STUDIES IN ROMANCE PHILOLOGY AND LITERATURE UNCLE AND NEPHEW IN THE OLD FRENCH CHANSONS DE GESTE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS SALES AGENTS New York: LEMCKE &*BUECHNER 30-32 West 27th Street London : HENRY FROWDE Amen Corner, E.C. Toronto : HENRY FROWDE 25 Richmond Street, W. UNCLE AND NEPHEW IN THE OLD FRENCH CHANSONS DE GESTE A STUDY IN THE SUEVIVAL OF MATRIARCHY BY WILLIAM OLIVER FARNSWORTH Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for THE Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty OF Philosophy, Columbia University Bm Pork COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1913 Copyright, 1913 By Columbia University Pres» Printed from type June, 1913 PRESS OF THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY LANCASTER, PA. r 3 5- NOTE The following dissertation has been accepted by the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures of Columbia University as a valuable contribution to the history of the subject of which it treats. Henry Alfred Todd. Columbia University November, 1912 PREFACE The study which follows represents the gleanings from some three hundred thousand verses of Old French poetry, compris- ing nearly all the published epics down through the thirteenth century. A marked feature of this reading is its corroborative nature; each poem strengthens the impression produced by the others, and the characteristics of the relations between the uncle of the epic and his nephew are so consistently depicted that one can scarcely fail to receive the impression of some elemental force at work influencing the poets' treatment of the subject. The idea that imitation alone is responsible for this remarkable consistency is speedily dispelled as one finds oneself initiated into the mysteries of early family life which have been disclosed by the researches of the sociologists and as the connection of our subject with man's primitive nature becomes apparent. In general, where several editions of a text have been pub- lished, reference is made to the one accepted by scholars as the best, but occasional references have been made to early edi- tions when the later one was not at hand; this does not require an apology, inasmuch as the sentiment, rather than the exact dialectical wording, is the essential consideration for our pur- pose. It was not easy to decide how far the citations should be standardized; the printed texts vary in many details of spelling, punctuation, and so forth, but it was thought best to retain the peculiarities of each editor, with a few exceptions calculated to render easier the part of the reader: each verse has been made to begin with a capital letter, portions spoken by the various characters have been set off by quotation marks, the useless hyphens and grave accents of the early editions have been discarded, initials standing for proper names have been replaced by the names in full, parentheses enclosing vii Vlll PEEFACE missing letters supplied by the editors have been discarded, and the most vicious specimens of incomprehensible punctua- tion have been modified. It was originally intended to include all the poems desig- nated in Langlois' Table des Noms Propres, hence several fitting citations are introduced from the Naissance du Chevalier au Cygne, which is not an epic poem; some few of the later poems were not obtainable, and it was finally decided to dis- regard those that showed too markedly a romantic rather than an epic tendency. The testimony from other literatures has been gleaned largely at second hand. Although the sociological data are common property, acknowledgment has been made to the writer who discusses the points rather than to his source. An ideal way would have been to trace these points in the reports of learned societies, etc., but as the object was only to record as much evidence as possible in support of the theory here developed, the opinions of sociologists of reputation have been frankly adopted without personal verification of their sources. Adepts in the reading of Old French will not be incon- venienced by the translations of citations; these have been placed in an unobtrusive position at the foot of the page, for the convenience of those who may take an interest in the sub- ject but would not enjoy the deciphering of so much Old French. The translations are without pretension to literary style, and aim only to be suggestive of the wording of the original while conveying its exact sense; for that reason, and in view of the discussion in the Introduction, the word nies or neveu is rendered always by ' nephew \ in cases where modem English would employ another term; these cases are very few, and the word usually does mean ' nephew'. In referring to the many characters of the poems, it was possible to employ con- sistently the accusative case of the name, a deviation from this rule being made in only a few instances ; ^ Gui ', for example, being familiar to modem ears, seems preferable to ' Guion '. CONTENTS Page Introduction. Statement of the Problem 1 Matriarchy — Purpose of this study — Use of oncle, ni4s, cosin — Confusion in application — Old use of 'nephew' in E n g li s h — Schrader 's linguistic explanation — Tables of derivation. Chapter I. Attitude of Father Compared with that of Uncle 21 Harshness of father — Sons as hostages — Sacrifice of the son — Instances of the kind father — Sentimental impor- tance of the uncle. Chapter II. Points of Contact between Uncle and Nephew 44 (a) Fosterage— (Z>) Knighthood — (c) Marks of favor — (d) Uncle provides a wife for the nephew — (e) Nephew as messenger — Eesponsible offices — (/) Solidarity between uncle and nephew — {g) Association in war — (7i) Mutual dependence — (i) Nephew as successor or heir — (j) Eole of uncle In the blood-feud — (Jc) Eole of nephew in the blood- feud — (0 Claims of nephew — Axioms. Chapter III. Stylistic Treatment in the Poems 117 Emotional manifestations— (a) Anxiety of uncle — Re- joicing — (&) Occasional quarrels — (c) Grief of uncle — Laments — (d) Attitude of nephew — (e) Lack of recogni- tion — (/) Descent traced through uncle — {g) Names con- nected in lists of combattants — {h) Forms of address — (t) Pagan uncle and nephew — {j) Family of traitors. Chapter IV. The Sister's Son 198 (a) In the Chansons de Geste — Prominence— Eoland as a prototype — Legends of Eoland 's birth — Uncertainty of paternity — (6) In other literatures — The Grail story — Arthurian legends — English ballads — Teutonic legends Ancient mythology — Italian and Spanish literature. xi Xii CONTENTS Chapter V. The Prevalence of Mother-right 225 Mediaeval chronicles— Tacitus — Ancient Germans — Caesar — Picta — Celts — Antiquity — Modern travellers ' reports — Position of the nephew in primitive tribes — India — Arabia — Ethiopia — China — Thibet — Caucasus — Africa — Polynesia — The Americas. Chapter VI. Conclusion 239 Appendix A. Formulas of Identification of the Sister's Son 245 Appendix B. Bibliography 252 (a) ChaTisons de Geste — (h) General works. INTRODUCTION Statement of the Problem Our modern conception of the family as consisting of father, mother, children, would at first thought seem to go back in an unbroken line to Roman laws, so that it is puzzling to discover that French literature of the Middle Ages, in its delineation of certain aspects of family life, shows markedly the influence of the earliest state of human society about which we have in- foiTQation. As a matter of fact the Old French Chansons de Geste show plainly that there existed in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries, in the form of tradition at least, a survival of an earlier condition in which the family was based upon the matriarchal principle. Matriarchy is that stage in the development of the human family during which descent is traced through the woman's side alone. It does not presuppose nor has it anything to do with female supremacy, but is, broadly speaking, a state of society which goes back to primitive times, to a period in which the physiological principles of paternity were as yet unknown.^ Marriage was nothing more than mating; mother and children remained at home with the mother's family, while the father lived with his own family of brothers and sisters and sister's children. Thus offspring were the exclusive possession of the woman, while her brothers were their natural guardians. Property and power were not transmitted from father to son, but from a man to his sister's son, so that the most distinguish- ing characteristic of mother-right, or matriarchy, is — to use the very apt term of the German sociologists — nephew-right {Nef- fenrecht). Says Professor F. H. Giddings : " There are no means 1 E. S. Hartland, Primitive Paternity, 1, p. 259. 2 1 2 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 'of eertaiuly determining the character of the primitive human family. The geological record does not reveal it, and we can- not be sure that the lowest savage societies of the present day exactly reproduce all the features of primitive communities." ^ But by combining geological and biological facts and the tes- timony of archeological material with our observation of ex- isting savage societies, we are able to make inferences which reveal approximately what must once have been the condition of the first human beings who formed family groups. Since in early times a man's own children were either unknown to him or neglected by him, while his sister's children occupied his affection in their stead, it is reasonable to believe that any mediaeval literature which reveals distinct and consistent traces of that state of affairs must necessarily have been under the influence of very ancient traditions; so that the prominence w^hich the nephew in general, and the sister's son in particular, holds in the French literature of the Middle Ages is to be con- fidently ascribed to a legendary survival of the notion of nephew-right long after it had disappeared in fact and as an institution or a custom. For the examination of this inviting theme the Chansons de Geste present an interesting and profitable field, and if we can succeed in showing a parallelism between the manifestations of the uncle-nephew relations in our mediaeval poems and those of ancient legends, of chronicle history, and of modern practises among primitive tribes, we shall establish a connec- tion that not only brings out the human side of the Chansons, but also puts us closely in touch with an early stage in the evo- lution of family life. If, however, not all the manifestations of the matriarchal system are discovered in the Chavisons, it will only mean that the increasing importance of the Roman view of the family had already acquired a power that left of the once prevailing nephew-right nothing more than a senti- mental tradition.^ 2 F. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, p. 264. 3 It is to be noted that the depreciatory sense of 'nepotism' is INTRODUCTION 3 Even the more or less casual reader of the Old French epic poems cannot have failed to be impressed by their constant, pervading, and almost obtrusive glorification of the relations between uncle and nephew. Although they have been touched upon incidentally by various wi-iters, to whom reference will be made in the course of these chapters, the present study is ap- parently the first to investigate these relations in detail.^ Students of Old French know also that the words oncle and nies ^ have varying meanings, so that it is necessary first of all to make an excursus into the field of linguistics in order to ascertain how far it is safe to assume that our citations will denote the same family affiliation as that indicated by the English derivatives of the French terms. not attached to the word 'nephew-right/ which signifies a senti- mental as well as a material preferment of the nephew still further distinguished from nepotism in that it is the natural development of primitive family relations, while the former word, originally euphemistic in purpose and with an ecclesiastical appli- cation, designates preferment morally unjustifiable. The Encyclo- paedia Britannica says : ' ' An euphemistic use of ' nephew ' is that of the natural son of a pope, cardinal, or other ecclesiastic, and from the practise of granting preferments to such children the word 'nepotism' is used of any favoritism shown in finding posi- tions for a man's family". The Century Dictionary defines 'nepotism' as: "Favoritism shown to nephews and other rela- tives; patronage bestowed in consideration of family relationship and not of merit. The word was invented to characterize a pro- pensity of the popes and other high ecclesiastics in the Eoman Catholic Church to aggrandize their family by exorbitant grants or favors to nephews or relatives." 4 The dissertations of Dr. Murray Potter (Sohrab and Eustem) and Carl Schubert (Der Pflegesohn), and the article of Professor F. B. Gummere (The Sister's Son in the English Ballads), develop the subject at some length. The article by Professor W. A. Nitze (The Sister's Son and the Conte del Graal) appeared after the greater part of this essay was written. 5 Old French nies (nepos), nominative; neveu (nepotem), accusative. 4 UNCLE AND NEPHEW In our poems the term nies is applied indifferently either to the brother's or to the sister's son, while oncle means either father's or mother's brother, with reference to the child; these names, then, correspond to the accepted use in English of ^ nephew ', * uncle '. When, as is very often the case, the poet Welshes to indicate plainly descent in the female line, he is careful to characterize the nephew as -jiz sa seror (^ son of his sister'); he sometimes reiterates this mode of differentia- tion to an extent which makes it seem almost an obsession on his part. But we find nies applied not seldom to persons who are also called cosin, and are specifically characterized as the children of two brothers or of brother and sister. In a few instances it is applied to a grandson; conversely, the grand- father is addressed as oncles. The question arises, is there any danger of mistaking the proper relationship in an impor- tant passage? How is the term to be taken in the many in- stances where the relationship is indicated only once or twice in the course of the poem ? By far the greater number of these single instances intro- duce Saracens or other enemies of France, and are to a cer- tain extent unimportant, so that the possibility of confusion need not be dwelt upon here; the term is probably to be taken in its ordinary meaning of ^ nephew '. Indeed, even these flitting forms are often carefully labelled, as: Cil ert nies Vamirant et de sa sereur nes ^ {Fierahras, 4:065). The relation- ship specified as II estoit ses cosins et de sa seror nez ^ {Parise, 664) is plain enough : the poet evidently has ' nephew ' in mind, but the loose use of cosins satisfies him and gives the required number of syllables. On the other hand, it is not at all uncommon to find nies and cosins used without distinction; this interchange has already been discussed in a German dis- sertation.^ From the evidence there adduced, Professor Jean- roy draws the conclusion that the two teims became synony- a He was nephew to the Emir and born of his sister. b He was his cousin^ and born of his sister. G J. W. Determann, Epische Venvandtschaften, p. 12. INTRODUCTION 5 mous, especially in the vocative, and that nies became as it were "une appellation que se donnaient indiSeremment entre eux tons les membres de la geste. On sait du reste que le mot avait pris une singuliere extension de sens et qu'il est, dans divers textes, reduit au role de simple appellation amicale." '^ It may be taken for granted, then, that this superficial confu- sion is nothing out of the ordinary; a few examples to sup- plement those of Determann will show the method of the poet. Huon de Bordeaux meets a girl in the castle of the giant Orgileus who tells him that she is fille le conte Guinemer, nieclie Sewin, de Bordiax la eite^ {Huon, 4831). Seguin is Huon's father, so that Huon says to her correctly, ma cousine estes (4837), yet she calls him hiax nies (4865). The Abbot of Cluny tells Huon that Sewins vos peres fu mes germains cousins,^ then calls him biaus nies, hiax tres doux nies, and biax cosins, all within the space of three hundred verses (640, 680, 685, 975). The Pope at Rome first addresses Huon twice as hiax nies, then in giving him a sort of letter of introduc- tion to Garin de Saint Omer he says, Ses cousins estes et li miens, en non Be^ (2501, 2563, 2566). On reading the letter, Garin understands: Qu'i fu ses nies et de son parente Et fu cousins I'apostole sene.*^ {Huon, 2714) But several times he calls Huon hiax nies, then tells his wife that Huon mes cousins est (2772, 2804). The hermit Ge- riaume also addresses Huon first as hiaus nies, then as cousin (3826, 3834). The poet says that Guichart cousins estoit Huon a Daughter to Count Guinemer, niece to Seguin, of Bordeaux, the city. b Seguin, your father^ was my cousin german. c You are his cousin and mine, in the name of God. d That he was his nephew and his kin, / And was cousin to the wise Pontiff. 7 A. Jeanroy, ''Notes sur la Legende de Vivien '', Bomania, XXVI (1897), p. 183, note. 6 UNCLE AND NEPHEW •Ze haceler, yet makes Guiehart immediately address the latter as hiax nies (2398, 2402). This is probably the most striking collection of citations applied to one person within a single poem. The same looseness is seen in Menaut de Montauhan with re- gard to several characters. The poet says that Renaus en a Maugis son cousin apele, but in the next line makes Renaut address him as hiaus nies {Renaut, p. 126, 36; also p. 97). Maugis addresses both Renaut and his brother Guiehart as cosin (p. 98, 4, 10, 23, 35). Aalart, another brother, says: ..." Cosins Maugis, ne nos contralies. Vos estes de ma jeste, fils mon oncle le fier, Et Ogiers li Danois, fils m'antain par mon cief ." * {Renaut, p. 212, 12) In speaking of Renaut and his brothers, Ogier himself uses both terms within a small compass: " Bien me doit tot li mons et blamer et hounir. Quant onques mes neveus a tel besoin fali, Mais par ice seignor ki de mor surexi, A mes cousins germains ne f audrai mais isi." ^ {Renaut, p. 205, 13) ' The poet uses neveu and Ogier uses cosin directly afterwards (p. 194, 40). Aalart calls Ogier neveu, then cousins (p. 196, 33, p. 197, 17). Ogier refers to the four brothers as his cousins (p. 216, 27). Charlemagne says to Ogier: "Vos estes de lignage Girard de Rossillon; S'estes cosin Renaut, le fil au viel Aymon." ^ {Renaut, p. 146, 12) a ' ' Cousin Maugis, do not gainsay us. / You are of my family, the son of my uncle, the bold, / And Ogier the Dane is the son of my aunt, 'pon my head." b" Everyone must indeed revile and shame me, / For having once failed my nephews in such need, / But by that Lord who rose from the dead, / I shall never again fail my cousins german so. ' ' c <■ <■ You are of the lineage of Girart de Roussillon ; / And you are cousin to Eenaut, the son of old Aymon. ' ' INTRODUCTION 7 And Mangis says to Ogier: " Ja fustes vos cousins Girart de Rossillon, Et Doon de Nautueil et due Buef d'Aigremon." ^ {Benaut, p. 205, 12) According to the more specific indications of the poem, Ogier is the cousin of these three, his father and theirs being sons of Doon de Mayence; Aymon is another son, so that his son Renaut and Ogier are second cousins, not cousins germains; Maugis is the grandson of Bovon, and is therefore the second cousin of Renaut.^ In the Guillaume cycle nies is frequently applied by one cousin to another, especially between Bertrand and Vivien : Nies Vivien, or vos verrai morir^ {Aliscans, 158) ; Ce est Ber- tranz tes nies ^ {Cordres, 1906) ; Bertran mon neveu que faim de grant bonte^ {Enfances Vivien, 4749). Between Vivien and Girart, son of Bovon de Commarchis: AM! Gerars, hiaiis nies^ {Chevalerie Vivien, 985) ; Beposes vos, beas nies^ (949) ; Nies Viviens, ce n'est pas jeus partis^ (381). Guichart cries to Bertrand: Bertran, nies, ou es tu^ {Aliscans, ed. Halle, 298, variant). Guillaume says to Gaidon: Naie, certes, biaus nies, ^ then : Naie, cousins, dist Guillaumes li fiers ^ {Moniage Guil- laume, 2274, 2287). On the other hand: Li cuens adobat son cosing meaning Bertrand, his brother's son {Enfances Vi- a * ' You were indeed cousin to Girart de Rous&illon, / And Doon de Nanteuil and Duke Bovon d'Aigremont." b Nephew Vivien, now I shall see you die. c He is Bertrand thy nephew. d Bertrand, my nephew, whom I love with great affection, e Ah ! Girart, fair nephew, f Eest, fair nephew. g Nephew Vivien, this is not an even match, h Bertrand, nephew, where art thou? i Not I, surely, fair nephew. 3 Not I, cousin, said Guillaume the bold. ^ The Count knighted his cousin. 8 Cf . Determann, p. 35 and table on p. 49. 8 UNCLE AND NEPHEW vien, 3823); Si en mena Bertran, son chier cosin^ (4615).^ Bertrand is the uncle of Foucon, yet the latter sometimes calls him cosins, and the poet speaks of Bertran lo palazin et dan Foucon, un suen germain cousin ^ {Foucon de Candie, 620, 2971, 5943). A few scattered examples: Doret reviles his uncle Aiquin, who has deserted him : "Alas, dist il, cousin desbarate. . . . Ja en Bretaigne n'en auray poeste, Quant de mon oncle suy enxin degreppe." ^ {Acquin, 2548-2555) Alori calls to Gillebert de Clarvent: Ses cousins ert, bien le tint a parent; " Biaus nies, dist il, pour Dieu alons nous ent." ^ {Enfances Ogier, 817) Manuel Galopin is the (illegitimate) cousin of Garin, Begon, and Heluis; the latter says to him: "Diex, dist la dame, ja es tu mes cousins. Por Dieu, biaus nies, dont venez vous ici ? "® {Garin, II, p. 105) The poet states that Girart de Dijon is Cousin le roi de France le roion,^ but King Louis himself exclaims : Mors est mes nies ^ a And lie led away Bertrand, his dear cousin. b Bertrand the paladin and Sir Foucon, his cousin german. c'^Alas!" said he, ''discomfited cousin." . . ./''Now in Brit- tany I shall have no power, / When by my uncle I am thus abandoned. ' ' 3 His cousin was he, near kin he considered him ; / " Fair nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' for Heaven 's sake let us go away from here. ' ' e ' ' Heaven, ' ' said the lady, ' ' indeed thou art my cousin. / For Heaven's sake, fair nephew, whence come you here?" f Cousin to the King of France, the realm. s Dead is my nephew. 9 This is according to ms. 1448 ; ms. 774 reads : son chier ami, while the Boulogne ms. has: Et ses cousins li palaisins Bertramt. INTRODUCTION 9 {Moniage Guillaume, 4250, 4261). When Charlemagne hears of the havoc wrought in Rome by the pagans, he sends his nephew Gui thither: Et Guion de Bourgoigne a a lui apelle; Fils ert de sa seror et de sa parente: " Cosins, vous en irres soeoure la cite." * {Destruction de Borne, 1179) In another poem Charlemagne says to Gui: Vous estes mes cousins et mes parenz privez ^ {Fierahras, 2310). If we accept the statement of Gui that he is the fls d'une des filles au due Millon d'Aingler (3406), this use of cousin would be incorrect, for the grandson of Milon would be the grand-nephew of the Emperor; since in the next verse Gui also calls himself the cousin germain Bollant, we had best consider that the poet has the genealogy confused, especially as Gui is elsewhere repre- sented as the sister's son of the Emperor {Gui de Bourgogne, 216; Destruction de Borne, 1179) ; cousin in that sense is not so uncommon in address. ^^ The Emir Galafre refers to the death of his nephew at the hands of Huon, saying: " .1. mien cousin m'ocist ier au joster, Sorbrins ot nom, fix de ma seror ert." ° {Huon de Bordeaux, 7883) The relationship between Bovon and Milon is given as: II estoit ses cosins et de sa seror nez {Parise la Duchesse, 664). King Louis addresses his sister's son Raoul as Biaus nies Baoiil, then directly afterwards calls him cousin {Baoul de Camhrai, 469, 475). In the verse Benaus a tant en France et parens et nevous a And he called Gui de Bourgogne to him; /He was his sister ^s son and Ms kin. / ' ' Cousin, you will go to succor the town. ' ' t" You are my cousin and my close kin. c ' ' He slew a cousin of mine yesterday in the tourney ; / Sorbrin was his name ; he was my sister 's son. ' ' 10 Cf. E. Langlois, Table des Noms Propres. 10 UNCLE AND NEPHEW {Benaut, p. 160, 23), tlie interpretation must be ^cousins', ac- cording to the genealogy given by Determann.^^ There are occasional passages in which cosins and nies are used in rhetor- ical contrast, yet the implication is not necessarily that the poet had a clear distinction in mind: "He, Dex! ce dist }.i rois, com doloirox hustin! N'ai mais prochain parant ne nevou ne cosin; Tuit son mort an bataille et ale a lor fin." ^ {Saisnes, CCLXVII, 13) When Charlemagne tries to starve out the garrison of Montau- ban: Li uns amis por I'autre vait mugant sa quisine, Et li fix por le pere, li nies por sa cosine.^ {Benaut, p. 346, 20) Guillaume leaves the battlefield at Aliseans after the death of Vivien: lui n'en moine ne neveu ne cosin^ [Foucon, 7). The poems do not mention any cousin of Guillaume, and we know of none, unless it be the mysterious Gautier de Termes, qui fu neveu Aymeri lo her {Mort Aymeri^ 156) ; Aymeri ad- dresses Gautier as: Biau sire nies, un petit m'entendez (483) ; Guillaume calls him Sire Gautier in the printed edition of the poem, while the variants give Sire cosins (2211). ^^ Leon Gautier's analysis of Hernaut de Beaulande says of the mar- riage of Hernaut and Fregonde that " le premier fils qu'ils en- gendrerent f ut cet Aimeri," etc. ;^^ this of course does not pre- a * ' Ah, God ! ' ' thus spoke the King ; ' * what a grievous strife ! / I have no more a close relative, neither nephew nor cousin ; / All are dead in battle and gone to their end." b One friend goes hiding his food from the other, / The son from the father, the nephew from his cousin. c With him he takes neither nephew nor cousin. 11 Epische VerwandtscJiaften, pp. 43, 49. 12 Ms. Brit. Mus. Old Eoy. 20, Dxi; ms. Bib. Nat. fr. 24370, anc. La Vail., 2 3 A. "i-s Epopees Frangaises, IV, 217; ms. de PArsenal, 3351, f° 33 r*. INTEODUCTION 11 elude the possibility of the birth of other sons whom some of the poets may have had in mind as a part of the legend, al- though none are specified; thus there is only slight evidence that Gautier is the nephew of Aymeri. On the other hand, Langlois concludes, after Jeanroy, that Gautier de Termes and Gautier de Blaivies are identical with Gautier le Tolosan.^* The latter addresses Vivien as nies {Chevalerie Vivien, 1466), is connected with Guillaume and is characterized as the fil de sa suer {Couronnement Louis, 1648), yet he is not mentioned in the list of grandsons of Aymeri {Aymeri de Narbonne, 4626 ff . ) . The evidence is not very conclusive in either direc- tion; if we accept the information of the Mort Aymeri, the word neveu is to be taken literally, and the poem is thus con- sistent in itself; if we adopt Jeanroy's argument, the question becomes more complicated, but then we can take the neveu of the Mort Aymeri as ^grandson', which is a not uncommon meaning in the legend of Aymeri. Still another character whose provenience has aroused dis- cussion is Romanz; he is the son of Garin in the Narhonnais (4000 3.), his nephew in the Enfances Vivien. Suchier says: " Comme cette derniere chanson ne connait pas un frere de Vivien appele Romanz, il a represente Romanz comme etant le fils d'une soeur de Garin, bien que dans les Nerbonois il soit son fils." Suchier finds nothing unusual in the fact that "il traite Aymeri d'oncle, et qu'il en soit appele neveu. Faut-il rappeler ici que oncle pent signifier cousin ? "^^ voit son oncle, si I'en a apele . . . voit son oncle, si li dist en oiant . . . " Je sui ses nies et ses charniex amis "... " Garissiez hui mon neveu I'adure "... " Qex sera il, biax nies?" dist AjTueris.^ {Narhonnais, 4554, 4568, 4703, 4769, 5123) a When he sees his uncle, he called him. . . . / When he sees his 14 E. Langlois, Table des Noms Propres, and Jeanroy, in 'Romania, XXVI, p. 183, note. 15 H. Suchier, Les Narbonnais, II, pp. x, lis. 12 UNCLE AND NEPHEW It is plain here that onde and neveu correspond to ^grand- father' and 'grandson'; in the same poem Romanz calls his father's brother Guibert both oncle and cosin (5617, 5623 ).i^ This meaning of ' grandson ' occurs less often elsewhere than in the Aymeri legend, and there not so often as in the sense of ' cousin '. Vivien is called the neveu of Naimon, who is really his maternal grandfather [Enfances Vivien, 3207, 3218). Vivien himself says: " Se ge n'abat des mellors de lor geste, Ans ne fui nies Aymeri ne Guillelme." ^ {Chevalerie Vivien, 1S86) This last is an interesting passage, inasmuch as nies means first ' grandson ', then ' nephew '. Bertrand, likewise, is Aymeri's grandson, but the poet says that Aymeris haisse dant Bertran son nevot; ^ he asks the hand of Nubie for him : Mes nies Ber- tranz te demande ta fille; ^ he addresses him as : Sire Bertran^:,. car i alez, biaus nies; ^ and even the Saracens say : " C'est Aymeris qui amoine gTant force, Ses nies Bertranz li conduit riehe flote." {Prise de Cordres, 2023, 2063, 2325, 2203 )« uncle, he said to him audibly. . . ./''I am his nephew and his intimate friend." . . ./''Protect today my nephew, the practised warrior." . . ./''What can it be, fair nephew," said Aymeri. a " If I do not hew down some of the best of their race, / Never was I ' nephew ' of Aymeri nor of Guillaume. ' ' t) Aymeri kisses Lord Bertrand his nephew. c My nephew Bertrand asks thy daughter of thee. ^ Sir Bertrand, pray go thither, fair nephew. e " It is Aymeri who is bringing a great force, / His nephew Bertrand is leading a powerful troop for him." isSuchier's edition of the Nardonnais, Vol. I, p. 149, note, inserts an additional laisse found in mss. Brit. Mus., royal 20 D- XI, and Bib. Nat. fr. 24369, dating from about 1300, half a century later than the mss. utilized above, in which it is said that Eomans i fu qui ot le euer uaillant, Filz de la fille Ay' le sachant. Cf. Vol. II, p. iii. INTEODUCTION" 13 We read of Kallos U nies Pepin {Chevalerie Ogier, 2934), and of CharloSy li nies Pepin, li fiex Charlon, le roi o le cuer fier ^ (Enfances Ogier, 5940). Charlemagne says to Huon, Chatelain oncle. Diez had already re- marked that in the Lex Salica avunculus is used for patruus;-^ the latter word is lost in the Romance languages, and the exten- sion of meaning given to the former is a natural one in a stage of family life which begins to see no difference between the functions of the mother's and those of the father's brother. The confusion between the meanings ^ grandfather ' and ' uncle ^ seems to have its origin in the general development of the avo- stem, which originally meant ' forefather ' in general.^^ There is a parallel in the derivatives of the stem *nepot-, and Schrader expresses the opinion that ^'when in certain European lan- guages derivatives from avo- cam.e to be applied to the mother's 2Q Antiquarische Brief e, II, pp. 113, 117, 119. 27 O. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, trans, by Jevons, p. 369 ff. 28 Etymologisclies Worterbuch. 29 Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 379. Cf . the Cymric ewythyr, 'uncle', ' great -uncle ' (paternal or maternal); Cornish eviter^ eiviter ; Breton eontr ('maternal uncle ')< Celtic *aivon-tro, no other near equivalent but Latin avun-culu-s, perhaps 'petit aieul', caressing term for maternal uncle {fils de I'dieul maternel). o o 18 UNCLE AND NEPHEW brother, the stem * nepot- took the same direction, and was used to express relation to the mother's brother and the mother's sister." ^^ The many citations from the Old French epic made in the early part of this chapter show a relation to the development in the Teutonic languages as tabulated by Dr. Schrader.2^ With regard to the diversity of usage in the Romance field, the following conclusion is reached by Dr. Ernst Tappolet so far as the popular speech is concerned: " Das Lateinische hat in seinem doppelsinnigen NEPOS eine ^ verhangnissvolle ' Erbschaf t hinterlassen. Die hiberischen Idiome allein haben die lateinische Hauptbedeutung — mit An- schluss und Ersatz der andern — beibehalten. Das gallische Sprachgebeit hat die Zweideutigkeit auf die Lange nicht ertrangen und durch die ihm eigene adjectivische Zusammen- 30 Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 379. 31 Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 374. Sanscrit: ndpdt, wdpiar = ' descendant ' in general, later ^grand- son'. Iranian languages: Zend napdt = ' grandson^; Greek verrodes^ 'brood', with derivatives meaning 'child of brother or sister'; Latin nepot- = ' grandson ', then later ' nephew '. Teutonic languages : Anglo-Saxon nefa =■ ' grandson, nephew ' ; Old Norse /le/e = ' kinsman ' ; Old High German 7iefo, Middle High German 7ieve=' sister's son'^ rarely 'brother's son', also 'uncle', then 'kinsman' in general (Kluge) ; Old Norse nipt = 'sister's daughter, niece'; Old High German nift, Middle High German niftel, Gothic nithjis = ' cousin ' ; Old Norse nithr = ' descendant '. Old Slavonic : neiiji = ' nephew '. Old Irish : nia = ' sister 's son '. The same material may be found in Kluge 's Etymologisches Worterbuch, from which Schrader draws. In the seventh (1910) edition, Kluge adds that "Luther gebraucht Neffe als 'Enkel'; die heutige Bedeutung gait zur Zeit Frisch (1741) nur in vorneh- men Kreisen und erst am Schluss des 18 Jahrhunderts ist das Wort mit der heutigen Bedeutung schriftspraehlich geworden." (See word Neffe.) INTEODUCTION 19 setzung bei Verwandtsehaftsbegriffen den dringend notigen Ersatz geschaffen. Das Ital. und Rum. stehen ihm darin weit zuriiek und leiden immer noch an der traditionellen Zwei- deutigkeit." ^- He systematizes the situation in a diagram showing that the meaning ^gTandson' is found in Spanish, Portuguese, Old French, Roumanian, Albanian, and that of 'nephew' in Old French, Modern French, Rhaeto-Romance, Roumanian, Ital- ian, Albanian ; he questions whether the earlier meaning of the Latin original remains in the spoken language of Italy, and adds : " In der Toseana mag es noch gelegentlich der Fall sein unter dem Einfluss der offlziellen Sprache; aber in der Volks- sprache des Nordens und Siidens lebt NEPOS = Enkel nicht mehr und so ist Italien thatsachlich dem jetzigen Zustand in Frankreich nicht mehr gar zu fern." ^^ He cites the following derivatives in the sense of ' nephew ' : ISTepos > altit. nievo; altvenez. nievo, nevo; prov. nep-s; altfranco-prov. nes (nevou) ; altfranz. nies (neveu) ; rhae.-rom. nefs; alban. nip. Nepotem > ital., sard, nipote; Oberitalien, Siidfrankreich, Balearen, franco-prov., rum. nepote; mittel- und nordfranz. neveu. It is unnecessary to go further into this linguistic prob- lem : Kluge and Schrader make plain the development of the stock from ' descendant ' and * grandson ' to the Latin use of ' grandson \ later ' nephew ', and the Teutonic use of ' grand- son, sister's son, nephew', while Tappolet shows that in the Romance field the double meaning exists only in Old French, Roumanian and Albanian, the Spanish and Portuguese adopt- ing the meaning 'grandson', the French and Italian that of 'nephew'.^* Its importance for present purposes is that the 32 E. Tappolet, Eomanisclie VenvandtscJiaftsnamen, p. 91. C^Td., pp. 86, 87. It is a question whether Ms statement may not be a little too sweeping, although based on observation of the spoken language. 34 The terms ooicle a la mode de Bretagne, ' cousin of one or the other parent', and neveu a la mode de Bretagne, 'son of a cousin', undoubtedly have some connection with this development, just what has not yet been made clear. 20 UNCLE AND NEPHEW very terms oncle, nies, as used in the French epic of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, call up a discussion of relationship in an earlier state of society; it is not to be wondered at, then, that the relations between uncle and nephew as portrayed in the Chansons de Geste should contain many elements dating from primitive times. Whatever the superficial confusion in the application of terms may be, each poem is practically con- sistent in itself as regards the actual family relationship.^^ 35 That the terms under discussion are not always employed with precision even today is shown by the recent play of Un Bon Petit Viable, by Mme. Edmond Eostand and her son Maurice, in which, throughout the play, Charle calls Mme. Mac'Miche, his guardian's wife, ma cousine, while she calls him mon neveu. 35a The poem of Bueves de Commarchis, a copy of which was not available at the time the foregoing chapter was written, con- tains an important example of the double sense of nies. In vs. 59, Gerart and Guielin are said to be neveus of Aymeri, and in vs. 69 they are neveus of Guillaume. Aymeri is their grandfather, Guillaume is their uncle; cf. vss. 2547, 2676. CHAPTER I Attitude of Father Compared with that of Uxcle In order to connect the primitive elements in the Chansons de Geste with that state of society called Mother-right, it is nec- essary first to make an exhaustive study of the poems for the purpose of ascertaining the exact position of the nephew with regard to the uncle, the attributes or conventional qualities at- tached to the latter, and the rights and claims of the one upon the other. As will be seen, the tendency is to minimize the intimacy between father and son, while exalting that between uncle and nephew; in the latter case the closest solidar- ity is the almost invariable rule, while for the most part the attitude of the father, when the poet goes into the subject at all, is one of severity and injustice, breeding dissension and disruption of the family relations. For example, in Doon de Mayence, when Doon^s father is about to send the boy off to his uncle for training, after a long tirade filled with good advice, he raises his hand and strikes his son ; this is by no means the ^ accolade ' which accompanies the knighting of a youth, but a furious blow, particularly unjusti- fiable in the case of Doon, who has for eight years taken the tenderest care of his blind father; yet the poet does not speak of the blow as anything extraordinary: Lors le fiert de la paulme sur le viz, qu'il ot gTas; Puis luy a dit : " Beaul fiz, bellement et par gas Pour ce t'ay je feru que ja ne Toubliras." ^ {Doon de Mayence, 2478) a Then he strikes him with his palm upon his face, which was plump. / Then he said to him : ' ' Fair son, gently and in jest / Did I strike you, so that you will not forget it. 21 J J 22 UNCLE AND NEPHEW In the Narbonnais, we find the father Aymeri equally brutal towards his sons; he keeps the youngest at home, sending off the others to make their way in the world, and when his wife ventures to oppose his harshness, he strikes her to the ground. In the end he succeeds (in this poem) only in embittering his sons against him. His intentions are doubtless good, but this display of the iron hand is a characteristic of the epic father which makes the benevolence of the uncle all the more notice- able by contrast: " Esploitiez vos, que ne vos targiez mie. Si issiez tost de ma cite garnie ! Que, par celui qui tot a en baillie, Se vos i tniis demain dedanz compile, N'an manroiz arme ne destrier de Sulie, Si samblera hontage." ^ •{Narbonnais, 296) In Guibert d'Andrenas, which is as yet inedited, Aymeri de- cides to bequeath his lands to a godson and to disinherit the youngest son, Guibert; the latter rebels, exclaiming: "Non ferez, pere! par Dieu lo fil Marie! Deseriter me volez par folie, S'estranges hon a ma terre sesie." ^ Upon his refusal to retract this unfilial speech, Aymeri flies into a passion and calls him glos, lechiere, fil a gargon, mauvais couart provez,"^ and the browbeaten son submits.^^ In Elie de a ''Hasten, do not delay at all, / And quickly leave my rich city ! / For, by Him who has all in his power, / If I find you here tomorrow by the end of complines, / You shall not take away arms nor steed of Syria, / And it will seem a shame. b '' You shall not do it, father! By God the son of Mary! / You wish to disinherit me through madness, / If a stranger is possessed of my inheritance. ' ' c Eake, dog, low-born son, vile proven coward. 36 Ms. Brit. Mus., Bib. Eeg., 20 B XIX, fol. 152 r°. The cita- tions from Guibert were obtained through the courtesy of Professor Weeks, who possesses copies of all the mss. of the poem. ATTITUDE OF FATHER 23 Saint Gille, Julien despatches his son under much the same circumstances ; his intentions, too, are good, for he is endeavor- ing to arouse the rather shiggish Elie to a life of activity, but he cuts him off from his inheritance, and on driving him forth he gives him such a blow that the maddened boy can stand it no longer. Elie flees, and after distinguishing himself at a tournament refuses to become reconciled to his now admiring parent : Li vieus li gaint I'espee a son senestre les : II a hauciet le paume, se li done .i. cop tel Por .i. poi ne Fabat et nel fist enverser. Et quant le voit li enfes, le sens quida derver; II dist entre ses dens coiement a chele: " Dan vieus, mout estes fans et gangars et enfles ! Se I'eust fait .i. autre, ja I'eust compere; Mais vous estes mes peres, ne m'en doi airer." ^ {Elie, 104; cf. 35-165)3^ a The old man girds the sword upon his left side ; / He raised Ms palm, and gives him such a blow / It almost fells him and made him fall backwards. / And when the youth sees this, he almost went mad. / He muttered to himself quietly and secretly, / ' ' My lord, old man, you are false and churlish and proud. / If another had done it, he would surely have paid for it ! / But you are my father, I must not become angry." 37 This passage, as well as the one just cited from Doon de Mayence, is a rather far-fetched illustration used by A. Schultz {Das HofiscJie Leben, I, p. 185) as an example of the colee given when a youth was adoube; " es ist also der Eitterschlag im G'runde nur eine symbolische Handlung, dem Knappen die Erinnerung an die guten bei dieser Gelegenheit erhaltenen Lehren noch mehr einzupragen. " The symbolical interpretation is undoubtedly correct, yet the manner of application in the case of Doon and in that of Elie suggests anything but kindly intentions on the part of the parent, as is evinced by the anger of Elie when he receives the violent blow. Gautier (La Clievalerie, p. 325) represents the father as being always unnecessarily brutal in this feature of the cere- mony, but states that the colee was of eleventh century origin, 24 UNCLE AND NEPHEW In Floovant, the anger of Clovis at his son, who has humiliated the seneschal by cutting off his beard while the latter was sleep- ing, is so great that he sentences him to exile for seven years. Floovant, furious at such unnecessary harshness for a mad prank, steals away without taking leave even of his mother, qui plus le tenoit chier que elle ne fagoit son seignor droiturier ^ (156). In the Couronnement Louis, Charlemagne seems to re- gard Louis more in the light of a political successor than as a \son who has a claim upon his fatherly affection. At the coro- nation he has no patience with the shyness of the boy, who knows not how to act, but reviles him and finally decides to make a monk of him. To be sure, the Emperor does show a spark of kindliness when Guillaume succeeds in placing the crown upon the boy's head : Voit Vempereres, de son enfant fu liez^ (149). 38 That parental authority was enforced by blows on slight provocation is evident. In Aiol, Elie falls into a rage with his son, who has heaped benefits upon him, merely for pretending as a jest that his father's old war-horse is dead; the father takes a stick and starts to beat Aiol, calling him faus lecMeres, fol glous desmesures^ {Aiol, 8272). When Bertrand, in the Enfances Vivien, chafes with eagerness to take part in the battle, his father Bernart strikes him and roughly tells him: Tais toi, lichieres orguillox, fui desi^ (3585), while his uncle a Who held him dearer than she did her rightful lord. t> The Emperor sees, and rejoiced in his son. c False rake, mad, arrogant glutton. ^ Be silent, proud rake, make haste from here. and not an essential feature of the adoubement (pp. 270, 286; cf. Guilhermoz, Origins de la Noblesse, p. 413). It is significant that our texts, while treating the incident in a broadly humorous way in the ease of the father, are non-committal as to the colee given by the uncle. 38 The reading of the E. Langlois edition (vs. .147) is prefer- able: Veit le li pere. In Huon de Bordeaux (85 ff.), Charlemagne publicly denounces his son Chariot, giving a long category of his defects and errors. ATTITUDE OF FATHER 25 Guillanme good-naturedly puts him off with a laugh, saying he is much too young: Ot lou Guillaumes s'an a gete .i. ris; " Bien sire nies atendes un petit, Si m'eist Dex vos estes trop petis." * {Enfances Vivien^ 3572) This same Bernart, in the Charroi de Nimes, urging his unwill- ing son to accompany him on the Saracen expedition, loses his temper and : Hauce la paume, si li a done grant ^ (615) . Some- times the tables are turned and the son assumes the defensive, aij is seen in the attitude of Antiaume, who has been befriended by Aiol, towards his father Rainier, who shelters Aiol over night and then treacherously attempts to kill him; his son threatens : " Se ne fussies mes peres, ja presisse loier De vo gTant traison a I'espee d^achier." ^ (Aiol, 7656) This is an exceptional case, however; the son never strikes the father, and his attitude is generally one of complete submis- sion. In the unpublished manuscript of the Siege de Barhastre there is a case of unnecessary brutality on the part of the father: Bovon is berating his son Gerart and lauding his own prowess; when Gerart tries to excuse himself, the father seizes a stick and is about to beat Gerart, but is prevented by the others present.^^ There are numerous examples of the slight value set upon the son by the father : in Huon de Bordeaux, Charlemagne con- ceives a great liking for Huon, a recent arrival at court, and when the latter tells him that he has killed an unknown man, a Guillaume heard him and uttered a laugh ; /-' ' Fair nephew, wait a little; / So may God help me, you are too little." bEaises his palm, and gave him a good one. c " If you were not my father, I would indeed take toll / For your great treachery with my sword of steel." 39 Ms. 1448, fonds fr., fol. 124 v°. 26 UNCLE AND NEPHEW the Emperor grants him his protection even if the victim proves to be his own son: " Et, foi que doi al vrai cors saint Vingant, Se vous m'avies ochis .i. mien enfant, Karlot mon fil, que je paraime tant, N'ariies garde de ce jour en avant, Se traissons ne vous va encoupant." * {Huon de Bordeaux, 1208) In Berte aus grans pies, Symon has opened his home to the friendless Berte, and becomes so attached to her that he calls her his niece and swears that he loves her more than his own •daughters : Plus Vaim que mes en fans, si soit m'ame sauvee ^ (Berte, 2788). In Anse'is de Cartage, Gui nearly kills the Saracen Aridafle, whereupon his son, who has come over to the French, expresses his indifference and announces his intentions of sparing no relative (7251). This attitude of murderous fanaticism on the part of the converted Saracens must appeal particularly to the poets, so often do they introduce the idea; in Aliscans there is an elaborate account of the combat between Desrame and his son Renoart, who is christianized. The son insults his father's religion, they bandy words, then each tries to kill the other, and each escapes by a mere accident (ed. Halle, 6597). In Baoul de Camhrai, Guerri loses two sons in battle, hut during a truce utterly neglects to seek their dead bodies, so intent is he on finding that of his nephew Raoul, who was killed at the same time (3226, 3582 ).4o Sons are frequently represented in the epic as being offered I)y the father as hostages, even when death is absolutely cer- V tain for them. In the Chanson de Boland, Blancandrin sug- a ' ' And by the faith that I owe to the true body of Saint Vin- cent, / If you had slain a child of mine, / Chariot my son, whom I love so very much, / You should have no care from this day on, / Unless treachery accuses you." b I love her more than my children, so may my soul be saved. 40 For citation, see page 42. ATTITUDE OF FATHER 27 gests to the pagan king Marsile that CharlemagTie can be in- duced to leave Spain by sending to him ten or twenty of their sons and by promising to follow him to France and become converted; when the time has passed, the Emperor will be angry at their breach of promise and will kill the hostages. The pagans agree to this, and it is announced to the emperor, who is not in the least hoiTified when Marsile offers his own son par num d'ocire: " S'en vuelt ostages, e vus I'en enveiez. dis o vint pur lui afiancier. Enveiums i les filz de noz muilliers; Par num d'ocire enveierai le mien. Assez est mielz qu'il i perdent les chiefs, Que nus perdiiun Fhonur ne la deintet, Ne nus seium cunduit a mendeier." Paien respundent : " Bien fait a otreier "... ^' Viendrat li jurz, si passerat li termes, N'orrat de nus paroles ne nuveles. Li Reis est fiers, e sis curages pesmes: De noz ostages f erat trenchier les testes ; Asez est mielz que la vie il i perdent Que nus perdium clere Espaigne la bele Ne nus aium les mals ne les suffraites." Dient paien : " Issi poet il bien estre." ^ {Boland, ^0 n.) a ' ' If he wishes hostages, do you send Mm some. / Ten or twenty, to give him confidence. / Let us send him the sons of our wives ; / Even were he to be put to death, I will send mine. / Much better is it for them to lose their heads / Than for us to lose our lands and our estates, / And be reduced to begging. ' ' / The pagans reply : " It is well to grant this. " . . . / " The day will come, the limit will pass, / He will not hear word or news of us; / The King is haughty, and his heart is implacable ; / He will have the heads of our hostages cut off ; / Better is it that they shall lose their lives, / Than that we shall lose bright Spain, the beautiful, / And have woe and suffering. ' ' / The pagans say : ' ' This can well be so. ' ' 28 UNCLE AND NEPHEW " De cez paroles que vus avez ci dit En quel mesure en purrai estre fiz ? " " Par bons ostages, go dist li Sarrazins, Dunt vus avrez o dis o quinze o vint. Par num d'ocire i metrai un mien filz. E n'en avrez, qo quid, de plus gentilz." * {Boland, 145) In the Couronnement Louis, King Galafre offers his sons in the same way, even urging that they be hanged if the terms of the agreement are not carried out: "Et se c'est chose que de covent vos faille, Endui mes filz recevez en ostage, Que reangon un denier ne lor vaille, Ainz les pendez amedeus a un arbre." ^ {Couronnement Louis, 479) There is no indication that the poet tries either to please or to shock his hearers by attributing such inhumanity to the Saracens, for the offer of sons is accepted each time as a matter of course, and the same peculiar attitude is assigned to the French as well. In the Enfances Ogier, Gaufroi sends his son to the Emperor as hostage; to be sure, there is no dan- ger of death specified, and the father does show a little emotion at parting with the child: Toutes ces choses volentiers otroia, Ogier son fill en ostage livra, Mais au livrer un petit lermoia.*^ {Enfances Ogier, 218) a ' ' These words that you have spoken here, / To what extent can I be assured of them?' V By good hostages," said the Saracen, / ' ' Of whom you shall have ten or fifteen or twenty. / At the risk of his being put to death, I will add a son of mine. / And you will not have, I think, any more noble." b ' ' And if there is anything lacking in the agreement, / Receive- both my sons as hostages ; / Let not ransom avail them a farthing, / But rather hang them both to a tree. ' ' c All these things he granted willingly ; / Ogier his son he- delivered as hostage, / But on giving him up he wept a little. ATTITUDE OF FATHER 29 In Renaut de Montauban, it is astonishing to see with what ease the Emperor is persuaded to send his son Lohier as messenger to Bovon d'Aigremont, on a mission all the more dangerous as the implacable Duke has already killed the first envoy ; the poet does, indeed, represent Charlemagne as having the grace to hesitate, but after all the sentiment is perfunctoiy, and the lament which the father utters when he learns of Lohier's death lacks the genuineness of the emotion to which the uncle so often gives vent (p. 8 ff.). Likewise in the Chevalerie Ogier the Emperor makes an easy sacrifice of his son Chariot for the sake of France when Ogier offers to save the country if Chariot, against whom he has a deep grudge, is delivered up to him to be put to death (10281 ff.)- -^^ Leon Gautier says: "L'Em- pereur consent trop facilement a la mort de Chariot; le pere abdique trop tot devant le roi." ^^ It is very plainly an after- thought of the poet to make the Emperor appear to do this un- willingly, and the first impulse of the father is to consent to the sacrifice without much urging. In Jourdains de Blaivies, when Renier and his wife are imprisoned for refusing to deliver their master's son to his enemy, the woman conceives a plan to surrender their own son and thus save the life of young Jour- dain. The father is deeply affected, but agrees — he will do anything fors seulement Dameldieu relenquir^ (480 ff.). In Amis et Amiles, the Queen, who has become interested in Amile, offers to find hostages for him as a guarantee of his appearance at a combat; she offers herself, her son and her daughter : " Mes cors mei'smez le voldra ostaigier, Et Belyssans, por cui la bataille iert, Bueves mes fiz, qui moult fait a prisier." ^ {Amis et Amiles, 799) a Save only to abandon God. b ' ' My own self will be willing to be hostage for him, / And Belissant, for whom the combat will be, / Bovon my son, who is much to be praised." 41 L. Gautier, Les Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 252. 30 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Charlemagne accepts the offer of his wife, and as the time for fulfillment approaches, he makes gruesome preparations and informs her that he intends to eaiTy out the sentence and that the three shall be dismembered and their ashes scattered; for- tunately, the sacrifice is rendered unnecessary by the appear- ance of a substitute for Amile. In the same poem, Amile wishes to aid his friend Ami, who is stricken with leprosy, and offers to do anything in his power : " Se g'en devoie, quanques a moi apant, Vendre, engaigier ou livrer a torment, Nes mes douz fiz certez ou Belissant, Si le f eroiie, gel voz di et creant." ^ (Amis et Amiles, 2839) When one of the children is told by the father of his inten- tion to kill him, he submits willingly, saying: " Noz sommez vostre de vostre engenrement, Faire en poez del tout a vo talent." ^ ^^ {Amis et Amiles, 3003) We learn from the poet of Gaydon that Sayari, though the son of Hertaut, is himself no traitor, and that for that rea- a^'If I had to, all who belong to me, / To sell or pledge or deliver them up to torture, / Even my two sons, most certainly, or Belissant, / I would do it, I tell you and assure you. ' ^ b ' ' We are yours, of your begetting ; / You can do with us alto- gether after your will." 42 Power of life and death over the son was not a poetic fiction ; Caesar observed it among the Gauls {De Bella Gallico, VI, 18, 19), and absolute power was given by law to the father among the insular Celts (cf. J. L. Gerig, article on '' Morals of the Celts" in Hastings' Encyclopedia of 'Religion, vol. V, in press). Among the Franks this was somewhat modified by Germanic customs, but as late as the Merovingian period, ' ' les pouvoirs du p&re de f amille sur ses enfants avaient une etendue considerable. II pouvait en effet les reeonnaitre ou les desavouer, les recueillir ou les aban- donner, les garder aupr^s de lui ou les vendre." (C. Galy, La Famille a I'Epoque Merovingienne, p. 380.) ATTITUDE OF FATHEE 31 son his father li fel tra'itres Tiet moult son heritier^ (4178) ► In Aye d' Avignon, we find two young men fighting on the side of their uncle against their fathers and betraying to him a plot of the latter.*^ One of the most striking cases in which son is pitted against father is seen in Renaut de Montauban^ where Aymon remains faithful to the Emperor and fights for him in the long war against his own sons; sometimes they meet in battle, and although the father wavers in his duty, he nevertheless attacks ; but when Eenaut is in a position to kill his father, he refrains, for : au hien et au mal doit on son pere amer (p. 94, 7). Aymon debates with himself: " Se je lais ces glotons, puisque je les vois ci, Parjure sui vers Karle, ma foi li sui menti. Dame Dex me confonde, se il en vont issi. Las ! peehieres dolans ! por eoi n'en sunt f ui ? Ja en iert la bataille, je le sai tot de fi, Et se mi fil i muerent, mult aurai cuer mari." ^ (Renaut y p. 79, 8) Many more illustrations might be found in the French epic of harshness, lack of affection and downright hostility on the part of the father; the few here presented are merely by way of pointing out the contrast in the attitude of the uncle. It has been stated by Fellinger that "wer sein Kind lieb hat, der ziichtigt es auch," and he cites :*^ a The villainous traitor deeply hates his heir. ^"If I leave these knaves, since I see them here, / 1 am fore- sworn to Charles, I have belied my pledge to him. / May Heaven confound me^ if they go away thus. / Alas ! sorrowful sinner ! Why did they not flee? / There will surely be a fight for it, I know for certain, / And if my sons perish in it, I shall have a very heavy heart. ' ' 43 For citation, see page 69. 44 F. Fellinger, Das Kind in der altfranzosischen Literatur, p. 157, citing ' De I'Anperiz de Borne', etc., in Band II, Nouveau Eeceuil, par M. Meon. 32 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Et li peres bat et chastie Plus son enfant qui a sa grace Que celui que il het ne f aee.^ One citation of this sort would hardly prove the point, and it may be doubted, although there is a certain amount of gen- eral truth in the statement, whether such an explanation ap- plies to the ill-treatment of the son in our Chansons de Geste. It is by no means the invariable rule in the French epic that the father is made to exercise his paternal authority with such brutality that it leads to a family feud; on the contrary, there are many passages in which the son is men- tioned with pride or treated with kindness, but after all they only intensify the general impression that the son is less dear and even more of a stranger to the father than is the nephew. There are not many instances of such love and anxiety on the part of the father as are shown by Elie towards Aiol (Aiol, 162-279) ; this is in marked contrast to the treatment of Elie by his own father in the first part of Elie de Saint Gilles. Instances of affection on the part of the Saracen father are found : messengers report to Baligant \ that Roland has killed his son quHl tant suleie amer^ {Roland, 2782); Marsile mourns the loss of his son: " Jo si nen ai filz ne filie ne heir ; Un en aveie ; oil f ut ocis bier seir." ^ {Roland, 2744) Baligant proudly calls attention to his son: " Veez mun filz, ki Carlun vait querant E a ses armes tanz baruns calenjant." ^ {Roland, 3375) a And the father beats and reprimands / More the child who has Tiis favor / Than he does him whom he hates, b Whom he was wont to love so much. c''I have neither son nor daughter nor heir; / One I had; he was slain yesterday evening." d ' ' See my son, who goes seeking Charles, / And challenging with his weapons so many barons." ATTITUDE OF FATHER 33 Elie says of the Emir: " Plus me het I'amiraus que nul home qui vive : Je li ocis son fil Ataignant de Sorbrie."^ {Elie, 1299) At the siege of Antioche, Garsion's son offers to go for aid, and the father weeps when sending him into danger: " Sire, fait il a lui, g'irai se vous voles ; Ne deves par moi estre a nul besoin fauses." " Biaus fieus, dist Garsions, cine cens mercis et gre." De pitie et de dol est aval aclines, Les larmes li degotent fil a fil sor le nes, Sansadoine embraga, si le baisa asses. ^ {Chanson d' Antioche, V, 475) Corsuble, father of Danemon, moult Vot en grant ehiertS^ {En- fanees Ogier, 587). He grieves at his death: Quant voit Corsubles que Danemons ses fis Gist sor la terre et que il ert f enis, De cuer en fu malement deseonfis.*^ {Enfances Ogier, 6083) Ogier's father scolds his wife for ill-treating the Emperor^s messengers; he knows that his son, a hostage, must suffer for it, and he is much grieved at the prospect: a ' ' The Emir hates me more than any man living : / I slew his son Ataignant de Sorbrie. ' ' t>"Sir, " says he to him, "I will go if you wish; /You must not be abandoned by me in any need. " / ' ' Fair son, ' ' said Garsion, ' ' five hundred times thanks and gratitude. ' ' / With pity and grief he bowed himself; / The tears drop in a stream upon his nose; /He embraced Sansadoine and kissed him repeatedly. c Held him in great affection. d When Corsuble sees that Danemon his son / Lies upon the ground and that he was dead, / He was greatly discomfited at heart by it. 4 ^ 34 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Forment Pen blasme et eliastie et reprent. Bien set c' Ogiers le comparra griement; Dedenz son cuer en ot grant mariment, Ne set que f aire, ne puet estre autrement.^ (Enfances Ogier, 337) When Ogier and his father meet at last: De lie cuer Vot ses peres regarded {Enfances Ogier ^ 8008) ; Ogier, in speaking of his (natural) son Bauduinet, says: Un fil avoie, Bauduinet qe foi chier^ {Chevalerie Ogier, 6092). In the Mort Bauduinet, edited by Voretzsch, the affection of Ogier for his son pervades the Chanson, and his grief at Bauduinet's death is expressed in very touching words. Guillaume explains the hatred of Duke Richard for him as natural : " Et il me het plus que home del mont; Son fill ocis, que por voir le set hon." ^ And the Duke upbraids him : " Tu me tolis le meillor heritier "^ Qui onques fust soz la chape del eiel." ® {Couronnement Louis, 2104, 2124) y Anseis, besieged with a starving garrison in Estorge, is wor- ried over the condition of his wife and children: Dedens Estorges fu li vivres faillis, N'ont pas viande a paser le tiere dis. Dolens en est li bons rois Anseis Et plus li poise de ses enfans petis; a Greatly he blames her for it and reprimands and reproaches her ; / Well he knows that Ogier will pay for this dearly ; / In his heart he had great grief; / He knows not what to do; it cannot be otherwise. bWith a glad heart his father looked at him. c A son I had, Bauduinet, whom I held dear. d ' ' And he hates me more than any man in the world ; / 1 slew his son, and truly people know this.'' e'^Thou tookest from me the best heir /That ever was under the mantle of the sky." ATTITUDE OF FATHER 35 Pour la roine estoit forment maris ... " Ma feme va cle fain color muant Et mi doi fil, dont me vois dolosant." * {Anse'is de Cartage, 7576, 8280; cf. 8336, 8416) Even Ganelon the traitor shows a spark of paternal affection for his son Baudoin, but he only makes use of him as a last argu- ment to avoid being sent to Spain as the Emperor's messenger : "En Sarraguce sai bien qu'aler m'estoet: Hum ki la vait repairier ne s'en poet. Ensurquetut si ai jo vostre soer. Si 'n ai un filz, ja plus bels n'en estoet: C'est Baldewins, se vit, ki ert prozdoem. A lui lais jo mes houurs e mes fieis. Guardez le bien, ja ne V verrai des oilz." ^ (Roland, 292) In such passages as the above the sentiment appears per- r' functory — the dramatic situation requires an expression of^ emotion. The father hates the slayer of his son, laments the loss of his heir, embraces the son who brmgs him aid or good tidings — such phases of affection, expressed largely by means of stock formulas, are not very convincing, especially as they represent an episode, and not a theme. More important is the fact that the Narbonnais represents the youth Romanz as fight- ing at Narbonne in company with his father Garin (4000 E.) ; a Within Estorge the food had given out, / They have not food enough to pass the third day. / Grrieved at this is good King Anseis, / And the thought of his little children weighs more upon him ; / For the Queen he was deeply grieved . . . / " My wife goes about pale with hunger, / And my two sons, wheref or I go lamenting. ' ' b ' ' To Saragossa I know that I must go ; / He who goes there cannot return. / But, especially, I have your sister. / And I have a son by her ; one would not need a finer. / That is Baudoin, who, if he lives, will be a valiant man. / To him I leave my lands and my fiefs. / Tak3 good care of him; I shall not see him more.*' 36 UNCLE AND NEPHEW this association of father and son is not frequent. Likewise the pathetic description of the sufferings of Ami when he is about to kill his children shows more genuine emotion (Amis et Amiles, 2967 ff.), as does the passage in the Enfances Vivien which depicts Garin's hesitation to accept the sacrifice of his son (244).^^ Of a certain importance in a general way is the remark of Louis about a troop going to a tournament : F'ier m'i puis com pere en son an f ant ^ {Foucon, 7688), but affection, as well as fidelity, are rather a characteristic of the son than of the father. There is a curious comparison in the Siege de Barhastre which may be adduced in support of the theory that the relation of son did not imply any deep affection to the mediaeval poet: the French arrive at Barbastre and succor the besieged Bovon; he and his two sons see them, and throwing a mantle around him, with a son on either hand, Bovon joyously descends to meet his friends.*^ The poet adds: Bien re- sanhle 'baron entre ses M. norris}^ That is, in order to depict by a glowing simile the father and son in this happy moment, the poet paints them in terms of nourris, as if that relation were closer than that of son. Since nephews were often brought up by the uncle, that fact may have helped to give the word some of its expressiveness. Such passages are scat- tered, as indeed are those that mention the son at all, while nephews are introduced into the story on every possible occa- sion, and their intimate relations with the uncle dwelt upon so insistently that the reader instinctively feels that there must be an underlying reason. a I can rely upon them as a father upon his child, b Much does he resemble a baron between his two foster- children. 45 The late prose version expatiates much more at the beginning on Garin's love for Vivien, but his tears and prayers are well represented afterwards in ms. A. 46 Ms. Bib. Nat., 1448, fonds fr., fol. 144 r° ; the use of this citation is due to the kindness of Professor Weeks, who has a copy of part of the ms. ATTITUDE OF FATHEE 37 There is a very large number of passages dealing witli the general attitude of the uncle which cannot be classified under any characteristic or attribute; a selection from them at this point will both serve to mark the different spirit which actu- ates their use from that distinguishing the citations just given, and will also indicate the esoteric tone which characterizes the poetic treatment of the uncle-nephew relations. It is significant that in the Chanson de Roland no mention is made of the father of the preux chevalier; it is his relation- ship to the Emperor alone that counts as a poetic theme. Plan- ning treason, Ganelon refers to the gxeat pride which Charle- magne has in Roland; his death will be an intolerable blow to the Emperor's ambition: " Carles verrat sun grant orgoill cadeir, N'avrat talent que jamais vus gnierreit.'^ ^ {Roland, 573) When the Emperor learns that his nephew is to be in the rear- guard, the most dangerous position, on the homeward march from Spain, he at first falls into a great rage, and then is over- come with concern: Quant Tot li Reis, fierement le reguardet; Si li a dit: "Yus estes vifs diables; El' cors vus est entree mortel rage "... Li Emperere en tint sun chief enbnmc ; Si duist sa barbe e detoerst sun gernun ; Ne poet muer que de ses oilz ne plurt.^ {Roland, 745, 771) a ''Charles will see his great pride fall; /He will have no more desire to wage war upon you. ' ' b When the King hears him, he looks at him haughtily ; / And said to him : ' ' You are the devil in person ; / Into your heart has come deadly rage. " . . . / The Emperor at this held his head bowed ; / He stroked his beard and twisted his moustache ; / He cannot keep the tears from his eyes. 38 UNCLE AND NEPHEW When it is decided to submit Ganelon^s fate to the jugement de Bieu, the Emperor prays for the success of his champion, and after the victory he takes Thieny in his arms and dries his face for him; this is all for Roland's sake {Roland, 3815 ff.). In Gui de Bourgogne, Sanson has been a messenger to the mysterious new king of France, his own son, whom he does not recognize, but on reporting to the Emperor how pleased he was with him and how he embraced him, Charlemagne's affec- tion makes him intuitive, and he exclaims : " Sanses, dist I'emperere, par la vertu du ciel, Je quit e'est vostre fis et de vostre moillier; Maris estes ma suer, je quit qu'il est mes nies." * {Gui de Bourgogne, 3166) When the Emperor and Gui finally meet, the poet shows us a picture of deep tenderness : Karles connut Guion, s'est encontre levez; Andeus, brace estendue, se sont entr'acole. Ains peust on avoir une grant line ale Que il s'entrelassassent, ne peussent parler.^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 3950) In the Guillaume cycle, the affection of Guillaume for Viv- ien parallels that of Charlemagne for Roland; many details correspond in the two cases: for instance, the famous passage in which Roland blows his horn and his uncle hears it and instinctively knows whose it is, has a counterpart in the Clie- vdlerie Vivien: Li Emperere s'estut, si I'escultat: " Seignurs, dist il, mult malement nus vait. a ''Sanson," said the Emperor, ''by the virtue of Heaven, / 1 think it is your son and your wife's; / You are the husband of my sister; I think he is my nephew." t> Charles recognized Gui and rose to meet him; /Both, with arms outstretched, embraced. / One could have gone a full league / Before they parted, or could speak. ATTITUDE OF FATHER 39 Rollanz mis nies hoi cest jur nus defalt; J'oi a V corner que g-uaires ne vivrat." * {Roland, 2105) " Cest Viviens qui sone lai eel cor, Bien I'ai oit et al son et as mos; Tant est aquis que pres est de la mort." ^ {Chevalerie Vivien, 1530) In the Aliscans, Guillaume addresses himself to the dead youth, extenuating his inability to bear him away from the field of battle : '^ Biau nies, dist il, moult vos avoie chier ; Se je vos leis nus n'en doit merveillier, N'en doi avoir honte ne reprovier. Car n'est homs nez qui t'en osast portier." ^ {Aliscans, 971) In the Cangun de Willame, Guiburc commends her nephew Guischard to the care of her husband: " Sire Guillelmes, jot chargerai Guischart. II est mis nies : mult est pruef de ma charn." ^ {Willame, ed. Suchier, 1035) The contrast between father and uncle is well marked in the Enfances Vivien, where Guillaume is throughout the nearest a The Emperor stopped and listened ; / " My lords, ' ' said he, ''it goes ill with us. / My nephew Eoland this day is lost to us; / I know by the sound of his horn that he will not live long. ' ' b ' ' It is Vivien who is sounding there that horn ; / I have heard it well both by the sound and by the strains; /He is so exhausted that he is near death. ' ' c ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' full dear I held you ; / If I leave you, none must marvel, / Nor must I be shamed nor reproached, / For there is no living man who would dare to bear you away. ' ' d ' ' My lord William, I shall entrust Guischart to you. / He is my nephew, and is very near to me." 40 UNCLE AND NEPHEW and dearest; Garin plays a passive role, but the uncle under- takes the rescue of Vivien, going to Louis to implore his aid: " Or vigne avant mes sires droituriers ; De lui meismes me volrai conseiller Com f aitement aura secors mes nies." * {Enfances Vivien, 2998, ms. 1448) In the Willame, the pagans separate the uncle from the nephew quil poeit tant amer^ (2065). In Aymeri de Narbonne, the love of Guillaume for the four sons of his sister, the wife of Droon de Montdidier, is indicated as a matter of course : Forment les dut Guillaumes avoir chier: Neveu furent au eonte.° {Aymeri, 4634) Girart comes across Aymeri, son chier neveu que il a tant ame^ {Aymeri, 4310). Girart, rescuing his nephew from a dan- gerous attack by the enemy, is characterized as si ami et si dru ® (4355). From this moment the two are inseparable, and their names are constantly linked together in the rest of the poem. In the Enfances Ogier, Charlemagne decides not to kill the hostage Ogier, but to parole him in the care of his uncle Naimon, who: son neveu avoit moult de cuer chier ^ (436). The pagans, black as they are painted, still have family affec- tions similar to those of the Chi-istians: Maehabre threatens with dire privations Doon, qui ochist mon neveu que tant avoie ame^ {Gaufrey, 1578). A plain case where the nephew is pre- a"Now let my rightful lord come forward; /I want to be advised by Mm / How and in what way my nephew shall have assistance. ' ' bWhom he loved so much. c Passing dear must Guillaume have held them : / They were nephews to the Count. d His dear nephew whom he loved so much. e His friend and his intimate. f Held his nephew dear at heart. g Who slew my nephew whom I loved so much. ATTITUDE OF FATHEE 41 ferred to the son is found in Aliscans, where Desrame encour- ages his nephew Baudus to attack his son Renoart (ed. Jonck- bloet, 6322 ff.) ; of course in this instance the son is an apos- tate, and it is a general principle to attack relatives under such circumstances, yet it must be admitted that such treatment of a nephew or an uncle is hardly to be found.*^ The only example at hand is in the threats of Huidelon against Escor- faut and Emaudras in Gui de Bourgogne, but this part of the poem contains so many supernatural elements that its testi- mony as an early document is impaired: " Je ferai eest mesage, bien le sachons de fi. Vers le roi Escorfaut que mes peres norri; Certes, il est mes nies, par verte le vos di . . . Se il veut trespasser ne mes fais ne mes dis, N'i aura amiste vaillant .i. angevin." * {Gui de Bourgogne, 3208) " On I'apele Maudrane, Escorfaut respondi. Si la tient Emaudras, .i. culvers maleis; II fu de ma serour nez et angenoi's." ^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 3476) Perhaps the most striking illustration of the preference for the nephew occurs in Baoul de Cambrai, in the poignant scene where Guerri forgets his dead sons while seeking for the body of his nephew Raoul ; on finding the body he opens it, takes out the heart, and calls the knights to admire it : Par la bataille vont les mors reversant. Qi trova mort son pere ou son effant, a ''I will carry this message, know for certain,/ To King Escor- faut, whom my father brought up ; / Assuredly, he is my nephew, I tell you truly ; / If he wishes to baffle my deeds or my words, / Friendship will not count an angevin's worth/' b'^They call it Maudrane,'' Escorfaut replied, /" And Emau- dras holds it, an accursed knave ; / He was conceived and born of my sister." 47 Cf. page 26. 42 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Neveu on oncle ou son apartenant, Bien poes croire, le cuer en ot dolant. Et Guerris va les siens mors recuellantj Andeus ees fix oublia maintenant Por son neveu Raoul le combatant.^ (Raoul de Camhrai, 3227) Then when RaouFs mother reproaches him with not having protected her son, he exculpates himself by telling her how : "Por mon neveu qe j'en fis aporter, Me covint il mes .ij. fils oublier Qe vi ocire et les menbres colper. Bien me delist li cuers el cors crever." ^ {Raoul de Camhrai, 3583)*^ In passages like the above, depicting the general sentiments of the uncle, the actual phraseology is of less importance than the underlying point of view on the part of the poet; the use of stock i^hrases is quite as general as when he is dealing with the attitude of the father, mo^i neveu que avoie chier having no more ethical value than mon fils que avoie chier. By them- selves, these phrases w^ould have little weight, but in the con- nection in which they occur is evident the deep feeling which characterizes everywhere the attitude of the uncle, so that they become the manifestation of a permeating atmosphere and thus acquire a deeper significance than the fragmentary and cur- a Over the battlefield they go, turning up the dead. / Whoever found his father dead, or his child, / His nephew or uncle or near relative, / You may well believe, had a grief -stricken heart at this. / And Guerri goes collecting his dead ; / Both his sons he lorgot now, / For his nephew Eaoul the warrior. b ' ' For my nephew, whom I brought away, / It was necessary for me to forget my two sons / Whom I saw killed and dismem- bered. / Verily, my heart should have broken within me. ' ' 48 To be sure, Raoul had been entrusted to the care of his uncle (vss. 317, 3589), but in any case the situation would have been the same. ATTITUDE OF FATHER 43 sory allusions to an occasional vein of sympathy on the part of the father. This opinion is intensified by an examination of the various points of contact between uncle and nephew, classi- fied separately, which can be so arranged as to give an almost continuously moving picture, so to speak, of their mutual re- lations. f CHAPTER II Points of Contact between Uncle and Nephew (a) Fosterage It is not surprising that the French epic gives little detailed information about the relations- between uncle and nephew before the latter has reached the age of knighthood, when the uncle's interest seems to become more acute; it is natural that in poems devoted to the celebration of martial deeds children should play an unimportant part. Still, many of the poems make fragmentaiy allusions to the fosterage of the child by his uncle, a practise well understood by the poet's audience, since it was a common thing for children to be educated or trained elsewhere than in the paternal house. In the legend of Roland the child becomes a protege of Charlemagne when about eight years old; the Chanson de Roland represents the hero at the point of death as longing for France and for the uncle ki V nurrit (2379).^^ According to the Renaut de Montauhan, Ogier has been brought up by Girart de Roussillon, Doon de Nanteuil and Bovon d'Aigremont; these three, says he, furent mi oncle ki m'ont soef nori^ (p. 215, 23). In Doon de May- ence, when Doon has reached the age of fifteen, he is sent by his father to the latter's brother, who will teach him to fight, provide him with armor and a horse, and make him a knight (2114). In Aiol, Makaire is the uncle of Feraut and several a Were my uncles, who reared me tenderly. 49 On nourrir, cf. P. Guilhiermoz, Origine de la Notlesse, p. 431, note 54, where exception is taken to the technical sense given on p. 186 of Gautier's La CJievalerie, and references are given to -the Vulgate and to Saint Augustine and to Racine, showing that nutrire and nourrir have the more general force of elever. 44 CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 45 others, who we are told are si neveu et de sa norichon ^ (4617, 7203). In Garin le Loherain, Bishop Henri takes Garin and Begon, the sons of his brother Hervd, and they remain with him seven years and a half (I, 61). In Auheri le Bourgoing, Basin gives his son Auberi into the care of his brother Henri, who carries him off to Osteune and ill-treats him (p. 7) ; here we have an example of the wicked uncle, to be discussed later.^^ Tibaut d'Aspremont calls the Abbe de Saint Denis his uncle and nurturer {Gaydon, 69-74). Rigaut hotly denounces his uncle's murderers : Blort ont Begon, qui soef me norri ^ {Mort Garin, 1032.) In the legend of Vivien as given in Aliscans, Vivien and his young brother Guichardet have been brought up for seven years by their uncle Guillaume : " Je vos nouri par molt grant chierete. Et ma moillier au gent cors henore Biaus sire nies, tant vos avoit ame, .vii. ans tos pleins geiis a son coste." ^ {Aliscans, ed. Halle, 783) In the Willame, it is fifteen years, and Vivien reminds Gui- bure of this when imploring her for aid : " Sez que diras dame Guiburc ma drue ? Si li remembret de la grant nun-eture, Plus de quinze anz qu'ele at vers mei oiie." ^ {Willame, ed. Suchier, 685) a His nephews and his foster-children. b They have killed Begon, who gently reared me. c"l brought you up in great affection. / And my wife, comely and honored, / Fair nephew^ loved you so much, / Full seven years thou layest at her side. ' ' d ' ' Knowest thou what thou shalt say to Guiburc, my beloved lady? / Whether she remembers the long bringing up, / More than fifteen years, that she gave me. ' ' 50 See page 108 ff. 46 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Professor Cloetta, wishing to account for the great affection existing between Vivien and Guillaume, tries to reconcile the contradictory statements of the different poems as to the paren- tage of Vivien and his fosterage by Guillaume.^^ He decides that the poet of the Chevalerie omits all references to Vivien's parents because otherwise he would have had to account for Vivien's being brought up by his uncle instead of at home; he quotes a verse from AUscans to show that Vivien's parents were dead : " Je sui tes oneles, n'as ore plus prochain, Fors Damedieu, le verai souverain.'^ ^ {AUscans, ed. Guessard, 827, ed. Jonckbloet, 888) Professor Bedier, likewise, argues that the parents have been dead for years, " car jamais la pensee de Vivien ni de personne ne va vers eux." ^^ j^ (joes not seem to require any explana- tion, however, inasmuch as it can be set down as one of the many instances in which the uncle is dearer than the father. In the Enfances Vivien, in which both parents appear, the uncle is again the nearest and dearest.^^ It is worthy of note that throughout the French epic the poet practically loses sight of the parents, when once he has set himself to depicting the affection between uncle and nephew; seemingly it matters little whether the parents appear in the story or not — to the poet and to his audience the important thing is the fact of tutelage by the uncle. The nourri recurs continually in the Chansons de Geste, and a ' ' I am thy uncle, thou hast now none nearer, / Save the Lord God, the true sovereign. >> 51 W. Cloetta, Die Enfances Vivien, p. 72 ff . 52 J. Bedier, Legendes Epiques, 1, p. 409. The argument of Cloetta based on the use of the past tense_, fil^ fu Garin, is much more potent, as the epic poems commonly make use of this tense to indicate that the parent is dead, when speaking of a living character. 53 Cf. pages 25, 40, 50. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 47 upon him the seigneur relies, but particularly so when the nourri is also a nephew, as is often the case. '^ II nait, en effet, une sorte de parente entre le nourri et le seigneur qui I'a eleve, entre I'adoube et le seigneur qui lui a donne les armes. Elever un enfant c'est prendre la place du pere." ^* A German writer expresses the opinion, contraiy to that of Flach, Lavisse and Gautier, that the institution of the nourri was not a con- temporary practise, but rather a poetical motif. " Es wird uns denn sehr wahrscheinlich, dass der Nourri in der damaligen Epik lediglich als episch-poetisches Motif lebendig war. Es lag bereits den altesten und beriihmtesten Epen, wie z. B. dem Rolandslied und Aliscans, zugmnde und wurde wohl hauptsachlich um dieser Vorbilder willen von den spateren Dichtern immer aufs neue benutzt." ^^ This writer has, however, enough material from other poems in his dissertation to show that the part of imitation is very slight, and that the cause must be deeper; he suspects its connection with primitive conditions of society, but does not take advantage of his material.^^ (b) Knighthood The first really important step in the life of the young baee- ler is taken when through the ceremony of adoubement he en- ters the ranks of knighthood, and thus becomes an active mem- ber of feudal society.^" He is now an armed horseman, a chevalier, and by virtue of this position his epic interest now begins. While it was ordinarily the privilege of the king to perform the ceremony of knighting, the poets frequently allot 54 J. Flach, Le Compagnonnage, p. 155. 55 Schubert, Ber Pflegesohii, p. 52. 56 Eoland is mentioned as the nourri of the Emperor in Boland, 2380, and Girart de Vienne, p. 156. In the Provencal Girart de Boussillon, ^'Aimon, Aimeri et Andefroi etaient neveux de Thierry: ils avaient ete eleves chez lui. C'est lui qui les avait arm^s et equipes." (Traduction Meyer, p. 114, §213.) 57 Cf. Stowell, Titles of Eespect, p. 83. 48 UNCLE AND NEPHEW that honor to the uncle of the youth; in the Charlemagne legend, it is king and uncle in the same person who dubs his nephews knights.^^ This is done under various circumstances : the youth is sometimes fostered and trained in the arts of war by his uncle, then knighted by him, sometimes he is sent by his father to the uncle for that particular purpose, or again, the honor is conferred after the young man has won his spurs in battle. The example of Roland always comes first to the mind, for in the relations between him and the Emperor occur virtually all the many characteristics which make the epic poems so remin- iscent of that early state of society when the mother's brother stood in reality in closest connection with the child. While the Emperor is planning to lay siege to the castle of Renaut at Montauban, his nephew Roland, still a mere youth, comes to join the army; the Emperor receives him warmly and knights him, then sends him in command of twenty thousand men to Cologne to subdue the Saxons; on seeing his nephew so unex- pectedly make his appearance and on learning who he is, Char- lemagne declares straightway : Bias nies, nos vos adoheron; ^ then the poet tells us that : Karles nostre emperere ot le cuer forment lie Por amor de Rollant c'on li a envoie.^ {Benaut de Montauban, p. 120) The account in Aspremont of Roland's knighting differs from this — as related by Gautier, it takes place in the gorge of As- premont after Roland has defeated Eaumont in single combat a Fair nephew, we will dub you knight. b Charles, our Emperor, had a glad heart, / For love of Roland, who waa sent to him. 58 For examples of knighting by the King in mediaeval history, ef. Guilhiermoz, Origine de la Noblesse, p. 412 ff. ; cf, also L. Gautier^ La Chevalerie, p. 259 ff. The Chansons de Geste give this office to the king less frequently than one would suppose from these passages. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 49 and by wresting from him his famous sword Durendal has saved his uncle's life. "Pen de temps apres, en presence du Pape et de tons ses barons, I'Empereur ceignait solennelle- ment Durandal a son neveu Roland; Naimes et Ogier lui at- tachaient les eperons et I'Apostole benissait le nouveau che- valier." ^^ But it must be borne in mind that here, as in all his other relations with Roland, it is as uncle and not as Emperor that Charlemagne is acting. At the beginning of Ansets de Cartage, Charlemagne is represented as knighting the young Ansei's, his nephew, to whom he gives Spain and Carthage as a fief {Anse'is, 100 £f.). The knighting of Vivien by Guillaume is mentioned in several poems; in the Enfances Vivien, after the youth has been restored to his parents he soon tires of home life and longs to go to Orange to see his uncle : " Je sui grans si sui fors et sai .xv. ans pases; Je deusse bien estre chevaliers adoubes; Je voel aler a Orange en non De Yeoir mon oncle Guillaume au cort nes " . . .^^ "Si m'adoubra mes oncles Guillaumes li doutes, Qui tant a de proeche." ^ {Enfances Vivien, 4745 ff.) He goes, and presents his request to the great hero, who gTants it; as we are told in the Chevalerie Vivien, out of love a ''I am large and am strong and am fifteen and more; /I ought really to be dubbed knight. / 1 want to go to Orange, by Heaven, / To see my uncle Guillaume with the short nose. " . . . / ' ' And he will knight me, my uncle Guillaume the formidable, / Who has such prowess. ' ' 59 Gautier, Les Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 87, with reference to Aspremont, ms. Bib. Nat., fr. 25529, f° 55 v°. 60 The reading cort is retained, and translated ' short ', although recent conclusions are that it was an early scribe's misreading of curb, which occurs in the Willame, and is then translated by ' crooked '. 5 50 UNCLE AND NEPHEW for his nephew the uncle knights a hundred others at the same time: A Pantecoste, que Ton dit en estei, Ot Vivien, son nevol, adoubei, Lou fil Garin, .i. suen ami chamei; Por soie amor en ot .m. adobes.* {Chevalerie Vivien, 7) There is a reference to the fact also in Aliscans: " Quant jou a Termes vos oi ai-mes done, Por vostre amor i furent adoube .c. cevalier tout d'armes conrae." ^ {Aliscans, ed Halle, 784) Previously to this, Guillaume had already dubbed his nephew Bertrand knight; it is significant that when he wants to fight against the Saracens in the Enfances Vivien, Bertrand asks permission of his uncle, not of his father, who is nevertheless standing near by: A sa vois clere a eserier s'est pris: " Honcles, dist il, entendes en vers mi ; Je voil les armes que tant ai deservi." ^ {Enfances Vivien, 3565) Guillaume puts him off with a promise, because he is at pres- ent too young: " Dega Orenges me dones .1. respit Lors vos f erai chevalier se ge vif ." ^ {Enfances Vivien, 3579) a At Pentecost, which they say is in summer, / He knighted Vivien, his nephew, / The son of Garin, and a clear friend of his ; / For love of him he knighted a thousand others. b ' ' When I gave you arms at Termes, / For love of you were knighted there / A hundred chevaliers all equipped with arms. ' ' c In his clear voice he began to cry, / ' ' Uncle, ' ' said he, ' ' listen to me; / 1 want the arms which I have so well deserved." d ' ' Give me a respite as far as Orange, / Then I will make you a knight if I live." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 51 Nevertheless the impetuous boy rushes off into the battle and performs so mafny brave deeds, including a rescue of his father from the hands of the enemy, that after the fight it is decided to reward him, and so : Li cuens Guillaumes adohat son cosin^ {Enfances Vivien^ 3823).^^ When Vivien is knighted, his brother Guichard is too young to receive arms at the same time, so he is left at home with his aunt Guiborc; when he learns of Vivien's distress, he persuades her to grant him arms and he rushes off to the rescue; learning of his presence, Guillaume is pleased, despite this violation of his commands: Ot lou Guillelmes, si lo cort acoler^ (Chevalerie Vivien, 1357). The same fact is stated in the Cangun de Willame; Guiborc arms Gui, who is only fifteen years old, and sends him to join Willame : ' " Se jo n'i vois en I'Archamp desur mer, Ja ne verras Guillelme ot le curb nes; E si jo vois voldrai Fen amener." Respunt Guiburc: "Dune te larrai aler." Dune li vestirent une petite broigne, Un petit helme li lacierent desure. Petite espee li ceinstrent, mais mult bone, Al col li pendent petite targe duble. Puis li aportent une petite lance. . . .^ (Willame, ed. Suchier, 1539)62 a Count Guillaume knighted his cousin, b Guillaume hears him, and runs to embrace himL c ' ' If I go not to Arehamp by the sea, / Thou wilt ne 'er see Guillaume with the crooked nose; /And if I go, I want to bring him back. ' V Guiburc replies: ''Then I will let thee go. "/Then they clothed him in a little coat of mail, / A little helm they laced upon it, / A little sword they girt upon him, but a good one, / About his neck they hang a little double targe, / Then they bring him a little lance, etc. 61 Here cosin of course means ' nephew \ 62 The confusion of names between Guiborc 's nephew Guischard of the Willame and Vivien's brother Guichard of the Chevalerie Vivien does not affect the coherence of these passages; Suchier 52 UNCLE AND NEPHEW In Girart de Vienne, we find the young Aymeri starting the feud between Girart and Charlemagne by reporting the joke played upon his uncle Girart by the Empress; at the first op- portunity, Aymeri is knighted by his uncles Girart and Renier and his father Hernaut {Girart, p. 65). When Boon's father sends him away to be trained, he tells him that his uncle will make him a knight, as he does in reality {Boon de Mayence, 3198 ft:.). In Gormont et Isemhard, we are told that Hugon has knighted his sister's son Gontier: De I'autre part fut danz Guntiers, Cil qui fut ja sis eseuiers, Fiz sa serur, si ert sis niez, — Ceo dit la geste a Saint Richier — Uneore n'ot oit jurs entiers Qu'il 1' ot arme a chevalier.^ {Gormont et Isemhard, 327) Aiol has served Louis without making known to him who he is; when the Emperor learns that he is his nephew, he regrets that he had not known it before, so that he could have knighted him on his first apj)earance at court : Quant ore entent li rois qu'Aiols estoit ses nies, