Briselance ; Early Latin as 
 Hastafragus. 
 
 B 
 
■as 
 
 2 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 owing to their carelessness and their prejudice. But as these 
 are the only original sources on which we have to depend, 
 we must do our best to extract the most probable result 
 from them. 
 
 Matthew Paris/ " On the Origin of Pope Adrian," says : 
 " About this time, too, a clerk called Nicholas — cognomen 
 Brekespere — a native of some hamlet under the Abbacy, 
 perhaps Langley, came to Abbot Kobert and humbly 
 asked if he might be invested with a monk's hood. 
 
 ** Being a young man of pleasing appearance, fairly well 
 versed in clerical knowledge, the Abbot gave him a trial ; 
 but, finding him insufficient in learning, said to him, kindly 
 enough, ' Have patience, my son, and stay at school yet 
 awhile till you are better fitted to the position you desire.' 
 But the young man, shamefaced, and deeming such a post- 
 ponement tantamount to a denial, withdrew." He then 
 goes on to relate his subsequent history. Now it has 
 always been a moot point among commentators whether 
 Matthew Paris compiled his " Vitae Abbatum " himself 
 from records and manuscripts in the library of S. Albans, 
 or whether he did not merely edit a compilation by a much 
 older hand. This latter suggestion owes its existence to the 
 fact that the work is very loosely put together, and very 
 often the same incident recurs more than once within a few 
 pages, while frequently the two accounts do not agree. 
 
 In his description of Nicholas Brekespere this happens, 
 
 ' " Vitae Abbatum Sancti Albani." Ed. Mr. Riley, Rolls Series, 
 vol. i., pp. 112-113, Sub annis 1151-65. " De origine Papse Adriani." 
 
NICHOLAS BKEAKSPEAR. 6 
 
 though here the two statements are more or less sub- 
 stantially the same ; the second one certainly has the 
 appearance of being copied from some concise history or 
 record now lost to us. A few pages further on, after 
 referring to other matters, he returns to Pope Adrian, and 
 after some description of his later life, he says,^ " But, as it 
 does not appear to be very foreign to the nature of my 
 material, let us pause here a little to insert in this little his- 
 tory a summary of his life. 
 
 " Concerning Pope Adrian. 
 
 " This Nicholas, whom we have previously mentioned, 
 was the son of one Robert de Camera, who, after having 
 lived honourably as a layman, and, being to some extent 
 lettered, took the monk's hood at S. Albans. Wishing to 
 bring his son, the memorable Nicholas, into the cloister 
 as clerk and scholar, Robert besought the Abbot in his 
 behalf, praying him to invest the boy also with the 
 monastic hood. The Abbot conceded the request, on 
 condition that Nicholas should prove worthy of it. But 
 when he was tried, the young man was found wanting; 
 thereupon Nicholas fled to Provence, and became a canon 
 in the house of S. Rufus. . . ." Then, at the end of the 
 description, he goes on to say : " . . . His father, as 
 already mentioned, was a monk of S. Albans for fifty 
 years and more, living honourably and dying happily. 
 
 ' " Vitae Abbatum Sancti Albani," pp. 124-25. 
 
4 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAll. 
 
 " He was buried in the column of the cloister, this 
 honour falling on him partly on account of his son, the 
 Pope. His tomb was hard by that of Abbot Ei chard, 
 which was found later, hidden beneath the paving- 
 stones." 
 
 I next proceed to take the account handed down to 
 us by William of Newburgh,^ and it will be seen that he 
 takes a very different line to Matthew Paris. He says 
 as follows : ^ ^' In the first year of the reign of King 
 Henry II. died Anastatius, the successor of Eugenius, 
 after having been pope one year. He was succeeded by 
 Nicholas, Bishop of Albano, who, changing his name with 
 his fortune, called himself Adrian. Of this man it may 
 be well to relate how he was raised, as it were from the 
 dust, to sit in the midst of princes, and to occupy the 
 throne of apostolic glory. He was born in England, and 
 his father was a clerk of slender means, who, abandoning 
 the world and his stripling boy, became a monk at S. 
 Albans. As he grew older, the lad, having no money to 
 pay for schooling, frequented the monastery daily for his 
 bare subsistence. This so enraged the father that he fell to 
 taunting his son bitterly for his laziness, and at last drove 
 
 * " Guilielmi Neubrigensis, historia sive chronica, rerum Anglicarum, 
 libris quinque, e codice MS. pervetusto, in Bibliotheca prasnobilis. Domini 
 Dni Thomas Sebright baronetti uberrimus additionibus completata, longeque 
 emendatius quam antehac edita, studio atque industria Thomse Hearnii, 
 qui et prajter Joaunis Picardi Annotationes, suas etiam notas atque spici- 
 legiam subjecit. Oxonii e Theatro Sheldoniano. mdccxix." 
 
 ^ Lib. ii., cap. 6, pp. 120 et seq. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 5 
 
 him indignantly away, destitute of means. So the youth, 
 left to himself and driven to desperation by hard necessity, 
 crossed the Channel into France, being ingenuously ashamed 
 either to dig or to beg in his own country." He also 
 states that Adrian IV. was not forgetful of his early 
 teaching, and chiefly in his father's memory he honoured 
 the Church of the Blessed Martyr Alban with gifts, and 
 distinguished it with lasting privileges. 
 
 Muratori,^ in his " Rerum Itahcarum Scriptores," gives 
 three lives of Adrian — two brief summaries and one of 
 greater length, which is ascribed to the pen of the Cardinal 
 of Aragon.^ Watterich, who studied the question very 
 carefully, came to the conclusion that the latter could only 
 have been written by a contemporary of Adrian ; and, in 
 the preface of the book above quoted, has given a number 
 of weighty reasons to prove that it was the work of Cardinal 
 Boso. This Boso was both private secretary and chamber- 
 lain to Adrian IV., as well as being an Englishman by birth, 
 so that no man could have been in a better position to write 
 the Pope's biography than he. 
 
 It is unnecessary to repeat M. Watterich's reasoning 
 
 ^ " Pontificum Roraanorum qui fuerunt inde ab exeunto sajculo IX. 
 usque ad finem saeculi XIII., vitae ab sequalibus conscriptae, quas ex archivi 
 Pontificii, Bibliothecae Vaticanae aliarumque codicibus adjectis suis cuique 
 et annalibus et doc'umentis gravioribus edidit I. M. Watterich, phUos. et 
 theol. doctor historiae in lycaeo Academico Vanniensi professor publ. ord. 
 In duobus Tomis. Tom. II. (pars IV. to VI.), Paschalis II., Coelestinus III., 
 1099-1198. Lipsias sumptibus Guilbelmi Engelmanni mdccclxii." 
 
 * Hie Nicbolaus Cardinalis Aragoniae saeculo florebat decimo quarto. 
 
6 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 here ; but it is very conclusive, and may be read with 
 interest. I have no hesitation in saying that we may safely 
 ascribe the following account to Cardinal Boso : ^ " Adrian 
 IV., of the English nation, from the parish of S. Albans, 
 formerly Nicholas, Bishop of Albano. . . . This man, while 
 still very young, being ambitious of extending his know- 
 ledge, left his own country and came to Aries. ..." 
 
 These three principal accounts are the most important 
 sources of information open to us ; but it will be well, before 
 I come to the traditions which cluster round his memory, to 
 examine the accounts of later writers. 
 
 Ciaconius,'' who has adopted the narrative of William 
 of Newburgh, adds the allegation that Nicholas was born 
 out of lawful wedlock, and Bale insists that the Abbot 
 rejected him because of his bastardy.^ " Sed Abbas, homo 
 rigidus ac severus, causatus fortassis quod spurius esset 
 adoloscentem quodammodo repulit." 
 
 At this stage I must add that not much dependence 
 can be placed on the account of Matthew Paris. To begin 
 with, he attributes the story of Nicholas' rejection to Robert,* 
 eighteenth Abbot, which is obviously wrong. And as in all 
 his writings, so in this one, there is a great tendency to 
 dwell upon, even to exaggeration, the magnificence of 
 S. Albans; a magnificence which was so splendid could 
 
 ' Vol. ii., p. 323 et seq. 
 
 ^ Vit. Pont. Rom. 
 
 3 " Illustra. Brit. Centur. II.," N. 90, p. 197 et seq. 
 
 * Robert, eighteenth Abbot, entered office in 1151. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 7 
 
 stand clear of flattery at the expense of veracity. In this 
 way he loves to ascribe every virtue to even the meanest 
 official of that house. That a monk of S. Albans should 
 have had a son after obtaining the hood never seems to 
 have crossed Matthew Paris' mind, or rather he was careful 
 not to chronicle the fact. Therefore he does not mention 
 that Nicholas was born previous to Robert's acceptance into 
 the monastery. 
 
 This is suspicious in itself. Further, Robert, we are 
 told, dwelt in the monastery for fifty years. In that case 
 he survived his son — a fact which Matthew Paris further 
 attests by remarking that the monk was granted a peculiarly 
 honourable funeral on account of Adrian's magnificence. 
 We naturally ask why, if this man was alive throughout 
 the popeship, did Adrian do nothing for him ? And, when 
 the Abbot of S. Albans went to Rome to seek privileges 
 and benediction for his Abbey from the English Pope, did 
 not the Pope's father accompany the mission ? Indeed, his 
 name is not even mentioned throughout the account. 
 Surely no flattery or compliments could have pleased his 
 Holiness so much as a message from his own father ! Is 
 there not more than slight cause for doubt in this incon- 
 sistency ? 
 
 I shall have cause later to dwell on the invaluable 
 records of John of Salisbury, whose evidence is as a rule 
 unimpeachable ; but I cannot but think that in the little he 
 has to say about Adrian's treatment of his relations, he 
 is either repeating hearsay, or speaking without personal 
 
8 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 knowledge. In the last chapter of '' Metalogiciis " ^ he 
 records that during the Pope's reign Adrian's mother and 
 brother were both alive. He says nothing about his father. 
 Surely he would have done so had there been one holding 
 office at S. Albans ? In the same book, John tells us that 
 Adrian did nothing for his mother, but left her to subsist on 
 charity. Therefore, if Robert Brekespere was living, we 
 must say that in whatever other respect he is to be praised, 
 we can hardly include his callousness in leaving his cast-off 
 wife or mistress to beggary among his " distinguished 
 virtues ! " Neither, if this be true, could one applaud 
 Adrian for his rigidity of principle. John affirms that his 
 real motive was to avoid all appearance of avarice or 
 nepotism ; if so, he showed great moral cowardice, and at 
 least deserves the censure of history for carrying mistaken 
 zeal to the pitch of unfilial cruelty. Several of his de- 
 tractors have seized on this incident to prove that the Pope 
 sent his mother no aid because he was unwilling to acknow- 
 ledge her. A dole of money, sufficient to have kept her in 
 comfort, even luxury, to the end of her days, would have 
 been a very trifling matter to the revenues of S. Peter ; but 
 it has been suggested that even the smallest dole would 
 have forced an admission from Adrian that his pride forbade 
 him to make. No. As those who have the patience to follow 
 me through the life of this remarkable man will admit, this 
 suspicion is unworthy, and moreover in distinct opposition 
 
 ' See Chap. VIII. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 9 
 
 to the weight of evidence against it. When a man has 
 forced his way up from obscurity to high position and 
 worldly power, and his very enemies are obliged to admit 
 that neither selfishness nor sordid avarice ever accompanied 
 him in his upward career, we must do him the justice 
 of assuming his sentiments and motives in private life to 
 have been as pure and lofty as those of his public history. 
 Petty pride never stood in Nicholas Breakspear's path ; his 
 life and character stand out clear and pure across the dark- 
 ness of intervening centuries, and enable us by their silent 
 testimony to scorn the idea of shame which some have 
 endeavoured to affix to the character of this great Eng- 
 lishman. 
 
 Now, those who read for themselves the history of 
 William of Newburgh will recognize the trustworthiness of 
 his writings. His work seems entirely free from prejudice, 
 and is characterized by a lofty singleness of purpose far in 
 advance of the age in which he lived. He did not write to 
 please his readers, as Matthew Paris apparently often did ; 
 he had no private ends to serve by adopting any one line of 
 argument in preference to any other. He is very careful 
 to authenticate his facts ; and where he depends on hearsay, 
 he is equally careful to say so. Above all, like John 
 of Salisbury, he wrote of the times in which he lived, and 
 the occurrences he mentions are those which were taking 
 place around him. His story of Adrian is consistent in 
 every detail, and in the main it agrees with that of Cardinal 
 Boso, who however descends but little to detail, and confines 
 
 c 
 
I 
 
 10 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 himself to generalities. There is no doubt that the best and 
 most authentic account of how Breakspear worked his way 
 up from very small beginnings to the pontifical chair, is that 
 of William of Newburgh. 
 
 We now come to tradition ; and here it may be well to 
 remember how large a part the handing down from father 
 to son of local events has added to history. In such a 
 matter as where a great man lived, his birthplace, and his 
 home, these unwritten records command our most serious 
 attention. On a quiet country-side the memory of so great 
 a man would cling and hang round the locality for centuries. 
 Local names, registers, and such like, all offer silent 
 evidence of the truth of the legends associated with them. 
 The rustic brain, dulled by the monotony of agricultural 
 labour, unrelieved by the advantages of the education of the 
 present day, had not in former times the wit or the know- 
 ledge to invent tales. Exaggeration, in course of time, 
 might grow round the central fact; but I think I may 
 safely say that in nine out of ten cases of local, or folk 
 lore, there is some solid foundation in truth ; while in 
 a case where the same tradition can be traced back for 
 centuries from son to father, supported by the evidence of 
 nomenclature, we may almost accept it as historical fact. 
 A tradition of this nature has clung persistently to two 
 parishes which in the twelfth century were under the 
 direct influence of the great Abbey of the Holy Martyr 
 Alban. One, is that of Abbot's Langley in Hertfordshire ; 
 the other, Harefield, on the Herts border of Middlesex. In 
 
NICHOLAS BIIEAKSPEAR. 11 
 
 the former, which is a village dating far back into Saxon times, 
 it is said Nicholas Breakspear was born ; while in the other 
 is a small country house which has borne the name of 
 Breakspear for certainly since the latter end of the twelfth 
 century, and which is said to have been the place where his 
 family lived, and to have been occupied by their descendants 
 for many years. 
 
 I shall presently return to these two places, but first 
 will deal with the accounts of local historians as to Break- 
 spear's connection with this part of the country. 
 
 Camden,^ in his " Britannia," says under the heading 
 of Hertfordshire : " . . . More to the South, lyetli King's 
 Langley, heretofore a Seat of the Kings, where Edmund of 
 Langley, Son to Edward III. and Duke of York, was born, 
 and thence also named. Here was a small cell of Friars 
 Praadicants, in which that unhappy Prince Richard II. was 
 first buried, after he had been barbarously deprived both of 
 the Kingdom and his Life ; but not long after, his body was 
 remov'd to Westminster, and had a monument of brass 
 bestowed upon it, to make amends for his Kingdom. 
 
 " Almost opposite to this, is another Langley, which 
 (because it belong d to the Abbots of S. Albans) is calFd 
 Abbot's Langley ; the place where Nicholas Breakspeare 
 
 ^ "Britannia, or a cliorograpliical description of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, together with the adjacent islands, writ in Latin by William 
 Camden, Clarencieux King at Arms. And translated into English with 
 additions by Edmund Gibson, D.D., Rector of Lambeth." 2ud ed., London, 
 1623; Isted., 1586. 
 
12 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 was born, who was afterwards Pope by tbe name of Hadrian 
 the fourth." 
 
 Again, in his description of Middlesex, a few pages 
 further on,^ he again refers to Adrian : " . . . Upon the 
 river Cole,^ at its first entrance into this County, I met with 
 Breakspear, the ancient seat of a family of that name, of 
 which was descended Pope Hadrian the fourth, mention' d 
 a little before. . . ." 
 
 In Fuller's " Worthies," ' a book full of interesting and 
 curious facts and legends, further reference is made under 
 the heading of " Hartfordshire." He follows Camden and 
 quotes Bale, in a paragraph about the Pope so quaint and 
 original, that I have reproduced it here in its entirety : 
 
 " Pope. Nicholas, son to Kobert Breakspear (a lay 
 brother in the Abbey of S. Albans) fetcht his name from 
 Breakspeare, a place in Middlesex, but was born at Abbots 
 Langley, a Town in this County. 
 
 " When a Youth, he was put to such servile work in 
 S. Albans Abbey, that his ingenious Soul could not com- 
 port therewith. Suing to be admitted into that house, he 
 received the repulse which in fine proved no miss-hap, but 
 a happy-miss, unto him ; for, going over into France, he 
 studied so hard and so happily at Paris, that for his worth 
 he was preferred Abbott of S. Kufus near Yalentia, and 
 
 ' Vol. i., pp. 365, 366. ' Colne. 
 
 ' " The History of the "Worthies of England. Endeavoured by 
 Thomas Fuller, D.D., London. Printed by F. G. W. L. and W. G., 
 
 MDCLXII.," p. 20. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 13 
 
 afterward by Pope Eugenius the Third was made Bishop 
 of Alba nigh Rome : Ad nataUs soli memoriam, saith my 
 Author, that he, who was refused to be Monachus Albanensis 
 in England, should be Episeopus Albanensis in Italy* He 
 was employed by the Pope for the conversion of the 
 Norwegians, and though Bale saith (he were not Bale if he 
 were not bitter),^ Anti-Christiano charactere Norwegios 
 signavit ; yet his reducing them from Paganism e to Chris- 
 tianity in the Fundamentals was a worthy work and 
 deserves true commendation. He was afterwards chosen 
 Pope of Rome, by the name of Adrian the fourth. There is 
 a mystery more than I can fathome in the changing of his 
 name : Seeing his own font-name was a Papal one ; Yet he 
 preferred rather to be Adrian the fourth, than Nicholas the 
 third. 
 
 " He held his place ' four years, eight moneths and 
 eight and twenty days : and Anno 1158' as he was drinking 
 was choak't with a fly : Which in the large Territory of 
 S. Peter's patrimony had no place but his throat to get 
 into ; But since a flye stopt his breath fear shall stop my 
 Mouth, not to make uncharitable Conclusions from such 
 Casualties." 
 
 I have chosen these two historians, as showing the pre- 
 valence of the tradition as far back as the sixteenth century. 
 
 1 Bale, "De Scrip. Brit. Cent. II.," No. 90, in anno 1159. 
 * Muratori, vol. ii., p. 323 et seq.y " Sedit Annis IV., mensibus VIII., 
 diebus VI." 
 
 ' Fuller here makes a mistake ; it was 1159. 
 
14 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Quaint old Fuller's expression, " fetclit liis name," is pro- 
 bably exactly the truth. In those days it is far more 
 probable that a place should give a name to a man, than 
 that a man should give a name to a place. Now Break- 
 spears, the place, was in all probability in existence before 
 his day. The site is one which would commend itself to any 
 settler in that part of the Colne valley, viz., on the edge 
 of the tableland or plateau on which stands the ancient 
 parish of Harefield, in those days Herefelle,^ Harvil,* or 
 Herefelde,' and just sheltered by the brow of the hill 
 sloping down to the fertile valley of the Colne, hidden from 
 the eye of the marauder, or those of wandering bands of 
 soldiers or robbers, by dense woods. Within half a mile is 
 the ancient church of S. Mary the Virgin, which is men- 
 tioned in the Domesday Book, and the advowson of which 
 had not then passed to the Knights Hospitallers of S. John 
 of Jerusalem, though it is mentioned as an ancient church * 
 when it was given to them by Beatrice de Boilers, widow 
 of Baldwin Fitz Geoffry, in 1180. Down on the banks of 
 the Colne river stood a Camera or Preceptory, which went 
 by the name of Moor Hall, and the remains of it are still 
 visible in the old building standing there at the present 
 day ; indeed, the refectory and chapel can easily be traced, 
 and with their walls and blocked-up windows form the 
 sides and ends of a commodious barn ! 
 
 * Domesday Book. ' J. Norden, " Speculum Britannia}," 1593. 
 ^ Breakspear and Moor Hall documents. 
 
 * Dugdale, " Monast. Ang." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 15 
 
 Surely a desecration of ground consecrated for ever to 
 tlie service of our blessed Lord ? 
 
 This preceptory or cell was an appanage of the Priory 
 of S. John's, Clerkenwell, and was enriched some time in 
 the twelfth century by a deed of gift of the surrounding 
 manor, by Alice, daughter of GeofFry, son of Baldwin de 
 Clare/ 
 
 Later on,' we find a deed of Sir Koger Bachworth, 
 who was lord of the manor of Harefield in 1284, giving 
 more land to the Holy Brethren at the request of Nicholas 
 Daccombe, " Preceptor domus Hospitalis de Herfeld." I 
 dwell at some length on this little Hospital of S. John, 
 because I think it may account for the name de Camera, in 
 Matthew Paris' history. If Robert Breakspear lived at 
 Breakspears, what more natural than that on moving to 
 Abbot's Langley, and thence to S. Albans, he should men- 
 tion any connection he may have had with the religious 
 house near his former home ? ^ As to the connection of 
 Nicholas Breakspear with the place that bears his name, we 
 have before us the records and papers of a quiet English 
 
 ^ " Confirmavi Deo, Beata3 Mariae et Sancto Johanni Baptistas, et 
 Sanctee Domus in territorio de Herfeld." 
 
 ^ Moor Hall papers. 
 
 ' Another, and perhaps equally likely source for the name, is the sup- 
 position that Nicholas' father was " camerarius " or chamberlain at S. Albans. 
 It is not uncommon for offices to give names to the holders, and Boso, 
 Adrian's nephew, was a "camerarius" at the Vatican. So a chronicler 
 finding Boso de Camera, a nephew of the Pope, and Robert de Camera, 
 the Pope's father, might well be led into thinking de Camera the family 
 name. 
 
16 NICPIOLAS BREAKSPEAK. 
 
 country house, tlie inhabitants of which have from the 
 earhest times Kved peacefully, and apparently undisturbed 
 by the upsetting influences of wars, revolutions, and drastic 
 changes. 
 
 Deeds, papers, and records have slowly accumulated, 
 and now stand as mute evidence of the life of peaceable 
 country folk, with no startling events to record, beyond the 
 inevitable and monotonous sequence of births, marriages, 
 and deaths, varied only by the household and estate 
 records of management/ The family hving in the house, 
 at the earliest period I have yet been able to discover, was 
 named Brekespere or Breakspear, and that was in 1317. 
 The records of Moor Hall mention the name at an earlier 
 date still. A deed, dated 1371, now before me, grants a 
 lease of sixty years of some land at Harefield, to William 
 Brekespere of Brekespere, and is signed by one William de 
 Swanland, who was in those days lord of the manor. The 
 house remained in the possession of this family till 1430, 
 and the various Christian names include Adrian, Nicholas, 
 and Robert. In that year, it is said, the last male representa- 
 tive died, leaving an heiress, a daughter Margaret, who 
 married one George Assheby, clerk of the signet to Mar- 
 garet of Anjou, Queen of Henry VI., and from that date 
 the property passed regularly down in the Ashby family 
 till 1769, when Robert Ashby died, leaving an heiress 
 Elizabeth, from whom the property passed in the female 
 
 * Breakspear papers. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 17 
 
 line to the present owner. The above-named Margaret^ 
 died in 1474, and is buried at Harefield.^ 
 
 The name hngered on, and as late as 1591 we find the 
 marriage of one Anne Breakspear at Harefield.^ And at 
 the present time it is, with various spellings, a by no means 
 uncommon English surname. There is another tradition 
 which I will allude to, namely, that Nicholas was born at 
 Brill-on-the-Hill, Bucks ; but I know of no authority for it. 
 A question on the subject was asked in " Notes and Queries"^ 
 some years ago ; but was apparently never answered. 
 Whether any descendants of the Pope's family remain to 
 this day it would be interesting to discover. At the begin- 
 ning of the century an English family who spelt the name 
 Brakspear were well known in Paris, and Pope Pius VII. 
 offered the title of Count to a Mr. W. H. Brakspere in 1818, 
 on account of his descent. There is a very interesting 
 correspondence^ in the same valuable periodical on this 
 subject, in which that gentleman's son takes part; but he 
 does not allude to the Brill tradition. That there were 
 men of that name living at Langley as late as the middle of 
 the fifteenth century, of the Christian name of Adrian, may 
 be proved by a reference to the Cotton MS.^ In conclusion, 
 
 ' Vincent's MSS., Coll. Arms, No. 175, and 1477 Harl. MSS., Brit. 
 Mus. 
 
 '^ Brass in Harefield Par. Church. ^ Harefield Par. Reg. 
 
 * "Notes and Queries," 2nd Series, vol. i., p. 352, No. 18, May 3rd, 1856. 
 
 * "Notes and Queries," vol. i., p. 329, 7th Series, No. 17, April 24th, 
 1886; May 15th, 1886, p. 393; June 19th, 1886, p. 492; July 17th, 1886, 
 vol. ii., p. 58. • Cotton MS., Nero DVII., fol. 116. 
 
 D 
 
18 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 then, I think we may be certain that Adrian IV. was the 
 son of Robert Brekespere, and was born at Abbot's Langley 
 somewhere about the year 1100 — a few years after the birth 
 of S. Bernard, from whom we shall presently have to trace 
 the cause of much of the stirring part of Adrian's life. His 
 name was Nicholas, and his father either a man of humble 
 means, or from reduced circumstances compelled to leave 
 his home overlooking the little preceptory on the banks of 
 the Colne, and take up his dwelling in Abbot's Langley. If 
 his family were of any importance, Robert was, at any rate, 
 a younger son,^ and preferred to earn his own living to being 
 dependent on his relations. Here he stayed a few years, 
 and finding his fortunes no better, and losing his wife, he 
 moved again to the neighbouring city of S. Albans, there 
 to be employed at the monastery as an humble serving 
 brother. Let us suppose that there he ended his days 
 peacefully in the oblivion which surrounds his life. Our 
 business is with one of his children, Nicholas, who, even in 
 early life, showed signs of the rare qualities which were in 
 the future to help him to the highest places. We do not 
 know what other children Robert Breakspear had ; but 
 Cardinal Boso, the secretary and chancellor of later days, 
 was a nephew of Nicholas, and there must have been others 
 besides his father or mother. 
 
 Nicholas tried in vain to gain admittance to the 
 
 ^ " . , . . He was an English man, his name was Nicholas Breake- 
 speare .... son to Robert, a younger brother of the house of Breake- 
 speare." — Stowe's Chronicles, p. 150. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 19 
 
 monastery — and we have in later days ^ his own authority for 
 this — as a preparatory step to taking the hood and entering 
 the service of Christ ; but, whether on account of his poverty 
 or because of his youth, the Abbot Richard rejected him, 
 and he was reduced almost to beggary and well-nigh to 
 despair. But that unconquerable resolve of purpose familiar 
 to all who study the lives of great men, especially those of 
 the Anglo-Saxon race, held him fast to a determination to 
 live his hfe, and sent him forth, as it has sent thousands 
 and thousands of his countrymen since, to seek his fortune 
 beyond the seas ; to add a name of the brightest lustre to 
 the already long list of English w orthies ; and to leave a 
 high example to succeeding generations. It is pleasant to 
 put on record that the sentiment of love for his country did 
 not leave him in spite of his hard lot in his youth, for in 
 the course of a conversation^ with John of Salisbury in after 
 years, he expressed a wish that he had never left his native 
 land of England. 
 
 After his final failure to enter S. Albans, he worked 
 his way, probably through London and down the high road 
 through Kent — that historic route which has been the main 
 thoroughfare of so many travellers to and from the 
 metropolis — past Rochester and Canterbury, to Dover, from 
 whence he obtained a passage over the narrow seas, pos- 
 sibly in the very same year^ when the "Blanche Neuf" 
 
 ^ " Chronica Monasterii," vol. i., p. 127, sub annis 1151-56. 
 ' Joan. Sar., vol. iv., lib. viii., cap. 23, p. 367. 
 ' 1120. 
 
20 
 
 NICHOLAS BllEAKSrEAR. 
 
 was wrecked on the treacherous rocks off Barfleur, and the 
 brilHant company surrounding Prince William, together 
 with that unfortunate son of King Henry, were drowned. 
 Here the career of Nicholas may fairly be said to have 
 commenced, and perhaps it will be not out of place to con- 
 sider what the condition of England and France was at this 
 period. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Condition of England and France in the Twelfth Century — 
 Suger, Abbot of S. Denys — The Pope's Influence in the Church of 
 England. 
 
 HE England in which Nicholas Break- 
 spear was born had little in common 
 with that of the present day, and it 
 requires a large call on the imagination 
 to picture his surroundings. 
 
 If we take the year 11 00 as approxi- 
 mately that of his birth, we find ourselves at the begin- 
 ning of the reign of Henry I. Men just emerging from 
 middle age were living who had fought in defence of 
 Saxon England against the Conqueror, or who had helped 
 in the Norman army to win for him his island kingdom ; 
 indeed, the whole campaign was only as far removed 
 from them as the war between the North and South is 
 from the inhabitants of the United States at the time of 
 writing this chapter.^ 
 
 The year 1100 may fairly be taken as marking the 
 time when conquerors and conquered had commenced to 
 settle down together. The rising generation could not 
 
 ' 1894. 
 
22 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 remember the catastrophe of Hastings, and mixed unions 
 were beginning to bear fruit in producing the ancestors of 
 the British race of to-day. The harsh cruelties of the 
 reigns of the first two WilHams were toning down — cruelties 
 terrible for the people to suffer ; a stormy period of 
 trouble and pain ; a fierce ordeal which our country went 
 through, but perhaps necessary to the process of welding 
 together those qualities which have produced the strong and 
 powerful characteristics peculiar to the Anglo-Saxon race. 
 
 King Henry ascended the throne with a promise of 
 peace ; he carried the people with him by his marriage 
 with Matilda, daughter of King Malcolm of Scotland by 
 Margaret, sister of Aedgar the Atheling, the titular boy- 
 king who had surrendered the crown of England to 
 William I. With his reign, and the peace which the land 
 enjoyed during it, and all the stirring history of his time, 
 we have little to do. It is sufficient for our purpose 
 to note that the firmness and statesmanship of this great 
 king found a ready response in the law-abiding instincts 
 which were, even in those turbulent times, beginning to 
 show themselves in our forefathers, and enabled him to 
 establish a constitution and framework of law on so firm a 
 basis as to survive the shock of nearly twenty years of 
 unrest, civil war, and domestic chaos in the reign of 
 Stephen, and to form the foundation for Henry II. to 
 carry on the work of his namesake. 
 
 Breakspear, therefore, as a boy lived in a time of 
 quietness, between two stormy periods of history, the 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAK. 23 
 
 one before his time, the other after he had left the 
 country. 
 
 The anarchy and disturbance of Stephen's reign made 
 rural life in any part of the island full of danger and alarm. 
 When every night brought with it the fear of attack and 
 pillage, and no man knew but that the morrow would 
 dawn on his imprisonment in some foul dark dungeon, with 
 nothing ahead but torture and starvation, his home in 
 flames, and his women-folk carried off to a worse fate, 
 while no redress from the arbitrary power of the Barons 
 was possible, small wonder that the art of literature did 
 not flourish ! 
 
 The marvel is that any writing at all should have 
 reached us from those dark days. The Saxon Chronicle 
 itself ends at this time, as if unable to keep the light 
 of history even at a flicker amid so foul an atmosphere. 
 William of Newburgh says : " Wounded and drained of life 
 by civil misery, England lay plague-stricken." 
 
 This accounts fully for the meagreness of historical 
 record to help us with any details of the early life of 
 Breakspear. We can, however, to some extent picture to 
 ourselves the aspect of twelfth-century England. In trying 
 to imagine the scenes in which any person of that, or any 
 other part of history took part, it is necessary to make 
 some effort to' wipe away modern surroundings from our 
 gaze, and substitute a new background for our objects. 
 
 Let us, therefore, in fancy take ourselves back some 
 eight hundred years. Everything is diflerent — language, 
 
24 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAPv. 
 
 manners, customs, and even the appearance of the people. 
 One historian has supposed that of all the varied sounds we 
 hear to-day connected with mankind, perhaps the only un- 
 changed one is the sound of the church bells. ^ The vast 
 mass of the people must still have used the Anglo-Saxon 
 tongue, for England, remember, had been Saxon for nigh 
 six hundred years, or as long as from the reign of 
 Edward I. to the present day, though of course the upper 
 and governing classes spoke iSTorman French, and the two 
 languages intermingling were forming the English of 
 later days. The population has been computed at about 
 2,000,000, or one-third that of modern London and its 
 suburbs ! 
 
 London itself was a city of no mean importance, and 
 had since the reign of William I. begun to rival Win- 
 chester. It was confined to the north bank of the Thames, 
 and formed a strong strategic position against invaders 
 from .the south. There was only one timber bridge, and 
 the walled and fortified city clustered round the Tower, 
 which had been built by the Conqueror in 1079. An 
 immense forest covered all the north part of what is now 
 the centre of the town, and stretched away beyond the 
 modern Islington and Hoxton to the hills of Hampstead 
 and Highgate, and on again with scarce a check to the 
 present Harrow, and so almost to S. Albans. The Lea and 
 other rivers flowed in valleys between these woods ; while 
 
 ^ Froude. 
 
 / 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 25 
 
 to the north-east was a large lake, which gave the name 
 Moorfields in later years to that portion of London. 
 
 Huge undrained marshes on the east, out of which rose 
 the Isle of Dogs, protected the city in that direction ; while 
 it was separated by other marshes from the Abbey of 
 Westminster. On the south side of the river was Lambeth 
 or Lambythe (where the unfortunate Harald is said to have 
 placed the crown on his head^), seized by William at the 
 Conquest, and added later to the diocese of Rochester for 
 the maintenance of the monks. London was declared to 
 be the capital of England in the reign of Henry II. 
 
 But our interest chiefly centres round the country 
 under the sway of the Abbey of S. Albans, a rich and 
 beautiful domain, which still embraces some of the most 
 lovely of our English country scenery. The abbey lands 
 extended far down the valley of the Colne, and probably 
 included much of the district round the two villages of 
 Abbot's and King's Langley. The population round 
 S. Albans was scanty, but no doubt clustered round the 
 abbey for peace and quietness in those troublesome times. 
 Any man who in those days felt within him the impulse of 
 study and the desire for knowledge would naturally wend 
 his way towards the nearest abbey or monastery, and join 
 the school of the monks, and this opportunity, as we have 
 seen, Nicholas ' Breakspear probably had. The English 
 kingdom in those days included Normandy, Brittany, 
 
 * Lambarde, " Dictlonarium Angliae Topograpliicum." 
 
 E 
 
2(5 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Anjou, Tourraine, Poitou, and Aquitaine, and thus it may 
 be said that the coast line, in addition to the British shores, 
 stretched away from Barfleur all along the north coast of 
 the modern France down to the Eiver Adour, on the 
 frontier line of Spain. So, at the time when the rejected 
 youth reached France, that kingdom consisted merely of 
 the five cities ^ of Paris, Melun, Etampes, Orleans, and 
 Sens, with the country round them, or what is now com- 
 prised in the three departments of Seine, Seine et Oise, 
 Seine et Marne, and that of Loiret. Louis VI. (le Gros) 
 w^as on the throne, and as in the neighbouring country of 
 England it was a turbulent and stormy time, equally so 
 was it in France. This period has been taken by French 
 historians to be the time when the foundation of popular 
 liberties made great progress, and the first steps were 
 taken towards the " Affranchissement des Communes." 
 It was, however, to the traveller a time of almost con- 
 stant war abroad, and confusion and feudal tyranny at 
 home. 
 
 The communications between the great cities were 
 constantly intercepted by armed bands of retainers from 
 the strongly-fortified feudal castles which dotted the country 
 in all directions. Even the churches and monasteries 
 afforded little shelter, as they were often pillaged and 
 burned by the lawless bands, or laid under heavy ransom ; 
 poverty seems to have been the only safeguard to the 
 
 ' Sismondi, " Hist, des Fran^ais." Ordericus Vitalis, lib. ii., cap. 34. 
 
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NICHOLAS BEEAKSPEARl 27 
 
 solitary pilgrim or traveller. Nicholas Breakspear, how- 
 ever, managed to reach Paris in safety, and stayed there 
 some time, probably serving and studying under Suger, 
 Abbot of S. Denys, one of the great Catholic churchmen, 
 amongst whose ranks, in a few short years, he himself was 
 destined to take the foremost place. 
 
 This great man,^ who stands on a glorious level with 
 Bernard and a host of other representatives of the Church 
 militant equally with the message of Christian peace, was 
 the prototype of the great ecclesiastical statesmen of 
 France, the forerunner of Richelieu and Mazarin. He was 
 born in 1081 at S. Omer, and was actually received into 
 S. Denys at the early age of fifteen years, and then became 
 the confidential friend of the young Prince Louis, whose 
 minister he afterwards was. Suger was a warrior monk, 
 for in 1112 he headed the royal troops in person, and saved 
 the town of Theury from bands of marauders. He after- 
 wards went on an important embassy to Rome, and became 
 Abbot of S. Denys on his return, from which time on to his 
 death in 1152 he practically ruled, not only the Church in 
 France, but France itself, with wisdom and prudence. He 
 showed to the bishops and clergy of his time the duty of 
 loyalty to their sovereign as well as to their Pope, and he 
 helped Louis VI. to leave behind him a great name, with a 
 larger and better governed kingdom. An instance of how 
 
 ^ Milman, " Latin Christianity," vol. iv., cap. 6 ; " Bernardi Opera 
 Epist.," 78, 333 ; Sismondi, " Hist, des Fran9ais," cap. v., pp. 7-20 ; " Vie 
 de Louis le Gros," Guizot. 
 
28 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 dangerous the state of the country was when Louis came to 
 the throne is afforded by the fact that the high road from 
 Paris to Orleans was laid under a tribute from the castle of a 
 great feudal lord whose territory was traversed by it, and 
 who refused to owe allegiance to the king ; this, and many 
 similar acts of insubordination, was removed by the efforts 
 of the powerful Suger. 
 
 He rebuilt the basilica of S. Denys and collected the 
 chronicles of the abbey, which he has to some extent em- 
 bodied in the life of Louis VI.^ 
 
 Whatever may have been the faults of those who 
 guided the Catholic Church during this and subsequent 
 ages, or however disastrous to her future unity the action of 
 her rulers in the example they set of discreditable faction 
 and family differences — of struggles between Pope and Anti- 
 Pope, Cardinals, Abbots, and the great Roman nobles — it 
 must be conceded that the Church, and the Church alone, 
 kept alive the sacred light of study, learning, and literature. 
 In later ages it may be alleged that the Church has at times 
 blocked the way to the advance of science, that bigotry and 
 narrow-mindedness have been responsible for the hindrance 
 of many great inventions and discoveries. I do not dispute 
 this ; but at the time of which we write the darkness would 
 have been complete, were it not for the quiet studious monk 
 in his cell, the arguments in the cloister, and the records 
 of the religious houses. Call their ideas mere superstitions, 
 
 ' Sugerl, " Vit. Louis Gr." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 29 
 
 if you will — their understanding limited — their opinions 
 pedantic and narrow ; they at least did their duty according 
 to the amount of light vouchsafed to them, and I believe, in 
 the great majority of cases, with a clear firm faith undimmed 
 by doubt — the faith of simple minds who could see the clear 
 sky where we perhaps can only make out the cloudy mists 
 of superstition, and cannot discern the heavenly vault 
 beyond. The Church was supreme in those days; its 
 authority far beyond anything that we in the present day 
 can realize. The Pope ruled unquestioned, certainly in all 
 spiritual matters ; he held the fear of excommunication or 
 interdict over men's heads; he claimed the right to assign 
 territory, to settle disputes between kings, to manage 
 dynastic quarrels and difficulties. In fact, the Church, as 
 the Church of the King of kings, claimed from the kings of 
 the earth that homage which was due to the Saviour as 
 also due to His Vicar on earth, the Pontiff; and literally it 
 may be said that kings bowed down before him. At the 
 Council of Eheims, in 1119, Calixtus II. presided over 
 a brilliant meeting, and in Dean Milman's words — ^ " . . . . 
 never did Pope, in Rome itself, in the time of the world's 
 most prostrate submission, make a more imposing display 
 of powxr, issue his commands with more undoubting con- 
 fidence in Christianity, receive like a feudal monarch the 
 appeals of contending kings ; and if he condescended to 
 negotiate with the Emperor, maintain a loftier position than 
 
 * Milman, " Latin Christianity," vol. iv., book viii., cap. 3, p. 281. 
 
30 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 this great French Pontiff." The Norman chronicler^ of the 
 day compared this meeting to the day of judgment ! Here 
 the Pope Kstened to a complaint by Louis VI. against 
 Henry I. of England, perhaps the chief case he had to hear. 
 It is worthy of note, that whereas the French monarch 
 appeared attended by his barons in full feudal state, 
 Henry I. was represented only by the Bishop of Rouen. 
 And this leads us to consider the position of the Pope 
 in regard to England, an important question bearing directly 
 on the subject of this book. 
 
 While, as I have said before, the Pope was recognized 
 as the universal spiritual head of all Latin Christians, his 
 temporal authority had certain limitations even in France 
 and Italy and the countries of Latin race. Those who 
 recognized and believed fully his power of affecting the 
 spiritual prospects of anyone who, in his opinion, offended 
 him, were nevertheless quite ready to use this, so to speak, 
 spiritual authority in worldly concerns for their own personal 
 advantage and profit, either by intrigue, or conspiracy to 
 obtain the election of a member of their own family to the 
 chair of S. Peter, or by conniving at the " removal " of one 
 who did not respond to their interests. This undermined 
 the whole principle of the Papal authority, and bore fruit in 
 some of the darkest and most disgraceful scenes of degrada- 
 tion through which the Church has passed, thus sullying the 
 sacred cause of handing on the commands of the blessed 
 
 ' "Orderic. Vital.," i. 726. 
 
J^ICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 31 
 
 Saviour. Too often, alas ! the one whose position on earth 
 was held to be in direct responsibility to the Almighty, 
 lent his aid in furthering these interests and in betraying 
 the holy trust reposed in him. All, of course, were not like 
 this, and the names of those who held the holy banner 
 on high, unmoved and uninfluenced by the various cor- 
 ruptions around them, show clear and bright for our 
 admiration and respect. With these causes working round 
 the centre of the Western Church, it is small wonder that 
 the temporal power should weaken in authority on prossing 
 the Channel to England, and it may be said without con- 
 tradiction that the temporal power of the Pope was never 
 fully acknowledged in this country. It was not a question 
 of race so much as of geography ; for the Teutonic races at 
 this period fully believed in the supremacy of the Pope, and 
 the reader of the history of the Popes will see that many 
 Germans held the chair. In most cases, indeed, the German 
 Popes had done much to preserve the sanctity of the office, 
 and where it was otherwise their compatriots showed their 
 Teutonic blood, not by attempting to shield their short- 
 comings on the pretext of their having been directly 
 appointed from above, but by holding that their defects 
 might make it necessary for them to be deposed. When 
 William the Conqueror obtained leave from Alexander II., 
 prompted by Hildebrand, to invade England, he did so on 
 the direct understanding that his fealty was to be paid to 
 the Pope for his new kingdom ; that all Anglo-Saxon 
 bishops and abbots were to be deprived of their offices and 
 
32 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAPw. 
 
 Normans put in their places, and the payment of Peter's 
 pence was to be made. The two latter conditions were 
 complied with, though the wholesale changes in the Church 
 j^ could not have increased the love of the English people for 
 
 ^)^ the Pope ; but when the oath of fealty was demanded through 
 i the Norman Archbishop of Canterbury, Lanfranc, the Con- 
 
 queror seems to have learnt something of the temper of 
 ^\ English churchmen, for he says : " I have not, nor will 
 |J'^* I swear fealty, which was never sworn by any of my pre- 
 decessors to yours." ^ 
 
 This spirit has ever animated the English Church, and 
 ' by degrees, as we all know, the Catholic Christians of 
 
 England separated entirely from the authority of the 
 Pope. 
 
 It is too often taught and insisted that this did not 
 really happen till centuries later, and this is not the place to 
 enter on an account of the Church of England. It is suffi- 
 cient for our purpose, which is that of describing the life of 
 an English Pope, to point out that even in his day there 
 was a distinct, if small difference, as to the temporal relations 
 of the Pope to that branch of the Holy Catholic Church, 
 which, founded far back in Anglo-Saxon days, on the basis 
 of a still older Church, preserves the continuity of the 
 Catholic rehgion direct from the Early Fathers to this 
 day. 
 
 ^ " Fidelitatem facere nolui nee volo quia nee ego promisi, nee ante- 
 cessores meos anteeessoribus tuis id fecisse coraperio." See Milman, " Latin 
 Christianity," vol. iv., book viii., cap. 1, p. 35. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 33 
 
 But Nicholas Breakspear would of eourse be brought 
 up strictly at S. Deiiys to regard the Pope as head of 
 all the world, and his supremacy as quite unquestioned; 
 though no doubt he would know of the state of feeling in 
 England to some considerable extent. 
 
 The state of affairs in France during the years he was 
 in that country, from about 1118-20 to 1138, was, as I have 
 already said, troublesome ; the principal events happening 
 in the Church will be referred to later. 
 
 In political affairs English interest and influence in 
 France was increasing ; the war between Louis VI. and 
 Henry I.'s Norman possessions terminated in 1128 by the 
 death of William, son of Robert of Normandy, whose cause 
 Louis was espousing. The Empress Matilda, only daughter 
 of Henry L, married at this time Geoffry Plantagenet, 
 whose father transferred all his dominions to him in 1129. 
 In 1137, however, Louis le Jeune, son of Louis VL, was 
 married to Eleanora, heiress of the Duke of Aquitaine. 
 Before the departure of the Duke for the Holy Land his 
 vast possessions were handed over as a dowry for his 
 daughter, and thus it came to pass that Louis VII. on the 
 death of his father in the same year succeeded to a kingdom 
 largely increased by territory in Guienne and Poitou.^ 
 
 The next scene of action to which we shall follow 
 Nicholas Breakspear is Provence ; which, though geo- 
 
 ^ On the divorce of Eleanora in 1152 these provinces reverted to her, 
 and formed part of her dowry when she married Henry Plantagenet, after- 
 wards Henry II. of England. 
 
 F 
 
34 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 graphically a part of France, was at that date politically 
 a portion of the German Empire, being included in the 
 kingdom of Aries, which had been attached to the Emperor's 
 dominions by Conrad II. in 1032.^ It was the scene of 
 much that is important in the history of the Church, and 
 was at the time of which we write entirely under the 
 influence of the Pope. 
 
 * Provence was first annexed to France in 1487, by Charles VIII. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 1120 TO 1151. 
 
 Nicholas Breakspear in France — The Abbey of S. Rufus — Prior- 
 Abbot — The Insubordination of the Monks — Eugenius III. — Journey to 
 Rome — Return to S. Rufus — Second Journey to Rome — Breakspear 
 attached to the Pope's Suite — Bishop of Albano — Cardinal — The Second 
 Crusade — Eugenius III. at S. Denys — Breakspear chosen for the Mission 
 to Scandinavia. 
 
 E have seen how Nicholas worked his way 
 as a young man to France, and I have 
 taken 1119 or 1120 as about the latest 
 date we can assign to this. 
 
 I have assumed that the place where 
 he lived the greater part of his time at or 
 near Paris was the Abbey of S. Denys/ as this agrees 
 with the accounts of the most trustworthy historians. But 
 wherever it was that he pursued his studies, we now hear no 
 more statements as to his idleness or want of application ; 
 we are told on all sides that he became a most painstaking 
 scholar,' and betook himself so much in earnest to the acqui- 
 
 ' In the "Memoir of the Life of Adrian IV.," London, 1857, the 
 Rev. E. TroUope, F.S.A., states that he studied in the University of 
 Paris, but I am inclined to think it improbable. 
 
 ' Matt. Paris, " Vit. Abb.," vol. i., p. 113 ; Muratori, vol. ii., p. 324. 
 
36 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 sition of learning, that he excelled all his companions, and 
 proving himself possessed of rare qualities of temper and 
 endowed with a natural gift of eloquence and a sweet voice, 
 received much praise from all his instructors. But, for some 
 reason or other, he decided to leave Paris ; whether he was 
 unable to enter the monastic habit, or whether he possessed 
 an inclination to travel, we do not know. William of New- 
 burgh tells us he began to fare badly ; perhaps he found his 
 poverty a hindrance, or shall we say with Cardinal Boso * 
 that *'the Lord called him, and brought it about that he 
 should leave " ? At any rate he quitted Paris about the year 
 1125, adopted a wandering life, and gradually worked and 
 begged his way southwards across the Rhone : little did he 
 know that he was travelling in the direction of his future 
 greatness ! Hard indeed must have been his life at this 
 period, learning in the stern school of poverty the lessons of 
 self-denial and privation. No doubt if we only had his record 
 of this year of his life we should find it full of stirring scenes 
 of adventure and peril. He crossed the Rhone and entered 
 Aries, then a town of considerable importance in the large 
 territory of Provence. At tliis place he frequented the 
 schools for which the town was famous, and we still hear 
 accounts of his diligence and industry. He did not, how- 
 ever, remain very long at Aries, being apparently tired 
 of city life, and having adopted a studious character. It 
 was scarcely possible in those days to carry on the prompt- 
 
 * Muratori ; Watterich, " Pont. Rom.," vol. ii., p. 323. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 37 
 
 ings of such a nature outside a monastery. His early wish 
 to enter the Abbey of S. Albans returned to him with 
 added force, and he wended his way towards Avignon to 
 see if he could gain entrance into one of the numerous 
 monasteries which in those days were one of the distinguish- 
 ing features of this beautiful part of France, and the ruins of 
 which may still be seen by many a pleasant stream and 
 on many a commanding hill. There was in the environs of 
 Avignon a large monastery of canons regular, called the 
 Abbey of S. Rufus, the remains of which are still visible,^ and 
 after some weeks of wandering, Nicholas ended this stage of 
 his life by arriving one evening at its gates and begging for 
 admission. Here he stayed for some years, and found an 
 opportunity of earning his living.* William of Newburgh 
 says that " By every means in his power he strove to in- 
 gratiate himself Avith the brothers, and being a man of 
 much personal beauty, cheerful in spirit, cautious of speech, 
 and always obedient to authority, he succeeded in pleasing 
 everyone." In fact, he seems to have won his way with the 
 abbot and brothers as much by his winning personality as 
 by his docility, judgment, and learning. He probably re- 
 mained in this position for two or three years ; at the ex- 
 piration of which time the canons ^ unanimously agreed to 
 admit him into their order, and thus at last Nicholas took 
 the monk's hood, and vowed his life to the service of Christ. 
 
 * " Dictionnaire Geographique de la France,'* etc., par Adolphe Joanne. 
 Deux*"* edition. Avignon — Environs — S. Ruf. Paris, 1818. 
 
 » Guil. Newb., lib. ii., cap. 6, p. 121. ' Ibid. 
 
38 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 The monastery of S. Eufus was one for " Kegular 
 Canons," and as such was guided by the rules ordained by 
 Innocent II. in the Lateran Council of 1139, known as 
 the rule of S. Augustine/ Our first acquaintance with 
 the monastery is some ten years or more before this date, 
 and in common with other similar institutions they had 
 somewhat slackened in their discipline and habit, and so 
 required the reformation which Innocent II. administered; 
 indeed, we shall find soon that such measures as were 
 required were actually put into operation by the hand of 
 Nicholas Breakspear. The canons regular of S. Augustine 
 were a kind of middle order between the monks and the 
 clergy, and were formed in the eighth century ; their rules 
 in life were supposed to be derived from the epistles of S. 
 Augustine ; their dwellings and table were in common, and 
 they assembled for divine service at fixed hours ; they kept 
 public schools for the instruction of the young, and compiled 
 records of surrounding events viewed somewhat in the same 
 narrow way as the scenery round the abbey was circum- 
 scribed by the cell window. The dress of the friars of the 
 order was a white garment and scapulary, and when in choir 
 or abroad they wore a black cowl with a large hood, and 
 were girt with a black leather thong ; while the dress of the 
 canons regular consisted of a long black cassock with a 
 white socket, and over that a black cloak and hood. They 
 
 * Monastic writers agree in stating that S. Augustine himself instituted 
 no rule, but the so-called "rule" was extracted from his epistles and 
 sermons. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 39 
 
 allowed their beards to grow, and wore caps. The difference 
 between friars and canons was that the former went abroad, 
 and passed their time for the most part in travelling, while 
 the latter never left their monasteries. The principal officer 
 of every abbey was of course the abbot, who not only exer- 
 cised supreme authority over the abbey, but also over all 
 the lesser abbeys or cells which were attached to it ; and 
 these again were ruled by priors acting under and owing 
 their position to the abbot. The almoner and pitancer had 
 the oversight of the alms and the distribution of provisions ; 
 the chamberlain, or camerarius, the dormitories ; and the 
 cellarer had to provide provisions. The infirmarius looked 
 after the sick ; and, lastly, the precentor or chantor directed 
 the choir. Besides these there were many minor offices. In 
 addition to these important posts, every ten monks were 
 subject to one called the decanus, or deacon ; while every 
 hundred were presided over by a centenarius. 
 
 The dean had to keep an exact account of every man's 
 daily task, which eventually came before the abbot every 
 month. 
 
 Such was the kind of discipline under which Nicholas 
 Breakspear was passing these years of his life. It appears 
 that although he himself carefully obeyed the rules of the 
 order, the state of rigid observance of routine was growing 
 lax in the abbey, in common with most of the monastic 
 institutions of the age ; but he became notwithstanding most 
 popular among his brethren, and so esteemed by the abbot 
 that he was made a prior of the order ; and on Abbot William 
 
40 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 dying in 1 137, the brethren unanimously chose him to be their 
 head/ and installed him in office with great solemnity. But 
 the man who had passed through the great lesson of learning 
 to obey was now to show them that he had also learnt how 
 to command ; if they thought that the modest, unassuming, 
 and compliant brother was going to rule them with a gentle 
 hand, and tolerate any slaclaiess in the hard duties imposed 
 on them by their solemn vows, they were mistaken. Break- 
 spear showed immediately that power of command which 
 comes at once when a man of strong will, rigid principle, 
 and knowledge of manldnd is suddenly placed in a position 
 of responsibility. The more heavy that responsibility is, the 
 better do such men rise to it. The easy ways into which 
 the monks had gradually drifted were stopped ; the rigid 
 rules of S. Augustine put in force ; and by degrees those 
 men who had been unanimous in placing him over their 
 abbey began to murmur among themselves. 
 
 In such an institution discontent is easily spread ; in 
 the solitude of the cloister, in the absence of any echo 
 from the outer world, the slanderous whisper ever finds 
 a ready ear, and like a snowball gathers bulk as it passes 
 from one to the other. The rule became harder, con- 
 cealed insubordination helped to magnify seemingly 
 uncalled-for severities ; murmurs increased to open dis- 
 content, they complained of the foreigner, and almost 
 openly sneered at his origin, while day by day their anger 
 
 * Guil, Newb., lib. iv., cap. 6. 
 
ABBOT BERNARD OF PISA, 
 EUGENIUS III. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 41 
 
 grew more pronounced. At length a combination was formed, 
 and a set of complaints framed to be forwarded to the Pope. 
 By so doing, they unconsciously helped their abbot on in his 
 career, for had he never gone to Rome, he most likely would 
 have lived all his life within the walls of S. Rufus — a life 
 which had great charms for him, as in after years ^ he said 
 that next to the wish that he had never left his native land 
 was the wish that he had at least lived his life quietly in the 
 cloisters of the abbey. The result of the complaints of the 
 brethren was that Nicholas Breakspear went to Rome to 
 defend himself against the calumnies of his flock, rightly 
 judging that it would be better to be present in person, 
 and let his accusers make their charges to his face, rather 
 than that they should have the opportunity, so often used 
 in those times, of by intrigue and corruption influencing 
 the decision of the Pontiff. 
 
 Eugenius III.,^ who occupied the papal chair at that 
 time, was himself a wonderful man, and curiously like 
 Breakspear in character. He had been almost thrust into 
 the glorious office he held by the friends of Bernard of 
 Clairvaulx, who thought him a simple-minded man, easily 
 persuaded, and likely to prove a willing tool in the hands 
 of their party ; while Bernard himself remonstrated against 
 the cruelty of dragging him from the peace of the Cistercian 
 Abbey of Pisa, where he had been abbot for many years, as 
 
 * Joan. Sar., " Polycraticus," lib. viii., cap. 23, p. 266. 
 ^ Milman, " Latin Christianity," vol. iv., book viii., chap, vi., pp. 
 287, 288. 
 
