UNiVERSITV OF CALIF0BNI4 SAN DIEGO 3 1822 00014 2786 isn CKCIL KHODES Nv, CECIL RHODES, 1897. CECIL RHODES A BIOGRAPHY AND APPRECIATION IMPERIALIST PERSONAL REMINISCENCES By Dr. JAMESON IWO PORTRAITS OF MR. RHODES AND A MAP OF SOUTH AFRICA LONDON : CHAPMAN & HALL, Ld. 1897 CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE I. The Winning of Wealth .... 1 II. The Winning of Political Power . . 20 III. The Occupation of Ehodesia ... 40 lY. The Work of the Chartered Company . 60 Y. The Dictatorship at Cape Town . . 79 YI. The Obstacles to South African Unifica- tion ....... 92 YII. The Eeform Agitation in the Transvaal 106 YIII. The Eaid 134 IX. The Consequences of the Paid . . 158 X. The Eebellion in Ehodesia . . .178 XI. The Pacification of Matabeleland . . 192 XII. The Judgment of Sol-th Africa . .216 VI CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE XIII. The Judgment of England . . .241 XIV. An Appreciation of a Great Statesman 2(i(> XV. An Appreciation of a Great Statesman [conthnied) ...... 297 XVI. A Great Statesman's Speeches . . 328 XVII. A Great Statesman's Speeches {continued) 360 PERSONAL REMINISCENCES BY DR. JAMESON. Chapter 1 391 Chapter IT. . ' 406 CFXIL RHODES AT ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD. CECIL RHODES. CHAPTEK I. THE WINNING OF WEALTH. Anyone who Lad come to the Diamond Fields in Griqualand early in the seventies might have observed a tall English lad sitting at a table diamond- sorting, or superintending the work of his gang of Kaffirs, near the edge of tho huge open chasm or quarry which then constituted the mines. That was the time of individual enterprise, and the rough and ready methods of surface work. A man bought a claim inde- pendently or went shares with others, roughed it in a tent, and, with the assistance of a gang of natives, got through the work himself. Tho -« CECIL RHODES. diamond-bearing yellow ground was beaten up and broken small by Kaffirs ; the broken yellow gravel was sifted and passed over tlie table at whicli the claim-owner sat, keen-eyed to pick out the rough gems, and swift to rake away the refuse. A primitive way of working and living it was that then obtained at Colesberg Kopje, where the town of Kimberley now stands. The diamond-seeker sat at his table in the open air, exposed to the burning Griqualand sun and the gravelly dust that rose in clouds from the sieves of the sorters. No one would have sup- posed that the future of a great Continent was bound lip in the life of the dreamy, carelessly dressed English youth, who sat there daily at the diamond sorting; and yet it was in such surroundings, that the direction in which his life-work was to be done first dawned on the mind of the Englishman, who was one day to make history, and paint the map red on a large scale, in South and Central Africa. The younger son of a Hertfordshire clergy- THE WINNING OF WEALTH. 3 man, Cecil Eliocles came out to South Africa iu 1871, and joined his ekler brother Herbert, who was engaged in cotton- growing in Natal. The climate of Natal was the inducement which brought the delicate youth to South Africa. In 1872 Cecil entered at Oriel Col- lege, Oxford, but came back to Africa the same year, his lungs having become seriously affected from a chill caught after rowing. Not long after Cecil came out to Natal, his brother Herbert was drawn away from the slow results of cotton-planting to the dazzling possibilities of wealth to be swiftly won near the place now known as Kimberley. Cecil re- mained in Natal, but followed his brother to Griqualand the year after. The discovery of diamonds on the Vaal Eiver had been followed by the discovery of the dry diggings, in the place where He Beers now carry on their work, and there the future head of the Diamond Mines found a straight way to wealth and power. 4 CECIL RHODES. Herbert's claim turned out well, and it was not very long before the roving disposition of the elder Rhodes led him to hand over the management to his somewhat dreamy but hard- working and persevering younger brother. Cecil had a share in his brother's claim, and ultimately took over the working, and left Herbert free to follow the more congenial life of gold-seeker, hunter, and explorer in the far North, an adventurous life, which came to an untimely end owing to the accidental burning of the hut in which he was sleeping when elephant-hunting near the Shire. The more tenacious younger brother, Cecil, persevered at the diggings and prospered amazingly, and here it was that he became associated with Mr. C. D. Rudd, who has had so considerable a part in all his great enterprises. Not satisfied with the hard work he did in the search for and purchase of diamonds, the immense and restless energy, which was already a characteristic of young Cecil Rhodes, found THE WINNING OF WEALTH. 5 vent in the excitement of all sorts of schemes for making money, from a contract to pump out a mine to the working of an ice-manufac- turing machine, in which he and Mr. Eudd interested themselves, for the refreshment of the thirsty diamond diggers and the benefit of their own pockets. A tall, raw English youth, little more than a sixth form schoolboy in age and appearance, careless in his dress, abrupt, from shyness, in his manner, young Ehodcs was already in power of brain and will far ahead of the older men around him, and was noted for the independence and originality of his views of men and things. Deep in thoughts and schemes that reached far beyond the little world of the Diamond fields, Cecil Ehodcs, when he came to be known, was generally regarded as somewhat eccentric and a dreamer, though admitted to be a far-sighted man of business, with a head for finance. He was often to be seen on the Diamond fields keeping his gang of Kaffir labourers at 6 CECIL RHODES, their work, breaking up and sifting the diamond- bearing yellow ground, while he sat on an up- turned bucket supervising them, his eyes on a book, or his mind deep in thought, out of which study and solitary thinking the dream of Em- pire to the North gradually emerged and took definite shape. At first, and, indeed, for a con- siderable time, the enjoyment of the excitement of making money kept the young diamond- digger and financier in embryo occupied ; but, as time went on, he perceived that money was worth possessing for the power that it bestowed ; for gold not steel was obviously the Archimedes' lever of the modern world, in which he found himself. At exactly what period he began to be con- scious of the magnetism of Africa, the attrac- tion of that vast unexplored region to the North, which was one day to receive from him its name, he would himself find it very hard to say. But, at any rate, he had already for many years ruminated over the idea when, sixteen THE WINNING OF WEALTH. 7 years ago at Kimberley, he unbosomed himself thus to a friend. Moving his hand as a pointer over the map of Africa, up to the Zambesi, he said, " That's my dream — all English " ; a very Utopian dream, as it must have seemed to an unimaginative man of the world at the time. Yet the dream of that young English diamond-digger was to be more important to his adopted country, and, in due time, to his mother country, than all the petty wars, the elections, and the burning questions of the day, which occupy for a moment the attention of our passing generations. As commonly is the case, the judgment of his contempo- raries on the man and his ideas was very wide of the mark, and, of course, no one guessed for a moment that the far-seeing young financier had the destiny of South Africa in his keeping. Nevertheless, he was the appointed instrument to preserve for antl present to Eng- land the most permanently valuable because the most habitable portion of the last great Conli- 8 CECIL HHODE?. nent that waited to bo annexed; and his love of the excitement of mono3^-making, and his re- markable genius for finance, were to supply the first of the two necessary instruments by which the realisation of the dream of Empire to the Korth might be made practicable — the instru- ment of money and the command of moneyed men. As a general rule it must be admitted that successful money-getting tends to become mere money-grubbing, and is the dry rot of any- thing great and magnanimous in a man. But Cecil Ehodes was from the first an exception. He never cared for money for itself, to hoard it, or to spend it in luxury or ostentation. Ilis wants remained perfectly simple, and the possession of riches did not make him change his mode of life, or spend more upon himself. At first he cared for money-making because he enjoyed the excitement of success, as a marks- man enjoys bringing down a difficult shot, or a fox-liuntcr enjoys taking a stifi' fence; but THE AVINNING OF WEVLTII. 9 gradually his financial solicmes all centred round and were undertaken to advance his one dominant idea, the expansion and consolida- tion of Greater Britain in South Africa, the occupation for England of the seemingly illimit- able and unexplored regions to the North, up to and beyond the Zambesi. This one para- mount idea which had, at an early date, begun to possess the mind of young Cecil Ehodes, is certainly to be found unmistakably behind all his great financial schemes; for instance, in the change in the De Beers Trust Deed, made at the time of the amalgamation, by which the future-seeing amalgamator armed himself for his coming efforts in the North by getting for himself power to use the De Beers money and support with the wealth of the great dia- mond monopoly his vast schemes of Imperial Expansion in the then unfooted hinterland. Little did his fellow-miners think, as they passed tlie dreamy youth with the impassive face gazing into vacancy, that the building of 10 CECIL RHODES. an cmpirCj tlio occupation of the last unoccu- pied Continent, was gradually assuming form under the shaping power of that young diamond- digger's imagination. The paramount idea in his mind, the expansion of our Empire and its supremacy in South A frica, was, of course, de- veloped, and gained shape and consistency, under the influence of the study of history and the experience of life. This idea has been to him through life what a great passion for a woman is to some men, what a supreme friend- ship is to others. An enlightened patriotism has gradually become the one paramount senti- ment of the great South African's life; and putting one's self in his place and looking with his eyes on the world, one can understand his far-reaching saying that territory is everything, territory, that is to say, fit to support and breed a fine race of men. lie sees with his mind's eye the vicious weaklings bred in the unsani- tary conditions of our over-crowded English cities, and compares them with the magnificent THE "WINNING OF WEALTH. 11 race of Englislimcn that miglit be raised on the fertile soil and in the fine air of the up- lands of Rhodesia, and, as he reflects, the great need for England seems to be territory. Eng- land can snpply the men in ever-increasing numbers to colonize it, but suitable land for them to colonize is strictly limited, and there- fore to England such territory for her expan- sion is all important. "Having read the histories of other coun tries," to quote Mr. Ehodes upon himself, '' I saw that expansion was everything, and that the world's surface being limited, the great object of present humanity should be to take as much of the world as it possibly could." With expansion, then, as his paramount idea, and with a very definite intention of carrying out this idea in the hinterland to the North, Mr. Ehodes pushed on his big scheme of amal- gamating tJie diamond-mines, which, owing to over-competition and over-production, were in a bad way, and over which he purposed to 13 CECIL RHODES. establish, in placo of cut-tliroat competition, a strict monopoly. With that bnll-dog tenacity and patience which arc such strong notes of his character, he gradually overcame the oppo- sition of the various interests; but it took some twenty years of steady labour and extra- ordinary skill in dealing with men to bring about the completion of his scheme, which issued in the formation of the De Beers Consolidated Mines, now the most wealthy and successfully managed mining corporation in the world. Some slight conception of the difficulties that had to be overcome, may bo gained by the consideration that there were, even as late as 1885, after over one thou- sand properties had been amalgamated into companies, more than forty companies, as well as over fifty private properties. The De Beers Company, founded in 1880, was the centre round which the process of consoli- dation went on. The De Beers Company gra- dually acquired the other companies, till at last *rHE WINNING OF WE AITS. 13 the De Beer's Consolidated Mines had amalga- mated with itself all the properties of any im^ portancc ; and the Kimberley, the Dutoitspan, and Bultfontein mines, were included with the mine which gave its name to the company formed by the amalgamation. This amalgama- tion created a virtual monopoly, and enabled the governing mind of Mr. Ehodes to limit the output so as exactly to supply the world's demand for diamonds each year, and thus to regulate and maintain the price. This, the first and chiefest financial work of Cecil Ehodes's life, revealed the fact that there had appeared in South Africa a business man of supreme ability, a financier without a superior — indeed, without a rival. The capitalisation of De Beers now amounts to nearer thirty than twenty-five millions, and the company, pays steadily increasing dividends to the amount, at present, of about a million and a-half a year, while it watches for and buys up any new diamond-mine that might 14 CECIL RHODES. prove a dangerous rival. In tliis consolida- tion, his greatest achievement in finance, Mr. Bhodes had the co-operation of his friend, Mr. Beit, whose public spirited and powerful support has never been wanting to his friend's projects, and has helped to ensure the success of Mr. Ehodes in other undertakings, such as the obtaining of the Concession from Lobengula, which led to the formation of the Chartered Company and the after development of the Northern territory itself. Diamonds had already given Mr. Ehodes wealth, and when the gold-mines of the Eand were discovered in 188G, he joined with his old partner in the diamond-fields, Mr. Eudd, and founded the Gold Fields of South Africa, which, after certain vicissitudes, has ultimately proved a remarkably successful trust company, having paid for the last two years dividends of 125 per cent., in addition to a large sum to the founders, who last year consented to capitalize their interest on very fair terms. Thus, both THE WINNING OF WEA.LTH. 15 in diamonds and in gold, Mr. Ehodes has been associated with thoroughly sound and solid en- terprises, which have gradually progressed, and at last splendidly rewarded all who had faith in the careful and conservative finance which have distinguished all his undertakings. The success of these enterprises was to pave the way for the yet more gigantic venture, which was to make large demands on all the strong financial influence, as well as the great financial reputa- tion of its founder, I mean the greatest com- pany of our own or any time in the matter of colonization and development, the famous Chartered Company of South Africa. The great success of his own undertakings had brought Mr. Rhodes and his friends large fortune ; but the hard-working maker of that success was not for one moment immersed in money-getting. He cared for the possession of wealth only as a means to an end. Money and a following of moneyed men who had learned from experience to trust 16 CECIL RHODES* him, wei-e, he knew, absolutely necessary to the gigantic scheme which he had been gradu-" ally developing in his mind, the occupation of that portion of the last imoccupied Con- tinent which seemed most fit for permanent colonization by white men. Of course, he was well aware of the nature of the territories which now bear his name, for hunters like Selous, and ex- plorers like Baines, had wandered over them for years and brought accurate reports of fine climate and great fertility, while the gold offered for sale by the natives, added the possibility of that rapidity of settlement and development which comes from payable gold mines alone. But while the element of financial power was necessary to the realization of Mr. Ehodes's dream of expansion, financial power, he knew, was not the only requisite. To financial power must be added political power, and it was with the intention of obtaining political power and using it to assist his great THE WINNING OF WEALTH. 17 idea of expansion, that Mr. Bhodes went into politics. When Mr. Ehodes resolved to enter upon political life he had already a better equip- ment of book knowledge than might have been expected. In the midst of all his diamond-digging and money-making, ho had found time to read. Often he watched his natives, a book in his hand, and this study of books ended in his returning to Oriel in 1876, keeping his terms, passing his examinations, and in 1881 taking his degree. He spent the long vacation each year at work on the Diamond Fields, the rest of the year at Oxford. It is characteristic of the ambition of this much-toiling man of busi- ness, that the recreation he gave himself after laborous years of diamond-mining and finance, consisted in fresh work; where another man would have sought amusement, Mr. Kliodes sought knowledge, and when he left Oriel and Oxford he hud laid a firm foundation, on which 18 CECIL RHODES. he has since built, to good purpose. "When one considers the difficulty of keeping the terms from South Africa, and the awkward- ness to a successful man of business, who had pushed to the front in the battle of life, of coming among lads fresh from school, one realizes how strong must have been the resolve that made the successful diamond-miner and financier an Oxford undergraduate. There are few stories of his life at this period. I remember one. About the year 1877, two Englishmen, strangers to one another, the one a middle-aged, the other a young man, occupied a post- cart on their way to Kimberley. It was before the railway was built, and they were several days together. Englishmen are naturally reserved and stiff to strangers, and between these two conversation was not promoted by the fact that the younger man kept diligently studying his prayer book. The older man's curiosity was roused^ but being of a very reserved nature he said nothing* THE WINNING OF WEALTH. 19 A couple of days had passed, when, his curiosity at last overcoming his reserve, he asked the younger man what he was reading. ^' The Thirty-nine Articles," was the reply. This broke the ice, and the two got to know each other. The older man was Charles Warren, on his way up to make the boundary for the Free State ; the younger man was the diamond- digger, Cecil Ehodes, on his way back from Oxford to Kimberley for the long vacation, and he was characteristically using his time in the post- cart, before he plunged again into the midst of diamonds and finance, in learning the Thirty -nine Articles for his next examination at Oxford, CHAPTEE II. THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. About fifteen years ago Cecil Ehodes entered the Cape Parliament as member for Barkly West, and came down to the Cape Assembly, as he observed in his last speech at the ban- quet in his honour at Cape Town, " with the thought, if possible, to use my political power to obtain the balance of unclaimed country." Early in the eighties, at the opening of his political career, his great abilities were per- ceived by no less a man than General Gordon. There are very slender materials for this part of Mr. Ehodes' s life shortly after he entered the Capo Assembly ; but I can give some interesting, and till now unpublished, remini- scences of his intercourse with General Gordon THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 21 in BasutolanJ. Gordon had been sent up by the Cape Government to arrange terms of peace with the Basutos. Ehodes, then the young member for Barkly "West, had gone up as one of the Compensation Commission to compensate the loyal natives who had lost everything in the war, in which they had sided with the Cape Government. Gordon and Ehodcs naturally came together, and used to go out long walks in company. What would not one give for a phonograph which would record those conversations? Gordon, who was a trifle dictatorial, on several occasions vigorously criticised Ehodes's inde- pendent opinions. "You always contradict me," he said, " I never met such a man for his own opinion. You think your views are always right and everyone else wrong." Ehodcs was not long in getting his opportunity for retaliation. The Basutos made much of Gordon. They came in thousands to the Indabas, recognising in liiiu a big man, and 22 CECIL ERODES. obviously takiug liim for the chief man there. '''J3o you know," said Rhodes to Gordon one day, " I have an oi^inion that you are doing very wrong. You are letting those Basutos make a great mistake. They take you for the great man, look up to you, and pay no attention to Saner. A\' hereas he is the great man here, and you are only in his employment." Sauer was a village attorney of Aliwal North, hut was Secretary for !N^ative Affairs, a member of the Cape Government by whom Gordon was em- ployed. " You ought to explain to the Basutos the truth that he is somebody and you are nobody," went on Ehodes unrelentingly. This was said chaffingly by way of a score oif Gordon ; but Gordon took it quite seriously. At the next Indaba, accordingly, Gordon stepped out before the chiefs and, pointing to Mr. Sauer, explained to their astonishment: "You are making a mistake in treating me as the great man, that is the great man of the Whites. I am only his servant, only his dog ; nothing more." THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 23 After the Indaba was over Gordon re- marked to Eliodes, 'M did it because it was the riglit thing," and then, after a pause, added, half under his breath, *' but it was hard, very hard." Nevertheless, Gordon took to the young Englisliman v/ith the big ideas and independent mind, and one day, when tliey were out taking a walk, asked Ehodes what he was going to do after he had completed his work on the Compensation Commission. Ehodes explained that he was going home to Kimberley to look after the diamond mines. " Stay with mc in Basutoland," said Gordon, *'we can work together." Eliodes refused, pointing out that his work was mapped out for hira at Kimberley. Gordon pressed liim, and when he could not make him change his plans, observed, ''There are very few men in the world to whom I would make such an offer. Very few men, I can tell you ; but, of course, you will have your own way." On another occasion Gordon told Ehodes the story of the 24 CECIL RHODES. offer of a roomful of gold wliicli had been made to him by the Chinese Government, after he had subdued the Tai-Piug rebellion. " What did you do?" said Ehodes. ''Eefused it, of course," said Gordon. " What would you have done ? " " I would have taken it," said Ehodes, "and as many more roomfuls as they would give me. It is no use for us to have big ideas if we have not got the money to carry them out." These two men of strong will used often to disagree, and on one occasion Gordon observed to the younger man, testily, " You are the sort of man who never approves of anything unless you have had the organising of it yourself." Nevertheless, Gordon took strongly to the young politician. His pressing invitation to stay and work with him in Basutoland proves this. Not long after Ehodes went back to Kimberley, and Gordon shook off the Cape dust from his feet and went back to Europe, disgusted at the double dealing of the Cape Government, which sent up troops through THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 25 Sauer to take the I3asutos unawares, at the very time that they were conducting negotia- tions for peace through Gordon. Ehodes, meanwhile, kept to his financial and political work, with the one great end in view. To this clearly-seen end, the winning of the vast hinterland, the possession of money and financial influence was merely the means, as was also the possession of political power from the very opening of his par- liamentary career. In the Cape Assembly, in season and out of his season, he steadily devoted himself to his life-purpose. He soon found that he need hope for neither support nor encouragement among the Cape politicians in his schemes of expansion to the North. The Cape Colony was not then awake to the advantages of seizing the un- marked territory, and in England, our short- sighted party government, with its cheese- paring policy, was equally hlind to the inte- rests of our empire in South Africa. 26 CECIL RHODES. As soon as Mr. Eliodes had settled himself in the saddle as member for Barkly West, he found openings for liis forward policy. In 1882-3 he persuaded the Cape Government to send up a Delimitation Cyonimission for the delimita- tion of Griqualand West, and went as one of the Commissioners himself. The difficulty with which the young Commissioner had to deal was the complaint of Mankoroane, the Batlapin chief, who ruled what is now Lower Bechuana- land, that part of his territory had been included by mistake in Griqualand West. This Mr. Eliodes found to be perfectly true ; but as about seventy farms had been taken up in this^territory it was impossible to return it to Mankoroane. Mr. Rhodes, with that swift and unerring perception of the right thing to do, which is a characteristic of his, as it was of Gordon's, obtained from Mankoroane a cession of the whole of his country, about half Bechu- analand, for the Cape Colony. Mankoroane, being hard pressed by the Boers, was eager to THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 27 make this cession, as he would thus gaiu the protection of the Cape against his freebooting assailants. Rhodes returned to Cape Town with the cession of half Bechuanaland for ^thc Cape ; hut the Cape, not then at all desirous of addi- tional territory, refused the cession. What was to he done ? Mr. Rhodes, the guiding star of whose whole policy was already, in 1882, the idea of acquiring both Becliuanaland and the vast unoccupied regions to the North beyond Bechuanaland, was not to be denied. He had got the cession of this big territory ; the Cape refused it ; ho would try the Imperial Govern- ment. Accordingly ho urged the Governor to use his influence with Downing Street, and the Governor succeeded in inducing the Home Government to take the country on the terms that the Cape was to pay half the cost of administration. The Cape House did not care to pay half the expense when they had no share in the administration. Scanlan's ministry 28 CECIL ERODES. went out of office nominally for another reason, really because of the impossibility of carrying through the arrangement. The Im- perial Government, however, established a pro- tectorate over the territory in question in 1884, when Mackenzie was made the British Eesident. This Bechuanaland business is interesting as showing the continuity of Mr. Ehodes's policy of expansion. He began to push that policy to the front at the very opening of his political life. He obtained the cession of Lower Bechuanaland, as I have shown ; offered it to the Cape, but found they would have nothing to do with it, pressed it through the Governor on the Imperial Government, who were at last reluctantly induced to declare a protectorate. It was his experience on this and other occa- sions which made him certain that the Cape would not take over the Northern territories, on the possession of which the young poli- tician's far-seeing mind was set ; and he soon had further proof that the Imperial Govern- THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 29 ment could not be counted on for this work of Imperial expansion, because, even if they could have been persuaded of the ultimate value of the country, they could not face the expense of administration, much less the enormously greater expense of development. It was due to these lessons learned in the efforts to carry out his scheme of expansion, that Mr. Ehodes was reluctantly convinced that his only chance of carrying out his policy was the creation of a private enterprise— a Chartered Company. Immediately after the Convention of London in 1884, President Kruger, who had only just got the independence of his country, and had not a sixpence in his treasury, with marvellous audacity and foresight started upon his rival scheme of expansion. Mr. Ehodes had already made the first move northward in Lower Bech- uanaland in 1882 ; but President Kruger was no sooner sure of his independence than he started out his lieutenants on every side to raid 30 CECIL RHODES. and hold all the territory they could. One expe- dition was sent into Zululand, and successfully occupied the best of the country, and, there being no Ehodes in Natal to expel them, estab- lished the JSTew Eepublic, and were in due course incorporated with the Transvaal. Another ex- pedition, under Van Niekerk, pushed into Bechuanaland and founded the freebooting Kepublics of Stellaland and Goshen, with a town, in the latter called Eooi Grond. Mr. Mac- kenzie, the British Eesident, vigorous and active though he was, was unable to cope with these resolute invaders, who knew what they had been sent to do, and did not hesitate to shoot. President Kruger next proclaimed a Protec- torate over the territory in question, thus, as in Zululand, revealing in whose interests the Transvaal freebooters had seized the country. Mr. Ehodes had already held office in the Scanlan Administration as Treasurer -Gen oral, when, in 1884, he sjucceedod Mackenzie as ^Deputy CommisHionex- for Bechuanaland, and THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 31 had an excellent opportunity of using political power to forward his purpose of expansion to the North. In his last speech at Cape Town he has told us how, as British Commissioner, he met the Boer Commando that had seized Bechuanaland, and how he dealt with them. Kesolute to keep Bechuanaland for England, he was quite willing to make large concessions in another direction. Farms the Boers might have and hold, but it must he under the British flag. '' I know," said the oldest of the Boers to him, '' that this is the key of South Africa." This was the truth, and it was be- cause he was determined to keep for England that key to the interior that Mr. Ehodes was there. He kept the key for England, though it required all his efl'orts, backed by Cape Colony, led by the eloquence of Mr. J. W. Leonard, to make Sir Ilercules Eobinson act firmly. Had Mr. Ehodes allowed the High Commis- sioner to pursue his usual policy of peace at any price, the key to the North would have 32 CECIL EHODES, passed into the possession of the Transvaal. It is characteristic of Mr. Ehodes that he had already ofifered a fair and conciliatory arrange- ment to the Dutchmen by which they were to be confirmed in their farms ; but this arrange- ment was refused by General Joubert, acting on behalf of the Transvaal Government, which had ofiicially attempted to avail itself of its daring filibustering enterprise by incor- porating the territory. In the course of their enterprise one English officer, Commander Bethell, was murdered by President Kruger's men, and numbers of natives under British protection were slaughtered and their property seized; yet not one penny of compensation was ever paid by President Kruger or by the delinquents themselves. Then it was that Mr. Ehodes showed that while ready to deal fairly and even^'^generously with the Boers individually, he was firm as iron on the question of the flag. He at once insisted on a display of force to retain the route to the North THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 33 and expel the filibustering intruders. Sir Charles Warren's expedition was the result, and Bcchuanaland was preserved to the Empire. Here Mr. Rhodes had his first encounter with the Transvaal President's forward policy, and came out of it a winner. The fair-minded and conciliatory terms offered by an Englishman had mightily surprised the Boers, and perhaps laid the foundation in the ■ Dutch mind of that confidence in the ''English- man with the Afrikander heart " which has enabled Mr. Ehodes to work successfully with the Dutchmen of the Colony, and begin his great work of welding together the two races into one united people. Thus earl}^ in his career the union of the white races, the removal of race-feeling, was a care to the young politician, combined with an Imperialism, as intense as it was enlight- ened, which, acting with consideration and justice, melted away by conciliation the oppo- sition it would have been difficult to overcome D 3i CECIL RHODES. by force. And so it came to pass that Cecil Bhocles, in appearance, character, and sympa- thies the most English of Englishmen, was gradually accepted as the trusted representative of Dutch as well as English voting-power. While Ehodes had been working to secure political power at the Cape, Gordon had not forgotten his independent-minded young friend. When he was starting for Khartoum on his difficult and desperate mission, ho sent to in- vito Ehodes to come out and work with him in his contest with the power of the Mahdi in the Soudan. The keenness of the great General's reading of character was wonder- fully justified when Ehodes last year went up on a similar mission into the Matopo Hills and single-handed achieved his object. The day on which Gordon's offer arrived Cecil Ehodes had received the offer of the Treasurer -Generalship under the Scanlan Ministry ; and, as this appointment lay directly upon the line of least resistance to the THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 35 end he had in view, he accepted it, unwilling, though flattered no doubt by Gordon's choice, to swerve for a moment from the path he had marked out for himself. If the future of the Soudan was upon Gor- don's camel as ho rode to Khartoum, the future of British Empii'e in South Africa hung upon this decision of Mr. Khodes, with- out whom the expansion which has given us the coveted empire to the North would never have taken place ; for no one acquainted with the facts would deny that the moving spirit of the enterprise was the great statesman and millionaire who had set this work of expansion before him when a youth at Kimberley, many years before, and had made himself, after years of labour, the chief personage in South Africa, both in finance and politics, with the unalter- able purpose of carrying out his idea as swiftly and effectively as possible. I have now briefly given a sketch of the main facts, and the unchanging purpose of Mr, 36 CECIL KHODES. Bliodes's early life, and of the way in which financial and political power were obtained by him in order to subserve that purpose. By diamond-digging and finance he had already in 1888 made a large fortune himself, and had gained a most valuable influence with the millionaires with whom he had been associated in his various undertakings. And so when the Chartered Company was mooted in 1889, not only South African potentates like Mr. Beit, but world-famed financiers like Lord Rothschild were interested in the under- taking. By 1889, too, he had become the chief personage in politics at the Cape. He had early perceived that only by an alliance with the Dutch party could he hope to obtain the political support he required in order to carry out his idea of occupying the hinterland. He set himself, therefore, to win the Dutch ; his plan being to occupy and develop the northern territory through the Cape Colony. In 1889, then, he had possessed himself of the requisite THE WINNING OF POLITICAL POWER. 87 instruments of financial power and political power to enter on the great enterprise fur which he created the British South Africa Company, and obtained a royal Charter. In 1890, on the defeat of the Sprigg Ministry, Mr. Ehodes, who was generally admitted to be the ablest man of affairs at the Cape, became Premier ; thus combining in himself the man- agement of the Chartered Company with the political leadership of the Cape Colony. This difficult position exactly suited his policy, which was to use the powerful Dutch element in the colony to aid his plans of expansion towards the Zambesi, and, by carrying on Imperial Expansion through the Colony, and to its advantage, gradually to effect the recon- ciliation of the Dutch to the Imperial idea. An alliance with Mr. Ilofmeyr and the powerful Afrikander Bond, was the first step in Mr. Ehodes's policy as Prime Minister. This secured the solid Dutch vote. It is prob- able that Mr. Hofmeyr intended to use Mr. 38 CECIL RHODES. Rhodes to advance his own scheme of a Dutch supremacy in South Africa ; but if this was his intention he was mistaken. Mr. Ehodes used his position so successfully that he gradually leavened the Afrikander Bond with his own liberal and enlightened Imperialism, and made acceptable to the Dutchmen of the Paarl the occupation of Ehodesia, though it finally cut off the Dutchmen of the Transvaal from the coveted hinterland to the North. As a work- ing politician, he was soon as irresistible as ho had been as an amalgamator of financial interests. Having arrived at the Premier- ship he intended to remain, and periodically depleted the Opposition by winning their leaders to his policy. Sir J. Upington became his Attorney - General, Sir Gordon Sprigg his Treasurer - General, two leaders of the Opposition being thus included in his own Government. Gradually the whole political ability of the Colony became united under his own dictatorship, and worked together for THE WINNING OP POLITICAL POWER. 39 the benefit of the Colony, and through the Colony of the Empire, instead of dissipating their energies in party mancBuvres and attempts to secure a pnrty victory. CHAPTER III. THE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. The preservation of Bechuanaland, the direct trade route into the interior from the Cape, the key to the dreamed-of Empire of the North, had been, as I have shown, the work of Mr. Ehodes, during his Deputy-Commissionership in 1884, and his resolute grip upon the key of South Africa had been finally made effectual by the Warren Expedition. Germany had been encouraged by a growing ambition for colonial expansion to aim not only at acquiring the Transvaal but also the Empire to the North. This, as not even the Portuguese had any effective occupation, was open to the forcible attentions of the first comer in that scramble THE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. 41 for territory in Africa, which had already begun among the pov/ers of Europe. That Mr. Ehodes should have been fully aware that the old Boer was right who described to him the strip of territory in Bechuanaland seized by President Kruger's people as ''the key of South Africa," seems the merest matter of coui'se to-day. Yet we have only to look at Froude's "Oceana," written after he had visited the Cape in December, 1884, immediately after Mr. Ehodes' s intervention, to see how little a man of great ability, and even some real knowledge of South Africa, aj)preciated the significance of the Boer filibusters' action. Froude seems to have been utterly unconscious of the value of Bechuanaland, and did not even dream of the possibility of expansion to the North, while Warren's expedition would be, he thought, merely mischievous, if it were not ridiculous. Of course Mr. Ehodes knew his South Africa better, and, with his eye on the longed-for region to the North, would on 42 CECIL RHODES. no account let the road to tlie North pa>ss from under the British flag ; but the danger was a real one, for in Zululand, where Boer filibus- ters liad at that time seized territory and called it the New Kepublic, Mr. Ehodes had no reason to interfere, the filibusters were not expelled ; and that territory, a large part of the best of Zululand, is now a portion of the Transvaal Eepublic. Thus in 1882, and again in 1884, Mr. Ehodes had used his political position to safeguard British interests, and by saving Bech- uanaland had kept open the road to Matabele- land, and the immense territory to the North of the Zambesi. President Kruger was not content with what he had done in Zululand and attempted in Bechuanaland. The resolute old Dutchman — • whose daring forward policy Mr. Ehodes, always appreciative of ability and pluck, even in his bitterest enemy, could not help admiring — next sent up his emissaries to Matabeleland. Mr. Ehodes, hearing that the Transvaal was at THE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. 43 work to secure the northern territory, was seriously alarmed ; for he knew now with how strong and bold an antagonist he had to deal, But the young English Imperialist was equal to the occasion. He hurried down to Grahams- town, where Sir Hercules Eobinson was at the time, and urged him to get a treaty signed with Lobengula. Sir Hercules, good, easy man, would have liked to be let alone. He said it was impossible to make a treaty with Lobengula that took any responsibility. Ehodes then urged him to get a negative treaty signed, on the model of the treaty made by the Natal Governor with the Queen of Amatongaland. This negative treaty was so called because it would merely bind Lobengula to give the first offer to Great Britain, if at any time he wished for a protectorate. It involved no responsibility, but protected our interests, resembling to this extent our right of pre-emp- tion over Delagoa Bay. Mr. Ehodes's recom- mendation was acted upon by the High Com- 44 CECIL RHODES* missionerj and the result was wlmt is known as the Moffat Treaty, signed in 1888. Mr. Khodes was only just in time. The Transvaal Emissary, Piet Grobler was thus anticipated, and President Kruger's intentions were openly made known when he produced un- successfully to Sir Hercules Eobinson what purported to be a treaty signed by the Matabele King. Thus Mr. Ehodes by ceaseless watch- fulness and activity succeeded in checkmating President Kruger in Matabeleland, as he had some years before checkmated him in Becliu- analand. The danger was great and real ; for Lord Derby had left open the whole of the northern territories to be scrambled for and seized by the first comers. Once more the con- sequences of the apathy of DoAvning Street were prevented by the far-seeing and sleepless patriotism of Mr. Ehodes. What was he to do next in order to make Moffat's treaty with Lobengula effective ? He had found by experience that the Cape THE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. 45 would not undertake a big work of expansion, and that the Imperial Government would not dare to face even a small fraction of the expenses of occupation. There was noth- ing for it, he saw, but private enterprise. Private enterprise, which had given us the Empire of India, was the one way open, he saw, to secure the Empire of Africa. With remarkable foresight he had mentally created the Chartered Company, long before it was mooted; and he at once set about obtainiug the needful concession on which to base the Company. On the 30th October, 1888, the Kudd Con- cession of the mineral rights of Lobengula's kingdom was obtained from that monarch by the tenacity of Mr. Eudd, and the keen and tactful diplomacy of Mr. Eochfort Maguiro. The consideration of £1,200 a year, 1,000 rifles and a large supply of ammunition, seemed no doubt, magnificent to the wily old native despot, and ho probably congratulated himself, with 46 CECIL RHODES. some appearance of reason, on having had the best of the deal. This was the celebrated Mata- bele Concession, which formed the solid basis of the British South Africa Company. Early in 1889 Mr. Ehodes came to London, and there made an agreement with the Directors of the Exploring Company on the grounds of their co-operating in support of the Eudd Conces- sion through Mr. Maund, who had been up with the Warren Expedition, and had gained great influence with Lobcngula. Mr. Ehodes, on his part, brought in the Do Beers Company, which took a large interest (over ^200,000) in the British South Africa Company. In October, 1889, the Charter was for- mally granted, and the Company launched on its career of British expansion. It may here be remembered that the financial suc- cess of this great enterprise was by no means the certainty then that it seems now. Tho first subscribers were aware that the risk was considerable, had no notion that the public THE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. 47 would perceive the potentialities of the scheme, and were on that account glad that in the subscription of the capital the De Beers Com- pany and the Gold Fields of South Africa should do their part. This should be re- membered in connection with the hostile criti- cism as to the allotment — criticism Avhich is very easy to advance after the event, when the public have shown their high apprecia- tion of the shares. Already early in 1880, long before the Charter was granted or even secure, Mr. Rhodes, who was staying in London, was anticipating the uncertain future and en- deavouring to secure a footing in Nyasa- land by an arrangement with the African Lakes Company ; for he had not the least intention of limiting himself, even tem- porarily, to Matabeleland and Mashonaland, The British Government, indeed, wished to restrict the Charter to the South of the Zambesi; but Mr. Rhodes, true to his dreams 48 CECIL KHODES. of Empire, with far-seeing ambition insisted on and obtained a free hand to the north of that river. Interviews with Mr. Bruce and other re- presentatives of the African Lakes Company resulted in an agreement by which the British South Africa Company's promoters (they had not yet obtained the Charter) subscribed £20,000 to the capital of the African Lakes Company, which had exhausted its resources, and also undertook to give Charter shares in exchange for Lakes Company shares, further- more subsidizing the Lakes Company to the amount of £9,000 a year for expenses of administration. The British South Africa Company also obtained the right, on certain conditions, of taking over the subsidized Com- pany — which it has since done — and Major Forbes, an able and active Eesident, is now superintending the exploration and develop- ment of Northern Ehodesia up to Lake Tan- ganyika. Of course, Sir Harry Johnston's IHE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. 49 admirably governed realm was practically a portion of the same immense territory, and if it does not owe its existence, at least owes the finances for its development, to Mr. Ehodes. Negotiations at Lisbon with the Portuguese were also projected, but circumstances caused an abandonment of the scheme. Enough, however, has been said to show the far-sighted and far-reaching ambition for tho expansion of the Empire, by which Mr. Ehodes was in- spired, even at this early period. His col- leagues in general Avould have been much more modest in their aims, considering, from a business point of view, the question of ex- pense and the certainty that such soaring ambition for expansion could not possibly prove remunerative — at all events, for a great many j^ears. The boundaries of the Chartered Company's dominion were purposely left undefined, in order that the utmost possible expansion over unmarked territory should be carried out ; in E "50 CECIL RHODES. the slightly adapted words of Mr. Bliodos him- self, who was the inspiration and the driving l^owcrof this vast patriotic scheme, "The great object should be to take as much territory as one possibly could." Of course, all this empire- building seemed wildly Utopian at the time, but the Empire-builder knew his own strength, and felt that no amount of territory he could get would be too big for him to assimilate. After events have proved that he was right ; that he was as unrivalled as a consummate man of business in the development of territory, as he was unappr cached in the range of his ambition for acquiring it. The ultimate aim of Mr. Eliodes then — as always since — was nothing less than to paint the maj) red fur England over all unoccupied territory between Cape Town and Cairo. The very first business of the Chartered Company was, in the opinion of its founder^ effective occupation of territory ; and, after some discussions with the famous hunter, Mr. THE OCCUPATION OP RHODESIA. 51 Selous, Mashonaland was decided upon as the first place for operations, and Dr. Jameson, an old friend of Mr. Bhodes, was selected to go up to Bulawayo and get the King's consent. This difficult business he accomplished with a courage, tact, and perseverance which won him golden opinions, a reputation which has been more than sustained by the extraordinary ability of his after- work as Administrator of the Company's territory. Mr. Ehodes is emphatically a man of action no time was lost, and under his direction a force of five hundred police was raised and a body of two hundred pioneers engaged to cut the road to Mashonaland. Colonel Penne- father was in command. At Tuli a message met them from the Mata- bele King to forbid the making of a road ; but the expedition pushed on thi'ough the thickly forested low country, where the work of road-making was most severe, and the risk of surprise by the Matabele most cousiderablo. 52 CECIL RnODES. Dr. Jameson went with the advance guard of forty men, that being regarded as the post of danger. Mr. Selons, knowing the country perfectly, acted as guide of tlie whole expedi- tion, led the pioneers and cut the road. For- tunately the Matabele, being unprepared for such decisive action, made no attack, and on the 13th of August, by an easy pass discovered by Mr. Selous, the plateau of Mashonaland was reached, an open country where five hundred mounted men would have had no difficulty in coping with a Matabele army. Lobengula had done his best to stop the advance, but the pioneer force was out of the dangerous forest country before he knew, and the movement was besides very successfully masked by five hundred Bechuanaland Police, who lay on the south-west border of Matabele- land, and engrossed the attention of Eulawayo. The occupation of Mashonaland thus satis- factorily accomplished, the neighbouring Manica was promptly added to the Chartered I THE OCCUPATION OF EHODESIA. 53 Company's sphere of operations by a treaty with the chief Umtasa, while no time was lost in entering on negotiations and obtaining a footing in Gazaland. At the end of 1891 Mr. Colquhoun was succeeded in the duties of Administrator by Dr. Jameson, whose high qualities and sympa- thetic and unselfish nature soon won for him not only the respect and regard, but the whole-hearted devotion of the colonists of Mashonaland. The early days of the develop- ment of a colony are generally marked by hardship and trouble ; and Rhodesia was no exception. The settlers had at first to endure great privations and discouragement. It was a veritable inspiration that induced Mr. Ehodes to appoint his friend, Dr. Jameson, to his most difficult and delicate office, which he filled with wonderful success; the readiness with which he sacrificed, at the call of his empire - building friend, the finest medical practice in South Africa, being a fair index of 64 CECIL RHODES. the devotion with which he threw himself into this rongh and arduous work. The ability of Dr. Jameson's administration was as marked as was its popularity with the settlers. In 1892, after the rains, he got to work and succeeded, by the most remarkable adminis- trative ability, in reducing the Company's ex- penses from £250,000 to £30,000 a year. The immediate prospecting of the mining wealth was not more remarkable than the prompt testing of the capacities of the country from an agricultural and pastoral point of view. On this bright horizon, however, one dark cloud continued to gather and increase — the outrages and insolence of native marauders from Matabeleland. In July, 1893, they pushed their murderous raids on the defenceless and unwarlikc Mashonas up to the outskirts of the township of Victoria. Then, at last, Dr. Jameson, who had contented liimself unavail- ingly with remonstrances to Lobengula, ordered out a squad of police to restore order. The THE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. 55 Matabele fired on the police, and were promptly charged and routed. A peaceful arrange- ment with Lobcngula had been attempted, but the dignity of the savage monarch was compromised ; he was not to bo appeased, and large forces of Matabele invaded Mashonaland, There were only forty police available, but the settlers rose to the occasion and formed them- selves into a force with which Dr. Jameson determined to strike promptly before the rainy season came on. No timo was lost in the preparations. The Chartered Company's funds were very low, in fact practically exhausted, but Mr. Ehodes, as usual, came to the rescue, and supplied the necessary capital from his private purse. He sold, I believe, among other assets, 50,000 Chartered shares at twenty-five shillings a share, in order to pro- vide funds; sacrificing cheerfully, as he has always done, his private interests for the public welfare. The fact is, the financial pressure of the Company at this timo was very heavy on 56 CECIL RHODES. Mr. Ehodes's piirso. lie liacl raised the money for the Mafekiug railway ; he had just provided the money, out of his private means, for the Beira railway extension ; he had. found four-fifths of the capital for the Trans-Continental Telegraph ; and now he had to tind the money for Jameson's Matabeleland campaign. The settlers, under supreme command of Dr. Jameson, advanced on Bulawayo in three columns, amounting altogether to some nine hundred Europeans. The first considerable engagement took place after crossing the Shan- gani Eiver, when a large body of Matabele were repulsed, but the decisive battle was on the Imbebesi, where some seven thousand of Lobengula's best men were routed with heavy loss. The Matabele charged the laager in the old Zulu fashion, and machine guns and rifles quickly decided the result. Three days after, the Matabele capital, Bulawayo, was taken, while Lobengula, who had fled, was closely THE OCCUPATION OF RHODESIA. 57 pursued by Major Forbes. This pursuit led to the most brilliaut action iu a T^'ar where the spirit of officers and men was always excellent. Major Wilson, with some eighteen men, after- wards reinforced by twenty more under Borrow, pushed on in front of Major Forbes, and, greatly daring for a great object, made his way into the midst of the King's army and right up to the royal waggon, eager to take Lobengula prisoner, and so end the war. Being hard pressed by numbers ho sent for help, which Forbes, himself attacked by the natives, and cut off by the rapid rising of the Shangani Eiver, was unable to supply; and then Wilson and his men, refusing to abandon their wounded comrades, formed a barricade of their horses' bodies, and when their ammunition was exhausted, died fighting to the last. Forbes himself was obliged to retreat, but, after severe privations, was re- lieved by a column of one hundred men, who rode up with Mr. Ehodes from Bulawayo. 58 CECIL RHODES. The fiery daring of "Wilson's advance to seize tlio King, tlie dauntless resolution of his last stand, are simply the highest ex- pression of the adventurous and chivalrous spirit that has distinguished the Ehodesians throughout ; and of which there have been numerous instances in the fighthig during the recent rebellion in Matabeleland. Certainly it is bare truth to say that no more brilliant campaign is to be found in the annals of our colonial fighting than the overthrow of the dreaded Matabele armies by the scanty columns of colonists who composed Jameson's Volun- teers. The cost of the Campaign, too, amount- ing to not very much over £100,000, was not one-twentieth of what it would have been had Imperial troops been employed. The Campaign thus ended, the Yolunteers were almost immediately disbanded, and began to prospect for gold and select farms in accord- anco with the terras on which they had taken service. With such a body of settlers pro- THE OCCUPATION OF EHODESIA. 59 gress was extraordinarily rapid, and Bulawayo, the capital of tlie new coiin try, quickly became the largest and most important town in Eho- desia. Dr. Jameson, as administrator, took up his residence there, and the richness of the gold reefs and the large extent of highly mineralised country Avithin reach of the town, soon drew together a considerable population. CHAI'TER IV. THE WOliK OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. And now a word as to the good work wliicli has heen accomplishod by Mr. Ehodcs and the Chartered Company. This work may in the main be considered under two heads, expansion and development. As regard expansion, the country to the Worth of the Zambesi has been secured and explored up to Lakes Tanganyika^ Moero, and Nyasa, and treaties made with the chiefs to the North, as well as with Lewanika, the King of the I3arotse to the West. Enormous mineral concessions have been obtained ; the potential value is gigantic ; but it will, of course, take much time before development in these distant d^HE WORK: OF i'HE CHARTERED COMPANY. 61 regions can follow. Soutli of the Zambesi, N'gamiland, a vast and little-known region, has also come within the Chartered Company's sphere, whicli, briefly, extends from the German sphere on the West to the Portuguese on the East. It is more than probable that but for the intervention of Germany and the German Government's pressure at Downing Street, Mr. Bhodes would have painted the map red and occupied the territor}", even to the headwaters of the Nile. As regards development, the record of tlio Chartered Company and Mr. Ehodes is still more remarkable ; the Transcontinental Tele- graph Company, a far reaching idea of Mr. Ehodes liimself, has been carried right across Bhodesia, and thence to Tete and Blantyre. From the last-named settlement the wire is already being carried to Lake Tanganyika, from which the next point aimed at will be Uganda, and the probable occupation of Khar- toum by the Egyptian forces will bring Mr. 62 CECIL RHODES. Rhodes's dream of connection between Cape Town and Cairo, so far as the telegraph goes, within measurable distance of accomplishment. Branch lines, like that from Salisbury to Umtali, and that from Selukwe to Gwelo, will soon multiply, when, with the arrival of the railway, settlers crowd in and towns spring up and grow. The usefulness of this rapid telegraph de- velopment, for the conception of whichj and also for the bulk of the money for the execution of which, Mr. Rhodes personally has to be thanked, has been proved at the time of the conquest of Matabeleland, and more recently during the rebellion in Rhodesia. Roads, of course, have been made in Rhodesia ; but the all-important railway takes time. The line from Cape Town to Bulawayo is now being pushed forward at tlie rate of a mile and a half a day, and will easily be in the capital town of Rhodesia before the end of the year. The Beira line from the East Coast should roach Salisbury in Mashonaland, THE WORK OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 63 also before tlie end of tliiH year. Mr. Ehodes lias been using all his great influence at the Cape to pusli on the Mafeking-Eulawayo line, and thus to secure that clieapness of carriage which is essential to the successful working of the numerous well-developed mining pro- perties, whiehj as soon as they can get up machinery and supplies by the railway, bid fiiir to return large profits to their share- holders. The Capo Colony, which, according to Mr. Rhodes' s recent arrangement, will be deeply interested in working the railways of Rhodesia, will aid in the development of the Northern dominion as though it were a part of the Colony, which will have a free market in Rhodesia for its farm products, its wine, and brandy, shut out by prohibitive tariffs from the Transvaal. Thus the frontier of civilization will be pushed Northward more swiftly than before, Afrikanders of Dutch as well as of English descent have worked and fought side by side 64 CECIL RHODES. in Rhodesia, and it is a characteristic feature of the community under the sway of Mr. Ehodes, that race-feeling has disappeared, and the gallant services of Commandant Van Eens- berg, Captain Van Niekerk, and the other Dutchmen of the Afrikander corps in the recent rebellion in Ehodesia, are as highly appreciated by their English comrades as if they too were English born. As Earl Grey truly observed, •when complimenting the Afrikander Corps in his admirable speech at Bulawayo, at the dis- bandraent of the Bulawayo field-force in July, 1896. "It is a pleasing fact that there is in this part of the world a complete sympathy between the English and the Dutch." Mr. Ehodes has from the beginning of his political career worked for union of races, based on union of commercial interests, almost as vigorously as for expansion of territory; and it is interesting to note that it is exactly in the region in which his great dream of expansion has l)oen rcalis(Ml most fully, that THE WORK OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 65 Lis policy of union lias been most strikingly successful. Fighting side by side against the Matabele savages, Englishman and Boer have learned to know and respect each other, and they will work in future side by side more heartily than ever, if that were possible, in the de- yelopment of their common country. They utterly mistake Mr. Ehodes, who suppose that it has eyer been his policj^ to set Englishmen against Dutchmen. The exact contrary is the truth. Xo one has done more to draw them together ; for it must be remembered that even the Eevolutionary movement was directed not against the Boers but against President Kruger's government, with its policy of selfish isolation, of deliberate separation of the white men in the Transvaal into two hostile camps in which what was the interest of the one was the loss of the other. This most important step towards the development of the Chartered Company's territories, which need the solid 66 CECIL RHODES. ■\^'ork of the Conservative Dutchman, as well as the enterprise of the more progressive and adventurous Englishman, stands to the credit of the Chartered Company, thanks mainly to the influence of Mr. Ehodes. Of course, in considering the accomplished work of the Chartered Company and Mr. Ehodes it is not enough to note, though it is worth noting, that all the material accompaniments of a high civilization are already to be found in the cities of Ehodesia. In the heginning of 1894 the natives' kraals Avere in ruins, and the Eulawayo of to-day had not yet sprung up, and yet in 1896 banks, hotels, clubs, newspapers, and a hospital, with a splendidly organised telegraph and postal service, had come into existence, while water would have been laid on by the Water- works Company, and electric lighting estab- lished, but for the delay caused by the Matabele rebellion. Mr. Ehodes has alwaj'-s regarded the telegraph-line, as it can be put up much THE WORK OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 67 more swiftly as well as more cheaply than a railway, as the advance-guard of civilization, and his faith, which he backed with his money, has been justified in the already active useful- ness of his great Transcontinental line. Earl Grey and Dr. Jameson could testify to this fi'om the point of view of the Administration. The explorer or pioneer can hardly complain, seeing that even in the extreme ]^orth, on the shores of Lake Tanganyika, he can write home at the expense of twopence halfpenny postage, while he can receive a pound of tea or any other grocery by parcels post at the cost to his friends in London of one shilling. It is not too much to say that the speed and complete- ness with which the Chartered Company have developed their postal and telegraph system over a country in which England would be a mere district, is absolutely imapproached in the history of the modern world. ' "While town life is already thus highly organized, country life has not been neglected. 68 CECIL RHODES. It has been from the first the aim of Mr. Ehodes to encourage the settlement of the country by South African farmers. On these healthy uplands, in the South African air, the white man can thrive and propagate his race, and that race will attain to magnificent phy- sical development. The Boers and other Afrik- anders are living proofs of this. The Chartered Company's quit rent of £3 for over three thou- sand acres of farmland is not exactly prohibi- tive. The experiment on a large scale of a farm colony of white men by the Sabi Eiver has proved eminently successful, and the usual agricultural products extend even to tobacco, which has been successfully grown and is already much smoked in Ehodesia. The two colonies of Dutch farmers are equally well satisfied with their experience of Khodesia ; for as a pastoral country its veldt is unsurpassed in South Africa, and this will doubtless be the direction in which much of the farming of the immediate future will go on, when once the THE WOEK OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 69 rinderpest has completely passed away, and fresh stock has been imported by way of Beira from Madagascar. The treatment of the natives in Rhodesia ~ Mrs.Cronwright-Schreiner notwithstanding — is highly creditable to the Chartered Company. It would indeed be stigmatized in other parts of Africa as philanthropic to the verge of sentimentality. The nse of the lash, for in- stance, is not permitted at all. Mr. Ehodes, who has alv/ays enforced total abstinence on the natives working in the De Beers mines, to the great advantage of their health, their morals, and their finances, has seen to it that the laws in Rhodesia against selling alcoholic liquor to natives are most severe, and the operation of the law has, under his sway, been so uncom- promising that spirit-selling to the natives does not exist, a fact that honourably distin- guishes the Chartered Administration almost alone among the many other European Admi- nistrations in Africa. 70 CECIL RHODES. It may safely be said that the Chartered Company, if it has erred at all iu its treat- ment of the natives, has erred by excess of leniency. As regards the condition of the natives in Ehodesia, the stop put to the wholesale cruelties that resulted from witchcraft among the Mata- bele themselves would, if it stood alone, invest with beneficence the rule of the Chartered Com- pany. But still more strongly is the change for the better for the native population brought out, when we remember the murderous raids of the Matabele on less warlike peoples. The total loss of native life in the recent rebellion was insignificant compared to the slaughter perpe- trated on the Mashonas in any single year by Lobengula's destroying imjns. Mr. Selous has described the cruelty and treachery which distinguished these raids upon the helpless and often unsuspecting Mashonas, and when it is remembered that Lobengula sent his warriors as far as Lake Ngami to massacre THE WOEK or THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 71 and despoil the Batauwani, and over the Zam- besi Eiver to raid the Mashukulumbwe or the Earotse, one gets an idea of the greatness of the deliverance which the Chartered Company has brought to the natives of South Africa. IS"o doubt the Matabele themselves preferred tlic old marauding life, when they had a chance of getting women and cattle for nothing, besides washing their spears in the blood of defenceless villagers; but the repression of their indulgence in rapine and murder, though felt as a deprivation, can hardly be called seriously an injury to them ; while the gradual substitution of labour for idleness will work altogether for their good. Just as the Eomau Empire conferred an immense benefit on mankind when it es-^ab- lished the pax Romana over the warlike tribes of Europe and made development in civilisa- tion possible; so the Chartered Company, gradually establishing the pax Brifannica over its vast territories, is conferring an inestimable 12 CECIL RHODES. benefit on the inhabitants ; for, as the tide of barbarism rolls back before the advance of civilisation, it is the many who benefit, and the fevf, the chiefs and kings, who suffer, deprived of their despotic power. The territory over which this beneficent civilisation is being rapidly extended by the Chartered Company amonnts to npwards of three-quarters of a million square miles. In the greater part of this territory the white man can thrive and increase, and the Chartered Company are rapidly opening up a region that will be invaluable as a suitable home to receive the fittest of the large overflow population of the United Kingdom. If it were only for their work of acquisition and development regarded from this stand- point, the territory they have saved for Eng- land and are making fit for settlement by Englishmen, Mr. Ehodes and his Company would have deserved the deep and lasting gratitude of the British nation. THE WORK OF TilE CHARTERED COMPANY. /3 Furthermore, they have not only done a great work of development themselves, they have enabled others to carry it on elsewhere. Without the Chartered Company's subsidy of £10,000 a year, afterwards increased to £17,000, Sir Harry Johnston would never have been able to accomplish the admirable civilizing work he has carried through in the Central Africa Protectorate. The suppression of the slave-raids, the subjugation of the slave- dealing chiefs, that most admirable victory of humanity and civilization in Central Africa, has been won by the excellent little force of Sikhs and Zanzibaris officered by English guardsmen, for whose successful em- ployment England has to praise the foresight and energy of Sir Harry Johnston, and to thank the purse, ever open for any good purpose, of Mr. Ehodes. It is true that this fertile region has now to supply its own expenses, but it has been tided over the bad times by the subsidy, the slave-raiders have been suppressed, the 74 CECIL RHODES. country greatly advanced in material pros- perity, and fairly well able to meet the de- mands for administration and defence. High customs duties, however, unknown in the Char- tered Company's territories, have now to be imposed to raise the necessary revenue. The fact is that nowhere is the genuine settler more generously encouraged, nowhere is the burden of the colonist lighter, and the advantages of a high material civilization more open to all, than in the southern and more developed por- tion of Ehodesia. These advantages are, of course, made pos- sible by the share in the profits of mining enterprise. By an arrangement based on Mr. Ehodes's idea that each prospector should mark out as many claims for the Company as for himself, the Company has fifty per cent, interest in every mining property floated. This interest has been very properly re- served by the Company to Avhich the whole mineral rights belong, which has spent mil- THE WORK OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 75 lions in the acquisition of them and in the development of railways and other means of communication without which the enormous expense of mining would amount to absolute prohibition. The extent of the highly mine- ralised country south of the Zambesi, esti- mated approximately at four hundred miles long by from ten to thirty miles wide, should enable such a return of gold to be made, when the railways are up and living and transport of machinery are cheap, as will pay large dividends on a much more con- siderable capital than the Company has raised or seems likely to requii*e in the immediate future. As time goes on and development proceeds in the jDlateau north of the Zambesi, the mineral wealth of that magnificent region will be opened up, and the profits available for division will increase indefinitely. It is the knowledge of this, of course, which accounts for the fact that Charter shares, though not in sight of a dividend, are 76 CECIL RHODES. steadily bought by investors to lock up ; and that 34,000 shareholders are not only willing to Traitj but are ready to subscribe every fresh issue of shares, having confidence in the resources of the country and in the management of the great financier, the success of whose methods in the De Beers Mines and the Gold-fields of South Africa is visible to all. "When the Mafeking line is up to Bulawayo, as it should be before the end of the year, and mines like the Bonsor, the Dunraven, or the Alice begin to crush regularly, the present shareholders will be able to reap in steadily increasing capital value, the results of their patience and their faith. There can be little doubt, that if President Kruger perseveres in his present hostile atti- tude to the Uitlanders, and continues to carry out his promise of the redress of their griev- ances by passing such legislation as that designed to expel aliens or gag the press, the tide of European and Afrikander immigration THE WORK OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 77 will set strongly in the direction of Rhodesia, where, moreover, there are no monopolies like Lippert's concession of dynamite, no fancy rates on coal like those of the Boksberg railway, and, above all, no possibility of the confiscation of property by an nnscrupulous Executive. The more the work of the Chartered Company is looked into, the more favourably it will compare with that of any other similar company, and the day will come — it is not, I think, far distant — when the carping criticism to which the Company and its founder have been so long subjected, will seem as dis- graceful to the intelligence or the honesty of the carpers, as it is disloyal to the Empire to which they belong. The greatness of the debt of gratitude which England owes to Mr. Ehodes, as the originating mind and shaping hand, and to the Chartered Company, as the instrument he framed for the expansion of the Empire, will begin to be fully understood only when 7S CECIL RHODES. the immense value of Ehodesia begins to be realized, the value, not merely, I mean, as a gold-bearing country, but chiefly as a country naturally fitted for European colonization, where English institutions and ideas, and English progress and prosperity are to be found firmly established. The plateau north of the Zambesi, as well as the bulk of Southern Ehodesia, form a region, several times the size of England, unsurpassed in the world for perfect climate, ample supply of water, grass, timber, and, in many parts, of coal, presenting in the main extraordinary advantages to the stock-breeder, and great attractions in numerous localities to the enterprising tillage farmer, and in the low-lying districts to the planter. CHAPTER V. THE DICTATOESHIP AT CAPE TOWN. It miglit have been supposed that Mr. Rhodes had enough and more than enough to occupy him in the colossal work of the development of the vast Empire to the North, which his foresight, enterprise, and daring initiative have secured as the heritage of future genera- tions of Englishmen. In addition to this ever-growing work of development and ad- ministration, he had the business cares of the headship of such gigantic commercial under- takings as the De Beers Mines and the Con- solidated Goldfields of South Africa. He had, besides all this, the onerous duties of Cape Premier, in which capacity he had to deal with the highly important native 80 CECIL RHODES. question, itself one of the cliief of the problems of South Africa. Though his Glen Grey Act may not be a final solution, yet it is certainly a very important approach to a final solution of the problem. Unlike other savages, the Kaffir or Bantu race tends to increase under the white man's supremacy, for the old check on population of savage wars and massacres has been removed. It is computed by Theal that not very far short of a million perished by the assegais and knobkerries of a single Zulu monarch in the early part of the centui'y, while the extent of the slaughter perpetrated by the Matabele raiding expeditions is known to have been enormous, though impossiblo accurately to estimate. Two objects of the Glen Grey Act, of which some account is given in a later chapter, are to check overcrowding ; and to encourage regular labour among the natives by discouraging that idleness to which male Kaffirs are prone. The working of this Act has, so far, been eminently successful ; as THE DICTATORSHIP AT CAPE TOWN. 81 might be expected from the sound common- sense of its author, and not less from his exceptional knowledge of the natives. Mr. Ehodes thoroughly understands the natives, whom he has employed largely ever since he came to the Diamond Fields and super- intended his Zulu labourers early in the seven- ties. At a later date his management of them, on strict total abstinence principles, in the De Beers Mine, has been altogether bene- ficial to them, as well as satisfactory to the Company. The fact is, the natives thrive best under a beneficent despotism ; they are simply big children, and the knowledge Mr. Ehodes obtained of native character, in his capacity of employer at Kimberley, and in his capacity of Secretary for Native Affairs, when he went among the Kaffirs continually and studied the problem on the spot, has, no doubt, had much to do with the extraordinary success of his negotiations with the Matabele rebels in Eho- desia, where he has peacefully brought the war 82 CECIL RHODES. to an end, and is now known and esteemed by the natives as their father and friend. Engrossed in the solution of the native pro- blem, in addition to his other work, Mr. Ehodes has yet found time for practical labours in the encouragement of the industries of the Cape. He has studied on the spot, in France, the question of the best method of dealing with the phylloxera, which has already ravaged the wonderfully productive vineyards of the Cape. He has encouraged and fostered the growth of the export fruit trade of the Colony, which is likely, when fully developed, more especially the export of grapes and pears, to be of con- siderable importance to the farmer, while he has personally visited Constantinople, and by means of an Imperial Firman obtained the best Angora blood for the improvement of the Angora goats, which are so important a part of the livestock of the farmers of the Karroo. It would be easy to multiply the evidences of the untiring labours of Mr. Ehodes for THE DICTATORSHIP AT CAPE TOWN. 83 the benefit of South Africa, as well as for the expansion of the Emf)ire. Enough, however, has been said to emphasise the statement, that through the whole of his political and public life Mr. Rhodes has been the hardest working man of business in Greater Britain. He lives in his work, and finds his recreation in under- taking more. Extraordinary capacity for work, a restless energy that must ever be up and doing, is as certainly a characteristic of Mr. Ehodes as an extraordinary tenacity of will ; and it is the rare combination of these qualities, with the powerful imagination and intellect of a man of great ideas, that consti- tutes the solid personal basis of his greatness. Mr. Rhodes ruminates an idea long and silently before he gives it a place in the prac- tical programme of his life-work ; but when once that idea has become a part of his policy, there is no man of afi'airs more swift and reso- lute in carrying his idea into the sphere of action. 84 CECIL RHODES. In the midst of his multifarious activities the idea of South African Federation had for some years past occupied an important place in the then Cape Premier's scheme of work. Federation, it seemed to him, was the proper means to the end he had set before him of welding together the various states of South Africa into one people, on the model of the Dominion of Canada rather than of the United States of America. In many ways the conditions in South Africa were, and are, eminently favourable to this scheme. Geographically, the States and Colonies of South Africa form a single vast territory without any great natural divisions or boun- daries. The climate of the greater part of the country favours the development of the white man to a physical perfection superior to that found in any part of Europe. As regards population, there is a remarkable homogeneit)^ ; for the free Eepublics themselves were settled by the overflow of the Cape Colony. The THE DICTATOESHIP AT CAPE TOWN. 85 old Eomau Dutch law is the common law of all. The irritatiDg vacillation and ignorance of Downing Street have, no doubt, caused racial difficulty and racial feeling in the past ; and the internal misgovernment of the Transvaal by President Kruger, together with his policy of selfish isolation, have caused and are causing yet more acutely the same difficulty and the same feeling to-day. But in the Cape Colony and Natal, Englishmen and Dutchmen have for years lived in amity side by side, and in Ehodesia community of interests in the face of common difficulties has drawn the bond yet closer, and Dutchman and Euglishman have learned to trust one another as they fought side by side against a common native enemy, and have learned and are learning friendly co- operation in joint efforts for the develo23ment of their common country under the invisible yet all-powerful sceptre of the influence of one great leader, for whom they feel a 86 CECIL RHODES. common trust and a common devotion. Thus there was and is everything to favour Mr. Ehodes's scheme of Federal nnion — excepting, of course, the Krugerite Clovernment in the Transvaal. Common commercial interests had already, in 1895, brought about a Customs Union for the Cape Colony, the Orange Eiver Free State, and Ehodesia, and to some extent for Natal ; and a Eaihvay Union was in a fair way of ac- complishment, thanks to Mr. Ehodes, though of course from this statement one must again except the Transvaal. Differences and distinc- tions of race are inoperative in the face of com- mon interests and a common aim, and under a Federal Union local rivalries like that of Katal and the Cape for the trade of the Transvaal w^ould no longer exist ; the interest of each would be the interest of all. The native ques- tion again can never be dealt witli perfectly except by common action, and if it were not to look too far ahead, Federal Courts would one THE DICTATORSHIP AT CAPE TOWN. 87 day immensely simplify a cheaper adminis- tration. Of course in a Federal Union like that of the United States of America or the Dominion of Canada, citizens of one State would have the same status in all, and the freedom of the individual would he as well maintained as the interests of the community. Eecent events have shown only too clearly that the centri- petal force of Federalism is urgently needed to meet and neutralize the centrifugal force of a narrow Provincialism. Mr. Ehodes's Federalist policy is thoroughly fair-minded and liberal. He would deeply feel the disappearance of his own flag, therefore he understands the feeling for his flag of the Transvaaler or the Free State citizen. Let him speak for himself. "With full aff'ection for the flag which I have been born under, and the flag I represent, I can understand the sentiment and feeling of a Eepublican who has created his independence and values that before all ; but I can sa)^ 88 CECIL EHODES. fairly that I believe in the future that I can assimilate the system, which I have been con- nected with, with the Cape Colony, and it is not an impossible idea that the neighbouring republics, retaining their independence, should share with us as to certain general principles. If I might put it to you I would say — the prin- ciple of tariffs, the principle of railway con- nection, the principle of appeal in law, the principle of coinage, and, in fact, all those prin- cij)les which exist at the present moment in the United States, irrespective of the local assemblies which exist in each separate State in that country." A Commercial Union and a Eailway Union, then, is what Mr. Bhodes aimed at in 1894, when the speech from which I have quoted was delivered at Cape Town. He was satisfied that each State should keep its flag and maintain its local patriotism, its national sentiment ; but he desired to consolidate the material interests of the whole of the States and territories of South Africa and wisely leave the rest to time. Of course it is obvious that this policy, if pursued, I THE DICTATORSHIP AT CAPE TOWN. 89 would in the end inevitably mean the British flag for all ; but this would come about by a na- tural and peaceful process as the English popula- tion increased and the racial feeling gave way before closer intercourse. Unity of commercial interests would get rid of the expense and friction resulting from internal Customs boun- daries ; for, as in the United States of America, there would be free trade between the African States ] the free interchange of the products of the various States. The vineyards of the Cape Colony, for instance, would supply un- taxed the needs of the Eand, and the present monstrous import duties of the Transvaal Government on the simjDlest necessaries of life — for instance, flour, mealies, bacon, butter, eggs — would cease to extort a crushing taxation from the poorest class of English and Afrikan- der Uitlanders, the worldng-men of the com- munitj'. As a matter of course such united free trade would act as a powerful stimulus to the pro- 90 CECIL RHODES. gress of commerce, and the Cape Colonists at any rate are, I fancj^, by this time well aware how detrimental to their interests the contrary policy, the policy of President Kruger, has proved itself to be. At this point, it may be well to remember that Mr. Ehodes, though an enthusiast for Federation, is strongly opposed to anything approaching undue cen- tralization. His attitude to Home Rule will be remembered ; but an extract from the same speech, with which I have just now been deal- ing, puts his views plainly. ''Even if, so fiir as the flag is concerned, we were one united people, it would be better so far as concerns the gold of Johannesburg, and the coffee, tea, and sugar of Natal, that there were a Local Assembly dealing with those matters." He is, in short, an Imperialist who believes in de- centralization. Of course he is fully alive to the importance of union, not only in the matter of tariffs, rail- ways, coinage, and legal appeal, but also in THE DICTATORSHIP AT CAPE TOWN. 91 the matter of the native question, to solve which in tlie Cape Colony, as we have seen, no one has done so much as himself, when he held the office of Secretary for Native Affairs, together with that of Premier of the Cape. CHAPTEE YI. THE OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN UNIFICATION. In carrying out his broad and liberal scheme for the gradual development of a United South Africa under the hegemony and finally the flag of Great Britain, Mr. Ehodes had serious obstacles to contend with, obstacles which threatened, not only the immediate, but even the ultimate realization of his ideal. First there was the danger which sprang from the ambition and activity of Germany. This ambition and activity did not begin yes- terday, though the German Emperor's action in response to President Kruger's appeal, first drew general attention in England to the long- existing situation. As long ago as 1875, Ernst Yon Weber, writing from South Africa, put I OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN UNIFICATION. 93 before the then Kaiser and Prince Bismarck the German ideal for South Africa, which was revealed as the present Emperor's ideal by the searchlight of the events of January, 1896. This is what he wrote of the Transvaal : — '' What would not such a country, full of such inexhaustible natural treasures, become, if in course of time it was filled with German immigrants? A constant mass of German immigrants would gradually bring about a decided numerical preponderance of Germans over the Dutch population, and of itself would by degrees affect the Germanization of the country in a peaceful manner. Besides all its own natural and subterraneous treasures, the Transvaal offers to the European power which possesses it an easy access to the immensely rich tracts of country which lie between the Limpopo, tlic Central African Lakes, and the Congo. [The territory saved for England by Mr. Ehodes and the Char- tered Company.] It was this free unlimited room for annexation in the North, this open access to the heart of Africa, which 94 CECIL RHODES. principally impressed me with the idea, not more than four years ago, that Germany should try, by the acquisition of Delagoa Bay and the subsequent continual influx of German immigrants to the Transvaal, to secure the future dominion over this country, and so pave the way for a German African Empire of the future. There is at the same time the most assured prospect that the European Power, who would bring these territories under its rule, would found one of the largest and most valuable empires of the globe ; and it is, therefore, on this account truly to be regretted that Germany should have quietly, and without protest, allowed the annexation of the Transvaal Eepublic to England, because the splendid country, taken possession of and cultivated by a German race, ought to be entirely won for Germany ; and would, more- over, have been easily acquired, and thereby the beginning made and foundation laid of a mighty and ultimately rich Germany in the southern hemisphere. Germany ought at any price to get possession of some points on the East as well as the West Coast of Africa.'^ 1 OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN UNIFICATION. 95 Though rather late in acting on Yon Weber's idea, Germany has since then deve- loped an ambition to become a great power in Africa, and as far as extent of territory goes she has been sufficiently successful. This success has been mainly due to the extra- ordinary apathy and ignorance which have been the distinguishing characteristics, until very recently, of the British Government in dealing with the future of our empire in South Afiica. Of course, if we look back as far as 1851 we find that the very notion of British expan- sion in Africa was scouted by the heads of the Colonial Office. Sir George Grey, who was appointed in 1854, saw the desirability of federating the various South African States under British hegemony ; and the resolution of the Yolksraad of the Free State proposing to reunite with the Cape Colony gave an opening which, if it had been used, would have peace- fully consolidated our Empire in South Africa, 96 CECIL RHODES. for the Transvaal Eepublic would then, it is evident, have followed the lead of the Free State. The Colonial Office as usual threw away the opportunity^ and cold-shouldered the great advocate of Federation. Then came Lord Carnarvon's attempt at South African confederation on the lines of his successful work in Canada. He was fortunate enough to get the right man for the work in Sir Bartle Frero. Sir Bartle Frere set about his task with a full realization of its difficulty. But whatever chance there was of success, had Frere been loyally supported, the ignorance and vacillation of the successor of Lord Carnarvon, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, made Sir Bartle's efforts ineffectual, and when Lord Kimberley came in with the new Liberal Ministry, the High Commissioner was left unsupported ; the discontent of the disloyal among the Dutch was encouraged, and after the half-hearted attempt at coercion, which ended with Majuba Hill and the retrocession of the Transvaal, OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN UNIFICATION. 97 Imperial influence and Imperial prospects in South Africa fell to zero. An apathy and ignorance still greater, if that were possible, has marked the policy of Downing Street with regard to extension of territory. In vain did the Cape Ministry in 1875 urge the annexation of Walfisch Bay and the territory which is now German; and although Sir Bartle Frere induced Lord Camaryon to consent to the annexation of Walfisch Bay alone, he could not carry through his larger proposals for annexation up to the boundary of Portuguese territory. After the Transvaal war and the retroces- sion the Colonial Office policy was no better. '' Her Majesty could give no encouragement to schemes for the retention of British jurisdiction over Great Namaqualand and Damaraland," wrote the Colonial Secretary. In 1884 this territory was, with England's consent and approval, annexed by German)^, and in 1592 p, further portion of territory was added ir 98 CECIL RHODES. which carried the Germau flag to the Zam- besi. Thus, owiug solely to the incompetency of our Colonial Secretaries, and in spite of the remonstrances of the Cape Ministry and our own Eepresentative on the spot, we have handed over to Germany a territory four times the size of Great Britain. German South West Africa, the proper heritage of British Empire South of the Zambesi, remains a last- ing memorial of what has been perhape the greatest of all obstacles to the Colonial expan- sion of our Empire, the monumental ignorance and incapacity of Downing Street in dealing with its expansion, and indeed with all its needs, not excluding unification. Prince Bismarck's words before the Reich- stag Committee in 1884, are the best possible comment on this lamentable state of affairs : '' No opposition is apprehended from the British Government, and the machinations of Colonial authorities must be prevented." OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN UNIFICATION. 99 The same apathy and ignorance lost us Delagoa Bay in 1872 ; Lord Kimberley, in spite of the High Commissioner's warnings of the supreme importance of that harbour, in- sisted on going to arbitration, and though £12,000 or so might then have bought it from Portugal and avoided the arbitration, there was no Cecil Rhodes to find the money, as he has repeatedly done for the work of Imperial ex- pansion (Rhodes was then a young man dia- mond-digging at Kimberley), and the British Government preferred to keep their £12,000 and lose Delagoa Bay. Mr. Rhodes has, I believe, in later days un- successfully approached the Portuguese Govern- ment with a view to acquiring Delagoa Bay. "Were Delagoa Bay British territory to-morrow the future of the Transvaal would be secure, the anti-British, anti-Rhodes policy of Presi- dent Kruger would collapse, and peace and contentment be restored to South Africa. The lesson of all this is, that the Colonial 100 CECIL RHODES. statesmen who are in the country and know its needs are the proper guardians of its interests, and that Downing Street should be guided in its South African policy by the deliberate opinion of South Africa, not by the temporary exigencies of party Government in London. This lesson it must, in justice, be admitted, the Colonial OflBce has at last taken to heart, and the consequence is that blunders of the magnitude of those I have adduced do not occur, and the forward policy of expansion goes on without serious interruption. The possession of South West Africa merely whetted the German appetite for expansion, and accordingly, in 1887, Count Pfeil was dis- patched on a mission to Lobengula, from whom he was to obtain a concession like that which Mr. Ehodes obtained in 1888. Illness stopped Count Pfeil in the Northern Transvaal before he reached Matabeleland, but it is worth observing that it was through the Transvaal, OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN UNIFICATION. 101 not by the usual Bechuanaland trade route, that the German emissary approached Bula- wayo. Mr. Ehodes becoming aware of Count PfeiPs mission, lost no time in sending up his repre- sentativeSj and succeeded in obtaining the Rudd Concession and thus preparing the way for the effective British occupation of what is now Ehodesia. Thus the most valuable un- occupied territory in South Africa was saved for British colonization and development. Since then Germany has pushed her influ- ence unceasingly in the Transvaal, and, owing to President Kruger's encouragement and sup- port, with remarkable success. Germans and Hollanders, in alliance with President Kruger and his ring of reactionary Boer politicians, control the government of the country. Kot only are important concessions like the Dyna- mite concession in German hands, but German capital has a preponderating influence in under- takings that are politically important, espe- 102 CECIL RHODES. cially in the Ketherlands Eailway. It is, of course, this deliberate encouragement of Ger- man interference by President Kruger, this deliberately assumed attitude by which Pre- toria leans on Berlin, that has made Germany for the moment England's rival in South Africa. It would, however, be an injustice to President Kruger to suppose that he wants to forward the establishment of a German Empire in South Africa. He is far too shrewd for that. He does not want the Germans as masters ; he wants merely to use their assist- ance to enable him to establish an indepen- dent and united Dutch South Africa, the headship of which, in virtue of its wealth, would naturally belong to the Transvaal. Thus his dream of a Dutch hegemony in South Africa bears a certain resemblance to the dream of Mr. Ehodes. The Cape Colony would be the centre and head of Mr. Ehodes's United British South Africa, the Transvaal OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN UNIFICATION. 10-3 the centre and head of President Kruger's Batavian dream. The essential difference in their dreams is this. In the United British South Africa of Mr. Ehodes there would be room and repre- sentation, under equal institutions, and with perfect freedom, for the Dutchman. Eacial feeling would be got rid of by treating Boer and Englishman exactly alike. Whereas in the United Dutch South Africa of President Kruger there would be no equality, and in- deed no representation for the Englishman. Only Hollanders and Germans would be ad- mitted, the Englishman and the Afrikander loyal to the British cro^yn would be regarded as aliens, and treated, as the new immigration law reminds us, as if they were helots or Kaffirs. Politics, for some time past and to come, in South Africa may be described as a duel be- tween the rival dreams of unification, and their representatives, Mr. Ehodes and President 104 CECIL RHODES* Xruger. The possibility of the success of President Kruger's dream would not be worth seriously considering, were it not for the immense weight and influence which its vast mineral wealth and rapidly-increasing popu- lation gives to the Transvaal. By the force of gravitation the poorer States of South Africa, the Cape Colony, the Orange Eiver Free State and Natal, tend to be drawn into closer relations with the wealthiest state, which possesses the unrivalled gold mines of the Ptand. A Federation, of which the Transvaal was the head, would, if President Kruger were at the helm, be bitterly anti- English. There is not much danger, indeed, that Federation should take exactly this form ; for in the Transvaal itself the Uitlanders already largely out-number the Boers, and the natural trend of numbers and wealth is towards the gradual absoi-ption of the minority. But the Uitlanders are incensed and alienated by the weak and OBSTACLES TO SOUTH AFRICAN tJNiFICATIOK. 105 vacillating attitude of Downing Street. The unfortunate mistakes made during tlie inter- vention of Great Britain, through, her High Commissioner, in the recent troubles, have with reason exasperated Englishman and Afrikander alike. And the danger is that a strong Anti-British Eepublic may grow up out of the combined Uitlander and Boer elements in the Transvaal, and form a per- manent obstacle to that unification of South Africa, which is necessary, if there is ever to bo a united South African nation, and without which there is no security that South Africa will keep its place as a part of the British Empire. CHAPTEE VII. THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSYAAL. The present situation in South Africa is merely a further development of that long struggle for the hegemony which Mr. Ehodes, as representative of England, of English free- dom and English institutions, has been waging for years with President Kruger, as represen- tative of principles of government that are positively mediceval, and of an ideal which chiefly expresses itself in coercion and corrup- tion, and in that unjnst race-legislation which is calculated to foster and foment racial hatred. In the earlier encounters of this duel Mr. Ehodes had scored heavily. As long ago as 1884 he stopped President Kruger's attempts in Bechuanaland to close with his fiilibuster THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. 107 republics the trade route to the North. Ey his success in securing the Eudd Concession from Lobengula in 188S, he saved the hinter- land, on which President Kruger undoubtedly- had intentions, evidenced by the so-called treaty of 1887, which he unsuccessfully put forward. Mr. Eliodes was not a whit too soon in sending up his young men to Mashonaland ; for it was with not a little difficulty that the Boer expedition, under Colonel Ferreira, to seize part of what is now Ehodesia, was stopped by Dr. Jameson with his men and Maxims on the Limpopo. Indeed it is more than probable that hostilities would have occurred but for the powerful influence of Mr. Ehodes, on the Dutchmen at the Paarl; for the Transvaalers were furious at being out- generalled, and were strongly inclined to make a bold last bid for the possession of the Empire to the North. The determined old Dutchman, whose 108 CECIL RHODES. tenacity rivals that of Mr. Bhodes himself, was not done with yet. Headed off from the North he turned round and acquired, through his emissaries, a preponderating influence in Swaziland ; and he had almost secured the possession of Amatongaland, which would have supplied the much-desired seaboard, when he was stopped, at the instance of Mr. Ehodes, by the then High Commissioner, Lord Loch. Defeated thus to the North, the West, and the South, and defeated, as he was well aware, by the watchful activity of the great representative Englishman against whom the struggle had to be carried on, President Kruger cannot be blamed for the bitterness of his hostility, the measure of which is the keenness of his disappointment. Every South African is well aware that were Ehodes re- moved Kruger would sweep the board, and the progressive Cape Dutchmen to-day are eager to get Ehodes back, because, as they THE REFOEM AGITATION IN THE TEANSVAAL. 109 plainly put it, "We must have Ehodes to deal with Kruger." President Kruger then had been hard at work attacking Mr. Ehodes in every way in his power long before the possibility of helping the Uitlanders to their rights as citizens had entered Mr. Ehodes's head. If one looks over the subsidized press of the Transvaal for the last five years, one finds ample evidence of this. Indeed, ever since he obtained the Charter, Cecil Ehodes has been distinguished by President Kruger's sleepless hostility. Long before Mr. Ehodes had touched Pre- sident Kruger, the astute old Dopper diplo- matist was assailing him through the organs he subsidizes, especially the Diggers^ Netvs at Johannesburg and the Press at Pretoria. Almost every week attacks were made in these papers upon Mr. Ehodes and his policy in Cape Colony, and upon the progress and work- ing of the Chartered Company. Nor did President Kruger stop here. no CECIL RHODES. Within the Transvaal, at any rate, he could pursue his own policy unthwarted. If he could not buy Delagoa Bay, because of Great Britain's right of pre-emption, he could at least get hold of the railroad. Here he had a free hand, and here, if there were a secret understanding with Berlin, one would expect to find some signs of it. And here, in the capital and manage- ment of the Netherlands Railway, we find a clue to the anti-British intrigue with Ger- many. The capital was obtained chiefly from Germany and Holland, and not only was this the case, but a voting power, altogether dispro- portionate even to the large holdings of the Germans, was given to them, and Berlin with Amsterdam controls the Delagoa Bay rail- road to-day. The same hostility to England and England's suzerainty, marks the action of President Kriiger in the internal government and legis- lation of the Transvaal. As long ago as 1891, Lord Randolph Churchill, in his letters to the THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. Ill Daily Graphic^ had observed the misgovernment in the Transvaal, and commented on the narrow selfishness and gross injustice of President Kruger's Government, and the wrongs of the oppressed English community, though he failed to perceive the far-reaching aims of President Kruger's policy. That the English of Johan- nesburg would, in a few years time, impatiently jerk from their shoulders the corrupt and un- just government of President Kruger, he re- garded as a certainty, though the oppression exercised by the Boers was at that time far less intolerable than, by means of deliberately retrogressive legislation, it has since become. All this is worth remembering, having re- gard to the misapprehension which has been widely spread and sedulously fostered by the Krugerite and Little Englander press, that the capitalists manufactured the Eeform agita- tion at Johannesburg for their own selfish ends. Since Lord Eandolph criticized it the tyranny of President Kruger's Government over the 112 CECIL RHODES. TJitlanders has gone from bad to -vvorsc. Indeed, from the first every change has been in one direction. At the time of the Transvaal retro- cession in 1881 full citizenship could be acquired by the TJitlander after two years' resi- dence. The first change was made in 1882, an advance of the residence required to five years. In 1890 the worthless concession was made of a Second Chamber, without powers with regard to taxation, or, indeed, any other important matter, while a change from five to ten years, and those not only of residence, but also of enrolment on the Field- Cornets' Lists, became the new condition for acquiring a vote, a change which excluded the oldest residents among the TJitlanders, as enrolment had never been before required or obtained. In 1893 fresh legislation created a further change for the worse, by which, firstly, an alien may become naturalized after having been registered in the Field Cornet's books two years, and after the payment of a £25 fee. He then THE REFORM AGTTATION IN ME TRANSVAAL. U3 acquires the right to vote for the Second Cham- ber. After he has been in this position for two years, and provided he is thirty years of age, he is eligible for the seat in the Second Chamber. When he has been eligible for a seat in the Second Chamber for a period of ten years, he may acquire the full franchise hy a vote of the First Chamher^ and according to regulations to be fixed by law. These regulations have never been fixed, so that this tortuous and difficult path to the franchise ends, as was intended, in a cul-de-sac. This was hardly necessary, as the required vote of the First Chamber will always bar the way. To make matters worse the children follow the status of the father. President Kruger, whose will has been and is law in the Yolksraad, ever since his auto- cratic rule began, is responsible for this policy of exclusion, which shuts out the present generation of Uitlanders, and with them their successors, from rights of citizenship, and 114 CECIL RHODES. forms the present generation of Boers and their successors into a dominant caste, with absolute power over the far more numerous, intelligent, and civilized Uitlander population. The absolute power thus placed in the hands of the Boers has been practically delegated by them to their strong old dictator at Pretoria, and is used by him without scruple or measure to extract a large revenue almost exclusively from the pockets of the Englishmen and other Uitlanders, who form the whole industrial class as well as the majority of the population. Briefly, the Uitlanders pay about nineteen- twentieths of the taxation without any represen- tation whatever. The Boer, for his share, takes the voting, legislation, government, and spend- ing of revenue, and leaves to the Uitlander for his share the payment of the taxes. Mr. Charles Leonard has summarized the case for the Uit- landers with admirable lucidity and complete- ness. His summary of the facts up to the time when constitutional agitation was found THE EEFORM AGITATION IN THE TEANSVAAL. 11 J to be futile, and the Eeformers were exasper- ated into employing the only cogent argument with the Boers, a threat of immediate revolu- tion, has done much to enlighten English public opinion and remove misapprehensions. Fortunately for the cause of freedom in the Transvaal, Mr. Leonard, probably the ablest man among the Reformers, succeeded in making his way to England after the Jameson raid, and has since then done yeoman's service for the cause of freedom. A Cape Afrikander by birth, a Uitlander by long residence at Johan- nesburg, he began his Eeform Agitation in 1892, when he formed "The Transvaal IS'a- tional Union," of which he was chairman. Thousands of the working classes at Johannes- burg, with the bulk of the professional classes, such as the doctors and lawyers, joined the National Union, which aimed at obtaining by constitutional means equal rights for all citi- zens, and the redress of all grievances and abuses, while it expressly pledged itself to the 116 CECIL RHODES. mainteuauce of the independence of the Ke- public. It aimed, in short, to make the Gov- ernment republican in fact as well as in name, by the downfall of the present corrupt and tyrannical regime, which is a glaring anomaly, whether it be called an autocracy or an oligarchy. In 1894 the Uitlanders petitioned the Volks- raad, and the petition signed by 13,000 men was contemptuously received with laughter and jeers. In 1895 a fresh petition, signed by 38,000 men, a number far in excess of the numbers of the whole Boer male population, amounting at most to about 25,000, was rejected with contempt by President Kruger's obedient majority, though it was supported by a few Liberal members of the Eaad. This attitude of the Eaad towards the Uit- landers is the work of President Kruger. He has been, generally speaking, ready enough to give the Uitlanders fair words and fine pro- mises, but his unalterable hostility, which has THE EEFOEM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. 117 found, and still finds, its true expression in legislation deliberately intended to render tlie lot of Englishmen in the Transvaal intoler- able, found an authentic voice in his reply to the leaders of the National Union, " Go back and tell your people I will never give them anything, I will never change my policy, and now let the storm burst." This attitude of uncompromising hostility had also found expression in open challenges to the despised Englishmen to appeal to the arbitrament of physical force, as when Mr. Otto, in the Volksraad in 1895, called them rebels, and told them they would have to fight for the franchise, and that he and the rest of the burghers were ready and eager for the en- counter. Need it be said that such a challenge to high-spirited Englishmen was a direct in- citement to take up arms, and one only wonders that they did not do so forthwith. Crushed by excessive taxation, which fell with special severity on the working man, who 118 CECIL RHODES. had to pay, for instance, one shilling a pound on bacon and butter, sixpence a dozen on eggs, and seven shillings and sixpence on every hundred pounds of flour, while forced to contribute to the education of the Boers' children, and with- out any State aid to maintain schools for his own, it is not surprising that the masses in Johannesburg were ripe for rebellion, and the insults and challenges of the Boers, who vaunted themselves the proven masters of the race they considered finally vanquished at MaJLiba Hill, stimulated a deep resentment that only needed a leader to break out into open insurrection. Up to this time, however (1895), though the professional classes had joined the movement, the forces of capital, always by nature con- servative, had held aloof. The great mining capitalists, though the industry was greatly overtaxed by the excessive price of dynamite, under the Lippert Concession, and by the exor- bitant rate on coal of threepence per ton per mile THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. 119 on the Netherlands Company's IBoksburg coal railway, were unwilling to run the risks of supporting the agitation. Millionaires have too much to lose to favour the uncertainties of serious disturbance, and, generally speaking, the Eand millionaires much preferred the peaceful method of getting what they could by the use of "palm oil," which was fairly effective with, and highly appreciated by, their oppressors. At last, however, in the autumn of 1895, the Uitlander Eeformers, exasperated beyond measure by the contemptuous treatment meted out to them by President Kruger and his myrmidons, and recognising the hopelessness of seeking redress of grievances by means of constitutional agitation, determined, if possible, to unite to obtain their rights as citizens with one of the large mine- owners of the Eand, who was, they knew, a firm supporter of English freedom and English institutions, and who was also, they were aware, entirely above the greed of money, and might, therefore, J 20 CECIL RHODES, be willing to spend his wealth as well as to risk his private interests for the sake of aid- ing his countrymen. This mine-owner was, of course, Mr. Rhodes. The knowledge of Mr. Rhodes's record, the fact that he was the founder of Rhodesia, his well-known devotion to the Empire and the Imperial idea, his sympathy with English freedom and English ideals of government, made them hope that he might be willing to take the risk of aiding them, while the glamour of the great South African's reputation made them believe that his aid, if granted, would be certain to effect their deliverance from the grinding tyranny of President Kruger and his Hollander oligarchy. The risk Mr. Rhodes had to take in helping them was, of course, great. He had to a great extent reconciled Dutchmen and Englishmen in the Cape Colony, and he was Premier and practically dictator there by the power of the Dutch vote. To help THE REFORM AGITATION IN TUE TRANSVAAL. 121 Euglishmen to obtain their rights from Dutch- men would be undoubtedly to imperil to some extent his hold on his political supporters, especially on tho all-powerful wire-puller of the Afrikander Bond, the representative of the idea of Dutch Supremacy, Mr, Hofmeyr. Mr. Rhodes characteristically put aside all personal considerations, decided to take tho risk, and threw the power of his great personality and commanding influence, and the free use of his purse, ever open for any high and generous purpose, into the struggle of the English population of Johannesburg for their rights against the intolerable tyranny of Pretoria. In agreeing to help tho Uitlanders Mr. Ehodes was guided by the testimony of Dr. Jameson as to the state of feeling among the working men of Johannesburg. Dr. Jameson had studied the conditions at Johannesburg, where he had avoided the capitalists, and spent his whole time in going about among the miners and other workmen in order to ascertain their 122 CECIL RHODES. feeling. He made himself certain that a revolt must take j)lace before long, and the question was who was to guide the people? Jameson set about getting in the leading men and capitalists as leaders, only after he had felt the pulse of the people and ascertained their real feelings. Then, and not till then, he went with his report to Mr. Ehodes. Mr. Bhodes gave his support solely on Jameson's testimony ; that the people, as distinguished from the capitalists, were eager and ripe to rise. The object of the Eeform Movement, which now set to work with renewed force, was simply to secure representative Govern- ment of the people, by the people, for the whole white population of the Transvaal, if possible by a mere display of a readiness to appeal to force, if necessary by making that appeal. Neither Mr. Ehodes nor the Uit- landers had any intention of forcibly interfering with the independence of the Transvaal Be- THE REFOEM AGITATION IN THE TKANSVAAL. 123 public. There is ample circumstantial evidence of this, and, furthermore, the Eeforni Com- mittee can produce irrefutable documentary evidence of the terms made with Mr. Ehodes, which consisted in an agreement to refer the question of maintaining the Transvaal flag and independence to a plebiscite, which would either vote for union and the British flag, as Mr. Ehodes hoped, or for independence, which, when Federation was accomplished, would mean a separate local government, but in the Federal Assembly of South Africa the British flag and admitted British supremacy. The notion, put forward repeatedly by the organs that support President Kruger in London, that the Chartered Company purposed to annex the gold-fields of the Eand for its own benefit, is as obviously ridiculous as the state- ment that Messrs. Ehodes and Beit ''made the movement and were thrusting it on their un- willing creatures at Johannesburg " is demon- strably untrue. The movement had been in 124 CECIL RHODES. existence for years, as I have briefly shown, and it was not until 1895 that Messrs. Ehodes and Beit were induced to aid it. The Chartered Company, though it was afterwards intended to employ its forces in the probable contin- gency of a rising, had, as a company, nothing whatever to do with, and nothing to gain by, the Eeform Movement at Johannesburg. These misconceptions are probably scotched, if not killed, before now ; but there is one mis- conception that may still exist, which demands somewhat fuller treatment than I have yet given it. It has been shown that the inception of the Eeform movement and its working until 1895 were independent of capitalist aid ; and it may be added that in the Eeform Union Committee of seventy only four were capitalists, and the rest professional men, who had nothing to gain and everything to risk by their action. In the face of such proven facts it might be hoped Sir "William Harcourt would be by this time THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. 125 ashamed of misrepresenting the effort of an English community for the rights of free men by describing it as a mere stock-jobbing specu- lation. The misrepresentation now to be dealt ■with is very generally accepted, namely, the statement that the capitalists of the Eand as a body were behind the movement for their own greedy and selfish purposes. The fact that the house of the Ecksteins, representing Mr. Beit's firm, with Mr. George Farrar, and Mr. Hhodes, supported the move- ment gives colour to this statement; but a little knowledge is often misleading; and a glance at the ranks of the chief men of capital will show that only a minority of them had sufficient public spirit and sufficient daring to back Mr. Rhodes in his support of the popular agitation for the rights of citizenship. The bulk of the capitalists either held aloof from, or were actively opposed to, the campaign of the Keform Union. Mr. Beit's firm, by general consent the firm of highest character on the 126 CECIL RHODES. Band, was indeed on the side of reform. But Mr. Barnato's powerful house, with its enor- mous holdings of real estate as well as mines, had nothing to do with the movement, and Mr. "Solly" Joel's adherence at the last moment was strongly disapproved of by the founder of the enterprising Barnato Bank. Opposed directly to Mr. Beit's house, as an uncompromising backer of President Kruger, was that many-millioned mine-owner, Mr. J. B. Eobinson. Mr. J. B. Eobinson had, of course, not the slightest interest in the cause of free institutions and equal representation for an English population; and he had used and uses his considerable power in the press his wealth controls, to aid the Government of President Kruger and to strike at his personal enemies, of whom none is regarded with keener hostility than Mr. Ehodes. It is believed by many that Mr. Eobinson' s ambi- tion is confined to mere money-getting, which sometimes ensures a very limited measure of THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. 127 social success ; but, in addition, it is not impro- bable that a desire to succeed President Kruger as President of the Transvaal may have some- thing to do with his attitude. At all events he is a stout supporter of the present regime at Pretoria, and his immense wealth, hard business ability, and great power in the press, make his support highly valuable. With Mr. J. B. Robinson, as supporters of President Kruger, must, of course, be ranked the representatives of German capital, such as Messrs. Albu and Berlein; and on the same side, or at any rate holding aloof from the Reform Union, were hosts of minor millionaires. Thus it may be seen that the majority of the capitalists of the Rand were not combined to support the Reform Union, as has been erron- eously asserted, but rather were either hostile or indifferent to it. The Reform movement was, in short, spontaneous and popular, and the capitalists, Mr. Rhodes and Messrs. Beit, Phillips, and Farrar, joined it only when con- 128 CfiClti RHODES. stitutional agitation had been tried and proved to be ineffectual, and money was needed for a demonstration of the forces latent in the move- ment. But it is not enough to show that the Eeform movement was not a mere selfish game of grab, organised by the capitalists of the Eand. The misrepresentation has gone further. A suspicion has been sedulously disseminated by the Krugerite press, and very generally enter- tained, not only that the great financiers in- tended to seize the Eand for the benefit of the Chartered Company — a notion too ridiculous to need refutation — but that they actually sold ''bears" of large blocks of mining shares, knowing that the rising would cause a collapse in prices, as its failure undoubtedly did. But a moment's reflection should dispose of this theory as untenable. It is contrary to reason to sup- pose that those who joined and financed the movement to make it a success, and who aimed at and expected success, should have speculated THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. 129 to secure large profits if it proved a failure. As for Mr. Beit's firm (Wernher Beit & Co.), their record alone should dispose of such suspicions. In the great " boom " of 1895, they might have made colossal profits by floating un- tried and unproved properties. It was a matter of common knowledge at Johannesburg that they did nothing of the kind. The credit of their high reputation, as the first firm on the Eand, the most careful to test a property before taking it up, the most vigilant to provide against all probabilities of failure, was main- tained with scrupulous attention, while other capitalists were hurrying out untested proper- ties, for instance, in the Heidelberg district alone, properties to the extent of many millions, in some of which shares that then stood at £5 are now Avorth as many shillings. Further- more, it is no secret that Mr. Beit has off'ered to allow the inspection of his books by the Parliamentary Committee. The explanation, probably, of this suspicion K 130 CECIL RHODES. is to be found in the fact that so large a number of persons in England and on the Continent were hit by the unexpected fall that followed the Jameson catastrophe, and were eager to accept any theory that seemed to account for their losses. Besides, the fallacy post hoc ergo propter hoc is as old as human nature. While of equally faulty reasoning, the conclusion jumped at from the use (obviously to avoid suspicion) of the common terms of the mining market in the cypher telegrams, that the movement was a mere financial conspiracy, is an amusing example. Just as all this talk of a financial conspiracy is very wide of the truth, so the accusation of buying off the hostility, and buying up the support of the press, and "salting," as Mr. Arnold Foster terms it, the House of Parlia- ment, is mere wild and reckless conjecture. The fact that the big financiers like Mr. J. B > Kobinson are quite as numerous on President Kruger's side as against him, and the remem- THE REFORM AGITATION IN THE TRANSVAAL. 131 brance of the huge secret service fund at the disposal of the Transvaal Government, which unquestionably has subsidized the Krugerite press in the Transvaal, if not in London, will make reasonable men consider that the accusa- tion might be made with greater probability against the opposite side, or at least will make them pause before they accept these confidently- made, but absolutely unsupported, accusations. The truth is that a monstrous campaign of malicious misrepresentation has gone on for a long time past in the English press against Mr. Ehodes and the Chartered Company. Whenever there has been an opportunity of testing these accusations they have proved to be ridiculously, as well as maliciously, false. Mr. Ehodes, for instance, was held up to obloquy by more than one London newspaper as a sneaking coward, whose cowardice was so flagrant that it was known wherever he was known in South Africa. The Matabele insurrection has since then 132 CECIL RHODES. supplied an unexpected test; and the much- maligned Mr. Ehodes turns out to be a man of the greatest coolness and fearlessness under fire, as was proved at Shiloh and Thabas Imamba, while by his daring in riding^ unarmed and unprotected, into the fastnesses of the Matabele rebels in the Matoppos, and risking capture or death in order to put an end to the war, he has established a record which the bravest soldier might be proud of. It may be added that his weeks of sojourn close to the rebels in an unguarded camp, which might have been rushed any night, prove his courage to be of an even higher and rarer temper. One would hope that his calumniators were now heartily ashamed of themselves, but that experience unfortunately does not encourage this hope. The scandalous accusations levelled at the Chartered Company in regard to the first Matabele war are an instance of the experi- ecce I refer to. An ofiicial inquiry knocked THE EEFORM AGITATION IN THE TRAN8VAAL. 133 the bottom out of these accusations ; yet Mr. Labouchere has steadily continued to pour them out, regardless of the finding of the official Inquiry. This sort of decent and fair-minded criticism first clamoui'S for an official inquiry, and when that is given, and the whole arraign- ment is proved to be a farrago of malice and mendacity, goes on repeating it with brazen effrontery. One cannot but anticipate that the same action will follow the Parliamentary Inquiry, and if Mr. Chamberlain thinks thus to clear himself from the unfounded aspersions of his critics, he will, it is to be suspected, find himself completely mistaken. CHAPTEE VIII. THE RAID. Eetuening to the connection of Mr. Ehodes with the work of the Eeformers at Johannes- burg, it must be noted here that in the Autumn of 1895 circumstances had brought President Kruger and the Premier of the Cape Colony into somewhat more acute antagonism than usual. In pursuance of a policy by which President Kruger intended to bring the Cape Colony to its knees before the Transvaal, the rates charged by the Transvaal Government on goods coming from Cape Colony to the Eand had been, by leaps and bounds, quadrupled, in spite of a verbal agreement made with Sir J. Sivewright, by which the Transvaal President, as consideration for a loan to build the railway. THE RAID. 135 had agreed not to raise the rates. When the rates were quadrupled, they became prohibitive, as President Kruger intended, his purpose being to divert the traffic to his German-Dutch railroad from Delagoa Bay. In order to defeat this purpose the goods were transferred on the Cape Colony frontier to waggons, which drew them across the Drifts to the Eand. President Kruger was not to be beaten so easily. He deliberately closed the Drifts. This raised the whole Cape Colony, for not only would the Cape producer suifer, but the Cape railroads would be ruined if this policy was adhered to. Mr. Chamberlain was appealed to by Sir Hercules Eobinson, and after obtaining the consent of the Cape Colony, through its Premier, Mr. Ehodes, to bear half the cost, if war should ensue, the Secretary for the Colonies launched an ultimatum, which forced President Kruger to re-open the Drifts. President Kruger, be it observed, though obstinate, has always been manageable by an 136 CECIL RHODES. ultimatum. This was the means by which the incorporation of the filibustering republics in Bechuanaland with the Transvaal was stopped some thirteen years ago, and this instrument of peaceful coercion will not improbably have to be used again by Mr. Chamberlain in the near future. The threat of war threw the Kruger Gov- ernment into the arms of Germany, and Dr. Leyds was soon at Berlin on a secret mission, the purpose of which it is not hard to conjec- ture. The Uitlanders had been highly incensed and alarmed by the stopping of their supplies through the closing of the Drifts, and this despotic action of the Transvaal President strengthened the hands and hastened the preparations of the Eeform Union. Meanwhile Mr. Ehodes had sent his trusted and skilful lieutenant. Dr. Eutherfurd Harris, to obtain from Mr. Chamberlain permission to station the Chartered Police at Gaberones, to protect the extension of the Mafeking railway ; THE RAID. 137 fi purpose in which at first he was unsuc- cessful. At a later date, when a division of the Bechuanaland Protectorate was made such as to satisfy Khama and the other chiefs, though only a strip of territory on the Transvaal fron- tier was given to Mr. Ehodes and the Chartered Company, the Bechuanaland police were trans- ferred to the Company without further diffi- culty. Dr. Jameson massed the Bechuanaland police at Mafeking, and got together a small police force from Bulawayo at Pitsani Pothlugo, a suitable camp in Montsioa's country, in order that should the threatened insurrection break out at Johannesburg he might be ready to ride in and assist in establishing order and a stable government; somewhat as Lord Loch had purposed to do with the Bechuanaland police in 1894. The difi'erences in the position were these. Mr. Ehodes, as Cape Premier, acted to some extent without the official knowledge of the High Commissioner, whose 138 CECIL RHODES. approval would have made all these precautions- perfectly regular, and who was, certainly, perfectly aware of the impending revolution at Johannesburg, and perhaps not altogether ignorant of the preparations. He, of course, intended also to use Jameson's force to ensure the success of the insurrection in the Transvaal. Possibly Mr. Ehodes may have remembered that Shepstone annexed the Transvaal without the knowledge of Sir Bartle Frere, the High Com- missioner, who did not receive the Proclama- tion till a fortnight after it was published ; but who, though he personally disapproved of its terms, kept his views to himself and loyally supported Shepstone, considering it to be in the interests of the Empire to support at any cost an official on the spot who might be assumed to have acted for the best. Dr. Jameson made his preparations as well as he could in the time and handicapped by the conditions ; but succeeded in getting together an utterly inadequate force of men for the THE RAID. 139 proposed intervention at Johannesburg. Mean- while arms and ammunition were smuggled into Johannesburg; but in altogether insuffi- cient quantities — yet, strange to say, without any misgiving among the Eeformers. The Eeformers, in fact, seem to have under- valued the fighting power of the Boers almost as completely as did Dr. Jameson. At the same time, the leaders of the Eevolutionary Move- ment had not been as idle or unreasonably self-confident as has been often asserted. It can do no harm now to reveal the chief enter- prise by which they proposed at once to supply their own need of arms and ammunition, and, at the same time, to deprive the Boers of their most powerful weapon of offence. The arsenal at Pretoria, with the batteries of Krupp artil- lery, was guarded so inadequately that it was perfectly plain that it could be '' rushed " by a few hundred resolute men from Johannesburg. To surprise the arsenal and carry off its con- tents was the chief offensive movement in the 140 CECIL RHODES. Johannesburghers' revolutionary plan of cam- paign. This scheme, however, failed to come off for one reason or another. This alone would have been bad enough; but the paralysing effects of suspicion had also begun to make themselves felt throughout the ranks of the Eeformers. A revolution directed by a Committee is proverbially without a head, and if four was just three too many, what could be expected when they added to them- selves forty ? The belief, due to a complete misunderstanding on the part of one of the Eeformers, that Mr. Ehodes insisted on the hoisting of the British flag, rapidly gained ground. The Uitlanders had come into the movement on the supposition that the inde- pendence of the Transvaal and the Eepublican flag would be maintained. At a meeting of the leaders it was decided unanimously to send Mr. Charles Leonard, the chairman of the Eeform Union, to see Mr. Ehodes at Cape Town. Meanwhile, rumours flew through the THE KAID. 141 ranks of the revolution as to the supposed change by which Mr. Ehodes intended to use the movement for reform as a tool to enable him to annex the TraDsvaal for the Imperial Government. South Africans have bitter memories of the apathy and vacillation of Downing Street, and the discontented Uitlanders, though deter- mined to overthrow President Kruger's oppres- sive government, had, many of them, not the slightest intention of divesting themselves of their independence and hauling down the State flag, which, hopeful as they were of getting representative government by force, if not by constitutional agitation, they saw no reason to put away. Besides, although many of the Eeformers, being English by birth or descent, would personally have preferred the old flag, yet even these were bound by the terms on which they had induced some of the others, who were ardent Eepublicans, to join the move- ment, of which the accepted object was to 142 CECIL RHODES. make the Transvaal a free Republic, in fact as well as in name. Mr. Leonard saw that a complete paralysis of distrust, due to this rumour of a change in the purposes of the revolution, was spreading through the revolutionary party and making united action, of which the very first essential is mutual trust, a manifest impossibility. Accordingly, he was perfectly willing to go down to Cape Town and see Mr. Ehodes, the more so because he was convinced that Mr. Ehodes was not the man to break faith, still less insist on terms which inevitably involved a breach in the revolutionary party, and were, moreover, certain to lead to serious complica- tions. Mr. Leonard, then, went hastily down to Cape Town and found that Mr. Ehodes had been completely misrepresented. Mr. Ehodes had never had any intention of insisting on the acceptance of the British flag ; he considered it perfectly reasonable and right that the Transvaalers, if they liked, should THE RAID. 143 xetain their independence. All that he wanted was equal representation and equal rights for the citizens — whether Dutch, English, or any other nationality. The rest, he said, would follow in due time. Let the question be sub- mitted to the will of the people expressed in a plebiscite, was his arrangement with Mr. Leonard; either they will vote for imme- diate union — and that means the British flag — or else they will keep their independence, which will be simply local self-government with a separate flag — but even in this case the flag of Federal South Africa must be British, for the majority of States in the Federation — Cape Colony, Natal, Ehodesia — will send delegates who will unquestionably insist on the British flag. The immediate result of the revolution would be, at worst, a progressive government, elected by the majority of the people, a liberal President, and a liberal policy, which would bring the South African Eepublic into the ranks of South African 144 CECIL EHODES. progress, and enable it at any rate to join the- Customs and Eailway Union of the other States, and hasten, by the rapid growth of population that would follow, the building up of a United South Africa, under the hegemony of Great Britain. When Mr. Leonard had explained to Mr. Ehodes the collapse of the plot to seize the arsenal at Pretoria, and the inadequate supply of arms and ammunition, Mr. Ehodes at once saw the reasonableness, and indeed the neces- sity of a postponement of the rising at Johan- nesburg. Eecognising the difficulty, Mr.Ehodes pointed out that the delay would do no harm. ''You can try peaceful methods first ; and I can keep Jameson on the frontier," he said, "six months or nine months, it matters not how long, till your plans and your armament are complete, and your action will have a reasonable prospect of success." Any delay seemed better to Mr. Ehodes than that deficient organization THE RAID. 145 or equipment should wreck the broad scheme he had framed at Groote Schuur in the in- terests of Transvaal freedom, and South African Federation, under the British flag. The rising, then, had been given up for the time being. The Transvaal Eeformers, re- assured by telegram, were to learn fully from Mr. Leonard, on his return to Johannesburg, the exact attitude of Mr. Ehodes towards the independence of the Eepublic, and the cheer- ing certainty that if it took six months for them to complete their preparations and mature their plans, they would, at the close of that time, find Jameson's column still lying on the frontier, and ready to ride in to the aid of Johannesburg so soon as Jameson learned that an insurrection had taken place there, and a force of trained men was required to restore and maintain order. Mr. Ehodes, satisfied with the turn things had taken, had tele- graphed to Jameson that the revolution was for the time being postponed, for Johannesburg 146 CECIL RHODES. was against any immediate action ; and Mr» Leonard was preparing to return to Johannes- burg and report fully the result of his nego- tiations to his colleagues of the Committee* This was the situation on December 28th at Cape Town, and the knowledge of this situa- tion had been, of course, immediately trans- mitted to the Uitlanders at Johannesburg. The situation at Johannesburg was, of course, greatly ameliorated by the news of Mr. Rhodes' s attitude, and by the abandonment of the projected appeal to arms just arranged between Mr. Leonard and Mr. Ehodes. The knowledge that Pretoria was on the alert, and the fact that they had not weapons for more than one man in ten, or cartridges for more than a few hours' fighting, made not only experienced officers like Colonel Rhodes, but also sensible civilians, realize the futility of a rising. As that was postponed all might now go well. Everyone naturally felt relieved at this decision. THE RAID. 147 The plans of the Uitlanders having thus been deranged by a series of mischances, they proposed to attempt to obtain the desired reforms by mere demonstration without any immediate resort to arms. They lost no time in telegraphing to Jameson and sent messengers to explain to him, both by letter and word of mouth, that he was on no account to move across the frontier. Telegrams, practically to the same prohibitory effect, were sent to him by Dr. Harris for Mr. Ehodes ; but Jameson's replies already began to show impatience. He found that he could not keep his men together, and it was soon plain to him that, if he did not move at once, he would not be able to move at all. Moreover, he began to suspect that the Boers were not quite so simple as to suppose that his force was held on the frontier merely to protect the railway. As a matter of fact the breastworks at Krugersdorp show that the Boers anticipated the line of his advance nearly a fortnight before. 148 CECIL RHODES. The date for the rising had been fixed, but Pitsani and Cape Town were, as has been seen, fully informed of the postponement at Johan- nesburg. To insist on immediate action, was in the opinion of the wisest heads at Johannes- burg to ensure a fiasco. Mr. Charles Leonard had satisfied Mr. Ehodes that an abandonment of the plan of revolution, for the time being at any rate, was imperative. Mr. Rhodes had found the reasons amply sufficient, and agreed not only to a postponement but to the attempt to obtain by peaceful negotiations the reforms that were originally to have been wrested fi'om President Kruger by a display of force. The High Commissioner himself had telegraphed to Mr. Chamberlain that the revolution had fizzled out like a damp squib. Mr. Ehodes satisfied to wait, and Mr. Leonard satisfied with the result of his mission to Groote Schuur, were suddenly electrified by Jameson's telegrams of December 28th and 29th, which arrived together. The telegram of December 28th ought to have THE RAID. 149 arrived before ; its late arrival was the fatal cir- cumstance which brought about the catastrophe of Mr. Ehodes's true intentions not reaching Dr. Jameson. It was to this effect : "Unless I hear definitely to the contrary shall leave to-morrow evening for the Transvaal." The telegram of December 29th ran to the same effect : " Shall leave for Transvaal to-night." These telegrams informed Mr. Ehodes, on December 29th, that Jameson had decided to cross the frontier. These telegrams arrived on Sunday, and Mr. Ehodes at once replied to them, unmistakably forbidding any advance, and expressing his hope of a peaceful solution. " Things in Johannes- burg I yet hope to see amicably settled, and a little patience and common-sense is only necessary. On no account whatever must you move. I most strongly object to such a course." The fates again were adverse ; and Mr. Rhodes's telegram, which, had Jameson re- ceived it, might just possibly have stopped him, though handed in at the office by Mr. Stevens 150 CECIL RHODES. could not get through, as on Sunday morning the office at Mafeking was closed, and on Sunday evening Jameson had cut the wires. Jameson having thus given full notice, and guarded against prohibition, started on Sun- day, so that when the wires were repaired on Monday, it was useless for Mr. Ehodes to tele- graph, as the column was a day and a night's hard march on the way to Johannesburg. Thus Jameson, to use Mr. Ehodes' s metaphor, took the bit in his mouth and bolted. He might better have considered himself to be only an auxiliary, and the Eeform leaders who repre- sented Johaunesburg to be the principals. He ascribed the difficulties they alleged to mere fear, and the course of his thought may be traced in the telegrams collected in the Cape Blue-Book. Lack of courage he considered to be the real hitch at Johannesburg, and he pro- posed to supply the necessary stimulus by riding in with this column, whether the leaders liked it or not. As he telegraphed to Dr. Eutherfurd THE RAID. 151 Harris on December 28th, "There will be no flotation if left to themselves. First delay races which did not exist; second policies already arranged. All mean fear." Thus it was that Jameson, judging, naturally enough, that a Committee now watered down with forty additional members would be want- ing in strength and decision, determined to supply the necessary leader by coming in him- self. Had he succeeded in getting through, all, he still thinks, would have gone well. He would at once have opened negotiations with President Kruger, and arranged to take a plebiscite of the inhabitants of the Transvaal. This would have resulted in the election of a Liberal Boer or Englishman as President, and in the estab- lishment of free institutions and all the desired reforms. The Transvaal would have got into line with the Cape. The unification of South Africa would have been accomplished. This was the end which Jameson felt to be within his reach. His men could not much 152 CECIL RHODES. longer be kept in hand ; it was now or never ;, and he could not make up his mind to accept the latter alternative. He had had no reply to his telegram of December 28th, and, therefore, there could, he thought, be no serious hitch. He had somehow come to regard the enterprise as certain of success ; and his ardent Im- perialism could not brook the thought that only a little wilfulness on his part was needed to remove the last obstacle to the union of South Africa. In his entire absence of self-interest he was perfectly willing to take all the risks and bear all the blame. He forgot that there were risks for others involved, and that the blame would not fall on him alone. From the first misfortune dogged the steps of the column. The obvious precaution of cutting the wires to Pretoria had been taken; but the troopers sent to do the work got drunk at a store, and left their work undone, and thus the news of the invasion reached President Kruger immediately. The THE RAID. 153 long ride, day and night, without rest wore out both horses and men. At Krugersdorp the position was occupied at first by five hundred Boers, but reinforcements were con- tinually arriving, for the whole country-side was alarmed. Here Jameson was met by a cyclist messenger from Johannesburg with letters, the contents of which cheered the tired troopers, and led to a front attack on Krugers- dorp. Willoughby, who was in command, is a careful student of tactics, and condemned to Jameson the front attack from a tactician's point of view, but held himself bound to co- operate, as he was asked, with the supporting attack from Johannesburg on the Boer rear. Krugersdorp had been the try sting-place from which the Uitlanders were to guide the column in. Of course the Eeform leaders are not re- sponsible for this fiasco ; as they had been at cross-pui'poses with Jameson for the preceding week, he, eager to come in at once, they urging postponement. The day was thus wasted in 154 CECIL RHODES. attacking Krugersdorp, when it might easily have been used in getting to their journey's end, by making a detour and avoiding the Boer position. When they did at last resolve to make their own way, darkness was coming on. A miner Jameson had picked up for guide, frightened by the Boer fusillade, slipped away, and they were forced to laager for the night under a dropping fire. The next morning, at first light, another guide was procured, who led the column into the death-trap at Doornkop. No one in the column knew the way — a circumstance easily explained by the fact that everyone travels by rail, and not by road, from Johannesburg to Krugersdorp. Eesistance was hopeless ; for not only were the men and horses tired out, but they were enclosed by Boer generalship in a species of deathtrap, where they were without shelter from the Krupp guns of the Staats artillerie and the rifle fire of an unseen enemy, now some thousands strong. It is certain that till nearly THE RAID. 155 the end Jameson's optimism remained un- diminished and he never even contemplated the possibility of failure. He was within a few miles of Johannesburg, and till the guide led them into the sluit there was nothing, he thought, but open country before him, where the Boers would not have dared to make a stand and incur the risk they most dread of a charge of cavalry. No one in Johannesburg had the least idea that Jameson was in difficulties till they re- ceived the unbelievable news of his surrender. There were above twenty thousand stout- hearted men, many of them hardy Afrikanders of the Cape Colony and resolute Englishmen, and though there were arms for only two thousand five hundred, yet half that number, led by an officer of Colonel Ehodes's experi- ence, could have easily turned the Boer position and converted impending defeat into victory. The fact is, that from the very first the fates fought against Jameson. From start to finish 156 CECIL EHODES. he was dragged down by a pitiless chain of adverse circumstances. From the misconduct of the troopers who left uncut the wires that warned Pretoria, down to the incompetency of the guide who led Jameson and his officers out of the right route to their destination, an enterprise of Elizabethan dash and daring wa& foredoomed to failure. After the news of Jameson's surrender arrived it was all the Eeform leaders could do to hold back their people, who were eager to sally out and attempt a rescue of a popular hero. The Reform leaders were threatened with violence by a crowd of angry and resolute men, because they were unable to serve out the rifles and ammunition, with the supposed existence of which they had "bluffed" the Boers and also necessarily raised the expecta- tions of the citizens. It must always be re- membered that one false step had much to do with the attitude of Johannesburg ; the Eeformers, before they knew of Jameson's THE RAID. 157 mexpected advance, to prevent which they Lad sent Heany and Holden, had visited i^retoria and entered into an armistice with i*resident Kruger on the basis of promises, Qade only to be broken, of a concession of a ;reat part of the reforms for which they had aken action. It is characteristic of Mr. Ehodes's clear nd just mind that when all Cape Town, Leaded by the Cape Times, were poui'ing out heir loathing at the miserable cowardice of ohannesburg, he broke silence just as he was saving for England with a statement which Las since been proved to be literally true, ' The Uitlanders were no cowards ; they were ushed." CHAPTEE IX. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. The news of Jameson's advance camCj as we have seen, upon Mr. Ehodes on Sunday, December 29th, like a thunderbolt from the blue. He was, for the time being, over- whelmed. He foresaw only too clearly all that followed. He saw himself ruined at the Cape, and all his plans for the Union of South Africa fallen in pieces like a house of cards. ''The doctor has ruined us all," was his first comment ; " there, he has ruined him," point- ing to a leading Transvaaler at his side. Mr. Schreiner's evidence in the Cape Blue -Book is to the same effect. Mr. Ehodes was a different man; dejected and broken down. "The im- pression on my mind," says Mr. Schreiner THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. 159 in his evidence, " is that Mr. Ehodes at the time absolutely disapproved of Jameson going in." He was actually far more concerned for Jameson than for himself ; and he seems to have guided his immediate action, especially with regard to the High Commissioner's Proclamation, by a strong feeling of sympathy for his friend which made him anxious to give him every possible chance to avoid the impend- ing failure. A less large and generous nature would have taken care to safeguard himself, but Mr. Ehodes thought only of standing by his impetuous comrade, of not making the situation worse for his old friend by disowning him. " Poor old Jameson," he said to Mr. Schreiner, " twenty years we have been friends, and now he goes in and ruins me. I cannot hinder hitn ; I cannot go and destroy him." In judging of the various telegrams sent before and after the raid, it must be remem- bered that Mr. Ehodes habitually delegates all detail work to his secretaries and lieutenants. 160 CECIL RHODES. and is absolutely ignorant of the contents of half of the telegrams ; though at his examina- tion before the Select Committee, he generously took upon himself the responsibility for every- thing, in order to shield his followers. As to the situation at Johannesburg, it may be noted that the High Commissioner, who had made every effort to recall Jameson, had also, humbly obedient to the order of Mr. Hofmeyr, the head of the Afrikander Bond, issued a Proclamation, actually dictated by Mr. Hofmeyr, a mere private citizen, repudiating Dr. Jameson, and calling on Her Majesty's sub- jects at Johannesburg to give him neither support nor encouragement. This Proclamation undoubtedly was instru- mental in paralysing the action of the English at Johannesburg; for, of course, a British officer like Colonel Ehodes, and even a British subject like Lionel Phillips, felt the difficulty of disobeying an order that plainly commanded them not to help Jameson, and commanded THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. 161 them to thus desist in the Queen's name. If the action of the Uitlanders was hampered before by the Armistice arranged with Pre- toria, their hands were tied behind their backs by the Proclamation. In sending this Prochx- mation, which endeavoured to deprive them of their liberty of action, Her Majesty's Govern- ment unquestionably assumed a heavy respon- sibility. The Uitlanders were appealed to, as subjects of the Queen of England, and com- manded on their allegiance not to aid the cause of their own freedom. They obeyed ; and by their obedience made the British Government doubly responsible for their deliverance from the Boer servitude, from which they were about to seek deliverance by force of arms. Sir Her- cules Eobinson went up to Pretoria to plead with President Kruger, while Sir Jacobus de Wet failed to carry out the mission personally to take to Jameson the Queen's order to retire from the Transvaal territory. The news that Jameson was defeated and a M 162 CECIL RHODES. prisoner iu the hands of the Boers, and would probably be shot, was still convulsing public opinion in London ; when the German Emperor, with characteristic maladroitness, revealed his thinly- veiled intentions upon South Africa in his telegram of congratulation to President Kruger. England received the telegram with a storm of indignation. A flying squadron was at once commissioned, and in an incredibly short time was ready for sea. The Emperor's insult had gained a deeper significance when it was discovered that an intrigue had been going on for some time between Pretoria and Berlin, and that Ger- many had actually gone so far as to seek from Portugal permission to land marines at Delagoa Bay to send up to the Transvaal. Baron von Marschall had, it appears, on De- cember SOtli, already informed the German Consul at Pretoria that German marines were ready to be landed from the See-Adler and had notified the German Consulate at Delagoa Bay, THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. 163 that permission had been asked from Portugal for their landing. This intended action of Germany, in contempt of England's suzerainty, was, of course, nothing more than the attempt to redeem at what seemed the psychological moment the pledge oi" support which was the basis of the long intrigue that had been going on between President Kruger and the Government at Berlin- — an intrigue which developed rapidly after Dr. Leyds had set about his secret mission at Berlin and his negotiations at Lisbon. The fact that President Kruger had been for some time exerting himself to give to Germany and the German railway a monopoly of the trade of the Transvaal, did not lessen the im- portance of the latest development of the Ger- man Emperor's forward policy in South Africa. Thus the ill=fated Jameson raid sank into its proper place of merely temporary and accidental minor importance, as simply a blunder of overhaste which had unexpectedly served as a 164 CECIL RHODES. searchlight to reveal the designs of Germany) the disloyalty of the Transvaal Government to its suzerain power, and the danger of the richest and most valuable territory in South Africa becoming not only a menace to the peace of its neighbours, but also a formidable obstacle to the continuance of our hegemony in one of the most important regions of Greater Britain. "While Great Britain was thus rising in its strength to repulse the rivalry of Germany the unhappy English population in Johannesburg, their leaders paralysed by the action of the High Commissioner, were in a position of con- siderable danger. A large force of Boers with Krupp guns lay outside the town. Jameson and his men had been taken to Pretoria. The men of Johannesburg, furious at the surrender of their ally, which had taken place without their knowledge, within striking distance of their town, were clamouring for arms, threat- ening the Reform leaders, and demanding to THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE EAID. 165 be led to Pretoria to the rescue of Jameson. Had hostilities broken out the Boer artillery could have reduced the town to ruins from the hills that commanded it, while provisions and water could have been cut off and the people starved out. The Eeform Committee, there- fore, if they had before, like all Committees, shown some lack of decision and initiative, which was not wonderful, their leader and ablest man being absent in Cape Town, un- doubtedly showed considerable moral courage and self-abnegation in the attitude they now assumed ; for Johannesburg was full of women and children, who must have suffered severely in the event of the investment and bom- bardment of the town. Sir Hercules Eobinson, who was now at Pretoria with President Kruger, sent our agent, Sir Jacobus De "Wet, to Johannesburg to induce the Johannes- burghers to disarm. President Kruger was under the impression that Johannesburg had 20,000 stand of arms, a corresponding supply 166 CECIL RHODES. of ammunition, and a number of Maxims and field artillery, so successfully had lie been **bluiFed." Sir Jacobus De Wet urged dis- armament in consideration of three concessions. Firstly, that Jameson's life should be spared. Secondly, that the desired reforms should bo favourably considered at Pretoria, with a view to grant them. Thirdly, that the Keform leaders should go unpunished, or that, at most, any punishment should be nominal. On these terms the disarmament was effected, but no sooner were the Uitlanders in his power, than President Kruger kept faith by arresting the leaders and throwing them into prison on a charge of High Treason. The promise of taking into consideration the Uitlanders' grievances was also found to lack fulfilment, and the Eeform leaders, after a sojourn in a Boer prison, were tried and sen- tenced to death. This high-handed contempt of the terms of the disarmament, together with the monstrous nature of the sentence, THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. 167 sent a thrill of horror through South Africa, which reached even to England, and President Kruger very judiciously took care that the sen- tences should bo commuted to fines of £25,000 each for the leaders, which, together with a long and trying imprisonment, proved to be the '' nominal " punishment that had been vir- tually guaranteed by Her Majesty's representa- tive. The other Uitlauder leaders were con- demned to heavy fines and considerable terms of imprisonment, and, altogether. President Kruger must have obtained about £212,000 in fines, which more than paid any expenses directly caused by the Paid. The exasperation of the Uitlanders has resulted in a very natural alienation of their regard for Great Britain, which they have to thank for the following benefits : — Fii'st, they loyally responded to the appeal of the Proclamation, and their action to assist their allies was paralyzed. Then they were induced to surrender their arms on terms guaranteed by 168 CECIL RHODES. the British Agent, of which no part was kept, except the promise to spare Jameson's life, and that, before two months were passed, was dis- covered to have been a gross deception on the part of the Boers, rendered possible by the weakness, due, no doubt, to ill-health, of the High Commissioner; the terms of surrender arranged between Sir John Willoughby on belialf of Jameson's force, and Commandant Cronje on behalf of the Boers, had expressly provided that the lives of Dr. Jameson, his officers and men, should be spared. The Uitlanders were left with the bitter con- sciousness that they had been deceived and fooled by their wily old enemy at Pretoria, through the instrumentality of the British Government, which they had too loyally obeyed; for Downing Street, having pro- cured their surrender, abandoned them to the tender mercies of President Kruger and his German and Hollander myrmidons, witli an indifference calculated to alienate the THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. 169 affections of the most loyal colonist in South Africa. Meanwhile Mr. Ehodes, who had resigned his position of Premier, had shut himself up at Groote Schuui*, seemingly crushed under the pressure of a concatenation of adverse circum- stances, which not even his sagaciousness could have foreseen. He was, of course, accused everywhere not only of having been connected with the projected revolution at Johannesburg, but of having sent in Jameson, and that he had denied this last charge, was held only to add the heinousness of the desertion of a friend in his extremity to the offence of having attempted to seize the Eand to rehabilitate the bankrupt finances of the Chartered Company. Naturally, the greater part of the Cape Dutchmen, led by Mr. Hofmeyr, took the worst view of the suspicious circumstances connected with Jame- son's raid, and Mr. Hofmeyr himself publicly and severely condemned the conduct of his old ally. Mr. Ehodes's purpose was held to be 170 CECIL RHODES. notliing less tlian the forcible anuexation of tlie Ecpiiblic, and the strong racial sympathies of the Butch in the Capo Colony were played upon and aroused to the utmost on behalf of their countrymen across the Vaal, Mr. EhodoSj on his way up to Bulawayo, was summoned back by the Chartered Board, and very iniwilliugly complied. He arrived in England on February 4tli, 1896, and after interviews with Mr. Chamberlain and with the Directors of the Chartered Company, found that nothing could be done at the moment. The trials pending at Pretoria and in London made it impossible to speah without harming his friends; and presently, loathing the idea of a long and purposeless stay in London, he started for Ehodesia by way of Beira. He has been severely blamed in the press for not making a clean breast at that time of his con- nection with Jameson's expedition; but his silence was, if rightly considered, the actiou of a statesmanlike mind, THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID, 171 Apart altogether from the danger of harm- ing friends on trial by speaking ont, ho did exactly what Mr. Oiamberlain has done under the cloud of similar suspicions, en- gendered by tlie vigorous and picturesque, if somewhat sensational, methods of the most prominent exponent of the New Journalism. Mr. Chamberlain has been urged and even entreated to speak out ; to make a clean breast of his complicity with the actual raid. He has been even roundly accused of being responsible for the whole thing ; " he was in it up to neck." He has kept silence with a proper sense of his dignity, refusing to exculpate himself, and waiting for the proper time and the proper place to offer to the British public a full expla- nation of his action. Mr. Rhodes has done exactly the same ; and it would not be too much to say that the present Colonial Secretary appears to have followed the example set him by the ex- Cape Premier, Mr. Bhodes has very 172 CECIL EIIODES. projierly waited to speak out till the Select Committee should enter upon the Parlia- mentary Inquiry. Mr. Chamberlain too has, with equal propriety, waited till he could give an account of his position before the samo tribunal. Mr. Chamberlain, be it remembered, heartily approved of Mr. Ehodes's line of action, and publicly praised the wisdom of his hasty re- turn to Ehodesia, where he could give real aid in the development of the countr}'^, though the services that he was soon to render to Ehodesia could have been anticipated by no one — not even by himself. After Mr. Ehodes had returned to Ehodesia to devote himself wholly to the development of that country, which, such was the anger against him of the Dutch party in Cape Colony, seemed likely to be the sphere of his work for some years, the innings of his enemies began in earnest, and every effort was made to so misrepresent his motives and his THE CONSEQUENCES OP THE RAID. 173 action and blacken his character as to make it impossible for him to return to public life. President Kruger and his allies in the Eng- lish press, ceased not to urge the abrogation of the charter and the punishment of its founder, fearing, with very good reason, that the declaration, "My political life is only just begun," showed that this strong exponent of the Imperial idea was not done with yet. The Trial of the Eeformers at Pretoria, of course, involved disclosures of Mr. Ehodes's connec- tion with, and liberal help to, the Reform Movement at Johannesburg, and the Parlia- mentary Inquiry at the Cape emphasized the main facts of the position, though there it was plainly shown that circumstantial evidence, as well as the evidence of opponents like Mr. Schreiner, exonerated him from the chief charge, the charge of having sent in Dr. Jameson. The trial of Dr. Jameson, in July, added nothing to what was already known. Dr. 174 CECIL RHODES. Jainesou and Lis officers, called upon to suffer for their ill-judged but honest patriotism, took their punishment in silence like brave and honourable men. While Mr. Ehodes's attitude towards Jame- son's serious error of judgment has been mag- nanimous, and that of the Uitlanders in general has been, considering what they have suffered, not altogether lacking in consideration, it has been left to the Lord Chief Justice of England, apparently through fear of foreign opinion and a feeble anxiety to pose as perfectly impartial, to treat the English officers and their gallant leader, when they appeared before him, as though they had been common criminals instead of honourable Englishmen who had merely erred through excess of devotion to the Empire. It was not the attitude of Mr. Labouchere, whom he regards as at any rate an open, if virulent enemy, but the attitude of the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Eusscll, that Mr. Ehodes's celebrated phrase of '' unctuous rectitude " was THE CONSEQUENCES OP THE RAID. 175 intended to describe. As applied to Lord Russell's attitude at the trial, where he seem- ingly forgot that he was not the prosecuting counsel, and used all the art of a great advocate and all the weight of the highest judicial position to procure a conviction, Mr. Khodes's phrase is admirably true, and is not likely soon to be forgotten. Mr. Rhodes had long before this placed his resignation of the position of Managing Direc- tor in the hands of the Directors of the Char- tered Company. They very properly hesitated for a long time to accept it, and I am inclined to think would have been well advised had they treated the clamour of the hostile press in London with contempt, and refused to accept the resignation at all. In this course they would undoubtedly have had the support of the shareholders, who were perfectly Avell aware that Mr. Rhodes was too valuable an asset to relinquish, for a real and final severance of its great founder's connec- 176 CECIL RHODES. tion with it would undoubtedly mean the virtual collapse of that gigantic scheme of colonization and development. The acceptance of the resignation did not, however, involve such serious consequences ; for Mr. Ehodes had given assurances that he would still, in the event of his resignation being accepted, devote himself to the develop- ment of Ehodesia, and his friend, Mr. Beit, had promised in the same way to continue his interest and co-operation in the great enter- prise with which both of them have now ceased to have any official connection. Of course, the fact that Mr. Ehodes was no longer Managing Director made not the slightest difference in the supremacy which the great- ness of his personality and his services had given him among the English and Dutch settlers of Southern Ehodesia. Earl Grey succeeded Dr. Jameson as the chief official in Ehodesia of the Chartered Company, but highly capable and active as his successful THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. 177 administration showed him to be, there was never for a moment a doubt in the minds of Rhodesians as to who was their real head. The Company might for various reasons change from time to time the person who was their official representative in their dominions, but white man and native alike have refused to recognize any other head than Cecil Rhodes, who found ]iis personality appreciated and understood for itself by his own people in the empire he had carved out for England and civilization from the heart of African savagery. Probably Mr. Rhodes himself was heartily glad to escape from the boredom of London to the free life of the Veldt and the bright horizons of a young and growing civilization, which had been brought into existence by his exertions, and which was to be successfully brought out of its difficult struggle with the forces of barbarism by the foresight and daring, and at the imminent risk, of its founder and head. CHAPTER X. THE REBELLION IN RHODESIA. Mr. Ehodes left England in February, 1896, and travelled by way of Egypt and Beira to Maslionaland, his ultimate destination being Bulawayo. His purpose was to devote himself to the development of the country, and pri- marily to push on the two railway systems, the railway from Beira, which was to connect Salisbury, and Mashonaland in general, with the east coast, advancing by way of Umtali ; and the railway, which was to be pushed forward with increased speed, to connect Cape Town, by way of Mafeking and Palapye, with the capital of Matabeleland, Bulawayo. At Bulawayo, which had rapidly grown into a flourishing town with every character- THE REBELLION IN RHODESIA, 179 istic of a high civilization, he proposed to take up his permanent residence, and to throw his unerring business ability and Napoleonic power of inspiring enthusiasm for his far-reaching schemes, into the work of making the vast unoccupied regions of Ehodesia a fit homo for English and Dutch families, the largest, the most fertile and most valuable of the possessions of the British Crown in South Africa. The telegraph was to be pushed on northward to Tanganyika with all speed, the railways were to follow ; the great belt of highly mineralized country in Southern Ehodesia was to be developed, and although there was no banket^ and the mine- owner must depend on quartz reefs, yet the richness of the best quartz reefs in the Lydenburg district, such as those of the Transvaal Gold Mining Estates, gave good reason for the expectation that Johannesburg would be vastly surprised at the results, when crushing begim in Matabeleland . The encouragement of pastoral and agri- 180 CECIL EHODES. cultural development, too, was in Mr. Ehodes's mind, as it has been ever since he personally took Ehodesia in hand, when the extent of the sweet Yeldt that would give pasture to innumerable herds and flocks, interested him far more than the promise of the numerous gold-bearing reefs on which work had begun. For Mr. Ehodes looks far beyond the imme- diate future, beyond the wealth to be extracted from the gold mines. lie looks to the per- manent value of the country for settlers, and hopes to see it covered with farms and filled with an agricultural population before many years are over. The gold will bring an ad- ventiu'ous population quickly, the excellence of the soil and climate will gradually cover the land with farmsteads from the Limpopo to the Zambesi, and, in duo time, when only the great memory of the founder of the State remains with his people. Englishmen and Dutchmen, amalgamated into one nation under the British flag, will covci the healthy northerly THE REBELLION IN RHODESIA. 181 plateaux into the very heart of the last unoccu- pied continent. Eevolving schemes of such far-reaching beneficence for the over-crowded millions of England, and for the hard-pressed manufactures of the Mother Country, which will here find a new and increasingly valuable market, Mr. Ehodes returned to Rhodesia, and found much to occupy his attention and demand his personal presence in the condition of the colonists in Mashonaland. But his plans of industrial development were to be rudely checked, for destiny had marked him out to serve Ehodesia that same year in other ways than he had proposed to himself, and in so serving the country that bears his name, to reveal himself in his true character to the Rhodesians and also to all those who are proud to be called Englishmen. For some time after Jameson's men were made prisoners in the Transvaal, peace and prosperity reigned as before in Matabeleland. The natives had so long quietly acquiesced in 182 CECIL RHODES. the new regime^ that nothing seemed more unlikely than that auy serious disturbance should arise. In February, indeed, rumours that the white man's rule was to be over- thrown began to be spread abroad among the Matabele. These rumours Avere traceable to th(i M'limo, the Makalakas' god who lived in a cave in the Matopo Ilills. Shortly before this the rinderpest, coming south with destroy- ing course from Masailand, had crossed the Zambesi and begun its ravages among the cattle of Matabeleland, and this mysterious visitation was turned to account by the ghostly adviser of the natives, whose cave in the Matopos was tlic Delijhi of the whole native po^Dulatioil. This voice, speaking from a cave, bears a curious resemblance to the Greek oracle ; being a supernatural voice which speaks through a priest, the M'limo, somewhat as the Delphic inspiration did through a priestess, the Pythia. Probably both the Greek and the African oracle got credit for superhuman knowledge by the THE REBELLION IN RHODESIA. 183 same methods as Alexander the impostor of Abonitichos described by Lueiaii, or the suc- cessful spiritualistic medium of modern civili- zation. This was the fii'st sign of the trouble that was coming, but it naturally made no im- pression on the Colonists, who were too much occupied with the advance of the rinderpest to foresee any other calamity. It was not till the latter part of March that the rebellion actually broke out. It began with an attack on the native police, and was immediately followed up by the massacre of the whites, the men, women, and children scattered over the country at farms and mines, and un« suspecting and defenceless. It was the wanton cruelty of this merciless slaughter of women and children that gave a bitterness to the fighting which had been unknown in the War of Con- quest in 1893. Murders took place almost simultaneously all over the country. When the news reached Bulawayo the colonists at once flew to arms. The Hon. Maurice Gifford 184 CECIL RHODES. at once turned out with forty men, and relieved about thirty whites who had laagered at Cum- ming's Store. Here a fierce attack by the Matabele, which was beaten otf with some difficulty, showed that the blacks meant business. Gilford, with a soldier's instinct, at once perceived this, and, in a letter to Napier, predicted what followed. " This, in my opinion, will prove a more serious business than the old war." The insurrection of the Matabele found the settlers leaderless and unprepared. The Indunas were at its head, and the whole Matabele race, with a few exceptions, thrcAV themselves into the enterprise. There were forty-eight mounted white police in the country, but half the native police with their rifles joined the rebels, and the rest had to be disarmed. Jameson had left over 1,000 Lec-Metfords and some Martinis, with about a million rounds of ammunition ; but there were only 800 men to use them. The rest of the men in Matabeleland were THE REBELLION IN RHODESIA. 185 besieged at the various laagers and therefore could not be employed on the offensive. It is not my purpose to record at length the exploits of the Colonists, the gallant conduct of the early campaign by Gifford and the other leaders, the admirable spirit of the men, and the way in which the Ehodesians on every occasion showed themselves able to maintain the honour of the British name, and, remembering the Afrikander corps, one must not forget to add, of the Dutch. What death could have been worthier a brave man than Baxter's, of Grey's Scouts, Avho was surrounded and killed at the Umguza, after he had given up his horse to a Avounded comrade, whose life he thus saved at the expense of his own? What action pluckier than Lieutenant Crewe's, who also gave up his horse to the wounded Lieutenant Hook, and fought his way out of the pursuing Kaffirs on foot ? In short, the Matabele insurrection has 186 CECIL RHODES. given the Rhodesians the opportunity of show- ing of what splendid stuff they are made, though this has been their record since Wilson's men, refusing to leave their wounded, made their last stand on the Shangani River in 1893. The same spirit that animated the attacking columns of Colonists in Matabele- land was found in Mashonaland in such a gallant rescue against great odds as the relief of the women, who were brought off safe to Salisbury from the Alice Mine through swarms of natives and under a continual and deadly fusillade. It was a little after tho middle of May, 1896, when Mr. Rhodes, with Sir Charles Metcalfe and others, caine into Matabeleland with the Salisbury relief force from Mashona- land. There they joined Colonel Napier's column from Eulawayo, which had come to meet them, and were soon in the thick of tlie fighting. Finding the kraals of the natives full of white men's loot, and the crops and THE REBELLION IN RHODESIA. 187 stores all intact, the}' perceived at once that the Matabele thought they had finally driven the white men out of this part of the country. It was determined to endeavour to bring the rebels to bay, and the discovery of the remains of English and Dutch women and children who had been treacherously murdered made the men of this patrol along the Insiza River eager to carry out Mr. Ehodes's advice, and give the bloodthirsty savages ^' an ever- lasting lesson." Though Mr. Eliodes, with Van Kensburg and Selous, was anxious to begin at once, there was some delay on the part of the commanding officer in getting to work ; but once they reached the neighbour- hood of the Insiza Biver there was plenty of fighting to do, though thick bush prevented the white men getting to close quarters. After his arrival at Bulawayo Mr. Ehodes, on June 5th, accompanied McFarlane's patrol to the Umguza, where he took part in some heavy fighting. At the fighting at Shiloh at 188 CECIL RHODES. a later date Mr. Eliodes, riding ahead of the cohimn, escaped by a miracle from a sudden volley from the bush at only thirty paces distance, and set, as he did throughout, an example of imperturbable coolness and courage. At Thabas-i-Mamba again he was conspicuous where the fight was sharjjest ; and it was in Yaiu that he was entreated not to expose a life of such supreme importance to the whole community in Ehodesia. After the arrival of Sir Frederick Carring- ton to take the command, the disbandment of the Biilawayo field-force took place on July 4th, and the remainder of the work of crushing the rebellion was left to the Imperial troops. The rebels had gathered in strength in the Matoppos, and Colonel Plumer and Lieu- tenant-Colonel Baden-Powell undertook the task of dislodging them. The attack on Si- kombo's mountain, where Major Kershaw and Captain Hervey lost their lives, and several officers and men were wounded, was only one THE REBELLION IN RHODESIA. 189 of a series of engagements in which the loss of the troops was heavy. Between the 20th of July and the 5th of August, 1896, the column lost 200 killed and wounded, out of a strength of 1,000. It became perfectly plain, both to the officers in command and everyone else, that the whole available force was quite too small to continue the exceedingly costly work of carry- ing position after position in the Matopos. A much larger force of men — -at least 5,000 Imperial troops — would be required to dis- lodge the rebel Indunas from their fastnesses in the hills. There was no hope of ending the war the same year. All the troops at the dis- posal of General Carrington could do was to drive the rebels from kopje to kopje, and even this could not be continued at the heavy cost of the last four engagements. There was nothing for it but for General Carrington to go into winter quarters in Bulawayo, being 500 miles from his base and without any transport service owing to the ravages of the rinderpest. 10 • I'^O CRCIL KIIODES. An Imperial force of sufficient strength for the work could, then, be sent up in 1897. This programme was the only one possible in the opinion of the commanding officer. Mr. Rhodes saw that this was too true ; and he also perceived that it would cost at least five millions to the Chartered Company to bring the war to a close in this way. This would mean ruin to the Company, coming on the top of their other extraordinary expenses. The period of the Proclamation had been extended, but the rebels had practically held their own in the Matopos, and there was not the slightest chance of their accepting a pardon from which all the leading Indunas were ex- cluded. The Indunas, according to the Pro- clamation of Sir R. Martin, were to come do wn to Bulawayo and be tried for their lives ; an invitation that, backed by their well-armed impis, they were not very likely to accept. The future of the Chartered Company, the futui'e of Rhodesia, depended on bringing the war to an THE REBELLION IN EHODESIA. 191 immediate end. Then it was that Mr. Ehodes found scope and play for the high qualities that underlie the massive strength of his person- ality. A great occasion found the man to use it. General Carrington's troops, with all the gallant leading of the officers, and the plucky following of the men, had failed at the impos- sible task set them. Mr. Ehodes himself, un- aided, undertook to bring the war to an end, and obtained from (leneral Carrington permis- sion to enter upon the apparently desperate venture. The motive that actuated Mr. Ehodes was a strong one ; the fate of Ehodesia was in the balance, and his proposed action was nothing less than to go, unguarded and unarmed, to meet the Matabele Indunas, and, if possible, induce them to accept his terms and end the war. CHAPTER XI. THE rACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. Mr. Ehodes's first step was to naove his camp away from the troops and up to the foot-hills of the Matopos. There he lay, iu an un- guarded camp, within striking distance of the Matabele impis. Any night the camp could have been rushed and Mr. Rhodes taken prisoner or killed, which, as the natives one and all regarded him as the king of the white men, was a not improbable contingency. It was not from mere daring that Mr. Rhodes took this risk, but from the definite purpose of inspiring trust in the rebel Indunas as to his peaceable disposition towards them. The result justi- fied his sagacity, and came up to his expecta- tions. THE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 193 i^bout noon one day (I condense from the re^Dort of Captain Stent, the special correspon- dent of the Cape Times^ and add some local colour obtained from another of those present) John Grootboom, the Xosa Kaffir, distinguished for his pluck in the two Matabele wars, came from the Matopos into Ehodes's camp, and informed the white men that a great Indaba, or Council, had been called together in the depths of the Matopos a few miles away. The In- dunas did not dare to come down into the open because of the whjte soldiers, but they wished to see Johann, their old friend. Mr. Johan Colenbrander, a wonderfully patient and suc- cessful interpreter, knows the native character and the native languages better, probably, than any other white man living. Colenbrander might well be called an old friend by the Matabele, inasmuch as he had come to London with Lobengula's Indunas, as interpreter and guide, in 1889, and one of those Indunas, Babyaan, was now a chief among the rebels. 194 CECIL RHODES. The rebel Indunas scarcely dared to hope that Mr. Ehodes would come, but if he would come to the Council he would, they said, be welcome. This was just the opportunity Mr. Ehodes desired, and he seized it without hesitation. He took with him Colenbrander as interpreter, Dr. Hans Sauer, and Captain Stent, the corre- spondent, on whose account, added to that of another member of the party, my narrative is based. Two natives, John Grootboom and Makunga, accompanied the four white men. Three of the whites carried revolvers in their pockets. Mr. Ehodes carried nothing but a switch, a habit of his when in danger or under fire, which reminds one of the fatalism of his old friend Gordon, who in the Chinese War carried nothing but a cane. The path led up into the Matopos, winding among the granite kopjes and boulders. By a narrow gorge, through the granite hills, they made their way past kopjes and thick bushy scrub that would have afforded excellent cover for an ambush. THE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 195 They all knew the danger — none better than Mr. Ehodes, whose restless, nervous energy made him conscious of every detail of his sur- roundings. At last, through the neck of a narrow gorge, their horses picked their way into a small amphitheatre, somewhat resem- bling a cirque in the Pyrenees, enclosed on all sides by lofty walls of granite rock, many hundreds of feet in height, and dominated by a huge granite kopje. The kopje and the heights were alive with armed Matabelc warriors, whose heads peeped out, showing like black balls against the grey granite, from the shelter of the crevices and boulders, as they looked down on the little party of defenceless white men below. Mr. Ehodes halted his horse in a mealie patch and dismounted. His companions followed his example. The decisive moment had come. Was it a stratagem of the savages to get the great white chief into their power, or was it in good faith that the invitation to the Indaba had been given ? Did the natives 196 CECIL RHODES. desire to lay tlieir grievances before him whom they regarded as the king of the white men, or did they merely wish by a ruse not unknown in savage warfare to deprive the whites of their chief? The question was soon decided. The white men had not long dismounted when a white flag flashed from the kopje, and a long array of Matabole Indunas followed in single file, and, fixing the flag in the ground, sat down in a half-moon formation round the four white men. The natives were Indunas of age and weight in the nation. Nearly all wore on their heads the ring, the distinguish- ing mark of responsible warriors. I remember observing with some curiosity this ring on one of these very Indunas, a good many years ago. Among them were Sikombo, Babyaan, Umlu- gulu, a man of great importance in Lobengula's time, and some consider a chief instigator of the rebellion, Dhliso, and other leaders of the Matabole. Mr. Ehodes, who sat some way up on the side of an antheap, greeted them in TttE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 197 Zulu, ''You are well out of it." The Indunas responded with the same good wish for the white chief and his Indunas. Then there was a long pause. Mr. Ehodes told Colenbrander to ask them to come to business. Colen- brander said, "Tell your troubles to Ehodes, your father. He has come among you un- armed, with peace in his heart." Then first one Induna, and after him another, waxed eloquent with their complaints. The chief of these complaints was the misconduct of the native police. The young men, their sons and servants, went (said they) to Bulawayo, enlisted in the police, and then returned, and, rifle in hand, lorded it over their own fathers, beat them, raped their women, seized their cattle, and there was no redress to be obtained. Mr. Rhodes assured them that there were to be no more native police. Satisfied on this head, they next complained of the native Com- missioners who, they said, had taken their women, for whom they had paid twenty cows, 198 CECIL RHODES. aucl given them to their own men. The diffi- culty of the cattle, too, was brought forward. The Administrator had, they said, promised that only the King's cattle should be taken, and that each man should keep his own ; this had not been done. The rinderpest, Mr. Ehodes pointed out, had settled that question and killed all. At last Mr. Ehodes stopped their complaints by sternly advancing the most serious charge he had against them. "I am not angry with you for fighting us, but why did you kill our women and children ? For this you deserve no forgiveness." It was, as Mr. Colenbrander warned Mr. Ehodes, dangerous criticism in such a place— an unarmed white man boldly accusing the chiefs of the Matabele nation of their worst wrongdoing, while crowds of armed warriors looked on from the kopjes and boulders around, and the lifting of a hand would have brought them down like wolves on theii' prey. THE PACIFICATION OP MATABELELAND. 199 Then Mr. Rhodes, impatient at the long discussion of non-essentials, came to the point. ''All this is of the past," lie said (Colenbran- der translated for liira throughout). " Now for the future. Is it peace or is it war ? " One of the Indunas at once took up a stick and held it above his head. Then, throwing it down at the feet of Mr. Rhodes, he cried, " See ! this is my gun ; I throw it down at your feet. This is my assegai," repeating the action; and all the Indunas loudly assented. Then Mr. Rhodes explained the situation. The cattle were all dead. The time for sowing had come ; the rain was at hand. Let there be peace now, or they would have famine soon. To this argument he added the assurance, " I will remain with you in the land, and you can come to me with your troubles." This pro- mise was received with encouraging applause. Then the Induna Somnavulu summed up : '' It is good, my father, you have trusted us, and we have spoken. We arc all here to-day, 200 CECIL EHODES. and our voice is tlic voice of the nation "We are the months and ears of the people. We give you one word. It is peace. The war is over. Your road to Tuli is safe. Try it. We do not break our word. We have Spoken." The Council had lasted more than four hours ; and the sun was slanting low on the kopjes when Mr. Bhodes, by rising, gave the sign that it was aver. Then came another moment of suspense, not indeed to Mr. Ehodes, who felt that he had won. The natives crowded in on the whites, entreating for tobacco, which was given them, and down from the kopjes well- armed young warriors began to stream into the amphitheatre. The horses stood close by, and Mr. Ehodes's horse had caught its feet in the reins. But anxious not to break the spell by any hasty movement, he waited till his party were ready to start. Then, while the Indunas, with lifted right hands, shouted, <' Farewell, Father and King;" Mr. Rhodes TttE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 201 turned his horse's head and made his way slowly back to camp, conscious that the big work he had set himself was done, that the Chartered Company was safe, and Ehodesia delivered. Thus was an enterprise of great pith and moment greatly carried through. Dull must be the imagination which cannot picture to itself the grandeur of this scene, where one of England's Worthies comes unarmed and un- guarded into the lair of a savage race, at bay, well-armed and desperate, and overawes them by his perfect fearlessness and dignity, and wins them by his fairness and generosity. " One of those scenes in life which make it worth living," was the comment of the hero of the scene him- self as he rode away. The peace thus won for Bhodesia proved, as Mr. Ehodes was convinced it would, to be permanent. The Indunas kept their word, and the Matabele loyalty to the chiefs is of more than feudal firmness. Every detail of this Indaba is worth observ- 202 CECIL RHODES. ing. It is a convincing proof of the sterling metal of which the manhood of the Great Man of South Africa is made. It is also a valuable illustration of his method of dealing with the natives. Wise and tactful because sympathetic, patient and humane, Mr. Ehodcs treats the Kaffirs as men, reasons with them as a man with men, shows that he believes in the potentialities of a common humanity by expecting his trust of them to make them trust him. A valuable object lesson of the proper relations between white man and black, which might be studied with advantage by Mrs. Cronwright-Schreiner. After this Mr. Ehodes remained for weeks in his camp by the Matopos, unguarded and unarmed ; and every day, and at all hours of the day, he was open to the visits of any of the Indunas who chose to come to him. They used to send no notice of their coming, but simply walk in and sit down on the ground and talk with him about their own prospects and intentions, and the method in which they were THE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 203 to be ruled for the future. At these informal palavers Mr. Ehocles used genially to chaff the ludunas and point out to them how easily they could send their young men down any night and kill him. Then the Indunas would be quite hurt and would entreat him not to put upon them the mere suspicion of such bad faith. Thus gradually he completely won their confi- dence and liking. He got to know them, and they got to know him personally, till at last they used to sleep at his camp, and finally fetched their wives out of the hills, all their doubts and suspicions having melted away. The wise and humane attitude of the great white chief produced the natural cff'ect; for one of the complaints against the officials had been that they treated the Indunas with open contempt. Sikombo, for instance, complained that when he went to Bulawayo and had asked for meat he had been told by the white men to go and eat his dogs, and he thought it better to die than endure such an insult. 204 CtlCIti HHODES. With imtiring patience, tact, and kindli- ness, Mr. Rliodes stayed on in his camp hy the fastnesses of the rebels till they had been accustomed to come and consult him about everything as their father and friend ; and the knowledge that he would live in the country and see that they were fairly treated undoubt- edly contributed largely to the final peace that has been established in Matabeleland. Mr. Rhodes's words to the Indunas at the close of the last Indaba at his camp before he left for Bulawayo are a summary of his action and his policy: " Johann and I have now lived two months among you. I was advised to fear you and live among the White Impis. I said, 'No, I will live among my children, and carry no arms in my hand.' We look to you to be good, and we will forget the past. The Indunas must prove their loyalty. I do not believe they will fight again." Here there were loud cries of " Chief and Father," " It is all right, Father." With reason do they THE PACIFICATION OP MATABELELAND. 205 regard hiin as the great peacemaker and pictur- esquely describe him as " the bull that separates the fighting bulls," by which name he is known throughout Matabel eland. The arrangement made at this last Indaha^ at Mr. Bhodes's camp, by Earl Grey, acting officially for the Company, ensures, by its Btatesmanlike agreement with the Indunas, the peace of the country. The Indunas are now salaried officials of the Company, respon- sible for the behaviour of the people, but under the control in each district of a white man as Native Commissioner. Eeceiving £G0 a year and a horse to ride, each Induna will be careful to restrain his young men and anxious to supply the requisite labour for the farms and the mines ; while the excellent wages paid to native labourers, the influence of regular work and the growth of the needs of civiliza- tion will gradually establish the reign of In- dustrialism, and more effectually pacify the country than any disarmament, because the 206 CECIL RHODES. gradual decay of the old military spirit is the one sure guarantee of permanent peace. With- out costing more than an inconsiderable frac- tion of the expense of the native police, the arrangement made through Earl Grey will guard against the frequent misuse of authority of which a native police is only too likely to be guilty, when away from the white man's supervision. Thus the Matabele rebellion has ended in a permanent and satisfactory peace, and order and settled government will be established on firm foundations. Black labour is essential to the development of the country, and the habit of work to the general elevation of the black men themselves to a higher stage of develop- ment. It may be well to remind Exeter Hall theorists, who criticize this arrangement and would like to break up tribal rule, of the wise words of Wallace, the greatest living authority on the doctrine of evolution :— THE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 207 "There are certain stages through which society must pass in its onward march from barbarism to civilization. Now one of these stages has always been some form or other of despotism, such as feudalism or servitude, or a despotic paternal government ; and we have every reason to believe that it is i^ot possible for humanity to leap over this transition epoch, and pass at once from pure savagery to free civilization." The blacks are simply overgrown children, and at their inferior stage of development a paternal despotism- is the rule best suited to them ; which fact, moreover, they recognize themselves. Mr. Ehodes's plan of ending the rebellion, and arranging for native good con- duct in the future, has been good for the Char- tered Company, which he has saved from the intolerable load of the millions, which would have been required, had it been left to the Im- perial troops to finally subdue the Matabele by force. The Matabele have had a lasting lesson ; they have learned that even when 208 CECIL EHODES. armed with the white man's weapons they are no match for the white man. The results of Mr. Ehodes's negotiations prove they had had sufficient punishment already. Mr. Ehodes's policy has heen good for the natives also, whom it has saved from further rough handling by the troops, while the rebels would certainly have had to suffer very severely afterwards had the Imperial instructions been carried out. It has been good for the colonists, to whom it has secured in a rational manner the native labour absolutely necessary for the development and progress of the country, while the example he has set by his patient and humane treatment of the natives is invaluable in a community subject to the temptations of the white community in Ehodesia. At this point it may be well to consider briefly the causes of the rebellion; which have been very commonly set down to the removal of the white police to the Transvaal border by Dr. Jameson, that is to the fault of The pacifjcation of matabeleland. 209 Mr. Rhodes and the Chartered Company. The withdrawal of the police was no doubt con- tributory to the revolt, in that it gave encour* agement to waverers; but that withdrawal had taken place months before the rebellion broke out, and to make it the chief cause of the rebellion is merely to furnish a fresh example of an old fallacy. The truth is, the rebellion had been long planned and organised. It sprang primarily from the dislike of a warlike people, accustomed to live by fighting and rapine, to the peaceful life they were obliged to lead. They had never been completely conquered or disarmed. Beaten by rifle and machine-gun fire in two decisive engagements, they had acquiesced in the downfall of Lobengula, since it was followed by his death. They did not like the labour required of them, no doubt, but this alone was insufficient to cause general discon- tent, and natives from whom no labour was required were foremost in the rising. The 210 CECIL RHODES. ludimas and the relations of Lobengula were at the bottom of the rebellion, which was nothing less than a bold attempt on their part to reconquer their country and exterminate or expel the white men. The large amount of ammunition possessed, as well as the excellent rifles used by the rebel impis, shows that the preparation for the rebellion must have been going on for a very long time. A contributory cause of the discontent was, no doubt, the misconduct of the native police, who acted with all the old Matabele swagger and lawlessness in the kraals of their own people. Another, and far more important con- tributory cause was the rinderpest and the slaughter of the cattle, carried out by the white men in order to prevent the spread of the disease. His cattle are the Matabele's whole wealth; he reckons the price of a woman or a gun at so many cows, and the slaughter of his herd was naturally looked upon by the native in Matabel eland, as since THE PACIFICATION OP MATABELELANB. 211 then in Becliuanaland and elsewhere, as a wanton attempt to ruin him ; for the real purpose of such measures is completely be- yond his comprehension. But the first and most important cause of the rebellion, sufficient to account for it, liad all tlie lesser causes been wanting, was the resolve of a proud people, who had always lorded it over the other native races, not to submit finally to the rule of the Aviiito man (for whom, no doubt, familiarity had not, in many cases, increased their respect), without a bold bid for mastery; and this resolve the influence of the witch doctors, who were Iieavy losers l)y the establishment of British civilisation, did much to fan into a flame. From this cause, soon or late, the rebellion must have come. This is the opinion of all experienced Colonists in Rhodesia. Mr. Rhodes and the Chartered Company are there- fore in no souse the cause of the insurrection, 212 CECIL EHODES. though they have given compensation for all losses in the handsomest possible fashion, and actually satisfied the Colonists by the largeness of their generosity. As for the seriousness of the insurrection, we have ample evidence from the commanding officers of the Imperial troops. Sir Frederick Carrington, for instance, a veteran in African fighting, has put it on record that ''in the Matabele Campaign we had fighting of the very first class — the Matabele were splendidly armed. They had ammunition, too, of faultless quality. They fought well, and it was a tough business. Both British troops and Colonials did well." This testimony is worth remember- ing, as showing what sort of fighting men were the settlers who, up to the arrival of the Imperial troops, successfully dealt with the Matabele impis in many a well-fought engage- ment. The fighting that to Sir Frederick Carrington appears to be of the very first class, appears to the gallant and veracious Mr. THE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 213 Labouchere to bo exactly like the slaughter of tame pheasants at a battue. As for Mr. Ehodes's deed of daring, Sir F. Carrington's evidence is worth remembering — the judgment of a brave soldier on a bravo civilian. "It was a most plucky thing of Mr. Ehodes to go into the Matopos for a parley with the chiefs to make peace." It may be worth adding that the suppres- sion of the rebellion was conducted with remarkable moderation, when one considers the intense feeling aroused by the brutal murders, not only of unarmed white men, but also of helpless women and children — murders to the merciless cruelty of which an element of the basest treachery was frequently super- added by the fact that the murdered men and women were often, up to the moment of their slaughter, on the most friendly terms with their murderers. The spirit of vengeance that was aroused in English soldiers and officers by similar con- 214 CECIL RHODES. duct on tlic part of Sepoys in the Indian mutiny was, of course, present in the settlers of Bhodosia, and it would be to expect almost superhuman virtue in ordinary men to suppose that it should have been absent. This spirit, however, found its expression in the battle- field, and the worst that can be said is that quarter was not given to the beaten Matabele, by whom certainly it was never expected. The after vengeance, however, of a general hanging assizes, when the war was over, was fortunately avoided by the humane and for- giving terms of peace arranged by Mr. Rhodes. ^' All that is of the past" was the principle he laid down at the fateful Indaba in the Matopos, and he used his great influence to overcome a strong and influential opposition, and to make sure that this principle was acted upon. The Matabele are perfectly well aware to whose clemency they owe their lives, and the rebel Indunas especially have good reasons to be thankful that it was the counsels THE PACIFICATION OF MATABELELAND. 215 of Mr. Ehodcs, and not the hanging orders of Sii- Eichard Martin, that prevailed in the end. I venture to think that this policy of Mr. Eliodes will, in spite of the vaticinations of the advocates of sterner measures, prove to be the wiser, as it is certainly the more humane, course, and it will be interesting to see if this clemency is taken as a sign of weakness by the chiefs, who have seen for themselves in the heart of the Matopos the high and steadfast courage of the great maker and pacificator of Rhodesia. CHAPTER XII. • THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFillCA. When Mr. llliodos left Loudon in Februaiy, 1896, to take np his residence in Bhodesia, he merely carried out the plan he had formed on resigning the Premiership. Even if the rebel- lion had not broken out in Matabeleland and given him the unexpected opportunity of showing his great qualities in action, and proving to the world of what stuff our foremost pioneer of Empire is made, the presence of its founder and head in Ehodesia was the one thing necessary to encourage and organize the efforts of the Colonists for the development of the country. As events proved, the presence of Mr. Ehodes during the rebellion was nothing short THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 217 of a Godsend to the community. His cheery optimism in the midst of difficulties was con- tagious and heartened the despondent, while it confirmed the faith of the sturdier Colonists in the result of the war, as Avell as in the future of tlieir adopted land. He insisted on sharing with his fellow Colonists the dangers of the fighting and the discomforts of the campaign. "You must not think," said Mr. Ehodes, speaking afterwards at ]3ulawayo, " that I incurred unnecessary risk in proceeding with the columns you have sent into the field ; but I thought that by going with them I sliould get a knowledge of the people and a know- ledge of the country, and I should share with the people their risks and their responsi- bilities." The result to him of being thus closely brought into contact with the Colonists of Ehodesia has been that they, like the Cape Dutchmen, have felt the charm of greatness of ideas combined with simplicity of tastes ; 218 CECIL RHODES. have come to know his largo nature and per- fect frankness and manliness; and men who once believed in Eliodes from their belief in Jameson, now know their great man and believe in him for himself. The free uncon- ventional life of a young coimtry suited one who needs no trappings of office or title to enhance his greatness, who loves reality and hates ceremony or show. ^^So far as I am personally concerned, I have been a happy man since I have been amongst you," was his own testimony at Bulawayo; and ''The great secret of life is work," was in Ehodesia, as it had been else- where, the ruling principle of his existence. This saved him from looking back at the troubles of the earlier part of the year. His habit of looking forward far ahead no doubt cheered him ; for he saw at the end of a year or two the railways running into Bulawayo and Salisbury, and the speed of Rhodesia's development raised to the nth. power. Truly, THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA, 219 if the philosopher be right who defined hap- piness as the free exercise of the higher faculties of a man's nature, Mr. Eliodes in Ehodesia was, as he described himself, a happy man. All his troubles, however, were not yet over. He had still to go home and be examined before the Select Committee of the House at West- minster. He decided to leave Hhodesia by Beira in order to visit Salisbury and arrange about the railroad to that town by way of Umtali. Sir Charles Metcalfe, the able constructor-in-chief of the railways into Ehodesia, who was with him throughout the insurrection, accompanied him ; and on the way Umtali was visited and the completion of the Mashonaland railroad from the East Coast was satisfactorily arranged. The next question to be decided was whether he should return by the Cape or not. Against the Cape route was the fact that all his old friends, the political leaders, especially Mr. Hofmeyr, were bitterly set against him, 220 CECIL RHODES. and would keenly resent liis return to the Capo Colony. Moreover, the large Dutch population ruled by the Afrikander Bond, of which Mr. Ilofmeyr is the all-powerful wire- puller, might be expected to receive him not only with coldness, but with open hostility. It is not pleasant to come, a culprit con- demned by public opinion, to the scene of your former popularity and power, even if the con- demnation has been the result of flagrant mis- representation and complete misunderstanding. But whatever quality Mr. Ehodes lacks, he certainly does not lack moral courage. To face the music, to take the bull by the horns, is his way. So in spite of tlie advice of friends, he elected to go back by the Cape. The best that could be hoped was that he would be allowed to go, without hostile demonstration, quietly back to Cape Town. There the large English population made the Great Imperialist certain of a warm welcome, which was already being planned with remarkable spontaneity, though THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 221 not without some feeble opposition from a few politicians — individuals who have no followers — such as Mr. Merriman, an advocate of Dutch and German supremacy as far away as Sir Bartle Frere's time, Mr. J. W. Sauer, whose constituents have passed a vote of want of con- fidence in him for his anti-Ehodes policy, and Mr. Eose Innes, the leader of the Opposition. The steamer from Beira stayed a few hours at Durban, but Natal, though the population is English, has been forced to surrender to President Kruger's railway policy, and in order to secure a share of the Johannesburg traffic has virtually to take its cue from Pre- toria. The townspeople of Durban, however, could not be prevented from giving their dis- tinguished visitor an English welcome, though he refused to be made the object of any formal demonstration. The reception at Port Elizabeth was another matter. Here he was in his own Cape Colony, and the Cape Colony Englishmen are solid for 222 CECIL RHODES. the representation of English progress and English freedom. A great reception with immense crowds awaited his arrival. Forty old Ehodesians horsed the carriage and drew Mr. Ehodes to the Town Hall. At the luncheon Mr. Ehodes, Avho was com- pletely taken by surprise by the enthusiasm of his reception, was forced to speak on the spur of the moment without any preparation. He spoke at great length, however, having first explained that as he was without a speech, he must tell them simply the thoughts that were uppermost in his mind. The result was that the liistory of the inception of the scheme of Empire to the North was given in detail, and the consequences that have already followed and are to follow with the railways. Mr. Ehodes is something far better than a skilled rhe- torician — he is, at his best, full of his subject, intensely in earnest, and his undesigned use of homely similes and familiar colloquialisms aids the effect, while (ho imi.ne)ise energy of THE JUDGMENT Of SOUTH AFRtCA. 223 the man flashes forth carryiug home his own convictions to the minds of his hearers. Perhaps the most significant portion of a speech of great sincerity and power — -of conrse not free from the verbal errors of the reporters — was the following passage : — '' You will be surprised to know that, in addition to the large numbers there {i.e. in Rhodesia) from the Cape, we have a large number from the Free State. President Kru- ger's country has sent one thousand human beings there. I have been fighting in com- pany with them lately, and I know no more loyal citizens in the Nortli than those who have come from the Transvaal. It is a pure question of business. They have discovered that there is sweet veldt in the North and sour veldt in tlie Transvaal. I will venture to make the remark • that before half-a-century has passed away we in the North shall have the major portion of the Burghers of the Transvaal. I know of none of the thousands of men, women, and children more loyal to the country, more willing to take a share in 224 CECIL EHOBES. the responsibilities of government, than tll(3 Burghers from the Transvaah I do not think tlie high individual in the Transvaal Avho a year ago addressed lamentations to the Burghers, warning them they must not trek into this country, was aware that there was sweet veldt there. . . . There are a very large number in the Administration of young men from the Cape Colony. One of the grievances of Queenstown, I believe, is that we have taken all their young men. . . . Natal sent a contingent to fight the natives, and a large number were desirous of remaining. So one of those curious things is happening. There is a Union of States occurring in the North. I have done my best in my unofficial capacity to promote it, because there arc ramifications. Every one who comes there has the impulse to write to his friends and relations, and the relatives find the politicians, and so it all works out. In the ISTorth there is no consideration shown for the men of one State as against another, and that means really the Union of Africa. I am told I have pro- moted great disunion. That may be for the moment. We will leave that question for the THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 220 future. The question of race never occurred to my mind. Practical proof of that is that, in my social life, the majority of my friends- people on the Diamond Fields and in Cape Town— were men of a race other than Eng- lish. It is not a question of race. It is a question whether we are to be united or other- wise." At a later period in his speech he thus laid down his programme : " I don't propose to close my public career, and I am still determined to strive for the closer union of South Africa " ; and to this he added the practical advice : " Base your votes on the higher platform, and attempt to attain closer union, cultivate friendly relations with all you meet, entirely irrespec- tive of race; but state boldly that you will have no foreign interference in this country. In another twenty *five years, I think, if people will take that thought home with them, all w^ill be well." The dominant notes of this speech, his re- Q 226 CECIL RHODES. solve to return to public life at the Cape, aud his principle of South African Union, worked ont firstly in Ehodesia and based on the dis- missal of all race feeling, rnn throngh the numerons speeches which he was obliged to deliver in what soon, to the astonishment of himself and every one else, developed into a veritable triumphal progress, not only in the EHglish districts but in those chiefly or wholly Dutch. As the train ran through the Great Karroo, the scattered population of farmers liad collected to greet him at the stations, and, of course, at Kimberley, his own city, he was receivW enthusiastically. So anxious was he to escape demonstrations that here, Avhere every one. was with him and his will is law, his will prevailed, and there was no regular reception. The really astonishing fact, however, was the reception in the "Western Province, the great Dutch centre, the home of the Afrikander Bond. Contrary to every one's expectation, the Dutchmen turned out in large numbers, THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 227 and at every station gave their old friend visible and audible proof that he was not only forgiven, but welcomed back with unimpaired confidence. This country, which is the centre of Mr. Hofmeyr's organisation and influence^ put it beyond question tliat it welcomed back Mr. Rhodes to political life. Mr. Ehodes's an- nouncement that he proposed to return to his seat in Cape Town was received with loud cheers. The signatures of the address at Wellington, as of the other addresses presented at stopping-places in this district, were chiefly Dutch. Mr. Rhodes, in liis reply to the address, referred again to the question of race-feeling. His staunchcBt friends belonged, h^ said, "to the race which most of you represent here; and therefore, when at times some of my conduct, when criticized, has been referred to the question of race, I hope you know well how perfectly false that is." ''I will give you one promise in return, and that 228 CECIL RHODES. promise is, that I am not going out of public life." At the Paarl five hundred residents received the ex-Premierj and an address was presented, signed by four hundred representative farmers, mostly Dutch. Mr. Ehodes, in the course of his speech, gave the promise that he would retain his seat in the Cape Assembly, and work, not only for the development of the North, but for the closer union of the various elements in South Africa. These hearty receptions in the strongholds of the Afrikander Bond are far more signifi- cant than the more striking spectacle of the great reception at Cape Town, with its address with ten thousand signatures, with its torch- light procession, its immense crowds and un- bounded enthusiasm; for in Cape Town the population is mainly English, and naturally enough almost went wild with excitement in welcoming back the greatest Englishman in South Africa, a Cape Colonist like themselves. I THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 229 It is not for nothing that for years past Mr. Rhodes has laid before the Dutch of the Colony his political ideals ; his policy of com- mercial union, union of interests, looks very bright to them beside President Kruger's policy of isolation with the huge hostile tariff he levies on the products of the hapless Cape farmer on their way to the Johannesburg market. And so Mr. Hofmeyr's counter demonstra- tions have fallen very flat, even at the Paarl, and in spite of his own great abilities and the admirable organisation of his caucus, the Afrikander Bond has failed to show that it can jcarry one-half of the Dutch with it against Mr. Ehodes. At the Paarl, for example, more resi- dent Dutchmen voluntarily signed the address welcoming back Mr. Rhodes, than Mr. Hofmeyr and all the power of the Afrikander Bond could collect together at the oj)position meeting, though they had plenty of time for preparation, and though Mr. Hofmeyr is unrivalled in the art of wire-pulling. 230 CECIL RHODES. The Dutch reaction in favour of Mr. Rhodes is so unmistakably genuine, and the Cape Eng- lishmen are so solid in their support, that if a plebiscite of the Cape Colony were taken to- morrow for the Premiership, there can be no doubt he would be once more the responsible Minister in the Legislative Assembly. There are plenty of signs how the wind blows, of which one, by no means the least significant, is the open conversion of the quick- witted Sir J. Sivewright to friendlier and saner views than he had previously upheld. He has perceived that Mr. Ehodes will return to power, and he has taken anticipatory steps towards a reconciliation. Not the least remarkable thing about the remarkable return of the Cape Dutch to their allegiance to Mr. Ehodes, who has also won the solid support of the English, is the fact that in the time when his fortunes were at their nadir, early last year, when even his friends were counselling his retirement from public life, and THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 231 his enemies eagerly houndiug him down, he declared, with his extraordinary insight into the future, that his political life, far from being over, had only just begun. The event has justified his self-confidem;e, his prophecy has come true sooner than he himself expected, and he will shortly return to office at the Cape a greater personage in politics than he has ever been before. Mr. Ehodes, then, has won back the more intelligent Dutchmen of the Colony, in part because of their material interests, seriously injured by their fellow Dutchman, the advocate of a narrow and exclu- sive Dutch supremacy at Pretoria, but chiefly, I think, because they have come to feel they have been unjust to him. The South African Dutchman is suspicious, but he does not easily remove his trust from one in whom he has reposed it. The Dutch members had learned to know and trust Mr. Ehodes completely ; they liked him personally ; they liked his large, loose, unconventional 232 CECIL RHODES. ways; his big, frank, independent nature. Their indignation was hot at the time of Jame- son's inroad, at what appeared to be an attempt to seize the Transvaal and impose the direct Imperial rule. They began, I think, to see that, taken in, pardonably enough, by appear- ances, they had ascribed intentions to their former Premier which he had never enter- tained. They had ascribed racial animosity to one who had been their friend, and whom they knew by experience to have no racial animosity at alL Mr. Ehodes bad simply aimed at enabling the Uitlanders of Johannesburg to overthrow the corrupt and tyrannous autocracy at Pre- toria ; but he had never aimed at enabling the Englishman to trample upon the national feeling and the freedom of the Boer. The Transvaal, under President Kruger's in- creasingly unjust and oppressive legislation, designed to set race against race, had become a menace to the peace of South Africa. The THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 233 affair of the Drifts in the autumn of 1895 had almost brought the Cape Colony and Eng- land into conflict with the Transvaal, entirely through President Kruger's attempt to squeeze the Cape Dutchman into submission, by quad- rupling the charge made for entry into the Johannesburg market. The Transvaal Govern- ment, too, was the one obstacle to the Union of South Africa, the union that is of commercial interests, of customs, and railways. This union the Cape Colonist had learned from Mr. Ehodes to desire. President Kruger alone barred the way. Then again. President Kruger's Government, with its hostility to British ideas and interests, and its encouragement of Hollander and German, was a magnet to attract the inter- ference of the only foreign power that had definite ambitions in South Africa. It was against the Hollander and the German element, and against the tyranny of the Kruger clique, that Mr. Rhodes aided the IJitlanders to strike, 234 CECIL RHODES. and the Cape Dutchman, a very reasonable personage, when not carried away by his feelings, has had time for reflection and has perceived the truth. It is to the credit of his intelligence that he has perceived this for himself; for President Kruger, through his emissaries, and Mr. Hof- meyr, through his caucus, have done their best to obscure the true issue. President Kruger may, it is possible, really imagine that Mr. Ehodes intended to seize the Eand to fill the coffers of the Chartered Company, though it is difficult to understand how so shrewd, and experienced a man of affairs could, seriously entertain a proposition so manifestly absurd; but Mr. Hofmeyr, a man of well-balanced mind as well as great ability, surely knows better. Mr. Khodes's plan of aiding Johannesburg to obtain its political rights, and referring the question of the flag to the sovereign will of the whole people of the South African Kepublic was, if the Cape Dutchman considers it dis- THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFEICA. 23o passionately, far less open to criticism from the Dutch standpoint, than the arrangement by which the Cape Colony was to pay half the expense of an Imperial force sent up to enforce Mr. Chamberlain's ultimatum about the closing of the Drifts in the autumn of 1895. Yet the Cape Dutchman, through the Cape Ministry, consented very reasonably to this arrangement ; because his material interests were seriously injured and his anger aroused by President Kruger's despotic and hostile action. Of course, the irregularity of the means em- ployed in Mr. lihodes's plan to make the Transvaal a free republic in fact as well as in name cannot be denied; but only a red-tape righteousness would take that irregularity very seriously. The Cape Dutchman has now had time to reflect ; he sees the truth ; and highly to his own credit has received back with open arms his old chief, " the Englishman with the Afrikander heart," who by his freedom from racial feeling, and by his fidelity to local self- 236 CECIL EHODES. goverumont, Las reconciled our Dutch fellow- subjects to the British Empire. Treat the South African Dutchman with con- sideration, fairness, and justice, and there is no better citizen to be found. Downing Street has treated him very badly in the past, and the English press is even now too much in the habit of depreciating the good qualities, and exaggerating the deficiencies of the Boer. Those Englishmen who knew them well gave a very different report. Ask Mr. Selous what he thinks of his old friend the distinguished sportsman, Cornelius Yan Eooyen, or Mr. Millais what he thinks of the admirable Eoelof Van Staden, the very hcau-idcal of a hunter and a man, or turn to the candid pjiges of one, whose forte is fault-finding, I mean Major A. G. Leonard, and observe his admissions as to the former of these two admirable specimens of the Boer. It was not against the South African Dutch- man individually ; but against the tyranny of THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 237 the German and Hollander clique at Pretoria, headed by President Kruger, that Mr. Ehodes's policy has been directed ; for that policy with its aim of a United South Africa under Eng- land's hegemony, with free institutions, equal justice, and common commercial interests, is as much for the benefit of the South African Dutch- man as of the Afrikander of English race and speech. That in the application of his policy the great Statesman stumbled for once, in a rough-and-ready attempt to hastily remove an obstacle, is a mistake, the Cape Dutchman perceives, that merely requires to be treated with the forbearance and common sense which must be exercised, since to err is human, to- wards every statesman at some point in his career. When he puts the single error beside the immense and far-reaching benefits attained, and still attainable, for South Africans by the policy and the statesmanship of Mr. Rhodes, the error becomes microscopic, and may be treated as invisible. 238 CECIL RHODES. The Cape Dutchman, then, has shrewdly discovered for himself the true inwardness of the situation. He sees that Jameson's inroad to aid the rising at Johannesburg is merely a single mistake in the game which Mr. Ehodes, as the representative of South African progress and South African Union, resulting in the peaceful fusion of races into a United South African people, has been playing for years, and is still playing, with President Kruger as the representative of a retrogressive ideal, a posi- tively mediieval despotism; a despotism with a policy of jealous isolation, backed by foreign support, which, were it successful, must result, not in an ultimate Dutch ascendency, but in the substitution for the freedom -bringing British hegemony of the cast-iron Officialism of Germany. No one would suffer more than the freedom- loving South African Dutchman if England were to lose to Germany her headship in South Africa ; and this the more intelligent THE JUDGMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA. 239 Cape Colony Dutchman has ah'eady perceived for himself. That he should not have perceived it in the first blaze of indignation in January, 1895, is only natural; and it would be Avell if all Englishmen were as free from that fault- finding self-righteousness which is near of kin to hypocrisy, as those Dutchmen of the Western Province, who have welcomed back Mr. Ehodes, and acclaimed his return to political life with undiminished confidence in the general trend of his policy of progress, in spite of the admitted error of judgment in his connection with the Transvaal revolutionary movement. And here it may be well to observe that, though the return to Mr. Ehodes of the con- fidence of the Dutch electorate in Cape Colony was, until his recent triumphal progress, un- certain, many of the Dutch members of the Afrikander Bond and of the Assembly spoke out boldly long ago with a good sense and a statesmanlike breadth of view, which may be pondered with advantage by Mr. Ehodes's 240 CECIL RHODES. own countrymen here in England. As long ago as last March Mr. Bellingan, a member of the Upper Chamber at Cape Town, and of the Bond, spoke of the great services which Mr. Ehodes had rendered to the Colony, and refused to have anything to do with the out- cry against him. Even if the worst were proved, that Mr. Bhodes sent Dr. Jameson into the Transvaal, one mistake could not (he said) undo all his previous great services to South Africa. Observe that this large-minded Dutch member of the Afrikander Bond calls Mr. Ehodes's conduct, taking it at its worst, a "mistake" — and, in truth, that is exactly what it is — a mistake in the means employed to achieve a most praiseworthy purpose. CHAPTER XIII. THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. It might have been supposed that the verdict of his own countrymen upon Mr. Rhodes, upon the single ill-judged, yet, all things considered, not unpardonable act in a public career of unrivalled usefulness and ex- traordinary distinction, would have been well- nigh unanimous. Apparently, the attitude of a small section of politicians, Little Eng- landers themselves, or eager to make capital for party purposes, and of a small section of the press, keen to discover the flaws in a great man, or willing to be made the tools of private animosity, leaves English opinion on Mr. Rhodes divided. To this must be added the disposition of a 242 CECIL RHODES. considerable number of Englislimen to-day to judge public actions by a standard, I will not say of unctuous, but rather of red-tape, right- eousness. Yet there are precedents in our own time which justify a very generous attitude towards the irregular action of Mr. Ehodes. Garibaldi organized in a friendly state his ex- pedition to overthrow the Bourbon tyranny in Sicily. Cavour connived at Garibaldi's action. The Powers of Europe broke out in a storm of indignation against this '' act of piracy against a friendly state," and yet because the Sicilians had real and deep grievances, England ap- proved of Garibaldi's action. Nor was it only the great body of the nation who ap- plauded the Italian patriot's highly irregular action. Lord John Eussell, our responsible Foreign Minister, from the first openly en- couraged Garibaldi's enterprise, gave him all the aid in his power, secured the neutrality of France, and permitted our fleet in the Mediterranean to actively express their THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 243 Euglisli sympathy with a bold stroke for freedom. Lord John Eussell considered Garibaldi's raid '' an act of justice and generosity," and approved of Cavour's connivance. His attitude expressed the general attitude of England, and it is a little difficult to see why it should be praiseworthy for an Italian Statesman to en- courage a breach of the peace in order to free Italians in a friendly State from an 02:)pressive Government, and blameworthy for an English Statesman to endeavour, in much the same way, to help Englishmen to free themselves from a similar condition of servitude. The fact that the oppressive Government was not English, but a combination of German, Hol- lander, and Dutch, and the oppressed people, mostly English, surely does not make the case worse against the English Statesman. It is not, indeed, necessary to go back to Cavour and Garibaldi and the struggle for Italian unification, which is in many ways a 244 CECIL RHODES. parallel to the struggle for South African uni- fication, in the course of which Mr. Eliodes was brought into collision with the opposing forces of German and Hollander intrigue in the Transvaal. The attitude to-day of a large sec- tion of English lovers of freedom towards the insurgents in Crete and their Greek supporters, is what one would expect from the nation that applauded Garibaldi. [ English sympathisers with Cretan insurgents and Greek raiders are openly working an agitation to aid the insurrection. The King of Greece has gone a great deal further than Mr. Ehodes in sending a force into the territory of a friendly power, without any declaration of war. Prince George of Greece might give lessons in daring irregularity to Dr. Jameson. Turkey is a friendly power, and yet we in England cordially approve, and in my opinion are right in approving, of all this highly irregular, and, technically speaking, unjustifi- able action. The Lord Chief Justice himself, THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 245 who has laid it down that "an offence," under the Foreign Enlistment Act, "is com- plete with the preparing and assisting in the preparation or aiding and abetting in the pre- paration," of an expedition against a friendly State, has nothing to say against the collection of funds to aid and abet the Cretan insurrec- tion; nor are the Members of Parliament, who urge on the Greek raiders and hold public meetings to support them ; nor papers like the Dailij Chronicle^ which wax ecstatic in praise of Colonel Yassos and his bold filibusters, in the least restrained by the heavy sentence passed last year on Englishmen, who, in order to assist their oppressed fellow-country- men, committed a similar breach of the law. With reason may Mr. Ehodes and all South African Imperialists who backed him in his irregular action, rub their eyes and ask if they are dreaming. Is this the England that was so shocked at help given to the Transvaal Eeformers ? Is 246 CECIL RHODES. this tlie same England that last year helped President Kruger to disarm Johannesburg, and now allows Greek transports to land their raiders in Turkish territory, although the Turkish Goa ernment has left the whole busi- ness of checking Greece in the hands of Eng- land and the other Powers. The reason for the inconsistency is this — England does not believe in the reality of grievances of British subjects in the Trans- vaal, while believing implicitly in the griev- ances of Turkish subjects in Crete. Sir William Harcourt calls the Uitlander move- ment Mr. Ehodes's revolution, and he merely expresses what many still believe — that there were no real grievances, and no general dis- content. Well might Capo Afrikanders and Trans- vaal refot-mers despair of a government which, by its apathy, forced the oppressed Englishmen of the Transvaal to help themselves, and ask the help of Mr. Ehodcs, and which, when it THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 247 did intervene, intervened with cynical snccess, only to rivet the chains more fii'mly than ever on the oppressed community in Johannesburg. If only they had been Cretans or Italians or Greeks, the Uitlanders would have had the sympathy and support their condition required ; but being of English race, they have apparently little to expect but misrepresentation of their motives, and self-righteous condemnation of the slightest iiTegularity. Mr. Chamberlain, indeed, has somewhat tai'dily shown that he has too much real states- manship to ignore the fact that any inquiiy into the preparations for Jameson's inroad must reach back to the causes of that inroad. The immediate cause, of course, was the long- smouldering discontent at Johannesburg. It was not Mr. Ehodes who kindled that discon- tent. It was not the Eeform leaders. Behind Mr. Rhodes, behind the Reform leaders, is to be found the undoubted first cause of the dis- content at Johannesburg, of the projected in- 248 CECIL RHODES. surrection, of the assistance of Mr. Ehodes, of the ill-starred inroad of Dr. Jameson, and that formidable first cause of the whole Transvaal trouble is none other than the old Dopper Dic- tator himself. Just as the misgovernment of the Sultan is the guilty first cause of the insur- rection in Crete, so the misgovernment of the Transvaal President was the guilty first cause of the trouble on the Eand, which, in its turn, produced the Eaid. Iso jury of intelligent and impartial men, who had fully examined into the whole pro- blem, could come to any other conclusion than that it is the policy of President Kruger and the spirit in which it has been pursued, which has produced the action of the Johannesburg Eeformers, the action of Mr. Ehodes, the action of Dr. Jameson. With rare generosity, England conceded to the Boers the independence they claimed, and conceded it when defeat had made concession require considerable self-abnegation. THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 249 The status of citizens and the rights of citizenship were vii'tually guaranteed to Eng- lishmen in the Transvaal by the Convention which confirmed the retrocession. English enterprise and capital, after years of perse- vering labour, solved the problem of the Eand, the proper treatment of refractory pyritic ores, and demonstrated the value of the gold-mines, which achievements have raised the income of the Eepublic from eighty thousand to over four millions. Englishmen fashioned the key of the storehouse of material prosperity, and placed it in the hands of the unenterpris- ing Boer. The reward of making the Trans- vaal the richest state in South Africa has been that, in the Transvaal alone in Africa, English- men are oppressed and treated with contempt, and England is regarded as the enemy, the influence of whose free institutions and free commerce must be kept at arms' length by a policy of jealous exclusion and isolation. While Mr. Hhodes, at the Cape, was bringing 250 CECIL RHODES, Boer and Englishman together, melting away the old rivalries of race by a policy of con- sideration and conciliation, President Kruger, in the Transvaal, was doing his utmost to stir had blood between the races, and to prove his love of peace by legislation of unconcealed hostility to Englishmen and English interests. At first the Englishmen of the Randt were strongly in favour of President Kruger, they supported his election, and were thoroughly loyal to his Government. By a deliberate and persistent course of injury and insult he has completely alienated them. By a succession of promises, occasionally kept to the eye, but invariably broken as to the fulfilment, he has sapped their faith in his word and their con- fidence in his good intentions. While he was dangling before them the hope of citizenship, he has laboured only too successfully to place the reality of citizenship completely out of their reach. With deliberate intention he has raised to such a price by his exorbitant tariffs the THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 251 simplest necessaries of life — such as flour and bacon, that the English workman or artizan cannot afford to maintain a household, and must not marry, or, if married, must leave his wife and children behind him in England, and thus become a temporary sojourner in a land in which he would like to establish himself as a permanent citizen. A long course of injury and injustice which had made the native-born subjects of Queen Victoria the unenfranchised serfs of the Transvaal Dopper, succeeded in stirring up widespread discontent in Johannesburg, which, after smouldering for years, broke out in a constitutional agitation in 1892, and, beaten back contemptuously by the President and the ruling clique at Pretoria, flamed up at last in 1895 in the revolutionary movement at Johannesburg, of which the raid was a mere subsidiary incident. The discontent at Johannesburg was not the work of Mr. Ehodes ; that discontent came 252 CECIL RHODES. from the intolerable tyranny of President Kruger, which had gone on piling up injus- tices and creating grievances, till the load was more than free-born Englishmen or Cape Colonists could bear. President Kruger, with his German and Hollander officials, is respon- sible for the grievances which alone caused, and which fully justified, the revolutionary movement to obtain relief; he is responsible for the revolutionary movement, caused by his deliberate policy, and, therefore, he is also the responsible and guilty first cause of the Jameson raid, which was simply an error in the use of one of the instruments of the revo- lutionary programme. It cannot be doubted that the verdict of all reasonable Englishmen, when they are ac- quainted with the whole truth, will be that the grievances of the Uitlanders were ample justifi- cation for the revolution, even had it fully come to maturity ; and as for the raid (apart, of course, from the question of its being ill-timed), their THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 253 verdict will take account of Lord John Rus- sell's attitude to the very similar enterprize of Garibaldi, and say with Lord John Russell's avowed guide, Vattel, " When a people, from good reasons, take up arms against an oppressor, it is but an act of justice and generosity to assist," as Prince George of Greece has been assisting the Cretan insurgents, as Jameson attempted to assist the Reformers of Johannes- burg. Those who desire to arrive at a just conclu- sion upon Mr. Rhodes' s connection with the events which have been made the subject of the Inquiry by the Parliamentary Committee, should be careful to remember the words of one of the wisest and most experienced of our representatives in South Africa, who, like Mr. Rhodes, advocated and suffered for his advo- cacy of a policy of South African Federation, I mean Sir George Grey : " Can a man, who^ on a distant and exposed frontier, surrounded by difficulties, . . . assumes a responsibility, 254 CECIL RHODES. guided by many circumstances which he can neither record nor remember, as they come hurrying on, one after the other, be fairly judged of in respect to the amount of respon- sibility he assumes, by those who, in the quiet of distant offices in London, know nothing of the anxieties or of the nature of the difficulties he had to encounter." A great deal of latitude must be permitted to a statesman who, like Mr. Ehodes, had to maintain the very existence of the British hege- mony against the encroachments of President Kruger, with his scheme of an exclusively Dutch supremacy. That this has long been President Kruger's cherished scheme I have pointed out, and recent evidence corroborates this view. President Kruger has formed a close alliance with his kinsmen of the Free State, and arma- ment has been obtained for both Eepublics regardless of expense. Nor is President Kruger without allies at the Capo, so long as Mr. Hofmeyr dominates the Eond, or allies in THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 255 London, to whom the latest reinforcement is Mr. J. W. Saner. From a well-informed Cape source the following highly instructive story is derived ; the story is, I believe, authentic. A Dutch leader, who is a very resourceful indi- vidual, was the original narrator. ''I don't know," said he, '' if you know how two of us stopped the Imperial troops from going up through Cape Colony to deal with the Transvaal Eebellion in 1880-1 ? We got up a rifle range at Eondebosch and oftcred prizes for shooting, and forty or fifty Dutch- men used to come and practise there. We let the news leak out to the Governor that the Cape Dutchmen were practising rifle-shooting and preparing to resist the Imperial troops. The Governor sent home the news that we were practising at the rifle ranges with the Dutch- men, and it would be very dangerous to bring the Imperial troops up to the Transvaal by way of Cape Town." The result was they were sent round by Natal, and forced to advance through 256 CECIL EHODES. the Drakenberg Kange, where the Boers had very strong positions and absolutely safe cover. The repulse of Laing's Nek, and the disaster at Majuba Hill were the consequences of this little game of Dutch ^' Bluff." How the Dutch leader must smile while he watches Mr. J. "W. Sauer playing to-day the very same game here iu London. Mr. Sauer has' been spending his time over here in preaching the anti-British Dutchmen's doc- trine of 1880-1, that, if there was to be war between England and the Transvaal, the whole Cape Colony Dutchmen would rise in support of the Transvaal. Mr. Chamberlain, it is to be supposed, has too much good sense and too much strength to be imposed upon by the "bluff" that was so successful on a weak Colonial Secretary in 1880-81 ; but it will do him no harm to understand the purposes and the value of Mr. Sauer's alarmist views. And just as immediatel)^ before the insurrec- tion and the retrocession of the Transvaal, THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 257 Messrs. Kruger and Joubert had been actively canvassing in the Dutch districts of the Cape Colony ; so now we find Sir James Sivewright, in his speech at Worcesterj in the Dutch district, obliged to protest against similar tactics, boldly giving his reasons to the special correspondent, at Cape Town, of the Standard and Diggers' Neivs : ''Am I to stand quietly by while some, under guise of demanding punishment and redress for the raid, are looking far beyond, and taking occasion by the hand, are aiming at the esta- blishment of a South African Republic from iliQ Cape to the Zambesi ? " The Eepublic which Sir James Sivewright, himself a member of the Afrikander Bond, refers to, would be Dutch-German not Brit id:. What a combination of the unctuous auto- cracy of Pretoria with the meddling officialism of Berlin would make such a nominal repu])lic to be, it is not difficult to imagine, though it is certain that German officialism would have to 258 CECIL RHODES. find its victims among the Uitlanders, for the Boer is a staunch Individualist, whose views would delight the heart of Mr. Auberon Hubert. An inconsiderable fraction of the official interference, to which the Uitlanders are obliged to submit in the Transvaal, would have long ago raised every Boer in South Africa in rebellion — an attitude highly creditable to the Dutchman's love of freedom, which would how- ever be more admirable if he saw the justice of treating others as he insists on being treated himself. Not unnaturally the Transvaal Boer, unable to understand the trustful reliance of loyal British subjects on the British Government, looks upon the patient endurance of the Uit- landers as due to lack of self-reliance and manhood, and desjoises them accordingly. Thus the shame of English residents in the retroces- sion of the Transvaal by Mr. Gladstone, is renewed in an acuter form to-day in the ap- parent desertion of the Uitlanders by their THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 25^. Mother Country, in a land where that Mother Country is the Suzerain Power. ''No local causes," says President Kruger, severely criticizing Mr. Chamberlain's states- manlike speech on the motion to abandon the Committee of Inquiry, ''existed to justify such a criminal raid," and added, "I have always used, and am still using, my influence to diminish race hatred in South Africa." To point to the condition of the Transvaal, where President Kruger has ruled for many years autocratically, and where race rivalry and race animosity, stimulated by all the efforts of legis- lation, have reached their acutest development, is the best answer to this statement. President Kruger, when he came into office, found the Uitlanders well disposed and friendly ; he has made them, by a succession of deliberately hostile measures, what they now are. He has had a free hand in the Transvaal, and the condition of the majority of his population is his own deliberate work. 260 CECIL RHODES. Since Mr. Ehodes's resignation and tempo- rary retirement President Kruger has been the solitary great personage in South Africa, and this briefly is his record. Before Johannes- burg had disarmed and resigned the idea of striking a blow for its liberties, he promised reform, and assured the Uitlanders that he was ready to forget and forgive. Since then he has shown his forgiveness by sentences of imprison- ment and heavy fines, and his forgetfulness of the past by legislation that would have been considered scandalous had it issued from the Yildiz Kiosk. It would be enough to instance two laws only ; the law to give the President power to expel any alien without right of appeal to the courts, and the law by which he is enabled to suppress any newspaper which displeases him — the New Press Law and the Aliens Expulsion Law, of which the former has been brought to bear actively on the admirable and independent Critic^ the property of Mr. Hess. THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 261 It must be observed that tbe mere fact that these laws exist, even without any actual en- forcement, establishes a reign of terror, and takes away the freedom, and influences the ac- tion of every British subject in the Transvaal. To these two laws he has added the insolent Aliens Admission law ; in which the new pass- port system has been contrived for the purpose, which it has very successfully accomplished, of destroying the status of Englishmen and Cape Colonists in South Africa. A pass had previously been required only from natives, and now respectable citizens (witness the recent insulting conduct of the police to Mr. John Morrogh, lately member of the British House of Commons, in the streets of Johannes- burg), because they are British subjects, are degraded in the eyes of the native population to the level of Kaffirs. The eff'ects of this degradation will be far-reaching, and are already being felt in native disturbances in various parts of the Cape Colony. 262 CECIL RHODES. Born ill the Cape Colony, but a volun- tary exile, when a mere child, owing to his parents' objection to the suppression of slavery by the British Government, President Kruger's antipathy to the British Government is what Hannibal's probably was to the Koman Eepublic. It is against the success of this monstrous anti-British policy of Pretoria that Mr. Cecil Ehodes has striven ever since he put a stop to President Kruger's filibuster- ing republics in Bechuanaland, in 1884, and headed him back in his attempt, un- der the baffled claim -jumper, Colonel Fer- reira, to ^' jump " the Northern territory in 1891. The proper way of regarding the so-called Jameson raid, which was a mere incident of the Eevolutionary Movement at Johannesburg (even if that raid had been directly Mr. Ehodes's doing), is as a single ineffectual blow dealt in the interests of British hegemony, somewhat in the fashion of many dealt by THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 263 President Kruger in the development of his anti-British policy. The British Government has neither asked nor received compensation for the succession of raids accomplished or attempted by Presi- dent Kruger's people. It has taken a com- mon-sense view of them, and has considered that in the frontier policy of a new country like South Africa, great latitude must be allowed to irregular and, strictly speaking, unconstitutional methods which could not be allowed (except in the case of Cretans, Greeks or Italians) in Europe. This latitude has been continually allowed to the anti-British policy of President Kruger. Is it solely denied to the pro-British policy of Mr. Ehodes? Even the Vienna and Paris pi-ess are able to perceive the reasonableness of this require- ment, and see in Mr. Rhodes ''a maker of States, a pioneer of civilisation, a figure of almost superhuman power. Such a man must not be judged in a narrow-minded spirit." 264 CECIL RHODES. At the Inquiry Mi\ Ehodes has been frank- ness itself ; he has not attempted to conceal anything that concerns his own personal part in the Transvaal trouble. He has taken on himself the whole blame of the admittedly un- constitutional action. His obvious ignorance of the ill-judged telegrams, and other proceed- ings of well-meaning but hasty subordinates, should be borne in mind by those who attempt to judge his action, by the English people as well as by the Select Committee. In his loyalty to timid representatives he has gene- rously accepted the entire responsibility for blunders with which he had personally nothing to do. All this must be taken into account if England is to avoid grave injustice to the statesman and the man. Finally, the English people will do well to remember the words of Burke, when on his defence before the electors of Bristol, words which apply admirably to the Inquiry that is going on at Westminster: — "Most certainly THE JUDGMENT OF ENGLAND. 265 it is our duty to examine ; it is our interest, too. But it must be with discretion. With an attention to all the circumstances and all the motives, like sound judges and not like cavilling pettifoggers and quibbling pleaders, prying into flaws and hunting for exceptions. Look, gentlemen, to the whole tenor of your member's conduct. . , . He may have fallen into errors, he must have faults; but our error is greater and our fault is radically ruinous to ourselves if we do not bear, if we do not even applaud, the whole compound and mixed mass of such a character." CHAPTER XIY. AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. To know the life-work of Cecil Rhodes, which I have endeavoured to unfold in the preceding chapters, is to know, to a great extent, the man; and to glance at the map of South Africa is to measure his stature in his public life. His portrait in words may serve, how- ever, to enable the reader to understand more clearly what manner of man he is. The first impression he makes is somewhat dis- appointing. One expects so much ; one's im- agination is fired by his achievements; and one sees so little of what one expects. A big, heavily-built, indolent-looking man, some six feet in height, carelessly dressed, is what AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 267 meets the eye. You might ahnost take him for a typical English country gentleman, whose talk was of bullocks and turnips, when he was not fox-hunting or shooting. The strong, solid-looking, sunburnt and ruddy face, with the dreamy grey eyes, that seem to gaze into vacancy, shows, when at rest, little sign of extraordinary energy or resolution. Still, if you are a physiognomist, the large intellectual head, the strong chin and firm mouth, cannot fail to convey an impression of strength. Besides, the face which is changed since first I knew it years ago, bears now the deeply marked lines of arduous life, of the life of one who has greatly dared and greatly suffered, who, undeterred by any difficulties, still sets himself to accomplish the great work he was born to do. The side-face, if you watch it at rest, is still more remarkable. It struck me, the first time I saw it years ago, as having the massive strength, impervious to ordinary emotions, of some old Eoman em- 268 CECIL RHODES. peror, born to command the nations, and care- less of the opinion, whether praise or blame, of the world of lesser men he dominated. As you get to know him, you gradually receive an impression of impenetrable depth, of an inner being, impossible to read com- pletely, which adds the interest of the unknown to his personality. A physical restlessness, springing from inexhaustible nervous energy, finds expression in perfectly unconscious movements, and occasionally makes him rise from his seat and stride up and down the room. This gives the suggestion of a big reserve force latent behind the impassive ex- terior. Such is the impression he makes, until some thought, or something that is said, pene- trates below the surface and reveals the real man, and then the dreamy grey eyes flash blue, the impassive face lights up, the head bends for- ward decisively, and the strong-willed, large- brained leader of men stands confessed. When he is thus aroused, the indolent look is gone in AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 269 an instant, and the words that before had been listless are succeeded by words that leap straight to the heart of the subject. One knows that one is in the presence of a great man — a big elemental force not easy to measure or define. This sense of unmeasured largeness of brain and extraordinary will-power flashes on one, of course, only occasionall3^ In his general conversation, Mr. Ehodes, without being a brilliant, can be, when he chooses, a fascinating talker, because he is a perfectly independent thinker, who speaks straight out what is uppermost in his mind. He has studied the world of men much more than the world of books, though even in the world of books his reading is considerable and his criticism independent and stimulating. As a talker he is entirely unaffected and free from self- consciousness, and in talk, as in manners, a hater of conventionality. He does not attempt to conceal his feelings, when irritated; and if his genial mood charms, his bru^queness 270 CECIL RHODES. verges on rudeness. He bluntly calls things by their proper names, and gives his opinion frankly without any view to the effect on his hearers. Thus he pointed out, to the horror of Mr. Gladstone, that his Home Eule Bill merely created a taxed republic, and would be followed by an agitation for repre- sentation or separation. A certain large care- lessness of appearances distinguishes every- thing about him, even to his dress and his gestures. His sound sense and outlook on life as it is, would have delighted Carlyle, and made him rank Ehodes among his kingly men, in the same class as Cromwell. His talk is in- teresting, because one feels it is the expression of a man of deeds, not of a spinner of language. Essentially a man of ideas, his ideas find their natural embodiment in action. Not in speaking or writing, but in doing, not in words but in deeds, he finds the proper expression for his powerful personality. He is ambitious, but his vast ambitions lift AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 271 him far above the petty egotisms that are the vice of the lesser ambitions. His ambition is to do the work for which Nature has fitted him, to be the instrument of British expansion, to be the builder of British Empire, the ex- tender of British ideas and institutions ; and he has no more doubt that this is his appointed work in life than he has that, however strong opposing circumstances and forces may seem to be, he will inevitably accomplish the work appointed. He knows what he has got to do in life, and he means and expects to do it. The conse- quence is that the misfortunes of last year, which would have wrecked or seriously shat- tered a lesser man, have made wonderfully little impression on him. Of course he can adapt himself to circum- stances, and can be when he chooses a diplo- matist with diplomatists ; but naturally, he is frankness itself, and he seldom goes against his natui'e. Being in reality modest, and 272 CECIL RHODES. even shy, lie dislikes publicity, and would ask nothing better than to be let alone. With the abuse of the press he occasionally amuses himself; but the praise he carefully avoids. He blushes to be discovered doing good, and accident alone reveals occasionally some por- tion of his hidden charities. He regards with contempt the attitude of London Society, which courts him again, when it sees his star is in the ascendant. The conventions of society merely bore him. He cares for realities alone. A man with him is judged simply for what is in him, and judged with a penetrating insight that very seldom errs. Set Mr. Ehodes in a roomful of magnates, and you will probably find he has picked out some unknown person to talk to, if, perchance, that unknown person has brains. He impresses one in all he does, in his talk, as in his deeds, as a believer in reality and a contemner of appearances. The downright AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 273 bluflP, English sincerity of the man slips out in his speeches as well as in his conversation, and sometimes makes his utterances inju- dicious, witness the " unctuous rectitude " descriptive of Lord Eussell. Perhaps the basis of the unquestionable charm which Mr. Ehodes possesses for men of many minds is this sterling reality, which is frankly without conventional veneer itself, and is a magnet to reality in others. He cares not for names, but things. Provided that he wields the real power, someone else may have the official title. He would make the poorest of con- spirators, for to simulate what is not, or to dis- simulate what is, is against the law of his nature. The same belief in reality has shown itself in his sure and steady methods of com- pany management and finance — methods which pay attention only to actual results, look to the slow effect of these results in the future, and despise the specious unreality of the financial puff and the " boom." 274 CECIL RHODES. He cares nothing for any kind of display, and only the stress of circumstances led him to the decisive action by which he proved the greatness of his manhood, when, with cool courage and absolute self-reliance, he went up to the Matopos, confident that he could over- come, by his unaided influence, the rebel Matabele, at bay in their rocky fastnesses. It was the solid reality of the work to be done, which was nothing less than the preser- vation of Ehodesia, that induced him to take the risk, and, as a result, he discovered him- self to the eyes of an astonished world, a millionaire and financier, who was also at heart one of the heroes. In a time when money is the great power, the value of this example of high-tempered courage, in a class not famous for courage, is difiicult to over-estimate. Being a man of ideas, a great practical genius in his own way, he is, as might be expected, what is called eccentric. That is to say, he is out of the common in everything. AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 275 He hates writing even the shortest letter, and prepares his speeches, down to the most com- plicated statistics, solely in his own head. The convention of answering a letter used certainly not to appeal to him some years ago, when I have often seen him stuff a voluminous correspondence into a drawer, with the observa- tion, ^'Most of them will answer themselves." His immense capacity for work is aided by his regular habits of life. In Africa at six o'clock every morning he is in the saddle, for a spell of hard riding exercise, being unable to get a free hour during his working day. Hard work and absorption in his big schemes keep him unmarried. He makes this sacrifice, as he makes many others, to the ideal of the British Empire, to which his life is devoted. Of his unconventionality there are endless anecdotes, from the refusal of admission to him at the Kimberley Exhibition, the result of his habit of wearing an old suit and a hat that may once have been nev/, and carrying 276 CECIL RHODES. no purse and no money to pay for entrance, to the story of his non-appearance at the opening of a function, at which he had to preside near Cape Town, when the missing Premier, after an anxious search, was discovered disporting himself, in happy forgetfulness, in the bay, his clothes piled up just beyond the reach of the water. Any estimate of Mr. Ehodes would be in- complete which did not note the absence of all love of money for itself, a remarkable thing in a millionaire, who has made his own millions by years of intense application and the exercise of inexhaustible energy. He has none of the expensive tastes or the love of luxury or osten- tation that belong to the ordinary millionaire. No man has lived and lives more simply. For years after he was the head of the De Beers Mines, and many times a millionaire, he lived at Kimberley in modest rooms and took his meals at the club, spending no more on himself than an ordinary man would have done who AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 277 had less than one-liunclrcdth part of his income. At the same time he thought nothing of giving £10,000 to Mr. Parnell, on definite terms which bound him to a cLause in the Home Enle Bill for permissive representation of the Colonies at Westminster ; of course, with a view to aid Colonial Federation. Nor did he hesitate to supply eight times the amount to equip Jameson's expedition for the first Mata- bele War, or a yet larger sum to carry the pioneer of civilization, the Trans-Continental Telegraph, across Africa. Four-fifths of the capital to extend the tele- graph from Table Bay to Tanganyika has beau supplied by Mr. Ehodes, because the public, seeing no prospect of dividends in the near future, naturally would not subscribe. The only profit immediately available was the benefit to British civilisation, the aid to British expansion, which this means of swift com- munication would bring. With this sort of dividend there is nobody except Mr. Ehodes 278 CECIL RHODES. that will be satisfied — of course, a proof, as Mr. Laboucliere would tell us, of his greed. The idea was Mr. Ehodes's own, and in spite of the warnings of practical men, who pointed out that the natives over hundreds of miles of savage country, would cut and steal the wires, iron wire being a possession they prize highly, he carried out his idea. He had made a fortune to use in the cause of Empire and civilization, and he did not hesitate to use it. As he said once to General Gordon, in his homely way, "It is no use our having mazy ideas ; it is no use giving vent to our imagina- tions. If we have imaginative ideas we must have pounds, shillings, and pence to carry them out." Again, just as he carried the telegraph line across Africa at his own expense, so he was obliged to supply the whole of the money to build the extension of the Beira Eailway, in order to give a communication to Eastern Rho- desia. In short, everywhere it will be found AN APPEECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 279 Mr. Ehodes has used his wealth freely with a high purpose for the expansion of the Empire and the advantage of the English race. Mr. Ehodes has been sometimes called cynical. He is no cynic at heart, but he dis- likes — and does not hesitate to show his dis- like to — meanness in others, naturally expect- ing that his own large generosity should provoke some response. He subscribed, as I have just pointed out, the bulk of the capital of the Trans-Continental Telegraph Company, but expected some patriotic support. He got none; except, indeed, ten pounds from that widely-regretted officer, best of sportsmen and good fellows. Major Eoddy Owen. The British public will put their money into a telegraph company only if certain of good interest. They like patriotism as they like philanthropy, with five per cent, on their in- vestment. Mr. Ehodes met with a poor re- sponse to his appeal to the companies he has done most for. The De Beers shareholders 280 CECIL RHODES, sent nothing, apart from Mr. Kliodes's personal friends. The Gold-fields of South Africa shareholders sent nothing, with the exception of one angry shareholder, who wrote to know who paid for the stamps and paper of the appeal. After all he had done for the shareholders of De Beers and Gold-fields, Mr. Rhodes thought they might have assisted him ; and disgusted at their attitude, observed to a friend, with a touch of not unnatural cynicism, that he was not surprised shareholders were robbed. Nor has, apparently, the British Government learned from the generosity of Mr. Ehodes to all Imperial objects to act with common justice, I will not say equal generosity, when they have business dealings with him. When the Chartered Company came to settle its accounts in Kyasaland and the North with the British Government, on the Government taking over the Nyasaland Protectorate, this was their idea of fair play. The large subsidy of the Char- tered Company for the Northern territory, AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 281 which was now to be divided, the Company taking the administration of their own part, had been spent entirely in the territory which the Government took over. The Government had the whole benefit of the expenditure, but refused to repay the Company, though not a shilling had been spent in the Company's territory. Worse than this : A distinguished Imperial officer. Captain Maguire, had been killed in battle with a slave-raiding chief, and his head stuck up as a trophy over the Slaver's kraal-gate. This happened in the territory of the Imperial Protectorate where the slave-raid- ing chief was the terror of the country. Mr. Rhodes gave £10,000 out of his own pocket to break up the slaver's power, and an expe- dition, under Sir Harry Johnston, effected the desired object. The expedition in which Captain Maguire was killed was an Imperial expedition, the slaver chief was in Imperial territory, yet when the account came to be settled, the Government refused to pay Mr. 282 CECIL EHODES. Eh odes on the grounds that the expedition made, and the expense incurred, had not been authorised by the Imperial authorities. A great part of Mr. Ehodes's life has been spent in hard work, chiefly in the diamond fields. To see him engaged in this work of the diamond mines, the work of money-making, is to see the man in his real character, under the least advantageous circumstances. For this reason I will venture to turn to Kimberley nearly ten years ago, and show Mr. Rhodes at work. It was the evening of a day nearly ten years ago, when three men, who held the chief interest in the diamond mines at Kimberley, sat down together to arrange the terms of the projected amalgamation. The three were Mr. Cecil Ehodes, Mr. Alfred Beit, and Mr. B. J. Barnato of the Kimberley Mine. Each one had a con- cession he required from the others, but the requirements of the first two are of no public interest. The concession Mr. Ehodes required AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 283 was entirely different. It was this: '' I want the power to go to the North to carry out the expansion there, and I think the Company might assist me in the work. I believe every- thing they give will be returned ; but even if it were lost, it is a very fair case for the doc- trine of ransom." In other words, Mr. Ehodes insisted on getting the power to use the profits of the De Beers Mine for the acquisition of the unoccupied regions to the North. Mr. Beit said little, but supported Mr. Ehodes ; but the notion of using the diamond mines to create an Empire did not recommend itself as good business to Mr. Barnato, even when it was backed by Mr. Ehodes. Mr. Barnato was amused at this proposal, and argued against it for a long time. But Mr. Ehodes was deter- mined to have his way, and insisted on their agreeing to his condition, as he had agreed to theirs. He sat there with them all night, and till four o'clock in the morning. At last the other two gave way, Mr. Barnato observing. 28 i CECIL EHODES. '' Some people have a fancy for this thing, some for that thing, but you have a fancy for making an Empire. Well, I suppose we must give it you." Thus Cecil Eh odes got the trust deed of the De Beers Company changed, and so De 13eers furnished £500,000 to carry out the work of establishing our Empire in the North, and the fact that we possess Ehodesia is due largely to his action upon that memorable evening. This use of the De Beers money is charac- teristic of Mr. Ehodes, who considers that millionaire companies, as well as individual millionaires, ought to be willing to use a portion of their money for the public good, when an opportunity presents itself, and so Mr. Ehodes's millionaire friends have been led by him to take their part, of course in a lesser degree, as promoters of the public good, and set an example of public spirit and sense of respon- sibility for the use of wealth to millionaires AN APPRECIATION OP A GREAT STATESMAN. 285 all the world over. Furthermore, the De Beers Company itself is an example of the largeness and liberality of spirit with which Mr. Ehodes administers even a joint-stock business. It is a valuable example of that high con- science, that sense of responsibility in money - making and money-spending, which is so rare, and is at the same time so necessary if the moralization of capital is ever to be attained. This, which is one of the pressing problems of our time, is seen in the De Beers Company to have at least approached a solution. Whether it be in the matter of an Exhibition, or a Sani- tarium, expenses for Schools, or for Eifle Volun- teers, Mr. Ehodes has seen to it that De Beers does its duty to the people at Kimberley and forwards the progress and prosperity of the community. And yet all this expenditure is made with such excellent business foresight and skill that De Beers has actually grown richer by its 286 CECIL RHODES. liberality. For instance, the £500,000 spent in assisting the Chartered Company was ouly locked up temporarily, and has now been repaid in full. De Beers have even made a profit, and have the right to any diamond mines found in Ehodesia — a possible but, it must be admitted, improbable contingency. The Company has also a third share in the Northern, that is, the Bechuanaland railway, which is already a paying concern, and in addition it owns a large block of land in the Northern territory. The public benefit conferred by helping the Chartered Company over their difficulties was a great one, but the result has been a profit to De Beers. So, too, the assist- ance given to the building of the Indwe rail- way has finally resulted in a large saving of money to De Beers by getting them coal from the Indwe coal mine at a much lower price than they paid elsewhere. Already Mr. Ehodes has begun to sug- gest to the shareholders the desirability of AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 287 another benefit to the public, the encourage- ment of the fruit industry in the Western Province. Many of the fruit-growers are poor, and want scientific knowledge as well as capital. Mr. Ehodes merely made a tenta- tive suggestion as to this at the last meeting. *'It is a public act which, I take it, should be borne in mind, and I hope it will be in this, as in some other public acts in the past, that the De Beers shareholders will have the satisfaction of knowing that they have done something for the country, and also had a substantial return." I have dwelt at some length on the adminis- tration of the De Beers Company because there Mr. Rhodes has been practically supreme, and by an examination of his methods one can gaiu a very valuable insight into his character. It is sometimes asserted that Mr. Ehodes is utterly unscrupulous. In his dealings with men he likes to call a spade a spade, and that no doubt is shocking to the rectitude that is 288 CECIL RHODES. more sensitive as to aj)pearances than as to realities. The success of his career in business comes, after his own immense business ability and farsightedness, not from financial cunning, but from the fairness he shows in appraising the interests of others and the absence of greed in estimating his own. His reputed belief that there is no one with whom he cannot do a deal, rightly understood, does him no dis- credit, for the reason for this belief is his faith that just and considerate treatment of men wins their adherence, and pays in the long run. The result is what might be expected ; those who enter on business relations with him are so well satisfied with his treatment of them, that he has now only to father an enter- prise to be certain of their loyal support. Lord Eothschild, for instance, when Charters were at their worst (about ten shillings a share), gave Mr. Rhodes £25,000 towards the build- ing of the railway from the East Coast, though, AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 289 as Mr. Ehodes has told us in one of his speeches, Lord Kothschild did not believe in the enterprise, and thought he was ''chucking his money into the sea." Having been a great financier before he was a Premier, that giving of various rewards for political services rendered, which no one would question as illegitimate in Lord Salisbury or Lord Kosebery, is called bribery and corruption in Mr. Rhodes ; while his critics forget that our whole English system of unsalaried Members of Parliament is built upon the knowledge that political services do not go unrewarded, whatever the form of the reward may be. Certain it is that any one fai:ffy examining his management of De I3eers will discover a full recognition of the docj^rine of ransom, and a steady attempt on his part for years past towards the moralization of a Joint-Stock Company, which is surely no small task to undertake and effect in the moral sphere. What Mr. Ehodes has been found to be as V 290 CECIL EHODES. the controlling influence in the De Beers Mines he may be expected to be in his management of the Chartered Company in South Africa ; and that, as a matter of fact, he has been found to be in Rhodesia, where the admirable busi- ness management has been accompanied by a public-spirited encouragement of progress and enterprise of all kinds, even where, as was generally the case, no immediate return could be expected for the money expended. The tried and proved success of the far- sighted wisdom of Mr. Ehodes's management of De Beers promises well for the future of the Chartered Company. There was much adverse criticism when he lent half-a-million of De Beers money to the Chartered Company, and many prophecies that it would all be lost ; but the event has proved that he was pen"ectly right and the shareholders of Do Beers have forgotten their past grumblings in their present contemplation of the very substantial profits. AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 291 Mr. Khodes sees further than other men, and the principles of his finance are eminently solid and conservative. He prophesied pub- licly years ago, at the time of the De Beers amalgamation, that the old .£5 shares would go to £70, This seemed the wildest optimism at the time. Yet remembering that the old shares had been split, one finds that they work out nearly £60 at present, Avhile they worked out £4 higher last year. Remembering, also, that last year's profit was only £1,900,000, while in the last six months the j)rofits have been .£1,200,000, one sees that his prophecy is within measurable distance of realization. The conservative financial methods of Mr. Ehodes may be further seen in the fact that he has not only bought out of the earnings several mines, such as the Wesselton mine, for £460,000 ; but has laid by a reserve fund in Consols of onc-and-a-quarter millions. Only very gradually has he allowed the dividends to increase. Provision has been made for 292 CECIL RHODES. almost every possible eventuality. Slow and sure is his motto in finance. He keeps '' peg' ging away," to use his own homely phrase for his persevering and patient work. All this is of the happiest augury for the future of the Chartered Company, provided that ho remains the directing and controlling spirit of the great enterprise which he launched in 1889, and has since then rcj)eatedly saved from shipwreck. The shareholders of the Chartered Company are probably perfectly well aware of the fact that Mr. Ehodes is essential, if financial suc- cess is to be attained. Undoubtedly the Char- tered Company requires to have at the helm the very ablest financier living to cope with the immense difiiculties that immediately beset it. With Mr. Ehodes it has temporarily lost another valuable support of its stability, pro- bably the most distinguished and far-sighted captain of industry after Mr. Ehodes, in South Africa — I mean Mr. Eeit. If the shareholders AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 293 are wise they will not rest till they have got both of them back. The great practical abili- ties of both, as well as the influence of the proved success of their finance and organiza- tion in other ventures, are imperatively re- quired to carry on developments which will tax even their energies to the utmost. The colonists are, of course, fully aware that the leadership of Mr. Ehodes is absolutely essential to the progress of the country. Dutchmen and Englishmen alike joined, last summer, in the public meeting at Bulawayo, and demanded that Mr. Ehodes's resignation of his position on the Board of the Chartered Company should not be accepted ; and the fact that they considered the matter simply from the standpoint of their own interests does not diminish the weight of their protest. Many of the Dutch settlers were burghers, fresh from the Transvaal; yet these Trans vaalers, just settled in Ehodesia, Avere as eager to retain Mr. Ehodes as their head as were the Englishmen 294 CECIL EHODES. and Cape Colonists. This is significant, though it is not surprising; for no Englisliman has got on so well with the Dutch, or done so much to remove racial animosity, as Mr. Ehodes. To live under his sway the Transvaal Boers are trekking across the Limpopo in ever- increasing numhers, and we may yet see the drain of burghers from the South African Ee- public give valuable aid to the settlement of the problem which the tyrannical Government of Pretoria, with its perpetual persecution of Englishmen, and its deliberate incitements to race-hatred, has succeeded in creating, with a view to maintain in power the jealous and corrupt Hollander clique, that administer the Eepublic for their own personal profit, and to the danger of South Africa. Perhaps the most convincing evidence of this attitude of the settlers may be found in a leader published last Summer in that inde- pendent organ of Ehodesian Eadicalism, The Matahele Times ^ which had been, till then, as AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 295 bitter as Mr. Labouchere in its denunciations of the Chartered Company. The following extract contains a good deal of truth conveyed in sufficiently strong language : — ■ "Our expectations of a prosperous future are bound up in the continuance of govern- ment by the Chartered Company, and the Chartered Company is inseparably linked with the personality of Mr. Ehodes. The other members of the Board are, from the point of view of Ehodesians, as absolutely nonentities as are the shareholders. There was but one man among them, who displayed a liigher sense of obligation than is involved in a com- mercial speculation ; but one man who set himself to create a country that would be a worthy portion of the British Empire, as well as a dividend-producing region ; but one man who devoted himself to the prosperity of a people, as against treating men and families as pawns in a stock-exchange game. With him eliminated, there may remain but a soul- less company, capable of any Shylocldan demand for prescriptive rights." 296 Cecil RtroDES. Of course this is less than justice to Earl Grey, who has hiboured loyally with ability and self-denial in the administration of Ehodesia ; but there is a very large element of truth in the comparison between Mr. Ehodes and one or two of the other directors, which is, at any rate, the genuine expression of opinion in that section of the settlers which, till Mr. Ehodes himself came and lived among them, was as deeply discontented, and not to be reconciled to government from St. Swithin's Lane. CHAPTEE XV. AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN (^contimied). We have now looked at Mr. Ehodes as a financier and a man, it is time that we should see him at work as a statesman. The two chief problems which demand solution in South Africa are, firstly, the reconciliation, with a view to gradual union, of the white races, the English and Dutch ; and, secondly, the native question, how best to bring the education of true civilization to a rapidly increasing native population, which enormously outnumbers the whites. To the first of these, racial union, must be added its corollary, political union, the Federation of the various States of South Africa, so as to form a Union like that of the 298 CECIL RHODES. United States or the Bominion of Canada. To see Mr. Ehodes at work upon these problems is to gain materials for an estimate of his achievements and his position as a statesman. The best measure of Mr. Ehodes's success as to racial union, that is as to the reconciliation of the Dutch, is the fact that the faith of the Cape Dutch in the English Statesman has, to a marvellous extent, stood the enormous strain to which the catastrophe of the raid subjected it. No one except Mr. Rhodes himself believed this to be possible, and that he never doubted that the Dutch would return to their English leader and friend, shows how well he knew the reality of the reconciliation which he had effected. All his friends considered his political life over ; he alone believed and stated that it had only begun. In his own person he had in the past gained the confidence of the Dutch Members of Parlia- ment one by one. As they came to know him in his private life at Groote Schuur, they AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 299 learned to admire and trust him. The result is, that not only has Mr. Hofmeyr and his admirably worked caucus been unable to hold the Dutch districts against the magnetism of Cecil Ehodes (the welcome to Mr. Ehodes at Wellington, Worcester, and the Paarl, testify to this), but it was a Dutchman, not an Eng- lishman, Mr. Bellingan, who maintained as long ago as last March that even if Mr. Rhodes had sent in Dr. Jameson, the one mistake could not undo his previous great services to South Africa ; while it is Mr. Du Toit, a Dutchman of Dutchmen, a father of the Afrikander Bond, some time a prominent official of the Transvaal, a foe of the Transvaal annexation and a friend and active supporter of the retrocession, who condemns the Transvaal Government's demand for the abrogation of the Charter and the removal of Mr. Rhodes from his great work in South Africa. Truly the utterances of these wise and states- manlike Dutchmen, with their large liberality 800 CECIL RHODES. and far-seeing good sense, make one ashamed of the yelping chorus of bhitant Little Eng- landers, Eadical freelances and stray Conser- vative cranks, which has clamoured for the new sensation of browbeating and insulting the great South African Statesman because of a single failure in his long series of distinguished services to the Empire. The native question, the second of the two important problems which demand solution by colonial statecraft in South Africa, has been in large measure solved by Mr. Ehodes in his Glen Grey Act, which is intended to deal with the difficulties that have arisen in the Cape Colony with regard to the labour of the natives, their occupation of land, their in- dulgence in liquor, and the lack of occupation for their minds which the cessation of war — once their chief business iu life — has brought. In Ehodesia, of course, the sale of liquor to natives is strictly prohibited, and the plan for the Local Government of the tribesmen by AN APPEECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 301 the aijpointmeut of their feudal chiefs as paid officials of the Company, while they are also made responsible for the labour supply, is a masterly application of the gradual system of civilization commended by Dr. Wallace, and based on the principle that the transition from savagery to ciAalization must be gradual if it is to be satisfactory and permanent. As regards the Cape Colony, the so far remarkably successful solution of the native question in the Glen Grey Act, which became law in 1894, demands some farther description. The Act, called from the district of Glen Grey, had for its object to provide for the disposal of lands and for the administration of local affairs within the district above named and other proclaimed districts. Overcrowding — a very real danger in the native territories — is provided against by a system of allotments, the succession, in order to prevent subdivision, descending by the law of primogeniture ; wliilo civic education is pro- 302 CECIL RHODES. vided for by a system of local government by means of District Councils, which are em- powered to raise taxes and expend the pro- ceeds in local improvements. The liquor traffic is controlled by local option, expressing itself through the District Council, and the labour tax is levied on male natives exclusively. '' Every male native re- siding in the district, exclusive of natives in possession of lands under ordinary quit rent titles, or in freehold, who, in the judgment of the resident magistrate, is fit for and capable of labour, shall pay into the public revenue a tax of ten shillings per annum." The money thus levied is applied to maintain schools of industry; and so the idle native contributes to the promotion of industry in the next gene- ration. The distinctive characteristic of the Glen Grey Act, as may be seen from this brief sketch, is its practical and carefully designed educative influence, which make it by far the AN APPEECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 303 most advanced and truly statesmanlike mea- sure that has ever been brought to bear on the difficult native question. Mr. Khodes had long before shown his sympathy with the natives, and his desire that the ruling race, the white, should raise the black race, as far as possible, towards its own higher level of civilization. The Glen Grey Act bids fair to accomplish this desire, when its operation is extended to embrace the various native territories. After the Act had been in force six months the Head of the Police went to Glen Grey, and asked the jailer where the prisoners were. The prison was generally crowded ; now it was empty. The jailer informed him that since the Act had been in force he had had no prisoners, for there had been no crime. The men now go out and work instead of loafing about and attending the Beer -Drinks, which were the cause of all the crime in the district. What the ^ax Eomana was to the savage tribes of Europe — a power to develop good 304 CECIL RHODES. citizens as well as to stop war — that the pax Britanmca, according to Mr. Ehodes's policy, is to be to the native races of South Africa. Its influence is to be not only protective but educative. Of this beneficent work, which outweighs all that the Aborigines Protection Society have ever accomplished in South Africa, there is no account whatever taken by the enemies of Mr. Ehodes, whose detestation of the man and his work amounts to a positive mania. The attacks of the hostile press continue undiminished, perhaps for the sake of con- sistency, though why so able and straight a man as Mr. Massingham should see so crooked it is hard to conjecture. The only explanation I can find is that he is absolutely misinformed as to the facts. The latest and most serious attack is that of callous indifi'erence to the ill- usage of the natives. This charge is advanced with extraordinary force and virulence by the powerful pen of the one remarkable literary kU APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 305 personage in South Africa. In " Trooper Peter Ilalket of Mashonaland," Mrs. Schreiner has produced a work of great literary ability dealing with the conduct of Mr. Ehodes and the Chartered Company towards the native races of Rhodesia. She knew his record ; she was acquainted with his acts and his policy, at the time when she ranked him so high. He is a better man now than then ; yet now eulogy is exchanged for vituperation ; and the statesman who has done so much to improve and educate these poor children, as he terms our dark-skinned fellow men in South Africa, is held up to opprobrium, as ''death on niggers," as their uncompromising enemy and exterminator. Can it be that, when Olive Schreiner im- posed on the unknown Mr. Cronwright the distinction of her name, he imposed on her in return — brass for gold — his distorted views of Cecil lihodcs ? The question we have to ask ourselves as to B06 CECIL RHODES. Mrs. Schreiner's '^ Trooper Peter Halkef is not whether it is written with consummate literary art, for that may be answered in the affirmative. It is a work of ability, but it is also a piece of personal invective of the most telling and terrible kind ; and in the face of this fact the question we must ask ourselves is not ^' Is it beautifully written ? " but "Is it true ? Is it really true that Mr. Ehodes is a hater, oppressor and exterminator of 'niggers,' " as Mrs. Schreiner uses all her literary gifts to persuade her readers. The evidence obtainable is ample. He is a Statesman — turn to his legislation, the Glen Grey Act, designed to protect, educate, and elevate the black man. He is the head of the Chartered Company- turn to his great work in Ehodesia during the past year. He is an employer of black labour — turn to the record of his dealings with the natives he has employed in thousands for many years — you will find everything that can benefit them from recreation grounds and AN APPRECIATION OP A GREAT STATESMAN. 307 Swimming baths to enforced total abstinence, and a manufactory of mineral waters as a sub- stitute, carefully provided for. He is a man — turn to his own household, his black servants devoted to him, the sons of Lobengula at home in his house cared for, educated and treated as if they were the sons of their kind and fatherly protector. Look at the evidence, and any fair-minded man or woman will be convinced that it is con- clusive. Mr. Rhodes's humane and thoughtful treatment of the natives for years past proves his good-will towards them. Mrs. Schreiner's terrible indictment is absolutely without foun- dation. The result of a careful examination of the evidence by a competent reader of "Peter Halket," who has no bias, will be that Mrs. Schreiner has written a work that shows con- summate literary art, but has, at the same time, perpetrated a moral outrage by standing up as a false witness against a guiltless man. The 808 CECIL RHODES. aim of the book is ostensibly an attack on an individual for a high moral purpose ; but because this attack is built on falsehood and inspired by long-nourished personal rancour and personal animosity, the book remains a monument of misused literary power; and Mrs. Schreiner, in producing one of the most powerful and persuasive literary indictments aimed against a public man, has produced one of the most deeply immoral books of our day. Never was there a sadder instance of the old saying, " Corruptio optimi pessima." The introduction of the Divine figure of Christ has been objected to by many as blas- phemous ; but if the indictment had been true, the literary skill with which the Divine figure is introduced is so delicate and sure, that this objection would not hold. The deeper and sadder blasphemy of introducing the Spirit of Perfect Truth as a literary device to make plausible and eflTective a vindictive falsehood, is the real charge of blasphemy of which AN APPRECUTION OF A GREAT Si'ATE^AN. 309 Mrs. Sclireiaer, I regret to say, stands coii' vie ted. There was plenty of trustworthy evidence available had Mrs, Schreiaer chosen to obtain it. The evidence of such a man as the Eev. C. D. Helm, the senior missionary of the London Missionary Society in Matabeleland, who has lived over twenty years among the natives, long before the Chartered Company was thought of, is the kind of evidence that should have been sought by anyone desirous of knowing the truth. I obtained this evi- dence from him personally, and I have taken down from his dictation his statement, of which the following passage contains his actual words : — "In any case where there was any treatment of natives that I considered unfair, and I applied to the Chartered Company's officials, I have always found them ready to take up the case, and to act with the utmost vigour and impartiality in doing justice be- tween black men and white. Of course there 310 CECIL RHODES. were cases of individual ill-treatment of black men by white prospectors. The most common of these, was the case of a prospector hiring boys by the moon (or month), and picking a quarrel with them just before the time was up, and beating the boys, who would then run away, and so lose their wages." To meet this difficulty, I may observe, as Mr. Helm pointed out to me. Dr. Jameson formed a registry for native labour, and proclaimed the fact to all the Indunas — that all natives applying for work should register, when the Chartered Government would hold themselves responsible for wages, actually paying out the wages in case of dispute, and recovering from the white men afterwards if possible. Mr. Helm continued his statement to me as follows : — '' In my own experience, the Char- tered Company used to get the best men they could as native Commissioners, and I have never known within the country where I have AN APPRECIATION OF A GEE AT STATESMAN. 811 personal experience, of any case of illusage or injustice to natives by the Chartered Com- pany's officials." I asked Mr. Helm was there any instance in his personal experience of forcible interference with native women by white men. He replied emphatically ^' No ! " and he added : '' There is no need for forcible interference with the black women : black women come freely to offer themselves to the white men — the difficulty is rather to keep them away." This difficulty has been very recently occupying the attention of the Char- tered Company's officials, and cases of forcible interference with native women are non-exist- ent, if for no better reason, that such compul- sion is unnecessary. I have been obliged to touch on this unpleasant subject because Mrs. Schreiner has, with rare skill, made this charge one of the blackest in her indictment. When I asked Mr. Helm to compare the state of Matabeleland before the occupation by the Chartered Company and since, he emphati- •312 CECIL RHODES. cully stated that "tlio change for the natives themselves is altogether for the better ; there can be no two opinions about the matter." The fact^ is Mr.:;. Schreinor knows nothing whatever, from personal enquiry, about the state of things in Mashonaland or Matabeleland. She has never been in the country at all. She has never boon, I believe, much farther North than Kimberley, many liundreds of miles from the country of which she writes. No doubt slie may believe what she writes ; but the basis of lier terrible indictment of Mr. Ehodes and the Chartered Company is simply irresponsible liearsay. Whether it be a moral outrage or not to recklessly manufacture an indictment from such materials I leave it to the sense of fairplay in the English people to judge. It is well, however, that they should know that even after the occupation of Mashonaland by Mr. Ehodes and his Company, Olive Schreiner remained a personal friend and a fervent admirer of Mr. Ehodes. Students of human AN APPBECIATION OF A GKEAT STATESMAN. 313 nature might be inclined to conjecture that her present attitude was to some extent the result of disappointment. On other grounds it is hard to explain. I have not given half the evidence that might be adduced to prove that instead of being an enemy to, and exterminator of, the black man, Mr. Ehodos is his truest and most trusted friend in South Africa. I will find space for a little more. After Mr. Rhodes had made terms with the chiefs at the Indaba in the Matopos, he had still to get them accepted by the Imperial representative. Sir Eichard Martin strongly objected to the mild and merciful terms made by Mr. Ehodes, and lie at first refused to accept the settlement, in- sisting strongly on his own. His proposed settlement consisted of an immediate sur- render, to be followed by the Indunas on his Black List coming down to be tried at Bula- wayo. This Black List contained all the supposed rebel chiefs in the country, many 314 CECIL RHODES. of whom proved to be innocent, after inquiry. The chiefs, of course, would not entertain Martin's terms. They preferred the chance of being shot on a granite kopje in the Matopos to the probability of trying the strength of a hemp rope at Bulawayo. Finding Sir Richard Martin obdurate, Mr. Bhodes warned him solemnly that if he re- CDmmenced hostilities against the natives he (Rhodes) would go into the Matopos, cast in his lot with the natives, and live among them ; and further he warned the Imperial officer that if bloodshed took place it would be entirely his fault. Sir Richard Martin, who was of course not to blame, as he was merely carrying out his instructions, was at last reluctantly persuaded to let the merciful settlement have a trial. The result has been that since Mr. Rhodes made terms with them not a shot has been fired by the natives. They have loyally kept the compact they made with the Great White Chief, who had thus nobly earned his title AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 315 of their Father by his generous protection of their lives and their interests. The natives, I believe, know of the struggle he had to save them and appreciate it. There was no weak- ness in the terms, for it was agreed that those natives found guilty of brutal murders of defenceless men, women and children, should be executed. Nor does Mr. Ehodes's title to be regarded as the Protector and Friend of the natives in Matabeleland end here. After the war was over the natives were in danger of starvation. Without crops and without cattle, the whole of the herds in Matabeleland having perished by the rinderpest, what wore they to do ? The Chartered Company had not at that time raised fresh capital, and the Directors could not see their way to face the necessary expenditure. Mr. Rhodes im- mediately supplied £50,000 out of his private purse, and with this money corn was at onco purchased by Earl Grey, and the wants of the natives supplied. 316 CECIL KHODES. At the least such proofs of the maliguity and untruthfulness of Mr. Ehodes's assailants should enlighten the British public as to the real character of other attacks, which because he disdains to notice them, have been accepted as true. It would, of course, be too much to expect that his detractors, or even his countrymen in general, should at once realize and acknowledge the greatness of the man they have misrepresented or misunder- stood, but they might at least acknowledge that he has amply earned the right to be called a truly humane man. The union of the white races is the neces- sary first step to political union. The Federa- tion of the States of South Africa, which has been the aim of Mr. Ehodes's policy for some years, must be brought about, as he fully understands, by a very gradual process, through which, racial feeling being got rid of, the more backward portion of the white population, the Boer farmers, must be edu- AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN, '317 cated, by experience, in the first place, of the advantages to their material interests of such measures as a customs union and a railway union. The effects of the educating influence of his leadership are to be seen in the enlighten- ment and broad-minded wisdom which are now to be found in a large number of the Dutchmen of the Cape. The well-meant attempts at Federation of Lord Carnarvon and Sir Bartle Frere failed, because they were imposed by the Imperial Government from without, and took no proper account of the state of local feeling and local unpreparedness, whereas under Mr. Bhodes's leadership, a genuine desire for Federation has been developed among the Colonists, aided by the practical influence of the advantages to the Cape Colony of a customs and railway union with Ehodesia, where in a few years' time a large and progressive population will be established. 318 CECIL RHODES. Ill any estimate of Mr. Ehodes's achieve- ments as a statesman, the great achievement of his life, the acquisition for the Empire of the most valuable portion of South Africa, the immense territory which bears his name, must not be forgotten. He dominates the politics of South Africa to-day largely because his greatness is iden- tified with the expansion which has given South Africa the possibility of a splendid future, and has brought within range of prac- tical realisation his dream of building up a South African nation from the two white races, for whose reconciliation and fusion he has done so much. His great achievement in colonial expan- sion is comparable only with the occupation of North America by the Anglo-Saxon race, and, were it not that our Government taught by the past may bo expected to avoid the errors of the Government which was the cause of the American revolution, the same impatience of AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. B19 Government from Downing Street, which took fi-ora us the Grreater Britain of America in the eighteenth century, might easily take from us the Greater Britain of Africa in our own day. Under the controlling influence of Mr. Rhodes at the Cape and in Rhodesia there is no such danger to he feared ; for he understands the people of South Africa and their needs, being not only an Imperialist but also a South African by adoption and connection. His policy in Rhodesia, with its encouragement of immigration by Dutchmen of the Cape Colony and of the Transvaal and Free State, on per- fectly equal terms with Englishmen from Eng- land and from the Cape Colony and !Natal, is calculated to hasten the unification of South Africa, by welding together the white racas by means of common commercial interests and united action for the defence as well as the development of their common country. That great problem of South Africa, the con- solidation and union of the white races, is 320 CECIL RHODES. likely to be solved in Ehodesia before it is solved elsewhere. This is what Mr. Ehodes pointed out in his memorable speech at Port Elizabeth, last December, and this is what the Dutchmen, who are the vanguard of the progress of their race, have perceived and are acting upon. It is because he realises that the future of South Africa depends upon the presence, during the early stages of develop- ment, of a great leader to guide that develop- ment, that a Trans vaaler like Du Toit throws his weight into Ehodes's scale, feeling, as do all to whom the progress of South Africa is dear, that Cecil Ehodes is the one man fitted to lead that progress, and at any cost his leader- ship must be secured. At this point I would ask my reader to look for a moment at the present from the vantage ground of the future. When the passage of another century has placed in true perspective the events of our time, and it is easy to judge of their relative impor- AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. o21 tance, Avliat will be in the estimation of the people of England the most noteworthy event of the latter half of the nineteenth century, the event whose consequences to the English race have been the most far-reaching and the most enduring ? Not, one may safely say, the Crimean War, not the Indian Mu- tiny, not even the Arbitration Treaty with the United States, should that escape wreckers in the Senate. Eather, I think, the most im- portant event, and, as it lia23pens, the most advantageous, to the English race w^ill be, by their general estimate, the acquisition for Eng- land in the last unoccupied Continent of the last unmarked territory where white men can thrive and multiply, a territory in which England would appear a province, the sj^a- cious regions of Ehodesia. And with the supreme importance of this expansion of the Empire and the race will be inevitably iden- tified the greatness of the statesman by whom it was conceived and accomplished. 322 CECIL EH0BE8. When the home legislation of a Gladstone and the foreign policy of a Salisbury are re- membered only by the historian or the student of the period, the far-reaching consequences of the great work of Cecil Ehodes will keep his fame alive in the memory of the English race in England and in all the world. It will then be remembered that in the struggle of the Powers of Europe for the possession of the last virgin Continent, his was the far-sighted wisdom that had early seen the importance of the prize, his the patient resourcefulness that had prepared the plan of conquest, his the un- resting energy and unbounded generosity that had made that plan effective. At that day, too, it is possible that the idea of the federation of the English-speaking race and the first step to- wards its realization may be traced to the same large-brained and long-sighted statesmanship, and it is more than probable that the building of a South African nation will acknowledge in him its architect. AN APPRECIATION OP A GREAT STATESMAN. 323 What remains, however, little short of a certainty is the estimate, which I have ven- tured to anticipate by a century, of the rela- tive importance of the English occupation of Rhodesia. When the struggle for North America was going on between the European Powers in the last three centuries, there was a very imperfect conception among the statesmen of the time of the ultimate consequences of success in that struggle. Put South Africa in the place of North America, and the same statement is as true of our own day. The accomplished work of Mr. Rhodes bulks (I fear) smaller in the estimate, not only of the party politician, but of the public, than a mili- tary campaign or a new Franchise Bill. This is as it has ever been with great events. Con- temporaries rarely perceive their significance. The superficial view of the moment takes more account of an insignificant accident like the Transvaal Raid, which will be clean forgotten in a decade, than of the occupation of the best 324 CECIL RHODES. of the Continent of Africa, which will be fertile of beneficial consequences when a century has passed away. It requires no extraordinary effort of the imagination to picture another and not less valuable estimate — Ehodesia's estimate of its founder at the close of the twentieth century. Long before then — if I may anticipate the future — Ehodesia will be filled with a popula- tion of enterprising and progressive English blood, steadied by a useful dash of Conservative Dutch. The gold-mines of the territory will probably by that time have been worked out. But they will have served their purpose ; enriched their owners, and increased the speed of colonization. The extensive coal-mines and mines of copper and the baser minerals will still be in full swing of prosperity. Towns of large size and high civilization will have sprung up, and Bulawayo and Salisbury will have their old-fashioned buildings where Ehodesians can examine the architecture of the last — that AN APPEECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 325 is, the niDotconth century. Farmhouses and villages will sprinkle for two thousand miles in length, and a thousand in breadth, the uplands of a greater England, largely engaged in pastoral and agricultural pursuits. Man- sions of prosperous planters will look down on the lakes Tanganyika, Moero, and Nyasa; yachtsmen and rowing-men will frequent their broad waters. Steamers run by electricity will ply on the Zambesi river, and the Victoria Falls will supply power for lighting and other purposes to numerous towns. The South African tourist will take his ticket at Bula- wayo by the main line to Uganda, breaking his journey for a trip on the steamboat service of Nyasa or Tanganyika, just as the English tourist to-day takes a ticket in London for Glas- gow to visit the Scotch lakes. The whole South African nati(m, whatever their differences in politics, will be united in a common sentiment, in looking back with gratitude and admira- tion to the founder of their country, the states- 326 CECIL RHODES., man acknowledged as the first cause ol all this civilization and prosperity, whose floruit belongs to the beginning of their own century and the latter part of the preceding one. That statesman will have gone to his long home; the unresting energy will be at rest, the strong brain dust; but his memory will live on among his people. The story of his strenuous career will animate and inspire the young man, and to have met him and spoken with him, will be the old man's proudest re- membrance. The hero-worship of a great progressive people will centre round the career of that strong pioneer of progress, and a grave at Zimbabye and a lonely spot in the Matopo Hills, walled in by towering masses of granite, will be the shrines of many a patriotic pilgrimage. With the judgment of the future before him, Cecil Ehodes can afford to ignore the petty detraction of purblind contemporaries. To the judgment of the future he can appeal with the AN APPRECIATION OF A GREAT STATESMAN. 327 certainty that it will applaud the unrivalled achievements of his energy, and estimate justly the whole patriotic purpose of his life. The expansion, of which he will be the acknow- ledged author, will then be seen to have been, not only an expansion of the Empire, but an expansion of the race, an expansion of English liberty, of English ideas and English princi- ples. Men of that time who stand on the verge of the twenty-first century, as we on the verge of the twentieth, will wonder at the short-sighted judgment and narrow spii-it that failed to recognise the greatness and the patriotism of the statesman and the man, that cavilled at his methods, and lightly esteemed the value of his accomplished work. CHAPTER XVI. A GREAT statesman's SrEECHES. Judged from the conventional standpoint of the admirer of elaborate and carefully studied oratory, the copious eloquence of a Gladstone, the perfectly chosen language of a Bright, the felicities of phrase and epithet of a Beacons- field, Mr. Ehodes regarded merely as a speaker would certainly not be in the first rank. He is a practical statesman, who speaks only when it is necessary for purposes of statesmanship ; not an orator or a rhetorician who seeks to electrify his hearers and produces his effects for show. Classical allusions and quotations he regards as mere ornamentation, and such orna- mentation, like the gilding of fine language, is alien and distasteful to his intensely practical A GREAT feTATESMAN's SPEECHES. J329 mind with its clear outlook ou the world as it actually is. His speeches, however, have a style of their own ; a style that is a revelation of the man himself. This style is distin- guished by a careless strength that permits rcj)etitions of the same word and the same phrase, that prefers the homely and familiar both in diction and simile to the strange and exotic. Ho never writes a line even of his weightiest speeches, he never makes a note before he speaks ; he has pondered his subjects long and deeply, he has arrived at his conclu- sions, which have for him the finality of com- plete conviction. He knows the thoughts and arguments he intends to convey to his hearers, and he does not concern himself with the manner of conveying them. Enough for him if he can make them clearly understand what he has in his mind ; enough if he can make them carry away the result of his solitary and intense meditations. He loses the sense of his own personal existence in the inspiring atmosphere 330 CECIL EHODES. of the great ideas in whose company he loves to live his real and higher life. Hence, when he gets up to speak, it is to bring forth the stores of a fall mind. He is never in a hurry to rush through what he has to say. He has thought over it long, and he dwells upon it and expounds it deliberately. Sentence by sentence he unfolds his argu- ments, and drives home, by the steady enforce- ment of the logic of facts, the incontrovertible truth of his conclusions. He is intensely in earnest, and, while his gestures are at first somewhat stiff, when he warms with the un- folding of his subject they have the natural force and power of a man who forgets his own existence and his own interests in the con- viction of the supreme importance to his hearers of the ideas and the policy he sets before them. All this gives a power of sheer reality to his speeches which fitly reflect the rugged reality of the man. He honestly believes with his whole mtud and his whole heart in his ideas A GREAT statesman's SPEECHES. 331 and his policy, and this gives him that rare power of convincing others with a final conviction, altogether different from the mir- age of heated language with which a mere great orator or rhetorician surrounds and charms his audience for a moment ; and sends them away, delighted indeed with the sensa- tion of mental intoxication, but no wiser than they were ; with no solid residuum of practical policy which will affect their views and influence their action. Mr. Rhodes believes that his ideas and his policy are of deep and far-reaching importance to his fellow-citizens, and he asks their confidence and co-operation in his work because he is convinced of its value to themselves. The earnestness of the man is doubled in its effect by the immense physical and mental energy that vibrates through his words and gives colour and life to the simplest language. He has, as might be supposed, almost as much contempt for the arts of the trained orator as 332 CECIL RHODES. for the hair-splitting of the trained logician. His powerful reasoning faculty has notliing akin to the verbal subtleties of Gladstoniau dialectics ; ho strikes straight at the heart of his subject, and plain men can follow him and see that his success is not a conjurer's trick. That he has a rare power of convincing otherSj even the hardest men of the world, may be seen in such results as the conversion of Mr. Schnadhorst from Little Englandism to Imperialism, in the persuasion that brought over Mr. Barnato to join in the amalgamation, and actually to allow half a million of De Beers money to be poured out to smooth the way of expansion to the Korth. These instances, it may be said, are not in- stances of his persuasive power as a speaker — rather of his power as a talker ; but the truth is, he talks to the largest audience as simply and unaffectedly as he talks to a single man. His speeches, with their wealth of anecdote and reminiscence, with their easy colloquialisms A GREAT statesman's SPEECHES. 333 and homely similes, are nothing else but his conversation on a large scale. The same con- vincing power that inspires the one inspires the other. It is the magnetic force of his strong personality, full of great ideas, and absolutely in earnest, that counts in a speech to the many as in a talk to one or two. It would be a mis- take to suppose he had no power over words. In his speeches, as in his conversation, he has the facidty of putting the essence of an argu- ment into one strong phrase. Occasionally, too, his invective is as personal and keen- edged as Beaconsfield's. Such was his descrip- tion of Mr. Labouchere as a " cynical sybarite," or better still, of the Lord Chief Justice's attitude towards the raid as " unctuous recti- tude." But still the fact remains that it is the weight of his massive personality that makes the unconscious revelation of himself in his speeches so effective in its influence on those who read, as well as those who hear his 334 CECIL RHODEa. words. He is, as I have pointed out, a mau of great ideas, who lives his inner life^ in company with great ideas. He is also a man of imagination, with a range of vision which is very rare. Where the horizon of an English party leader is at the utmost bounded by the life of a Parliament, or more commonly by the duration of a session, Mr. Rhodes's horizon extends into the centuries that have still to come. His generalisations have the immense range and the extraordinary accuracy that it is difli- cult to ascribe to anything but genius, genius in statesmanship of the very highest order. The unification of South Africa is the imme- diate ideal which he considers as lying within his own power to make an accom- plished reality ; but that is only a step towards the larger unification of which he dreams, in which England and England's Colonies shall all be included in a vast federation, proceeding out of a commercial union of the English race. A GREAT statesman's SPEECHES. 33?) Furtlier yet, in a far distant future, wlicn his life-work is done, his imagination already sees the United States federated with England and England's Colonies in a unification so vast that it will govern and guide the progress ol the world. The immensity of this forecast of the future lays it open to the charge of Uto- pianism ; but, like all Mr. Ehodes's imaginative ideas, it has a solid basis of facts, of which these alone are worth remembering: that sixty-six years ago English was spoken by eighty-five millions less persons than now, and that while the English-speaking race has increased eighty- five millions the rest of the races of Europe have increased one hundred and twenty-five millions only. Tlie governing race is also becoming the dominant race in wealth, progress, power, as well as numbers. The federation, then, of the English-speaking race, the reign of industrialism and peace, is the far horizon of his political vision; and so the expansion of the British Empire, a step towards this high 336 CECIL RHODES. ideal, means to him the extension of British institutions, of British freedom and self-govern- ment, over the largest possible extent of the habitable earth. His work in South Africa is the realisation of this ideal in a single conti- nent. Believing, thus, with his whole heart and mind in all that the extension of tlie British Empire means to the British race, and through them to mankind, his patriotism, I might say his Imperialism, as it is the strongest convic- tion of his mind, is also tlie deepest sentiment of his heart, the single over-mastering motive that rings through his speeches as it has swayed and sways his life. This is the real explanation of the madness, as it has seemed to many of his friends, of risking his whole great position and prospects on the uncertain result of the effort to secure to the English population in the Transvaal their rights as citizens. The inevitable result of success was, he saw, South African unification. For the sake of all that the British Empire A. GEEAT statesman's SPEECHES. 337 means to him; for the sake of the Federa- tion of all South Africa under a Federal flag, the British flag, at Cape Town, he took the enormous risk, and for this alone. The extracts from Mr, Ehodes's speeches, though the colossal inaccuracy of the reporters in South Africa somewhat mars the effect, will help any thoughtful reader to understand the secret of his power over men as a speaker, better, probably, than any analysis of that power can. First of the speeches I have selected may be placed the speech before the Annual Congress of the Afrikander Bond in 1891, Mr, Eliodes had just returned from England, and early in his speech pointed out the fact of the recon- ciliation he had effected between the aims of the Afrikander Bond, and. the sentiment ^of loyalty to the Empire; a speech, of course, unknown to Mr. J. Mackenzie. "I think in the past," he said, "it would have been considered vm extraordinary anomaly z 338 CECIL RHODES. that one who possessed the coufidence of the Queen herself, should have been able to show that at the same time he felt most completely and entirely, that the objects and aspirations of the Bond were in complete touch and con- cert with fervent loyalty to Her Majesty the Queen." He went on to say that he came to the Congress of the Bond — " Because I wished to show that there is nothing antagonistic between the aspirations of the people of this colony and their kindred in the Mother Country, provided always that the Old Country recognizes that the whole idea of the colonies and of the colonial people, is that the principle of self-government must be observed and acted upon in full, and that the capacity of the colony be admitted to deal with every internal matter that may arise in the country. The principle must be recognized in the Old Country that people born and bred in this colony are much better capable of dealing with various matters than people who have to dictate seven thousand miles away." After speaking at some length of the prin- A OEEAT statesman's SPEECHES. 339 ciples of the Bond, and of their feeling to the northern development, he went on, " I have no hesitation in stating that I have every confidence in the future of these new northern territories, and I can also state that I shall never abandon my object. These terri- tories possess a sufficient amount of wealth to demand, in time, the principle of self- government. A change must then occur from, the chartered system of government to the Imperial system of self-government, and from self-government to a system of union with Cape Colony." Again, he went on, "If there was anything that induced me to take the position of Prime Minister, it was the fact that I had resolved in my mind that we should extend to the Zambesi. I thought it a grand idea to work for the development of the Zambesi regions, and at the same time to remain in touch and in concert with the people of Cape Colony I mention this whilst proposing the toast of the Bond, because the sentiment and object of the Bond arc Union 340 CECIL RHODES. (although you have not stated it in so many words) south of the Zambesi. I say south of the Zambesi, because I have discovered that up to there white human beings can live ; and wherever in the world white human beings can live, that country must change inevitably to a self-governing country. There, Mr. Prcsidentj is an extraordinary flight of the imagination, that there must be a self-governing white community up to the Zambesi in connection with the United South. What has been the case in other parts of the world ? Look at the enormous development and union of the United States. That union did away with differential tariffs of all sorts, and gave to America a united people." *^ ^ J^ ^ ■yp Tp 1^ Tl* " The mistake that has been made in the past is the idea that a Union can be made in half-an- hour, whether rightly or wrongly, for the good of the country. It took me twenty years to amalgamate the diamond mines. That amal- gamation was done by detail, step by step, attending to every little matter in connection with the people interested ; and so your Union must bo done by detail, never oppodng any A GREAT STATESMAN'S SPEECHES. 341 single measure that can bring that Union closer, giving up even some practical advan- tage for proper union ; educating your children to the fact that that is your policy, and that you will and must have it, telling it to thorn and teaching it to them in your households, and demanding that they shall ever hand on the idea. In connection with this question I may meet with opposition, but if I do, I shall never abandon it. I have obtained enormous subscriptions in order to found a teaching University in Cape Colony. I will own to you why I feel so strongly in favour of that project. I saw at Bloemfontein the immense feeling of friendship that all members had for the Grey Institute, where they had been edu- cated and from which they had gone out into the world. I said to myself, if we could get a teaching University founded in Cape Colony, taking the people from all parts at the age of eighteen to twenty-one, they would go back tied to one another by the strongest feeling that can be created, because the period in one's life when one indulges in friendships that are seldom broken is from eighteen to twenty-one. Therefore, if we had a teaching 342 CECIL RHODES. residential University, these young men would go forth into all parts of South Africa pre- pared to make the future of the country, and in their hands this great question of Union could safely be left." This speech sets forth his ideal of South African Union, and suggests one of the practical means towards its realisation. The chief means, however, towards that end, which he has kept before him throughout his political life, is, in his opinion, the accomplished work of Northern expansion which he showed in his speech at Port Elizabeth last December to be bringing that end nearer by teaching union in a practical way to men of the Cape Colony, of Natal, of the Free State, and of the Transvaal Eepublic, who had come up to Ehodesia as settlers, and become practically a united people with common interests and aims in the work of the development and defence of a common country* This is no recent discovery of Mr. Rhodes's. He is not ojio of those statesmen A GREAT statesman's SPEECHES. 343 who discover the trend of circumstances after the event. As long ago as 1888 he expressed this view to a Griqualaud West audience before the Charter had "been sought or ob- tained, when shrewd politicians could not help smiling at his Utopian imaginings. "The extraordinary mixture of a crown colony, such as Natal, of republics, such as the Transvaal and the Free State, of a large native territory whose inhabitants are alien to the whites in race and sentiments, of a self-governing colony such as the Cape, divided in itself owing to racial divisions — all this seemed a problem im- possible to deal with ; but I felt that there are keys to every puzzle, and I came to the con- clusion—and I have the courage to challenge anyone to deny it — that the key of the puzzle lay in the possession of the interior, at that time an imknown quantity. I hope that if any of you think I am showing a personal egotism, you will excuse it, from the fact that in a humble way I have been mixed up with the politics of the interior during the last four years ; and these politics, I contend, will be in 344 CECIL RHODES. tlie future most intimately connected with the settlement of the South African Question ; for I believe that whatever State possesses Eechu- analand and Matabeleland will ultimately possess South Africa. * * * * '^ The possession of the interior by the Cape Colonists, was in my opinion, then as now, the means by which the Union of South Africa under the British flag was to be brought about. Recognising every debt of gratitude to the Imperial Government, they (the Cape Colonists) were fully prepared to retain the principle of joint responsibility in respect to Imperial defence ; but in respect to the internal manage- ment of these territories they claim the prin- ciple of Home Rule. I have little more to add ; the politics of South Africa are in a nut- shell. Let us leave the Free State and the Transvaal to their own destiny. We must adopt the whole responsibility of the interior. We must propose a Customs Union on every possible occasion, but we must always remember that the gist of the South African question lies in the extension of the Cape Colony to the Zambesi. If you are prepared to take that, there is no difficulty in the future. We must A GREAT STAtESMAN^S StEECttES. 345 endeavour to make tliose who live with us feel that there is no race distinction between uS, that, whether Dutch or English, we are com- bined in one object, the object being the Union of the States of South Africa, Avithout abandoning the Imperial tie." A very good specimen of Mr. Ehodes's more colloquial style is to be found early in a speech of his delivered at a banquet to him at Cape Town in January, 1894. He is speaking of his idea of expansion to the North, which has been the guiding star of his political life from the very first. " I remember, and it is an amusing recol- lection, that I used almost daily to see your late Governor, Sir Hercules Eobinson. I had to deal with the acquisition of Bechuana- land, which is our frontier district. I had to deal with the expansion of the Protectorate which, if I remember right, was latitude 22^ ; and T remember so well that in my discussions with your late Governor he was good enough to say, ' Well, I think that is enough,' and 346 CECIL RHODES. the only reply I made to liiiii was, ' Do come with me and look at the Blockhouse on Table Monutain.' I used that expression to him, and then I said, ' These good old people, two hundred years ago, thought that Blockhouse on Table Mountain was the limit of their ideals — but now let us face it to-day. Where are we? We are considerably beyond the Yaal Eiver, and supposing that those good people were to come to life again to-day, what would they think of it and theii- blockhouses?' Then I said, ' Sir, will you consider during the temporary period you have been representative of Her Majesty in this Colony, wdiat you have done? we are now on latitude 22*^.' It was amusing when he said to me, ' And what a trouble it has been ! ' He said to me, ' But where will you stop ? ' and I replied, ' I will stop where the country has been claimed.' Your old Governor said, ' Let us look at the map,' and I showed him that it was the Southern border of Tanganyika. He was a little upset. I said that the great Powers at home marked the map and did nothing ; add- ing, ' Let us try to mark the map, and we know that we shall do something.' 'Well,' A GREAT statesman's SPEECHES. 347 said Sir Hercules Eobinson, ' I think you should be satisfied with the Zambesi as a boundary.' I replied, ' Let us take a piece of note=paper and let us measure from the Block- house to the Vaal Eiver, that is the individual effort of the people.' ' Now,' I said, ' let us measure what you have done in your tempo- rary existence, and then we will finish up with your measuring my imaginations ' We took a piece of note-paper and measured the efforts of the country since the Dutch occu- pied and founded it. We measured what he had done in his life, and then we measured my imaginations ; next Ave took the lines on the note-paper, and His Excellency, who is no longer with us, said, ' I will leave you alone.' Well, the idea progressed ; and His Excellency gave me a free hand, but he claimed from me a certain action when he considered that he had strained the responsibilities of Her Majesty's Government to the fullest extent. He claimed that I should take an obligation when we got to the 22nd degree of latitude, which was then the boundary of Khama's country. It is unnecessary for me to tire you with a statement of the endless negotiations 348 CECit RHODfiS. Wliicli ensued. I found myself witli tliG responsibility as far as the Zambesi, that is in so far as the High Commissioner of the Colony, and far beyond in so far as the Foreign Office, was concerned. I took upon myself these responsibilities because I thought it would come out all right. You must remember that in those days everyone was against me — you must remember that, when I pointed out to the House, as an individual member, that the Hinterland must be preserved, I could not get a single vote — I could not get a single vote, and I had to continue this in spite of every difficulty. I am now referring to twelve years of my life — twelve years as an individual member, and twice as a Minister of the Crown. But it came out all right. I have found out one thing, and that is, that if you have an idea, and it is a good idea, and if you will only stick to it, you will come out all right. I made the seizure of the interior a paramount thing in my politics, and made everything else subordinate, and if there are some of you who at times considered that any action of mine, as a member of the House, was such as you could not agree with, I can only say in reply that probably iu A GREAT statesman's SPEECHES. 'i49 any case I should have to differ from you, but frequently the paramount object weighed with me as the supreme, and I knew that Africa was the last uncivilized portion of the Empire or the world and that it must bo civilized, and that those who lived at the healthy base with the energy that they possess, would be the right and proper individuals to undertake the civili- zation of the back country. I will not tire you with what occurred. I was fortunate in being in the position which falls to few, to have an idea, and to be able to call upon funds in support of that idea." He went on to describe at great length and in detail the reasons for the first war with the Matabele and the overthrow of the savagely cruel tyranny of Lobengula and his marauding Impis, which meant the gift of peace and safety to hundreds of thousands of inoffensive and unwarlike natives, who had lived before in terror of the Matabele raids. A passage in which he dealt with the well- meant but ignorant misrepresentations and 360 CECIL RHODES. attacks of the Aborigines' Protection Society upon the Chartered Company is worth giving here. " When the Charter was granted, Her Ma- jesty sent a letter to the King, telling him to recognize the Charter ; but at the same time there was a breakfast given by the Aborigines' Protection Society, and they gave a letter also that the King should work his gold himself, and that he should not give it to any adven- turers. The two letters arrived together. The King made careful examination, and he found, unfortunately, that at the breakfast they were all gentlemen with white hair, and he said, ^ It is clear to me that Her Majesty has given a nominal letter in favour of Eliodes, but her old councillors have sent another.' This was in terms of native ideas, and the King did his duty ; and do you know what that duty was ? He went promptly and murdered the man who had witnessed the concession, and seventy of his people, men, women, and children. When remonstrated with afterwards he said, ^ Oh, but the old jsreybeards told me to do it ' — the A GREAT statesman's SPEECHES. 351 old greybeards being the Aborigines' Protec- tion Society." After a very telling criticism of the unscru- pulous attacks of Mr. Labouchere, in which an extremely happy parallel is drawn from the Eoman Empire two thousand years ago, Mr. Ehodes went on to deal with the Little Eng- lander's policy from the standpoint of a prac- tical man of business. "They (/.c. 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In 30 large crown Zvo volumes, each. All the original plates of Cruikshank, Seymour, and Hablot Browne wil be given, chiefly from unused duplicate plates in very fine condition in the possession of the publishers. In some of tlie later works, where the artists are not so closely connected in public estimation with the author, new iliustiations will be employed. To be printed on antique wove paper from a new fount of type which has been cast for the edition by Messrs. Wm. Clowes &. Sons, Ltd. See page 42. 2 2 2 G 4 2 2 6 28 Books published by Chapman & Hall, Lid. CHARLES DICKENS'S WOKYiS— Continued. REPRINTS OF THE ORIGINAL EDITIONS. Ill de»iy ^vo, iinifo7-m green doth. The Mystery of Edwin Drood. With Illustrations by S. L. P'll.DES, and a Portrait engraved by Baker Our Mutual Friend. With 40 Illustrations by Marcus Stone The Pickwick Papers. With 43 Illusts. by Seymour and Phiz Nicholas Nickleby. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz Sketches by "Boz." With 40 Illustrations by George (Jruikshank... Martin Chuzzlewit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz Dombey and Son, With 40 Illustrations by Phiz David Copperfield. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz Bleak House. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz ... Little Dorrit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz The Old Curiosity Shop. With 75 Illustrations by George Catter- M01.E and H. K. Browne Barnaby Rud^e : a Tale of the Riots of 'Eighty. With 78 Illustrations by George Cattermole and H. K. Browne Christmas Books. With all the original Illustrations Oliver Twist. With 24 Illustrations by George Cruikshank A Tale of Two Cities. With 16 Illustrations by Phiz Oliver Twist and Tale of Two Cities. In one volume *,* The remainder of Dickens's Works -were not originally printed in demy Zvo, 6 12 11 9 1 1 THE ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY EDITION, In 30 volumes, demy %vo, green cloth, with Original Illustrations. Separate volumes, each. 10 Pickwick Papers. With 42 Illustrations by Phiz. 2 vols. Nicholas Nickleby, With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 2 vols. Old Curiosity Shop and Reprinted Pieces. With Illustrations by Cattermole, &c. 2 vols. Barnaby Rudg-e and Hard Times. With Illustrations by Catter- mole, &c. 2 vols. Martin Chuzzlewit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 2 vols, Dombey and Son, With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 2 vols, David Copperfield, With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 2 vols. Bleak House. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 2 vols. liittle Dorrit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 2 vols. Our Mutual Friend. With 40 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 2 vols. A Tale of Two Cities. With 16 Illustrations by Phiz. The Uncommercial Traveller. With 8 Illusts. by Marcus Stone. Great Expectations. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. Oliver Twist. With 24 Illustrations by Cruikshank. Sketches by "Boz." With 40 Illustrations by George Cruikshank. Christmas Books. With 17 Illustrations by Landseer, Maclise, &c. American Notes and Pictures from Italy. With 8 Illustrations. A Child's History of England. With 8 Illusts. by Marcus Stone. Christmas Stories. With 14 Illustrations, Edwin Drood and Other totories. With 12 Illustrations by S. L. FiLDES. Uniform with above. Llfeof Charles Dickens. By John Forster. With Portraits. 2 vols. Books published by Chapman & Hall, Ltd. 2g CHARLES DICKENS'S WORKS— C(7;///;?«^^. £ THE LIBRARY EDITION. In 30 volumes, post %vo, red cloth, with all the Original Illustrations. Separate volumes, each. 8 Pickwick Papers. With 43 Illustrations. 2 vols. Nicholas Nickleby. With 39 Illustrations. 2 vols. Hartin Chuzzlewit. With 40 Illustrations. 2 vols. [2 vols. Old Curiosity Shop and Reprinted Pieces. With 36 Illustrations. Barnaby Kudge and Hard Times. W.th 36 Illustrations. 2 vols. Bleak House. With 40 Illustrations. 2 vols. Little Dorrit. With 40 Illusfrat'ons. 2 vols. Dombey and Son. With 38 Illustrations. 2 vols. David Copperfield. With 38 Illustrations. 2 vols. Our Mutual Friend. With 40 Illustrations. 2 vols. Sketches by "Boz." With 39 Illustrations. '.^v ,. . Oliver Twist. With 24 Illustrations. ■ i-' Christmas Books. With 17 Illustrations. A Tale of Two Cities. With 16 Illustrations. Great Expectations. With 8 Illustrations. Pictures from Italy and American Notes, With 8 Illustrations. Uncommercial Traveller, With 8 Illustrations. A Child's History of England, With 8 Illustrations. Edwin Drood and Miscellanies, With 12 Illustrations. Christmas Stories, With 14 Illustrations. Unijorm with the above. The Life of Charles Dickens, By John Forster, With Illustrations. 10 6 THE "CHARLES DICKENS" EDITION. In 21 volumes, crown Svo, red cloth, with Illustrations. Pickwick Papers. With 8 Illustrations Martin Chuzzlewit. With 8 Illustrations... Dombey and Son, With 8 Illustrations .,. Nicholas Nickleby. With 8 Illustrations... David Copperfield. With 8 Illustrations Bleak House. With 8 Illustrations Little Dorrit. With 8 Illustrations Our Mutual Friend. With 8 Illustrations Barnaby Budgre. With 8 Illustrations Old Curiosity Shop. With 8 Illustrations .. A Child's History of England. With 4 Illustrations Edwin Drood and Other Stories. With 8 Illustrations Christmas Stories. From Household Words. With 8 Illustrations Sketches by "Boz." With 8 Illustrations American Notes and Reprinted Pieces. With S Illustrations Christmas Boolis. With 8 Illustrations Oliver Twist. With 8 Illustrations Great Expectations. With S Illustrations A Tale of Two Cities. With S Illustrations Hard Times and Pictures from Italy. With 8 Illustrations Uncommercial Traveller. With 4 Illustrations Utiiforin with the above. The Life of Charles Dickeus. With Illustrations. 2 vols. ... The Letters of Charles Dickens. With Illustrations. 2 vols. .„ \ .,. 4 ... 4 ... 4 ,.. 4 ... 4 » ... 4 ... \ .,. 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 6 ... 3 ... 3 ... 3 ... 7 ... 7 30 Books published by Chapman & Hall, Ltd. £ s. d. CHARLES DICKENS'S \N ORKS.— Continued. THE CROWN EDITION. /« 17 volumes, large a-own ?,vo, maroon cloth, Oiiginal Illustrations. Separate volumes, each. 5 Pickwick Papers. With 43 Illustrations by Seymour and Phiz. Nicholas Nicbleby. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Dombey and Son. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. David Copperfield. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Sketclies by "Boz." With 40 lUusts. by GEO. Cruikshank. Martin Chuzzlewit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Old Curiosity Shop. With 75 Illustrations by George Catter- MOLE and H. K. Browne. Barnaby Rudge. With 78 Illustrations by George Catter- MOLE and H. K. Browne. Oliver Twist and A Tale of Two Cities. With 24 Illustra- tions by Cruikshank and 16 by Phiz. Bleak House. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Little Dorrit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Our Mutual Friend. With 40 Illustrations by Marcus Stone." American Notes ; Pictures from Italy ; and A Child's History of England. With 16 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. Christmas Books and Hard Times. With Illustrations by - Landseer, Maclise, Stanfield, LtECH, Doyle, F. Walker, &c. Christmas Stories and Other Stories, including Humphrey's Clock. With Illustraiions by Dal'.iel, Charles Green, Ma- iiONEY, Phiz, Cattermole, &c. Great Expectations and Uncommsrcial Traveller. With 16 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. Edwin Drood and Reprinted Pieces. With 16 Illustrations by Luke Fildes and F. Walker, Uniform with the alcve. The Life of Charles Dickens. By John Forster. With Portraits and Illustrations. S The Dickens Dictionary. A Key to the Characters and Principal Incidents in the Tales of Charles Dickens. By Gilbert Pierce, with additions by William A. Wheeler. 5 The Lazy Tour of Two Idle Apprentices ; No Thoroughfare ; The Perils of Certai i English Prisoners. By Charles Dickens and V/ilkie Collins. With Illustrations. 5 *»* Tliese Stories ate 7101V re/'rinted in comj'hte form for the first time, THE SHILLING EDITION. In 21 volumes, crown ?>vo, red cloth, with a fronti piece to each volume. Separate vo'umes, \s. each. The Pic>w ck Papers.) -^r t, 3 Mart-n Chuzzlewit. ] ^ow Ready. To be followed by Nich'^las Nickleby. David Copperfield. Dombey anl S.n. Little Dorrit. I;le ik Hous3. See page 41. Books pubi.slied by Chapman & Hall, Ltd. CHARLES DICKENS'S WORKS.— Con/inucd. THE HALF-CROWN EDITION. In 21 volumes, crown Svo, blue cloth. Original IllutralioKS. Separate volumes, each. ■ The Pickwick Papers. 43 Illustrations by Seymour and riirz ^ Barnaby Kudge. 76 Illustrations by Cattermole and Phiz. Oliver Twist. With 24 Illustrations by Cruikshank. The Old Cariosity Shop. 75 Illus' rations by Caitermole, &c. David Copperfield. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Nicholas Nickleby. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Martin Chuzzlewit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Dombey and Son. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Sketches by " Boz." With 40 Illusts. by Geo. Cruikshank. Christmas Books. With 64 Illusts. by Landseer, Doyle, &c. Bleak House. Wiih 40 Illu-trations by Phiz. Little Dorrit. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. Christmas Stories. With 14 Illusts. by Dalziel, Green, &c. American Notes and Reprinted Pieces. With 8 Illustra- tions by Marcus Stone and F. Waeker. Hard Times and Pictures from Italy. With 8 Illustrations by F. Walker and Marcus Stone. [Marcus Stone. A Chil-i's History of Eng-land. With 8 Illustrations by Great Expectations. With S Illustrations by Marcus Stone. Tale of Two Cities. Wi h 16 Iliustrstions by Phiz. Uncommercial Traveller. With 8 Illusts. by Marcus Stone. Our Mutual Friend. With 40 Illustraiions by Marcus Stone. Edwin Drood and Other Stories. ,\Viih 12 Illusts. by FiLDES.' THE PICTORIAL EDITION. /« 1 7 volumes, with oz-er 900 Illusts ations, royal Svo, red cloth. Separate volumes, each. Dombey and Son. With 62 Illustrations by F. Barnard. David Copperfield. With 61 Illustrations by F. Par.n'ARD. Nicholas Nickleby. With 59 Illustrations by F. Barnard. Barnaby Rudg-e. With 46 Illustrations by F. Barnard. Old Curiosity Shop. With 39 Illustrations by Chas. Green. Martin Chuzzlewit, With 59 Illustrations by F. Barnard. Oliver Twist and a Tale of Two Cities. With 53 Illustra- tions by J. Mahoney and F. Barnard. Our Mutual Friend. With 58 Illustrations by J. Mahoney. Bleak House. With 61 Illustiations by F. Barnard. Pickwick Papers. With 57 Illustrations by Phiz. Little Dorrit. With 58 Illustrations by J. Mahoney. Great Expectations and Hard Times. With 50 Illustra- tions by J. A. Fi^ASER and 11. French. American Notes, Pictures from Italy, and A Child's His- tory of Eng-land. With 33 Illusts. by Frost, Gordon, &c. Sketches by "Boz " and Cnristmas Books. With 62 Illus- trations by F. Barnard. Christmas Stories and Uncommercial Travel With 49 Illustrations by E. G. Dai.Z el Edwin Drood, and other Stories. 30 IIlust«.iby L. Fildes, &c. The Life of Charles Dickens. By John Forster. With 40 Illustrations by F. Barnard and others. £ s. d. \ each 13/12 2 6 . each '13/12 3 6 32 Books published by Chapman & Hall, Ltd. each 13/12 f eacl 513/1 each 13/12 CHARLES DICKENS'S ^SO^YiS.— Continued. THE HOUSEHOLD EDITION. In 22 voluvies, including the '■'■LIFE" crowti ^to, green cloth. Martin Chuzzlewit. With 59 Illustrations. David Copperfield. With 60 Illustrations and a Portrait. Bleak House. With 61 Illustrations, liittle Dorrit. With 58 Illustrations. Pickwick Papers. With 56 Illustrations. Our Mutual Friend. With 58 Illustrations. Nicholas Nickleby. With 59 Illustrations. Dombey and Son. Wi h 61 Illustrations. Edwin Drood ; Reprinted Pieces ; and other Stories With 30 Illustrations. Barnaby Rudge. With 46 Illustrations. Old Curiosity Shop. With 32 Illustrations. Christmas Stories. With 23 Illustrations. Oliver Twist. With 28 Illustrations. Great Expectations. With 26 Illustrations. Sketches by " Boz." With 36 Illustrations. Uncommercial Traveller. With 26 Illustrations. Christmas Books. With 28 Illustrations. The History of England. With 15 Illustrations. American Notes and Pictures from Italy. With Illustrations. 1, A Tale of Two Cities. With 25 Illustrations. ^ Hard Times. With 20 Illustrations... The Life of Dickens. By JOHN FORSTER. With 40 Illusts. ... The Illustrations in this Edition are by the same artists as in the Pictorial Edition . See page 3 1 . THE CHRISTMAS BOOKS. REPiaXTED FitOM THE OIIIGINAL PLATES. Illustrated by John Leech, D. Maclise, R.A., R. Doyle, &c. Fcap. Svo, each. A Christmas Carol in Prose. The Cricket on the Hearth : A Fairy Tale of Home The Battle of Life : A Love Story. The Chimes. The Haunted Man and the Ghost's Story. SIXPENNY EDITION. Each vol. Bleak House. With 18 Illustrations by F. Barnard. \ Sketches by "Boz." With Illustrations by F. Barnard. Oliver Twist. With Illustrations by J. Mahoney. Readings from the Works of Charles Dickens. As selected and read by himself and now published for the fust time. Illustrated. A Christmas Carol and the Haunted Man. Illustrated. The Chimes and the Cricket on the Hearth. Illus. Battle of Life ; Hunted Down ; a Holiday Romance. Illustrated. ' £ 5 i 3 each 13/12 each 13/12 1 Books published by Chapman & Hall, Ltd. 33 CHARLES DICKENS'S WOKKS.— Continued. THE CABINET EDITION. /;; 32 volumes, small /cap. ivo, Marble Paper Sides, uncut edges. Separate volumes, eacJi. In Sets only, bound in dxoralive blue cloth, cut edges and gilt tops, complete in cloth box Christmas Books. With 8 Illustrations. Martin Chuzzlewit. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. David Copperfield. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. Oliver Twist. With 8 Illustrations. Great Expectations. With 8 Illustrations. Nicholas Nickleby. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. Sketches by "Boz." With 8 Illustrations. Christmas Stories. With 8 Illustrations. The Pickwick Papers. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. Barnaby Rudge. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. Bleak House. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. each American Notes and Pictures from Italy. 8 Illusts. 13/12 Edwin Drood ; and Other Stories. With 8 Illustrations. The Old Curiosity Shop. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. A Child's History of England. With 8 Illustrations, Dombey and Son. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. A Tale of Two Cities. Wiih 8 Illustrations. Little Dorrit. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. Our Mutual Friend. With 16 Illustrations. 2 vols. Hard Times. With 8 Illustrations. Uncommercial Traveller. With 8 Illustrations. Reprinted Pieces. With 8 Illustrations. THE TWO SHILLING EDITION. In 21 volumes, each with a frontispiece^ crozvn Zvo, red cloth. Separate volumes, each. I s. d. net 2 10 16 Dombey and Son. Martin Chuzzlewit. The Pickwick Papers, Bleak House. Old Curiosity Shop. Barnaby Rudge. David Copperfield. Nicholas Nickleby. Christmas Stories. American Notes. Hard Times and Pictures Great Expectations, Our Mutual Friend. Christmas Books. Oliver Twist. Little Dorrit. Tale of Two Cities. Uncommercial Traveller. Sketches by "Boz" A Child's History of Eng- land. Edwin Drood and Other Stories. / i each '13/12 from Italy. CHARLES DICKENS'S READINGS. Fcap. "ivo, scii'ed, each. 2 Christmas Carol in Prose. Cricket on the Hearih. Chimes : A Goblin Story. Story of Little Dombey. \ Poor Traveller. Boots at the Holly-Tree Inn, and Mrs. Gamp. J each 1^/12 1 Q 34 Books published by Chapman & Hall, Ltd. CHAPMAN & HALL'S PUBLICATIONS. ARRANGJED ACCORDING TO THEIR FRICES. 105.«. Borlase's The Dolmeas of Ireland. 63 >. TteK Saville-Kent's The Naturalist in' Australia. 525. 6d. Daubourg's Interior Architecture. 42s. net. Dickens's Oliver Twist. Coloured Plates. 42s. Constable's Life and Letters. Perrot A Cbipiez's i^bceniciMn Art. 2 vols. Clialiiean Art. 2 vols. Priimiive Greece. 2 vela Robley's Moko ; or M oii Tattooincf. Thomson's Barb;zon School cf Painters. 363. Perrot & Cbipiez's Sardinian Art. 2 vols. 31s. 6c;, Sutcliffe's Art Student's Guide. 303. net. 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Charles Dickens Ediiion, Tale of Two Cities. Hard Times and Pictur'-s from Italy. Uncommercial Traveller. Household Edition, Olivf r Twist. Great Expectations, 3s. {continued). Sketches by " Boz." Uncommercial Traveller. Christmas Books. Chilli's History ot England. American Notes, Ac. A Tale of Two Cities. Gardner's Ironwork. GasnauU's French Pottery. Gower's Practical Metallurgy. Holmes's Marine Engines and Bnilers. Industrial Arts : Historical Sketches. Sinnett's Karma. Spencer, Herbert ; Aphorisms from, 2s. 6d. net. Dyce's Drawing Book. Standards I- IV, Nelson's Wood Working Positions. Lineham's Directory of Schools, &c, 2s. Qd. Adam's Machine Construction. (E'em.) ~ >> II (Advan.) Aveling 8 Mechanic. Chemistry. Magnetism and Electricity. Light and Heat. Barfleld's Model Drawing. Bell's Chemistry ot Foods. Part I. Brown's The Horse. 8 Parfs, 2s. M. each, CARLYLB'S fTHOMAS) WORKS. The Half crown Edition. Sartor Resartus A Latter-day Pamphlets. Past and Present at d On Heroes. Lives of Sterling and Schiller. Critical Essays. 4 vols., 2s. Qd each. " French Revolution. 2 vols., 2». 6rf. each. Cromwell's Letters. 3 vols., 2s. &d. each. Frederick the Great. 5 vols., 2». 6i. each. Wilhelm Meister. 2 vols. , 2«. Qd. each. Translations from Museeus, *c. Cromwell's Letters. 1 vol blue cloth. CHAPMAN'S STORY SERIES. The Long Arm. By M. B. Winking. In a Hollow of the Hills. By Bret Harle. At the Sign of the Ostrich. By 0. James. The White Feather. By 0=". Crawfu'd. The Maiden's Progress. By Violet Hunt, Church's Precious Stones. Craik's Outlines of the Brglish T anguage. Cripp's College and Corporation Plate, De Champeaux Tapestry. DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS, The Half-crown Edition, The Pidiwick Papers. Barnaby Rudge. Oliver Twist. The Old Cuiio^ity Shop David Coppe' field. Nicholas ^ickle^y. Mania Chuz/1 wit. Dombey and Son. Sketches by " Boz." Christmas Books. Bleak Uousp. Books puhlisJied by Chapman & Hail, Ltd, 39 2s. 6cZ. {^continued). Little Dorrit. Christmas Stories. American Notes and Reprinted Pieces. Hard Timps and Pictures trom Italy. Child's Hifto.y of EngliUid. Great Expectations. Tale of Two Cities. Uncommercial Tiaveller. Our Mutual Friend. Kdwin Drood and Other Stories. "H-OusikoXA, Edilion. Hard Times. Earl's Dinners in Miniature. EngeVs Musical Inttrumtnis. Fortnum's Maiolica. Bronzes. Frank's Japanese Pottery. Hatton's Elementary Desigrii. Hildebrand's Scandinavian Art. James's Handbook to Perspective. Ijoader's Affinities of Atoms. Maskell's Ivories. Dyce and Pester Collection, Mill's Alternative Physics. Nesbit's Gass. Newey's Elementary Drawing. Pollen's Gold and Silver-smitn's Work. Pollen's Ancient and Modern Furniture. Radical Pro(rramme. Redgrave's Manual of Design, Rock's Textile Fabrics. Ryan's Egyptian Art. Sanders' Bent Ironwork. Snowy's The Stanley of the Turf. Statham's Form and Design in Music. Thrupp's Coach Trimming. 2s. Agricultural Science Lectures. CARLYLE'S (THOMAS) WORKS. French Revolution. 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