 G 
 
42 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 leading to a breach of the vows of a man supposed to be dead 
 to the world. But just as the monks of S. Rufus had mis- 
 understood the character of Nicholas Breakspear, so had the 
 followers of Bernard, and even that great prelate, Bernard of 
 Clairvaulx himself, mistaken that of the quiet abbot, Bernard 
 of Pisa. " Is this a man," said he,^ " to gird on the sword and 
 to execute vengeance on the people, to bind their kings 
 with chains and their nobles with links of iron ? How will 
 a man with the innocence and simplicity of a child cope 
 with affairs which require the strength of a giant ? " He 
 found that the simple-minded man proved strong in will and 
 firm in character. There was a similarity between the two 
 cases which must have appealed to the sympathies of 
 Eugenius, and the result of the appeal was that the Pope,^ 
 having listened attentively to the complaints of the rebel- 
 lious children against their father, and having noticed the 
 prudence and good sense of the latter in his defence, inter- 
 posed effectually for the restoration of peace, gave much 
 good advice and counsel to either party, advising both to 
 keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, and sent 
 them back to their abbey reconciled, and ready for mutual 
 forbearance and forgiveness. Eugenius III., however, had 
 probably marked out the Abbot of S. Rufus as a man of 
 strong principles and free from corruption ; he himself, at 
 least, was this. He has been called the mere tool of S. Ber- 
 nard. Undoubtedly he was carried away by the wave of 
 
 ' Bernard, " Epist.," 236. ' Guil. Newb. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 43 
 
 enthusiasm for the disastrous second crusade, and he 
 certainly committed some errors of judgment; but his 
 reputation for purity of intention and for real sanctity is 
 unsullied. Though he was responsible for the use of the 
 sword in the cause of Christianity in the war in the Holy 
 Land, his responsibility was in a sense thrust upon him by 
 the wonderful infection of Bernard's eloquence, which carried 
 him away as it did all classes of Christians in Western 
 Europe. His magnificent contempt for earthly wealth gained 
 him the love of the masses and the admiration and respect 
 even of his enemies. For the first time in the history of the 
 Popes treasures and presents sent to a Pontiff from kings 
 and cities by the hands of his returning embassages were 
 sent back to the donors. Dean Milman tells us that no 
 bribes could dazzle, no flattery gain the sturdy spirit of the 
 Cistercian monk. He spent his revenues largely on charity 
 and on church building, and endeavoured to rule his 
 turbulent subjects more in the true spirit of Christianity 
 than, as was then too often the custom, by the sword, the 
 dungeon, and the anathema. 
 
 Such was the man who was destined to single out 
 Nicholas Breakspear for honour and preferment. His judg- 
 ment, as we shall see, proved to be sound ; and to his other 
 great qualities must be added the rare and valuable gift of 
 knowing how to select men with regard to their own personal 
 merit rather than to their influence or their position in the 
 world. So the abbot and his monks wended their way back 
 to the quiet seclusion of S. Rufus. The former must have 
 
44 NICHOLAS BllEAKSPEAR. 
 
 been filled with wonder at the great city of Eome, in those 
 days still the centre of the civilized world as well as the 
 home of the Holy Church ; while they, full of the advice of 
 the Pope, remained quiet and submissive under their head for 
 a time. The fire once kindled by the spirit of disaffection 
 was, however, only damped, not extinguished, and after 
 a while, fanned no doubt by the leaders or the agitators of 
 the revolt, broke out again more violently than ever. This 
 time they entered into a conspiracy to procure his depo- 
 sition, adding a fresh mass of complaints, under which they 
 hoped he might succumb. Again they started for Rome — 
 Nicholas Breakspear the abbot, and the deputation of 
 accusing monks ; again they appeared before the same 
 calm, venerable Pontiff who had heard their former com- 
 plaint. 
 
 This time a different result was arrived at. We have 
 from the pen of William of Newburgh a very precise 
 account of what took place. The Pope once more listened 
 to the angry charges of the insubordinate monks, and after- 
 wards to the calm, eloquent defence of the man whose 
 true character had been detected by him at the former in- 
 terview. 
 
 Gazing steadily and earnestly on either side, " I 
 know," said he,^ " my brothers, where the seat of Satan lies ; 
 
 ^ Guil. Newburg., lib. ii., cap. 6, p. 122. " Scio, inquit, fratres ubi 
 sedes sit Sathanae ; scio quid in vobis suscitet procellam istam. Ite, eligite 
 vobis patrem cum quo pacem habere possitis vel potius velitis ; iste enim 
 non erit vobis ulterius oneri." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 45 
 
 I know what lias aroused this quarrel among you. Depart ; 
 choose some superior with whom you can, or rather with 
 whom you shall have the will to be at peace ; this one 
 shall not be a further burden to you." With these scathing 
 words he dismissed the brethren; but retained Nicholas in 
 his own service — a result which, probably, was not quite 
 what the brethren expected. This was most undoubtedly for 
 Nicholas the great opportunity in his life — the chosen of the 
 Pope himself he was now almost sure of advancement. 
 Having accompanied him to this point, it will be well to 
 consider the events which were happening at the time, 
 as they must have helped largely in determining his 
 future conduct and opinions. We can fix the date of this 
 event approximately. Nicholas, as we have seen, was made 
 Abbot of S. Rufus in 1137, and allowing seven years before 
 the first outbreak, and two years for the journeys to Rome, 
 we get to 1146, towards the end of which year, moreover, 
 it is certain that he was made Cardinal. 
 
 Now Eugenius III. only became Pope in February, 
 1145, and we know that he received both deputations; so 
 that the spring or summer of 114G must have been the 
 time when he was taken into the immediate circle of the 
 Pope's suite. 
 
 It is somewhat doubtful whether this took place at 
 Rome, the city in that year being in the uncontested 
 possession of Arnold of Brescia. The Pope left Rome at 
 the end of March, and retired to Viterbo and Sienna ; in all 
 probability Nicholas Breakspear accompanied him to these 
 
46 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 places, and was there created by him Bishop of Albano, 
 and a Cardinal. 
 
 The Second Crusade was about to commence. The 
 Pope had written his celebrated letter to the King of 
 France, exhorting him and his people to take up arms at 
 once for the defence of the Holy Sepulchre, and a great 
 national council was convoked at Vezelai, in Burgundy. 
 Bernard attended it as the Pope's legate, and the utmost 
 enthusiasm was aroused. King Louis himself holding up the 
 cross, after receiving it in his royal robes on his knees, at 
 the feet of the representative of the Pope. Bernard after 
 this went through Germany, and, emulating the deeds of 
 Peter the Hermit, roused the Emperor Conrad and his 
 nephew Frederick (afterwards Barbarossa) to join the 
 militant host. All preparations were made by the be- 
 ginning of 1147, and at Easter in that year Eugenius went 
 to Paris and presented Louis with the pilgrim's staff and 
 wallet in the Abbey of S. Denys. We have good reason to 
 believe that Cardinal Breakspear accompanied the Pope to 
 Paris ; and if so, what a change in his manner of entering the 
 city to that of some five and twenty years before ! I always 
 think that of all the moments of this remarkable man's life 
 — and there were during his career more than fall to the lot 
 of most men — of those which appeal directly to the emotions 
 and rouse into stirring music the silent chords of memory, 
 of all the moments this must have been the most thrilling. 
 Prince, cardinal, bishop, a high and puissant lord of the 
 Holy Church, he rides in, the confidential friend of the 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 47 
 
 Pope himself, through those abbey gates at which he had 
 begged, a humble suppliant for admission, a few short 
 years before ! 
 
 What a return, and what a justification of his judgment 
 in choosing the path wherein he intended to tread the 
 stirring pilgrimage of his life ! Eugenius returned to Italy 
 accompanied by his retinue soon after this, and took up his 
 residence at Viterbo. The crusade started on its disastrous 
 undertaking, headed by Louis VII. It is not within the 
 scope of this work to trace the steps which led to the utter 
 failure of this, the second Holy War, except in its effect of 
 draining Europe of its manhood. It for a time checked all 
 warlike operations on anything approaching to a large scale, 
 and left a legacy of widespread discontent among the people, 
 showing itself in sullen complaints against Bernard, and 
 calling forth from him one of his most celebrated epistles.^ 
 Our cardinal advanced in favour not only with his master, 
 but with his brother cardinals, and we hear that he greatly 
 charmed all who came in contact with him by his power of 
 language in the Latin and French, as well as the English 
 tongue. Indeed, he must at this time have advanced rapidly 
 in reputation, for in 1152 he was selected by Eugenius to 
 undertake a mission to Danemark, Norway, and Sweden 
 under circumstances which will be fully related in the next 
 chapter. We have no definite record of his doings during 
 the years which elapsed between his elevation to cardinal 
 
 ' " Bernardi Opera," Epist. 333. 
 
48 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 and tliis important appointment, except his signatures to 
 the Bulls of Eugenius III., but he must have taken his full 
 share in the events of Church history during that period/ 
 
 Suger at this time was regent of France, and served his 
 country well in still further promoting the cause of order 
 and justice, so that on his king's return from the disastrous 
 campaign in the Holy Land he was able partly to recover him 
 from depression at his misfortunes by handing over to him 
 his kingdom in an increased state of efficiency, strength, and 
 order. At and round Eome it was a period of turbulence 
 and war, and Breakspear had ample opportunity of study- 
 ing the condition of affairs in the imperial city, the action 
 of the Republic, and the career of Arnold of Brescia — a study 
 to bear fruit in after years. 
 
 In his native country the civil wars under Stephen were 
 drawing to a close, and the condition of affairs w^as such 
 that the people, exhausted by oppression and despair, had 
 almost reached the lowest ebb of hope, soon to revive 
 under the beneficent influence of the reign of King Henry 
 II. When this period of Breakspear's life comes to an end 
 we are on the eve of one of his greatest works — the Mission 
 to Scandinavia. 
 
 1 From December, 1151, to the middle of February, 1152, nearly all 
 the Bulls of Eugenius III. are signed by Breakspear, the last one being 
 February 20th, 1152. 
 
CHAPTER lY. 
 
 1151 TO 1154. 
 
 Church History in Scandinavia — Breakspear leaves Rome for Norway 
 — Passes through England — His Norwegian Mission — Heform of the Church 
 in Norway — Church Division in Sweden — Breakspear's Diplomacy in 
 Danemark — The War between Danemark and Sweden — Return to Rome 
 — Death of Eugenius III. — Anastasius IV. — His Character — His Death — 
 Breakspear elected Pope. 
 
 ^^HE events which made Eugenius II L 
 decide to send a mission to the Scandi- 
 navian kingdoms, arose from the action 
 of Danemark (Denmark) in obtaining 
 from Pope Paschal IL, in 1102, an inde- 
 pendent metropohtan see, instead of, as 
 previously, being under the Archbishop of Hamburg. 
 The best account of this interesting, but complicated 
 period of Northern Church history is to be found in the 
 pages of Torfaius,* who deals most fully with it, and in 
 Munter. But a brief synopsis of events will be necessary 
 to enable us to understand the condition of affairs in 
 
 * Thormodus Torfasus, " Historia Rerum Norwegicarum," torn, iii., lib. 
 ix., cap. 2. Munter, " Kirchengeschichte und Kirchenrecht des Nordens." 
 Herausgegeben, 1792. Buch. I. und II., torn. ii. 
 
 H 
 
50 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 the northern churches at the time when Cardinal Break- 
 spear was sent to them, so that the importance of his work 
 and mission may be realized. 
 
 The Scandinavian kingdoms consisted of Danemark, 
 Norway, and Sweden — countries closely related by all the 
 ties of geographical proximity, race, and political interests, 
 though they were constantly in a state of bloodshed and 
 w^arfare. Dan em ark at this time was the strongest of the 
 three ; her national feeling was certainly the most developed. 
 A little over a century before lived the great Knut, the 
 Danish king who ruled over England, and who had brought 
 that country to its knees. He made a pilgrimage to Home 
 in 1027, and on his return did much to foster the growth of 
 Christianity in his kingdom by founding monastic institu- 
 tions, endowing churches, and in various other ways 
 encouraging the closer connection between his wild country- 
 men and the centre of the faith at Kome. After his death, 
 although the country was still powerful, the Danegelt, or 
 tribute, being exacted from England down almost to the 
 reign of Henry II., it decreased much in importance, owing 
 to civil feuds and a succession of bad and incompetent 
 rulers, who by divisions amongst themselves, and neglect 
 of the duties of government, reduced the condition of the 
 country to a worse state possibly than that which I have 
 endeavoured to show obtained in England under Stephen. 
 Sweyn, or Sweno III., was on the throne at the time 
 of the Papal mission, and when he was beheaded as 
 the result of a revolution mentioned hereafter, Knut V. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 51 
 
 came to the throne. The state of affairs in Danemark, 
 however, is only of indirect interest to us in this history, 
 the one important fact being that, as I have said, that 
 country was separated from the see of Hamburg, the largest 
 province of the Western Church, in 1102, and obtained a 
 metropolitan see of her own, which was founded at Lund. 
 This concession, which was only won after protracted and 
 continued negotiation, caused the liveliest jealousy in the 
 neighbouring countries of Norway and Sweden. Instead of 
 making the see of Lund an entirely separate province under 
 its Danish archbishop for the control of the Church in 
 Danemark, the Pope, only recognizing the Scandinavian 
 provinces as a whole, and Danemark as the most important 
 of the three, transferred the churches of Norway and 
 Sweden from the province of Hamburg to that of Lund, 
 and so practically placed them under subjection to their 
 near, and, as they considered, objectionable neighbour. 
 Moreover, Danemark did not scruple to make use of this 
 new power, and certainly did not trouble herself, either in 
 the persons of her rulers or her priests, to use this new 
 authority in the direction of that peace and goodwill at 
 which the Christian religion is supposed to aim. The 
 neighbouring country of Nonvay had been united with 
 Danemark under the rule of Knut the Great, but at his 
 death resumed its independence until the beginning of the 
 fourteenth century, when it was joined to Sweden. During 
 the early part of the twelfth century it enjoyed a period 
 of more or less national greatness, which rapidly declined 
 
52 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAi;. 
 
 after the death of King Harald IV., in 1136, by the hand 
 of an assassin, and at the time of which we are writing the 
 country was in a state of anarchy and confusion. 
 
 Christianity was introduced into Norway at a very 
 early date, but never made much headway till the reign of 
 Olafll. (S. Olaf) in 1012. 
 
 The introduction of the Christian religion into Sweden 
 is said to have been due to the efforts of English missionaries 
 early in the ninth century. Here, as well as in Norway, 
 the old religion of Scandinavian mythology died hard, and 
 without doubt was firmly rooted in the minds of the people 
 for centuries; even as late as 1168, when the great Walde- 
 mar I., King of Danemark, invaded the country, he destroyed 
 many heathen temples. Sweden was more independent 
 than either of the other Scandinavian kingdoms, and pro- 
 bably resented the action of the Pope in making Lund the 
 metropolitan see more even than Norway. Eugenius III., 
 too, had lately supplied these two countries, which had 
 been for some years trying unsuccessfully to obtain metro- 
 politan sees of their own, with a precedent, in granting to 
 Ireland the four archbishoprics of that country. And 
 so now the kingdoms of the Scandinavian peninsula decided 
 to appeal direct to Eome, on the ground that if the 
 barbarian island of Erin was granted a group of metro- 
 politans for the petty kingdoms it contained, it could not 
 be tolerated that Norway, Sweden, and Gothland should 
 remain an appanage, as it were, of the church of a 
 neighbouring state. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 53 
 
 Each country prepared a separate argument in support 
 of its application, and a magnificent mission appeared at 
 Rome the year before Breakspear's elevation to the car- 
 dinalate — the same year, probably, in which Eugenius first 
 set eyes on the English Abbot of S. Rufus. 
 
 The Pope agreed to accede to the request of the 
 ambassadors, and promised to send a legate with full 
 powers to found the sees, start the organization of the 
 church, and, moreover, authority to settle disputes ; in fact, 
 the Pope was anxious, as most of those who have occupied 
 the chair of S. Peter have always been, to extend and 
 increase the temporal power of his office, as well as its 
 spiritual authority. But now arose the question of whom to 
 send ? The hardy Goths and Norsemen, the grandsons of 
 Vikings and of sea-rovers, looked with contempt on the 
 more civilized, softer race, living under the southern sun. 
 The Goths had been to Rome before, and many of them were 
 quite ready again to pour over the rich lands of cis- Alpine 
 Europe. The stern, hard religion of Odin, Thor, and 
 Woden left its traces deeply cut on the national character, 
 and how was the pohshed, suave, civilized Italian or Pro- 
 vencal to make his way into the hearts and gain the con- 
 fidence, much less the obedience, of the uncouth and 
 rugged nations of north-west Europe. But Eugenius had 
 seen his man ; a keen judge of character, he saw that the 
 Abbot Nicholas combined all those qualities which were 
 essential to the success of the Papal mission : his choice, 
 moreover, was an Englishman, a native of that sturdy 
 
54 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 race of islanders who were stirring Europe by the spectacle 
 of a new nation, which, while asserting itself in all the 
 councils of Christendom, dared to question now and again 
 the supreme power of the Pontiff. There was much in com- 
 mon between the England of those days and Scandinavia — 
 the same blood, the same indomitable spirit, and, strongest 
 link of all, the similarity of the languages, noticeable even 
 at the present day. Here, then, was the Pope's opportunity, 
 and here the reason why he did not send the abbot back 
 a second time to enforce salutary discipline over his 
 rebellious flock of S. Rufus. 
 
 The Pope then, in 1152, appointed Cardinal Break- 
 spear Papal legate, and sent him with a sufficient revenue 
 to settle the aifairs of the Church in Norway and Sweden. 
 His instructions were that he had full powers and was 
 admonished to " preach the Gospel of Life in that 
 pro^dnce" (Norway), " and to use every endeavour to gain 
 the souls of the natives to the honour of the Almighty 
 God."^ It is recorded that he passed through England on 
 his way to Norway ; he probably passed through London, 
 and embarked from the Norfolk coast, but I do not think 
 he could have visited S. Albans, or some record of his visit 
 would surely be found, for the monkish historians would not 
 have been silent on such a point. It seems probable, 
 however, that in some way he communicated with his 
 family upon the journey. Internal evidence from the 
 
 ' Muratori, vol. ii., p. 323. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 55 
 
 memoirs of Cardinal Boso points strongly to the conclusion 
 that it was at about this date that he became his uncle's 
 secretary, and consequently we may suppose that he was in 
 communication with his relations in England. 
 
 The fact of his nephew rising as he did to be cardinal and 
 chamberlain to the Pope, disposes once for all of the sup- 
 position that Breakspear was ashamed of his family. With 
 what feelings must he have revisited his beloved native 
 land, which some years before he had left as a wandering 
 beggar, and now entered as the mighty legate of the Pope, 
 with all the magnificence which in those days accompanied 
 such missions ! The doors of abbeys and monasteries now 
 flew open to receive him. People flocked for his blessing 
 and his favour, and to wish him God speed on his way. 
 The awful miseries which our country had been passing 
 through had checked, as I have said before, the cultivation 
 of literature, and we have no records of his progress. Here 
 and there throughout the land are lingering traces of his 
 name and traditions of his doings, which, excepting those 
 round his birthplace and S. Albans, can only refer to this, 
 the only visit he ever paid to his native country after his 
 elevation. 
 
 Thus Camden^ mentions that he was once rector 
 of Tydd, in Norfolk, on the confines of Lincolnshire. Now 
 it is quite impossible that Nicholas Breakspear, the Pope, 
 could ever have been this, as I think the references I have 
 
 ^ Camden, "Brit.," vol. i., p. 550. Neither Lipscombe or Blomfield 
 mention this tradition. 
 
56 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAll. 
 
 given will have proved; but it is quite possible that he 
 went to Tydd on this occasion, and perhaps obtained the 
 rectorship for some kinsman or namesake. 
 
 There is a Breakspear farm ^ in Hampshire, and I 
 think another in Kent, and many other instances of 
 old name-associations which exist, afford an interesting 
 clue to the tracing of his steps. The Archbishop of 
 Canterbury was Theobald, a man who had been given the 
 legative authority by the Pope in the place of Henry of 
 Winchester, the brother of King Stephen. Theobald had 
 taken the side of Henry of Anjou, who was at that time 
 entering England to endeavour to take the crown from the 
 king, who, by the flight of the Empress Matilda to France 
 in 1147, had been left in sole possession of his ruined 
 kingdom. The Pope was against Stephen and for Henry 
 of Anjou, another instance of his knowledge of men. It is 
 probable then that the legate to Norway met the Arch- 
 bishop, though on account of the king's quarrel with the 
 bishops, a quarrel which brought his brother Henry to 
 side with Theobald of Canterbury against him, he did not 
 actually meet the king. 
 
 Breakspear s spirit must have revolted at the condition 
 of our Church at that time. Coventry Cathedral was a 
 fortress ; Eamsey Abbey held as a fortified place by Mande- 
 ville ; other religious houses sacked and destroyed. Indeed, 
 he must have felt that the strong man was required more in 
 
 ^ The Breakspear farm near S. Albans probably took its name from one 
 of his family. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. Sf 
 
 his native land than in that to which he was travelhng. 
 The cardinal sailed for Norway, and landed there on 
 July 19th, 1152. He found the country in a state of great 
 confusion. The throne was occupied by the three sons of 
 the murdered King Harald, and the inevitable results of 
 ambition and jealousy followed. The eldest was a man of 
 loose and wild character, Sigurd ; the other two were named 
 Inge and Eystein. Inge was the most popular of the three, 
 and deservedly so, for he was the opposite to his eldest 
 brother, being indeed a benevolent and virtuous man ; but 
 about the time of Breakspear's arrival a serious quarrel was 
 taking place between the brothers, accompanied of course 
 by civil war between their followers and adherents. The 
 quarrel began with a murder committed by a Norwegian 
 nobleman, who killed the brother of a lady who was 
 receiving the compromising attentions of Sigurd ; this noble- 
 man was in the service of Inge, who shielded his follower 
 against the efforts of his brother to punish him for his crime. 
 Eystein sided with Sigurd, though we are told he showed 
 more moderation than his brother, and it would appear that 
 there was some justification or excuse for the crime, accord- 
 ing to the standard of that age, for the frail lady in question 
 was the cause of intrigue against Inge himself. The Pope's 
 legate intervened ; for he insisted on settling the dispute 
 before deigning to listen to any proposals as to the church. 
 The brothers, who would have earned the execration of all 
 classes of their subjects had the legate returned without 
 bringing about the popular desire of the people, bent to his 
 
68 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 imperious will, and agreed that the matter should be re- 
 ferred to the arbitration of the cardinal. He succeeded in 
 reconciling Sigurd and Inge to each other, while the 
 former and Eystein were made to do severe penance for 
 various crimes of which they were proved guilty.^ Now 
 came the real work of his visit. In the cathedral of Nidrosia, 
 or Nidaros, the name of the province under the immediate 
 rule of Sigurd, reposed the bones of the holy S. Olaf ; and 
 this city was selected for the honour of the archbishopric of 
 Norway. It is the modern Drontheim, and still the seat of 
 the head of the church. Jone, or John (the son of Byrgen), 
 Bishop of Stavanger, was invested with the pallium at an 
 imposing ceremony attended by the three reconciled princes. 
 The see or province of Drontheim, or rather Nidrosia, was 
 made one of great importance. The Shetlands and the 
 Western Islands of Scotland, together with the Isle of Man, 
 were taken from the see of Sodor and Man in the province 
 of York, and added to the new province, under which they 
 remained for 200 years ; the Norwegian sees of Apsloe, 
 Bergen, and Stavanger, the Orcades (Orkneys), Hebrides, 
 and Furo (Faroe) Islands, the two divisions of Iceland, and 
 Greenland were also added, as well as a new Norwegian 
 bishopric, that of Hammer, to which he appointed Arnold, 
 Bishop of Greenland. These arrangements necessarily 
 occupied some time, and were not completed till late in the 
 year. 
 
 * Torfaeus states this on the authority of Morkinskinna. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. d0 
 
 The people of Norway having now got all that they 
 had been working for for years, and actually being given a 
 metropolitan see of their own, were ready to throw them- 
 selves at the feet of Breakspear. All honour was ascribed 
 to him, and his character and firmness being in such sharp 
 contrast to their own rulers, he became the hero of the 
 whole nation, and was certainly the most powerful man in 
 Norway at that date. He was asked to inaugurate civil 
 reforms of government far beyond the powers which he had 
 been invested with, while all difficulties and complaints, both 
 public and private, were brought to him for settlement. 
 
 He thoroughly reformed the church, swept it of abuses, 
 and severely checked the mixture of heathen practices which 
 had been allowed to creep into the Catholic ritual. He also 
 bound the Norwegian Church to the payment of Peter's 
 pence.^ More than all this, he recommended and caused laws 
 to be introduced for the furtherance of civil peace and the due 
 execution of justice, such as the prohibition of private per- 
 sons carrying arms in the streets and the regulation of 
 private property. He even limited the bodyguard of the 
 kings. Snorrow, the historian, relates that no foreigner 
 ever came to Norway who was so honoured, or whose 
 memory is so cherished as that of Nicholas Breakspear. To 
 this day his name is mentioned among the greatest in 
 Norwegian history, and is included among the national 
 saints. 
 
 ^ Torfasus, " Hist. Rer. Norweg.," pars iii., lib. ix., cap. 12 ; also 
 Munter. 
 
00 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 His departure caused universal lamentation, and he 
 was loaded with presents ; in return he promised the Nor- 
 wegian people that, he would never forget them or their 
 interests, and would always do all that lay in his power to 
 help them. 
 
 It is satisfactory to be able to record that in those days, 
 as in ours, an Englishman's word was to be relied on ; for in 
 after years, when he was Pope, all Norwegians who came to 
 Rome were treated by him with the greatest consideration, 
 and he also sent architects and masons from Italy to Norway 
 to assist in the building of the cathedral for the new see of 
 Hammer. On his death, as already mentioned, the people 
 revered him as a saint. 
 
 After leaving Norway, the Papal legate proceeded to 
 Sweden, then under the rule of King Swercus. His fame 
 had preceded him, and he was received with all the honour 
 that the authorities could command. Here he had no civil 
 disputes to settle before beginning the special objects of his 
 mission; on the contrary, the differences lay in the church 
 itself. The church in Sweden of that day consisted of two 
 parts, that of Gothland and that of Sweden, always rivals ; 
 and there was here reproduced on a smaller scale, and 
 from the same causes, a state of affairs similar to that 
 existing between Danemark, Sweden, and Norway before 
 the legate came ; each section, that is to say, claimed the 
 right to have the archbishopric, the one declining to 
 be in any sense considered the inferior of the other. 
 Here was a difficulty for the cardinal to solve requiring 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 61 
 
 all his power and all his skill. He called a synod 
 in the city of Lingkopin to endeavour to fix on a see which 
 would satisfy all parties ; but the clergy would not agree, 
 the Swedish bishops loudly asserting that Upsala was the 
 right place, while the Gothlanders were equally clamorous 
 that Skara should have the honour. By so doing they, as is 
 often the case, found that divided counsels had ruined the 
 hopes of both, for the legate made up his mind not to create 
 a province for Sweden at all. This he was wise enough to 
 keep to himself till he had executed those reforms in the 
 church which he desired, and had regulated the payment of 
 Peter's pence. He then created S. Henry of Upsala bishop 
 of that city, and departed for Danemark. The head of 
 the Danish Church at this time was Eskill, Archbishop of 
 Lund, who naturally was vexed at Breakspear's action in 
 detaching the see of Nidrosia from his province, and in 
 creating it an independent province; though, it must be 
 added, he received him with all the honour and pomp due 
 to his office. Breakspear's diplomacy on the occasion was 
 masterly enough. He handed over to the Archbishop of 
 Lund the pallium which had been intended for the new 
 primate of Sweden, and informed him that when the diffi- 
 culties in the church of that country were settled, he would 
 still allow the Archbishop of Lund to be styled Primate 
 of all Sweden, and granted him the right of consecrating 
 and investing with the pallium the future archbishops 
 of that kingdom ; he further promised to obtain him a 
 grant from the Holy See, adding to the dignity of his 
 
62 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 areliiepiscopal titles " Titulus Legati nati Apostolicoe Sedis " 
 in the three Scandinavian kingdoms. 
 
 We now come to another case in which the Papal 
 legate interposed in the civil affairs of a kingdom, and 
 used his influence to affect its councils, though, unfor- 
 tunately, not with the same success as in the case of Nor- 
 way. Swercus, King of Sweden, had a son, by name 
 John, who was renowned for his wildness and bad character, 
 caused not only by his own naturally evil disposition, but by 
 a total neglect of education, religious or secular. 
 
 This young man, who was quite beyond his father's 
 control, helped by a band of companions as evil as himself, 
 made a raid on the residence of his eldest brother Carlos, 
 and carried off his wife and her widowed sister, two 
 princesses nearly related to the reigning family of Dane- 
 mark, and dishonoured them. This unheard-of atrocity, 
 made worse by the knowledge of the unsullied fame of the 
 two sisters, naturally caused the deepest indignation, not 
 only in the King of Danemark, Sweno, but in all his 
 subjects, and he decided to raise a fleet and army, and to 
 invade Sweden and Gothland to revenge the outrage. 
 His intention was furthermore strengthened by the re- 
 membrance of another unsettled feud between the two 
 nations : Sweno's predecessor on the throne was Nicholas, 
 whose intended bride Swercus himself had carried off by 
 false representation, and had married. Nicholas was unable 
 to go to war with Sweden owing to civil war in his own 
 kingdom, so the insult had been unavenged. Sweno 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 63 
 
 under the second provocation felt doubly resolved to appeal 
 to the arbitration of the sword. All this happened while 
 Nicholas Breakspear was in Danemark, and he sought 
 an audience of King Sweno, and pointed out to him various 
 cogent reasons why the war should not take place, show- 
 ing how serious an obstacle the sea presented to any ex- 
 pedition, the risk involved in leaving his own country, 
 and the like ; but when did considerations of peril 
 deter a brave and strong-willed man ? These arguments 
 failing, Breakspear tried to stop him on religious grounds, 
 but with no effect. The Idng listened respectfully, but 
 would neither be persuaded by the legate or by the 
 ambassadors from Swercus, who came over from Sweden 
 in the cause of peace. 
 
 Breakspear is reported to have said: " If the spider by 
 disembowelling herself at least caught the flies she gave 
 chase to, yet the Danes could expect nothing but de- 
 struction to themselves in their proposed campaign."^ 
 The end of it all was that war broke out, and Sweno 
 managed to land a large army on the Swedish coast without 
 much opposition, owing to the fact that the prime cause of 
 the war, Prince John, who had been directed to levy troops 
 to resist the invasion, met his deserts by being killed by 
 the Swedes in a riot on account of his conduct having 
 occasioned the war. Swercus feigned a retreat before the 
 forces of Sweno, and led them far into savage Finland, 
 
 ' Joannes Magnus, "Hist. Gott,," lib. xviii., cap. 17. 
 
64 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 where his army was surrounded and almost entirely 
 destroyed. Sweno made good his retreat to Danemark ; but 
 shortly afterwards was murdered in his bed by two of his 
 nobles who were in secret league with Swercus. During 
 the progress of this disastrous war, the results of which 
 fully justified his foresight, Breakspear left Danemark on 
 his return to Rome, having executed his mission, and 
 gained by his marvellous success the title of " The 
 Apostle of the North." Fagrskinn, Archbishop of Lund 
 czVca 1250, styles him ^* The Good." ^ He probably journeyed 
 back to Rome by way of the Low Countries and eastern 
 France. He arrived in Rome early in 11 54 to find his friend 
 and patron, Eugenius III., dead, the events of whose 
 closing years are described in the next chapter. The 
 stormy days which marked the last years of the Cistercian 
 monk had given place to a lull, and a peaceful, quiet 
 old man of ninety years of age, Conrad, Bishop of Sabina, 
 by birth a Roman, occupied the Papal chair under the name 
 of Anastasius IV. His benevolence and charity during a 
 famine in Rome earned him the love of the poor ; his reign 
 was uneventful ; he received Breakspear well, and confirmed 
 all his acts, save that he reserved to Rome the right to 
 appoint the primate of Sweden, thus taking away the privi- 
 lege which Nicholas had granted to Eskill, Archbishop of 
 Lund. Anastasius sent three bulls confirming the legate's 
 action : one to the Bishop of Sweden, exhorting him to stop 
 
 * Torfa3us. 
 
t '''ill' '. %a i '»'^ t o, cct. .   '   ' 
 
 ADRIAN IV. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 65 
 
 the quarrelling in his flock, and to bring them into obedience 
 to Rome ; another to Swercus and the nobles of Sweden, 
 directing them to obey the laws Nicholas had made for them ; 
 and a third confirming the foundation of the church at 
 Trund. The first two are dated November 28th, and the last, 
 November 30th, 1154. Anastasius died on December 3rd, 
 and it is probable that the signing of the bull confirming 
 the church at Trund was the last official act of his life. As 
 the legate would certainly seek to have his acts confirmed 
 at the earliest possible moment, we may assume that 
 Nicholas did not return to Rome until the November of 
 1154. Anastasius remained in office one year and five 
 months, and died at Rome. 
 
 After his death, the conclave of cardinals met in the 
 cathedral of S. Peter to elect his successor. After prayer 
 to the Almighty all the cardinals with one voice elected 
 Nicholas Breakspear to be the successor of S. Peter. All 
 accounts agree in the unanimity of the choice, and his 
 favourite secretary, Boso, relates that he at first refused; 
 but all the clergy and laity alike, taking no heed of his 
 words, shouted, " Pope Adrian, elected by God ! " ^ So at 
 last the humble Englishman, the poor student, the modest 
 monk, abbot, bishop, cardinal, and missionary, was called 
 to occupy the position of the greatest and most fearful re- 
 sponsibility upon the earth of those days. What a moment ! 
 What a life ! Thirty yjears from poverty to ,Pope. And 
 
 V " Papam Adrianum a Deo electum." (Muratori.) 
 
 K 
 
66 NICHOLAS BllEAKSPEArw. 
 
 what a vista opened out before him ! At his age, he might 
 reasonably hope for twenty or thirty years of power, and if 
 he hved as long as his predecessor, forty years. 
 
 Mercifully our future lies behind the veil, hidden from 
 our eyes. He could not tell that within five short years he 
 would be called into the presence of the Master whom 
 he had just been chosen to represent on earth; but if he 
 had known this, and had determined to crowd into that short 
 time all the stirring events and great deeds that he could 
 wish for, he could not have made it fuller than it actually 
 proved to be. 
 
 By sheer merit and force of character he had risen step 
 by step to the topmost rung of the ladder, never flinch- 
 ing, never losing his head, overcoming every obstacle with 
 indomitable courage, and, above all, with that simple faith 
 and clear character which has ever helped those who, on 
 the thorny path to greatness, have been blessed with these 
 invaluable and divine gifts. And the great example ! How 
 many a heart must have thrilled in England as the news 
 slowly reached our island kingdom ; how many a lad must 
 have dreamed of similar possibilities for himself; how many 
 a weary worker must have been cheered by the thought of 
 the fellow-countryman who had hewn destiny for himself, 
 making his own friends who had none to help him at the 
 start, gathering his store of learning in the face of apparent 
 hopelessness, and with every drawback winning in the 
 race — chosen unanimously by the proud cardinalate of Eome 
 to rule over the destinies of the Holy Church, to take pre- 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. G7 
 
 cedence of emperors, kings, and princes, to stand up before 
 the world unsullied by it in a vicious age, to remain unspoilt 
 and staunch throughout the years he held his glorious 
 charge. And does his life teach nothing to us ? Can we 
 see nothing to help us in our march through life ? Most 
 assuredly, as his figure rises majestically before our eyes look- 
 ing across seven centuries, it gives us the message that in all 
 ages and under all changes of the conditions of life, truth 
 and honesty are unchangeable, and honour unsullied is 
 in every age the seal and stamp of our greatest men. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Church in the Twelfth Century — The Monastic Movement — The 
 Crusades — Bernard of Clairvaulx — .His Teaching — Peter Abelard — The 
 Council of Sens — Arnold of Brescia — His Opinions — Condition of Rome — 
 Effect of the Second Crusade — Frederic Barbarossa crosses the Alps — 
 Adrian's Difficulties. 
 
 EFORE relating the events of the pontifi- 
 cate of Adrian IV., it will be as well to 
 consider the condition of affairs not only 
 in Rome itself in the year of his election, 
 but the general state of the Catholic 
 Church at that period. 
 
 The movement known to students of 
 Church history as that of Arnold of Brescia had its birth far 
 earlier than the times of which I am writing, and the history 
 of it is so complicated and far-reaching that it will be neces- 
 sary to give some short account of the causes which led up 
 to the state of things with which the new Pope had to deal. 
 There is not space here for anything more than a sketch of 
 this interesting phase of Christian history ; those who care 
 for further information will find it in the authorities from 
 whom I quote. Some study of it is, however, necessary, as 
 the policy of Adrian IV. was entirely moulded and shaped to 
 meet the adverse spirit of which I am about to relate the 
 
NICHOLAS BUEAKSPEAR, 69 
 
 existence and the growth. The most remarkable features of 
 Church history of the first half of the twelfth century were the 
 increased thirst for what has been termed reHgious adven- 
 ture, and the rapidly growing development of the monastic 
 system, which like a meteor flashed across the century, and, 
 to a large extent, died out almost as rapidly as it rose. 
 Monasteries would be founded, and after a few years in- 
 ternal dissension, outside interests, or some other cause 
 would bring about their ruin, perhaps to rise again, but 
 more often to disappear — the buildings to fall into decay, 
 or to be re-born as feudal fortresses or noblemen's castles. 
 This may seem to a modern student inconsistent with the 
 devotional, even superstitious character of the age ; but on 
 careful thought it will be found to be the natural result of 
 the restless spirit which everywhere was working in the 
 minds of men. It was the period preceding the birth of the 
 intellectual movement, and these w^ere the tlioers which 
 heralding the event shook the mental balance of the world 
 — reason struggling for freedom. The one apparently per- 
 fect organization, the only thing firm in an age of cataclysm, 
 was the Church. 
 
 The provinces, the bishoprics, the parishes all formed 
 the various links of chains leading up to the highest power 
 on earth, the Pontifi\ But this perfect organization was in 
 reality fettered, though mankind could not see it at the 
 time, and everywhere men were chafing with the desire to 
 do something or to go somewhere, to strike a blow for the 
 Holy Church, to win the spurs of chivalry, or in some way 
 
70 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 find that action which they thought would bring quiet to 
 their troubled minds. 
 
 The age was a military one ; armies were blessed by the 
 Church — the crusader's sword was wellnigh as sacred as the 
 chalice. Thousands flocked to the Holy Wars ; but all could 
 not do this, and so the ever-resourceful intellect of man 
 provided the thought of warring against the powers of evil. 
 The military spirit asserted itself here. Spiritually a man 
 is always at war within himself, his good impulses arrayed 
 against his evil temptations. 
 
 This produced the revival of the monasteries ; this 
 proved the outlet and opportunity for zeal and enthusiasm ; 
 and in the humble cell, cut off from the world, men thought 
 that the severing for ever of all connection with the pomps 
 and ambitions of life — denial of place, rank, and power, 
 surrender of riches, renunciation of lusts and appetites, 
 adoption of celibacy and fasting — would afford them in their 
 meditation the comfort of hope in Christ and satisfy their 
 longing for action in the form of constant battle against 
 the evil one. Besides this, there was the constant individual 
 prayer, the sense of immediate communion with God Him- 
 self, and the support of the Cross by the contemplation of 
 the sufferings of His Son. This impulse spread all over 
 England, France, and Italy ; even under the calamities of 
 Stephen's reign fresh monasteries were created in our 
 country; and in Germany the extension of monasteries 
 was almost as rapid as in the south and west of Europe. 
 Everywhere men of all ranks flocked to lay down their riches 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAK. 71 
 
 and enter the holy life. One of the central figures of this 
 movement was the great S. Bernard, who was an example 
 of the more consistent among the ranks of the enthusiasts. 
 He was born in 1091 of noble parents, and educated 
 completely in all that pertained to the religious life by his 
 mother, a lady of noble birth and a model of piety and 
 charity. When she died Bernard stood at the parting of 
 the ways. On the one hand was the world ; he was young, 
 high-born, handsome, and rich; all that the court could 
 offer, all the dazzling temptations of a brilliant life were at 
 his command. On the other hand were the prospects of 
 what I may call the '' worldly " church if he was so minded ; 
 its wealth might turn his way, powerful position be within 
 his grasp, nay, even the chair of S. Peter itself. But 
 Bernard would not so much as look on either of these 
 brilliant prospects ; he turned his head away. We are told^ 
 of the struggle it cost him, of his temptations and of his 
 natural feelings ; but he remained firm, and left the glittering 
 scene to seek out the poorest monastery he could find. We 
 cannot pause here to relate how he brought with him by his 
 example more than thirty of his friends ; how the humble Cis- 
 tercian monastery grew too small for his followers ; how his 
 brilliant eloquence thrilled the world ; nor can we dwell on 
 the founding of his own abbey of Clairvaulx in Champagne, 
 in a valley notorious for its evil deeds. We can only 
 wonder at the irresistible influence of the man, and note 
 the deep impress that he left on his age. His fame and 
 ' " The Life of S. Bernard." (William the Abbot.) 
 
72 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 his power spread in all directions ; Clairvaulx became the 
 metropolis of the whole monastic community ; it sent out its 
 branches into all countries ; it laid down the rules for all 
 kindred foundations. 
 
 Bernard was consulted by all, by kings as well as pre- 
 lates, and his power extended even to the Pope himself. 
 He steadily refused all ecclesiastical preferment, and lived 
 through his nobly consistent life as simple Abbot of 
 Clairvaulx. 
 
 Meanwhile we must watch this sudden rise of monas- 
 ticism, and try to account for its almost equally sudden 
 decline. This latter may be attributed principally, if not 
 wholly, to the eifects of sudden and unexpected accession of 
 riches. The reaction from the poverty which distinguished 
 the religious orders before this time, and which assimilated 
 them close to the practical lesson of our Lord's life, to the 
 worldly prosperity consequent on the wave of enthusiasm 
 among the noble and wealthy classes, proved too great a 
 strain for human self-denial and self-control. In an eloquent 
 passage Dean Milman tells us of the result * : " Most of the 
 old monasteries which held the rule either of S. Benedict or 
 of Cassian had become wealthy, and suffered the usual effects 
 of wealth. Some had altogether relaxed their discipline, 
 had renounced poverty; and the constant dissensions, 
 the appeals to the bishop, to the metropolitan, or where, as 
 
 ^ I would recommend all interested in this wonderful movement to 
 read closely the whole of chapter iv. of book viii., vol. vi., Milman, 
 " Latin Christianity," from which this quotation is taken. 
 
SAINT BERNARD, 
 ABBOT OF CLAIRVAULX. 
 
l-"^, «*■«» *** « • 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 73 
 
 they all strove to do, they had obtained exemption from 
 episcopal jurisdiction, to the Pope, showed how entirely the 
 other great vow, obedience to the abbot or prior, had 
 become obsolete. . . . Even where the discipline was still 
 severe, it was monotonous, to some extent absolute; its 
 sanctity was exacted, habitual, unawakening. All old estab- 
 lishments are impatient of innovation. . . . Monasticism 
 had been and ever was tracing the same cycle. Now the 
 wilderness, the utter solitude, the utmost poverty, the con- 
 test with the stubborn forest and unwholesome morass, the 
 most exalted piety, the devotion which had not hours 
 enough during the day and night for its exercise, the rule 
 which could not be enforced too strictly . . . the inventive 
 self-discipline, . . . the boastful- servility of obedience ; 
 then the fame for piety, the lavish offerings of the faithful, 
 the grants of the repentant lord, the endowments of the 
 remorseful king — the opulence, the power, the magnificence. 
 " The wattled hut, the rock-hewn hermitage, is now the 
 stately cloister ; the lowly church of wood the lofty and 
 gorgeous abbey ; the wild forest or heath the pleasant and 
 umbrageous grove ; the marsh a domain of intermingling 
 meadow and cornfields ; the brawling stream or mountain 
 torrent a succession of quiet tanks or pools fattening in- 
 numerable fish. The superior, once a man bowed to the 
 earth with humility, careworn, pale, emaciated, with a 
 coarse habit bound with a cord, with naked feet, is become 
 an abbot on his curvetting palfrey, in rieli attire, with his 
 silver cross borne before him, travelling to take his place 
 
 L 
 
74 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 amid the lordliest of the realm." It was at this time, when 
 the rigid asceticism of the monastic orders was giving way 
 under the temptation of opulence and luxury, that the 
 majestic form of the Abbot of Clairvaulx appeared on the 
 scene and showed to the astonished world the effect of 
 strong example and courage. He from his strictly disciplined 
 abbey in the lonely valley of Wormwood in Champagne 
 literally ruled the world. At his word sovereigns gave way, 
 and even popes bowed before his authority. When the 
 Catholic Church was torn asunder by the disputes of Pope 
 and Anti-pope, all Europe looked to Bernard with hope as 
 the one man who remained firm and unaffected by the 
 contagion of corruption. 
 
 Bernard was of the Church, for the Church, with the 
 Church. His whole life was spent in the endeavour to 
 strengthen her power and to render her authority final and 
 absolute. His belief was that unless and until the world 
 was brought — each nation subject in all things, temporal as 
 well as spiritual — to the sway of S. Peter, there would be no 
 hope of salvation. Rigidly he fixed his gaze on this one 
 goal ; no room would he allow for difference or divergence. 
 Strong himself, he expected all to bend before his inflexible 
 will ; he was ever on the watch to detect heresy or schism 
 either in his own country, or wherever it was found to be 
 showing a head. Bernard was the prototype of those stern 
 good men who are hard on themselves and equally hard on 
 others. I cannot but add that much as we may admire his 
 consistency and his character, it must not be forgotten that 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 75 
 
 such hardness is scarcely consistent with the gentleness of 
 the teaching of Christ, and in all ages has had its evil 
 as well as its beneficial effect on public and private life. 
 This spirit shows itself when at its worst in bigotry and 
 intolerance, and has led many an earnest man to condone 
 murder at the stake. It shows itself at each extreme, in 
 Puritan narrow-mindedness as much as in Koman bigotry 
 or Calvinistic pride of self. Only now and again can the 
 dangerous doctrine of unyielding dogma be really bene- 
 ficial, and then only in the mind of the right man. Having 
 said so much, we may well believe that Bernard was that 
 man, and that he literally saved the Church at a most critical 
 period of her history. 
 
 We have to trace his influence on one particular set of 
 events, and must leave out all the wonderful and interest- 
 ing acts of the saint's life which do not bear directly on 
 our subject, such as his treatment of Innocent II., the 
 Councils of Rheims and of Liege, and the Pope's visit to 
 Clairvaulx. We must, in fact, confine ourselves to his 
 action in regard to the lives of the other two men, 
 Abelard, and Arnold of Brescia, who helped to create the 
 difficulties which Adrian IV. had to solve. Peter Abelard 
 was the pioneer in the campaign of intellect against super- 
 stition, full of faults perhaps, but still in one sense a martyr 
 and a victim. He was born in 1079 at Nantes in Brittany, 
 and was endowed with talents of a very brilliant order ; he 
 was educated in the schools of Paris, where he soon 
 distinguished himself as a keen reasoner and clever pro- 
 
76 NICHOLAS BIIEAKSPEAU. 
 
 fessor of dialectics, eventually founding a school of thought 
 of his own. 
 
 The romantic story of his love and passion for Heloise 
 is well known, and need only be mentioned here as being the 
 keynote of his character in after years. It is one of the 
 instances of human love overriding the first considerations 
 of prudence, as well as of honour. While there is nothing 
 but condemnation for the action of Abelard in his base seduc- 
 tion of a girl some twenty years his junior, and his pupil, we 
 cannot but admire, though reason forbids us to accept, the 
 beautiful unselfishness of the woman whose love was so great 
 that she declined to save her honour by marriage rather than 
 be a hindrance to the worldly advance of Abelard. We can- 
 not enter into the story at length ; it is well known that she 
 took the veil in the convent of Argenteuil at the advice of 
 Abelard; and that her uncle, whose house had given the 
 opportunity to the master for the meetings with his pupil, 
 was so enraged against the man who had ruined his niece, 
 that he hired some rufiians, who, attacking Abelard, inflicted 
 on him a terrible mutilation, no doubt embittering his whole 
 life, and encouraging the pessimism with which he ever after 
 viewed all human passion. He retired humiliated to the 
 Abbey of S. Denys, and there first encountered the theo- 
 logical difiiculties which, combined with vigorous persecu- 
 tion, caused him to found the Paraclete. But we have to 
 deal with Abelard, not in his personal character, but in that 
 of the brilliant thinker, the author of " Sic et non." While 
 Bernard was issuing his edicts from Clairvaulx, Abelard 
 
NICHOLAS BKEAKSPEAIl. 77 
 
 was leading a brilliant school of thought in Paris. These 
 two men were widely different in nature, and it is impos- 
 sible to conceive either giving way in the smallest point to 
 the other, though, like all earnest men, we can now see that 
 there was much in the aims of each which was actually 
 common to both, though they worked to attain their desired 
 end on entirely different lines. Bernard, as we have seen, 
 believed in and worked for the absolute supremacy of the 
 Church, for blind unreasoning obedience on the part of her 
 children, and for sharp punishment on all who dared to 
 leave the beaten track of the narrow road pointed out 
 by her fathers. Abelard, on the other hand, as a calm 
 logician and reasoner, was, hke all great thinkers, not 
 only far in advance of his times, but completely misunder- 
 stood. He posed as the champion of the emancipation of 
 intellect, of the right of reasoning, and as we have pointed 
 out the danger which besets characters such as Bernard, 
 so we may easily see that if pure reason is carried to its 
 conclusion without faith, it must end in scepticism or 
 unbelief. It was impossible that two such men should live 
 in the same age and not come in conflict; especially when, as 
 in Bernard's case, one of them was always watching for the 
 first signs of any unorthodox movement. All the forces at 
 the powerful abbot's command were brought to bear in a 
 stern persecution of Abelard, and needless to say the strong 
 •power of Bernard completely crushed the weak, unhappy, 
 mutilated being in whom, nevertheless, he recognized a foe 
 worthy of his mettle. But as well try to stop the rising 
 
78 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 tide, as attempt to check any great intellectual movement 
 when once the pioneer thought has given it birth ; Bernard 
 could crush Abelard, but it was beyond his power to stop 
 the effect of his teaching. 
 
 For five hundred years the world of intellect had 
 slept, except at the rare intervals when a lambent ray of 
 light flashed out, only to contrast more strongly with the 
 darkness, which soon enveloped it again. 
 
 Abelard appeared and roused it ; his arguments may 
 have been sound or unsound, his philosophy logical or the 
 reverse — that is not the point. The point is that he taught 
 men once more to reason for themselves. Reflect for a 
 moment on the import of the following words at a time 
 «uch as the beginning of the twelfth century : 
 
 " So it happened ^ that I was the first to apply myself 
 to the study of the foundations of belief,^ bringing to bear 
 thereon analogies drawn from human understanding; and 
 I wrote a theological tract on the Divine Unity and 
 Trinity, which I gave to my pupils, who insisted on having 
 physical and philosophical reasons for everything, reasons 
 such as they could really comprehend, and not merely 
 repeat. They contended that the mere utterance of words, 
 unless the intellect grasped their import, was valueless, and 
 nothing could be believed which was not first understood. 
 They added that it was obviously absurd for any man to 
 attempt to preach to others about what he neither under- 
 
 ' "Petri Abajlardi Opera, Hist. Calam.," cap. 9, ahinit. 
 ' " . « . . fidei nostrae fundamentum . . . ." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 79 
 
 stood himself nor liad the power to make them under- 
 stand. ..." 
 
 Nothing could he believed unless it was first understood. 
 With what a shock must these words have fallen on a 
 world which had been taught for generation after genera- 
 tion that individual reasoning was sinful, that the message 
 of the Church was to be accepted and believed in silence ! 
 
 The result therefore is not surprising, and we cannot 
 wonder at his enemies demanding his instant punishment. 
 
 The whole body of Catholics denounced him as a 
 
 heretic ; but Abelard had the most marvellous moral 
 
 courage in this instance at least. He stood with his back 
 
 against the wall, and dared his formidable foes to make 
 
 good their charges of heresy — a challenge which was 
 
 taken up.^ A great council had been convened at Sens 
 
 for the translation of the body of the national saint; 
 
 all the splendour of the Church was there, together with 
 
 Louis VI I. and his court. It was decided that this council 
 
 was also to hear the arguments of Abelard, and decide the 
 case. 
 
 A great testimony to Abelard's skill as an orator and 
 logician is that Bernard rather shrank from appearing. 
 He says in a letter to the Pope : " How shall an un- 
 practised stripling like myself, unversed in logic, meet the 
 giant who is practised in every kind of debate ? " ^ But he 
 decided after all to appear ; and what an unequal tourna- 
 ment ! 
 
 ^ June 2nd and 3rd, 1140. ' ** Epist. ad Innocent Papam." 
 
80 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Bernard, the practical head of the Church, who could 
 depose popes and overawe kings, the man on whose words 
 the whole world waited, backed up by all the powers, 
 spiritual and secular, against the discredited philosopher, 
 friendless, persecuted, his moral character stained. We 
 are told by one of Abelard's disciples that what little 
 he said was sarcastic, cutting, and incisive — " we know 
 that on your will depends the mercy of heaven," " the 
 very devils are thought to roar at thy behest," — two examples 
 of language which must have made Bernard writhe. The 
 world waited for the result ; when Abelard took everyone 
 by surprise, refused to plead, and appealed to Eome. He 
 was sentenced by the Council to be condemned to silence, 
 and his disciples to excommunication. It is not clear why 
 Abelard took this step ; it was a fatal one, for what little 
 chance he had of justice was from the combined opinion 
 of the assembled ecclesiastics at Sens. He had no prospect 
 of even a fair hearing at Rome, for Innocent II. was com- 
 pletely in the power of Bernard, and allowed himself 
 always to be guided by him. But we are near the end 
 of his life ; he set out for his journey, and on his way 
 stopped at the Abbey of Clu^ny. Whether he suddenly 
 altered his mind and determined on flight is not known, 
 but he never proceeded any further. After a brief stay 
 within the hospitable shelter of the abbey, he was taken 
 with a mortal illness, and soon the wearied, chafing spirit 
 was at rest. 
 
 It is pleasant to record that the venerable and gentle 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAK. 81 
 
 Abbot, Peter of Clugny was more truly Christian in this 
 case than his hard brother of Clairvaulx, and made the last 
 moments of the so-called heretic as peaceful and as happy 
 as it was possible for a faithful priest of God to do. So 
 Bernard won ; his adversary was routed even to death ; 
 the authority of the Church was vindicated ; surely now 
 she might rest again undisturbed. And Bernard never 
 saw it really disturbed again ; but though he knew it not, 
 the seed that Abelard sowed was to bear fruit. Then if 
 ever the Church of Rome had an opportunity of leading 
 the intellectual thought of the age. The opportunity was 
 missed, with the unfortunate result that the followers of 
 Abelard were obliged to carry on the development of their 
 principles in secret, a course which history teaches us in- 
 variably leads to revolution and violence. It is only where 
 a strong ruler or government has the forethought to antici- 
 pate popular feeling that reforms can be carried out peace- 
 ably and according to law. S. Bernard undoubtedly felt that 
 a great issue was at stake, and his summing up of Abelard's 
 arguments is tersely expressed in his letter to the Pope, 
 which, owing to Abelard's death. Innocent never had to 
 act upon. He says : " Inasmuch as Abelard is prepared 
 to explain everything by means of reason, he combats 
 faith and reason too ; for what is so contrary to reason as 
 to wish to go beyond the limits of reason, by means of 
 reason ? And what more contrary to faith, than to be 
 unwilling to believe that which one is unable to reach by 
 means of reason ? " ^ 
 
 M 
 
82 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 And now we see the effects of the teaching of the 
 ascetic of the Paraclete. He had led an attack on the 
 spiritual ascendency of the Church, as a kind of intellectual 
 insurrection against her doctrines. But he did not live to 
 take part in the attack on her temporal power which followed. 
 She defeated and discomfited his followers at Sens, and 
 now they turned their forces against her weakest side. 
 I cannot enter into the complicated events which led to the 
 rivalry of Pope and Anti-pope ; but it was this rivalry which 
 fostered, if it did not produce, the growing spirit of inde- 
 pendence in Italy. The Emperors, whose title of authority 
 was certainly admitted, very seldom appeared on the 
 southern side of the Alps. The result of this absence and 
 of the divisions at the Vatican was that the Lombard cities 
 formed themselves into separate and independent republics, 
 which repudiated the authority of Rome or the Emperor. 
 The repudiation brought them into conflict with the repre- 
 sentatives of the Church ; much discontent, helped by the 
 reforming party, was engendered ; and as in these days, 
 when an agitator is wanted, he is generally to be found, so 
 then the country soon swarmed with demagogues who 
 found it easy, and no doubt often lucrative, to tickle the 
 public ear by denouncing the laxity and corruption of the 
 ecclesiastical body, and even by inveighing against the 
 whole influence of the Church. It must not be supposed 
 that Arnold of Brescia, on whose career I am about to 
 dwell, was by any means the first to utter such denunciations. 
 As early as 1119, when Calixtus II. was Pope, one Peter de 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 88 
 
 Bruis tried to bring about a revolution against several of 
 the doctrines of the Chureli. Again, Arnulf, in 1125, 
 managed actually to get into Rome itself, but the people 
 would not hear him, and he was seized and thrown bound into 
 the Tiber. In 1134, Henry the Hermit obtained a con- 
 siderable following. The corruption which, as we have 
 seen, had begun to spread in the monasteries, and the 
 preaching of Abelard combined to open the public 
 mind, and at the right moment appears the dramatic 
 figure of Arnold of Brescia. Of the youth and early life 
 of Arnold we know little except that he was born in 
 the city from which he has taken the name, probably 
 about 1105. He was both ambitious and clever, but had 
 a larger stock of enthusiasm than of judgment. Like 
 Nicholas Breakspear he travelled into France to pursue his 
 studies, and found his way to Paris, where he became an 
 enthusiastic pupil of Abelard — " Goliath's armour-bearer," 
 as Bernard scornfully described him at the Council of Sens, 
 and he afterwards proved that the title was a true one. 
 But while he imbibed much of his master's spirit and learn- 
 ing, he gained none of that deep desire to inquire into the 
 mysteries of religion which was so marked in Abelard. In 
 him the ruling passion was to act the liberator ; he devoured 
 the pages of Livy and other classic writers, and dwelt 
 with ardour on the principles of heathen philosophy, 
 republicanism, and the ancient grandeur of the Senate of 
 Rome. On the other hand he had learnt in the Paraclete 
 to view the doctrines of the Church with faith and 
 
84 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAK. 
 
 devotion, and recognizing that no questioning about the 
 mysteries of faith could bring one nearer to the great 
 truth, it never occurred to him to indulge in such specula- 
 tion. His genius was practical, and there was work lying 
 nearer to the hand — work in which success meant some 
 tangible result achieved. 
 
 Around him he saw a wealthy clerical body, living 
 in splendour, in luxury, and often, it must be confessed, in 
 open sin. Simony and concubinage were the too common 
 vices of a demoralized clergy. How was all this recon- 
 cilable with the teaching of the New Testament, and of 
 Him whose life was moulded on so different a pattern ? If 
 to follow Christ meant to bear His Cross, to suffer His 
 crown of thorns, what need had the abbot of his gorgeously 
 caparisoned palfrey or the bishop of his costly retinue of 
 servants. The contention of Bernard that it was the 
 office, not the individual, which was glorified by such mag- 
 nificence, appealed not at all to the glowing mind of the 
 young reformer. 
 
 Following the lessons of his master and devoting him- 
 self to a still closer study of the classics, he soon arrived 
 at the conviction that he was born to remedy the religious 
 and political abuses of his age. We have described above 
 his view of the state of the actual Church ; his ideal church 
 was a purely spiritual one, working for spiritual ends only, 
 whose ministers would be humble, but earnest followers 
 of the Master. He would take from the Church all its 
 privileges, all its wealth, its land, its money, its dues, and 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 85 
 
 force the clergy to support themselves on the freewill 
 offerings of the people. He could conceive of no other use 
 for property than that it should be held by the sovereign 
 for the common good. A great Christian commonwealth 
 with laws modelled on the best of the ancient philosophy ; 
 Rome the centre of the world in all her old time grandeur ; 
 everyone working for the good of all, and no one for the 
 transitory purposes of his own immediate gain. " A beautiful 
 Utopia indeed ! " one is almost tempted to exclaim, but one 
 which, like all other theories based on an equality which does 
 not exist, will, as long as human nature shall endure, be 
 realized in the imagination only. If, at the close of the nine- 
 teenth century, amid all the potent forces of our boasted 
 civilization, we regard the Socialist and the Liberator as 
 dreamers, what name can we apply to the man who attempted 
 to promulgate such doctrines among the untutored intellects 
 and savage natures of the early mediaeval times ? And it 
 is only just to point out that, like all dreamers, Arnold was 
 one-sided in his judgment ; his enthusiasm only enabled him 
 to see the abuse of riches in the Church, and failed to show 
 him that she must, if she was to live, have the means neces- 
 sary to carry out her mission, to keep up her dignity, to 
 relieve her poorer members, and to maintain the worship of 
 God ; not to mention the training of her sons and the mission 
 work of bringing fresh sheep to the fold. 
 
 We must now revert to the Council of Sens, and trace 
 Arnold's subsequent career. Bernard, in ordering the con- 
 demnation of Abelard, decreed also that Arnold should be 
 
86 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 incarcerated in a convent ; but he managed to evade the 
 authorities and fled to Zurich, then, owing to its freedom 
 and its proximity to the repubhcs of Lombardy, as well as to 
 its trade with both Germany and Italy, the most flourishing 
 town in Switzerland, and from that place, where he was 
 enthusiastically received, he preached and spread his new 
 doctrine. The tide of public opinion was in his favour, 
 and everywhere events were quickening to help on his 
 career of reform. 
 
 In the city of Brescia a conflict between bishop, as 
 representing the imperial interests, and people had resulted 
 in the defeat of the former. Innocent II., a somewhat weak 
 man, hesitated, and at length, perhaps hoping to quiet things 
 by concessions, or because he regarded the Emperor as 
 a more serious foe than Arnold, leant towards the populace. 
 This strengthened the hands of Arnold enormously, and 
 his preaching became more and more socialistic. Whether 
 his ideas were properly understood by the people is 
 doubtful, but matters little ; they at least comprehended 
 that the immediate result of his teaching would be to take 
 the wealth from the clerical party and to place it in their 
 own hands. Arnold was proclaimed a liberator ; his name was 
 honoured, and his praises were in everyone's mouth. The 
 man who preaches a doctrine of spoliation, which, however 
 disinterested or noble in conception, tends to weaken the 
 distinction between " meum " and " tuum," is always 
 assured of a considerable following. 
 
 In Rome itself the spirit of independence was growing 
 
NICHOLAS BllEAKSPEAU. 87 
 
 rapidly. Tivoli, Palestrina, Tusculum, and Albano had all 
 tried to throw off the Roman yoke and secure their in- 
 dependence, and in 1143 the Romans themselves, on 
 Innocent II. concluding a treaty with the first-named 
 city against their wishes, burst out into open rebellion, 
 defied the Church's authority, and set up a senate which 
 declared the papal government at an end and the ancient 
 republic restored. Innocent tried hard to make head 
 against this movement, invoked a synod at the Lateran, 
 and made a protest ; but he had neither the spirit nor the 
 power to check the insubordination of the republicans, who 
 emboldened to further effort saw in their imagination Rome 
 restored to her former high place among the nations — 
 Rome the secular no less than the spiritual head of the 
 world. In the intoxication of their ambition they called on 
 the Emperor Conrad to return and take his place as their 
 king. Conrad, either doubting the fickle nature of a mob, 
 or because he feared the papal authority, refused, and 
 though all preparations were made for his coming, did not 
 appear, and perhaps lost thereby the chance of altering 
 the history of Rome. The same year saw the death of 
 Innocent, broken-hearted and full of grief. Celestine II., 
 who succeeded, had been himself a pupil of Abelard, and 
 moreover had, as Cardinal of Castello, befriended Arnold, 
 who took advantage of this to appear in Rome. Celestine 
 died only six months after his accession, and was succeeded 
 by Lucius 11. , a Bolognese by birth. The republic, 
 strengthened by the peace of the short pontificate of his 
 
88 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 predecessor, was more bold than ever, and announced to 
 the Pope their intention to acknowledge his spiritual 
 authority and nothing beyond. Lucius was a man of firm 
 character, but found it impossible to stem the rising tide, 
 which eventually assailed even his spiritual powers by 
 electing a brother of the Anti-pope Analectus to be 
 " Patrician," and to usurp the power of the papal prefect. 
 The populace were delighted at this encroachment on the 
 power of the Church, and in the riots which ensued destroyed 
 many of the buildings in Kome, including some of the 
 palaces of the cardinals. Finally, in the year 1145, Lucius 
 II., going in person at the head of the pontifical troops to 
 expostulate with the rioters, in one of these outbreaks 
 was struck by a stone and killed. 
 
 It was at this moment that Bernard of Clairvaulx 
 thought it necessary to step into the breach, and, as we have 
 seen, also thought that in electing Eugenius III., the Cis- 
 tercian abbot, he had a tool ready made to his hands. 
 
 I have already dwelt on the character of Eugenius ; 
 he dealt with affairs as he found them with some firmness. 
 The Roman mob burst in upon his election, and angrily 
 demanded him to recognize the authority of the senate. 
 He made no answer, but left the city, and the election was 
 completed at the Convent of Forsa. He then retired to 
 Viterbo, and from there commenced to launch anathemas 
 at his persecutors. At length a reconciliation was effected, 
 the Pope agreeing to recognize the senate on condition 
 that those only whom he approved should be elected, and 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 89 
 
 that the patrician should give way to the papal legate. 
 He triumphantly entered the Eternal City, and celebrated 
 Christmas, 1145. But the peace was short-lived, and fresh 
 riots taking place, he was compelled to flee from Rome. 
 
 It may now be asked why Bernard did not come him- 
 self, and with his strong personality redress the evil state 
 into which the government had fallen. I think the answer 
 to this is to be found in the second crusade, to which I 
 have already alluded. He hoped by this to re-establish 
 the weakened power of the Church, and to a very con- 
 siderable extent he succeeded. 
 
 Bernard had a very low opinion of the Romans. He 
 says : ^ " What is so well known to the world as their 
 licence and pride . . . ." " They are ever given to sedi- 
 tion." " They strive after the appearance of being feared by 
 all, while in fact they fear everybody." And again, " They 
 cannot endure submission, but yet know not how to rule." 
 No doubt he expected the second crusade to right the wrong 
 at home as well as abroad. We know how disastrously it 
 failed in the Holy Land ; but it produced consequences of 
 some moment. The Pope, being brought into close con- 
 tact with the most powerful sovereigns of Europe, had 
 taken advantage of the opportunity to make alliances and 
 to strengthen his authority. The Romans, who had at 
 first laughed at the papal displeasure, were gradually 
 beginning to regret their hasty action, when they saw 
 
 ^ " De Consideratione," lib. iv., cap. 2. 
 
 N 
 
90 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 that it led to the glories of Rome as the centre of the 
 religious world being transferred to other places and to 
 other countries, and many of those who had been foremost 
 in the revolution began to have doubts as to whether they 
 had not paid too great a price for civil liberty. Eugenius, 
 whose firm nature was combined with generosity and mild- 
 ness, was until his death in 1153 becoming more and more 
 popular. Bernard of Clairvaulx and his Cistercian name- 
 sake died in the same year, the former never recovering 
 from the shock of the failure of his efforts to free the Holy 
 Land; he leaves behind him the foremost name in the 
 history of the Church of the twelfth century. 
 
 Anastasius IV., as we have seen, enjoyed a reign free 
 from internal troubles, and we may now look round on the 
 aspect of affairs which the new Pope had to face. 
 
 Arnold of Brescia had found his power much under- 
 mined during the reign of Eugenius ; but Eome was still 
 governed by the senate, and as their mouthpiece Arnold 
 had, on the death of the Emperor Conrad, invited his 
 successor, Frederic Barbarossa, nephew of Conrad, to come 
 and receive the imperial crown from the senate. The great 
 Emperor refused, owing to the insolent terms in which the 
 letter was worded, whereupon the republic determined by 
 the advice of Arnold to choose an emperor for themselves. 
 
 No additional incentive was required to induce Frederic 
 to cross the Alps and reassert the power of the emperor 
 over Italy. Frederic Barbarossa is another of the brilliant 
 cluster of commanding men who lived at this period. He 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 91 
 
 was a prince of the most unbounded ambition, proud, 
 assertive, and powerful ; unquestionably the most striking 
 figure among those who have ever worn the iron crown. 
 His strong will was well suited to overcome every obstacle, 
 and now his intention was to assert his absolute supremacy 
 in Italy as in Germany, and, above all, to be crowned in 
 Rome by the Pope. 
 
 Just before Adrian*s election by the cardinals, namely, 
 in November, 1154, Barbarossa crossed the Alps at the 
 head of a large and imposing army, accompanied by all the 
 rough knighthood of his Teutonic subjects, and on the 
 plains of Roncaglia summoned all the feudatories of the 
 Empire to do homage. City after city, petty republics, 
 domains and territories passed one by one nto his hands. 
 What would he do when he arrived before Rome ? 
 
 No wonder, then, that on the death of the peaceful old 
 Pope Anastasius IV. the cardinals looked round for a 
 strong man to meet the critical state of affairs in and 
 outside of Rome. Nicholas Breakspear was the man of 
 all others for the position. They wanted a statesman and 
 diplomatist, as well as a ruler of firmness and unquestioned 
 integrity to steer the Holy Church and her fortunes through 
 this crisis in her history; and such a man was he whom 
 they had chosen. Of quite a different stamp from the 
 venerable father who had just passed away ; a man of 
 singular courage, who could take occasion by the horns, 
 who had always boldly kept to a high idea of duty, and 
 who had just returned from a most successful mission to 
 
92 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 the barbaric North, he was not a man likely to truckle 
 to a Eoman mob, or even to lower his head before the 
 mighty Barbarossa. In the next chapter we shall see how 
 Adrian IV. rose to his position, and how he dealt with 
 those problems in the condition of Rome, the growth of 
 which I have endeavoured to describe. 
 
CHAPTEK VI. 
 
 1154 TO 1155. 
 
 Adrian's Difficulties — Cardinal Boso — Arnold of Brescia in Home — 
 The Interdict — Adrian's Entry into Rome — Easter, 1155 — Advance of 
 Frederic Barbarossa — Negotiations between Pope and Emperor — Capture 
 and Death of Arnold of Brescia — Koman Deputation to Frederic — Adrian 
 proceeds to meet the Emperor at Sutri. 
 
 HE first difficulty Adrian IV. had to meet 
 on his succession was that of the peremp- 
 tory demand of the senate, prompted by 
 Arnold of Brescia, that the Pope should 
 recognize the temporal authority of the 
 republic. Thus the problem was at once 
 presented to him, was he to rule, or were the people ? As 
 might be expected from what we know of Breakspear's 
 previous action, he rose to the occasion ; stern and unyield- 
 ing, he hurled back at the deputation his defiance of their 
 pretensions, and announcing that no compromise was pos- 
 sible, and that he and he only would lead the Roman people 
 and be their head, he dismissed them haughtily from his pre- 
 sence. The idea of bargaining with those whom he regarded 
 merely as disaffected subjects never entered his mind. 
 
 Arnold of Brescia on this returned to Rome, and once 
 
94 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 more began to inflame the popular mind with his revohi- 
 tionary doctrines, and to preach resistance against the 
 Pope's decree. Adrian had conceived the loftiest notions 
 of his power, and like Bernard was determined that the 
 Church should be supreme. After his meeting with the 
 envoys of the senate, he retired to Anagni and prepared 
 for war. Here we cannot do better than read the description 
 of his triumph over the followers of Arnold which has come 
 down to us from the pen of his secretary. Cardinal Boso, 
 an actual eye-witness of the scenes which he records. As 
 I have said before, this Boso was a nephew of Adrian, 
 and had been his secretary for some time. Perhaps some 
 details of his life may be of interest, and fortunately in 
 Ciaconius ^ there is a very good account, which, in a list of 
 Adrian's first creation of cardinals, runs as follows : " Boso 
 (English), a nephew of Adrian IV., Pope, and, according 
 to Ughell and John Pits, * de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis 
 Anglige,' his clerk. He was formerly a Benedictine monk 
 at S. Albans. Raised by Adrian IV. to be cardinal deacon 
 of S. Come et S. Damien, and a chancellor of the church. 
 
 " Further created cardinal presbyter with the title of San 
 Pudenziana by Alexander III.' He was held in warm esteem 
 by the first-named Pope, who, when he had reason to suspect 
 the Emperor and Roman people of playing him false, 
 entrusted to him the custody of his stronghold in S. Peter's. 
 
 * Prima creatio cardinalium Hadriani Quarti Papa;. Anno 1155. 
 Ciaconius, torn, i., p. 1064. 
 
 ' Adrian IV.'s successor, 1158. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 95 
 
 " After Adrian's death he was a principal agent in 
 securing the election of Alexander III., whose claims 
 against the Anti-pope Octavian he warmly advocated. On 
 Octavian's pseudo-election, he took under his protection all 
 those cardinals who refused to recognize the schismatist, 
 and gave them shelter from the popular anger in the 
 castle of S. Angelo, w^hich — as we have already said — had 
 been entrusted to him by Adrian. 
 
 " Here he kept them until the fury of the mob had 
 subsided, when he released them, upon which they promptly 
 declared Alexander III. to have been duly elected Pope by 
 them. He attended Alexander III. constantly, especially 
 at Venice, and directed all his eifforts towards the attain- 
 ment of peace. Pope Innocent III. mentions in the first 
 volume of his register that Boso was sent as a legate to 
 Portugal; while Alexander IV. also mentions that he 
 performed a legation in Alexander III.'s pontificate. He 
 died towards the end of Alexander III.'s reign, or, if we 
 accept John Pit's version, in the time of Lucius III., that 
 is to say, about 1181. 
 
 " He was buried at Kome. As a clerk of the Church he 
 wrote a diploma which Eugenius III. gave to the canons of 
 S. Peter; afterwards, in his capacity of cardinal, he sub- 
 scribed many papal letters, both of Adrian IV. and Alex- 
 ander III. He was a pious man and a learned, and con- 
 temporary English writers may well rank him among the 
 foremost ecclesiastics of his time." 
 
 I have mentioned before that Adrian probably met 
 
96 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 him on his way through England to Norway ; he was, 
 in all probability, sent by him to Rome with letters to 
 Eugenius III., and was one of those who greeted the 
 *^ Apostle of the North " on his return. 
 
 The account of Boso runs as follows : ^ " About this time 
 the famous heretic, Arnold of Brescia, boldly entered the 
 city, and began to sow the poisonous seeds of his heresy 
 among the ignorant, whose minds he sought to seduce from 
 the true way of life. This man had caused incessant trouble 
 to Eugenius and Anastasius, both of whom had tried hard 
 to expel him ; but so cunningly had he ingratiated himself 
 with the citizens, and more particularly with the senators — 
 who at this time were elected by popular vote — that all 
 efforts to dislodge him were vain ; and now, in the face of 
 Adrian's strict prohibition, he insolently tarried in the city " 
 — Adrian had issued a peremptory command for him to leave 
 — " laying his plots and openly declaring his hostility to the 
 Pope. But the culminating point w^as reached when the 
 venerable Cardinal Guido, Presbyter of S. Potentienne, was 
 openly attacked on the Via Sacra while on his way to the 
 papal presence, and dangerously wounded by some impious 
 follower of Arnold. The Pope immediately laid Rome under 
 an interdict, and forbade the observance of any holy office 
 until the Wednesday of Holy Week. Then were the 
 senators impelled by the voice of clergy and laity alike 
 to prostrate themselves before his Holiness, who made 
 
 ' Uadriaui IV.^ Vita^ apud Cai'd. Boso^ ed. Migne. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. W 
 
 them swear a solemn oath that they would drive forth the 
 heretic of whom we have been speaking, together with all his 
 followers, and chase them from the confines of Rome, unless 
 they, the heretics, undertook to return immediately in obedi- 
 ence to the jurisdiction of the Holy Father. This was done. 
 The heretics were cast forth, and the ban of interdiction re- 
 moved from the city. Immediately a great joy came upon 
 the people, who fell to praising the Lord and blessing Him 
 with one voice. And on the following day, the anniversary of 
 our Lord's supper, while on all sides men flocked to receive 
 the annual absolution of their sins as they were wont, the 
 venerable Pontiff, attended by an immense suite of bishops, 
 cardinals, and nobles, and followed by thousands of the 
 laity, came forth in state from the Leonine city, in which he 
 had held his court ever since the day of his ordination, and 
 took up his abode amid expressions of universal joy in the 
 Lateran of his predecessors. Here he remained six days — 
 Good Friday, Saturday, Easter Day, and Monday, Tuesday, 
 and Wednesday in Easter week — celebrating the holy rites 
 of the Church, and eating the passover with his clergy in 
 the Lateran Palace, according to the time-honoured custom 
 of the Church. And when at last the period of glad fes- 
 tivity had drawn to a close, each one returned home with 
 gladness in his heart." 
 
 Adrian had shown his power indeed ! Let us recapitu- 
 late. The haughty decree for Arnold to leave the city had 
 produced the usual riots, but without frightening the man 
 who sat in the papal chair. He is sterner than ever, and as 
 
 o 
 
98 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 unyielding. Then came the assault on old Cardinal Guido 
 at the hands of the mob, precipitating the crisis, and causing 
 the storm to break. A cardinal is dead ; but remember, 
 some years before the Koman rioters had slain the Pope 
 himself. And now Adrian brings up all the forces of the 
 Church — " Ready to smite once and smite no more." The 
 rising feeling against the Church must be crushed, the whole 
 might of the spiritual authority must be used, the force em- 
 ployed so colossal as to pulverize the body of discontent 
 arising from heretical teaching and prevent it from ever 
 again being revived ; and so he came to use the last great 
 weapon in his power, the interdict, never used in Rome 
 before. Adrian was not a man to be bound by precedents ; 
 he laid down his own course, and kept to it ; consulted no 
 man, bent to no ancient custom which would prevent his 
 free exercise of power. 
 
 No calamity which could befall a city in those times 
 — and they were days when calamity had full meaning, days 
 of the storm and sack, of the plague and the famine — could 
 be more dreaded than that of an interdict. 
 
 Religious fervour might be failing ; but the awe which 
 was inspired by the searching spiritual power of the Church 
 was as firmly rooted as ever it was in the minds of the 
 people, and an interdict brought all the terrors of the loss of 
 heavenly future, of prolongation of years in purgatory, and 
 the absence of the comforting rites of the Church. Adrian 
 IV. chose his time well by commencing on Palm Sunday, 
 for all Europe flocked to Rome as a devout pilgrimage at 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAK. 99 
 
 Easter time, and he thus struck a blow at the trade brought 
 by them to the city — smote their earthly as well as their 
 spiritual interests. A Roman Catholic writer^ has well 
 described the condition of the city under the interdict, a 
 description which I am tempted to repeat. He tells us that 
 it commenced at midnight by the funereal and muffled 
 tolling of the church bells ; whereupon the entire clergy 
 might presently be seen issuing forth, in silent procession, 
 by torchlight, to put up a last prayer of deprecation before 
 the altars for the guilty community. Then the consecrated 
 bread, that remained over, was burnt; the crucifixes and 
 other sacred images were veiled up ; the relics of the saints 
 carried down into the crypts. Every memento of holy 
 cheerfulness and peace was withdrawn from view. Lastly, 
 a papal legate ascended the steps of the high altar arrayed 
 in penitential vestments, and formally proclaimed the inter- 
 dict. From that moment divine service ceased in all the 
 churches ; their doors were locked up ; and only in the bare 
 porch might the priest, dressed in mourning, exhort his flock 
 to repentance. Rites, in their nature joyful, which could not 
 be dispensed with, were invested with sorrowful attributes ; 
 so that baptism could only be administered in secret, and 
 marriage celebrated before a tomb instead of an altar. The 
 administration of confession and communion was forbidden. 
 To the dying man alone might the viaticum, which the 
 priest had first consecrated in the gloom and solitude of the 
 morning dawn, be given ; but extreme unction and burial 
 
 ' K. Raby, 1849. 
 
100 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 in holy ground were denied him. Moreover, the interdict 
 seriously affected the worldly as well as the religious cares 
 of society. Such, then, was the state to which Adrian boldly 
 reduced the proud city of Rome. At first the interdict was 
 received with an assumption of bravado, which, however, as 
 the gloomy days passed on, soon subsided into a deep feeling 
 of terror and horror. Men had time to reflect on the error of 
 their ways. Easter always heralded joy and forgiveness of 
 sins ; but this year it seemed as if the weight of fresh sins and 
 their accompanying penalties were being added to the whole 
 community, and as Holy Week drew near, and the people 
 realized the awful idea that there would be no services in the 
 churches, the mob veered round and completely surrendered 
 all they had demanded, and more. As Boso has told us, 
 they greeted the triumphal entry of the Pope with joy and 
 enthusiasm. The heretic at last had met his match, and the 
 world learnt something of the character of the man who 
 was guiding the destinies of the Holy Church. Firmness and 
 prompt decision had conquered, as so long as the earth shall 
 endure they always will, the changeable passions of a mob. 
 Adrian's terms before he would remove the interdict 
 were absolute and exacting, and he gained all that he 
 demanded. Meeting the envoys of the populace-driven 
 senate at Viterbo, he declined to listen to anything but a 
 complete abrogation of the republic, the banishment of 
 Arnold and his lieutenants, and the return of the citizens 
 to absolute submission to the Pope. The Church had con- 
 quered in the most complete manner. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 101 
 
 Arnold fled to tlie country, a disappointed and beaten 
 man, and at Otrieoli was taken prisoner by the Cardinal 
 Gerhard of S. Nicolas, but was rescued by one of the 
 viscounts of the Campagna, who had obtained some estates 
 by a grant from the republic properly belonging to the 
 Pope, and under his protection, combined with that of other 
 wild noblemen of that part of the Campagna, continued 
 in a fitful way to try to stir up dissension in Rome. 
 Adrian was now approaching the central crisis of his life ; 
 ever since the autumn of 1154 had been heard the news of 
 the slow but sure advance of the mighty Emperor Bar- 
 barossa through the rich plains of Lombardy. A few short 
 weeks after the triumph of Easter at Rome he had received 
 the iron crown in the church of S. Michael at Pavia ; * 
 some resistance had been made, but it was useless against 
 the inflexible will of the advancing potentate. Lombardy 
 was at his feet ; Tortona the last city to fall after a brave 
 and gallant resistance ; and at length the Germanic hordes 
 entered the northern marches of the Campagna. Adrian 
 viewed this advance with apprehension, and took all the 
 measures he could, sending troops to fortify Viterbo, 
 Orvieto, and Civita Castellana ; but he knew that resistance 
 would easily be overcome if the Emperor was really hostile, 
 and he determined to act in accordance with the principles 
 he had so recently declared with such effect; he put the 
 spiritual side of his position foremost, and in this decision 
 
 * Easter Day in 1155 was March 27th. Frederic received the iron 
 crown at Pavia on April 10th in that year. 
 
102 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 showed not mere clever diplomacy, but the true spirit of 
 statesmanship. He carried out this by despatching a 
 deputation consisting of three cardinals, S. John and 
 S. Paul, S. Pudenziana, and S. Maria in Portico, to meet 
 Frederic at S. Quirico, to endeavour to open negotia- 
 tions with the Emperor, and to discover his intentions; 
 also, if possible, to obtain his aid in capturing Arnold 
 of Brescia out of the hands of the rebellious nobles of 
 the Campagna. The embassy started on its errand, and 
 Adrian waited quietly in Rome till he should hear the 
 result. 
 
 He must have been anxious indeed ; for if an enemy, 
 here was a far more formidable one than the excitable, 
 injudicious Arnold, a warrior flushed with success, who was 
 accustomed to dictate his own terms, backed up by all 
 the power of Germany. What would be the conditions 
 demanded if Rome became a beaten foe ? But Adrian con- 
 tinued to carry on his pontifical duties calmly and quietly, 
 ready for whatever action he felt would be justified in uphold- 
 ing the high dignity of the Church. It was in the meantime 
 Frederic's intention to receive the imperial crown at the hands 
 of the Pope ; so he was, in a sense, coming in peace, and 
 was prepared to treat, though he had no intention of giving 
 up any right or dignity which he conceived that he pos- 
 sessed in his worldly title. At the same time, as Adrian IV. 
 had despatched his cardinals, Frederic had sent two envoys 
 to treat with the Pope in the persons of the Archbishops of 
 Cologne and of Ravenna, who were to ascertain whether 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 103 
 
 the Pope was ready to receive their master in state and 
 invest him with the imperial crown at S. Peter's. 
 
 These two important embassies crossed each other with- 
 out knowing it, and thus it came about that when Frederic's 
 messengers to Rome arrived in the presence of Adrian IV., 
 they were unable to tell him the result of his message to the 
 Emperor. Before their arrival Adrian IV. had gone to Civita 
 Castellana ^ in case of another outbreak in the city, or so as 
 to be in a fortified place under his own absolute power if 
 the crisis ripened into difficulties with the Emperor. Here 
 the archbishops came ; the Pope took at once the firm, 
 bold stand consistent with his character, and having made 
 himself sure that no answer had been sent in return to 
 his messages, absolutely refused to consider any of the 
 proposals of the Emperor until he should have heard 
 definitely the view Frederic was going to take about Arnold 
 and the report of the cardinals he had sent ; also he told the 
 envoys that a preliminary to any negotiations must be a 
 declaration from the Emperor that no hostility was intended. 
 
 We must now follow the fortunes of our northward 
 journeying cardinals. They found Frederic Barbarossa 
 strongly encamped with his powerful army at S. Quirico in 
 Tuscany, and were received, much to their relief, with 
 every honour. Like the Pope, however, Frederic dechned 
 to treat until he had heard of the reception his own 
 ambassadors had met with at the hands of the Pontiff". 
 
 ' On the borders of the Campagna, about midway between Viterbo 
 and Rome. 
 

 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Tliey, however, learnt one important thing, and that 
 was that the Emperor considered Arnold of Brescia as 
 an enemy to the imperial interests as well as to the 
 papal authority, and in no way countenanced either his 
 acts or those of the senate of Home. This cleared the air 
 considerably, for it showed that whatever Frederic's ulti- 
 mate intentions might be, he at any rate regarded the 
 Pope as supreme in Koman territory. 
 
 This encouraged the Cardinals to again urge that part 
 of their instructions which related to Arnold, and as the 
 Emperor was still much incensed by that demagogue's 
 letter to him on his accession, which he regarded as im- 
 pertinent and fanatical, they were able to play on his out- 
 raged feelings, and induced Frederic to promise to put his 
 words into force and make Arnold a prisoner. With the 
 power at his hand this was easy, as the nobles of the 
 Campagna dared not resist the conqueror of Lombardy, 
 Piedmont, and Tuscany ; so despatching a force sufficient 
 to overawe his protectors, Arnold fell a prey into his hands 
 and was brought in chains to the camp. 
 
 Arnold had played his game boldly, but dangerously ; 
 he had disputed the power of the Pope and also had dared 
 to dictate to the proudest monarch in Christendom, and 
 had thereby brought the irresistible force of both potentates 
 to unite against himself. He had staked all and lost, 
 and in losing had destroyed his cause. Frederic handed 
 him over to the Romans, and released the Campagnian 
 nobles he had seized as hostages for his safe delivery. 
 
StanfbrdL's Geog^'Estalfi 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 105 
 
 Arnold's thoughts must indeed have been bitter as he 
 travelled with his escort to Eome, — the liberator in 
 chains ! 
 
 In the meantime Frederic had advanced to Viterbo, 
 and so was now within a few miles of the Pope, who was 
 still at Civita Castellana. The two embassies in returning to 
 their respective sovereigns met, and, holding a council 
 together, determined to return to Frederic and endeavour 
 to arrange terms of meeting between the two. Arnold of 
 Brescia on arrival at Eome was imprisoned in the Castle of 
 S. Angelo, in the custody of Cardinal Boso, whom Adrian 
 had left in charge of his stronghold in Kome. The most 
 important post of honour, he had chosen him as his most 
 trusted adherent, and relied on him to keep the ever- 
 rebellious senate in check, who were, even after their sharp 
 lesson in Lent, again conspiring and watching for another 
 opportunity of riot and revolution amongst the easily- 
 inflamed citizens of Kome. 
 
 We now come to a dark and awful episode in our 
 history. The presence of Arnold as a prisoner was the 
 greatest danger to peace which could be imagined. Most of 
 the papal troops were in garrison in the fortified posts in 
 the Campagna ; some to the north ; others in the south, on 
 account of the advance of the armies of the King of Sicily, 
 which I shall soon have to relate. Two dangers presented 
 themselves to those left in charge of Adrian's interests. 
 The one, that of a successful revolt in favour of Arnold, in 
 which case, what excuse might not Frederic make of it 
 
 p 
 
106 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 to assume absolute power in Kome? With the great 
 ceremonials of coronation looming in the near future, a 
 fresh interdict of course was out of the question. On the 
 other hand, if, as Frederic intended, Arnold was kept a 
 prisoner till the arrival of the Emperor, might he not 
 by his eloquence induce him to consider himself a 
 useful check on the power of the Pope, and so destroy 
 the firm basis of power and majesty which Adrian was 
 beginning to build? It must be remembered that those 
 left in this post of double danger could not know of 
 Frederic's animosity against Arnold ; to them all was still 
 uncertain, and the only way to ensure peace, and strike 
 fear into the hearts of the people, was the removal of 
 their leader. The Church took the law into its own hands ; 
 and, early one morning in June, the wretched man was led 
 out and secretly put to death. There are various accounts 
 of this ; but it seems generally agreed that he was fastened 
 to a cross and burnt alive ; his ashes were flung into the 
 Tiber to prevent their being collected and made into a 
 national relic ; the execution was carried out with haste for 
 fear of the people. So ended the life of the fiery, obstinate 
 reformer. 
 
 In judging the act of execution we must be careful not 
 to measure the sentiments of those days by the moral 
 standard of our own, and Arnold's death seems to have 
 been the only course left to those responsible to the Pope 
 for the order of the city. On the other hand, we must 
 apply some moral standard to acts like this, and not allow 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 107 
 
 the eonsideration of difference in custom and thought to 
 weigh against the sentiment of justice. Rarely, if ever, in 
 history, is there an occasion when the execution of a man 
 without trial can be excused. And I regret to say that in 
 describing the horrors of Arnold's death as related by 
 Sismondi,^ a Roman Catholic writer, whose history is in 
 other respects admirable and impartial,^ attempts to excuse 
 the cruelties which were committed by saying that, how- 
 ever shocking it may seem to enlightened benevolence, 
 yet from the Church point of view, viz., that the visible 
 punishment of a crime should be commensurate with, 
 and symbolize its moral enormity, the culprit received 
 no more than he deserved. I do not attempt to minimize 
 the crimes of Arnold of Brescia, but I cannot help mention- 
 ing this as illustrating the tendency of the Roman Church 
 to regard all new theories as heretical, and to preserve 
 that attitude towards improvement and progress which 
 has lost the whole body of the Holy Catholic Church so 
 much, lying as it does at the root, not only of our many 
 unhappy divisions, but of much of the scepticism of the 
 present day. This sentiment strained to its logical con- 
 clusion may be used to justify all the horrors of the 
 Inquisition, many of the so-called religious wars, and also 
 
 ^ Sismondi gives a dramatic account of the slow burning of Arnold 
 fastened to a cross at the Porta del Popolo, which is not verified by early- 
 authors, and is characterized by Dean Milman as " pure fiction " (Milman, 
 " Latin Christianity," vol. iv., book viii., chap, vii., pp. 412, 413, etc.). 
 
 "" R. Raby, " Life of Adrian IV.," p. 41. 
 
108 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 such movements as the fanatical destruction of so much 
 that was beautiful, sacred, and holy in our Anglican Church. 
 For we must take the conclusion as applying generally, 
 and not only to any one age or to any one church or 
 country. Arnold was before his time. We cannot doubt 
 but that much of his teaching was sincere and honest, 
 but he was obstinate, impatient, rash, and, above all, 
 intolerant. Like many ardent so-called liberators, he 
 would wipe away tyranny with one hand, and set up in- 
 tolerance with the other. Because the Church had its cor- 
 ruptions, the Church was corrupt ; because society was full 
 of abuses, it should therefore be swept away. Sudden 
 changes of the hand of power bring fresh abuses with them, 
 and no doubt he sowed much mischief and did a very great 
 deal of harm ; but we may admire his courage and respect 
 his strength of mind. He expiated his crimes with his blood ; 
 and if one who gives his life for his cause is a martyr, Arnold 
 of Brescia was one. In later times, under different con- 
 ditions, he might have been a great and useful man ; but it 
 must not be forgotten, before we leave the subject, that if 
 the Church had been pure and incorruptible, there had 
 been no need for Arnold of Brescia. 
 
 Adrian IV. was now waiting for the return of his 
 ambassadors, and, as he was still uncertain of Frederic's 
 movements southward, he withdrew to Nepi, in order 
 to wait still further the result of a deputation which 
 the Koman republic, in defiance of Boso, had sent to 
 meet Barbarossa. This deputation assumed a haughty 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 109 
 
 and overbearing air little suited to the man whom they 
 had come to propitiate. They met Barbarossa a little 
 to the south of Sutri, and were ushered into his presence. 
 What they expected him to say or to do is hard to imagine ; 
 but their want of wisdom, of tact, and of prudence, contrasts 
 strangely with the firmness and decision of the Pope's 
 course, and shows how ill fitted they were to take upon 
 themselves the responsibilities attaching to diplomacy and 
 foreign relations. Perhaps in their inflated conceit they 
 thought the mighty Barbarossa would condescend to fill the 
 place of the slaughtered demagogue; perhaps that they 
 would be able to extort concessions through him from the 
 Pope ; but whatever their hopes, they were doomed to 
 disappointment. 
 
 They began by reading a lofty and arrogant harangue 
 of great length, well calculated to provoke the impatience 
 of the Emperor. In this production they congratulated 
 him on his arrival before the gates of Eome, and welcomed 
 him in the name of the senate and people ; they hailed him 
 as their future liberator from the oppressions and yoke of 
 the Church ; they inferred that he would take the side of 
 the people against the Pope. Passing on from one flight of 
 rhetoric to another, they went on to recapitulate the ancient 
 glory and grandeur of their city, and pointed out with rare 
 insolence that they were the inheritors of the ancient 
 republic to whom all these glories were due, arguing there- 
 from that they were entitled to dictate to the world, and 
 even that it was great condescension on their part to 
 
110 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 dream of bestowing the imperial crown on an emperor 
 who came from Swabia, and was not Roman by birth or 
 nationahty. 
 
 After this preamble/ in itself superbly injudicious and 
 tactless, they proceeded to formulate their demands, in which 
 they commanded him to respect all their ancient institutions 
 and laws, to protect them against neighbouring powers, to 
 take their part in disputes with the Pope, and to pay a sum 
 of 5,000 pounds of silver as an indemnity. 
 
 They wound up by demanding a solemn oath from 
 Frederic to maintain the republic, if necessary, with the help 
 of the sword, and to seal this agreement as a perpetual 
 treaty. The great Barbarossa seems to have contained his 
 rage at first, even amid the angry mutterings of his knights 
 and suite, and, after a pause, he began a calm, dignified 
 reply. He quietly corrected their view of the history of 
 Rome by relating at equal length the rise of Charlemagne 
 and the transfer of the imperial power to him and his suc- 
 cessors. Then, waiting to let his words sink in, he loosed 
 his tongue, and, amid thunders of applause from his nobles, 
 roared out at the frightened envoys, while pointing to the 
 circle behind him : " Here are my Teutonic nobles, my 
 banded chivalry; your only laws are those I choose to 
 enact, your only liberty is allegiance to me, your sovereign."^ 
 
 ^ Gunther, iii., p. 450, et seq. 
 
 ' For the text of this address, and the Emperor's reply, see Gibbon's 
 "Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire," edition of 1855, in eight vols., 
 with notes by Milman and Guizot, vol. viii., cap. Ixlx., pp. 206, 207, 209. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. Ill 
 
 This was the haughty and humihating reply to the 
 forwardness of the Koman senate. The deputation with- 
 drew amid the jeers and taunts of the Germans, and wended 
 their crestfallen way back to Kome, with the news that these 
 rough soldiers, who called themselves nobles, were styled by 
 Frederic the perpetual senate of Kome ! Now came the 
 turn of the ambassadors of the Pope who returned with 
 Frederic's own envoys. They had a favourable inter- 
 view with the Emperor, and were able to take back to 
 Adrian the Emperor's solemn promise that he had no 
 hostile intentions whatever against the Pope, that he was 
 ready to pay all honour to the Holy Church and the see of 
 Rome, and asked if Adrian would publicly and with all 
 solemnity crown him in S. Peter's. 
 
 Adrian was cautious ; and just as in Norway he laid 
 down his conditions before granting the favour asked, so 
 now did he determine to extract a solemn oath from the 
 Emperor first,^ and to obtain all the guarantees that were 
 possible for keeping him to his word. He sent word to 
 Frederic, who was encamped at Sutri, that if he swore on 
 the gospels and on the cross before the papal ambassadors 
 that he would protect the Pope and all his cardinals against 
 aggression, and would uphold the dignity of the papal 
 office, nor usurp any of its functions, he would ride out 
 to meet him, and would not only crown him as he wished, 
 but would accompany him in state into Rome. Adrian's 
 
 ' Muratori, vol. vii., p. 135. 
 
112 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 demands were complied with.^ In solemn state, bare- 
 headed, and with uplifted sword, the Emperor solemnly 
 gave his oath to the cardinals and kissed the sacred 
 volume handed to him ; then, on his knees, surrounded by 
 his court, he reverently saluted the cross also. 
 
 With joy the cardinals departed, and Adrian promised 
 to ride out and meet the Emperor. Thus had he obtained 
 the interview he required without any loss of the dignity 
 which he considered due to his high office. He was well 
 aware, however, that the crisis was only approaching ; it was 
 not sufficient that the Emperor should merely declare his 
 allegiance to the Church, backed though the declaration 
 might be by any number of solemn oaths ; it was necessary 
 that in his own person, in the presence of his own people, 
 the mighty conqueror should do homage before the Vicar 
 of Christ for his kingdom. 
 
 This claim to such homage may seem mere haughti- 
 ness on the part of the Church, the homage itself a 
 degradation to the Emperor ; but it must be remembered 
 that the Pope represented literally to the minds of all 
 devout Christians our Blessed Lord Himself; and, how- 
 ever great the earthly potentate, he lost none of his dignity 
 in the eyes of the faithful by doing homage to the Holy 
 Father, as he was thereby regarded as actually prostrating 
 himself at the feet of the Saviour's own person. 
 
 How Adrian IV. gained this most important point 
 
 * 8th June, 1155. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 113 
 
 and at the same time the respect and the friendship of 
 Frederic Barbarossa, I shall now proceed to relate. Before 
 doing so, it is as well to point out the fact that in all these 
 negotiations the strong will of Adrian, served by his 
 unerring judgment, was not merely dealing with the 
 delicate situation created by the appearance of Frederic 
 on the southern side of the Alps, but was shaping the 
 whole future policy of the Church for centuries to come. 
 
 Q 
 
CHAPTEK VII. 
 
 1155. 
 
 Frederic Barbarossa — The Meeting of 9th June, 1155— ^Spiritual 
 Power V. Temporal Power — Adrian's Crisis — Submission of the Emperor — 
 Entry into Rome of Pope and Emperor — Coronation of Frederic — The Riot 
 in Rome — Frederic leaves Rome — Negotiations with the Emperor Manuel 
 — The German Army recrosses the Alps. 
 
 F all the heroes who can be claimed by 
 German history, there is no one around 
 whose memory has clustered so many 
 legends, or who has more claim to the 
 title of national hero than Frederic of 
 Hohenstaunen. His memory lingers in 
 Germany as does that of King Arthur in our country ; like 
 our hero of the Round Table, Fritz Redbeard is to return 
 again and wield his sword in defence of the Fatherland. 
 He is buried at Untasburg, near Salzburg, on the KyfF- 
 Kausen, in Thuringia ; his great red beard, the legend says, 
 is still growing, and has grown through the table where he 
 sits with his favourite warriors, waiting for the time when 
 he is to return. 
 
 And he was a great man ; born of the noble house of 
 Hohenstauffen of Swabia, he succeeded his uncle Conrad in 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 115 
 
 1152 as Emperor. He was one of the few princes who 
 obtained any glory out of the second crusade, and when by 
 universal consent he ascended the throne, he had already 
 the reputation of being a great soldier. With his history, 
 except so far as it concerns the few years of Adrian's pon- 
 tificate, we have little to do, but a study of his character is 
 necessary to appreciate the struggle for supremacy as it 
 arose between these two great men. When Adrian IV. 
 came to the chair of S. Peter, Frederic was by far the most 
 powerful of the monarchs of Europe. Louis VII. of France 
 was still smarting under the disgrace of the crusade, and 
 moreover had lost not only the flower of his army, but 
 his trusted friend and minister Suger, who had died in 
 11 52. Henry II. had but just ascended the throne of Eng- 
 land, and had not yet become the powerful monarch of later 
 days ; moreover, he was occupied at home in settling the dis- 
 ordered state of his country, and in a war with Wales. So 
 Frederic was without rival, and free to execute his cherished 
 idea of crossing the Alps and being crowned in state at 
 Rome. He was a man of boundless ambition, combined 
 with great personal strength and courage — in physique he 
 was an ideal hero ; but he was unscrupulous, masterful, and 
 imperious. He combined many rough, savage qualities with 
 a high sort of gallantry or chivalry, a rude though real sense 
 of honour. His one object was to rule a united Germany com- 
 bined with Italy, to be supreme on the Tiber as well as on the 
 Rhine and Danube. He proclaimed the loftiest notions of the 
 absolute supremacy of the Emperor, and carried with him 
 
116 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAK. 
 
 the enthusiastic support of all the great princes of Germany. 
 He had asserted that he derived his power from God alone, 
 and not through the intermediary of the successor of S. 
 Peter. It was this sentiment, echoed to the full by the 
 rough Teutons who accompanied him to Rome, which made 
 matters doubtful for the papal interests in the city, and 
 which was the main cause of Adrian's careful action in 
 binding him by his solemn promise. 
 
 This, then, was the man whom Adrian was to meet, the 
 representative of temporal power and earthly might; what 
 would be the result was the question which was in the 
 mouths of everyone in both camps ? Adrian advanced 
 from the picturesque castle of Nepi with his following of 
 cardinals, and came towards Frederic's camp at Sutri — the 
 ancient Sutrium, a small stronghold called the " Key of 
 Etruria," which occupies the crest of one of the numerous 
 rocky hills in that part of the country. 
 
 What a scene must it have been on that morning of a 
 beautiful Italian June day, as the sentries of Frederic's camp 
 saw the papal procession wending its way along the road from 
 Nepi ! How brilliant everything must have looked : the gor- 
 geous robes of the cardinals ; the canopy over the Pope's 
 mule, to protect him from the midsummer sun ; the accessories 
 of banners and crosses ; the sounding trumpets of the Vatican 
 guard — a noble sight, this small force advancing to demand 
 the homage due to the King of kings ! As they neared the 
 numerous tents of Frederic's camp, a brilliant group of 
 German nobles, their armour flashing in the sunlight, their 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 117 
 
 flaxen hair streaming under their headgear, galloped out to 
 meet him, and, dismounting, prostrated themselves at his 
 feet ; then joining the procession they escorted the Pope 
 amid the shouts of the soldiers and the blare of trumpets up 
 to the space in front of the imperial tent; the supreme 
 moment had come. The highest temporal potentate is about 
 to greet the first spiritual power in Christendom ; it was a 
 moment symbolical of the condition of the Church in those 
 days. Nearer drew the Pope, leaving his attendants at a little 
 distance in the rear. Frederic Barbarossa emerged from his 
 tent, a majestic figure, with white armour, and long red 
 beard, his great sword girt by his side; behind him and 
 around him stood the rough chivalry of Germany, great fair- 
 haired, blue-eyed men, the descendants of the hordes who 
 in earlier days had sacked the same city they were now 
 almost in sight of; some of them half scornful, half believ- 
 ing, but all full of contempt for what they considered an 
 inferior race, and each one ready to shout to any sentiment 
 their Emperor chose to utter; the coarse jest only half 
 suppressed; the swords loose in their scabbards. The 
 Emperor advanced to meet Adrian, and, bowing low, offered 
 to assist him to dismount ; but the Pope waited — part of 
 that homage which he intended to exact to the utmost con- 
 sisted in the ancient custom of holding the papal stirrup 
 as its owner dismounted. This Adrian waited for, and 
 Frederic evidently did not intend to grant ; his pride for- 
 bade him, after all his lofty speeches, to humble himself 
 before any power on earth. The soldiers began to grumble; 
 
118 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 the early mutterings which herald a disturbance were heard. 
 Adrian's suite could not live up to the cool, calm courage of 
 their lord; they turned and fled, nor drew rein till they 
 reached Castellana, leaving the Pope alone in his critical 
 position. But Adrian did not for a moment hesitate ; the 
 scale was trembling in the balance, the moment of danger 
 had come, quickening his senses, and, true to his tempera- 
 ment, making his determination firmer than ever. His faith 
 held him in good stead here, — one man, except for a few 
 servants, against Frederic Barbarossa and his host ! 
 
 He quickly decided on his action, and knowing that to 
 wait longer would provoke the nobles, and possibly also to 
 avoid any semblance of the ridiculous, he dismounted with- 
 out insisting for the moment on the desired homage, and 
 allowed the Emperor to lead him to the chair or throne 
 prepared for him, on which he seated himself with dignity 
 and allowed Frederic to kneel and kiss his feet. After this 
 ceremony the Emperor rose and approached for the kiss of 
 peace. It was now Adrian's turn. In dignified words he 
 refused to grant it, and told the Emperor that until his 
 homage had been paid in full he would withhold his blessing 
 and would refuse to crown him. The magnificent courage 
 of the man fills us with admiration ; the cardinals had indeed 
 chosen a worthy representative of the lofty claims of the 
 Church. 
 
 The Emperor urged by all the arguments he could 
 that the homage was not customary, that he could not con- 
 descend to so menial an act; but it was of no avail, he 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 119 
 
 might as well have argued with the rocks of Sutri. The dis- 
 pute lasted all that day ; but no threats or entreaties would 
 move the steady resolution of the Pope, who at last quitted 
 the camp and returned to Nepi. 
 
 The situation had developed into a deadlock ; the two 
 most strong-minded men in Europe were pitted one against 
 the other, and who could foretell the result ? But Frederic 
 was as equally determined to receive his crown as Adrian 
 was to maintain his rights. The Emperor had in fact two 
 considerations to weigh against each other : he had declared 
 that he would be crowned by the Pope as the finishing touch 
 of his triumphant progress through Italy, and he had also 
 declared that he would not pay the necessary act of homage. 
 Which was he to give up ? He could not carry out both. 
 The Pope, on the other hand, had but one determination, and 
 that he meant to adhere to, come what might. Doubtless 
 the astute mind of Adrian had foreseen the dilemma, and 
 with his knowledge of human nature felt more easy than 
 his frightened cardinals. At last the Emperor made up his 
 mind to the lesser of the two evils, and on June 11th set out 
 for Nepi. 
 
 He approached the place where Adrian had taken up 
 his residence, and, as he drew near, again the Pope rode out 
 to meet him. The Emperor dismounted, advanced on foot, 
 and kneeling down held the Pope's stirrup and assisted him 
 to dismount. This done, Adrian enfolded him in his arms 
 and gave him the kiss of peace amid the ringing cheers of 
 both parties of followers and spectators. Adrian IV. had 
 
120 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 won. He had triumphantly gained his point, and at the 
 most trying crisis of his Kfe his splendid firmness had gained 
 him a wonderful success. No deed of Adrian's is more 
 celebrated than this ; and this alone would stamp the great- 
 ness of the man, the son of a plain English countryman, who 
 had now succeeded in humbling the proudest noble in 
 Christendom. 
 
 All this minute detail of ceremonial may seem, at first 
 glance, to be trivial and petty; one may be tempted to 
 accuse the Pope of making too much of one very small 
 detail of the homage due to him. It may be argued that 
 Frederic had practically rendered all that could be expected 
 from one in his position, and that to insist on so exact a 
 punctilio was arrogant and uncalled-for. But again we 
 must put ourselves far back into the Middle Ages, and 
 remember that, inasmuch as the Pontiff was held to repre- 
 sent our Lord Himself, the same reverence was expected 
 from all who came in official contact with him. If the 
 Saviour Himself had appeared on earth, what potentate 
 was there who would have failed to render the most humble 
 and reverent worship ? and it is in this light that we must 
 look at the action of Adrian. 
 
 The two magnates now had become friends, and pro- 
 ceeded to make arrangements for their triumphal entry into 
 Rome. The Pope feared the condition of Rome after Arnold's 
 death, and on his advice their entry was preceded by a force 
 of 1,000 men under Cardinal Octavian, who entered the 
 city in the night, and, welcomed by Cardinal Boso, occupied 
 

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NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 121 
 
 that portion which contained S. Peter's, and so ensured the 
 peaceable entry of the Pope and the Emperor. When they 
 got within a short distance of Rome, Adrian went on and 
 preceded Frederic, in order to be ready to receive him, and, 
 on the early morning of June ISth,^ Frederic triumphantly 
 entered the city between the lines of his troops, and, 
 attended by his nobles, knights, and followers, ascended the 
 steps of the Basilica of S. Peter, where he was received by 
 the Pope with all the cardinals in full ceremonial. The 
 whole company went in ; Adrian celebrated high mass, and 
 then at a splendid gathering Frederic was crowned and 
 blessed by the Pope, and took the solemn oaths prescribed 
 by ancient custom, and received the sceptre of his mighty 
 kingdom, while all the people burst out into loud shouts and 
 acclamations. Nothing was omitted to add to the magni- 
 ficence of the ceremony, and it must have been a splendid 
 and picturesque sight such as those present would remember 
 for the rest of their lives. 
 
 We must now return to the discomfited envoys of 
 the republic, who, returning to the city, had so inflamed 
 the people on the farther side of the Tiber, that they deter- 
 mined to rise, cross the river, and attack the forces of the 
 Emperor and Pope. Something of the spirit of Arnold of 
 Brescia must have been in them to induce them to attempt 
 so forlorn a hope. 
 
 Frederic's generals had posted a guard at the bridge 
 
 * " Geschichte der Hohenstauffen." Von Raumer. Vol. ii. This book 
 gives an interesting and full account of these negotiations and events. 
 
 R 
 
122 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 near the Castle of S. Angelo, and across this bridge rushed 
 the now infuriated populace, who felt that they had been 
 duped both by Pope and Emperor. They overcame the 
 German guard almost in the presence of Adrian himself, 
 who was then retiring to his palace to rest after the fatigues 
 of the day. The Emperor and the rest of his troops, accom- 
 panied by his staff, had repaired to their camp in the 
 Neronian fields, and, not expecting any danger, were cele- 
 brating the successful termination of their long campaign 
 by carousals and feasting, Adrian having distributed largess 
 amongst the soldiers. 
 
 They soon, however, heard of the disturbance. Veterans, 
 as they were, were not to be caught unawares. They advanced 
 under Frederic himself, and attacked the Roman troops ; 
 the latter, exasperated by their fancied wrongs and wrought 
 to a high pitch of enthusiasm, fought well. Two or three 
 times they were driven back across the Tiber, only to 
 return again in spite of the efforts of the skilled troops of 
 the empire. 
 
 Fighting lasted all through the hot summer's day and 
 far on into the evening, but at last discipline told its usual 
 tale. The last time the desperate city forces were driven 
 over the bridge they were routed completely, and fled into 
 the streets of the city. Over 200 fell as prisoners into 
 Frederic's hands, including most of the leaders, and more 
 than 1,000 were killed by the imperial troops or were 
 drowned in the Tiber. The Emperor lost very few of his 
 men, and is said to have exclaimed, doubtless remem- 
 
NlCHOLxVS BREAKSPEAR. 123 
 
 bering the haughty terms of the repubHcan envoys when he 
 received them at Sutri, " Such, Romans ! is the price 
 your Emperor pays for the imperial crown. This is the way 
 in which we Germans treat for our empire ! " ^ 
 
 Frederic handed over all his prisoners to the papal 
 authorities on the following day ; but, though one or two of 
 the ringleaders were executed, Adrian IV. felt strong 
 enough to be merciful, and, being naturally of a gentle dis- 
 position, released them on condition that they would accept 
 the inevitable and endeavour to keep the peace among their 
 turbulent fellow- citizens — an act of clemency which deserves 
 praise when we consider the provocation which the Pope 
 had received on the very day of his triumph. It is a pity 
 to have to record that they had not even then the good 
 sense to keep quiet and orderly; for shortly after, as the 
 Pope was riding through one of the streets with the Emperor, 
 their lives were endangered by a turbulent mob, who so 
 threatened them with stones and other weapons that they 
 had to make a long detour to avoid them. It is said that 
 on this occasion the Emperor's life was saved by Henry the 
 Lion, Duke of Bavaria. 
 
 Two causes were now operating to make it necessary 
 for the Emperor to leave the city: one, the difficulty of 
 providing provisions for his troops, a difficulty principally 
 caused by the hostility of the Roman peasantry, and the 
 other, the increasing heat of the summer, for it was now 
 
 ' Otto Frisingensis, lib. i., cap. 23 ; Von Raumer, vol. ii. 
 
124 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 getting well on to the hottest period of the year, and the 
 Germans, mostly coming from the North, were beginning 
 to suffer from the effects of the climate. So at the end of 
 June the army left Kome, and the Pope accompanied 
 Frederic to Ponte Lugano, where they solemnly celebrated 
 the feast of S. Peter, on the 29th June ; and, after high 
 mass had been celebrated, the Pope absolved all the troops 
 from the guilt of bloodshed in the slaughter of the Romans 
 on the 18tli June. Whilst the two monarchs were here, 
 a deputation arrived from the citizens of Tivoli, placing 
 their city at the disposal of the Emperor and his troops, 
 and delivering up the keys of the gates. Here arose a point 
 at which Barbarossa, had he not intended to be loyal to his 
 solemn oaths, might easily have raised a fresh difficulty with 
 the Pope. Tivoli was a town owing feudal duty and 
 allegiance to the papal see, and as such the city authorities 
 had no right to treat with any foreign sovereign except 
 through the Pope. Frederic might here have insisted on 
 the ever-thorny question of the temporal power. He had 
 been crowned Emperor by the Pope ; here was an oppor- 
 tunity to test his authority. 
 
 But it is satisfactory to relate that, whatever we shall 
 have to recount as to the Emperor's good faith later on, he 
 on this occasion at least was staunch to his vows, and refused 
 to accept the honours the citizens sought to pay him. He 
 wrote a letter, which he gave to the envoys to take back, 
 recommending the people of Tivoli to obey their lord and 
 father the Pope in all things, though he somewhat incon- 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 125 
 
 sistently added the words, " saving the imperial right." No 
 doubt the envoys did not expect to find the Pope with 
 Frederic, and their underhand intentions were thus frus- 
 trated — a result, however, for which Adrian publicly thanked 
 the Emperor. Here the two, Adrian IV. and Frederic 
 Barbarossa, separated, so far at any rate on terms of equal 
 respect and regard ; two strong men, they had honourably 
 agreed, and had acquitted themselves nobly towards each 
 other. We shall see something in this history of Frederic's 
 second and more important invasion of Italy, which hap- 
 pened two years later, and lasted into the reign of another 
 Pope. In this one, at least, both sides had successfully 
 held their own, and for a short time the temporal and 
 spiritual authorities were on amicable terms. 
 
 Frederic pursued his course northward with all des- 
 patch, stopping on the way to take Spoleto by storm — a city 
 which had refused to submit to him. He allowed his soldiers 
 to sack it, and razed it to the ground. From that place he 
 marched to Ancona, where he met the ambassadors of the 
 Greek or Byzantine Emperor of the East, who offered him 
 heavy considerations and a large sum of money if he would 
 enter into an alliance and advance against William, King of 
 Sicily, who had lately succeeded his father Roger. But 
 sickness and desertion were decimating the splendid army 
 which had marched right down to Rome, while the enervating 
 Italian climate was proving a worse foe than any of their 
 enemies. So Frederic wisely determined to continue his 
 progress home across the Alps, and not spoil his successes 
 
126 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 by any risk of failure in a campaign in the still hotter 
 climate of South Italy. Thus terminated the expedition 
 which had been fraught with such important consequences 
 to the new Pope. But now Adrian had to face a new foe, 
 this time from the south, not perhaps so formidable, or in- 
 volving so many important considerations, but still sufficient 
 to stop him from resting in satisfaction on the greatest 
 success of his career. Before I relate his difficulties with 
 WilHam of Sicily I will attempt to describe his relations 
 with his own country, surely not the least important part 
 to us of the hfe of the only English Pope. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 English Affairs at Adrian's Succession — The Congratulatory Embassy 
 to the Pope — Adrian's Reception of the Abbot of S. Albans — Henry II.'s 
 Letter to the Pope — John of Salisbury : his Life : his Friendship with 
 Adrian — Conversation with the Pope — His Recollections of Adrian. 
 
 g— X. ^— giENRY OF ANJOU, the second of his 
 
 5 iSKI S name, came to the thrones of England, 
 
 m w^f/?^ 1^ Normandy, and the French possessions, 
 
 together with his earldom of Anjou, on 
 
 the 25th October, 1154. 
 
 He proved one of our greatest kings. 
 He came at a moment when the anarchical state of the 
 kingdom required a strong ruler, and he took a very strong 
 position in regard to the Church, based on much the same 
 principles as those of Frederic Barbarossa. 
 
 One of his first acts was, as was natural, to send an 
 embassy to the new Pope, to congratulate him on his acces- 
 sion ; and, besides the question of Ireland, which I have fully 
 dealt with later on, he had a concession to ask from the 
 Church which was to him of the most vital personal im- 
 portance. 
 
 Geoffry Plantagenet,^ his father. Earl of Anjou, had, 
 ' " Gul. Newbrig. de Reb. Angl.," lib. ii., cap. 7. 
 
128 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 by the Empress Maud, three sons, Henry, Geoffi-y, and 
 WilHam. Knowing that his own dominions would of course 
 descend to his eldest son Henry, and that the kingdom of 
 England, with the duchy of Normandy, would also fall to 
 him in the right of his mother, he left by his will the 
 earldom of Anjou to his second son, Geoffi-y; and to 
 render this more secure, he exacted an oath of the bishops 
 and nobility not to suffer his corpse to be buried till 
 Henry had sworn to fulfil every part of his will. 
 
 When Henry came to attend his father's funeral^ the 
 oath was tendered to him, but for some time he refused to 
 swear to observe the provisions of a writing with the con- 
 tents of which he was unacquainted. 
 
 However, being reproached with the scandal of letting 
 his father lie unburied, he at last took the oath with great 
 reluctance. On his accession to the throne Henry felt that 
 he ought to be absolved from his oath, and determined to 
 petition the Pope for a release from its terms. I have 
 not been able to find whether any correspondence took 
 place either between Eugenius IH. or Anastasius IV. and 
 Henry about his marriage with the divorced Queen Eleanor 
 of Louis VII. ; but I think one of these Popes must have 
 been asked for the necessary dispensation, as it would 
 have been mentioned in the letter which Adrian wrote to 
 Henry had any such request been preferred to him. The 
 deputation selected by Henry to go to Eome consisted of 
 
 1151. 
 
NICHOLAS BKEAKSPEAK. 129 
 
 the Abbot of S. Albans, Robert of Gorham/ and three 
 bishops. Robert was the eighteenth abbot, and the third 
 since the Abbot Richard, the one who rejected Adrian in 
 his early days ; he was one of the most excellent rulers of 
 fe the monastery of that period, and nephew to the celebrated 
 
 Geoffry of Gorham, sixteenth abbot. 
 
 The account of this expedition is given in the chronicles 
 of S. Alban's Abbey, and I cannot do better than give a 
 translation from the original.^ After a brief description of 
 the life of Nicholas, from the time when he was rejected by 
 the Abbot of S. Albans, where his father lived, to his final 
 triumph in 1154, the chronicler proceeds to describe how 
 Robert, the eighteenth abbot, conceived the idea of making 
 a journey to Rome, to plead with the Pope and pray him 
 to restore the monastery to the high position it had held 
 before the civil war and tumult of the previous reign ; also 
 for certain special privileges on the ground of the nationality 
 of the newly-elected Pope, and on that of the proximity of 
 his birthplace to S. Albans. The old chronicle goes on as 
 follows : ^ 
 
 " The Abbot goes to the Pope.'' " So when the news of 
 his lordship Pope Adrian's succession reached us, Robert 
 the Abbot got himself ready for a journey across the Alps, 
 
 ^ "History of the Abbey of S. Albans." Newcome, 1795. Ricbard, 
 fifteenth abbot, 1097-1119. 
 
 ^ " Chronica Monasterii S. Albani, Gesta Abbatum S. Albani a Thomas 
 Walsingham, a.d. 790-1290." Rolls Series. " Chronicles and Memorials of 
 Great Britain and Ireland," 1867, vol. i., p. 124, 1151-1156, Robert, 
 eighteenth abbot. ' Ibid., p. 126. 
 
130 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 hoping thereby to restore the erstwhile dignity of this 
 chureh ; he collected horses, requisitioned his expenses, and 
 furnished himself with presents to the estimated value of 
 140 marks (besides fine pieces of plate, three costly mitres, 
 sandals, and other pleasing offerings). On S. Dionysius's 
 day,^ he accordingly started for Rome, and with him as 
 escort went three bishops, of the sees of Mans, Evreux, 
 and Luxeuil or Luxen " — the old diocese of Besan^on. 
 "And King Henry II., who had recently been anointed, 
 gave orders to these bishops and to Robert the Abbot con- 
 cerning the despatch of certain intricate royal business at 
 Rome (about which it would be out of place to say more 
 here). And the King specially constituted Robert the 
 Abbot his chief and foremost procurator, and gave into his 
 charge letters signed with the royal seal, addressed to 
 the Pope, in which he begged his Holiness in humble and 
 dutiful spirit to consider the business of the church of 
 S. Albans of as much importance, and to treat it as 
 kindly as if it were personal to himself, since from its 
 proximity to his native place it had peculiar claims on his 
 protection." 
 
 The story continues that no sooner had they embarked 
 on the sea than the winds rose and the waves grew rough, 
 so that they were in imminent peril of their lives. But the 
 abbot made pious supplication, invoking the aid of S. 
 Margaret and the Blessed Virgin, which, to the " surprise 
 of the others on board was promptly regarded." (This 
 
 ^ October 9tb. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 131 
 
 naive remark does not seem to prove a very strong belief 
 in the efficacy of prayer to the saints, at any rate in those 
 whose life was passed on the sea !) At length, after running 
 many risks from storms and robbers by sea and land, they 
 reach their journey's end in safety, finding the Pope at 
 Beneventum. 
 
 His Holiness received them with every expression of 
 goodwill, and showed them signal honour. So they see to 
 the King's business and make ready to depart once more. 
 But the Pope will not hear of the abbot going so soon ; he 
 says there are many subjects he particularly wishes to talk 
 over with him, and finally prevails on him to stay, letting 
 the other bishops go back to Henry to explain his absence 
 and make good his excuses. The abbot being now in a 
 position to talk freely to the Pope, displays considerable 
 ingenuity in attaining his ends, as will be seen in the 
 following account. 
 
 " The Abbot's conversation with the Pope.""^ " Then the 
 abbot offered his Holiness the Pope the gold and silver 
 (of no mean weight) and the other costly presents, even 
 the three mitres and the sandals of exquisite workmanship, 
 which Christina, Prioress of Markgate, had so diligently 
 made. And his lordship accepted everything with a pleasant 
 smile, but would keep nothing, save only the mitres and the 
 sandals, for the beauty of their fashioning. But he praised 
 greatly the devotion and courtesy of the abbot, adding 
 pleasantly : * I refuse to accept your gifts, since when I 
 
 ' « Chron. Mod. S. Albani," vol. i., p. 127. 
 
132 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 once fled to the shelter of your religious house, and begged 
 to be invested with the monk's hood, you refused to accept 
 me.' * My lord,' replied the abbot, ' we could never have 
 taken you in, for God, in His all-seeing wisdom, willed it 
 otherwise, since He had set apart your life for a higher 
 position.' 
 
 " * An elegant and a courteous reply,' responded the 
 Pope, highly pleased with his words. ' But, my dearest 
 abbot,' he added, ' pray ask out boldly for what you want ; 
 you know that the Bishop of Albano could never refuse 
 anything to S. Albans.' " 
 
 This flattering reception doubtless caused Eobert's 
 hopes to run high; but he allowed it in no wise to turn 
 him from the cautiousness he invariably exercised in his 
 dealings. Before proceeding, he requested the Pope's per- 
 mission, granted easily enough, to distribute among the 
 cardinals and papal suite the costly presents he had brought 
 with him to Eome. 
 
 " This he did," ^ says the chronicler, " knowing full 
 well that the Eomans are insatiable as leeches, and ever 
 thirsty for money." And he adds rather quaintly : " Need 
 1 say more ? His name was extolled to the heavens, and 
 he found favour with all Romans." 
 
 Having thus paved his way, Robert proceeds with his 
 own especial business. 
 
 '^ Pope Adrian's privileged " Now one day when Pope 
 and abbot were alone together, conversing familiarly, the 
 ' « Chron. Mon. S. Albani," vol. i., p. 128. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 138 
 
 latter, his voice broken, with tears and sighs, told his 
 Holiness of the cruel oppression of the Bishop of Lincoln,^ 
 and how the episcopal servants, even the meanest, conducted 
 themselves with intolerable pride, how they laid traps for 
 others, abused their position, made lordly prayers, and cared 
 not what injustice they might inflict. 
 
 " Whereupon the Pope, full of wrath and pity, granted 
 to the church of S. Albans the well-known privilege by 
 which we, both monks of the cloister and followers living 
 outside the monastery in the village, are made free of all 
 episcopal authority, save only that of Eome, to all time. 
 And further, his Holiness granted us other such special 
 privileges, that there is no monastery in all England which 
 can compare with S. Albans for hberty." 
 
 After a little more parleying, Robert, elated with 
 his success, concludes his master's business, receives the 
 apostolic blessing, and sets out on his homeward journey, 
 bearing important letters from the Pope to King Henry and 
 the English legate. Some modern historians have stated 
 that John of Salisbury accompanied this mission to Rome ; 
 but, as we shall see presently, this is a mistake, founded on 
 a confusion of the fact that John had many interviews with 
 the Pope at Beneventum, where much of the first year or 
 two of the pontificate found Adrian. 
 
 Throughout the whole of the chronicle above quoted it 
 is evident that the writer is doing his utmost to extol and 
 magnify the share undertaken by Robert the Abbot in the 
 * S. Alban's Abbey was then in the see of Lincoln. 
 
134 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 mission. No doubt he does this for pohtic reasons. But it 
 is hardly Hkely, however jealous he might be for the honour 
 of his own monastery, in which respect all monkish writers 
 are alike, that he would deliberately suppress the name of 
 John of Salisbury. The mistake may have had its rise in the 
 fact that the King, hearing John intended to visit the Pope, 
 sent messages and letters through him to his Holiness, in 
 addition to employing a regular messenger, in the person of 
 Robert the Abbot. The fact that both thus occupied a quasi- 
 official position will easily account for a confusion of the 
 missions having arisen. 
 
 The letter written by Henry II. to the Pope, whether 
 the bearer was John, Robert, or one of the bishops, has 
 fortunately been preserved in the works of Peter de Blois, 
 the celebrated Archdeacon of Bath, from which fact some 
 writers have assumed that Peter was the author. This, 
 however, is pure conjecture. The letter is couched in such 
 pure, vigorous language that I have ventured to translate it 
 in full, though of course it loses much of its beauty in the 
 process.^ 
 
 " Ad N. Pontificum Bomanum. 
 
 " Sweet indeed are the tidings that have reached our 
 ears ; for we have learnt the news of your exaltation, which 
 
 ^ "Peter Blesensis, Bathoniensis Archidiaconi, opera omnia," ed. 
 J. A. Giles, LL.D. Oxon., MDCCCXLVIII., vol. ii., Epis. clxviii., 
 p. 116. (This book is incorporated in the series, "Patres EcclesiaB 
 Anglicanae," edited by the same author.) 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 135 
 
 has dispelled the sombre gloom of the Roman Church, as 
 some brilliant aurora rising in a desert place. 
 
 " The apostolic chair rejoices safe in the knowledge of 
 its well-being. The world rejoices, seeing a new light rising 
 in the Church, and hails the time when the glad morn shall 
 have grown into the perfect day. But our Occident rejoices 
 above all, seeing that it has deserved the honour of pro- 
 ducing the future light of the universe, that it has brought 
 fresh glory to the sun of Christianity,^ which so lately set 
 in the East. In our own heart, holy father, we rejoice 
 exceedingly at the honour which has fallen on you, and, 
 believing that the power of the Divine Majesty has truly 
 descended to your Holiness, we shall confide in you with 
 filial devotion and tell you the more openly the vows we 
 have made in your behalf. For if a son of the flesh freely 
 opens his heart to his father concerning his mundane 
 ambitions, how much more freely ought a spiritual son to 
 tell his father of his spiritual aspirations. Amongst our 
 many good wishes for you, then, not the least is that, since 
 the hand of God has transplanted your reverend person 
 from our land into His own orchard, as it were, like a tree 
 of life, which He takes from this earth and causes to grow 
 in Paradise, you may ever strive so to nourish all the 
 churches by your good works and doctrines, that the 
 nations of the earth shall say, ' Blessed is the land of his 
 beatitude ! ' And we devoutly trust that the spirit of strife, 
 which so often falls most heavily on the highest dignity, 
 
 ^ Alluding to the second crusade. 
 
136 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 may never for a moment tear you from yom- love of sanctity ; 
 lest, which God forbid, the pinnacle of dignity be the 
 prelude to the abyss of degradation. 
 
 " The ordinance of the entire Church rests in your 
 hands, and we therefore earnestly desire that you will 
 without delay elect cardinals willing and able to share 
 your burden with you, taking no thought of a man's 
 nationality, nor his birth, nor wealth, but choosing such 
 men as fear God and hate avarice, such as will see justice 
 done, and are zealous after men's souls. 
 
 " The un worthiness of the clergy is the greatest evil to 
 the Church ; we therefore pray you to exercise great care in 
 the disposal of ecclesiastical preferments, lest haply one 
 unworthy should enter into the patrimony of the Cross. 
 And when, above all things, the Holy Land, thrice blessed 
 in the birth, the life, and the death of our Saviour — that 
 land which all Christian nations must surely hold in special 
 veneration — is, alas ! as you know, overrun and polluted by 
 the incursion of infidels, we do fervently exhort you to use 
 your whole strength by mediation and prayer to liberate 
 and set it free. As for the Empire of Constantinople, erst- 
 while so illustrious, now in such grievous plight, who is 
 there who does not long for the day when you, by taking 
 careful thought, will raise it again to its former high station. 
 
 " For your own honour's sake and our common weal, we 
 do pray that you, being raised by God's own hand to rule 
 over the universal Church, may jealously guard the good 
 discipline and stability of all the churches. Now we 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 137 
 
 confide you into God's good keeping. As you have striven 
 ever to be a light to those in need, and so have been extolled 
 from virtue to virtue and from honour to honour, until at 
 length you have reached the highest place of all, even to 
 the apostolic chair, we do make prayer that you may ever 
 so go on lightening and encouraging the Church, that 
 none shall hide himself from the radiant warmth of your 
 presence ; and that when, lastly, death takes you away, you 
 may leave such proofs of your sanctity behind as shall make 
 the happy land of your nativity thrice happier in singing 
 praise to the Lord. 
 
 " Finally, we do most confidently seek your fatherly 
 protection, begging you always to bear us kindly in thought 
 and mention us in prayer — ourselves, our dear ones, and our 
 kingly staff." 
 
 And now we must relate the conversations and 
 opinions of John of Salisbury, which may be described 
 as the most valuable personal records we have of Adrian. 
 John of Salisbury — Joannes di Saresbria,^ — was born at 
 Sarum, or Salisbury, between 1115 and 1120. Being a 
 youth of decent birth, he was sent to Paris for his education, 
 where he became a pupil of Abelard. He had a devout 
 nature, but was, for his time, singularly open-minded, and 
 imbibed the best of the knowledge which his master had to 
 impart, but with little or none of his peculiar tenets. He 
 was not long under that great philosopher. After remain- 
 ing in Paris some time he attracted the attention of Peter, 
 ' " Diet, of Nat. Biog./' 1894. 
 T 
 
138 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Abbot of Moutier la Celles, near Troyes, whose secretary 
 lie became for a while. He was present at the Council of 
 Rheims, in the time of Eugenius III., and was then pre- 
 sented by the great Bernard to Theobald, Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. From there he went to Rome, but, though he 
 passed much of the next five years in that city, he came 
 more than once to England, and afterwards lived at 
 Canterbury till 1164. He died about the year 1181, and 
 has left numerous records of the things he saw and heard. 
 He was a close and intimate friend of Adrian, and was 
 always admitted to his full confidence. 
 
 In all probability he was employed on various secret 
 missions by his friend, and no doubt knew more of the secret 
 history of the times he lived in than he has chosen to put 
 on record. 
 
 John of Salisbury was better known, perhaps, under his 
 later title of Parvus, Bishop of Chartres. He was a great 
 favourite with King Henry II., who constantly employed 
 him on diplomatic service where delicacy of management 
 and extreme tact were required in order to bring the various 
 schemes of the statesman-king to a successful issue ; and it 
 is saying a great deal for his ability that he was selected 
 by so keen a judge of men as we know Henry to have been. 
 
 In those remote days, when news travelled slowly and 
 printing had not been invented, the personal element 
 weighed heavier in the balance, and discretion and calm judg- 
 ment were gifts which, when added to scholarly knowledge, 
 rendered such a man as John invaluable to his sovereign. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 139 
 
 One of our highest authorities ' on this period says 
 of him : " He was without doubt superior to all his contem- 
 poraries, and his works are by far the most valuable com- 
 positions which have come down to us from the twelfth and 
 thirteenth centuries." 
 
 There can be little doubt but that John of Salisbury 
 enjoyed the full confidence of his sovereign for a consider- 
 able period. This adds great weight to his accounts of such 
 matters as were entrusted to him in the relations between 
 Henry II. and Adrian IV. Unfortunately, however, for his 
 worldly prospects, he ultimately warmly espoused the cause 
 of Thomas a Beket, and was one of the first to share his 
 exile, being afterwards present at his murder. 
 
 John of Salisbury compiled a discursive treatise on 
 many subjects, treated chiefly from a literary and philo- 
 sophical point of view ; but here and there throughout this 
 invaluable work are to be found precious records of per- 
 sonal experiences, which throw a gleam of bright light across 
 the dark perspective of the twelfth century, and enable 
 us to gather a little of the daily life and thought of his time. 
 Some of these introduce us into the immediate presence of 
 Nicholas Breakspear, enabling us to picture to ourselves 
 the open frankness of the Englishman showing itself in spite 
 of the traditions and customs of the office which he held. 
 
 ' The Rev. J. A. Giles. "Joannis Saresberiensis postea Episcopi 
 Carnotensis opera omnia nunc primum in unura collegit et cum codicibus 
 manuscriptis contulit." J. A. Giles, Jur. Civ. Doc. et collegii Corporis 
 Christi Oxon. olim Socius. In 5 vols. 1848. Vol. i, p. vii, preface. 
 
140 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 This work was called " Polycraticus, or Court Life and 
 the Footsteps of Philosophers," and is a wonderful com- 
 pilation, being somewhat of the nature of an encyclopaedia 
 of miscellanies; he published it in 1159, shortly before his 
 other celebrated work, the " Metalogicus," which was a 
 reply to some unknown critic, and consists of four books of 
 equally valuable material. 
 
 In the sixth book of " Polycraticus," ^ John, mingling 
 philosophy with brief descriptions of men and places he has 
 become acquainted with in his many travels, according to 
 his wont launches out into a discussion on military topics ; 
 and in order to emphasize the need of discipline in an 
 army, records the following account of a conversation with 
 the Pope. His argument is enunciated in the heading of 
 the chapter, which runs as follows : ^' The evils attendant 
 on authority must be borne, for in them lies the germ of the 
 public well-being, and they disseminate health, just as the 
 stomach of an animal distributes nourishment ; and this is 
 the opinion of his lordship. Pope Adrian." Then, after a 
 few introductory remarks, in which he quotes passages from 
 Scripture, " I recollect," he remarks, " a journey I once 
 made into Apulia, for the purpose of visiting his Holiness, 
 Pope Adrian IV., who had admitted me into his closest 
 friendship; and I stayed with him at Beneventum_ for 
 nearly three months.** And when in the course of frequent 
 conversations on divers subjects, such as are wont to arise 
 
 ^ " Polycraticus ; sive De Nugis Curialium et Vestigiis Philosophorum," 
 vol. iv., lib. vi., cap. 24, pp. 58 et seq. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 141 
 
 between friends, he would ask me freely and earnestly what 
 men were thinking about himself, and indeed about the 
 whole Roman Church,^ I spoke to him quite openly and 
 laid before him without reserve the ill criticisms I had heard 
 in many provinces. ' It is commonly said,' I told him, 
 * that the Church of Rome, which is the mother of all the 
 churches, behaves to the others more like a stepmother 
 than a mother. 
 
 " * In the first place it is filled with Scribes and Pharisees, 
 who impose grievous burdens on the shoulders of the laity — 
 burdens which they themselves do not so much as touch 
 with their finger-tips. They lord it in things spiritual, but 
 never think of setting an example to their congregations, 
 who naturally enough continue to live as they please ; they 
 hoard up valuables ; they load their tables with gold and 
 silver; at times they will even stint themselves in their 
 greed. They never admit a beggar, or very rarely, and 
 then it is not in Christ's name, but for the purpose of vain- 
 glorification. They ruin churches ; stir up quarrels ; bring 
 priests and people into collision ; take no pity on the 
 struggles and miseries of the people in distress; grab 
 eagerly at church moneys ; and then reckon all this mon- 
 gering as so much piety ! 
 
 " * They mete out justice, not because they ought, but 
 for the sake of gain. Indeed, everything has its price now- 
 adays, and you can get no justice unless you buy it. 
 
 ^ " Romana Ecclesia." 
 
142 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 " * They do more harm than good ; so I say they are 
 very little better than devils, for the moment they stop 
 injuring people, they immediately think they are conferring 
 a benefit. No doubt there are a few exceptions, and one 
 or two could be found who discharge the functions of the 
 priest in deed, as well as in name. But the very Pope him- 
 self is an almost intolerable burden on mankind. 
 
 ^' ' Tlxe whole world is crying out against him, that, while 
 the churches are going to rack and ruin — those churches 
 built by our pious forefathers — and the altars lie uncared for, 
 my lord builds himself palaces, and struts about in purple 
 clothing, aye, and in golden for the matter of that ! The 
 houses of the clergy are resplendent, but the house of God 
 falls into squalor. They wrangle over the loot of provinces, 
 as if they wished to acquire the wealth of Croesus himself 
 
 " ' But the Almighty deals justly with them, for as a rule 
 they fall into the clutches of others — not infrequently of 
 the lowest of the low. And it seems to me that while they 
 thus pursue the path of iniquity, the punishment of the 
 Lord is never far from them. For verily hath the Lord 
 said that in what manner they have judged, so shall they 
 be judged, and in his own measure it shall be meted out to 
 each man. 
 
 " ^ These things. Holy Father,' I said, * are what the 
 people are saying, since you desire me to tell you the truth.'" 
 
 John certainly does not seem to have been afraid of the 
 Pope, and it is to be questioned whether Adrian had a 
 single friend, excepting perhaps Boso, who would have said 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 143 
 
 SO much, and the latter, from the nature of his office and his 
 relationship to his master, would not be in the way of hear- 
 ing any unfavourable reports of a personal nature, as people 
 I would have been afraid of the consequences of indiscreet 
 
 candour. It is probable, nay certain, that little of John's 
 remarks as to the degradation of the clergy was new to the 
 experience of Adrian. 
 
 John goes on with his narrative. " * And for your 
 own part,' he asked quietly, ' what think you ? ' ^ Your 
 question,' I replied, ' places me in a quandary ; for if I put 
 myself in opposition to the verdict of the people, I fear me 
 I shall get the name of liar and flatterer. And if, again, I 
 take their view, I fear I shall be impeached of treason 
 against the divine majesty. But since Guido Clement, 
 Cardinal of S. Potentienne, upholds the opinion of the 
 people, I shall not take it on me to contradict him. He 
 asserts that deceit and avarice are at the very foundation of 
 the Church of Rome, and that these two things are the 
 cause of the evil, root and branch ; nor does he say this in 
 any hole or corner, but affirmed it openly at a meeting of 
 the cardinals, over which S. Eugene^ presided, when the 
 anger of the Ferentines was kindled against me, innocent 
 as I am. One thing, however, I will make bold to say, and 
 I can say it conscientiously, that nowhere have I met priests 
 more upright or less tolerant of greed than some in the 
 Church of Rome. Does not everyone praise Bernard de 
 Rennes, Cardinal-deacon of S. Como and S. Damien, for 
 
 ' Eugenius III. 
 
144 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 his strict abstention from the acquirement of wealth? 
 The man has yet to be born from whom he would deign to 
 accept a gift ! Yet I doubt not even he is sometimes per- 
 suaded to take his share of church money, when it un- 
 questionably belongs to the cardinals for division. 
 
 " ' And does not everyone admire the scrupulousness of 
 the Bishop of Praeneste, who, for conscience' sake, takes no 
 share of ecclesiastical emoluments. The majority doubtless 
 are unassuming, earnest men, who may be favourably com^ 
 pared to Fabricius ; indeed, who surpass him in much, seeing 
 they have found the true path of life. One thing is sure, 
 I must not tell a lie to the Holy Spirit; and, seeing you 
 earnestly request, and even expect me to speak out, I will 
 say this : though I think you must be obeyed in all that 
 you say, I do not think a man need copy you in all that 
 you do. The man that dissents from you in doctrine is a 
 heretic or a seceder ; and yet, praise be to God, there are 
 some who do not copy the works of you clergy. It is the 
 backsliding of a few men, then, which causes a blot on the 
 righteous, and covers the whole Church with infamy. I 
 think it is on this account that these die more frequently, 
 so that they may not corrupt the Church throughout. But 
 even the good ones are taken away from time to time, 
 doubtless for fear they might be corrupted themselves by 
 the contamination of evil. And it would not be worthy if 
 Kome were corrupt in the eyes of the Lord. Do you, there- 
 fore. Holy Father, find men humble of heart, who care not 
 for empty glory nor riches, and place them in the priest- 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPUAR. 145 
 
 hood. But I am afraid that while you are pursuing your 
 search for what you do want, some thoughtless friend will 
 tell you of what you do not want. Why, father, do you so 
 keenly criticise the lives of others and hardly give a thought 
 to your own ? The whole world flatters you ; you are called 
 father of all men and lord of all men ; and over your head 
 every sinner pours his oil. Now, if you are father, why do 
 you look for presents and offerings from your children? 
 Or, if you are lord, why do you not strike terror into your 
 Roman subjects, crush their independent spirit, and lead 
 them back to the true faith. But you are trying to keep 
 Rome in the Church by bribery ! Think you it was by like 
 bribery that S. Sylvester won her over in the beginning ? 
 You are walking the crooked path, and not treading the 
 true way, my father. 
 
 " ^ Rome must be kept in the Church by the same gifts 
 with which she was induced to enter it. Give as freely as 
 you accept. Justice is the queen of all virtues, and she 
 blushes with shame at the mention of a bribe. If she 
 treats you kindly in the future, let it be without reward. 
 Never attempt to prostitute her by bribery, for she is in- 
 corruptible. Her integrity is unassailable, and remember 
 that, as you deal hardly with others, so surely shall you be 
 more hardly dealt with yourself.' 
 
 " His Holiness laughed, congratulated me on my bold- 
 ness in speaking so to him, and exhorted me to come straight 
 to him whenever I heard any ill reports about the Church. 
 
 " Then he discussed the matter at length, sometimes 
 
 u 
 
146 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 exonerating himself, sometimes admitting himself to be 
 at fault. And finally he summed up as follows. ' Once 
 upon a time all the members of the body,' he said, ' con- 
 spired against the stomach, complaining that he, in his 
 greed, consumed the labour of all. The eye had no rest 
 from seeing, nor the ear from hearing; the hands per- 
 severed continuously with their labours ; the skin of the 
 feet had grown quite hard from much walking ; the 
 very tongue was constantly exercising its discretion as to 
 whether it should talk or be silent. In fine, every member 
 was on the alert for the common weal ; and while all helped 
 each other by careful and combined labour, the stomach 
 alone lay there idle. And when everything had been got 
 ready by co-operation, the stomach alone enjoyed the 
 result. Need I say more ? The members agreed that they 
 would do no more work, but would crush this lazy fellow, 
 this public nuisance, by starving him out. So the first day 
 dragged wearily by ; the second became worse. By the 
 third, the evil had grown to such proportions that nearly 
 all broke down. So, forced by necessity, the members came 
 together again to consider their own position and that of 
 the public enemy. But when they were met together, the 
 eye was dull, the feet could not support the weight of the 
 body, the arms hung listless, and the tongue lolled so 
 helpless against a sickly palate that it could not be got to 
 give voice to the common cause. So the matter was 
 referred for arbitration to the heart, who, after due de- 
 liberation, explained the cause to them. The stomach, 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 147 
 
 which they had begun by denouncing as the common 
 enemy, was in truth waging war upon them. For when 
 they refused to pay tribute to him, he, as pubHc paymaster, 
 retorted by refusing aliment to each of them. So, since no 
 one can fight without the sinews of war, the army becomes 
 crippled and disbanded if the money is not forthcoming. 
 Nor can the blame be cast upon the paymaster, for if he 
 receives nothing himself, he surely cannot make distribution 
 to others. Is it not far safer to give to one that he may 
 make distribution all round, than that all should go hungry 
 to spite the one? Reason prevailed, and the matter was 
 arranged. The members received their nourishment as 
 usual, and peace was restored on all sides. So I think 
 the stomach is not to blame after all, and its greed even 
 for the fruit of other men's work is pardonable enough, 
 seeing it seeks not its own but the advantage of others, and 
 of others which could not manage to sustain themselves if 
 it were to die. Exactly the same thing,' continued his 
 Holiness, ' occurs in a corporate state, if you examine the 
 matter. The chief absorbs more, of right, so that he may 
 sustain others rather than himself If he is starved, what 
 is there to distribute to the others ? The moral, of course, 
 is that the stomach holds the same office in the body as the 
 prince does in the state. What does Q. Seyerus say ? ^ 
 
 * " Polycraticus," vol. iv., lib. vi., cap. 24, p. 64 : 
 
 " Qui stomachum regem totius corporis esse, 
 
 Contendunt viva niti ratione videntur. 
 
 Hujus enim validus firmat tenor omnia membra. 
 
148 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 " * Man's seat of power in his stomach lies. 
 And he who owns its sway, is surely wise. 
 Grant it it's due, it does it's part, nor fails ; 
 Neglect it's wants, and straight each member ails. 
 Swift to revenge, now cheated of it's toll. 
 It spreads the ill, and vitiates the whole.' 
 
 "^Wherefore, my friend, don't trouble yourself to 
 measure our severity or that of the secular powers, but 
 simply look to the common good.' " 
 
 The recitation of this familiar fable from jEsop 
 appears to have removed the lingering doubts in John of 
 Salisbury's mind, for he declares himself to be thoroughly 
 satisfied. 
 
 "Thereupon," he adds, at the close of the Pope's 
 lecture,^ " I gratefully put my shoulder to the wheel, . . . 
 nor did I find the task anything but agreeable when I 
 knew that I was working for God's sake and at His 
 command." 
 
 The passage above quoted is the one on which those 
 who assume that John accompanied the mission of Robert 
 the Abbot rely. But it will be noticed that the author 
 himself says nothing about being sent by the King ; indeed, 
 he mentions " causa visitandi," and not *' causa congratu- 
 landi," as the object of his journey. In the "Annales 
 
 At contra ejusdem fraguntus cuncta dolore 
 Quin etiam, nisi cura juvet, vitiare cerebrum 
 Fertur et integros, illinc avertere sensus." 
 
 This was cleverly translated for me by Mr. S. Lamert, 1895. '' 
 
 ^ " Polycraticus," vol. iv., lib. vi., cap. 25, ab initio. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 149 
 
 Ecclesiastici," ^ Baronius expressly states that tlie interview 
 in question took place in 1 156. And Henry certainly did not 
 wait for two years after his succession before sending his 
 congratulations to the prelate. It may also well be argued 
 from internal evidence that John would hardly have taken 
 upon himself to complain of the Pope's avarice and laziness, 
 which in substance he does, had the latter only just been 
 appointed to his high position. Nor is it likely that men 
 would be murmuring in many provinces that the Pope was 
 building himself palaces and allowing churches to fall into 
 decay, within the first few months of his pontificate ; also, 
 John meeting the Pope alone would in all probability have 
 I referred in some way to the report he should make to the 
 
 King. 
 
 These considerations — in addition to the fact that in 
 the extract I have given from Thomas of Walsingham he 
 is not mentioned — confirm, I venture to think, the opinion 
 that he was not one of the congratulatory mission. 
 
 But of the most important mission on which he was 
 sent by the King, John of SaHsbury unfortunately says 
 nothing more than the mention of it as a fact without 
 further comment. Henry II., wishing to invade Ireland, 
 and either deeming it necessary to obtain the Pope's per- 
 mission, which would be an admission of the temporal 
 power of Rome, or else desiring the blessing of Providence 
 on his undertaking, sent John to the prelate to obtain a 
 bull to this end. This historic bull may be found in the 
 
 Bar. Ann. EccL," torn, xix., p. 103, col. 2. 
 
 1 (( 
 
150 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 epistles of Peter de Blois/ and there is another version pre- 
 served by Baronius. 
 
 This bull is so important, and has given rise to so much 
 warm discussion, that I have dealt with it fully by itself in 
 the next chapter. 
 
 A second most interesting passage in the " Polycrati- 
 cus " is well worth quoting as throwing a valuable sidelight 
 on Adrian's private thoughts and the feelings with which 
 he regarded the pontificate.'' ** The highest position," says 
 John, ** brings with it the least liberty ; and there is none 
 so high as to be above keeping God's laws. Surely the 
 man who is subject to no one is thereby only bound the 
 closer to abstain from what is wrong. The Pope of Kome, 
 who, as a man, has most freedom, is in reality the most tied 
 down of all men. The privilege of the Apostle descends on 
 his successors, and this is clearly part of it. . . . Above all, 
 the Pope must be ready to serve others of God's servants 
 for the sake of the Church : and that, not, as some hold, 
 nominally for the glory of the thing; but actually, in 
 practice, however unwilling he may be. Everyone serves 
 the Lord. . . . Angels and men serve Him; righteous 
 and sinners alike. The very devil, prince of this world, 
 serves Him most of all. Even a Roman tyrant serves the 
 Lord, seeing he serves the Pope. Indeed, a man must 
 either be a heretic or a seceder who does not serve God.' 
 
 * Vide vol. ii., ep. ccxxxi., p. 199. 
 
 ' " Polycraticus," vol. iv., lib. viii., cap. 23. 
 
 » Jhi^ li'K xrlii* narx 0^ -n .Q«A 
 
 " I'oiycraticus, vol. iv., no. \ 
 * Ibid., lib. viii., cap. 23, p. 366, 
 
ADRIAN IV. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 151 
 
 And I call his lordship Pope Adrian, whose lot in life the 
 Lord hath blessed, to be a witness of all I have said ; for 
 there is no man more wretched than the Roman Primate, 
 nor one who holds a more arduous position than his. 
 
 " If ever it happens that he is free for a space from 
 external worries, the very weight of his own work is suf- 
 ficient to weigh him down. Why, he told me that his seat 
 involved such hardships on him, that taking the present for 
 all in all, he would reckon his previous sorrows little short 
 of happiness and an easy life. * The office of Pope,' he 
 assured me, ' was a thorny one, and beset on all sides by 
 sharp pricks ; indeed, the burden of it would weigh down 
 the strongest man, and grind him to the earth.' 
 
 '* ' Rightly did people speak of his crown and gold vest- 
 ments as glittering, for they burned like fire.' He wished, 
 indeed, that he had never left his native land of England, 
 or at least had lived his life quietly in the cloister of 
 S. Rufus, rather than have entered on such a narrow path ; 
 but he dared not refuse, since it was the Lord's bidding. 
 Ask him yourself while he is still with us, and believe one 
 who has tried. He impressed this fact on me frequently, 
 that, after rising grade by grade, from an humble position in 
 a cloister to the highest place in the world, the chair of 
 S. Peter, he had gained nothing by his elevation — no 
 happiness, no peace, no rest. I will quote his own words 
 4)0 you (and remember that in my presence he wished no 
 detail of his life to be hidden). ' It seemed once,' he said, 
 * as if God was constantly beating me and stretching me 
 
152 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 put, as with a hammer on an anvil; now I pray Him to aid 
 me with this burden He has placed on my shoulders, for I 
 find it unbearable. Surely the man who strives to gain 
 such a burthen deserves to have it to carry. He may be 
 the wealthiest of men when he is chosen, but the next day he 
 will be a beggar, and responsible to the meanest creditor. 
 And what does a man deserve who is never called to this 
 position by election, but allows himself to be thrust forward 
 by blind and ruthless ambition, careless of shedding his 
 brother's blood? Such a man, I say, aims at succeeding 
 Romulus in fratricide, rather than Peter in managing the 
 affairs of the United Church of Christ.' " 
 
 The next reference John makes to Adrian is his sor- 
 rowful account of his death, and will be found in its proper 
 place. It will now be seen how vitally important and 
 precious is this almost the only trustworthy record we 
 have of his personal character. 
 
 Adrian ever remembered his native land, and we are 
 told always spoke of it with pride. He undoubtedly did 
 all he could for its welfare, and had he lived longer would 
 probably have done more. I must now examine the argu- 
 ments concerning the grant to Henry II. of the island of 
 Ireland. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Adrian's Bull granting Ireland to Henry II. — The Text and Translation 
 of the Bull — Arguments for and against its Genuineness — State of Ireland in 
 the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries — Historical Evidence — Conclusions. 
 
 BRIAN'S bull granting Ireland to Hemy 
 II. has been the subject of so much dis- 
 pute that it may be well to examine the 
 question at some length. 
 
 The editor^ of Giraldus Cambrensis' 
 works in the " Rolls " series speaks thus 
 of this bull which Adrian IV. is reputed to have granted 
 to Henry II. : " It is most indisputably genuine ; and so 
 now allowed by all Irish scholars." In face of this em- 
 phatic opinion of so able a commentator and so learned a 
 scholar,^ further discussion would appear to be unnecessary 
 and impertinent ; but the grave importance of the question 
 involved in this assumption of pontifical right — an import- 
 ance, indeed, which it would be wellnigh impossible to 
 over-estimate while discussing Henry's claim to invade 
 Ireland — and the nature of this work will, I trust, be suffi 
 
 ' The Rev. J. Dimock. 
 
 * The Right Rev. Dr. Creighton, Bishop of Peterborough, also con- 
 siders this bull to be undoubtedly genuine. i 
 
 X 
 
154 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAE. 
 
 cient excuse for entering at some length into a discussion 
 regarded by Mr. Dimock as at an end. 
 
 The overwhelming preponderance of evidence is directly 
 in favour of the genuineness of the bull. A great many 
 arguments have been brought up on the other side, but they 
 are all founded on purely negative facts, and have no 
 shadow of claim to be regarded as proof By English law 
 a man is either innocent or guilty, and he is assumed to 
 be the former until he is proved to be the latter. Scots 
 law is more subtle ; a jury of North-countrymen, without 
 wishing to commit themselves entirely, may record their 
 suspicions by a verdict of " not proven." The charge against 
 Adrian's bull may certainly be regarded as not proven. 
 
 It would, undoubtedly, save a great deal of trouble, 
 and clear up a very dark period in Irish history, if we could 
 prove that Adrian's bull was spurious. Several ingenious 
 theories have been mooted from time to time to meet the 
 case ; one in particular, of which I shall have more to say 
 later, is so plausible, and so thoroughly in consonance with 
 facts, that, were we to adopt it, many rough ways would be 
 made smooth. But how often in history might not the 
 same thing be said ? Adrian's bull has held the field now 
 for more than seven centuries, and until we have very 
 strong proof to the contrary — proof as yet not forthcoming 
 — ^we must regard it as genuine. 
 
 Before proceeding, it will be necessary to take a cursory 
 glance at the affairs of Ireland during the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 155 
 
 The comparative proximity of Ireland to the shores of 
 England had suggested the idea of invasion to more than 
 one English monarch. William the Conqueror would, we 
 know, have carried out this project had he been able to find 
 time for it, and the first Henry only abandoned the idea 
 when he found that the whole of his energies were required 
 towards directing those internal reforms of his kingdom 
 upon which he had set his heart. It was but natural that 
 the project should recur with increasing force to the son of 
 the Empress Matilda. A young prince, ambitious, crafty 
 and courageous, it would indeed have been strange had so 
 palpable a scheme escaped his notice. The fact that he 
 enjoyed wider dominion and owned more land than any of 
 his predecessors would merely serve to whet the appetite 
 of a man of the second Henry's character. 
 
 Henry II. mounted the throne in December, 1154. 
 Before he had held the reins of power for more than half-a- 
 dozen months the half-formed wish to add the island of 
 Hibernia to that of England and the vast territories in 
 France over which he ruled grew itito a fixed resolve. But 
 on what ground to justify this unprovoked attack on a free 
 and unoffending people ? ^ He had no quarrel with any of 
 
 ^ A writer in the "Dublin Review," July, 1883, thus disposes of the 
 difficulty : " The slave trade against which the Conqueror and Bishop St. 
 Wulstan had striven, and which they had for a time succeeded in suppress- 
 ing at Bristol, was again carried on during the disturbed times of Rufus and 
 his brother, the first Henry. . . . Thus it came to pass that Ireland on the 
 accession of Henry was full of Englishmen who had been kidnapped and 
 sold into slavery. This would have furnished a pretext sufficient for 
 
156 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 the princes of Ireland ; there was no historic feud to rake 
 up as a pretext for his rapacity. To have descended upon 
 the island as a simple matter of conquest would have been 
 a fatal error in the eyes of the world. A solution of the 
 difficulty at length presented itself 
 
 About the same time that Henry II. had succeeded to 
 the throne of England, Nicholas Breakspear had been 
 elected to the chair of S. Peter. Now though, as I have said 
 before, the claim of the Popes to temporal power had never 
 been recognized in this country — and, indeed, Henry him- 
 self would have been the first to repudiate any such claim — 
 the head of the Holy Catholic Church was admittedly 
 spiritual lord of all the world. Why not make a tool of his 
 countryman, and conceal treachery under the cloak of 
 religion ? It immediately occurred to Henry's facile mind 
 that if he were to enter Ireland as the avowed ally of the 
 Church, and with the declared intention of extending the 
 Christian faith, so far from execrating his design all the 
 faithful must applaud and extol him. What more natural 
 than that an English Pope should entrust the task of con- 
 verting a rude and ignorant people to an English king? 
 The scheme pleased Henry vastly, for it enabled him to 
 
 war." But it is by no means certain that Ireland was " full " of kid- 
 napped Englishmen at this time. Many able critics are agreed that 
 Giraldus Cambrensis, on whose testimony the writer presumably depends, 
 grossly exaggerated an evil which, though undoubtedly existing, was by 
 no means so widespread as has been thought. It is at least significant that 
 no mention of this " trade " appears in any contemporaneous writer in this 
 connection. 
 
HENRY 11., KING OF ENGLAND. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 157 
 
 kill two birds with one stone: he could satisfy his own 
 ambition and ingratiate himself with the Pope at a stroke. 
 In the spring of 1155 John of Salisbury set out for Kome, 
 bearing letters from Henry praying the Pope to authorize 
 the projected invasion of Ireland. 
 
 These letters have unfortunately not been preserved, 
 though Rohrbacher, in his " Histoire Universelle de I'Eglise 
 Catholique," by the simple expedient of deducing what the 
 King said to the Pope from what the Pope replied to the 
 King, arrives in a general way at their contents. He says : 
 " Le roi Henri II. fit done entendre au Pape Adrien, 
 par Jean de Salisbury, qu'il songeait a conquerir Flrlande 
 afin d'y fortifier Taction de I'Eglise, de pourvoir a I'instruc- 
 d'un peuple ignorant, d'en extirper les vices, et d'etendre a 
 ce pays le payement annuel du denier de Saint Pierre; 
 mais que, comme toutes les iles chretiennes etaient la pro- 
 priete de I'Eglise romaine, il ne se permettrait pas d'entre- 
 prendre cette expedition sans I'avis et le consentement du 
 successeur de Saint Pierre." 
 
 There are several different versions of the bull extant, 
 but substantially all agree. The text here given is taken 
 from Migne,' and is identical with that preserved in Mansi.'' 
 
 " Adrianus episcopus, servus servorum Dei., charissimo 
 in Christo jilio illustri Anglorum regi, salutem et Apostolicam 
 benedictionem. 
 
 *' Laudabiliter et satis fructuose de glorioso nomine pro- 
 
 ' "Patrologi^ Cursus," torn. 188, p. 1441. 
 » « Concil.," xxi., 788. 
 
158 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 pagando in terris, et 'aeternge felicitatis praemio cumulando 
 in coelis, tua magnificentia cogitat, dum ad dilatandos eccle- 
 siae terminos, ac declarandam indoctis et rudibus populis 
 Christianas fidei veritatem, et vitiorum plantaria de agro 
 Dominico exstirpanda, sicut Catliolieus Princeps, intendis, 
 et ad id convenientius exsequendum, consilium Apostolieae 
 sedis exigis et favorem. In quo facto, quanto altiori con- 
 silio et majori discretione procedis ; tanto in eo feliciorem 
 progressum te praestante Domino, confidimus habiturum ; 
 eo quod ad bonum exitum semper et finem soleant attin- 
 gere, quae de ardore fidei et de religionis amore principium 
 acceperunt. Sane Hiberniam, et omnes insulas, quibus sol 
 justitiae Cliristus illuxit, et quae documenta fidei Cliristianae 
 ceperunt, ad jus Beati Petri et sacrosanctae Komanae Ecclesiae 
 (quod et tua et nobilitas recognoscit) non est dubium 
 pertinere. Unde tanto in eis libentius plantationem fidelem 
 et germen gratum Deo inserimus, quanto id a nobis interno 
 examine districtius prospicimus exigendum. Significasti 
 siquidem nobis, fili in Christo charissime, te Hiberniae in- 
 sulam, ad subdendum ilium populum legibus et vitiorum 
 plantaria inde exstirpanda, velle intrare, et de singulis 
 domibus annuam unius denarii Beato Petro velle solvere 
 pensionem, et jura ecclesiarum illius terrae illibata et 
 integra conservare, nos itaque pium et laudabile desiderium 
 tuum cum favore congruo prosequentes, et petitioni tuae 
 benignum impendentes assensum : gratum et acceptum 
 habemus, ut pro dilatandis Ecclesiae terminis, pro vitiorum 
 restringendo decursu, pro corrigendis moribus, et virtutibus 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 159 
 
 inserendis, pro Cliristiange religionis augmento, insulam 
 illam ingrediaris, et quod ad honorem Dei et salutem 
 illius terrae spectaverit, exsequaris ; et illius terrse populus 
 honorifice te recipiat, et sicut Dominum veneretur: jure 
 nimirum ecclesiastico illibato et integro permanente, et 
 salva Beato Petro et sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesige, de 
 singulis domibus, annua unius denarii pensione. Si ergo 
 quod concepisti animo, efFectu duxeris complendum : stude 
 gentem illam bonis moribus informare, et agas tarn per te 
 quam per illos quos adhibes, quos fide verbo et vita idoneos 
 esse perspexeris, ut deeoretur ibi Ecclesia, plantetur et 
 erescat fidei Christianse religio, et quae ad honorem Dei, 
 et salutem pertinent animarum, per te taliter ordinentur, ut 
 a Deo sempiternse mercedis cumulum consequi merearis, 
 et in terris gloriosum nomen valeas in saeculis obtinere." ^ 
 
 ^ "Adrian, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his dear son in 
 Christ, the illustrious King of England, sends greeting and Apostolic bene- 
 diction. 
 
 " Your Highness is filled with a laudable and fruitful desire to extend 
 your glorious name in this world, and to increase your reward of immortal 
 happiness in heaven, whilst, as a good Catholic prince, you set yourself to 
 extend the bounds of the Church, to declare the Christian Faith to ignorant 
 and barbarous peoples, and to extirpate the nurseries of immorality from the 
 estate of the Lord ; and the more effectively to put this design in execution, 
 you have come for advice and assistance to the Holy See. And in this 
 undertaking we are confident that the shrewder the judgment and the 
 greater the discretion with which you proceed, the happier the success you 
 will with God's help have ; because those things always come to a good issue 
 and end which have taken their origin from enthusiasm for the faith and love 
 of religion. Surely there is no doubt — what your Highness also admits — 
 that Ireland, and all other islands o'er which Christ the sun of righteous- 
 
160 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 There is some little confusion as to the date of this 
 bull and the place where it was granted. On this subject 
 I shall have more to say in another place ; meanwhile, we 
 are following the best authorities in assigning it to the 
 spring of the year 1155. 
 
 At Michaelmas in 1155 — so Robert de Monte relates 
 
 ness has shined, and which have accepted the lessons of the Christian faith, 
 do of right belong to the Blessed Peter and the Holy Church of Rome. 
 And the more clearly our own examination shows us the need, the more 
 readily do we introduce among them the planting of faith, a seed so 
 pleasing to God. 
 
 " Since you have advised us, dearest son in Christ, of your intended ex- 
 pedition into Ireland, to subject the island to just laws and to root out thence 
 the hotbeds of vice, and you promise to make from every house a yearly 
 payment to S. Peter of one penny, and to maintain the rights of the Church 
 without the least detriment or diminution, we, therefore, being willing to assist 
 you in this pious and laudable desire with fitting favour, and benignantly 
 consenting to your petition, hold it a pleasing and acceptable thing that you 
 make a descent on that island, to enlarge the bounds of the Church, to 
 check the career of profligacy, to reform morality, and to promote virtue 
 with a view to the increase of the Christian religion ; and that you carry 
 out what shall have regard to the honour of God and the salvation of that 
 land, and that the people of that land receive you honourably and respect 
 you as their sovereign lord — provided always that the rights of the Church 
 are preserved undiminished and entire, and one penny be duly paid out of 
 every house to the Blessed Peter and the Holy Roman Church. If there- 
 fore you put your design in execution, be careful to reform the manners of 
 the people, and so act, both in your own person and in the persons of those 
 whom you employ, having seen them to be worthy in faith and language 
 and life, that the Church of God may be beautified there and the Christian 
 religion may be planted and grow, and that all things tending to the honour 
 of God and the salvation of souls may be ordered in such manner by your 
 efforts as may entitle you to obtain a large eternal reward in heaven and 
 enable you to win a glorious name on earth for all ages." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 161 
 
 in his " Norman Chronicle"* — the King, sitting in council at 
 Windsor with his barons, mooted the projected invasion of 
 Ireland. But the Empress Matilda was so strongly opposed 
 to the scheme — an opinion in which she was backed up by 
 several of the barons — that the King reluctantly abandoned 
 his pet idea. The bull was temporarily laid in the archives 
 of Winchester, together with a papal ring — " annulum 
 aureum, smaragdo optimo decor atum " ^ — which Adrian 
 appears to have sent to Henry as an investiture of right, 
 much in the same way as Alexander had granted William 
 the Conqueror a holy standard to be used against Harold. 
 Both John of Salisbury and Girald of Wales go out of their 
 way to make special mention of this ring as " investiturge 
 signum," the former adding somewhat quaintly that the 
 beauty of the emerald was so great that he could write a 
 whole volume singing its many noble qualities. 
 
 So it came to pass that the bull, which Henry had 
 been at such pains to obtain, was quietly laid to rest at 
 Winchester, where, but for extraneous circumstances, it 
 might have remained for centuries, unknown and harmless. 
 By an apparent irony of fate, the conquest, abandoned by 
 the King as untimely and presumptuous, was at length 
 forced on him by the very people he had sought to conquer. 
 What he — most powerful of sovereigns — had not cared to 
 attempt, a handful of English adventurers brought to pass 
 in the course of a few months ! 
 
 ' "Chron. Norm.," 691. ' Joan. Sar., " Metalogicus." 
 
 Y 
 
162 NICHOLAS BBEAKSPEAR. 
 
 Ireland, it must be borne in mind, was at this time still 
 divided up into the five ancient provinces or kingdoms, 
 viz., Leinster, Desmond or South Munster, Tuamond or 
 North Munster, Connaught, and Ulster. Each of these pro- 
 vinces owned its own petty king, the most powerful of whom 
 claimed the dignity of monarch of the whole island. This 
 honour had rested for some time with the family of O'Neal, 
 but had recently been usurped by the O'Connors, kings of 
 Connaught. With so many varying and antagonistic in- 
 terests in the island, it is easy to see that the whole country 
 could never hope to be at peace for long. 
 
 So far back as 1152, according to Giraldus Cambrensis,^ 
 Dermot MacMurrough, King of Leinster, had eloped with 
 the wife of a neighbouring sovereign, one Tiernan O'Rourke, 
 King of Breifny. The lady appears to have been not alto- 
 gether averse to this proceeding — "quia et rapi voluit" — 
 a fact further attested by Regan ; but the husband, unable to 
 brook such an insult, called upon Roderick O'Connor, monarch 
 of the island, to aid him in chastising the adulterer. At first 
 Dermot weathered the storm he had raised bravely enough ; 
 but gradually, as his tyranny alienated the support of his own 
 subjects, he found the tide becoming too strong for him, and 
 at length, in 1166, was obliged to fly the kingdom. " Multis 
 itaque patet,'' adds Girald, naively enough, " rerum eventi- 
 bus, tutius esse volentibus, quam invitis imperare. Sensit 
 hoc Nero, sensit Domitianus. . . . Expedit a subditis prin- 
 
 ^ " Expugnatio Hibernica," ab init. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 163 
 
 cipi milibet potius amari quam timeri." The words have a 
 strange significance when one thinks of Henry's own end. 
 
 Passing through England, Dermot sought out Henry, 
 who was at that time in Aquitaine, plotting deep vengeance 
 on Thomas a Beket. The English monarch received the 
 fugitive with vast affability, accepted his homage, and 
 granted him letters patent empowering him to engage such 
 help as he could in his (Henry's) dominions. The letter 
 concludes thus : " Unde et quisquis ei, de amplitudinis 
 nostras finibus, tanquam homini et fideli nostro, restitutionis 
 auxilium impendere voluerit, se nostram ad hoc tam gratiam 
 noverit quam licentiam obtinere." This extension of aid to 
 an avowed adulterer, fleeing from justice, comes rather 
 oddly from a king whose sole anxiety a few years previously 
 had been to enter Ireland for the purpose of inculcating 
 morality among the people. 
 
 I must run over the next few years very hurriedly. 
 Dermot's offers attracted the cupidity of Richard, Earl of 
 Striguil (the famous Strongbow), at this time an out-at- 
 elbows, needy adventurer, ready for any quest which might 
 present itself, with nothing to lose in defeat and everything 
 to gain in victory. But for some reason or other Strongbow, 
 though pledging himself to the undertaking, could not be 
 induced to start at once ; and Dermot, impatient and head- 
 strong, returned to Ireland to do battle for his kingdom, 
 having no greater force to his hand than two Welsh knights 
 with their retinues. His success far exceeded his most 
 sanguine expectations. After a short but brilliant campaign 
 
164 NICHOLAS BEEAKSPEAR. 
 
 the erstwhile fugitive found himself strong enough to aspire 
 to the monarchy of all Ireland. With this end in view he 
 despatched a letter ^ to Strongbow, reminding him of his 
 former promise of aid. 
 
 Meantime Henry had changed, or at least modified, 
 his policy of partisanship ; and now we find him absolutely 
 prohibiting Strongbow from setting out for Ireland. That 
 nobleman, however, had gone too far to retract. Pretending 
 never to have received the king's prohibition, he crossed 
 the channel with a body of twelve thousand archers and 
 many knights. In a very short space of time Waterford 
 fell before him ; even Dublin did not long withstand the now 
 overwhelming force of the invaders. But the victors had 
 hardly installed themselves in the capital of the island ere 
 death intervened, and Dermot, in the midst of planning 
 fresh victories, was struck down by fever. 
 
 Henry's contemptuous indifference had gradually been 
 giving way to a feeling of jealousy at the success of the 
 English adventurers, and when Strongbow, having married 
 Eva, daughter of Dermot, assumed the royal power, his 
 anger kindled into a flame. He determined to go to 
 Ireland himself, and forthwith set about collecting an army. 
 Strongbow, realizing the hopelessness of his position, 
 hastened to throw himself at the King's feet, ofiering homage 
 for his kingdom. At first Henry treated his advances with 
 marked coldness, but eventually — conciliated by his abject 
 submission — granted him leave to accompany the expe- 
 ' This extraordinary missive is preserved by Girald. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 165 
 
 I 
 
 dition, which accordingly set sail from Milford towards the 
 close of the year 1171. 
 
 Though taking with him a very considerable force of 
 troops, it was Henry's wish rather to receive the voluntary 
 submission of the kings than to force obedience at the 
 point of the sword. To this end not a single blow was 
 struck on the triumphal march to Dublin. Encouraged by 
 the apparent kindness and affability of the great monarch, 
 and overawed no doubt by an exaggerated sense of his 
 magnificence, the princes one after another proceeded to 
 swear allegiance. Of the whole island, the chiefs of Ulster 
 alone refused to submit to the foreign yoke ; while 
 O'Connor, King of Connaught, a man of haughty pride, 
 purposely delayed coming in person to own his superior. 
 But even he gave a nominal oath of submission to Henry's 
 messengers on the banks of the Shannon. The clergy, 
 meeting in synod, agreed to recognize the claims of the 
 English king; and the opportunity was seized to effect 
 various pressing reforms in the Church. 
 
 Now, it may be thought, would have been the time 
 to produce Adrian's bull of authorization. The clergy, 
 whose power over the people was by no means nominal, 
 must have recognized the papal letter, the more so as 
 the Roman legate had presided over their synod. The 
 princes, on the other hand, would have had less cause for 
 wounded pride had they been made to recognize the 
 authority of their spiritual lord. But this palpable course 
 apparently never occurred to Henry. He was content to 
 
166 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 let his claim rest on the benignity of his character and the 
 salutary effects of his supremacy. Christmas was spent in 
 feasting, and when, in the spring, more urgent affairs 
 recalled the King to England, he returned thoroughly 
 satisfied with the success of his enterprise. 
 
 But peace, established on such a basis, could not last. 
 In a very few months the storm had burst forth again with 
 renewed vigour. Strongbow was not powerful enough to 
 hold such antagonistic elements in check, and Henry, 
 deeply occupied with his own affairs, could find no time to 
 recross the channel. The power of the English in Ireland 
 dwindled rapidly. 
 
 At this juncture it apparently occurred to Henry, for 
 the first time, to make use of the papal authority with 
 which he had been invested. But the bull was now 
 twenty years old, and Pope Adrian, who had granted it, 
 had been in his grave for more than a decade and a half. 
 Fresh privileges were accordingly obtained from Alexander 
 III., Adrians successor,^ the document granting which, 
 together with the original bull, was sent to the Irish clergy. 
 Girald states that a synod was summoned at Waterford,'' in 
 which John of Salisbury played a leading part ; but it is 
 
 ^ These privileges are preserved in the "Liber Niger Scaccarii/' 
 Hearne's edition. 
 
 " " Hiberniae Expugnatae," lib. ii., cap. 6 : "In Hiberniam itaque privi- 
 legio transmisso per Nicolaum "Wallingfordensem tunc priorem . . . nee 
 non et Guillelmum Adelmi filium : convocato statim apud Guaterfordiam 
 episcoporum synodo, in publica audientia, ejusdem privilegii cum universi- 
 tatis assensu, solemnis recitatio facta fuit per Joannem Saresberiensem. . . ." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 167 
 
 doubtful whether John (afterwards Bishop of Chartres) could 
 have been present on that occasion. At any rate, Adrian's 
 bull does not seem to have attracted much notice one way 
 or another. 
 
 In the following year (1176) a nominal treaty was 
 formed between Roderick, King of Connaught, and Henry, 
 by which the former undertook to hold his crown directly 
 under the English sovereign, to whom he agreed to pay 
 tribute. This treaty was never formally rescinded, but in a 
 very short space of time it had lapsed. The Irish, chafing 
 under the foreign yoke, lost no opportunity of harassing 
 their invaders. Strongbow's death, in 1177, brought 
 matters to a head. As a last resource. Prince John, 
 Henry's younger son, was sent into Ireland. He stayed 
 for nine ignominious months, powerless to effect anything, 
 after which he was summarily recalled. Henry, pre- 
 occupied with his own schemes, and beset by the arduous 
 difficulties of civil dissension, never found opportunity to 
 recross the channel ; and Ireland, rent asunder by the 
 disintegrating forces of the invasion, gradually lapsed into a 
 worse state than it had previously known. 
 
 Now, even from this brief outline of the first Irish 
 invasion, it will be seen that Adrian's bull, whether 
 genuine or not, played an utterly insignificant part in 
 Henry's policy. For some twenty years it lay unknown at 
 Winchester. When an opportunity to produce it really 
 arrived, it was overlooked ; and only as a last resource, 
 when all else had failed, it was routed out of its hiding- 
 
168 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 place and sent to the Irish clergy — a sort of gratuitous 
 spiritual admonition. But the fact that Henry neglected to 
 use the bull in no way proves that he did not obtain it, 
 nor must the contemptuous use he made of it blind our 
 eyes to the important principle of which it was the outcome. 
 
 Let us now consider the claims on which the authen- 
 ticity of the bull rests. 
 
 (1.) In the last chapter of the " Metalogicus " — the 
 philosophical treatise already referred to, and which was 
 dedicated by the author to Thomas a Beket — John of 
 Salisbury himself,^ as I have related, records the fact that 
 he obtained a privilege from Adrian IV. granting leave to 
 Henry to enter Ireland. 
 
 (2.) Giraldus Cambrensis, the historian of the Irish 
 invasion, speaks of the bull incessantly, and never throws 
 doubt on its authenticity.'* 
 
 (3.) Kalph de Diceto ^ gives a copy of the bull, as also, 
 in effect, does Roger de Wendover.* The latter prefaces 
 
 ^ " Metalogicus," lib. iv., cap. 42 : " Ad preces meas illustri regi 
 Anglorum, Henrico Secundo, concessit et dedit Hiberniam jure hgereditario 
 possidendam, sicut literje ipsius testantur in hodiernum diem. Nam omnes 
 insulae de jure antiquo, e donatione Constantini, qui earn fundavit et dotavit, 
 dicuntur ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere. . . ." This is a most important 
 passage, and deserving of close attention. 
 
 * Girald gives the bull in his works no fewer than three times : 
 " Expug. Hib.," lib. ii., cap. 5 ; " De rebus a se gestis," cap. 10 ; and " De 
 Instructione Priucipis." The texts do not always agree verbatim, but the 
 inequality of the readings may possibly be put down to the blundering of 
 amanuenses. In the main they are identical. 
 
 * "Hist.," sub anno 1155. * "Flores Historiarum," sub anno 1155. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 169 
 
 his statement with the following words : " Per idem tempus, 
 rex Anglorum Henricus nuntios sollemneSy Romam mittens, 
 rogavit Papam Adrianum ut sibi liceret," etc. Several later 
 chroniclers — e.g.^ Matthew of Westminster — adopted this 
 idea of a solemn embassy, presumably as adding dignity to 
 the mission. 
 
 (4.) The Norman Chronicles testify to the fact that the 
 bull and the ring were deposited at Winchester. 
 
 (5.) The privileges granted by Alexander III. to 
 Henry, about the year 1175, support the bull of his 
 predecessor, Adrian IV. 
 
 (6.) The Princes of Ireland in addressing a remon- 
 strance to Pope John XXII. against the English, after the 
 battle of Bannockburn, make constant and repeated refer- 
 ence to Adrian's bull, assuming throughout its authenticity. 
 
 (7.) Cardinal Baronius, in his ''Annales Ecclesiastici," 
 prints the bull in extenso, as he says, '' ex codice Vaticano, 
 diploma datum ad Henricum, Anglorum regem." 
 
 (8.) The bull is printed in the " BuUarium," published 
 at Rome in 1739. 
 
 These, then, are the chief reasons for supposing the 
 bull to be genuine, and it is clear that, before the contrary 
 can be proved, each of the authorities above quoted will 
 have to be separately refuted. It were obviously idle to 
 say that Girald started the forgery, and that all his con- 
 temporaries promptly adopted it. Neither can the primary 
 blame be summarily cast upon John of Salisbury. And, 
 to begin with the latter writer, no one, I think, will 
 
 z 
 
170 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 dare to impugn his scrupulous integrity. At a time when 
 honest men were not to be found under every hedge, he 
 lived a life of spotless purity, and through all his writings 
 the consciousness of a noble singleness of purpose is in- 
 variably present. The editor of the " Analecta," ^ at any 
 rate, does not relish the task ; he adopts another method. 
 This is simply to dispute the whole passage in the " Meta- 
 logicus " as spurious. Many things, it may be at once 
 said, combine to lend colour to this theory. The words 
 that John of Salisbury is supposed to have written are con- 
 tained in a chapter carelessly tacked on at the end of the 
 work. The " Metalogicus " proper ends with the forty-first 
 chapter. The thread of the narrative up to that point is 
 more or less in sequence. Suddenly deserting his subject, 
 the author breaks off to interpolate an exceedingly strange 
 tale about his friendship for the dead prelate, and to 
 anathematize the aspiring anti-Pope. Such an aposiopesis 
 is rare in literature, but by no means unknown. It may 
 be regarded as condemnatory evidence, but certainly not 
 as proof. Might not John, while sorrowfully penning the 
 last lines of a long labour of love, hearing of Adrian's 
 sudden demise, and careless of relevance or continuity, in a 
 sudden paroxysm of grief, hasten to unbosom himself to 
 his trusted friend ? ^ 
 
 ^ "Analecta Juris Pontificii." Mai-Juin, Paris, 1882. Victor 
 Palme, ed. 
 
 * A writer, Mr. Sylvester Malone, in this connection instances the 
 case of Chevalier Artaud, who, "while finishing the life of Pope Innocent III., 
 was quoting the testimony of Gregory XVI. ... in praise of Innocent, 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 171 
 
 n We may at once concede that the whole chapter is 
 strangely out of place and alien to the context. But 
 would not a forger have been at some pains to make his 
 interpolation agree with the rest of the work? Would 
 he, for instance, have hazarded the statement that 
 Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, had made over his 
 power to John of Salisbury, when, from all apparent 
 circumstances, the latter knew the Enghsh prelate only 
 very slightly ? And would he have been so severe on the 
 anti-Pope in face of the King's admitted personal support 
 of Octavian ? 
 
 Had the authenticity of the bull rested on the unsup- 
 ported word of Giraldus Cambrensis, I should have been 
 very slow to accept it. Girald's editors, in the " Rolls " 
 series, refuse him credence on the ground that " truth was 
 not his main object; he says he compiled the work for 
 the purpose of sounding the praise of Henry II." When 
 an author has the effrontery to make such an admission as 
 this, a reader must be pardoned if he takes him strictly at 
 his word. 
 
 The character and writings of Girald were first hotly 
 assailed by Dr. Lynch, who, in an exhaustive treatise 
 entitled " Cambrensis Eversus," attempts to vindicate the 
 character of the Irish people from the foul charges made 
 
 when news came of the former's death. He breaks off the life of Innocent, 
 and gives a sketch of the pontiff of whose death he has just heard, and thus 
 blended the twelfth with the nineteenth centuries." There is also another 
 instance in the " Dublin Review," April, 1884. 
 
172 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 against them by the author of the " Expugnatio." It is a 
 regrettable circumstance that this commentator should 
 have allowed zeal so completely to outrun discretion, and 
 to have turned criticism into personal abuse. The rancour 
 he displays throughout the work precludes us from placing 
 more faith in his historical deductions than in those of his 
 unfortunate victim ; though, on the simple principle of 
 setting a thief to catch a thief, we may perhaps be allowed 
 to accept his proofs of Girald's mendacity without accept- 
 ing his conclusions therefrom. In a word, Dr. Lynch 
 justifies his assertion that nothing in Girald's history must 
 be accepted without hesitation unless supported by extra- 
 neous proof. 
 
 Ralph de Diceto, like Girald, *' received his honours " 
 (in the words of Dr. Moran) " at the hands of Henry II." 
 He is extremely inaccurate in places, and actually states 
 that the Synod of Cashel was held in Lismore in 1172. 
 Roger de Wendover, on the other hand, admittedly com- 
 piled his " Flores Historiarum " from the MSS. lying at his 
 hand. It would, therefore, be best for us to leave these 
 authors out of court altogether, and to refuse their testimony 
 as affecting the question one way or other. 
 
 Leaving for the moment the Norman chronicle of 
 Robert de Monte — to which I shall refer presently — ^we 
 come next to the papal bulls of Alexander III., which, it is 
 claimed, support the authenticity of Adrian's grant to 
 Henry. There are four of these altogether. Three, written 
 in 1172, are preserved in the " Liber Niger Scaccarii," 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 173 
 
 whence the learned Hearne edited them. So far from 
 confirming a grant made by Adrian, these three would 
 appear to furnish the most cogent argument yet produced 
 for setting it aside as groundless and unauthentic. " They 
 are entirely devoted to the circumstances of the invasion 
 of our island and its results, and yet the only title that 
 they recognize is ' that monarch's power and the submis- 
 sion of the Irish chieftains.' They simply ignore any bull 
 of Adrian, and any investiture of the Holy See." The 
 words are Dr. Moran's. 
 
 The fourth bull is not preserved in the *' Black Book," 
 and, indeed, depends solely on the testimony of Girald, 
 who alone gives its text. It amply confirms the authen- 
 ticity of Adrian's bull ; indeed, it has a suspicious suggestion 
 about it of having been written solely for the purpose of 
 bolstering up the former papal brief. Once more criticism 
 is forced to fall back on the somewhat crude method of 
 disputing a passage in toto, though this time, as must be 
 admitted by everyone, the sceptics are able to make out a 
 strong case. 
 
 " The question at once suggests itself," says Dr. Moran, 
 "is this bull of Alexander III. to be itself admitted as 
 genuine and authentic ? If its own authority be doubtful, 
 surely it cannot suffice to prop up the tottering cause of 
 Adrian's bull. Now, its style is entirely different from that 
 of the three authentic letters of which we have just spoken. 
 Quite in opposition to these letters, 'the only authority 
 alleged in it for Henry's right to Ireland is the bull of 
 
174 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Adrian,' as Dr. Lanigan allows/ The genuine letters are 
 dated from Tusculum, where, as we know from other 
 sources, Alexander actually resided in 1172. On the other 
 hand, this confirmatory bull, though supposed to have been 
 obtained in 1172, is dated from Rome, thus clearly betray- 
 ing the hand of the impostor. Such was the disturbed 
 condition of Rome at that period, that it was impossible 
 for his Holiness to reside there ; ... it was only ... in 
 1178 . . . that Alexander III. was able to return in triumph 
 to his capital." 
 
 But the strongest piece of evidence is yet to come. 
 
 There is another reason why we must doubt the 
 authority of this confirmatory bull. The researches of the 
 Rev. Mr. Dimock have proved what Usslier long ago re- 
 marked, that this bull of Alexander originally formed part 
 of the work of Giraldus Cambrensis, although later copyists 
 and the first editors, including the learned Camden, recog- 
 nizing its spuriousness, excluded it from Giraldus' text. The 
 matter is now set at rest, for the ancient MSS. clearly prove 
 that it originally formed part of the " Expugnatio Hibernica." 
 
 Thanks, however, to the zeal and industry of Mr. 
 Brewer, we are at present acquainted with another work of 
 Girald, written at a later period than his historical tracts on 
 Ireland. ^ It is entitled " De Principis Instructione," and was 
 edited in 1846 for the " Anglia Christiana " Society. 
 
 Now, in this treatise Girald refers to the confirma- 
 tory bull of Alexander III., but prefixes the following 
 » « Eccl. Hist.," cap. iv., 224. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 175 
 
 remarkable words : " Some assert or imagine that this bull 
 was obtained from the Fope, but others deny that it was 
 ever obtained from the Pontiff (Sicut a quibusdam impe- 
 tratum asseritur aut confingitur; ab aliis autem unquam 
 impetratum fuisse negatur)." Surely these words should 
 suffice to convince the most sceptical that the fact of the 
 bull of Alexander being recited by Giraldus in his " Ex- 
 pugnatio Hibernica " is a very unsatisfactory ground on 
 which to rest the argument for its genuineness. 
 
 So far, then, from supporting Adrian's grant, this bull, 
 to my mind, is the strongest piece of evidence yet pro- 
 duced against it. For if Girald forged the second document 
 — and any impartial observer will be forced to admit that 
 it reads exceedingly like a forgery — there can be no doubt 
 that his object in so doing was to bolster up the previous bull. 
 And that Adrian's letter should have needed bolstering up 
 at all is — as must be admitted — a very suspicious circum- 
 stance. A truthful historian would have no need to forge 
 one bull in order to support another, if the latter were 
 genuine. Dr. Moran and the editor of the " Analecta " 
 appear to score a point here. 
 
 But, on the other hand, the argument is more ingenious 
 than convincing. The basis of it all is a hypothesis, and 
 one can hardly look for a firm superstructure on such a 
 foundation. Neither, it is only fair to add, does the 
 question of the genuineness of Alexander's bull vitally affect 
 the authenticity of that of Adrian. The latter can stand 
 without the former, though not vice versd. 
 
176 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Dr. Lynch, apparently in a sudden outburst of passion, 
 declares that the Irish race — priests and people alike — have 
 never accepted Adrian's bull as authentic. Had this state- 
 ment been true, there would have been some ground for 
 the supposition that it was regarded with suspicion and 
 mistrust from the first ; but, unfortunately, the exact con- 
 trary was the case. In the year 1319 — soon after the battle 
 of Bannockburn, in fact — the Irish nation addressed a brief 
 to Pope John XXII., calling upon him to rebuke Edward 
 II. of England for his callous behaviour towards Ireland, 
 and, as if to strengthen their case against him, quoting to 
 the Pope the terms of Adrian's bull, which, as they allege, 
 each succeeding English sovereign had failed to carry out. 
 So far, therefore, were the Irish from repudiating the grant 
 of Adrian, that they actually founded their protest on it.^ 
 The brief is written in the name of '' Donaldus Oneyl, 
 rex Ultoniae, ac totius Hibernian hgereditatio jure verus 
 herus," and claims to speak on behalf of Ireland as a nation, 
 " nee non et ejusdem terras reguli atque magnates ac 
 populus Hiberniacus." 
 
 - Similarly, the " Leabhar Breac," or " Book of the 
 Four Masters," an interesting and exceedingly trustworthy 
 compilation of the fifteenth century from earlier MSS., 
 not only acknowledges the bull, but gives a most circum- 
 stantial reason why it was granted. ^ The passage is worth 
 quoting in full : " O'Annoe and O'Chelchin of Cill Mor, 
 
 ^ Forduu, " Scottichronicon," vol. iii., pp. 906-8 ; Hearne's edition. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 177 
 
 O'Sluasti from Cuil O'Sluasti, O'Glesain. These were they 
 who stole the horses, and the mules, and the asses, of the 
 Cardinal who came from Kome to the land of Erin to 
 instruct it, in the time of Domhnall O'Brian, King of 
 Munster. And it was on that account the Cowarba (^.e., 
 successor) of Peter sold the rent and right of Erin to the 
 Saxons ; and that is the right and title which the Saxons 
 follow on the Gaedhil (i.e., Irish) at this day; for it was to 
 the Cowarba of Peter, to Rome, used to go the rent and 
 tribute of Erin until then." — " Leabhar Breac," fol. 51 b 
 (now 41b). 
 
 This passage is quoted by Robert King in his " Primer 
 of the History of the Holy Catholic Church in Ireland " 
 (supplementary vol.. Appendix XI.), who adds some in- 
 teresting comments. 
 
 The letter of the Irish nation, as also the Pope's reply, 
 is worthy of careful attention. The following extract will 
 give some idea of the temper in which it was conceived not 
 less than of the manner in which it was written. "... At 
 length your predecessor. Pope Adrian, an Englishman 
 (although not so entirely English in his origin as in his tem- 
 perament and connections), in the year of our Lord 1170 (sic)j 
 relying upon lying and iniquitous misrepresentations made 
 to him by Henry, King of England (the very sovereign 
 under whom, and perchance at whose instigation, S. Thomas 
 of Canterbury was murdered, as you will remember, while 
 defending the Church and upholding justice), made over the 
 dominion of this realm, in a certain set form of words, to 
 
 A A 
 
178 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 tliat monareli ; while, for tlie enormity we have just recalled 
 to your memory, his Holiness had done better to have taken 
 away the kingdom that he already had ; in fine, the Pontiff 
 presented him de facto with that which he had no power to 
 bestow, while utterly disregarding de jure the fairness or 
 the equity of the proceeding. Anglican prejudice, it is sad 
 to say, had so far blinded that estimable Pontiff. . . ." 
 
 Pope John XXII. read this brief, and forthwith wrote 
 to Edward II. as desired. His letter is preserved by many 
 historians, and may be found in Wilkins's " Concilia,"^ where 
 it is taken from a " Bullarium " published in Rome in 1583. 
 After severely taking the King to task for his conduct, the 
 Pope reminds him of the conditions upon which Adrian 
 granted the island to his ancestor, Henry II., and warns 
 him to be more careful for the future. ^* Finally," he adds, 
 " in order that you may clearly understand what it is the 
 Irish people rebel against, I am sending you their letters, 
 together with a copy of the grant which Adrian, our prede- 
 cessor, made to your ancestor, Henry II., regarding Ireland.'^ 
 
 Thus, in 131^ — less than a century and a half after 
 Adrian's death — there was no suspicion of spuriousness 
 attaching to his bull, either in the minds of the Irish 
 people or of the authorities at the Vatican ! The editor 
 of the *' Analecta," or any other hostile critic, will find it 
 difficult to explain away these facts. 
 
 I mentioned two other authorities as having some- 
 
 ' Vol. ii., p. 491. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 179 
 
 times been quoted in support of Adrian's bull, to wit, tbe 
 " Annales " of Cardinal Baronius and the various editions 
 of the " Bullarium " published from time to time at Rome. 
 With regard to the former, Dr. Moran has the following 
 passage : 
 
 " During my stay in Rome," he writes, " I took occasion 
 to inquire whether the MSS. of the eminent annalist 
 (Baronius), which happily are preserved, indicated the 
 special * Vatican MSS.' referred to in his printed text, and 
 I was informed by the learned archivist of the Vatican, 
 Monsignor Theiner, who is at present engaged in giving a 
 new edition and continuing the great work of Baronius, that 
 the * Codex Vaticanus ' referred to is a MS. copy of the 
 history of Matthew of Paris,^ which is preserved in the 
 Vatican Library. Thus, it is the testimony of Matthew of 
 Paris alone that here confronts us in the pages of Baronius, 
 and no new argument can be taken from the words of the 
 eminent annalist. Relying on the same high authority, I am 
 happy to state that nowhere in the private archives, or among 
 the private papers of the Vatican, or in the * Regesta' which 
 JafF6's researches have made so famous, or in the various 
 indices of the pontifical letters, can a single trace be found 
 of the supposed bulls of Adrian and Alexander." 
 
 Similarly, no rehance is to be placed on the authority 
 of the " Bullarium." In one edition, the bull of Adrian is 
 
 * Matthew of Paris was a monk of S. Albans who took the hood in 
 1217. His history was compiled largely from other historians, and the best 
 critics are now agreed that very little of his matter is original. 
 
180 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 given, while that of Alexander is not; in another, Alexander's 
 obtains a place, while Adrian's is wanting. The truth is, 
 that the selection of the matter to be used in a " BuUarium" 
 rests in the editor's hands, and an editor, being human, is 
 as likely to err as a commentator. 
 
 I have thus briefly tried to run over the chief arguments 
 that have been brought up, or that might be brought up, 
 for and against Adrian's bull. On the one hand we have 
 the testimony of Girald, of John of Salisbury, and of other 
 contemporary writers; we have the fact that the Irish 
 people themselves recognized the authenticity of the bull, 
 a recognition which was endorsed by a succeeding Pontiff'^ 
 John XXII., who undoubtedly had no suspicion of forgery in 
 his mind ; and, finally, we have the independent judgment 
 of annalists, historians, and commentators (Baronius, JafF6, 
 Ciaconius, Lingard, Lanigan, Ussher, Dimock, O'Callaghan, 
 and a score of others), everyone of whom declares unhesi- 
 tatingly that it is genuine. On the other hand we have a 
 mass of unsupported destructive criticism, founded on purely 
 negative facts, which, however ingenious be its construction, 
 must of necessity fail to convince. I think I have said 
 enough to justify my previous assertion that the charge 
 against Adrian's bull is not proven, and that, until definite 
 proof is forthcoming, we must regard it as genuine. 
 
 It is impossible to expect an ancient document of this 
 nature to be entirely above historical criticism.^ 
 
 ^ I am indebted to Dr. Creighton, Bishop of Peterborough, for this 
 view. In his opinion, " the evidence of John of Salisbury is unanswerable." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 181 
 
 Moreover, as was often the custom in those days, the 
 bull was probably private between Adrian IV. and the 
 King — to be used if necessary, not otherwise — and never 
 given to the secretaries to register.* 
 
 In this act Adrian was anticipating the grants which 
 in after times were made by the Popes to the travellers and 
 discoverers of the fifteenth century, and it may be noted 
 that the claim over all islands was the principal, if not the 
 sole basis on which he made the grant. For when the King 
 of France besought him for a similar bull to enable him 
 to wage an annexing war against Spain, it was refused by 
 Adrian, who, recognizing the religious motives on which 
 Louis VII. professed to base his claim — i.e., the expulsion 
 of the Saracens from the peninsula — still withheld per- 
 mission, pointing out that Spain was an independent state, 
 and did not come under the scope of Constantine's will. ^ 
 
 ^ As a matter of pure conjecture, it may also be argued that perhaps 
 Henry did not use the bull when he got it on account of it laying too much 
 stress on the temporal power of Rome ; and I am inclined to believe this to 
 be the real reason, but can find no evidence to support my view. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 1155 TO 1156. 
 
 Growth and History of the Kingdom of Sicily — William II. of Sicily — 
 Adrian's Letter to him — Attack on Beneventum — Adrian excommunicates 
 William — Roman Defeats in Campania — Negotiations with Manuel I. — 
 Proposed Treaty with William — Divisions among the Cardinals — Failure 
 of Negotiations — William takes Brundisium and Bari — Appears before 
 Beneventum — Terms of Peace with the Pope — Embassy from the Eastern 
 Church — Proposed Reunion — Adrian goes to Orvieto. 
 
 URING the 
 reign there 
 
 early part of Adrian's 
 were important events 
 
 occurring in connection with the king- 
 dom of Sicily which render some 
 account of the previous history of the 
 papal relations with that country 
 necessary/ During the ninth, tenth, 
 and eleventh centuries all the southern part of Italy was 
 constantly convulsed by internal wars and troubles, 
 and by repeated invasions of Saracens and Greeks. The 
 last of these convulsions was the conquest of the island of 
 Sicily by the Normans under Roger, son of Tancred, in 
 
 * "The History of the Western Empire from its Restoration by Charle- 
 magne to the Accession of Charles V." Sir R. Comyn. London, 
 MDCCCXLI. Vol. i., pp. 224, 228, 235, 238. Also Muratori, vol. vii. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 183 
 
 1058, who took the name and title of Koger I., Count of 
 Sicily, in 1061. 
 
 In 1059, Robert Guiscard, also a Norman, and an 
 elder brother of the Count of Sicily, was made Duke of 
 ApuHa, and his title was confirmed by Pope Nicholas II. 
 He helped his brother, and, though he was excommunicated 
 in 1074, he made peace and did feudal homage for his 
 duchies of ApuHa and Calabria to Pope Gregory VII. in 
 1080. His reign was eventful and celebrated for his wars 
 against Henry IV., Emperor of Germany, and also the 
 Greeks. He died at Cephalonia in 1085. Roger II., son 
 of Roger I., succeeded his father under the regency of 
 his mother at the end of the eleventh century, and when 
 he came to rule by himself, he styled himself King of 
 Sicily, and governed his little kingdom, no easy task, with 
 skill and moderation. 
 
 In 1121, his cousin William, who succeeded the Duke 
 of Apulia, died, and Roger entered Naples and took the 
 titles of his dead cousin. This being done without the 
 papal permission, led to a war with Pope Honorius II., who 
 led an army against Roger and excommunicated him, but 
 in the end, after the two armies had lain facing each other 
 for forty days on opposite banks of the river Brentano, the 
 Pope yielded, and confirmed Roger in the duchies of 
 Apulia, Naples, and Calabria. 
 
 In 1130 Roger espoused the cause of the anti-Pope 
 Anacletus, who was his wife's brother, and who confirmed 
 his title of King of Sicily, helping him to incorporate the 
 
184 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 republics of Naples, Amalfi, and Gaieta. He then became 
 King of the Two Sicilies. In 1137, Bernard of Clairvaulx 
 urged the Emperor Lothair and the Kings of England and 
 France to help the cause of the Pope Innocent II. against 
 Anacletus. Roger II. was beaten at first in the war which 
 ensued, and had to retreat before Lothair ; but owing to a 
 variety of causes, the principal one being a division between 
 the Pope and the Emperor, he gradually won back all he 
 had lost, and in 1139 he took the Pope himself prisoner, 
 obtained the terms he wanted and recognition of his title. 
 He passed the rest of his years in constant warfare, and 
 died in 1154, being succeeded by his son William. 
 
 I think I have shown enough in the above sketch to 
 point out that the southern part of Italy had, since its 
 Norman conquest, been constantly in open dispute with the 
 see of Rome. The difference rested on the following grounds, 
 that the Popes always claimed the feudal sovereignty of 
 the whole of South Italy, on the grounds that they inherited 
 it from the Emperors, and so were entitled to the homage 
 of its rulers. The Emperors of Germany also claimed the 
 temporal rights over the whole peninsula, but were seldom 
 able to insist on their claims. The Normans, who held the 
 country by the right of conquest, did their best to play off 
 Pope against Emperor, but on the whole were ready to 
 agree with the former as the best geographical ally against 
 any incursion, either from Germany, the Eastern Empire, 
 or the Saracens. 
 
 William, the new King of Sicily, was a great con- 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 185 
 
 trast to his father, who was a great and wise ruler; 
 he neglected the affairs of his country, domestic and 
 foreign, being under the influence of a lowborn favourite 
 of the name of Wrajo. He was crowned King of Sicily and 
 Apulia on Easter Day, 1154, at Palermo, by Hugh, its 
 archbishop ; and at the end of the year, when Adrian was 
 elevated to the papal chair, he sent ambassadors to Rome 
 to congratulate him and to ask for the special papal 
 privileges which had been given to his father to be granted 
 anew. But he had mistaken his man. Adrian would not 
 have been true to himself had he abated one inch of his 
 ground of dignity or the smallest part of his papal pre- 
 rogative. William had neglected to ask for papal per- 
 mission to be crowned, and so had outstripped the bounds 
 of that conduct which the Pope held as indispensably due 
 to the Church. 
 
 He knew the past history of constant rebellion and 
 trouble in the matters of the kingdom of Sicily, and as 
 usual determined to assert himself in the same stern, 
 unyielding way in which he treated Frederic and his 
 rebellious Roman subjects, and so to put an end to the 
 constant disaffection of his vassal. 
 
 He caused a letter to be prepared addressed to him as 
 " Lord " of Sicily, and sent it to William by the hand of 
 Henry, Cardinal of S. Nereus and S. Achilles.' William 
 paid no attention to the Pope's missive, and remembering 
 
 * Muratori, vol. vii. 
 B B 
 
186 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 how his father had obtained his ends by waging a suecessful 
 war against the Pope, he refused to receive Cardinal Henry, 
 and gave orders to his chancellor, Ascletinus or Scitinus, to 
 declare war against the papal dominions, to devastate the 
 territory of Beneventum with an army, and lay siege to 
 that town. The news of this audacity was carried to 
 Adrian IV. As usual he struck his blow immediately and 
 without hesitation. Just as he had laid Eome under an 
 interdict, so he thundered out a bull of excommunication 
 against William,^ declaring him to be " a rebel and an 
 enemy to S. Peter and his Church," and absolving all his 
 subjects from their oath of allegiance. 
 
 The formula of excommunication was no less dreadful 
 to the individual than an interdict was to the state, de- 
 priving him as it did, not only of all religious privileges, 
 not even excepting the last rites of the Church, but of all 
 social ones as well ; though, great as was the terror which 
 the sentence inspired, it never seems to have weighed much 
 on the consciences of the Norman Kings of Sicily, and they 
 generally regained their religious liberty at the point of 
 the sword. Wilham did not seem to be greatly affected at 
 the news ; he went back to Sicily on the pretext of quelling 
 a disturbance in the island, and spent his time in pleasure 
 and debauchery with his favourite Wrajo, leaving his 
 general. Ascletinus as governor of Apulia in his absence, 
 with orders to carry on the war against the Pope. At the 
 
 ' « Hist. B. Platinse." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 187. 
 
 same time that this was happening, the Emperor of the 
 East/ Manuel I., was employing secret agents in Apulia 
 to stir up the nobles to resist William's forces, in order that 
 he might eventually be able to regain some of the provinces 
 which had been lost by the Greeks. This enabled the inha- 
 bitants of Beneventum to make such a strong resistance to 
 the siege of their city, that after several attempts to take 
 it, involving the loss of many of his men, Ascletinus was at 
 length compelled to raise the siege; much to Adrian's 
 disadvantage, for as he passed away from the successfully 
 defended city, he poured his troops into southern Campania 
 and ravaged the country by fire and sword, taking the 
 towns of Cepperano, Bacano, Frusinone, and Acre, pillaging 
 them, and leaving them in flames. He then marched back 
 into Apulia, and on his way burnt and sacked the 
 monastery of Aquino, the castle of Pontecorro, and a 
 number of other places belonging to the monastery, which 
 at that time was under the monks of Monte Cassino. All 
 this was going on at the time that Frederic was advancing 
 from the north, and before Adrian knew what would 
 be the ultimate result of that great movement. We now 
 see the full amount of the dangers which the Pope had 
 to face in the first year of his pontificate : a rebellious 
 Rome, with a fiery and popular agitator at its head ; the 
 Eastern Emperor plotting in some sinister way on the very 
 borders of the papal dominions ; war with all its terrors in 
 
 ' Succeeded 1143. 
 
188 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 the south, and the greatest monareh in the world advanc- 
 ing from the north with every incentive of success and 
 glory to increase his arrogance ; — small wonder that Adrian 
 complained to his faithful friend John of the anxieties 
 which attended his exalted position ! Now indeed, if ever, 
 did the Church require firmness and courage in its chief. 
 Adrian, in his interview with Barbarossa, endeavoured to 
 persuade him to make common cause against William, but 
 Frederic, while sympathizing with the troubles which were 
 assailing the papal interests, declined on account of the 
 effects the climate was having on his troops. Then, as we 
 have seen, the Byzantine Emperor endeavoured also to 
 persuade Frederic by a heavy bribe to enter into an 
 alliance with him also against William, but with the same 
 answer. Frederic was well content that the Pope and the 
 King of Sicily should be opposed to each other, not 
 wishing indeed to see Rome do that which he was unable 
 to do himself, viz., become master of the peninsula. 
 
 A political situation as tangled and complicated as 
 can well be imagined, and requiring a cool and masterly 
 head to see the way clear through it to the attainment of 
 the dignity of the Church without losing so powerful, 
 but so jealous an ally as the ambitious warrior who guided 
 the fortunes of the empire. 
 
 The action of Adrian in excommunicating William had 
 led to his obtaining the support of several of the usually tur- 
 bulent nobles of Apulia, who came and paid homage to him.* 
 
 ' Oct., 1155, at St. Germano. Card. Arragon in " Vitl" 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 189 
 
 Amongst the principal were Robert, Count of Loritelli, 
 who was a cousin of the King, Andrew, Count of Rupi- 
 Canino, Richard, Count of Aquila, and Robert, Prince of 
 Capua, all of whom, with many others, were disgusted 
 with the conduct of their feudal chief in neglecting the 
 internal affairs of his kingdom, so well governed by his late 
 father Roger, and wasting his life and kingly responsibilities 
 in debauchery and low living. Encouraged by these ad- 
 hesions Adrian determined to test William, who remained 
 in Sicily, and whose very existence was doubted by some, 
 by taking action himself. He judged, and rightly, that 
 however the King might affect to despise his sentence, 
 it must in time weigh heavily on his conscience, and 
 holding in his hands, as he did, the power of releasing 
 him from the ban, he hoped by a successful campaign 
 to obtain a treaty of peace restoring Rome and her Church 
 once more to the undoubted ascendency in Italy which 
 he wished eventually to see her occupy in the whole 
 of Christendom. This would be turning the tide against 
 William which he had hoped to use against the Pope. 
 Adrian therefore, Rome being fairly quiet, left the city and 
 accompanied his army towards Beneventum, invading the 
 Terra di Lavoro, and after a short campaign took up his 
 quarters at Beneventum, where he remained for some time, 
 during which he occupied himself with domestic affairs and 
 Church matters, and received the long visit from John of 
 Salisbury which I have mentioned. While Adrian was thus 
 employed, William gradually lost many of his possessions, and 
 
190 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 it seemed as if he was going to make no effort for his crown. 
 At the beginning of the year 1156 Manuel I. sent a mag- 
 nificent embassy to congratulate Adrian on his position as 
 head of the Western Church, and offered an alliance against 
 William on the following terms : the Emperor was to pay 
 ^ye thousand pounds' weight of gold, and to supply an 
 army to operate against the King of Sicily, on condition 
 that three seaport towns in Apulia were to be handed over 
 to the Greek Empire. This news on reaching William 
 thoroughly alarmed him; he at once sent ambassadors 
 to Adrian, praying to be absolved from his sentence of ex- 
 communication. His anxiety was increased at hearing that 
 Adrian had sent a letter to Frederic asking for his assistance 
 as well, and against such a combination of enemies he 
 would be powerless. This was exactly the effect which 
 Adrian desired to produce, and the terms which William 
 offered sufficiently indicate the state of alarm he had been 
 placed in. He sailed from Sicily to Salerno, and landing 
 there despatched his ambassadors to Adrian with the 
 following proposals in addition to the prayer for release: 
 he undertook to restore to the Pope all the cities he 
 had taken, and to add three seaport towns in addition, as 
 an indemnity for the raid on the Campagna ; Ascletinus 
 also to pay a sum equivalent to the amount promised by 
 Manuel I., and to help Adrian if ever he required assist- 
 ance in quelling the ever-turbulent community in Rome. 
 In return for these concessions, his sentence of excommuni- 
 cation to be removed, and his title as King of Sicily and 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 191 
 
 Apulia to be recognized on his undertaking to comply with 
 the Pope's demands as to doing homage and swearing fealty 
 to him as the liege lord of Sicily. The embassy arrived ; 
 but Adrian could hardly believe that his diplomacy had 
 achieved such a marvellous success, and half-suspected that 
 there must be some condition attached as to which the King 
 had neglected sufficiently to instruct his envoys. So he sent 
 three cardinals, Hubald of S. Praxed, Julius of S. Marcel, and 
 Roland of S. Mark, the Chancellor,^ to WilHam to ascertain 
 the truth. And now, as if the difficulties and troubles hem- 
 ming in the Pope were not enough, he was called upon to 
 deal with a division among his cardinals. The position of 
 the Pope in respect to the cardinalate was in a small degree 
 analogous to that of a constitutional ruler of the present day, 
 having almost the powers of a dictator, but nevertheless so 
 placed in regard to his senate that he could not view an 
 adverse expression of opinion with respect to his individual 
 action with indifference, and it has often happened in 
 history, that just at the moment when the strong man 
 should have a perfectly free hand an interfering or divided 
 senate has fettered his action and ma,rred his plans. And 
 in this manner was Adrian hampered now. There was and 
 always had been a strong German party among his cardinals, 
 and they viewed an alliance with WilHam and possibly 
 Manuel as a move in direct opposition to the interests of 
 the Emperor Frederic, which indeed it would have been ; so 
 
 ^ The signatures of all these three may be seen in the Bull reproduced 
 in this book. 
 
192 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 when they met to consider the terms of the proposed treaty, 
 they suggested that Adrian should not hear of the terms 
 offered, but cany on the war against Sicily with renewed 
 vigour. Adrian did his best to persuade them to his views, 
 but faction and cabal had its way, and the Pope was not 
 the first nor the last man in history to find that the worst 
 hindrances were they of his own household. He had no in- 
 tention, however, of surrendering the helm of the ship of 
 state to the factious opposition in his cabinet. He simply 
 decided to shape his plans in a different mould, and to try 
 and obtain the best results he could, having regard to the 
 German party in the cardinalate. Therefore he refused 
 the terms which William had offered, and declined to con- 
 sider the question of his title. William seems to have been 
 thoroughly roused by this and the sense of danger, and 
 sending his fleet round through the Straits of Messina, he 
 laid siege to Brundisium ^ by sea and land. 
 
 This important city had been captured by Manuel, and 
 was held by a Greek general of distinguished fame, named 
 Ducas. It was one of the ports by which the Greek armies 
 acting against the soldiers of William were to be poured 
 into Italy. At the time when William arrived at Brun- 
 disium, the fort or citadel garrisoned by Sicihan troops 
 was still holding out against Ducas, and the garrison was 
 already considering on what terms it should agree to the 
 surrender which famine and sickness was making more 
 
 * Brindisi. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 193 
 
 imperative every day. William, however, gave them fresh 
 hopes. He drew off the troops of the Greeks, and forced 
 Ducas to a pitched battle outside the town, which raged for a 
 long time without any advantage to either side ; but after a 
 stubborn fight the Sicilians were victorious, and William once 
 more took possession of Brundisium. By a stroke of good 
 fortune he found here the gold intended by the Emperor 
 Manuel for the Pope. He also made an immense capture 
 of ships, stores, and munitions of war, besides a number 
 of wealthy Greeks, whom he sent to Palermo, some for 
 ransom, but the greater number to be sold into slavery. 
 
 There were also in the city a good many of the Apulian 
 nobles who had revolted against him, and these met with 
 the awful severity of those times, when '' vae victis " had a 
 real and terrible meaning ; a great many were executed on 
 the spot, while torture and mutilation were inflicted on all 
 those remaining who were not fit for the slave market. 
 
 This great stroke practically determined the issue of 
 the war; for although one more lesson was still to be 
 taught William's rebellious subjects, the awful severity 
 of his treatment of Brundisium sufficiently warned the 
 inhabitants of Apulia what to expect, and many laid down 
 their arms. The other lesson referred to was even more 
 cruel and harsh than the first. Brundisium had resisted 
 the troops, and William entered in all the excitement of 
 conquest. But at Bari, whither he next marched, there was 
 no resistance ; the army was met by a crowd of its principal 
 citizens coming out to prostrate themselves with all the 
 
 c c 
 
194 NICHOLAS BBEAKSPEAR. 
 
 humiliating customs of the age at the feet of the power- 
 ful King and to pray for his merey. To be impartial 
 in criticising William's action on this occasion, I should 
 mention that they had added to their offence of siding with 
 his opponents the great one of destroying the citadel of 
 Bari while it was garrisoned by his troops, who refused to 
 betray their trust. The only answer they received was 
 that the King in consideration of their non-resistance would 
 spare them the horrors of giving up their town to be sacked 
 immediately ; but would only allow them forty-eight hours 
 to make their arrangements, during which time they should 
 be free to pass his lines with their families and their goods. 
 After this, he added, the city would be given up to the 
 soldiers and reduced to ruins, for as they had dared to 
 destroy his house in their town, so would he in return 
 revenge himself by destroying theirs. 
 
 The conditions of life in these towns was sufficiently 
 precarious, and one wonders how trade and commerce could 
 develop at all under the change of rulers constantly resulting 
 from the fortune or chance of war. The inhabitants were 
 always in a dilemma. If they did not bow to the party in 
 power their homes were desolated, and if they did, there 
 was every chance of their city being burnt and destroyed at 
 the next change of authority. Certainly the houses of those 
 days were easily rebuilt, for the majority of them were made 
 of mud or clay, baked hard under the Italian sun ; but still 
 all the interests of home, and the associations attaching to such 
 things as household furniture and goods must have suffered 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 195 
 
 in those shocks in an irreparable way — not to mention the 
 added horrors of starvation and pillage, of the knife and the 
 firebrand in the hands of the fierce troops who had no mercy 
 for young or old, at whose hands neither man's life nor 
 woman's honour were safe. Bari was fortunate in her two 
 days' respite. The inhabitants did all they could to comply 
 with the peremptory decision of their conqueror — a decision 
 which was carried out to the letter; the entire city was 
 destroyed, even to its walls, and vengeance was completed. 
 This crowning lesson confirmed the movement already begun 
 in William's favour, and all his subjects returned to his 
 allegiance. 
 
 William now determined to march his victorious 
 forces against the Pope, and turned in the direction 
 of Beneventum, where, as we have seen, Adrian IV. 
 was, together with the Prince of Capua and other rebel 
 nobles, who now were beginning to feel somewhat less 
 secure. Several left the city and retired to the fastnesses 
 of the hill country for safety. Some fell into the hands 
 of William's soldiers, and were treated with incredible 
 ferocity. The most unfortunate was Prince Kobert of 
 Capua. He left the city with his son and daughter, and 
 had made good his escape, when, by the treachery of a 
 neighbour, Richard, Count of Fondi, he was waylaid and 
 captured, the traitorous friend thereby securing his own 
 safety with the King, who gave him a free pardon. The 
 unfortunate prince was delivered up bound to the King, 
 and after being exposed to the insults of the court, was 
 
196 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 sent off to Palermo, where he was thrown into prison and 
 his eyes destroyed. Fortunately for him, death put an end 
 to his suffering within a few months. Such were the terrible 
 examples made in these turbulent times ! 
 
 WilHam now invested Beneventum, and prosecuted 
 the siege with all the vigour which a successful army was 
 able to give him. It was now in the month of May, 1156, 
 one year after the exciting times attending the approach 
 of the Emperor Frederic. Again we find Adrian faced with 
 difficulties, this time with the enemy at his gates and the 
 road to Rome cut off. 
 
 To any weaker character the position would have 
 seemed hopeless ; but Adrian had that strong determina- 
 tion, that powerful will, which can literally force a man 
 through difficulties and dangers, and bring him to the 
 result he intends to arrive at in spite of the apparently 
 immovable nature of the obstructions in the way. The 
 Pope never for one moment lost his head ; he remembered 
 the success with which his great predecessor and model, 
 Hildebrand, had used the power of the anathema,^ and he 
 knew that its weight was pressing with increasing power 
 on William every day. It must not be forgotten that this 
 awful sentence was not only confined to the individual, 
 but, in the case of a prince, the subjects who paid him 
 allegiance were virtually also under the ban, and men, 
 however brave, however cruel or reckless, Uttle cared to be 
 
 * See Milman, " Latin Christianity," vol. iv., bk. vii., cap. 1 and 2. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 197 
 
 fighting in a campaign where death meant the loss of ab- 
 solution, and their souls, as they considered, deprived of the 
 privileges of Heaven, and even of the more doubtful benefits 
 of Purgatory. So they counselled WilHam to use his position 
 as a successful conqueror to bring Adrian to his knees and 
 dictate the price of peace. But the king was not living 
 who could frighten this great man. Adrian had not only 
 foreseen this situation, but to some extent he had prepared it. 
 He was no longer the new Pope, on whom all sorts of experi- 
 ments were to be attempted. He had increased his reputa- 
 tion enormously by the eventful year during which he had 
 occupied the chair — men knew of his iron will and realized 
 his strength of character. His first step was, so to speak, to 
 carry the matter into the enemy's country; he sent to William 
 first, to request that those rebel princes who were still 
 in Beneventum might have their lives spared to them, plainly 
 inferring that this must be a preliminary to any negotiations 
 which might be afterwards entered into. William knew the 
 Pope's character, and that in agreeing to this he was paving 
 the way towards a prospect of getting what he himself re- 
 quired. Moreover, he was quite satisfied with the vengeance 
 he had already executed, and was inclined to see his king- 
 dom settle down into a more peaceable, and therefore more 
 lucrative state, as soon as he had stopped all chance of 
 fiirther rebellion. So he agreed to the Pope's preliminary 
 offer ; the revolted nobles in Beneventum were pardoned on 
 the condition that they left the country, and though this 
 involved some of them leaving ancestral homes, the majority 
 
198 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 of them were soldiers of fortune, to whom a change of 
 country was nothing new and Httle hardship. It may 
 be assumed pretty certainly that the hereditary nobles 
 of Apulia managed to escape from Beneventum by the 
 help of their clansmen, and also that many never came 
 to that city at all. 
 
 Thus did Adrian show not only his firmness, but the 
 fact that he was loyal to those who served him. Nothing 
 would have been easier than to surrender the nobles to 
 William as a means of getting his terms agreed to ; but 
 this idea the English Pope would have scorned. It probably 
 never entered his head to treat his allies otherwise than 
 honourably and fairly. A deed like this would add to his 
 reputation in those days almost more than anything else, 
 and probably produced a deep impression on William himself. 
 
 The next step was also taken by the energetic Pope. 
 He sent another embassy to William, with proposals for a 
 treaty of peace and alliance based on the proposals of the 
 King which had been rejected on account of the action of 
 the German section of the cardinals. 
 
 And here let us pause and look at the accurate and 
 wonderful game Adrian was playing. Thwarted by the 
 countermove of the German cardinals, he waits till the 
 enemy is actually under the very walls of the city in which 
 is the papal court, and then he triumphs over his cabal by 
 making what terms he can; and who could cavil at an 
 alliance instead of a sack ? 
 
 After some negotiation, the King practically agreed to 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAB. 199 
 
 the Pope's proposals ; a treaty of alliance was concluded, in 
 which the Pope consented to withdraw his sentence of 
 excommunication and to invest William with the crowns 
 of Sicily and Apulia, the principality of Capua, the 
 territories and states of Naples, Salerno, and Amalfi, the 
 march of Ancona, and all the other cities which he then 
 possessed. The Pope agreed also to an addition to the 
 original treaty, by which he undertook not to receive 
 appeals from William's subjects except through the King, 
 not to send any legate to Sicily without his permission, 
 and to leave the choice of clergy in his hands. In 
 return. King William agreed to stop all hostilities forth- 
 with, to swear allegiance to the see of Rome, also to pay a 
 yearly tribute to the Pope from Apulia, Calabria, and the 
 march of Ancona as feudatory of the Church, and to defend 
 the city of Rome against its enemies. 
 
 This treaty was sealed and confirmed by a papal bull, and 
 on 9th June, 1156, Adrian opened the gates of Beneventum 
 and issued forth in state, attended by his cardinals, bishops, 
 and clergy, and proceeded to the church of S. Marcian 
 outside the walls. Here he received William, absolved him 
 from his sentence of excommunication, and while the 
 monarch knelt before him solemnly declared him King of 
 Sicily and Apulia, Prince of Capua, Duke of Naples, and Lord 
 of all the other places included in the treaty ; after which 
 they embraced. High mass was celebrated; after the 
 mutual exchange of presents they separated, and King 
 William started on his way to Palermo. Adrian had again 
 
200 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 got his way ; he had bent Italy to the control of the Church, 
 and had dictated the terms of peace to his virtual con- 
 queror! Some writers have said that Adrian's ambition 
 was thwarted by the additions made to the treaty by the 
 King; but when one reflects that these were, after all, 
 points of quite minor importance, and that the Pope actually 
 obtained from William, when successful, the same terms 
 substantially which the same King had sued for to avoid 
 defeat, one must admire the genius of the man who so 
 successfully reinstated the power of the Church in the face 
 of such tremendous odds. 
 
 Adrian now made preparations to leave Beneventum, 
 where he had spent such an eventful time, and was on the 
 point of starting when an embassy arrived from Jerusalem, 
 consisting of the Patriarch Fulcher and six bishops of the 
 Eastern or Greek Church, to complain of the conduct of the 
 Knights Hospitallers, who had been granted certain privi- 
 leges by Anastasius IV., which the bishops and their 
 chief declared had been greatly abused. This is interesting 
 as showing the reputation for justice which Adrian must 
 have had. These Greek bishops would not have under- 
 taken so perilous a mission to the domains of the Western 
 Church had they not had a high opinion of the man they 
 had come to consult ! 
 
 The complaints of the bishops were that their devo- 
 tions were hindered by the interruption of the Knights ; that 
 the freedom of the order from tithe, which was amongst the 
 privileges conferred by Anastasius, was a great hardship on 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 201 
 
 the clergy; that the Knights received excommunicated 
 persons in their church, and many other similar charges, 
 amongst which was the absurd one that the hospital of 
 S. John at Jerusalem was a finer building than the church 
 of the Holy Sepulchre opposite which it stood. 
 
 Adrian listened carefully to all the charges, and even- 
 tually decided not to revoke the liberties granted by 
 his predecessor to the Knights; but no doubt he wrote 
 a homily to them on the duty of not disturbing your neigh- 
 bour ; for one of Adrian's favourite aspirations was to see a 
 reconciliation between the Eastern and Western Churches, 
 and he had much correspondence with both the Patriarch 
 at Constantinople and the Byzantine Emperor on the 
 subject. Basil, Bishop of Saloni^ja, wrote to the Pope an 
 important letter in the course of these negotiations, which, 
 in the light of modern views, is most interesting. He 
 asserts in it that the principles and doctrines of the 
 two Churches are practically the same, that he did not at 
 all consider himself as separated from the Catholic Church, 
 but as belonging to a branch only differing from that of Rome 
 in points of ceremony and ritual — discrepancies which he 
 says belonged entirely to the Pope to remove, and that if 
 he only removed them there would be nothing to prevent 
 the union of the churches. We have heard much the same 
 answer to the suggestion of reunion put forward more than 
 seven hundred years later ! 
 
 There is little question, however, that had Adrian not 
 been so hampered in the next and last two years of his life 
 
 D D 
 
202 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 by differences with the Emperor Frederic and other troubles, 
 he would have done much towards a reconciliation between 
 the Churches of the East and West. 
 
 After leaving Beneventum, the Pontiff made a progress 
 through the papal dominions, redressing grievances, con- 
 secrating churches, and blessing monasteries, passed through 
 Narni, probably stopping at the monastery of S. Casciano, 
 whose ruins may still be seen, and finally reaching as far 
 north as Orvieto,^ where he was received with the liveliest 
 expressions of loyalty and regard. He took a great fancy 
 to the lovely Umbrian town, perhaps the most picturesque 
 site in central Italy, overlooking miles of classical ground, 
 stayed there some while, founded some new churches, and 
 gave the city many privileges ; so that the traveller to 
 Orvieto will to this day hear his name spoken of by those 
 who are fond of antiquarian research or who are acquainted 
 with the history of their town. Adrian passed the winter of 
 1156-1157 at Viterbo, the last period of anything like calm 
 in his stormy pontificate. It was no doubt at this time 
 that he wrote some of the books which are attributed to his 
 pen. While at Viterbo he received a deputation from the 
 Eomans, and arranged a satisfactory agreement with them. 
 At the beginning of 1157 he returned to the papal city. 
 
 Either while Adrian was at Orvieto or Viterbo he 
 received a visit from the old friend of his legatine days, 
 
 ^ In "Days near Rome/' vol. ii., pp. 118-33, is a very good description 
 of Orvieto ; and, indeed, nearly all the places near Rome mentioned in this 
 work may be found in Mr. Hare's delightful book. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 203 
 
 Eskill, Arclibishop of Lund, with whom he must have 
 spent many pleasant hours of conversation. The arch- 
 bishop left Italy on his return to Danemark before the 
 end of 1156, and we shall hear further on how Frederic's 
 treatment of him led to the breach in the friendly re- 
 lations between Emperor and Pope which occurred in 
 1157. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 1156 TO 1158. 
 
 Frederic's Dissatisfaction at the Pope's Conduct — The Capture of the 
 Archbishop of Lund — Diet at Besan9on — Reception of Adrian's Envoys — 
 The Pope's Letter — Cardinal Roland — The Dispute about " Beneficium " 
 — Frederic's Proclamation to the German Church — Preparations for the 
 Second Invasion of Italy — Adrian's Second Letter to the German Bishops 
 — The Answer — Frederic at Augsburg — The Pope sends two Cardinals to 
 the Emperor — Their Misfortunes — Their Reception — Temporary Recon- 
 ciliation. 
 
 fl^REDERIC BARBAROSSA, after his return 
 from his expedition to Rome in 1154-55, had 
 been much occupied by the internal affairs of his 
 empire, which his campaign had caused him to 
 neglect. It must not be supposed, however, 
 that he did not keep a sharp look-out on events 
 in the south — a process in which he was assisted 
 by the cardinals who took the German side in the papal 
 council, and who kept the Emperor well informed of 
 their progress. Frederic considered that his authority 
 should be as unquestioned over Italy as over Germany, and 
 he further^regarded himself and not the Pope as feudal lord 
 of William of Apulia and Sicily. , He not only asserted 
 this as an inherited right dating back to Charlemagne, 
 
FREDERIC I. (bARBAROSSa), 
 EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 205 
 
 but he claimed that the custom of paying the feus had been 
 exercised down to recent times. 
 
 And certainly there was some foundation in fact for 
 his theory. In former years the Emperor Lothair II. had 
 compelled Roger II. of Sicily to own the feudal claims of 
 Germany over Apulia. It is true that this was imposed as 
 the condition of peace after the ordeal of war, and it should 
 be added that the Pope Innocent II. made a protest at the 
 time, and tried to persuade Lothair to acknowledge the 
 justice of the pontifical claims. But all that was arrived at 
 was, an agreement that the Pope and Emperor should be joint 
 lords over Apulia, and that when the banner of the duehy 
 was handed to the King of Sicily, the Pope and the Emperor 
 should each hold the flagstaff with one of their hands. 
 
 Frederic himself in the last year of the Pope 
 Eugenius III. had stipulated for the observance of this 
 custom, and had agreed not to make any treaty with the 
 King of Sicily without the consent of the Pope. 
 
 It will easily be seen that there was much to be said 
 on both sides, and ample debatable ground whereon to stir 
 up a quarrel. And thus it was that, when Barbarossa heard 
 of Adrian's treaty with William, which, it will be remem- 
 bered, brought about the very state of things which the 
 German party among the cardinals had tried to prevent, he 
 looked with suspicion and distrust on the alliance, and 
 regarded it as a distinct breach of faith on the part of the 
 Pope. What he expected Adrian to do, however, it is 
 difficult to conjecture, for the Pope had asked for the 
 
 / 
 
206 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Emperor's help, and that refused he was by all the rules of 
 war entitled to make the best terms for himself. Perhaps 
 Frederic was looking forward to difficulties in his next 
 march to the south, which doubtless he had in his mind 
 already ; but, whatever the cause, he chose to take offence, 
 and the friendly relations with Adrian were suspended, 
 never again to be genuinely renewed. 
 
 It is impossible here to pick up all the tangled threads 
 of the complicated history of this time, to trace the course 
 of each intrigue, or to follow the diplomacy of the various 
 rulers of the world. It was in truth not for this reason or 
 for that that these great differences came about, nor was it 
 to any discussion as to this particular feudal right or that 
 particular form or ceremony that the constant heat was due. 
 It was indeed the sole result of the friction of the two great 
 causes working ever one against the other, the spiritual and 
 the temporal. Again to quote from Dean Milman,' '' These 
 two powers, the Empire and the Papacy, had grown up 
 with indefinite and necessarily conflicting relations ; each 
 at once above and beneath the other ; each sovereign and 
 subject, with no distinct limits of sovereignty or subjection ; 
 each acknowledging the supremacy of the other, but each 
 reducing that supremacy to a name, or less than a name. 
 As a Christian, as a member of the Church, the Emperor 
 was confessedly subordinate to the Pope, the acknowledged 
 head and ruler of the Church. As a subject of the Empire, 
 
 ^ Milman, "Latin Christianity," voL iv., bk. vii., chap. 11, pp. 37, 38. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 207 
 
 the Pope owed temporal allegiance to the Emperor. The 
 authority of each depended on loose and flexible tradition, 
 on variable and contradictory precedents, on titles of un- 
 certain signification, Head of the Church, Vicar of Christ ; 
 Patrician, King of Italy, Emperor ; each could ascend to a 
 time when they were separate and not dependent on each 
 other. The Emperor boasted himself the successor to the 
 whole autocracy of the Caesars, to Augustus, Constantine, 
 Charlemagne; the Pope to that of S. Peter, or of Christ 
 himself." 
 
 This is the keynote of all papal and imperial history 
 at this period, and it is only when this central fact is 
 fully realized that we can trace with some meaning 
 the bewildering and conflicting accounts of the motives 
 which led to some of the most important actions on the 
 part of Emperor or Pontiff. 
 
 The Emperor, occupied as he was with German affairs, 
 could not come to overawe either Pope or King in person. 
 Various edicts insulting in their terms, and calculated to 
 still further open the breach between himself and the Pope, 
 were however issued; no allowance for Adrian's position 
 at Beneventum was made, and, considering Italy to have 
 slipped from his control, it was not long before Frederic 
 proceeded to acts of overt hostility against the papacy. 
 He forbade any German ecclesiastics to journey to Eome, 
 and he appointed one Albertus de Moray to the bishopric of 
 Verdun without consulting or asking the Pope. This and 
 various other incidents passed without comment from 
 
208 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Adrian, who had no wish to provoke the Emperor to wrath, 
 and certainly did not want to see him south of the Alps 
 again except as a friend and ally. But at last he received 
 news which appealed to his strong sense of loyalty to his 
 friends, and provoked a letter from him which proved to 
 be the spark required to start the smouldering quarrel into 
 life and earnest. E skill, Archbishop of Lund, on his way 
 home from Rome to Danemark, had been set upon in German 
 territory by independent knights of the German Empire, 
 and, after having been plundered of all his property, in- 
 cluding presents from the Pope himself, was imprisoned in 
 one of the castle strongholds of his assailants, and heavy 
 ransom demanded for his release. 
 
 This was no uncommon incident of these lawless 
 times ; but it became of great importance when, upon Eskill 
 managing to communicate with the Pope, the latter, staunch 
 to his friend, wrote to Frederic asking for his release, and 
 pointing out the crime of seizing one of his rank in the 
 Church. Whatever the Emperor's feelings may have been 
 in regard to the Sicilian treaty, he ought certainly for his 
 credit, and in common justice, to have procured the release 
 of the captive. But to Frederic's lasting shame he declined 
 to interfere. This naturally enraged the Pope, who deter- 
 mined to send a special embassy to the Emperor to complain, 
 and also to call his attention to other matters. The year was 
 already far advanced, and it was September before the 
 embassy started. Adrian calculated that the envoys would 
 reach Frederic at a great meeting he was to hold at Besan^on 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 209 
 
 in October, and determined to produce all his complaints in 
 public at that place. Frederic, anxious to confirm his title of 
 King or Duke of Burgundy, had determined to hold a diet 
 of unusual magnificence at Besan^on. He invited repre- 
 sentatives from all parts of Europe to attend, and envoys 
 came from England and France, from Italy, Venetia, and 
 Spain, to the glory of the court of the successor of Charle- 
 magne. All the chivalry of Germany was there ; the 
 veterans who had accompanied Frederic to Rome, and 
 who were perhaps still chafing under what they con- 
 sidered their lord's submission to the Pope in 1155. The 
 festivities were unexampled in their splendour, and every- 
 thing combined to add to the grandeur and spectacular 
 effect of the brilliant gathering.^ Adrian, never backward 
 at rebuke when he thought it necessary, selected with great 
 care two cardinal legates, in whose loyalty, even to death, 
 he could place absolute reliance. They were Roland, 
 Chancellor and Cardinal of S. Mark, afterwards Pope 
 Alexander III., and Bernard, Cardinal of S. Clement. 
 
 The envoys arrived at the brilliant scene and presented 
 their credentials. They were received with the courtesy 
 and honour due to the magnate whom they represented. 
 Roland was the chief of the embassy, a man who feared no 
 one, upright and dignified. His pride in the Holy Church 
 had been deeply wounded, not only by the action of the 
 Emperor in not complying with the demand of its pontiff^ 
 
 ^ Milman, ibid. ; Comyn's " W. Empire," ihid.^ p, 235 ; Radevicus 
 Frisingensis, lib. i. (in Muratori, torn, vi., pp. 746, 747). 
 
 E E 
 
210 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 to release the Archbishop of Lund, but also at the insult 
 he had offered by refusing to allow his prelates to go to 
 Rome — a course of action which not only offended the pride 
 of the papal state, but deprived the Church of a large part 
 of her lawful revenues. The legates were presented by the 
 Count Reinold, Chancellor of the Empire, at a sitting of 
 the council convened for the special purpose of hearing the 
 letter from the Pope. Cardinal Roland was the spokes- 
 man; a worthy representative of Adrian, in after years 
 destined to succeed his master in the papal chair — one of the 
 stern school of S. Bernard. 
 
 He read the letter, which of course was in Latin, and 
 had to be interpreted as he went on for the benefit of those 
 of the German nobles who did not understand the language ; 
 so the ceremony took some considerable time, and was con- 
 stantly interrupted by questions and arguments between the 
 interpreter and the unlettered knights. Roland's calm, 
 haughty mien angered the followers of the Emperor from 
 the first, and the opening words of the letter provoked the 
 first murmurs of excited feeling. 
 
 "His Holiness the Pope," read Roland, " and the cardinals 
 of the Roman Church salute you — he as a father, they as 
 brothers." At once there was a burst of indignation from the 
 assembly. The mighty Emperor bearded in all his splendour 
 by two priests, who not only dared to put the Pope in a posi- 
 tion of superiority to him, but had the audacity to claim for 
 themselves and their brother cardinals an equality with the 
 mighty monarch Barbarossa, and therefore superiority to all 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 211 
 
 of less degree than the Emperor himself. Some of the 
 nobles rose from their seats, swords were loosened, and 
 an angry clamour arose; but Frederic, whatever his 
 feelings may have been, kept them under control, and 
 calming the assembly, obtained a hearing for Roland, who, 
 undismayed, preserved his lofty bearing, and proceeded to 
 read on/ The letter was lengthy, and dealt with a number 
 of subjects. After a long preamble, it reproved the 
 Emperor in severe terms for his neglect to punish those of 
 his subjects who had laid hands on the sacred person of the 
 Archbishop of Lund. It reminded Frederic, after re- 
 capitulating the distinct charges against him of breaches of 
 faith, of the events in the plain of Sutri two years before, 
 when he had received his crown at the hands of the Pope 
 with all majesty, pomp, and honour, and then came a 
 passage in the letter which ran as follows ^ : " That the 
 Holy Roman Church had conferred the imperial crown 
 on the Emperor, with the plenitude of all power and 
 honour, and the Pope would rejoice had he conferred 
 even greater benefits (beneficia) on him." At the word 
 "beneficia" the storm broke. The Pope had used the 
 word solely in the sense which is here given, of "bene- 
 fits," and he certainly had no ulterior motive for its 
 
 ^ It may be read at length in Radevicus, Muratori, torn, vi., p. 747. 
 
 * ". . . et qualiter Imperialis insigne coron^e libentissime conferens, 
 benignissimo gremio suo tuas sublimitatis apicem staduerit confovere ... si 
 majora beneficia excellentia tua de manu nostra suscepissit . . . non immerito 
 gauderemus " (ibid.). 
 
212 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 use. But the word had then another meaning, and to the 
 feudal nobles present it only conveyed the meaning of the 
 word " beneficium " in feudal law. The beneficium was a 
 form by which property was held, and was first created by 
 the Franks when they settled in Gaul. The later term for 
 this particular kind of title was the better known one of fief 
 or feoff. It arose in this way ^ : After taking forcible 
 possession of territory, the chiefs rewarded their followers 
 by gifts out of the spoil, and later on these gifts or beneficia 
 took the form of grants of land. But the usual character 
 of a beneficium was that of absolute dependence on the 
 feudal lord who was the " grantor," and this brought with 
 it various conditions according to ever-changing custom 
 or the exigencies of time or country. Moreover, although 
 beneficia were often hereditary, they were generally of the 
 nature of a modern life-interest, and on the death of the holder 
 either reverted to the lord or could only be renewed for the 
 next generation by a fine. I have explained this at length, 
 as it is important to realize the eftect of the word on the 
 minds of the angry German nobles. To them the last sentence 
 which Roland had read was the crowning insult of the Pope's 
 intolerable letter, and plainly meant that Frederic was only 
 a feoff or holder of a beneficium from the Pope. It had been 
 hard to admit even the spiritual authority, it was impossible 
 to endure the assumption of absolute temporal authority. 
 
 ^ Montesquieu, " Esprit des Lois," liv. xxx., xxxi. ; Guizot, " Histoire 
 de la Civilisation en France," Paris, 1829-32, torn. iii. ; Hallam's " Middle 
 Ages." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 213 
 
 The knights sprang to then' feet, angrily shouting and 
 half-drawing their swords ; and among them all the most 
 furious was the Count Otho of Wittelsbach. 
 
 This noble, Otto or Otho, Count of Wittelsbach, was a 
 devoted follower of Barbarossa, and ever jealous of anything 
 affecting his dignity or his honour. He afterwards was made 
 Duke of Bavaria by Frederic,^ and this accounts for an error 
 into which many writers have been led. For the incident I 
 am about to relate is generally described as having been pro- 
 voked by the Count Palatine of Bavaria, who at this time 
 was Henry the Lion,^ ancestor of the house of Brunswick ; 
 doubtless he also was at Besangon. 
 
 It was Otho,^ then, who rose at the head of the nobles on 
 hearing the objectionable word. Half-drawing his sword he 
 tramped down the room, faced Roland, and angrily de- 
 manded if he meant to imply that Frederic held his empire 
 as a mere feoff of Adrian. 
 
 There was silence for a space. It was a crucial 
 moment, and much might depend on the cardinal's 
 words. 
 
 But the man who was brought up in the school of 
 S. Bernard, and was the friend and colleague of the now 
 
 ^ In 1180. Dollinger, " Studies in European History." 
 
 ^ Henry, Duke of Burgundy, restored by Frederic to his dukedom, 
 
 but deprived of it again in 1180, on account of his siding against the 
 
 Emperor. He married Maud, daughter of Henry II. of England, and died 
 
 1190 (ibid.). 
 
 " Born 1126, made Duke of Bavaria 1180, died 1183 ; ancestor of the 
 
 royal house of Bavaria. — "Allgemeine Deutsch Biographe." 
 
214 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 renowned Adrian, was not to be abashed. With lofty scorn 
 he let the words bear the meaning the barons thought 
 them to have, disdaining to correct their impression. In 
 calm, quiet language he said to Otho : " And of whom then 
 does he hold his empire, except it be of our Lord the 
 Pope ? " This was the signal for Otho to draw his sword, 
 and, rushing at Roland, he would have cut him down had 
 it not been for the direct personal intervention of Frederic, 
 who had himself to quell the tumult and restore calm 
 amongst his angry lords. Indeed, he had actually to hold 
 back Otho with his own hands. But Frederic, if he had 
 his temper better under control than the rest of his court, 
 was hardly less incensed with the Pope for the letter ; not 
 that he did not understand the meaning of the disputed 
 word, but he deeply resented those portions of the epistle 
 conveying rebuke and the Pope's displeasure. 
 
 Much to his discredit he allowed the error as to 
 '' beneficia" to go uncorrected, and he put the two legates 
 to the indignity of close arrest, had them searched, all their 
 papers taken from them, and ordered them to return to 
 Rome direct, without stopping anywhere on the way. The 
 order was pronounced nominally because the envoys were 
 found to have blank documents with the papal seal, which 
 were suspected to be intended for use against any of the 
 German churches who were biassed against the Pope or who 
 refused to back up his authority against the Emperor, and 
 to be filled in with pains and penalties accordingly. 
 
 This was merely an excuse. A trusted legate such as 
 
ALEXANDER III., 
 CARDINAL ROLAND BANDINELLI. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 215 
 
 Koland was, would be sure to have blank forms for purely 
 formal use, such as the charter of a monastery, the certifi- 
 cate for relics, and numerous other instruments by the use 
 of which the delay consequent on sending to Kome would 
 be saved. The real reason was that Frederic was not abso- 
 lutely sure of his German bishops, and did not want the 
 insulted though undaunted Eoland to start on a campaign 
 of agitation and complaint amongst the prelates of the 
 empire. And here again I must refer to the compHcated 
 relations and opinions which were all working at the same 
 time. It must be remembered that while Adrian had, as we 
 have seen, those among his followers who were not wholly 
 sincere in backing his views to the extreme ; so, in Frederic's 
 case, there were many among the German bishops who were 
 not prepared to admit the full extent of his claims. So, 
 again, with respect to his own personal opinion, Frederic 
 had no wish to upset the power of the Pope, his real desire 
 being to attain, if it were possible, his own absolute supre- 
 macy over the empire, and to the full extent of his claims, 
 without interfering with the papal rights. As regards Italy, 
 I have not hitherto said anything as to the feelings of Lom- 
 bardy, Tuscany, and the other states he had swept over in 
 1155. This work is a history of Adrian, not of Frederic ; but 
 it is necessary to point out that, although the country had 
 been cruelly laid waste and impoverished, a strong spirit of 
 opposition was rising, which survived the next invasion, and 
 eventually defeated him in 1174. The germs of the North 
 Italian republics of the Middle Ages were fructifying, and 
 
216 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 a Spirit was abroad which, growing in strength of resistance 
 and power, was first exhibited in the varied life of Milan, 
 Genoa, and Venice, Florence, and Bologna, and the other 
 states of the later Middle Ages, and reappearing centuries 
 later became concentrated and realized in the United Italy 
 of our own time. It is often the case that we are apt to 
 judge the actions of men as if they had the fuller knowledge 
 which we possess of the events going on round them. The 
 life of a man occupies a very small space in the history of a 
 great movement. Those near the picture can certainly see 
 details which escape our more distant eye, but they cannot 
 see t!he whole design — a fact which must be allowed for in 
 attempting to criticise the actions of men in these early 
 days, whose ideas were largely influenced by the environ- 
 ment of circumstances lost to us, or only very faintly visible ; 
 leading us, as it often does, to condemn them for not 
 acting in accordance with principles which may seem to us 
 to be perfectly plain and clear, but which were hidden 
 from their eyes by the narrow limits of their vision. Thus, 
 that the German bishops took Frederic's side is not so 
 much a sign that they were opposed to the domination 
 of the Pope, as that they were unconsciously taking their 
 part in the development of national spirit in Germany. 
 These considerations will enable us to account for many 
 apparent inconsistencies of action on their part, and also 
 for their so frequently playing fast and loose with the 
 spiritual directions of the Pope. 
 
 After the legates had been escorted to the frontier of 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 217 
 
 the papal states, they made their way with all despatch to 
 Rome and informed Adrian of their reception at Besan^on 
 and the insult offered to them by Otho of Wittelsbach. In 
 the meantime Frederic deemed it necessary to be before- 
 hand with the Pope, and issued a proclamation ^ to all the 
 bishops of the empire, in which he described the insults (as 
 he considered them) he had received from the Pope, and 
 stated that the blank authorities found on the legates were 
 intended to be used for the purpose of spoiling the churches 
 of the empire, by laying excessive papal taxes on their 
 revenues, and even taking away their plate and sacred 
 vessels to Rome. It seems hardly credible that Frederic 
 should have circulated so monstrous an accusation quite 
 gratuitously, and it may be that there was some very slight 
 foundation in fact for the statement. It is very possible that 
 the legates really were going to collect some church dues, 
 and this served as a groundwork for exaggeration amounting 
 to falseness. 
 
 Frederic was playing a desperate and high-handed 
 game. His unbounded ambition was leading him roughshod 
 over all eonsiderations, even those of simple accuracy and 
 justice. 
 
 His letter went on to accuse the Pope of trying to stir 
 up enmity and hostility between the Roman Church and the 
 empire. He repeated his declaration that he held his empire 
 from God alone, on whose servant, the Pope, simply 
 
 1 Koderic, i. 8, 10 ; Gunther, vi. 800. 
 F F 
 
218 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 devolved the duty of performing tlie ceremony of corona- 
 tion, and he dwelt also on the unlucky word " beneficia," 
 declaring that man to be a liar who stated that he held his 
 erown as a beneficium of the Pope. He wound up by inform- 
 ing the bishops that he and he alone stood between their 
 liberties and the oppression of the Koman see, and repeated 
 his edict that there should be no communication with Rome 
 on the part of his clergy except by express permission. 
 
 Thus did Frederic throw down the challenge to the 
 Pope; but Adrian in spite of the provocation kept his temper 
 under complete control. His anxieties were great ; he could 
 not carry out the negotiations for reunion with the Eastern 
 Church on which he had set his heart ; he did not feel at 
 all sure as to how far William of Sicily could be depended 
 upon, and he was quite aware that any day might see 
 trouble in Eome itself. During his stay in Rome Frederic 
 had noticed a picture which greatly displeased him, re- 
 presenting the Emperor Lothair prostrate at the feet of 
 the Pope, with the following lines underneath : 
 
 "Rex venit ante fores, jurans prlus urbis honores 
 Post homo fit papae sumit quo dante coronam." 
 
 Adrian had promised to have it destroyed, but Frederic 
 had used the incident to inflame his nobles, who probably 
 did not read the lines, but understood the picture. All this 
 Adrian heard soon after the return of his legates. 
 
 But he also knew of a further design on the part of 
 Frederic, viz., his intention to undertake another campaign 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 219 
 
 to the south in the summer of 1158. There was every 
 cause to expect the second invasion to be as successful as 
 the first, and if so, what form would the meeting of Pope 
 and Emperor take ? 
 
 The former would no longer be able to use the threat 
 of refusal to crown Frederic as a weapon. There was no 
 common enemy like Arnold of Brescia to unite them, and 
 Adrian had settled with William of Sicily. If they met 
 not as friends, but as antagonists, the interests of the Church 
 would suffer, and perhaps all the results of the success 
 of 1155 destroyed. Adrian had no intention of surrender- 
 ing any right, nor did he, as some writers have said, fear 
 the Emperor. 
 
 The fear of God was the only kind of fear that Adrian 
 ever showed, or indeed knew. That he would not shrink 
 from the severest and most uncompromising measures if he 
 felt them to be necessary he had already shown, and later 
 actually proved, as we shall see. But he had a marvellous 
 tact, and he was now determined that if Frederic and he 
 should meet again that summer, it should be in peace. As 
 soon as he became possessed of the full account of the 
 Besan^on affair he called his cardinals together and calmly 
 discussed the situation. There was an animated debate ; the 
 German interest in the conclave, not daring to blame the 
 stern figure who sat in the chair of state, tried to throw dis- 
 credit on Koland and Bernard by accusing them of mis- 
 management. This Adrian would not permit, and though 
 he felt the insult of the Emperor keenly, he did not allow 
 
220 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 any remarks to pass his lips which disaffected rumour on 
 its way to Frederic might distort into either insult or 
 cowardice. Adrian closed a heated discussion by announcing 
 that he would write a circular letter himself to the German 
 Church. The letter commenced with the statement, treated 
 as incontestable, that, whenever anything happens in the 
 Church which is against the honour of our Lord and the 
 reputation of Catholicism, it is the duty of the Pope, bishops, 
 and all who have the charge of men's souls, to chastise and 
 rebuke the offenders without regard to rank or position. 
 
 The Pope proceeds to recite how " Our illustrious son, 
 Frederic, Emperor of the Romans," has committed an act 
 unprecedented in the history of the Church by allowing 
 the legates of the Holy See to be insulted and almost 
 murdered when receiving them at his council ; that he 
 had burst into passion about a passage in the Pope's letter, 
 had allowed the envoys to be ill-treated and searched, and 
 their documents seized, and that he added to these insults 
 the crowning one of ordering them back to Rome. 
 
 Adrian made no explanation of the word beneficium, 
 which he presumably reserved for use later if required. He 
 also complained of the Emperor's edict forbidding the 
 bishops to go to Rome, and finished the brief by exhort- 
 ing them to be loyal to the apostolic see and their Holy 
 Father, pointing out that this was a case in which the 
 honour of Christ's Church was involved, calling on them to 
 do their duty by the Church in persuading the Emperor from 
 his infatuation and exhorting him to '' return to the right 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 221 
 
 path " from which he had " strayed," and to ordain that 
 pubHc satisfaction be made by the Chancellor Eeinold and 
 Otho of Wittelsbach for their personal share in the insults 
 to the legates. The last sentence of all declares that how- 
 ever much the Church may be shaken by the winds, she 
 will yet "endure throughout all ages under the Lord's pro- 
 tection." 
 
 This able and dexterous letter produced great effect on 
 the German bishops, who found it difficult to please two 
 masters, and were much exercised as to how to answer it 
 to the approval of the Pope without giving offence to 
 Frederic. This was exactly the effect which Adrian in- 
 tended it should produce. Most of the bishops of the 
 empire had become rather German nobles and soldiers than 
 peaceful prelates, but there were those among them who 
 counselled peace. They ended by answering the Pope's 
 missive in a letter which was a curious mixture of servility 
 and arrogance, in effect throwing the responsibility of 
 action on Adrian. This was an attitude which Adrian 
 both expected and welcomed, recognizing him as it did as 
 head of the Church, and enabling him to preserve the calm 
 and dignified attitude with which he had met the passionate 
 outburst of the Emperor. 
 
 The arrogance in the answer was probably due to the 
 fact of the letter having been laid before Frederic for his 
 final approval. The substance of the letter was as follows. 
 After equivocating about the edict, and stating that the 
 Emperor never meant to deter pilgrims or people having 
 
222 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 eeclesiastieal business from going to Rome, but merely 
 alluded to what they vaguely termed *' papal encroach- 
 ments," the bishops affirmed that their lord was indig- 
 nant at the picture he had seen at Rome, with the offensive 
 lines underneath, which Frederic regarded as a good ground 
 for his fear that the Church sought to overthrow the state ; 
 that he wished to protect his churches from excessive taxa- 
 tion ; and further that the Emperor was indignant at the 
 treaty being made with the King of Sicily, against whom he 
 was allied, without his interests being consulted in the 
 matter. The chancellor, they added, was then preparing 
 for the Emperor's campaign to Italy in the summer, and 
 they accordingly besought the Pope to do all he could, and 
 to be as conciliatory as possible, so that the Church might 
 continue in peace and the Empire preserve its dignity. 
 This letter was duly received by Adrian, and though he 
 must have been somewhat amused at its feebleness in 
 comparison with his vigorous brief, and the irrelevant 
 answers to his telling points, he determined to send an 
 embassy to the chancellor and to Frederic with becoming 
 dignity. At this time Frederic was at Augsburg with 
 his army, having concluded some military operations along 
 the frontiers of Italy, and was preparing for his second 
 descent into Lombardy. 
 
 Adrian selected Cardinal Henry of S. Nereus and 
 S. Achilles, and Cardinal Hyacinth to go to Augsburg and 
 request an audience of the Emperor. 
 
 These unfortunate dignitaries were attacked while on 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 223 
 
 their journey across the Alps by some robber-knights who 
 owned allegiance to the Duke of Bavaria, and who, knowing 
 of the quarrel between the Emperor and the Pope, thought 
 they would not be punished for imitating in their own 
 fashion the conduct of their lord — an instance of the danger 
 of travelling in those days, as well as of the responsibility 
 attaching to the action of high authorities. The envoys 
 were plundered and imprisoned. Fortunately, however, 
 for them, the brother of one of these wild counts gave 
 himself up as a hostage for their ransom, and they were at 
 length permitted to continue their journey without further 
 hindrance. Henry, Duke of Bavaria, on hearing what had 
 taken place, rendered every assistance and severely punished 
 their captors. The cardinals were received with high 
 honour at the camp at Augsburg on January 29th, 1158, 
 both by the chancellor and by Otho of Wittelsbach, who 
 took them into the presence of Frederic, to whom they 
 handed a letter from Adrian containing an explanation of 
 the word " beneficium," ^ namely, that the word was used in 
 its scriptural sense, and was not intended to bear the feudal 
 interpretation that Frederic's nobles had applied to it. 
 The Pope also disclaimed any other intention but that of 
 peace, and assured the Emperor that any other expressions 
 which had been taken exception to had not been employed 
 otherwise than with the highest motives and with all good- 
 will. 
 
 ^ " Ex beneficio Dei, non tanquam ex feudo, sed velut ex benedictione " 
 (Radivicus, ibid.). 
 
224 NICHOLAS BREAIiSPEAR. 
 
 The Emperor professed himself satisfied with these 
 explanations, and requested a settlement of one or two 
 minor points, on which the deputation agreed. He then 
 embraced the cardinals as a token of reconciliation, ex- 
 pressed regret at the discomforts they had gone through, 
 and gave them handsome presents for themselves and others 
 for transmission to the Pope. 
 
 The cardinals returned to Rome, and Adrian had 
 reason to be satisfied with the results of his diplomacy. He 
 had again succeeded in his negotiations, and if the reconcilia- 
 tion was only of a short duration, it at any rate preserved the 
 dignity of the Church, and gave him some months of peace 
 in which to go on with his charitable and domestic duties 
 in Rome. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1158 TO 1159. 
 
 Causes which led to the Second Invasion of Italy — The Countess 
 Matilda's Possessions — The History of the Guelph Claim — State of Lom- 
 bardy and Tuscany — Frederic's Army enters Italy — Surrender of Brescia 
 — Siege and Capture of Milan — Diet of Roncaglia — The Case of the 
 Archbishop of Ravenna — Adrian writes again to the Emperor — Frederic's 
 Declaration at Roncaglia — Adrian's Repudiation of the Imperial Claims — 
 Revolt of Milan — Adrian's Courage — Frederic's last Insult — The Embassy 
 of the four Cardinals — Adrian's Ultimatum — Frederic's Vacillation — 
 Adrian retires to Anagni — War — Preparations for Excommunication of 
 the Emperor — Adrian's Death — His Funeral — His Tomb. 
 
 [EFORE relating the history of the next 
 difference with the Emperor — a difference 
 which developed into open rupture — it is 
 necessary to examine the causes which 
 led to the second invasion of Italy, for 
 which Frederic was preparing at Augs- 
 burg in Bavaria. 
 
 Besides the constant jealousy between the two powers, 
 which showed itself in the dispute after the Besan^on 
 incident, Adrian had an independent and serious cause 
 of complaint against Frederic in the matter of his dealings 
 with the property of the late Countess Matilda, the history 
 of which is interwoven with events in North Italy at 
 
 G G 
 
226 NICHOLAS BREAKSFEAR. 
 
 that time, and cannot be separated from the second Italian 
 campaign. 
 
 In addition to the Emperor's public acts, there was also 
 a personal question arising out of his second marriage and 
 the repudiation of the first Empress, which will be dealt 
 with later. 
 
 The Countess Matilda was born in 1046, and was the 
 daughter of Beatrice of Lorraine, whose mother, Matilda, 
 was a sister of Gisla, mother of the Emperor Henry III. 
 Matilda and Gisla were daughters of Herman V., Duke 
 of Swabia; and in this way the Countess Matilda was a 
 cousin of the Emperor Henry IV. of Germany. She was 
 celebrated for her virtue and piety, and was always a 
 staunch adherent of the Popes. She married Godfrey V., 
 Duke of Brabant, called the " Crooked," and by her 
 marriage became interested in extensive property in 
 Tuscany, her husband's mother ^ having been the widow of 
 Boniface, Duke of Tuscany. 
 
 She led an unhappy married life, from which she was 
 released by the murder of her husband. By his death and 
 that of her father, she succeeded to immense property in 
 Italy and Lorraine — the latter through her father's family, 
 her brother and sister predeceasing her. 
 
 At that time a fearful war was raging between the 
 Emperor Henry IV. and Pope Gregory — a war one of the 
 incidents of which was the capture and sack of Rome 
 
 ' His father was Godfrey IV., d. 1069. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 227 
 
 itself. The city was taken by Henry in 1084, Robert of 
 Sicily acting as his ally and pouring his troops, including a 
 body of Saracens, into the town. Matilda sided with 
 Gregory in this struggle, and her domains were wasted in 
 the course of the war. Gregory died in 1085, and was 
 succeeded by Pope Victor III. 
 
 I must rapidly pass over the stirring history of the 
 intrigues and wars which took place in the next few years 
 between Emperor, Popes, and Anti-popes ; suffice it to say 
 that more than once was the unfortunate Matilda's property 
 again overrun by the imperial troops and given up to fire 
 and sword. 
 
 In these events Matilda sacrificed everything to the 
 interests of the Church, and while many women in her> 
 day took the vow of celibacy for the sake of religion, 
 Matilda surrendered her liberty for the welfare of 
 the Roman Church by marrying a lad scarcely twenty 
 years of age, of the influential house of Guelph, thus 
 securing a powerful ally against the imperial house of 
 Henry. 
 
 This happened in 1088, and is the ke3niote to Frederic's 
 interest in her property. We must be careful therefore to 
 follow closely the complications of interest and relationship 
 caused by the marriage. For the moment indeed it caused 
 a fresh outbreak of war, combined with dissatisfaction and 
 budding revolution among her vassals. But the victory of 
 Canossa ended the war in her favour, and after the death 
 of the Emperor Henry IV. in 1106, she made terms with 
 
228 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 the Emperor Henry V.^ and was present at his coronation 
 in Kome in 1111, being herself left in comparative peace 
 as vice-regent of Italy. She died in 1115, and by her will 
 left all her immense estates to the papal see. Henry V. 
 immediately claimed them as an imperial fief, and so 
 began a fresh difference between the empire and Rome. 
 After constant struggles with the popes Henry V. died 
 in 1125, a few years after the celebrated treaty of the 
 Diet of Worms,^ by which the Emperor conceded to the 
 Pope almost all the powers which in later years Frederic 
 tried to usurp from Adrian. Lothair II., the next emperor, 
 conceded to the Pope his powers as suzerain over Matilda's 
 property on the annual payment of 100 marks in silver, and 
 purported to grant the reversion to Henry VIII., Duke of 
 Bavaria and Saxony. Lothair II. died in 1137, being suc- 
 ceeded by Conrad III., brother of Frederic II., Duke of 
 Swabia,^ and uncle to Frederic Barbarossa ; but nothing hap- 
 pened in his reign with reference to the property of the 
 Countess Matilda. He, as we know, died in 1152. Now, 
 whatever we may think as to the claims of the Pope to 
 temporal power in the empire, or to possessions in southern 
 Italy, there can be no two opinions as to the justice of the 
 papal claims to Matilda's property, which were founded on 
 her will, and were admitted by both the Emperors Henry V. 
 and Lothair " the Saxon." But Frederic chose to consider 
 that Lothair had the right to dispose of the reversion in the 
 
 ^ Henry V. married Matilda, daughter of Henry I. of England. 
 ' 1122. ' Died 1147. 
 
GENEA MATILDA AND FREDERIC'S RELATIONSHIP 
 
 MAEG^H, DUKES 
 ilA. 
 
 U 
 
 d. 1101, 
 ' Bavaria; 
 inders, d. 
 
 VH.,=p"Wtjlfide 
 
 HOUSE OF HOHENSTAUFFEN. 
 
 Frederic I,, 
 d.ll05,DukeofSwabia 
 (Hohenstauefen), m. 
 Agnes * of Franconia, 
 d. 1143. 
 
 ok, of 
 D d. 
 i 
 o; 
 
 I — 
 Albert II. 
 
 of Austria, 
 
 d. 1136. 
 
 of Saxony. 
 
 Conrad, 
 a Monk. 
 
 ■| r 
 
 JuDITH,=pFREDERIC II., 
 
 d. 1126. 
 
 Duke of Swabia, 
 d. 1147. 
 
 Conrad III., 
 Emperor, d. 
 1152, m. Ger- 
 trude of Salz- 
 bach, d. 1166. 
 (Ghibelline.) 
 
 Henry ^Other 
 the Lion, of liildren. 
 and Saxony, < 
 m. 1st, Cleme: 
 Zharingen; 2n 
 Plantageiiet, 
 Henry 11. of I 
 
 ''"'■ ■" "W"lEilA 
 
 their youngeji. 
 from whom ( 
 the Eoyal H 
 England. 
 
 Henry, 
 King of 
 the Romans, 
 d. 1160. 
 
 Frederic IV., 
 Duke of Swabia, 
 d. 1167, m. 
 Richenza of 
 Bavaria. 
 
 Judith, 
 m. Lewis, Land- 
 grave of Thuringia. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 229 
 
 way he did, and claimed the domains for his uncle, Guelph 
 VIII.^ Here we must pause to pick up the threads of the 
 complicated relationships of Frederic. 
 
 Henry Guelph, the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, was the 
 son of Henry VII., the Black (from whom our present 
 royal family are descended), brother of Guelph VII., who 
 married the Countess Matilda. 
 
 He married Gertrude, the daughter of Lothair II., 
 who died in 1143. The Emperor Conrad III. hated this 
 man as having been the supporter of Lothair, the constant 
 opponent of the house of HohenstaufFen, and forfeited his 
 duchies on account of his claiming the throne as heir to 
 Lothair, giving Bavaria to Leopold IV., Margrave of 
 Austria, and Saxony to Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg. 
 Henry the Proud was, however, able by the loyalty of his 
 subjects to keep Bavaria till his death in 1139. It was in 
 the wars which ensued from these acts that the warcries 
 of Guelph and Ghibelline first were used — the latter derived 
 from Conrad of Hohenstauffen, Lord of Wiblingen. 
 
 After the death of Henry the Proud, Conrad restored 
 the duchy of Saxony to his son, Henry, called the " Lion," 
 but on the death of Leopold bestowed Bavaria on his 
 brother, Henry of Austria, who married Henry the Lion's 
 mother, the widow of Henry the Proud. 
 
 When Frederic came to the throne he took the duchy of 
 Bavaria away from Henry, Margrave of Austria,'^ whom he 
 
 ' Often called Guelph VI. 
 
 * Henry of Austria was Frederic's uncle by marriage. 
 
230 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 compensated by making Duke of Austria, and bestowed it 
 again on Henry the Lion, who was the Duke of Bavaria 
 who rescued Adrian's legates from the robbers, as related in 
 the last chapter, and he made restitution to his uncle, 
 Guelph VIII. ,^ by granting him Tuscany, Spoleto, Sardinia, 
 and all the Countess Matilda's possessions. 
 
 In later years Frederic took Bavaria away again from 
 Henry the Lion, and gave it to Otho of Wittelsbach. 
 
 We must now look at the state of Italy ; and it is chiefly 
 with the part which forms the modern Lombardy that we 
 are concerned. In the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries 
 the peninsula was, roughly speaking, divided between 
 four dynasties or powers: Lombardy, Venice, Rome, and 
 Naples. I have already mentioned the growth of Naples 
 into the kingdom of Sicily, and with Venice we have 
 nothing to do. Lombardy at the time of which I am writing 
 had become more limited on the side of the northern borders 
 of Italy, and, with the exception of some southern districts, 
 occupied much the same geographical position as the 
 ancient Cisalpine Gaul. 
 
 The principal cities of Lombardy were Milan and Pavia. 
 Milan had led the way in the direction of independence, 
 which the communities of North Italy were already begin- 
 ning to show, by converting itself in 11 07 into a republic — 
 an example which was soon followed by Lodi, Cremona, 
 Verona, Genoa, and Pavia. In this way a number of 
 
 ^ Son of Henry the Black. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 231 
 
 different states were gradually formed, each consisting of 
 a walled city and its environs. Genoa, of course, with her 
 sea power, forms a history by herself; but the others were 
 constantly at war with each other, and showed themselves 
 intensely jealous rivals both in their military and com- 
 mercial aims. 
 
 The strong oppressed the weak, and so soon as a strong 
 power became weakened by war, the others were ready to 
 take advantage of the weakness. In this way Milan crushed 
 Lodi and Como, and in 1136, 1139, and 1150, was in her 
 turn beaten by Pavia. 
 
 Verona and Padua kept up a constant war with each 
 other; so did Modena and Bologna. Thus the history of 
 northern Italy at this time was the history of the rise of 
 petty rival republics, whose constant differences made it 
 easy for the emperors to destroy them in detail whenever 
 they descended with their armies. The towns of Tuscany 
 to the south were developing themselves in a somewhat 
 different manner. The system they adopted of choosing 
 two or more citizens to rule as consuls resulted none 
 the less in a series of petty wars between the states. 
 Tuscany was at this time the most unsafe part of Italy for 
 travellers, and all historians agree that the condition of the 
 country was unexampled. Her cities, however, began to 
 be celebrated, Pisa rivalKng Genoa in importance and 
 sending her fleets all over the Mediterranean. She captured 
 Sardinia and Majorca from the Saracens, and gradually 
 became one of the most important cities of Italy. 
 
232 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Arezzo, Lucca, Siena, and Pistoja were all struggling 
 separately for liberty. Florence was becoming known, but 
 her greatness was of a later date. Venice was asserting her 
 powers, and had recently taken and sacked Padua, and 
 extended her authority down the coasts of the Adriatic. 
 
 This, then, was the state of affairs which confronted 
 Frederic. He had concluded his marriage with Beatrice, the 
 rich heiress of Einaldo, Duke of Burgundy, and by so doing 
 had added the vast domains of her inheritance to his already 
 large empire. To effect this he had annulled his marriage 
 with Adelaide, and for their joint coronation at Rome he 
 hoped to receive or extort the papal sanction.^ He was 
 reconciled with the hereditary enemy of his house, Henry 
 the Lion, who when in Rome in 1155 had saved his life, 
 either during the attack on the Vatican or afterwards, and 
 he united in his own person the blood of Guelphs and 
 Ghibellines through his mother, who was a daughter of 
 Henry the Black, Duke of Bavaria. All seemed well in 
 Germany ; but what of Italy ? The whole of Lombardy was 
 restless and rebellious, beginning to see the advantages that 
 a league between the republics would give them against 
 their powerful foe, who by his whole course of action in 
 Italian affairs was working up the country to exasperation ; 
 the Pope doubtfully reconciled, ready to take offence with 
 a strong hand ; William, King of Sicily, as powerful as his 
 father had been before him, and an ally of the Pope. 
 
 ' Hallam's "Middle Ages." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 233 
 
 Frederic determined to select Milan, and humble the 
 growing pride of that city, the most important place in 
 Lombardy, on the ground that the Milanese had in 1157 
 sacked and destroyed Lodi, which he considered an imperial 
 fief. At last his army was collected, and through every pass 
 in the Tyrolean Alps poured down upon the fertile plains 
 of Italy. The leaders were, besides the Emperor himself, 
 Ladislaus, King of Bohemia; Frederic's cousin, Frederic IV., 
 Duke of Swabia ; his brother Conrad, Count Palatine of the 
 Khine ; Duke Bernard of Zahringen, and a host of others. 
 Frederic himself crossed by the Brenner, and descended 
 the valley of the Adige to Trent ; but his host was so 
 numerous that all the passes leading to Friuli and Chia- 
 venna and the distant Bernardino were choked with the 
 passage of what was perhaps the largest army which had 
 ever descended on the plains of Lombardy. Most of the 
 villages and towns surrendered before his advance, and at 
 last he appeared before Brescia, the inhabitants of which 
 paid a heavy indemnity, and obtained peace. The first 
 resistance was made by the Milanese troops at the passage 
 of the river Adda at Cassano. At first it seemed as if the 
 army was checked, but the King of Bohemia and his men 
 swam across the river, losing 200 men in the affair, and 
 turned the flank of the Milanese, who fled to their capital. 
 
 Frederic advanced, and, reinforced by Italian troops 
 from Como and Lodi anxious for revenge against their 
 rival, laid siege to Milan with no less than 100,000 men. 
 Within a month the proud city had fallen, and the haughty 
 
 H H 
 
234 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 conqueror made his terms. Lodi and Como were to have 
 their liberty, and the former, which had been destroyed, 
 was to be rebuilt; a ransom of 9,000 marks in silver 
 was levied; 300 hostages were to be given; while the 
 Emperor was to have the free coinage of the city, an 
 acknowledgment of him as their lord; and then came the 
 crowning humiliation — the imperial camp was pitched four 
 miles from the city, and all the nobles had to walk past 
 bareheaded, with halters round their necks. 
 
 Frederic had reduced Milan. He was destined to do 
 it with greater severity a second time in 1163, and then 
 the Milanese were to have their reward in hurling him back 
 defeated from Alessandria in 1176. 
 
 After this stern display of power, Frederic descended 
 to the plain of Eoncaglia and held another of his famous 
 diets. And now we come again to the actual relations 
 between the Emperor and the Pope. 
 
 Adrian viewed with misgiving the action of the 
 Emperor, and while preparing to strengthen his alliance with 
 William he sent a legate to attend the diet at Eoncaglia. 
 
 In November, 1158, the Emperor appointed Count 
 Guido of Blandrada, one of his German nobles, to be Arch- 
 bishop of Eavenna. This Guido was actually a subdeacon 
 of the Eoman Church, and Adrian declined to approve 
 of the appointment, writing a courteous letter, in which he 
 said that he could not part with so beloved a friend, as he 
 had reserved him for promotion in the Church of Eome. 
 But his letter does not seem to have had any reply. It 
 
NICHOLAS BKEAKSPEAK. 235 
 
 was evident that relations had again become strained, and 
 this time certainly the sole cause was the arrogant and 
 interfering attitude of the Emperor himself. The open 
 rupture came soon. Arrived at Eoncaglia, whither a vast 
 concourse had flocked of bishops, prelates, princes, and 
 nobles, besides the papal legate, Frederic determined to 
 decide once for all by what laws the people of Lombardy 
 should be governed, and he called in some learned doctors 
 from Bologna to consider and report to him. With great 
 servility they drew up a long list of laws, amongst which 
 were the following: — that all monopolies of fisheries, 
 mines, customs, taxes, and other dues fell under the head of 
 regalities, and were due to the Emperor; that homage 
 was also due to him from all the bishops and nobles ; that 
 forage was to be supplied free to his troops; and many 
 other equally imperious decrees were framed by the 
 doctors and promulgated by Frederic. The various towns 
 and chapters, frightened by these proceedings, appealed to 
 the Pope. Frederic now sent the Bishop of Vercelli to 
 Rome to obtain the confirmation of his appointment of the 
 Archbishop of Ravenna, which Adrian promptly refused. 
 A second letter of the Emperor, pressing him to grant the 
 point, provoked one of Adrian's characteristic missives, 
 severe, though moderate in tone, complaining of the want 
 of respect shown to the papal legate ; of the insolence of 
 the imperial troops ; of the pillage of papal castles ; and 
 drawing his attention to the fact that he had broken the 
 treaty of Worms made by his predecessor, and had also vio- 
 
236 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 lated his own coronation oath. The letter also forbade the 
 Emperor to proceed with the settlement of a dispute which 
 he had taken into his own hands between the churches of 
 Brescia and Bergamo. It is said that this letter was sent 
 by a ragged messenger, who put it in the Emperor's hands 
 and ran away. The truth probably is that Adrian had no 
 intention of again exposing his cardinals to insult, and 
 sent the letter by an officer of lower rank, who, knowing 
 the too often unhappy fate of messengers of evil tidings in 
 those times, made good his departure for fear of becoming 
 the first object of the Emperor's rage. 
 
 It was now June, 1159, Frederic having spent the 
 intervening time in proceedings characterized by the 
 utmost cruelty. He had sent his chancellor to arrange the 
 new constitution of Milan, and that imperious servant of 
 his master provoked the Milanese by exceeding the terms 
 on which they had surrendered. The principal cause 
 of complaint was that the town of Monza was declared 
 free, although it had been expressly promised that only 
 Lodi and Como should be taken from them. A revolu- 
 tion ensued ; and as Frederic was now in winter quarters at 
 Bologna, and many of his followers had left him, the 
 Milanese took advantage of his apparent weakness, and, 
 breaking out into open hostility, drove the imperial 
 chancellor out of their city. 
 
 They next attacked and recaptured the castle of Frezzo, 
 on the Adda, one of the keys to North Italy. Barbarossa 
 was furious ; he was not strong enough just then to reduce 
 
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NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 237 
 
 Milan a second time, but he levied a war with guerilla 
 troops, declared Milan to be under the ban of the empire, 
 and wasted all the country round the city. He also 
 executed some of the Milanese hostages in sight of 
 their city, and laid siege to Crema. He conducted his 
 operations with unparalleled severity, and rendered the 
 whole of the Milanese plain desolate. 
 
 Murder, torture, and plunder were his weapons ; lust 
 and cruelty the guiding forces of his soldiers. Never 
 perhaps had Lombardy been so miserable as it was in the 
 early months of 1159. Adrian was aware of the terrible 
 sufferings of the country, and made up his mind to quietly 
 encourage the Milanese in their resistance ; to strengthen 
 his position, and eventually, perhaps, with the help of the 
 Sicihans, to wage a successful war against the Emperor, 
 for which he considered he had ample grounds. In reserve 
 he held the terrible weapon of excommunication — a weapon 
 which, as he had proved in his dealings with William of 
 Sicily, he would not hesitate to use if he found it necessary. 
 Relying thus upon the spiritual as well as upon the material 
 forces at his command, the Pope from this point onwards 
 took up an attitude of firm opposition to the encroachments 
 of Frederic. 
 
 He no doubt saw the advent of the Italian struggle 
 for freedom against Barbarossa with prophetic eye, and he 
 was aware that, even amidst all the troubles and griefs of 
 Lombardy, a secret treaty had already been framed between 
 Brescia, Crema, and Milan, which bound these cities to 
 
238 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 conclude no peace with the Emperor without the consent 
 of the papal see — a treaty destined to bear full fruit years 
 afterwards at Legnano. To this end, then, Adrian 
 occupied himself in fortifying and strengthening the castles 
 and military posts in the Campagna and the neighbour- 
 hood of Eome, and judging from his actions and letters, 
 expected to be ready for war by the end of 1159. We 
 must now go back to the Emperor, who had just 
 received Adrian's letter. He was furious at what he 
 regarded as a personal insult, and showed his rage by 
 answering Adrian in a letter purposely offensive, in 
 that it commenced with the singular number instead 
 of the plural, the style of address usually adopted by 
 the Emperors in letters to the Pope, though the Popes 
 always used the singular number ; he at the same time 
 directed his chancellor to adopt this fashion in all future 
 correspondence. On receiving this fresh insult Adrian at 
 once wrote to the Emperor a dignified but extremely 
 severe letter, which reached the Emperor at Bologna on 
 June 24th, 1159, in which in stately language he reproved 
 Barbarossa for his want of reverence to the representative 
 of Christ. 
 
 " My son in the Lord," he says, and proceeds to 
 marvel at his conduct. " The law of God promises long 
 life to those who honour, threatens death to those who 
 speak evil of their father and mother. 
 
 " He that exalteth himself shall be abased." He goes 
 on to add that the Emperor by his conduct incurs the guilt 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 239 
 
 of insolence, and reminds him of the fealty he had sworn 
 to S. Peter, telling him that by insulting the bishops, 
 "saints of the Most High," and closing the cities and 
 churches of the empire against them, he is incurring the 
 risk of forfeiture at the Pope's hands of that which the 
 Pope had granted, and warns him to be prudent. 
 
 Thus did Adrian speak out. Frederic had no hope of 
 inspiring him with fear ; unflinching and courageous the 
 Pope stood firmly on his rights, and no shadow of yielding 
 could be detected in his actions. As may be supposed from 
 the character of Frederic, he did not take this letter quietly. 
 Flushed with his victories, furious at the new insurrection 
 in Milan, which he ascribed entirely to the machinations 
 of the Pope, the indignant Emperor wrote him a letter 
 teeming with insult and couched in the most arrogant 
 terms.^ In this outburst he told the Pope to confine 
 himself to the humble doctrines of Christ. It was his 
 bounden duty to pay full honour to the memory of his pre- 
 decessor by preserving the dignity of the imperial crown 
 and keeping intact the dominions of the German empire. 
 He informed the Pope in disdainful language that he 
 required feudal oaths from all the bishops of the Church, 
 and defended this view by pointing out that Christ Him- 
 self paid taxes to Caesar for Himself and S. Peter, whose 
 chair the Pope occupied, and quoted the text, *' Learn of 
 Me, for I am meek and lowly of heart." 
 
 ^ Baronius, sub anno 1159. 
 
240 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 After this sanctimonious commencement he proceeds : 
 " The churches are closed, the city gates will not open to 
 the cardinals, because they are not preachers, but robbers ; 
 not peacemakers, but plunderers ; not the restorers of the 
 world, but greedy rakers-up of gold/ 
 
 "When we shall see them, as the Church enjoins, 
 bringing peace, enlightening the land, maintaining the cause 
 of the lowly in justice, we shall not hesitate to provide 
 them with proper entertainment and allowances." He 
 proceeds to ask whether Pope Sylvester possessed any 
 temporal power in the time of the Emperor Constantine, 
 and whether subsequent Popes had not owed all the 
 temporal powers they possessed to the magnanimity and 
 generosity of successive Emperors, including the writer 
 of the letter. 
 
 "We cannot but return such answer when we find 
 that detestable monster pride to have approached the chair 
 of Peter. As far as ye are peaceful, so may ye always 
 prosper." ^ 
 
 Even under the bitter provocation of this arrogant 
 message Adrian did not let his temper get the better of his 
 calm judgment. The temporal power might disgrace itself 
 by unseemly rage and petulance; the Church could not 
 act otherwise than with dignity. 
 
 Her example was necessary. All Europe was gazing 
 on the quarrel ; nothing must be done to impair the high 
 
 ^ " Aurl insatiabiles corrasores." 
 
 * " Paci bene consulentes bene semper valete." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 241 
 
 office of the spiritual guide of mankind. Frederic should 
 have every chance, and the dread sentence of excommuni- 
 cation should only be used when all other means had 
 failed. 
 
 Adrian selected with care four of his cardinals/ 
 personal friends of his own. They were: Octavian of 
 S. Cecilia, Henry of S. Nereus and S. Achilles, William, 
 cardinal deacon, formerly Archdeacon of Pavia, and Guido 
 of Crema. He consulted the German party in his conclave, 
 and obtained their consent to this course, which was to 
 send the four as an embassy to the Emperor, but he him- 
 self drew up the terms they were to offer. These amounted 
 to an ultimatum, and were such as Frederic could not 
 possibly accept without a complete and final surrender of 
 all his claims and pretensions. Such a surrender would 
 inevitably undermine, if not destroy, his power and influence 
 in Italy. There is no question as to Adrian's meaning; 
 no longer is there a quibbling correspondence as to the 
 meaning of words or phrases, but there is put forward the 
 final issue of war and spiritual disgrace on the one hand, 
 and peace on conditions involving, as I have said, absolute 
 surrender on the other. Let us examine the proposals, 
 which were five in number. 
 
 1. The absolute dominion of the city of Rome to be 
 acknowledged. The Emperor was to send no officers to 
 represent him in the papal city without permission of the 
 
 * Ciaconius, ibid, 
 I I 
 
242 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Pope, and all the monopolies and royalties were to belong 
 to the papal see. 
 
 2. No levies of any sort for forage or otherwise were 
 to be made by the Emperor on the papal domains, saving 
 only on the occasions of the coronation of each successive 
 Emperor, and the imperial armies therefore were prohibited 
 from entering the Roman domains. 
 
 3. The bishops and clergy in Italy might swear alle- 
 giance to the Emperor, but were not to do homage to 
 him. 
 
 4. The custom of lodging the imperial envoys in epi- 
 scopal palaces was to be discontinued. 
 
 5. The whole of the domains of the Countess Matilda 
 were to be taken from Guelph VIII., and, together with the 
 duchy of Spoleto, the islands of Sardinia and Corsica, the 
 territory from Acquafundente to Rome, and the revenues 
 of Ferrara, Massa, and Fighernola, to be handed over to 
 Rome, while the Emperor was to do homage for all his 
 possessions in Italy. 
 
 Such was the ultimatum addressed to the loftiest 
 monarch in Europe from the sturdy Englishman who held 
 the papal see ! The Emperor at first absolutely refused 
 even to listen to them ; but, better counsels prevailing, he 
 answered that certain points he would reply to at once, 
 and upon others he would take counsel. The points he 
 answered at once were the following. He would waive the 
 homage of the bishops if they would restore to the empire 
 the fiefs they held of him in Italy, and if they declined to 
 
NICHOLAS BKEAKSPEAR. 243 
 
 obey the Pope in matters involving disobedience to the 
 Emperor. 
 
 " As for the city of Kome," said he, " by the grace of 
 God I am Emperor of Rome," and he dechned to admit 
 the Pope's power in temporal matters in the city. He would 
 not require his envoys to be lodged in episcopal palaces 
 when those palaces stood on their own land, but he de- 
 manded the right if they stood on imperial property. 
 
 He then complained again of the papal legates enter- 
 ing the empire without his permission, also of the treaties of 
 Adrian with William of Sicily and the Eastern Empire, and 
 proposed a conference of six cardinals to be chosen by himself 
 and six by the Pope, whose decision on the remaining points 
 was to be accepted and honourably observed by both parties. 
 
 But Adrian had as usual meant exactly what he said 
 and no less, and indignantly refused to consider any answer 
 short of a complete acceptance of his terms. He reminded 
 the Emperor of his concordat with Eugenius III., and called 
 upon him to stand to the compact. In the meantime, while 
 these pourparlers were going on, Adrian had retired to 
 Anagni, so as to be nearer the King of Sicily, and was 
 accumulating his troops in readiness for war. 
 
 Frederic replied to this last demand that he was 
 exonerated from the treaty with Eugenius III. by Adrian's 
 own act in concluding the peace with the King of Sicily in 
 1156, a totally unwarranted assertion, and persisted in 
 again pressing for a council of arbitration. 
 
 The citizens of Rome now thought they saw their 
 
244 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 opportunity, and in the absence of the Pope they sent a 
 deputation to Frederie, who received them favourably ; 
 but this disaffection had no effect in shaking the steadiness 
 of Adrian, who sent a letter exhorting Lombardy to rise 
 and shake off the yoke of the tyrant. 
 
 He communicated no more with Frederic, but sent a 
 fiery proclamation to the Archbishops of Treves, Mentz, 
 and Cologne, in which he said : " Glory to God in the 
 highest that ye remain faithful, whilst the flies of Pharaoh 
 swarming from the abyss of hell and driven about by the 
 whirlwind are turned to the dust of the earth. 
 
 *' Thanks be to God, who doubtless hath enabled you 
 to perceive that betwixt us and the King there can be no 
 more fellowship. 
 
 " This schism caused by him will yet rebound upon 
 his head. . . . Take heed that ye be not involved in the 
 sins of Jeroboam ; and, behold ! a worse than Jeroboam is 
 here. Was not the empire transferred from the Greeks to 
 the Teutons by the Pope ? The King of the Teutons is not 
 Emperor before he is consecrated by the Pope. 
 
 " Before his consecration he is but King ; . . . from 
 whence then the Emperor but from us ? . . . 
 
 " That which we bestowed on the faithful German we 
 may take away from the disloyal German. It is in our 
 power to grant what we will. . . . 
 
 " So great is the power of S. Peter, that whatsoever is 
 done by us worthily and rightfully must be believed to be 
 done by God. Do ye admonish him after this manner, and 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 245 
 
 reclaim him to the right path ; for you also will be involved 
 in ruin if there be schism between Church and State." 
 
 Having delivered himself of this message, Adrian 
 prepared to excommunicate the Emperor as well for the 
 causes above mentioned as for his marriage with Beatrice 
 of Burgundy after putting away his lawful wife. 
 
 The man was ready. He was on the point of opening 
 the campaign and waging a war to the knife in support of 
 the claims of that Church of which he was so loyal and so 
 staunch a servant, when the summons came to him that his 
 day's work was over and his earthly troubles at an end. 
 No more was Christendom to hear his powerful voice, no 
 more was the Church to feel his strong support. 
 
 Frederic for the time was to be freed. 
 
 Overtaken at Anagni by an attack of quinsy, the great 
 Pope, the true, honest man breathed his last on September 
 1st, 1159. He died at his post, a glorious representative 
 of the Church militant, face to the foe, upholding the 
 standard of his master, faithful to his principles, staunch 
 to his supporters, and, above all, true to himself. 
 
 Many legends have been circulated about his death. 
 The usual accusation of poisoning was made, but it has 
 never had a shadow of evidence to support it. The followers 
 of Frederic invented' a story that he was choked while 
 drinking at a fountain by a fly; but this probably was 
 merely a distorted account arising from the nature of his 
 illness, about which there is no doubt. It is also added, as 
 a matter of course, by his enemies, that it was the judgment 
 
246 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 of God for his attempted excommunication of Frederic. 
 His body was carried to Rome and entombed in a red 
 marble sarcophagus, beside that of Eugenius III., in the 
 nave of the old basilica of S. Peter. His funeral was 
 attended by the ambassadors of Frederic, who, it is pleasant 
 to relate, with chivalrous feeling which does him credit, 
 desired all respect and honour to be paid at the obsequies 
 of his staunch opposer.^ 
 
 In 1607, when the old church was demolished to make 
 way for the modern cathedral, his tomb was removed, and 
 is now in the crypt of S. Peter's * — a large sarcophagus of 
 red marble, with the deer's skull, the sign of S. Albans, and 
 two roses to represent England, in basrelief, with the 
 simple inscription, " Hadrianus Papa IIII." 
 
 ^ Muratori, ibid, ; Ciaconius, ihid. ^ See frontispiece. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 John of Salisbury on Adrian's Death — Adrian's Character — ^Boso's 
 Estimate of him — Pictures of Adrian IV. — High Altar Screen at S. Albans 
 — His Literary Works — Improvements in Orvieto and Rome — Concluding 
 Remarks. 
 
 OHN OF SALISBURY/ continuing the 
 recordof Adrian which I have endeavoured 
 to translate in Chapter VIII., refers in 
 touching language to the death of his 
 beloved friend. Even his staunch spirit 
 seems to sink under this unlooked-for blow 
 to the Church just when it was hoped 
 that the English Pope was about to rise, a majestic figure, 
 above the mass of danger and difficulty around him. John 
 writes evidently at the time when, after Adrian's death,' 
 the Church was rent asunder by Frederic's insolent support 
 of the Anti-pope Octavian. For the sentence of excom- 
 munication against Barbarossa was carried out from the 
 steps of the cathedral of Anagni by the faithful Roland,^ 
 
 ^ Joan. Sar., vol. v. ; " Metalogicus," lib. iv., cap. 42, p. 205-6. 
 * Those who wish to follow the events immediately after Adrian's death 
 should read chap, i., vol. v., Milman's " Latin Christianity." 
 ' 24 March, 1160. 
 
248 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 who had been elected Pope as Alexander III., while the 
 German party put up a rival in the Anti-pope Octavian. 
 The latter received all the German and the German-Italian 
 support ; France, Spain, England, Sicily, and the rest of 
 Italy being for Alexander III., who did not become supreme 
 till 1165. Thus John of Salisbury had everywhere before 
 his eyes schism and division, wars and rumours of wars, 
 and none can doubt the genuineness of his feeling that the 
 devoted friend who had held him in such high esteem has 
 left a space no other man can fill. He writes : 
 
 " I have said enough, and now I am constrained to 
 weep rather than to write. My argument has proved 
 clearly enough that the whole world is given over to vanity. 
 We looked for peace, and lo ! a storm has burst over Tolosa, 
 raising strife between England and France. Kings whom 
 we once saw living lovably together now pursue each other 
 with hatred implacable. Our Lord, Pope Adrian, is dead, 
 and his death has thrown every Christian nation into con- 
 fusion. This England of ours, the land which gave birth 
 to him, is plunged into the depths of grief, and the country 
 is flooded with tears. His death will be wept by all good 
 men, but by none more than by myself.^ 
 
 " He had his own mother and brother, but he loved me 
 more than them. He used to say, both publicly and 
 privately, that I was more dear to him than any man. 
 Indeed, he held me in such esteem that, whenever the 
 
 ^ " Omnibus ille bonis flebilis occidet, sed nulli flebilior quam mihi." 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 249 
 
 opportunity occurred, he laid bare his inmost heart for my 
 scrutiny. When he became Pope, nothing dehghted him 
 more than to have me as a guest at his private table; 
 indeed, he would fain have me — unworthy as I was — eat 
 out of the same dish and drink out of the same cup with 
 himself. 
 
 *' At my entreaty he conceded to Henry II., most HIust 
 trious King of England, a bull delivering Ireland into his 
 hands of hereditary right, as his letters show to this day. 
 For all the islands, according to ancient right, belong to the 
 Church of Rome, being the gift of Constantine, who founded 
 and endowed her. And he also sent a ring by me, a 
 beautiful emerald, in a gold setting, by which the King was 
 invested with right to govern Ireland. The ring is still 
 kept by command in the pubhc archives of the court. 
 But if I were to try to enumerate its many virtues, I 
 could write a volume of immense size on this subject 
 alone. 
 
 " At the moment men's minds are exercised at the 
 schism in the Church, which has come upon us as a punish- 
 ment for our sins. When our holy father was taken away, 
 Satan himself brought it about that he might sift the 
 Church like a riddle of wheat, and by another traitorous 
 Judas' act spread broadcast bitterness and dissension. 
 Quarrels have arisen, worse by far than civil war, for 
 they are feuds of priests and brethren. Now judg- 
 ment falls on the world, and I fear that the heavens 
 themselves may be involved in the downfall of this self- 
 
 K K 
 
250 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 seeking traitor. Woe to him, I say, who brought this 
 scandal on the Church. Better had it been, by far, if he 
 had never been born." 
 
 I think that those who have followed me so far will 
 agree that Nicholas Breakspear was no ordinary man ; the 
 mere fact of his wonderful rise from his penniless condition 
 to his ultimate glory is sufficient to tell us that. One of 
 the most remarkable traits in the character of the man is 
 his marvellous power of responding to the demands of each 
 successive position he was called upon to fill and his abso- 
 lute fitness for his post. His character has stood the test 
 of centuries ; no breath of scandal or of dishonour has come 
 down to us. On the contrary, the worst his enemies could 
 say was that he was too sparing in his expenditure. In an 
 age of very slender morality as to the rights of any kind 
 of property, he remained absolutely just ; when bribery and 
 corruption was the established custom of the day, his 
 honour remained unstained. 
 
 He was true to his Church, to his friends, and to him- 
 self. He has been accused of being haughty and over- 
 bearing, but his ideal was a lofty one — the supremacy of 
 the Church, and as it was high, so were his principles, 
 which were no more arrogant, for the manners of the 
 times in which he hved, than those of any great simple- 
 minded leader of our present age. 
 
 It is impossible to attempt a forecast of all he might 
 have done for the Church had he lived. He would certainly 
 have taken rank as the most prominent churchman of his 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 251 
 
 century, and who shall say but that he might not have 
 purged the Church of many of the abuses which were 
 gathering round her ? What the effect would have been on 
 the Church in England we cannot venture to surmise, but 
 it is at least probable that had Adrian lived to old age, and 
 remained true to the absolute integrity he showed in his 
 short pontificate, his success would have ensured there 
 being more than one Pope to chronicle as chosen from our 
 country; and possibly, when we remember his desire for 
 union with the Eastern Church, we should not be far wrong 
 in supposing that the influence of a line of English Popes 
 modelled on the record of Adrian IV. might have changed 
 the whole history of the Church. 
 
 His life was typical of the best traditions of our race, 
 and the features of the national character which kept him 
 firm and successful in difficulties were the same features 
 that in later centuries have developed the magnificent 
 heritage of which Henry II.'s island kingdom was but the 
 commencement. 
 
 His secretary, Boso, in the life of him already alluded 
 to,^ thus sums up his attainments : " He was a man of sur- 
 passing kindness, gentle and patient, thoroughly versed in 
 the English and Latin tongues." Other writers tell us he 
 also was accomplished in French and Norse. " A ready 
 speaker of brilliant eloquence, a sweet singer, and a worthy 
 preacher, slow to anger, quick to forgive, a cheerful giver,^ 
 
 ' Muratori, ibid. ' " Hilaris dator." 
 
252 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 liberal in charities — in a word, a man renowned for every 
 good quality." 
 
 The portrait of Adrian at page 65 is taken from the 
 " Historia B. Platina de vitis Pontificum Romanorum," pub- 
 lished at Cologne by P. Cholinus in 1610, and professes 
 to be " Vera effigies summo studio emendata et correcta," 
 but it does not mention the source from which it was 
 derived. The head of him in the frontispiece to this book 
 is from a painting, which, by the courtesy of Monsignor 
 Stonor of the Vatican, was allowed to be taken for the 
 purposes of the present work from an old mosaic in the 
 Vatican collections. The other prints are from Ciaconius, 
 " Vitas Pontificorum," and from the collection of prints in 
 the British Museum. 
 
 In the beautiful high altar screen of S. Alban's Abbey, 
 a representation of which I have been enabled, by the kind 
 permission of Lord Aldenham, to reproduce from the 
 drawing in his " Account of the High Altar Screen in the 
 Cathedral Church of St. Albans," ^ there is a statue of 
 
 ^ See " An Account of the High Altar Screen in the Cathedral Church 
 of Saint Albans." By Henry Hucks Gibbs (Lord Aldenham). Gibbs and 
 Bamforth. S. Albans, 1890. This most interesting pamphlet — the pro- 
 ceeds of the sale of which go to the repair fund of the abbey — gives a most 
 complete history of the high altar screen, once the chief glory of the abbey, 
 almost completely destroyed in the seventeenth century, but now nearly 
 restored to its former grandeur and beauty by Lord Aldenham. Adrian I V.'s 
 statue is the second from the right in the upper tier. 
 
 Most of the Anglican saints are also represented, both those before and 
 after the Roman mission of S. Augustine. S. Alban is on the left of the 
 altar, and S. Augustine on his left again. Above S. Augustine is S. Cuth- 
 
HIGH ALTAR SCREEN, 
 
 s. alban's. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 253 
 
 Adrian IV. In the drawing the screen is shown as it is 
 hoped some day it will appear ; though it is difficult to 
 realize what the great champion of the Church would think 
 were he to see his statue adorning it and his Master's 
 conspicuous by its absence ! 
 
 We are told by various writers that he was of great 
 personal beauty and had a commanding presence. 
 
 He wrote several literary works which are lost to us, 
 or are buried in the precious hoards of the Vatican. To 
 his letter to Henry II. about Ireland, Stowe tells us he 
 appended two translations into English of the Apostle's 
 Creed and the Lord's Prayer. These are so beautiful that 
 I give them here, though some doubts have been thrown 
 on their authenticity. They are, at any rate, of his period, 
 and I believe myself implicitly in their genuineness. 
 
 " This that followeth is ioyned to the former epistle 
 of Adrian the fourth, beeing an English manne, written to 
 King Henry the Second." * 
 
 bert, and above him King Edmund ; above S. Alban is S. Benedict, and 
 above him S. Edward the Confessor. To the right of Adrian is the 
 Venerable Bede, to the left S. Hugh of Lincoln, beneath whom is S. 
 Patrick. 
 
 The beautiful design for the central crucifix has not been executed, for 
 reasons into which I need not enter ; perhaps some day we may see it com- 
 pleted. I would recommend anyone interested to read the above-mentioned 
 pamphlet. 
 
 Note. — The expressions ^'' right ^^ and " left^^ refer to the spectator'' s right 
 and left hand. 
 
 .^ "The Annales or General Chronicle of England." Stowe, 1615, 
 p. 150. 
 
254 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 " Petrus. I belieue in God Fadir almichty Shipper of Heuen and 
 Earth. 
 
 Andreas. And in Ihesus Crist his onelethi son vre Louerd. 
 
 lacobus. That is iuange thurch the holy Ghost: bore of Mary Maiden. 
 
 lohannes^ Tholede pine vnder Pounce Pilat picht on rode tree, dead 
 and yburiid. 
 
 Thomas. Licht into helle, the thridde day from death arose. 
 
 lacobus Alphei. Steich into heauen, sit on his fadir richte honde God 
 Almichty. 
 
 Philippus. Then is cominde to deme the quikke and the dede. 
 
 Bartholomeus. I beleue in the holy gost. 
 
 Mattheas. All holy Chirch. 
 
 Simon. Mone of alle hallwen : forgiuenis of sine. 
 
 Thadeus. Fleiss vprising. 
 
 Mathias. Lif withuten end. Amen." 
 
 And in the same simple old English language we 
 have: 
 
 " Paternoster in Anglico. 
 " Vre Fadir in heuene riche, 
 Thi name be haliid euerliche, 
 Thou bring vs to thi michilblisce 
 Thi will to wirche thee vs wisse, 
 Als hit is in heuene ido, 
 Euer in earth ben hit also. 
 That holi bred that lasteth ay, 
 Thou send hit ous this ilke day, 
 Forgiue ous all that we hauith don, 
 Als we forgiuet vch other mon. 
 He let vs falle in no founding, 
 Ak scilde vs fro the foule thing. Amen." 
 
 He wrote a history of his mission to the north, cate- 
 chisms of Christian doctrine for the Swedes and Norwegians, 
 various homilies, and a treatise on the immaculate concep- 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 255 
 
 tion of the Blessed Virgin, written before his pontificate, 
 and dedicated to Peter Pontiniacus. 
 
 He is also said to have written the following epitaph 
 for himself: " Adrianus hie situs est qui nihil sibi infeli- 
 cius in vita, quam quod imperaret, duxit." Of all those 
 works the greatest loss is that of his account of his mission 
 to the north, which must have contained some description 
 of England at a period about which our knowledge is most 
 scanty. Perhaps some day it will come to light in the 
 Vatican Library (like his letter to Frederic Barbarossa, 
 which was discovered at Frankfort in 1585), when we shall 
 learn more of the character and doings of our English Pope, 
 and possibly clear up some of the mists which envelop his 
 origin. 
 
 Adrian IV. did much building during the period of 
 his pontificate ; he added to the Lateran palace, erected 
 many new edifices in Rome, and added to several of the 
 churches. Those who are familiar with Rome may find a 
 relic of Adrian in the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo, 
 which stands a short way from the gate leading out of the 
 Parco di S. Gregorio on the left hand, and close to the 
 church of S. Gregorio. The portico of SS. Giovanni e Paolo 
 was built by Adrian in 1158. The church is said to stand on 
 the spot where two officers of those names in the service of 
 the Princess Constantia were martyred. The portico in 
 question is well worth a visit, as is the church and convent 
 adjoining. The eight granite columns of the portico are 
 particularly simple and grand, and the pavement of the 
 
256 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 interior of the church is the very pavement which must have 
 been trodden by our English Pope. It is very beautiful. The 
 railed-in space in the centre is said to be the spot, marking 
 the place in their own house, where the saints were executed, 
 their remains being interred beneath the high altar. The 
 campanile of this church was not in existence at the time 
 of Adrian IV., not being built till the thirteenth century. 
 He was the first Pope who ever went to Orvieto, and he 
 built some churches there, and a palace. He also largely 
 helped in the expenses of erecting the Norwegian cathedral 
 of Hammer. S. Alban's Abbey received many marks of 
 his favour, as also did Canterbury, to which province^ 
 Girald of Wales tells us he gave especial privileges, among 
 them a confirmation of its authority over Wales. An 
 account of his bulls, and a list of the cardinals he created, 
 will be found in Appendix III. a 
 
 The task I set myself, which was that of trying to piece 
 together the various fragments of information which have 
 come down to us about Nicholas Breakspear, is now ended, 
 and I have failed in my purpose if I have not left my readers 
 with the feeling that his life may be placed with the highest 
 of those known to us for strength, honesty, and purity of 
 motive. It is by studying the lives of men like him that we 
 feel the influence which they leave behind them to succeed- 
 ing generations. They teach us, in grand, simple language, 
 not to despair if the way seems hard and weary, but to 
 
 ^ " Rerum Britannicarum Mediaevi Scriptores." Girald Camb., Opera, 
 vol. iii., lib. i., cap. 1, pp. 13, 17. 
 
NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 257 
 
 boldly step out on our journey, remembering that lofty 
 motive and high ideal will lead us on and bring their 
 reward, if not in earthly fame, yet in the satisfaction of 
 feeling that one has tried to do one's duty, that feeling 
 which, if a man but has, he can lay down his pilgrim's staff 
 at the end of the journey and know that his labours have 
 not been in vain. 
 
 L L 
 
APPENDIX I. 
 
 The bull here reproduced was addressed to one Rodulfus, prior 
 
 of the monastery of the Camalidotes in the valley of Camalduli, /"^^ 
 
 between Florence and Arezzo. This order of monks was founded 
 
 by S. Romualdo as a branch of the Benedictine order, of which he 
 
 was a brother, in the early part of the eleventh century. It was 
 
 a very strict order, habited in white, and is in existence to this day. 
 
 In the twelfth century it was very extensive, and enjoyed many 
 
 privileges, most of which were granted by papal bulls. Adrian lY. 
 
 issued three in his short pontificate, of which this one is the first. 
 
 It is, I believe, almost the only document in private hands bearing 
 
 the autograph of Adrian, and is in a perfect state of preservation. 
 
 The text and translation given here speak for themselves. The 
 
 leaden seal is reproduced on the title-page of this book, and a full 
 
 size facsimile of Adrian's signature is reproduced beneath his 
 
 portrait at page 196. 
 
 The handwriting is that of Roland Bandinelli, Chancellor at ^ 
 that time, and, as I have already mentioned, Adrian's successor 
 as Alexander III. He was the Pope who canonized S. Thomas 
 k Beket. Another signatory, Hubald AlloingoK, succeeded 
 Alexander III., in 1181, as Lucius III. 
 
 The date requires some explanation. The year as given is that 
 of the Florentine Incarnation, which was one year earlier than the 
 ordinary reckoning, and makes the right date of the bull 1155, and 
 not 1154. 
 
 The words, " in the third indiction," refer to the system of 
 marking time by indictions, which originated in the tinrd century, -f^' 
 
 A/Y « 
 
260 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 and had reference to the imperial census, which was taken every 
 fifteen years, or at the end of each three "lustres." The rule 
 for finding the exact indiction is as follows: To the ordinary 
 figures of the year add 3, and divide by 15 ; the remainder marks the 
 indiction. If there is no remainder the indiction is 15. Thus, in the 
 present case, 1155 -f 3 ^ 15 leaves 3, viz., 
 
 15)1158(77 
 105 
 
 108"^ 
 105 
 
 The year for the purpose of reckoning the indiction begins on 
 September 1st. It must be noted that an indiction only marks 
 a cycle of time relatively to certain periods, and not in absolute rela- 
 tion to the whole. Thus in old writers it is usual to find the indic- 
 tion qualified by the names of the consuls of the time. A full 
 notice of the subject will be found in Smith and Cheetham's 
 " Dictionary of Christianity." 
 
 I now proceed to the text of the bull, which measures 30 inches 
 by 24 inches, and, as may be gathered from the reproduction, is most 
 beautifully written. 
 
 "Adrianus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis 
 Rodulfo Camaldulensium Priori, ej usque fratribus, tam presentibus 
 quam futuris, regularem vitam professis, in perpetuum. Officii 
 nostri, nos ammonet et invitat auctoritas pro Ecclesiarum statu 
 satagere et earum quieti et tranquillitati salubriter, auxiliante 
 Domino, providere. Dignum namque et honestati conveniens esse 
 dinoscitur, ut qui ad earum regimen, Domino disponente, assumpti 
 sumus, eas et a pravorum hominum nequitia tueamur, et Beati Petri 
 atque Sedis Apostolicae patrocinio muniamus. Eapropter, dilecti in 
 
APPENDIX I. 261 
 
 Domino filii, vestris justis postulationibus, clementer annuimus, et 
 predecessorum nostrum felicis memorise Pascalis, Eugenii et 
 Anastasii, Romanorum pontificum, vestigiis inherentes, praecipimus, 
 et presentis decreti auctoritate sanccimus, ne cuiquam omnino 
 personae, clerico, monacho, laico cujuscumque ordinis aut dignitatis, 
 presentibus aut futuris temporibus, liceat congregationes illas et 
 loca ilia quae Camaldulensis heremi sive cenobii disciplinam et 
 ordinem susceperunt, quaeque hodie sub illius regimine continentur, 
 ab ejus ullomodo subjectione et unitate dividere, quae videlicet loca 
 et congregationes conservandae unitatis gratia singularibus visa 
 sunt vocabulis annotanda. In Episcopatu Aretino, monasterium 
 Sancti Salvatoris Berardingorum, Sancti Petri in Rota, Sanctae 
 Mariae in Agnano, Sancti Quirici in Rosa, heremus Fieri, monas- 
 terium Sancti Viriani, Sancti Bartholomei in Anglare ; juxta 
 Balneum monasterium Sanctae Mariae in Trivio. In Galiata, 
 monasterium Sanctae Mariae in Insula. In episcopatu Montis 
 Feretrani, monasterium Montis Herculis. In episcopatu Forum- 
 popiliensi, Hospitale Almerici. In episcopatu Pansauriensi, monas- 
 terium Sancti Decentii, heremus Fajoli. In episcopatu Bononiensi, 
 monasterium Sancti Archangeli juxta castrum Britti, Sancti Felicis. 
 In episcopatu Florentino, monasterium Sancti Petri in Luco, Sancti 
 Salvatoris juxta civitatem. In episcopatu Fesulano, monasterium 
 Sanctae Mariae in Poplena et ecclesiam Sanctae Margaritae. In episco- 
 patu Vulterrano, monasterium Sancti Petri in Fontiano, Sanctae Mariae 
 in Policiano, Sancti Petri in Cerreto, Sancti Justi prope civitatem. 
 In episcopatu Pisano, monasterium Sanctae Mariae de Morrona, 
 monasterium Sancti Stephani in Cinctoria, Sancti Savini in Montione. 
 In ipsa civitate, monasterium Sancti Michaelis, Sancti Fridiani, 
 Sancti Zenonis. In episcopatu Lucano, monasterium Sancti Salva- 
 toris in Cantiniano, Sancti Petri in Puzeolis. Item in Sardinia, in 
 archiepiscopatu Turritano, monasterium Sanctae Trinitatis de Saccaria, 
 ecclesiam Sanctae Eugeniae in Samanar, ecclesiam Sancti Michaelis 
 et Sancti Laurentii in Yanari, ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae et Sancti 
 
262 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Johannis in Altasar, ecclesiam Sanctas Mariae in Contra, ecclesiam 
 Sancti Johannis et Sancti Symeonis Salvenaro, ecclesiam Sancti 
 Nicholai de Trulla, ecclesiam Sancti Petri in Scano, ecclesiam Sancti 
 Pauli in Contrognano, ecclesiam Sancti Petri in Olim. Item in 
 Tuscia, in episcopatu Clusino, heremum Vivi in Monte Amiato, 
 cum omnibus supradictorum locorum pertinentiis, villam preterea 
 de Mojona quam emistis ab Enrico proposito et reliquis canonicis 
 cum omnibus pertinentiis suis ; villam de Montione quam emistis ab 
 Abbate Sanctae Florae, quemadmodum in vestris cartulis continetur, 
 et vobis a predecessore nostro bonae memoriae Papa Anastasio 
 mediante justitia adjudicata est, et scripti sui sententia confirmata. 
 Omnia igitur supradicta monasteria cum omnibus ad ipsa pertinen- 
 tibus statuimus, et Apostolicae Sedis auctorite sanccimus, tanquam 
 corpus unum sub uno capite, id est sub Priore Camaldulensis heremi, 
 temporibus perpetuis permanere, et in illius disciplinae observatione 
 persistere, sub illo, inquam, Priore qui ab ipsius congregationis 
 abbatibus sive prioribus et ab eremitis regulariter electus, praestante 
 Domino, fuerit. Porro congregationem ipsam ita sub Apostolicae 
 Sedis tutela perpetuo confovendam decernimus, ut nuUi episcoporum 
 facultas sit aliquod ex his monasterium absque Prioris conniventia, 
 vel Apostolicae Sedis licentia excommunicare, vel a divinis officiis 
 interdicere. Fratribus autem ipsis licentia sit, a quo maluerint 
 Catholico episcopo consecrationum seu ordinationum sacramenta 
 suscipere. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceat 
 praefata monasteria temere perturbare, aut eorum possessiones 
 auferre, vel ablatas retinere, minuere, seu quibuslibet vexationibus 
 fatigare, sed omnia Integra conserventur eorum pro quorum guber- 
 natione et sustentatione concessa sunt usibus omnimodis in futura. 
 Salva Sedis Apostolicae auctoritate. 
 
 " Si qua igitur in futurum," etc. 
 
 "Oculi mei semper ad Dominum. Sanctus Petrus, Sanctus 
 Paulus, Adrianus Papa IV. 
 
 " Ego Adrianus Catholicae Ecclesiae Episcopus. 
 
APPENDIX I. 263 
 
 " Ego Ubaldus Presb. Card. tit. SanctaB Praxedis. 
 
 " Ego Aribertus Presb. Card. tit. Sanctae AnastasiaB. 
 
 " Ego Julius Presb. Card. tit. Sancti Marcelli. 
 
 "Ego Joannes Presb. Card. Sanctorum Joannis et Pauli tit. 
 Pamachii. 
 
 " Ego Henricus Presb. Card. tit. Sanctorum Nerei et Achillei. 
 
 " Ego Joannes Presb. Card. tit. Sanctorum Sylvestri et Martini. 
 
 " Ego Rodulfus Diac. Card. Sanctae Luciae in Septa Solis. 
 
 " Ego Wido Diac. Card. Sanctae Mariae in Porticu. 
 
 " Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, per manum Rolandi 
 Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Presb. Card, et Cancellarii, ii. idus Martii, 
 indictione iii., Incarnationis Dominicae anno 1154/ Pontificatus vero 
 domini Adriani Papae IV., anno primo." 
 
 " Adrian, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his 
 beloved children Rodulf, prior of Camalduli, and all his brethren 
 invested with the monastic hood, now and in the future, for all 
 time to come. 
 
 " Inasmuch as we are admonished, nay urged, by the authority 
 of our office to look carefully to the state of the Church, and with 
 God's help to provide for her the blessings of peace and tranquillity : 
 it now seemeth right and truly meet that we, who have been called 
 by the disposition of the Lord to ward over her interests, should 
 hereby protect her from the wiles of all wicked men and accord to 
 her the fostering tutelage of S. Peter and the Apostolic Chair. 
 To which end, well-beloved children in the Lord, we gladly accede 
 to your just demands, and following in the footsteps of our pre- 
 decessors in the pontificate of Rome, Paschal, Eugenius and 
 Anastasius of happy memory, we do decree, and by these presents 
 do ratify our decree, that it shall be unlawful for any person 
 whatsoever, be he cleric, monk, or layman, of any rank or dignity, 
 
 ^ Anno Incarnationis Florentino. 
 
264 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 either now or at any future time, to sever from Camalduli or to 
 subvert from the authority thereof any one of those congregations 
 or places which have ever come under the rule of its cloister or 
 have been added to its estate, and are at the present time under 
 such authority ; all which congregations and places for the better 
 conservance of their unity are hereinafter mentioned singly by name. 
 
 " In the see of Arezzo — the monasteries of S. Salvator of 
 Berardhingi, S. Peter de Rome, Our Lady of Agnano, S. Cyr-aux- 
 Roses, S. Vivian, S. Bartholomew d'Anghiari, and the hermitage 
 of Fieri ; also the monastery of Our Lady of Trivio near Bagni. 
 In Galeata, the monastery of Our Lady of the Isle. In the see of 
 Montefeltro, the monastery of Mount Hercules. In the see of 
 ForlimpopoH, the Hospital of Almerici. In the see of Pesaro, the 
 monastery of S. Decentius and the hermitage of Fajoli. In the see 
 of Bologna, the monastery of S. Archangel near the village of 
 Britti, and of S. Felix. In the see of Florence, the monasteries of 
 S. Peter of Lucca, and of S. Saviour by the city. In the see of 
 Fiesole, the monasteries of Our Lady of Poplena and the Church of 
 S. Margaret. In the see of Yolaterra, the monasteries of S. Peter 
 of Fontian, Our Lady of Policiano, S. Peter of Oerreto, and S. 
 Justus by the city. 
 
 " In the see of Pisa, the monasteries of Our Lady of Morona, 
 of S. Stephen of Cinctoria, and of S. Savin of Montion. In the 
 city of Pisa the monasteries of S. Michael, S. Fridian, and S. Zeno. 
 
 *' In the see of Lucca, the monasteries of S. Saviour at 
 Gantiniano, and S. Peter at Puzzuolo. In Sardinia, in the archi- 
 episcopal see of Torre, the monastery of the Holy Trinity de 
 Saccaria, and the churches of S. Eugenie at Samanar, of SS. 
 Michael and Lawrence at Vanari, of S. Mary and S. John at 
 Altasar, of S. Mary in Contra, of SS. John and Symeon at Salvenaro, 
 of S. Nicholas de Trulla, of S. Peter in Scano, of S. Paul in 
 Contrognani, and of S. Peter in Olim. 
 
 " In Tuscany, in the see of Chiusi, the hermitage of Vivi on 
 
APPENDIX I. 265 
 
 Mount Amiato, with all the appurtenances thereto ; also the villa 
 de Mojona which you bought from the afore- mentioned Henry, 
 together with all such appurtenances thereto as are rightly yours ; 
 and the villa de Montion which you bought from the Abbot of 
 S. Flora — as the deeds you hold will show — and which our prede- 
 cessor Pope Anastasius of happy memory, when called on to 
 adjudicate, declared to belong to you, confirming his judgment 
 under writing of his own hand. All the afore-mentioned monasteries, 
 therefore, with the appurtenances thereto, we do hereby declare 
 and decree, by the authority of the Apostolic Chair, to be as one body 
 under one head ; and that head to be the Prior of the hermitage 
 of CamalduH, under whose authority the whole body shall remain 
 and whose discipline they shall maintain, for all time to come ; and 
 he alone, we add, is Prior who shall have been elected in due form by 
 the abbots or priors and brethren of the order, God being their guide. 
 
 " Furthermore, we do hereby so far extend the fostering tutelage 
 of S. Peter over the brotherhood that no Bishop shall for the future 
 have power to excommunicate any monastery of the order, or to 
 interdict it from the performance of holy rites, without the con- 
 nivance of the Prior, or without the express sanction of the Apostolic 
 Chair. And the brethren shall be entitled to receive the sacra- 
 ments of consecration or ordination at the hands of any Catholic 
 Bishop they may choose. 
 
 " Let none, then, presume to harass the said monastery, either 
 by robbing it of its possessions, or by retaining such possessions 
 after they have been taken, by weakening its power, or by annoying 
 it in any vexatious way ; but let all its property be preserved in- 
 tact to those for whose guidance and sustentation it has been given. 
 This we decree by the sacred authority of the Apostolic Chair. 
 
 " So let no one in the future, etc. 
 
 " My eyes raised ever to God. S. Peter, S. Paul, Adrian IV. 
 Pope." 
 
 M M 
 
APPENDIX II. 
 
 A BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 OP WOEKS OF EEFERENCE TO THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 NICHOLAS BEEAKSPEAE (ADEIAN IV.). 
 
 Antiquaries (Society 
 of) 
 
 Aechdall (Meevyn) . 
 
 Baker 
 
 Baronius (C-5:sar) . . 
 Blesiensis Petri . . 
 Breyer (Eobert) . . 
 
 Camden (William) . 
 
 CiACONius (Alphon- 
 
 sius) 
 
 CoMYNS (Sir E.) . . 
 
 FOEDUN (JoHANNIS DE) 
 
 Fuller (Thomas) . . 
 q-asquet (f. a.) . . 
 Gibbon (Edward) . . 
 
 GlESEBRECHT (WlL- 
 
 HELM von) .... 
 
 GiRALDUS CaMBRENSIS 
 
 Collecteana Topographica et Genea- 
 
 logica London, 1838. 
 
 Monasticon Hibernicum London, 1786. 
 
 Chronicles of the Kings of England . London, 1720. 
 
 Annales Ecclesiastici Lucae, 1738, etc. 
 
 Opera Omnia, ed. by J. A. Giles . . Oxon., 1847. 
 
 Die Legation des Kardinalbischofs 
 Nicolaus von Alhano in Shandi- 
 
 navien 1893. 
 
 Britannia London, 1586. 
 
 Vitoe et Res Gestae Pontificorum 
 
 Bomanorum Eome, 1687. 
 
 History of the Western Empire . . London, 1841. 
 Scottichronicon, ed. by Thomas 
 
 Heame Oxon., 1722. 
 
 Worthies of England London, 1662. 
 
 The Church History of Britain . . London, 1656. 
 Adrian IV. and Ireland. Vide in 
 
 Dublin Review, Zvlj — October, 1883 Dublin, 1883. 
 Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 
 Empire, ed. by W. Smith, D.D. . London, 1855. 
 
 Geschichte der Deutschen Kaiserzeit . Brunswick, 1874. 
 Opera Omnia, ed. by J. F. Dimock 
 
 and J. S. Brewer London, 1867. 
 
APPENDIX II. 
 
 267 
 
 GuizoT (Francois P.G.) 
 
 Hallam (Henet) . . 
 
 jATFi (Philippits) . . 
 John op Salisbitet 
 
 Keane (William) . . 
 
 KOHLBEATISCH (FeED- 
 
 EEIO) 
 
 KOETXTEM (J. F. G.) . 
 
 LiNGAED (John) . , 
 Lysons (Daniel) . . 
 
 Macquin (Nicholas) . 
 Malone (Sylvestee) . 
 
 Matthew Paeis 
 MlONE (J. P.) . 
 MiLMAN (H. H.) 
 Von Mosheim . 
 MiJNTEE (D. F.) . 
 Montesquieu (Baeon) 
 
 mueatoei (l. a.) 
 Newcome . . . 
 NoEDEN (John) . 
 Eaby (Eichaed) 
 Eedpoed (Geo.) 
 robeetson (j. c.) 
 
 ROGEE DE WeNDOVEE , 
 
 rohebacheb (f. r.) , 
 Sacchi (Baetholo- 
 
 M^US) .... 
 
 Stowe 
 
 Histoire de la Civilisation en France, 
 from Histoire Generale de la Civili- 
 sation en Europe Paris, 1828. 
 
 History of the Middle Ages .... London, 1855. 
 
 Begesta Pontificornm Bomanorum . Lipsiee, 1885. 
 
 Opera Omnia, ed. by J. A. Giles . . Oxon., 1848. 
 
 Beauties of Middlesex Chelsea, 1860. 
 
 History of Germany London, 1844. 
 
 Kaiser Frederick der Erste, etc. . . Haran, 1818. 
 
 History of England London, 1849. 
 
 Historical Account of those Parishes 
 
 which are not described, etc. . . . London, 1800. 
 
 La plus grand gloire des Anglais, etc. Paris, 1854. 
 Adrian IV. and Ireland. Vide in 
 
 Dublin Beview, Jan. — April, 1884 Dublin, 1884. 
 
 Chronica Majora, ed. R. H. Luard . London, 1872. 
 
 Patrologice Cursus Completus . . . Paris, 1849, etc. 
 
 History of Latin Christianity . . . London, 1864. 
 
 Institutes of Ecclesiastical History, etc. London, 1863. 
 Magazin fur Kirchengeschichte und 
 
 De V Esprit des Lois Paris, 1749, etc. 
 
 Kirchenrecht des Nordens . . . Altona, 1792-6. 
 
 Berum Italicarum Scriptores . . . Mediolani, 1729. 
 
 History of the Abbey of 8. Albans . . London, 1795. 
 
 Speculum Britannice London, 1593. 
 
 Pope Adrian IV. London, 1849. 
 
 History of Uxbridge TJxbridge, 1818. 
 
 History of the Christian Church . . London, 1858. 
 
 Flores Historiarum, ed. by H. 0. Coxe London, 1841. 
 Histoire Universelle de VEglise Catho- 
 
 lique Paris, 1868. 
 
 Historia B. Platinoe de vitis Ponti- 
 
 ficorwm, etc Cologne, 1610. 
 
 The Saxon Chronicle, trans, and ed. 
 
 by Rev. J. Ingram London, 1823, 
 
 The Annales or General Chronicle of 
 
 England London, 1615. 
 
268 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 ToRF^us (Thobmodus) Historia Berum Norvegica/mm . . . Hafnise, 1711. 
 
 Trollope (E.) . . . Memoir of the Life of Adrian IV. . London, 1857. 
 
 Tyrell (James) . . General History of England . . . London, 1700. 
 Walsingham (Thomas) Chronica Monasterii S. Alhani, etc., 
 
 ed. by E. Eiley London, 1867. 
 
 William OF Newburgh Historia, ed. by Thomas Heame . . Oxon., 1719. 
 
 Note. — In the compilation of this bibliography the works have 
 been cited of those authors (1) who are quoted as authorities in 
 this volume, and (2) of those whose opinions have directly or 
 indirectly influenced me in forming my judgment. Original 
 records of the middle ages are so widely distributed throughout 
 Europe, and, for the most part, are so inaccessible to the student, 
 that anything like a complete bibliography of all books and MSS. 
 relating to Adrian IV. may be regarded as impracticable. It is 
 hoped that the list of works named here — all of which may 
 reasonably be looked for in a large, well-equipped library — will 
 prove of some assistance to the reader who desires to study the 
 time of the only English Pope with more minuteness. It will be 
 observed that some works which are quoted do not appear in this 
 bibliography. These and many others not mentioned are the usual 
 authorities for this period of history, which would naturally be con- 
 sulted, but which have no special bearing on Adrian's life, such as 
 the standard histories of England, France, Rome, etc., and a 
 number of works bearing on the history of the Papacy and the 
 Church. 
 
 For a more detailed account of the feudal meaning of the 
 word beneficium (chap, xi., p. 212), the best work to consult 
 is Guizot's " Histoire G^nerale de la Civilisation," an excellent 
 translation of which was made by William Hazlitt, London, 1846, 
 under the name of " The History of Civilization from the Fall of 
 the Roman Empire to the French Revolution," 3 vols. — vide vol. iii., 
 pp. 24-37. 
 
APPENDIX III. 
 
 CARDINALS LIVING AT THE TIME OF ADRIAN'S 
 
 CREATION. 
 
 BISHOPS. 
 Imarus Episcopus Cardinalis Tusculanus 
 
 guaeinus 
 
 Hugo 
 
 NicoLAirs (Breakspeae) 
 Gregoriits .... 
 Centius 
 
 Praenestinus 
 Ostiensis 
 Albanensis . 
 Sabinensis . 
 Portuensis 
 S. EufinsB 
 
 et 
 
 (Innocent II.) 
 (Lucius 11.) 
 (Eugenius III.) 
 
 >> 
 (Anastasius IV.) 
 
 GiriDO . 
 
 GREGORIirS 
 
 Rainaldus 
 hubaldus 
 Manfredits 
 Aribertus 
 Julius . 
 
 HUBAIiDUS 
 GUIDO . 
 
 Bernardus 
 
 jordanus 
 
 octavianus 
 
 astalbus 
 
 rolandus 
 
 Geraedus 
 
 CARDINALS PRESBYTER. 
 
 Presb. Card. tit. S. Chrysogoni {Innocent II.) 
 
 „ „ „ S. Marias Transtyberim tit. 
 
 Callisti „ 
 
 „ „ „ SS. Marcellini ac Petri . . „ 
 
 „ „ „ S. Praxedis „ 
 
 „ „ „ S. Sabinse (Coelestine II.) 
 
 „ „ „ S. Anastasise „ 
 
 „ „ „ S. Marcelli „ 
 
 „ „ „ S. Crucis in Hierusalem . . (Lucius 11.) 
 
 „ „ „ S. Pudentianae tit. Pastoris „ 
 
 „ „ „ S, Clementis (Eugenius III.) 
 
 „ „ „ S, Susannse „ 
 
 „ „ „ S. Cseciliae „ 
 
 „ S. Priscae . „ 
 
 „ „ „ S. Marci, S.R.E. Cancellarius „ 
 
 „ „ „ S. Stephani in Celio monte . (Anastasius IV.) 
 
270 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Johannes . . Presb. Card. tit. SS. Laurentii et Damasi 
 Johannes . . „ „ „ SS. Johannes et Pauli, tit. 
 
 Pamachii 
 
 Henmcus . . „ „ „ SS. Nerei et Achillei . . . 
 
 Johannes . . „ „ „ SS. Sylvestri et Martini in 
 
 montibus, tit. Equitii . . 
 
 {Anastasius IV.) 
 
 CAEDINALS DEACON 
 
 Otho .... Diac. Card. S. Georgii in Velabro 
 
 EoDTJLFUS . . „ „ S. Lucise in Septisolio 
 
 GuiDO ... „ » S. Marise in Portion . 
 
 HiACiNTHus . „ „ S. MarisB in Cosmedin 
 
 Johannes . . „ „ SS. Sergii et Bacchi . 
 
 HiLDEBRANDUs „ „ S. EustacHii . . . 
 
 Geeaedus . . „ „ S. Mariae in via lata . 
 
 Otho , „ S. Nicolai in carcere . 
 
 (Innocent II.) 
 {Gcdestine II.) 
 {Lucius II.) 
 
 » 
 {Eugenius III.) 
 
 {Anastasius IV.) 
 
 LIST OF CARDINALS CREATED BY ADRIAN lY} 
 
 PEIMA CREATIO CAEDINALIUM HADRIANI IV. PAP^. 
 
 A.D. 1155, pontificatus secundo, mense Decembri, Adrianus IV. 
 Romanus Pontifex primo creavit Cardinales, qui fuerunt : 
 
 HiLDEBEANDTJS Geasstjs, Bononiensis, ex Diacono Cardinali Sancti Eustachii, 
 
 Presbyter Cardinalis Basilicse Sanctorum Duodecim Apostolorum. 
 Johannes Pizzxjtfs, Neapolitanus, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Mariae Novae.* 
 Johannes alter, Neapolitanus quoque, cujus cognomen ac titulum nescitur. Hie 
 
 legatione S.E.E. ad Gulielmum Sicilise regem Alexander III. papa 
 
 functus est. 
 Boso Beeakspeae, natione Anglus, Hadriani IV. nepos, Diaconus Cardinalis 
 
 SS. Cosmae et Damiani, ac S.R.E. Camerarius. 
 
 ^ I have adhered to the original Latin in this list, and for the sake of 
 uniformity have also kept the footnotes in Latin. 
 
 ' Apud Ciaconium. Apud Aubery autem S. Mariae in Porticu. Haud est 
 dubium quin hie in errore sit. 
 
APPENDIX III. 271 
 
 BoNADiES DE BoNADiE, Romanus, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Angeli. 
 
 Aedicio RrvoLTELLA (quem Baronius modo Ardericum nominat, modo Adri- 
 
 cionem), Mediolanensis, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Theodori. 
 Albeetus Saetoeii de Mora, Beneventanus, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Adriani. 
 GxjiLiELMTJS Matengus, Papiensis, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Mariae in via lata. 
 
 SECUNDA CREATIO CARDINALITJM. 
 
 A.D. 1158, pontificatus quarto, mense Martio, Romse Adrianus 
 IV. Papa iterum creavit Cardinales, qui fuerunt: 
 
 GuiDo Ceemensis, ex Diacono, Presbyter Cardinalis S. Marise Transtyberim 
 
 tit, Callisti. 
 Johannes Pizztttus, ex Diacono, Presbyter Cardinalis tit. S. Anastasise. 
 BoNADiES de Bonadie, ex Diacono, Presbyter Cardinalis tit. S. Chrysogoni. 
 Albeetus de Moea, ex Diacono, Presbyter Cardinalis tit. S. Laurentii in 
 
 Lucina. 
 GuLiELMTJS Matenous, ex Diacono, Presbyter Cardinalis S. Petri ad vincula 
 
 tit. Eudoxiae. 
 Ctnthius, de regione Transtiberim, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Adriani. 
 Petetjs, de Miso dictus, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Eustachii. 
 Raimttndtjs, Schismaticus postea, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Marise in via lata. 
 Johannes, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Marise in Porticu, vel in Aquirio. 
 Simeon, Abbas Benedictinus, schismaticus postea, Diaconus Cardinalis S. Marise 
 
 in Dominica. 
 
 TERTIA CREATIO CARDINALITJM. 
 
 A.D. 1159, Pontificatus quinto, Adrianus tertio creavit Car- 
 dinales, qui fuerunt : 
 
 HuBALDXJS AUucingolus Lucensis, ex Presbytero Cardinali tit. S. Praxedis Epis- 
 copus Cardinalis Ostiensis et Veliternus, postea Lucius III. Papa. 
 
 Julius, ex Presbytero Cardinali tit. S. Marcelli Episcopus Cardinalis Prsenestinus. 
 
 Beenaedus, ex Presbytero Cardinali tit. S. dementis Episcopus Cardinalis 
 Portuensis et S. Rufinse. 
 
 Gualteeus Episcopus Cardinalis Albanensis. 
 
 HuBALDUs ^ Presbyter Cardinalis tit. S. Lucise. 
 
 ^ Apud Ferdinandum Ughellium. 
 
272 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAB. 
 
 Peteus Presbyter Cardinalis tit. S. Caecilise. Hie postea in schismate electus 
 
 Pseiidopontifex dictus est Victor IV. 
 Jacobus Presbyter Cardinalis tit. SS. Johannis et Pauli legatus ad Fredericum 
 
 Imperatorem processit. 
 Gbegobius Diaconus Cardinalis S. Marise in Porticu, legatus ad Fredericum 
 
 supradictum alter. 
 Q-EEARDUS Presbyter Cardinalis tit. S. Pudentianae, iisdem legationibus quibus 
 
 supradicti Jacobus et Gregorius functus est. 
 BoNiFAcius Diaconus Cardinalis SS. Cosmse et Damiani. 
 Geeaedus Diaconus Cardinalis S. Nicolai in carcere TuUiano. 
 HuBEETUs Presbyter Cardinalis tit. S. Priscse in Aventino. 
 
 Adrianus IV., Romanus Pontifex tribus ordinationibus, men- 
 sibus Martio ac Decembri factis, creavit ex Ciaconio tredecim, ex 
 Panuinio quatuordecim Cardinales. 
 
 ADRIAN'S BULLS. 
 
 I append here a list of the Bishops, Cardinals Presbyter and 
 Cardinals Deacon who subscribed to the bulls in Adrian's reign. 
 
 BISHOPS. 
 
 gualteeus 
 Hugo . . 
 hubaldus 
 
 Cencius . 
 
 guaeinus 
 Julius 
 Geegoeius 
 Imaeus . 
 
 Ep. Albanensis . . 
 „ Ostiensis . . . 
 >» >> ... 
 
 „ Portuensis et S. Eu 
 
 fines .... 
 „ Prsenestinus . . 
 
 >> >» • • 
 
 „ Sabinensis , . . 
 ,, Tusculanus . • 
 
 a 27 Feb., 1159, ad 30 Jul, 1169. 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, „ 19 Apr., 1155. 
 
 „ 1 Jan., 1159, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 die 19 Apr., 1155. 
 a 22 Sept., 1158, 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 25Jun., 1159. 
 
 „ 13Jun., 1157. 
 
 „ 13 Mai., 1159. 
 
 „ 30 Jul., 1159. 
 „ 7 Mart., 1159. 
 
 Aeibeetus 
 Johannes 
 
 CARDINALS PEESBYTEE. 
 
 tit. S. Anastasise 
 
 a 19 Dec, 1154, ad 28 Dec, 1155. 
 „ 16 Apr., 1158, „ 30 Jul., 1169. 
 
APPENDIX III. 
 
 273 
 
 Ildebbandfs 
 
 octavianus 
 Gbegobiits 
 Gttido . . 
 
 GUIDO . . 
 
 bonadies 
 Bebnaedus 
 hubaldtjs 
 Johannes 
 
 Albeetus 
 hubaldus 
 JuLiirs , . 
 Heneictjs 
 
 GUIDO . . 
 
 gulielmus 
 
 Htjbaldus 
 
 astaldus 
 
 Manfeedus 
 
 Johannes 
 
 Geeaedus 
 
 tit. basilicse XII. Apes 
 
 tolorum . 
 „ S. Caecilise . 
 ,, S. Calixti , 
 » it • 
 
 „ S. Chrysogoni 
 
 >> >> 
 
 „ S. dementis 
 
 „ S. Crucis in Hierusa- 
 
 „ lem SS. Johannis et 
 Pauli tit. Pamachii 
 
 „ S.LaurentiiinLucina 
 
 ,, S. Lucise .... 
 
 „ S. Marcelli . . . 
 
 „ S. Nerei et Achillei . 
 
 ,, S. Pastoris .... 
 
 ,, S. Petri ad Vincula . 
 
 ,, S. Praxedis . . . 
 
 „ S. Priscse .... 
 
 ., S. Sabinae .... 
 
 „ SS. Silvestri et Mar- 
 tini 
 
 „ S. Stephani in Celio 
 Monte .... 
 
 a 4 Jan., 1157, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 die 19 Apr., 1165. 
 
 a 19 Mart., 1158, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 14 Mai., 1158, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 20 Jan., 1155, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 13 Apr., 1158, 
 
 „ 15 Oct., 1156, 
 
 ., 24 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 20 Jan., 1155, 
 
 „ 14 Mai., 1158, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 23 Dec, 1154, 
 
 „ 19 Dec, 1154, 
 
 ad 30 Jul., 1159. 
 
 „ 14 Mart., 1159. 
 
 „ 23 Mai., 1159. 
 
 „ 13 Jun., 1158. 
 
 „ 13 Mai., 1159. 
 
 „ 26 Jun., 1158. 
 
 „ 30 Jul., 1159. 
 
 „ 1 Mai., 1159. 
 
 „ 13 Mai., 1159. 
 
 „ 3 Jun., 1157. 
 
 „ 24 Feb., 1159. 
 
 „ 29 Jan., 1159. 
 
 „ 15 Jun., 1157. 
 
 „ 14 Mart., 1159. 
 
 „ 6 Nov., 1158. 
 
 „ 30 Mai., 1159. 
 
 „ 28 Sept., 1157. 
 
 19 Dec, 1154, „ 30 Mai., 1159. 
 
 20 Jan., 1155, „ 26 Jan., 1168. 
 
 CAEDINALS DEACON. 
 
 Albeetus 
 
 tit 
 
 S. Hadriani . . . 
 
 a 16 Feb., 
 
 1157, 
 
 ad 11 Mai. 
 
 1158. 
 
 CiNTHIUS . . 
 
 »> 
 
 ,, ... 
 
 „ 14 Mai., 
 
 1158, 
 
 
 30 Mai. 
 
 1159. 
 
 BONADIES 
 
 »> 
 
 S. Angeli .... 
 
 „ 20 Jan., 
 
 1158, 
 
 
 18 Mart 
 
 ., 1158 
 
 Boso . . . 
 
 >> 
 
 S. Cosmse et Damiani 
 
 „ 4 Jan., 
 
 1157, 
 
 
 28 Jan., 
 
 1159. 
 
 Ildebeandus 
 
 ,, 
 
 S. Eustachii juxta 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 templum Agrippae 
 
 „ 27 Dec, 
 
 1164, 
 
 
 31 Dec, 
 
 1156. 
 
 Petetjs . . 
 
 J> 
 
 >> >> 
 
 „ 24 Apr. 
 
 1168, 
 
 
 30 Jul, 
 
 1169. 
 
 Oddo . . . 
 
 » 
 
 S. Georgii ad velum 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 aureum .... 
 
 „ 17 Apr. 
 
 , 1156, 
 
 
 30 Jul., 
 
 1159. 
 
 EODULFUS . 
 
 >> 
 
 S. Lucise in Septisolio 
 
 „ 14 Mar. 
 
 , 1155, 
 
 
 12 Jun., 
 
 1158. 
 
 Gtjido . . . 
 
 J> 
 
 S. Marise in Aquiro . 
 
 die 13 Jun. 
 
 1157. 
 
 
 
 
 Iacinthus . 
 
 y> 
 
 S. Marise in Cosmidin 
 N 
 
 a 28 Dec 
 
 N 
 
 1166, 
 
 >> 
 
 23 Mai. 
 
 1169. 
 
274 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 GiriDO . . . tit. S. Mariae in Porticu. a 19 Dec, 1154, ad 18 Mart., 1158. 
 
 Gerardtjs . „ S. MarisB in via lata „ 11 Feb., 1155, „ 21 Jul., 1155. 
 
 Raimundus . „ „ „ „ 24 Feb., 1158, „ 12 Mai., 1159. 
 
 Oddo ... „ S. Nicolai in carcere 
 
 TuUiano 19 Dec, 1154, „ 30 July, 1159. 
 
 Aedicio . . „ S. Theodori ... „ 27 Dec, 1156, „ 28 Jun., 1159. 
 
 Ckntius . . „ S.R.E die 19 Mart., 1158. 
 
 Between the dates December 12th, 1154, and September 11th, 
 1157, and, again, from December 80th, 1157, to August 17th, 
 1159, all bulls are given ^er manum of Roland, Cardinal Presbyter 
 and Chancellor of the Church ; during the interval between Septem- 
 ber 26th and December 1st, 1157, when Roland was absent on the 
 German mission, the functions of Chancellor were discharged by 
 Albert, the Cardinal Deacon of S. Adrian. 
 
 Some half-dozen bulls of various dates in the year 1159 are 
 given by one Hermannus, who appears to have been a subdeacon 
 and private clerk to his Holiness. 
 
 The Florentine year of Incarnation ^ is commonly employed 
 with the Caesar ean indiction in dating Adrian's bulls, and in nearly 
 every case the Pope adds the motto : / 
 
 " Oculi mei semper ad Dominum." 
 
 Altogether some 650 bulls have come down to us, many of course 
 in a mutilated form. Of the originals the greater part are in the 
 Vatican, a large number in the BibUotheque Rationale in Paris, a 
 few in the British Museum, and a moderate number in various 
 Continental collections, while the only one known to be in private 
 hands is that described in Appendix I. 
 
 The exhaustive research of Jaff^, a second edition of whose 
 *' Regesta," under able editorship, appeared in 1888, has probably 
 brought to light all that is known for certain up to the present 
 time of the diplomatic records of Adrian, and in these admirable 
 
 ^ Vide Appendix I. 
 
APPENDIX III. 
 
 275 
 
 volumes^ will be found every known instrument of his, carefully 
 classified and indexed. 
 
 Of these the great majority will be found reproduced verbatim 
 et in toto in Migne,* and in the various editions of the BuUarium, 
 the works of the annalists (such as Baronius), etc. ; while autho- 
 rities for the rest, with, as far as possible, original sources, will be 
 found in the " Regesta." 
 
 It would occupy too much space and be a very doubtful 
 benefit to reproduce here anything like a complete set of the bulls 
 of Adrian IV. The student will find them in any large well- 
 stocked library, and such information would be of but httle interest 
 to the general reader. The following general statement will show 
 the immense amount of such work done in his short pontificate.^ 
 
 Adrian was elected on December 4th, 1154, and his first bull 
 is dated eight days later. Jaff^ apportions the succeeding instru- 
 ments as follows : 
 
 In 1154 .... 
 
 25 bulls. 
 
 „ 1155 .... 
 
 144 „ 
 
 „ 1156 .... 
 
 . 124 „ 
 
 „ 1157 .... 
 
 88 „ 
 
 „ 1158 . . . . 
 
 60 „ 
 
 „ 1159 
 
 54 „ 
 
 n to the following which are given 
 
 approximately 
 
 From 1154-1157 and 1154-1158 
 
 2 bulls. 
 
 „ 1155-1158 . . . . 
 
 9 » 
 
 „ 1155-1159 . . . . 
 
 4 „ 
 
 „ 1156-1158 . . . . 
 
 29 „ 
 
 * " Eegesta Pontificorum Eomanorum," torn. ii. 
 
 * " Patrologise Ciirsus Completus," torn. 188. 
 
 ' It is worthy of note that these bulls issued at an average rate of between 
 two and three a week ! 
 
276 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 From 1156-1159 .... 2 bulls. 
 
 „ 1157-1158 .... 13 „ 
 
 and undated, to which no time can be affixed, 25. 
 
 The majority of these are granted to abbots and priors, dealing 
 with the management of monastic business, the confirmation of 
 clerical property, the apportionment of disputed claims, etc. 
 
 A very cursory glance at these is sufficient to impress the 
 reader with the varied and heavy responsibilities of the head of the 
 Church in those days, while a more detailed study reveals most 
 forcibly the power and strength of character which Adrian brought 
 to bear in all his dealings. His grave and dignified style is full of 
 a quiet consciousness of the majesty of his office. 
 
 Sometimes he breaks through his habitual reserve, and speaks 
 forcibly and in no measured terms, censuring high and low with equal 
 impartiality. For instance, he is " pained " at the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, whose remissness is the cause of many abuses in the 
 English Church ; but when Henry II. attempts to subvert the 
 authority of Rome, he leaves his own feelings out of the question, 
 and teUs the monarch very plainly that such conduct must not be. 
 At the same time, he never stints his praise when he considers it to 
 be merited. 
 
 The events leading up to the more important bulls, such as 
 the rescript by which Ireland was made over to the English king, 
 and the instruments of negotiation between himself and Frederic 
 Barbarossa, the King of Sicily, etc., are fully dealt with in the 
 text. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abbey of Clairvaulx, 71. 
 
 Clngny, 80. 
 
 Pisa, 41. 
 
 S. Albans, lands of, 25 ; High Altar 
 
 Screen at, 252-3, 252-3 n. 
 
 S. Denys, 27; Abelard at, 76. 
 
 Abbot of Clairvaulx. See S. Bernard. 
 
 Geoffrey of S. Albans, 129. 
 
 Peter of Moutier la Celles, 138. 
 
 Richard of S. Albans, tomb of, 4 ; 
 
 19, 129. 
 
 Robert of S. Albans, 2, 6 ; his jour- 
 
 ney to Rome, 129, 133. 
 — William of S. Rufus, 39. 
 
 Abbots Langley, 10, 11-25. 
 
 Abelard, his birth, early life, 75; and 
 Heloise, 76; compared with S.Bernard, 
 77 ; his character, his persecution, 77 
 effects of his teaching, 78 ; his trial, 79 
 appeals to Rome, 80 ; his death, 80, 81 
 result of his teaching, 81, 82. 
 
 John of Salisbury a pupil of, 137. 
 
 acquafundente, 242. 
 
 Acre, 187. 
 
 Adda, river. Passage of, by Barbarossa, 
 1158, 233 ; 236. 
 
 Adelaide, first wife of Frederic Barba- 
 rossa, 232. 
 
 Adige, valley of the, 233. 
 Adour, river, 26. 
 Adrian TV. See Breakspear. 
 Adriatic, 232. 
 
 -^DGAR THE AtHELING, 22. 
 
 tEsop, fable of belly and the members, 148. 
 
 Affranchissement des Communes, 26. 
 
 Albano, 87. 
 
 Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg, 229. 
 
 Albertus de Moray, 207. 
 
 Alessandria, 234. 
 
 Alexander II., 31, 161. 
 
 Alexander III., 94, 95, 166 ; and Henry 
 II., 169 ; Papal bulls of, 173-176 ; 209, 
 248, 258. 
 
 Alice, daughter of Geoffrey de Clare, 15. 
 
 Alps, Adrian's envoys attacked in crossing 
 the, 222-3. 
 
 Amalfi, 184, 199. 
 
 Anagni, 94, 243, 246, 247. 
 
 Anacletus, Anti-Pope, 88, 183, 184. 
 
 Analecta, the, 170. 
 
 Anastasius IV., 4 ; his benevolence, treat- 
 ment of Breakspear, 64 ; his death, 65 ; 
 90, 91, 128, 200. 
 
 Anathema. See Excommunication. 
 
 Ancona, 126 ; march of, 199. 
 
 Andrew, Count of Rupi-Canino, 189. 
 
278 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Anglican Church, 108. 
 
 Saints, 252-3 n. 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Church, 31, 32. 
 Anjou, 26 ; earldom of, 128. 
 Apostle of the North, Breakspear styled, 
 
 64. 
 Apostle's Creed, 254. 
 Apslob, 68. 
 Apulia, 140, 183, 187, 188, 193, 198, 199, 
 
 205. 
 Apulian nobles, the, fate of, at Brun- 
 
 disium, 193. 
 Aquino, monastery of, 187. 
 Aquitaine, 26, 163. 
 
 Duke of, 33. 
 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, Lanfranc, 32, 
 
 56. 
 
 Theobald of , 138, 171. 
 
 of Cologne, envoy to Adrian IV., 
 
 1155, 102. 
 Eskill of Lund, created Primate of 
 
 Sweden, 61, 203 ; plundered and im- 
 prisoned, 208; 209, 211. 
 
 of Palermo, Hugh, 185. 
 
 of Ravenna, envoy to Adrian IV., 
 
 1165, 102. 
 
 Guido, 234. 
 
 Archdeacon of Pavia, 241. 
 
 Arezzo, 232, 258. 
 
 Argenteuil, Convent of, 76. 
 
 Arles, 6, 36 ; kingdom of, 34. 
 
 Arnold, Bishop of Greenland, 58. 
 
 of Brescia, 45, 48, 68, 75, 82 ; birth 
 
 and early life of, 83 ; opinions of, 83, 
 84, 85 ; sentenced at Sens and escapes, 
 86 ; his influence and power, 86, 87 ; 
 invites Barbarossa to Rome, 90; his 
 attempt to rule Adrian IV., 93 ; his 
 preaching in 1155, 94, 96; banished 
 
 from Rome by Adrian IV., 97; his 
 flight from Rome, 1155, 101, 102; 
 captured by Barbarossa, 104 ; prisoner 
 in Rome, 105 ; execution of, 106, 107 ; 
 reflections on his character, 107, 108. 
 
 Arnulf, Roman agitator, 83. 
 
 Arthur, King. Barbarossa compared to, 
 114. 
 
 AsCLETiNUS, 186 : ravages the Papal do- 
 minions, 187. 
 
 AsHBY, Elizabeth, 16. 
 
 family, 16. 
 
 Margaret, 17. 
 
 Robert, 16. 
 
 AssHEBT, George, 16. 
 
 Margaret, 16. 
 
 Augsburg, 222, 223, 225. 
 
 Avignon, 37. 
 
 Bacano, 187. 
 
 Bachworth, Sir Roger, 16. 
 
 Baldwin de Clare, 15. 
 
 FitzGeoffrey, 14. 
 
 Bandinelli. See Roland. 
 
 Bannockburn, 169, 176. 
 
 Barbarossa. See Frederic. 
 
 Barfleur, 20, 26. 
 
 Bari, capture and destruction of, by Wil- 
 liam of Sicily, 193-196. 
 
 Baronius. See Cardinal Baronius. 
 
 and the grant of Ireland, 180. 
 
 Basil. See Bishop. 
 
 Bavaria, 225, 229. 
 
 Duke of, 213, 223. 
 
 Beatrice de Boilers, 14. 
 
 of Burgundy marries Frederic Bar- 
 barossa, 232, 245. 
 
 of Lorraine, 226. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 279 
 
 Belly and the members, fable of, 146- 
 148. 
 
 Benbficia, 211. 
 
 Beneficium, meaning of feudal term, 212, 
 268. 
 
 Beneventum, 131, 133, 140, 186 ; siege 
 of, 187, 189 ; besieged by William of 
 Sicily, 195, 196 ; 197, 198 ; William of 
 Sicily crowned at, 199 ; 200, 202, 207. 
 
 Bergamo, 236. 
 
 Bergen, 58. 
 
 Bernard. See Cardinal. 
 
 of Clairvaulx. See S. Bernard. 
 
 Duke of Zahringen, 233. 
 
 of Pisa. See Eugenius III. 
 
 de Rennes, 143. 
 
 See S. 
 
 Bbenardino, Pass of, 233. 
 
 Besanqon, 208. See Luxeuil. 
 
 Bibliography, Appendix II,, 266-8. 
 
 Bishop of Albano. See Breakspear. 
 
 of Chartres. See John of Salisbury. 
 
 of Evreux, 130. 
 
 of Lincoln, 133. 
 
 of Luxeuil, 130. 
 
 of Mans, 130. 
 
 of Prseneste, 144. 
 
 of Rouen, 30. 
 
 of Sabina, 64. 
 
 of Salonica, Basil, 201. 
 
 of Vercelli, 235. 
 
 of Verdun, 207. 
 
 Blanche Neuf, 19. 
 
 Blandrada. See Gnido. 
 
 Bohemia, 233. 
 
 Bologna, 216, 231, 235, 236, 238. 
 
 Boniface, Duke of Tuscany, 226. 
 
 Brakspbar. English family in Paris, 17. 
 
 W. H., 17. 
 
 Breakspear, Nicholas. Birthplace, 1 ; 
 or Brekspere, 1 ; or Hastafragus, 1 n. ; 
 or Brekespere, 2 ; his father 3 ; Bales' 
 allegation concerning, 6 ; his mother, 
 8 ; traditions of his birth, 10 ; Fuller's 
 account of, 12, 13 ; Bishop of Albano, 
 13 ; error in date of his death, 13 ; 
 name de Camera accounted for, 15 ; 
 connection with Breakspears, 15, 16, 
 17; birthplace, 18; family, 18; re- 
 fused at S. Albans, 18, 19 ; goes to 
 France, 19; boyhood, 23; reaches 
 France, 26 ; at Paris, 27 ; life at S. 
 Denys, 33, 35; leaves Paris, goes to 
 Aries, to Avignon, enters S. Rufus, be- 
 comes a monk, 36-38 ; made a prior, 
 39; becomes Abbot of S. Rufus, 40; 
 rigid rule of, at S. Rufus, 40 ; first 
 visit to Rome, 41 ; and the monks of 
 S. Rufus, 41-45; and Eugenius III., 
 42-44; second visit to Rome, 44; 
 Cardinal-Bishop of Albano, 45; ac- 
 companies Pope to S. Denys, 46; his 
 power of languages, chosen for Scan- 
 dinavian mission, 47, 49 ; appointed 
 papal legate, his instructions, visits 
 England, 53, 54 ; in England, 65 ; 
 arrives in Norway, settles Norwegian 
 affairs, 56, 57 ; reforms the Church in 
 Norway, 58 ; national saint of Norway, 
 69; his affection for Norway, leaves 
 Norway, goes to Sweden, 60; his ac- 
 tion with the Swedish Church, leaves 
 Sweden, goes to Danemark, 61 ; his di- 
 plomacy in Danemark, 62 ; endeavours 
 to prevent the war with Sweden, 63; 
 styled " The Good," 64 ; leaves Dane- 
 mark, returns to Rome, 64 ; elected 
 Pope, 65-66 ; aspect of affairs in 
 
280 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Rome on his accession, Arnold of 
 Brescia, 90 ; his fitness for Pope, 
 91, 92. 
 Breakspear. Adrian IV., his dealings 
 with the Republic, 1155, 93-94 ; Boso's 
 description of his government, 94-97; 
 enters Rome, Easter, 1155, 97; lajs 
 Rome under an interdict, 98-99; at 
 Yiterbo, 100 ; sends an embassy to Bar- 
 barossa, 1155, 102 ; at Civita Castellana, 
 103, 105, 108 ; negotiations with Barba- 
 rossa, 1155,111-113; first meeting with 
 Barbarossa, 116-119 ; second interview 
 with Barbarossa, 119, 120 ; crowns 
 Barbarossa, 121 ; merciful treatment 
 of prisoners, 128; parting with Bar- 
 barossa, 125, 129 ; conversation with 
 Abbot Robert, 131-133; and John of 
 Salisbury, 139-152 ; and Ireland, 149, 
 150 ; on the position of the Pope, 152 ; 
 grant of Ireland to Henry II., Chapter 
 IX., 153, 161, 166, 168, 169, 174, 175 ; 
 refuses bull to the King of France 
 similar to the grant of Ireland, 181 ; 
 his letter to William, King of Sicily, 
 185 ; excommunicates the King of 
 Sicily, 186 ; his difficulties in 1155, 
 187, 188 ; negotiations with William 
 of Sicily at Beneventum, 189 ; cam- 
 paign against Ascletinus, visit from 
 John of Salisbury, 189 ; negotiations 
 with Manuel I., 190, 191; his diffi- 
 culties with the German party among 
 his Cardinals, 191-192; atBeneventum, 
 1156, 195 ; his difficult position in 
 May, 1156, 196 ; negotiations, 197 ; 
 and treaty with William of Sicily, 198, 
 199 ; absolves William of Sicily from 
 excommnnicatiou and crowns him, 
 
 199 ; brings Italy under control of the 
 Church, 200 ; receives embassy from 
 Eastern Church, 200 ; his wish for 
 Church union, 201 ; at Orvieto, quiet 
 life at Viterbo, return to Rome, 1157, 
 202 ; receives visit from Eskill, Arch- 
 bishop of Lund, 202-203; sends em- 
 bassy to Frederic I, at Besan9on, 
 September, 1157, 208, 209 ; his letter 
 to Frederic at Besan9on, 210, 211 ; 
 and Frederic I., 217; his difficulties 
 with Frederic L, in 1157, 218 ; pre- 
 paration for Frederic's second invasion 
 of Italy, 219 ; his letter to the German 
 Church, 1157, 220, 221; receives 
 answer from the German Bishops, 222 ; 
 his explanation of the " beneficia " diffi- 
 culty, 223, 224 ; and the bequest of the 
 Countess Matilda, 225, 228 ; letter to 
 Barbarossa about Archbishop of Ra- 
 venna, 234 ; correspondence with Bar- 
 barossa, 1158, 235, 236; sympathy with 
 Lombardy, 237 ; preparations for war 
 with Barbarossa, 238 ; letter to Bar- 
 barossa, 1159, 238-9 ; sends embassy to 
 Barbarossa, 241 ; ultimatum to Bar- 
 barossa, 241-243 ; retires to Anagni, 
 1159, 243 ; proclamation to the Ger- 
 man Church, 243, 244 ; prepares to 
 excommunicate Barbarossa, 245 ; his 
 death, funeral, 245-6 ; account of his 
 death by John of Salisbury, 248 ; his 
 character, 250 ; accomplishments, 251 ; 
 epitaph, 255 ; literary works, 263- 
 256 ; architectural works, 255 ; con- 
 cluding remarks, 267. 
 Breakspear, Adrian, 17. 
 
 Anne, 17. 
 
 farm in Hampshire, 56 ; farm in 
 
INDEX. 
 
 281 
 
 Kent, 56; farm near S. Albans, 
 
 56 n. 
 Brbakspeab, Robert, 15, 18. 
 Brbakespearb, or Breakspear, 18 n. 
 Breakspbab, or Briselance, 1 n. 
 Breakspears, 11, 12. 
 
 or Breakspeare, 12. 
 
 records of, 16. 
 
 site of, 14. 
 
 Breifnt, 162. 
 
 Brekespere. See Breakspear. 
 
 William of Brekespere, 16. 
 
 Breksperb. See Breakspear. 
 Brenner pass, tbe, 233. 
 Brentano, river, 183. 
 
 Brescia, revolution in, 86 ; submits to 
 Barbarossa, 1168, 233 ; 236, 237. 
 
 Brewer on Giraldus Cambrensis, 174. 
 
 Brill-on-the-hill, 17. 
 
 Briselance. See Breakspear. 
 
 Brittany, 25, 75. 
 
 Bbuis, Peter de, 82, 83. 
 
 Brundisium, siege of, 192 ; siege of by- 
 William of Sicily 193. 
 
 Brunswick, 213. 
 
 BuLLARiuM, the, of 1583, 169, 178, 179, 
 180. 
 
 Bull, of Adrian IV. granting Ireland to 
 Henry IL, text of, 157-159 ; translation 
 of, n. 159, 160 ; facsimile, of Adrian 
 IV., Appendix I. 259-265. 
 
 Bulls issued by Adrian IV., Appendix 
 III. 269-276. 
 
 Burgundy, King of. See Frederic. 
 
 Calabria, 183, 199. 
 Calixtus II., 29, 82. 
 
 Camalduli, the Bull granting privileges 
 to, Appendix I., 259-265. 
 
 Camden account of Breakspear, 11, 12 ; 
 on Alexander's bull, 174. 
 
 Camera de, supposed name of Breakspear, 
 15 ; Robert de, 3. 
 
 Campagna, the, 105, 238 ; rescue of Arnold 
 by, 101 ; the nobles of, 102 ; cap- 
 tured and released by Barbarossa, 
 104. 
 
 Canossa, victory of, 227. 
 
 Canterbury, 138 ; province of, 256. 
 
 Capua, 199. 
 
 Prince Robert of, his treatment by 
 
 William of Sicily, 195, 196. 
 
 Cardinal of Aragon, 5. 
 
 Baronius, 169. 
 
 and Matthew Paris, 179. 
 
 Bernard, 219. 
 
 Boso, 5, 9, 65, 65 ; his life, 94-96 ; 
 
 his literary merits, 95 ; probable meet- 
 ing with Breakspear on his way to 
 Norway, 96 ; his account of Adrian IV. 
 and the interdict in 1155, 96-97 ; 100 ; 
 left in charge of Rome, 105 ; 121, 142 ; 
 on Adrian IV., 251. 
 
 — of Castello, 87. 
 
 — Gerhard of S. Nicolas, 101. 
 
 — Guido of Crema, 241. 
 
 Clement of S. Potentienne, 
 
 143. 
 of S. Potentienne, murder of, 
 
 96-98. 
 — Henry of S. Nereus and S. Achilles, 
 
 222, 241. 
 
 — Hubald of S. Praxed, 191, 259. 
 
 — Hyacinth, 222. 
 
 — Julius of S. Marcel, 191. 
 
 — Octavian, 120 ; of S. Cecilia, 241. 
 
 — Roland of S. Mark, Chancellor, 
 Envoy to King of Sicily, 191. 
 
 O O 
 
282 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Cardinal of S. Clement, Bernard, 209. 
 
 of S. C6nio et S. Damien (Boso), 
 
 94 
 
 of S. Como and S. Damien, 143. 
 
 of S. John and S. Paul, envoy to 
 
 Barbarossa, 102. 
 
 of S. Maria in Portico envoy to 
 
 Barbarossa, 102. 
 
 of S. Mark, Roland. See Roland. 
 
 of S. Nereus and S. Achilles, 185. 
 
 of San Pudenziana (Boso), 94. 
 
 of S. Pudenziana envoy to Bai*- 
 
 barossa, 102. 
 — William, Deacon, 241. 
 
 Cardinals, list of at Adrian's accession, 
 269, 270; created by Adrian, 270-272. 
 Carlos, Prince of Sweden, 62. 
 Cashel, Synod of, 172. 
 Cassano, battle of, 233. 
 Catholic Church. See Church. 
 
 religion, continuity of, preserved by 
 
 the English Church, 32. 
 
 Celestine II., his reign and death, 87. 
 
 Cephalonia, 183. 
 
 Cepperano, 187. 
 
 Champagne, 71. 
 
 Charlemagne, 110. 
 
 Charles YIII., King of France, 34 n. 
 
 Chiayenna, 233. 
 
 Christianity in Danemark, 50. 
 
 introduction into Norway and 
 
 Sweden, 52. 
 
 Christina, Prioress of Markgate, 131. 
 Church and State, 221. 
 
 divisions in the, 74. 
 
 of the Blessed Martyr Alban, 6. 
 
 of Norway, 51. 
 
 of Rome, Countess Matilda's liberty 
 
 sacrificed to, 227. 
 
 Church the, in Scandinavia, 49. 
 
 of Sweden, 51 ; state of the, 60. 
 
 organization of the, 69. 
 
 state of the at Breakspear's acces- 
 sion, 68. 
 
 supremacy of the, 29. 
 
 Catholic, learning and literature, 
 
 28, 29 ; proposals for union in, 201. 
 
 Ciaconius, 6 ; account of Cardinal Boso, 
 95 ; and the grant of Ireland, 180. 
 
 Cill Mor, 176. 
 
 CiviTA Castellana, 101 ; Adrian IV. at, 
 103, 118. 
 
 Clairvaulx, 71, 76. 
 
 Codex, Vaticanus and Matthew Paris, 
 179. 
 
 CoLNB, river, 14. 
 
 Valley, 14. 
 
 Como, 231 ; helps Barbarossa in 1158, 
 233; 236. 
 
 CONNAUGHT, 162. 
 
 Conrad, Bishop of Sabina, 64. 
 
 Count Palatine of the Rhine, 233. 
 
 II., Emperor, 34, 46, 87 ; his death, 
 
 90; 114. 
 
 Ill, Emperor, 228, 229. 
 
 of Hohenstauffen, Lord of Wib- 
 
 lingen, 229. 
 Constantine, Emperor, 240. 
 Corsica, 242. 
 Council of Rheims, 29. 
 
 of Sens, 83, 85. 
 
 Coventry Cathedral, 56. 
 
 Crema besieged by Barbarossa, 237. 
 
 Cremona, 230. 
 
 Crusades, 70. 
 
 Danegelt, the, 50. 
 Danemark, 49, 50, 62-64. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 283 
 
 Danube, river, 116. 
 
 Denmark. See Danemark. 
 
 Dermot MacMurrough, King of Leinster, 
 
 162 ; petition to Henry XL, 163 ; his 
 
 death, 164. 
 Desmond, 162. 
 DiMOCK, Rev. J., on the grant of Ireland, 
 
 163-154, 180; on Alexander's bull, 
 
 174, 176. 
 Discontent amongst the monks of S. 
 
 Rufus, 40. 
 Divorce questions, the, and the Roman 
 
 Church, 128. 
 DoMHNALL, 'Brian, King of Munster, 
 
 177. 
 Drontheim. See Nidrosia. 
 Dublin, 164. 
 Review, extracts from, n. 166, 
 
 166. 
 DucAS, Greek general, 192, 193. 
 
 Eastern church, 200. 
 
 Edward II., King of England; and 
 Ireland, 176. 
 
 Eleanora, heiress of the Duke of Aqui- 
 taine, marriage and divorce, 33. 
 
 Eleanor, divorced queen of Louis VII., 
 128. 
 
 Emperors, the authority of, 82. 
 
 Empress Matilda. See Maltida. 
 
 England, state of, in twelfth century, 21- 
 23 ; population of, 24 ; temporal power 
 of the Popes weakened in, 31 ; under 
 Stephen, 48 ; monastic movement in, 
 70 ; envoys from at Besan9on, 209 ; 
 248. 
 
 English Church, antiquity of, 32 ; sepa- 
 rated from the Pope, 32. 
 
 churchmen, temper of, 32. 
 
 English kingdom, extent of in twelfth 
 century, 25. 
 
 language, 24. 
 
 missionaries in Sweden, 62. 
 
 Etampbs, 26. 
 
 Eugenius III., 13 ; his character, 41, 42 ; 
 at S. Denys, 46 ; 49 ; creates the Arch- 
 bishoprics of Ireland, 52 ; 64 ; riot at 
 his election, 88 ; reconciliation with the 
 senate, 88 ; enters Rome 1146, 89 ; 
 flies from Rome, 89 ; his influence in 
 Rome, 90; his death, 90; 128, 138, 
 143, 205, 243 ; tomb of, 246. 
 
 Europe, effects of second crusade on, 47. 
 
 Eva, daughter of Dermot, King of 
 Leinster, 164. 
 
 Excommunication, effect of, 196, 197. 
 
 Etstein, Prince of Norway, 67. 
 
 Fagrskinn, Archbishop of Lund, 64. 
 Faroe islands, 58. 
 Ferrara, 242. 
 
 FiGHNEROLA, 242. 
 
 Finland, 63. 
 
 Florence, 216, 232, 259. 
 
 Florentine Incarnation, the, 259. 
 
 FoNDi. See Richard, Count of. 
 
 FoRSA, convent of, 88. 
 
 France, state of in twelfth century, 26, 
 27 ; English interest in, 33 ; state of 
 affairs in 1118-1138, 33 ; monastic 
 movement in, 70 ; envoys from at 
 Besan9on, 209 ; 248. 
 
 Frederic I., Barbarossa, Emperor, 46 ; 
 decides to cross the Alps, 90 ; his char- 
 acter, 91, 114, 116 ; crosses the Alps, 
 1164, advances into Lombardy, 91 ; at 
 Pavia, advances on Rome, 101 ; sends 
 envoys to Adrian IV., 1156, 102 ; at 
 
284 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Viterbo, 105 ; receives deputation from 
 Rome, 108, 109; his reply to the 
 Roman senate, 110 ; negotiations with 
 Adrian IV., 1155, 111, 113; his 
 position amongst monarchs of Europe, 
 115 ; affair of the Pope's stirrup, 119, 
 120 ; crowned at Rome, 121 ; quells 
 riot in Rome, 122 ; reasons for leaving 
 Rome, 1155, 123, 124 ; negotiations 
 with Greek Emperor, 125 ; his claims 
 to authority in Italy, 204 ; his action 
 about William of Sicily's treaty with 
 the Pope, 205, 206 ; rupture with 
 Adrian IV., 1157, 206; provokes 
 Adrian IV., 207 ; declines to interfere 
 with imprisonment of Eskill, 208 ; as 
 King of Burgundy, 209 ; his arrange- 
 ments at Besan9on, 209 ; treatment of 
 the Papal Envoys to Besan9on, 214; 
 and the Grerman bishops, 215 ; procla- 
 mation to the Bishops, 217 ; and 
 the "beneficia" difficulty, 217, 218; 
 and the portrait of Emperor Lothair, 
 218, 222, 244 ; preparation for second 
 invasion of Italy, 219 ; at Augsburg, 
 1157, 222 ; receives Adrian's envoys 
 at Augsburg, 1158, his temporary re- 
 conciliation with Adrian, 223-224 ; 
 his second marriage, 226, 232 ; and the 
 Countess Matilda's possessions, 227 
 228 ; and the duchy of Bavaria, 229 
 his relations with the Guelphs, 229 
 grants the Countess Matilda's posses- 
 sions to Guelph VIII., 230 ; second 
 invasion of Italy captures Milan, 1159, 
 233 ; Diet of Roncaglia and the Arch- 
 bishop of Ravenna, 234 ; and the laws 
 of Lombardy, correspondence with 
 Adrian IV., 1158, 235, 236 ; insulting 
 
 letter to Adrian, 1159, 238 ; letter to 
 Adrian, June, 1159, 239, 240 ; answer 
 to Adrian's ultimatum, 242, 243 ; pro- 
 poses conference of Cardinals, 1159, 
 243 ; sends ambassadors to attend 
 Adrian's funeral, 246 ; excommunicated 
 by Alexander III, 1160, 247. 
 
 Frederic II., Duke of Swabia, 228. 
 
 Frederic IV., Duke of Swabia, 233. 
 
 Frbzzo, castle of, 236. 
 
 Friars, dress of, 38. 
 
 FiTZ Redbeard. See Frederic I. 
 
 Friuli, 233. 
 
 Frontier of Spain, 26. 
 
 Frusinone, 187. 
 
 FuLCHER, Patriarch, 200. 
 
 Gaieta, 184. 
 
 Genoa, 216, 230 ; her sea power, 231. 
 
 Geoffrey de Clare, 15. 
 
 of Gorham. See Abbot Geoffrey. 
 
 Plantagenet, 33, 127, 128. 
 
 German Bishops, the effect of Adrian's 
 
 letter on, 221 ; their answer to Adrian's 
 
 letter, 221. 
 Ecclesiastics,'^forbidden by Frederic 
 
 I. to journey te Rome, 207. 
 interest in the papal conclave, 
 
 219. 
 
 popes, 31. 
 
 Germany, monastic movement in, 70. 
 Gertrude, daughter of Lothair II., 229. 
 Ghibellines. See Guelph. 
 GiRALDUS Cambrensis, on the grant of 
 
 Ireland, 153, 168, 171-175, 180. 
 GiSLA, 226. 
 
 Godfrey the Crooked, Godfrey V., 226. 
 Godfrey IV., Duke of Brabant, 226, n. 
 Gothland, 62, 60. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 285 
 
 Greek empire, 183. 
 
 Greenland, 58. 
 
 Gregory VII., 183; war with Henry 
 
 IV., 226; and the Countess Matilda, 
 
 227. 
 
 XVI., 170, n. 
 
 GuELPHS and Ghibellines, war cries of 
 
 first used, 229. 
 GuELPH, the house of, 227. 
 VII. marries the Countess Matilda, 
 
 227, 229. 
 VIII. and the Countess Matilda's 
 
 possessions, 229 ; 230, 242. 
 GuiDO, Count of Blandrada, 234. 
 GUIENNB, 33. 
 
 Hadrun. See Adrian. 
 Hamburg, See of, 49, 61. 
 Hammer, 58, 60. 
 
 Cathedral, 256. 
 
 Hampstbad, 24. 
 
 Harald, King of England, 25. 
 
 IV., King of Norway, 52, 57. 
 
 Harefield, 10 ; ancient names of, 14 ; 
 
 manor of, 15. 
 Harrow, 24. 
 
 Hastafragus. See Breakspear. 
 Hebrides, 68. 
 Hbloise, "?&. 
 Henry of Anjou, 56, 127. 
 
 III., Emperor, 226. 
 
 IV., Emperor of Germany, 183, 226; 
 
 capture of Rome, 226, 227. 
 v., 227; and the Countess Matilda's 
 
 possessions, 228. 
 
 the hermit, 83. 
 
 I., King of England, 21 ; his reign, 
 
 22, 30 ; and Ireland, 155, n. 228. 
 II., 115 ; sends an embassy to 
 
 Adrian IV., 127 ; and his father's will, 
 128 ; petition to the Pope, 128 ; mes- 
 sage of congratulation to Adrian IV., 
 130, 134, 137 ; and John of Salisbury, 
 138, 139 ; and Ireland, 149, 165-157, 
 164 ; and Strongbow, 164-166 ; his 
 invasion of Ireland, 165 ; and Roderick, 
 King of Connaught, 167 ; and Alex- 
 ander III., 169 ; his support of Oc- 
 tavian, 171. 
 
 Henry VII., the Black, Duke of Bavaria 
 229, 232. 
 
 VIII., Duke of Bavaria and Saxony, 
 
 228. 
 
 Guelph, the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, 
 
 229. 
 
 — the Lion, Duke of Bavaria, 123, 
 213 ; rescues Adrian's envoys, 1167, 
 223 ; 229, 230, 232. 
 
 — Margrave of Austria, 229. 
 
 — Plantagenet. See Henry II. 
 , 128. 
 
 of Winchester, 56. 
 
 Herman V., Duke of Swabia, 226. 
 
 HiGHQATE, 24. 
 
 HiLDEBRAND, 31 ; Adrian IV. compared 
 
 to, 196. 
 HoHENSTAUFFBN. See Frederic I. 
 
 of Swabia, house of, 114, 229. 
 
 Holy Sepulchre, Church of the, 201. 
 HoNORius IL, 183. 
 HoxTON, 24. 
 
 Iceland, 58. 
 
 Indiction, Method of reckoning time by, 
 
 260. 
 Inge, Prince of Norway, 57, 68. 
 Innocent II., 38, 75, 80 ; and Brescia, 86 ; 
 
 and Rome, 87 ; death of, 87 ; 205. 
 
286 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Innocent III., 95, 170 w. 
 
 Interdict, Rome laid under an, 96 ; de- 
 scription of, 98-100. 
 
 Ireland andEugenius'IIL, 52 ; 127, 149. 
 
 State of, in eleventh and twelfth 
 
 centuries, 154-156, 162. 
 
 Isle of Dogs, 26. 
 
 Isle op Man, 58. 
 
 Islington, 24 
 
 Italy, Monastic movement in, 70 ; Envoys 
 from, at Besan^on, 209 ; growth of 
 modem, 216 ; second invasion of by 
 Barbarossa, 225, 233-237; Countess 
 Matilda's possessions in, 226 ; state of 
 in twelfth century, 230-231. 
 
 Japfe, his regesta, 179 ; and the grant of 
 Ireland, 180. 
 
 Jerusalem, embassy from to Adrian IV., 
 200. 
 
 John, Bishop of Stavanger, 68. 
 
 Pits. 8ee Pits. 
 
 Prince of Sweden, 62, 63. 
 
 of Salisbury on Breakspear's family, 
 
 8 ; 133, 134 ; his life and character, 137- 
 139 ; conversation with Adrian, 140- 
 148 ; mission to Adrian about Ireland, 
 149, 167 ; on the position of the Pope, 
 150-152 ; and the Irish grant, 161, 166- 
 170, 180, 189, 249; his record of 
 Adrian's death, 247, 248. 
 
 John XXII., 169, 176 ; letter to Edward 
 II, 178; and the grant of Ireland, 178, 
 180. 
 
 Key op Etruru. See Sutri. 
 King Edmund, 253 n. 
 
 King, Robert, his history of the Irish 
 
 Church, 177. 
 Kings Langley, 11, 25. 
 Knights Hospitallers of Jerusalem, 200. 
 
 of S. John of Jerusalem, 201. 
 
 Knut the Great, King of Danemark and 
 
 England, 50. 
 
 v., King of Danemark, 51. 
 
 Kypfhausen, 114. 
 
 Ladislaus, King of Bohemia, 233. 
 
 Langley, 2, 17. 
 
 Language, English, 24. 
 
 Lanigan, Dr., criticism of the Irish grant, 
 
 174, 180. 
 Lambeth, 25. 
 Lateran, council of, 1139, 38. 
 
 , the, 97. 
 
 Lea, river, 24. 
 
 Leabhan Breac, the, 176, 177. 
 
 Legnano, 238. 
 
 Leinster, 162. 
 
 Leopold IV., Margrave of Austria, 229. 
 
 Liege, Council of, 75. 
 
 Lingard, and the grant of Ireland, 180. 
 
 LiNGKOPiN, synod of, 61. 
 
 LiSMORE, 172. 
 
 Lodi, 230, 231 ; helps Barbarossa in 1159, 
 233; 236. 
 
 LoiRET, department of, 26. 
 
 Lombard cities, 82. 
 
 Lombardy, 86, 101, 164, 216, 222, 230, 
 232 ; condition of in 1159, 237 ; sup- 
 ported by Adrian IV. against Barba- 
 rossa, 237-238, 244. 
 
 London, 19 ; declared capital of England, 
 25 ; in twelfth century, 24. 
 
 Lord's Prayer, 254. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 287 
 
 Lorraine, Countess Matilda's possessions 
 in, 226. 
 
 LORITELLI, 189. 
 
 LoTHAiR II., Emperor of Germany, 184, 
 206 ; his portrait at Rome, 218 ; and 
 the Countess Matilda's possessions, 228 ; 
 229. 
 
 the Saxon. iS^ee Lothair II. 
 
 Lours VI. (Le Gros), King of France, 26, 
 30 ; relations with Henry I., 33. 
 
 VII. (le Jeune), 33; and second 
 
 Crusade, 46 ; at Sens, 79 ; 115, 181. 
 
 Lucca, 232. 
 
 LuciAS II., 87 ; riots in Rome — his death, 
 88. 
 
 IIL, 96, 269. 
 
 Lund, see of, 61, 62. 
 
 LuxEUiL, or Luxens. See Bishop of. 
 
 Lynch, Dr., criticism of Giraldus Cam- 
 
 brensis, 171, 172 ; on Adrian's grant of 
 
 Ireland, 176. 
 
 Majorca, 231. 
 
 Malcolm, King of Scotland, 22. 
 
 Manuel I., Greek Emperor, and the Sici- 
 lian War, 187 ; embassy of, to congra- 
 tulate Adrian IV., offers of alliance, 
 190; 192, 193. 
 
 Mansi, 167. 
 
 Margaret of Anjou, 16. 
 
 wife of King Malcolm, 22. 
 
 Massa, 242. 
 
 Matilda, Countess, her parentage, first 
 marriage, disputes with the Popes, 226, 
 227 ; her second marriage, submits to 
 Henry V., her death, 227, 228; her 
 legacy to the Church, papal claims to 
 her property, Guelf claims to her pro- 
 perty, 228 ; her possessions granted to 
 
 Guelph VIII., 230; possessions of, 
 242. 
 
 Matilda, Empress, marriage of, 33 ; flight 
 from England, 66 ; invasion of Ireland, 
 161. 
 
 mother of Beatrice of Lorraine, 226. 
 
 Princess, daughter of Henry I., n. 
 
 228. 
 
 wife of Henry I., 22. 
 
 Matthew Paris, on the origin of Pope 
 Adrian, 2 ; on Breakspear's rejection 
 at S. Albans, 6, 7; 179. 
 
 of "Westminster, 169. 
 
 Madd, Empress, 128. 
 
 Mazarin, Suger compared to, 27. 
 
 Melun, 26. 
 
 Messina, Straits of, 192. 
 
 Mbtalogicus, 140, 170. 
 
 Migne, 167. 
 
 Milan, 216; republic of, 230; conflicts 
 with Lodi, Como and Pavia, 231 ; 232 ; 
 besieged and taken by Barbarossa, 1168, 
 233 ; Barbarossa's terms with, 1168, 
 234 ; revolt against Barbarossa of, 236 ; 
 237, 239. 
 
 Milanese, the, sack Lodi, resist Barba- 
 rossa, 1168, 233 ; revolt against Bar- 
 barossa, 236; hostages executed by 
 Barbarossa, 237. 
 
 Milford, 166. 
 
 MiLMAN on position of the Popes, 29, 30 ; 
 on Eugenius, III., 43 ; on monasticism, 
 72-74; on the relations between Em- 
 pire and Papacy, 206, 207. 
 
 Modena, 231 . 
 
 Monasteries, arrangements of, 39 ; re- 
 vival of, 70. 
 Monastic orders, jealousy of in twelfth 
 century, 1. 
 
288 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Monastic system, 69. 
 
 MoNASTiciSM, sudden rise of in twelfth 
 
 century, 72. 
 Monks, their learning, 29. 
 Monte Cassino, 187. 
 MONZA, 236. 
 
 MOORFIELDS, 25. 
 
 Moor Hall, 14. 
 
 MoRAN, Dr., criticism of the Irish grant, 
 
 172-176, 179. 
 MouTiBR la Celles, 138. 
 
 MUNSTER, 162. 
 MUNTER, 49. 
 
 MuRATORi, lives of Adrian, 6. 
 
 Nantes, 75. 
 
 Naples, 183, 184, 199, 230. 
 
 Narni, 202. 
 
 Nepi, 108, 116, 119. 
 
 Nicholas Breakspear. See Breakspear. 
 
 Daccorab, 15. 
 
 King of Danemark, 62. 
 
 II., 183. 
 
 NiDAROS. See Nidrosia. 
 
 NiDROSiA, Metropolitan See of Norway, 
 
 58. 
 Norman Chronicle, 160, 169. 
 NoRMANDT, 25 ; duchy of, 128. 
 Norman Kings of Sicily, 186. 
 Normans, the, their conquest of Sicily, 
 
 182. 
 North Italy, formation of Republics, 82 ; 
 
 spirit of opposition to Frederic, 215. 
 Norway, 60. 
 
 O'Annoc, 176. 
 
 O'Callaghan and the grant of Ireland, 
 180. 
 
 O'Connor, Kings of Ireland, 162. 
 
 OcTAViAN, Anti-pope, 96, 247, 248. 
 
 O'Chelchin, 176. 
 
 Officers of monasteries, 39. 
 
 O'Glbsain, 177. 
 
 Olaf II., King of Norway, 62. 
 
 O'Neal, Kings of Ireland, 162. 
 
 Orkneys, 58. 
 
 Orleans, 26. 
 
 Orvieto, 101, 202, 266. 
 
 O'Sluasti, 177. 
 
 Otho of Wittelsbach attacks Roland, 213, 
 
 n. 213, 217, 221, 223, 230. 
 Otricoli, 101. 
 Otto. See Otho. 
 
 Padua, 231, 232. 
 
 Palatine op the Rhine, 233. 
 
 Palermo, 193, 196, 199. 
 
 Palbstrina, 87. 
 
 Papal authority undermined, 30. 
 
 power as affected by second crusade, 
 
 89. 
 
 troops, disposal of in 1156, 106. 
 
 Paraclete, the, 76, 83. 
 
 Paris, 26, 35, 36, 75. 
 
 Parvus. See John of Salisbury. 
 
 Paschal II,, 49. 
 
 Patrician of Rome, 88. 
 
 Pa VIA, Barbarossa crowned at, 101 ; 230, 
 
 231. 
 Peter. See Abbot Peter. 
 
 Abelard. See Abelard. 
 
 de Blois, 134. 
 
 de Bruis, 82-83. 
 
 of Clugny, 81. 
 
 the Hermit, S. Bernard compared 
 
 to, 46. 
 Pontiniacus, 255. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 289 
 
 Peter's pence in England, 32 ; in Nor- 
 way, 59; in Sweden, 61. 
 
 Piedmont, 104. 
 
 Pisa, 231. 
 
 PiSTOJA, 232. 
 
 Pit, John, 94; his version of Boso's 
 death, 95. 
 
 Pius YII., 17. 
 
 PoiTOir, 26, 33. 
 
 Poltcraticus, 139-152. 
 
 PoNTECORRO, castle of, 187. 
 
 PONTB Lugano, 124. 
 
 Pope, claims of, 29 ; relations of, to Eng- 
 land, 30 ; spiritual head of Latin 
 Church ; temporal authority of, limi- 
 tations of temporal power, 30 ; dignity 
 of the, 112 ; temporal power of the, 
 156 ; in Rome, denied by Barbarossa, 
 243. 
 
 Porta del Popolo, 107 n. 
 
 Portugal, Cardinal Boso sent on a mis- 
 sion to, 95. 
 
 Prince John, son of Henry II,, 167. 
 
 Provence, 3, 34, 36. 
 
 QuiNTUS Severus, 147. 
 
 Ralph de Diceto, his copy of the Irish 
 bull, 168; inaccuracy of, 172. 
 
 Ramsay Abbey, 56. 
 
 Reinold, Chancellor of the Empire, 
 210. 
 
 Regular canons, description of, 38, 39. 
 
 Religious adventure, 69. 
 
 Republics of l^orth Italy, formation of, 
 82, 231, 232. 
 
 Rheims, council of, 29, 75, 138. 
 
 Rhine, river, 115. 
 
 Rhone, river, 36. 
 
 Richard, Abbot. See Abbot. 
 
 Count of Aquila, 189. 
 
 Count of Fondi, 195. 
 
 Earl of Striguil (Strongbow), his 
 
 campaign in Ireland, 163, 164 ; his 
 
 marriage, his treatment by Henry II., 
 
 164-166; his death, 167. 
 Richelieu, Suger compared to, 27. 
 Rinaldo, Dake of Burgundy, 232. 
 Robert, Abbot. See Abbot. 
 
 Breakspear, funeral of, 7. 
 
 Brekespere. See Robert Breakspear. 
 
 de Camera, 3. 
 
 Count de Loritelli, 188. 
 
 of Gorham. See Abbot Robert. 
 
 -Guiscard, Duke of Apulia, 183. 
 
 de Monte, 160, 172. 
 
 of Normandy, 33. 
 
 Prince of Capua, 189. 
 
 Roderick O'Connor, King of Ireland, 
 
 162, 167. 
 Roger I., Count of Sicily, 182, 183. 
 IL, King of Sicily, 125, 183 ; war 
 
 with Honorius IL, 183 ; captures 
 
 Innocent II. ; his death, 184 ; 205. 
 de Wendover, his copy of the Irish 
 
 bull, 168, 172. 
 RoHRBACHER, extract from " Histoire 
 
 Universelle del'Eglise Catholique," 15 7. 
 Roland, reads Adrian's letter to Frederic, 
 
 210; his behaviour at Besan9on, 213, 
 
 214 ; returns to Rome from Besan9on, 
 
 216; 219, 259. 
 
 Alexander III., 247-8. 
 
 Bandinelli. See Roland. 
 
 Chancellor at Besan9on, 209. 
 
 Roman Catholic Church, intolerance of, 
 
 107; opportunity lost of leading 
 
 thought, 81. 
 
 P P 
 
290 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAICSPEAR. 
 
 Roman republic, deputation to Barbarossa, 
 108. 
 
 Rome, republic of, 48, 64; at Breakspear's 
 accession, 68 ; effects of teaching of 
 Arnold, 86, 87 ; rioting in, 122 ; 226, 
 227, 230 ; citizens of, disaffection in 
 1169, 243, 255. 
 
 RONCAGLIA, 91. 
 
 Diet of, 235. 
 
 S. Albans, 1, 6, 7, 8, 24, 54; and Cardinal 
 Boso, 94. 
 
 Abbey, 129 ; privileges granted to 
 
 by Adrian IV., 133. 
 
 S. Alban, 252 n. 
 
 S. Angelo, castle of, 95, 105, 122. 
 
 S. Augustine, rule of, 38, 39 ; 262. 
 
 S. Benedict, 253. 
 
 S. Bernard and Eugenius III., 41-43 ; 
 birth, life, and character, 71-72 ; his 
 character, 74 ; the hope of the Church, 
 74, 7Q; and Abelard, 77; at the 
 Council of Sens, 79, 80 ; report of 
 Abelard's trial, 81; 85, 88; his opinion 
 of the Romans, 89 ; his death, 90 ; 
 compared to Adrian IV., 94 ; and Inno- 
 cent II., 184. 
 
 S, Casciano, monastery of, 202. 
 
 S. CUTHBEET, 252 n. 
 
 S. DiONTSius' day, 130. 
 
 S. Edward the Confessor, 253 n. 
 
 SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Church of, 255. 
 
 S. Geegorio, Church of, 256. 
 
 S. Henry of Upsala, 61. 
 
 S. Hugh of Lincoln, 253 n. 
 
 S. John's Clerkenwell, Priory of, 15. 
 
 S. John, Hospital of, 15. 
 
 of Jerusalem, Knights of, 201. 
 
 S.Marcian, Church of atBeneventum, 199. 
 
 S. Maet the Virgin, Harefield Parish 
 
 Church, advowson of, 14. 
 S. Michael of Pavia, church of, 101. 
 S. Olaf, 52, 58. 
 S. Omer, town of, 27. 
 S. Patrick, 253 n. 
 S. Peter, cathedral of, 121, 246. 
 S. QuiEiCO, Barbarossa encamped at, 
 
 103. 
 S. ROMUALDO, 259. 
 
 S. RuFus, Abbey of, 3, 12, 37. 
 
 S. Sylvester, 145. 
 
 S. Thomas of Canterbury, 177. 
 
 S. WULSTAN, 155 n. 
 
 Salerno, 190, 199. 
 
 Salzburg, 114. 
 
 Saeacens, the, and South Italy, 182. 
 
 Sardinia granted to Guelph VIIL, 230 ; 
 
 231, 242. 
 Saxon Chronicle, 23. 
 Saxony, 228. 
 Scandinavian kingdoms, 50 ; mission to 
 
 Rome, 63 ; mythology, 52, 63. 
 SCOTTICHRONICON, 176 n. 
 
 Second Crusade, 42, 43, 45-47, 115; 
 
 effect on the papal power, 89. 
 Seine, department of, 26. 
 
 et Mame, department of, 26. 
 
 et Oise, 26. 
 
 Senate of Rome, 90. 
 
 Sens, 26, 80 ; council of, 79. 
 
 Shetlands, 58. 
 
 Sic et non, 7Q. 
 
 Sicily, chap, x., 182-192, 199 ; kingdom 
 
 of, 230 ; 248. 
 Siena, 45, 232. 
 
 Sigurd, Prince of Norway, 67, 68. 
 Sismondi, his account of the execution of 
 
 Arnold of Brescia, 107. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 291 
 
 Skara, 61. 
 
 Snoerow, the historian, 69. 
 
 SoDOR and Man, See of, 58. 
 
 South Italy, 184. 
 
 Spain, frontier of, 26 ; 181 ; envoys from, 
 
 at Besanfon, 209 ; 248. 
 Spiritual authority. See Pope. 
 Spoleto, 125 ; granted to Guelph YIII., 
 
 230 ; duchy of, 242. 
 Stavanger, 58. 
 Stephen, King of England, anarchy of 
 
 his reign, 23 ; 48, 56. 
 Strongbow. See Richard. 
 SuGER, Abbot of S. Denys, his life, his 
 
 character, 27; his life of Louis YI., 
 
 28; regent of France, 48; 115. 
 SuTRi, 108, 111 ; Frederic's camp at, 116, 
 
 119. 
 SuTRiUM. See Sutri. 
 SwABU, 110, 233. 
 Sweden, 50. 
 SwBNO III., King of Danemark, 50; 
 
 quarrel with Swercus, 62 ; invades 
 
 Sweden, 63 ; defeated, his murder, 64. 
 Swercus, King of Sweden, 60, 62, 65. 
 SwEYN. See Sweno. 
 Switzerland, 86. 
 Sylvester, 240. 
 
 Temporal authority, ^ee Pope. 
 
 power, Barbarossa on, 240. 
 
 Terra di Lavoro, 189. 
 
 Teutonic races and the Popes, 31. 
 
 Theury, 27, 
 
 Thomas a Beket, 163, 168. 
 
 of Walsingham, his account of the 
 
 English deputation to the Pope, 129- 
 
 134, 149. 
 
 Thuringia, 114. 
 
 Tiber, river, 106, 121. 
 
 TiERNAN O'Rourke, King of Breifny, 162. 
 
 TivoLi, 87, 124. 
 
 ToRF^us, 49. 
 
 ToRTONA surrenders to Barbarossa, 101. 
 
 tourraine, 26. 
 
 Trent, 233. 
 
 Troyes, 138. 
 
 Trund, 65. 
 
 TUAMOND, 162. 
 
 Tuscany, 103, 104, 215; Countess Ma- 
 tilda's possessions in, 226 . granted to 
 Guelph VIII., 230 ; state of in twelfth 
 century, 231. 
 
 TuscuLUM, 87, 174. 
 
 Tydd, 55. 
 
 TJghell, quoted by Ciaconius, 94. 
 Ulster, 162. 
 Untasburg, 114. 
 Upsala, 61. 
 
 UssHER on Alexander's bull, 174; and 
 the grant of Ireland, 180. 
 
 Valentia, 12. 
 
 Vatican Library, 179. 
 
 Venetia, envoys from, at Besan^on, 209. 
 
 Venice, 216, 230. 
 
 Vercelli, 235. 
 
 Verdun, 207. 
 
 Verona, 230, 231. 
 
 Vezelai, council of, 46. 
 
 Via Sacra, 96. 
 
 Victor III., 227. 
 
 ViTERBO, 45, 47, 88 ; meeting of Adrian 
 
 IV. and Envoys from Rome, 100 ; 101, 
 
 105, 202. 
 
292 
 
 NICHOLAS BREAKSPEAR. 
 
 Waldbmae I., King of Danemark, 52. 
 
 Wales, 115. 
 
 Watbrford, 164, 166. 
 
 Watte RICH, 5. 
 
 Western Churcli, the, 51. 
 
 islands of Scotland, 68. 
 
 Westminster Abbey, 25. 
 WiLKiNS, Concilia, 178. 
 William, Abbot. See Abbot. 
 
 Duke of Apulia, 183. 
 
 I., King of England, 25, 31 ; refuses 
 
 to swear fealty to the Pope, 32 ; and 
 
 Ireland, 155 ; 161. 
 King of Sicily, 125 ; compared with 
 
 Roger II., 184, 185 ; proposals of peace 
 to Adrian IV., 190; relieves Brundi- 
 sium, 192; besieges Brundisium, 193; 
 his capture and treatment of Brundi- 
 sium, 193, 194 ; his campaign against 
 Adrian IV. in 1156, 193-196 ; negotia- 
 tion with Adrian IV., 1156, 197; 
 crowned by Adrian IV., 199 ; 218, 222, 
 232, 243. 
 
 William of Newburgh, 4 ; trustworthiness 
 of his writings, 9 ; his life of Break- 
 spear, 10 ; on the state of England in 
 twelfth century, 23; account of Break- 
 spear and Eugenius III., 44-45. 
 
 Plantagenet, 128. 
 
 de Swanland, 16. 
 
 son of Henry I., 20. 
 
 son of Robert of Normandy, 33. 
 
 Winchester, 24, 161, 167. 
 
 Windsor, 161. 
 
 Wittelsbach. See Otho. 
 
 Wrajo, favourite of William of Sicily, 
 185, 186. 
 
 Worms, Diet of, 228 ; treaty of broken by 
 Barbai'ossa, 235. 
 
 Wormwood, 74. 
 
 York, province of, 58. 
 
 Zahringen, 233. 
 Zurich, 86. 
 
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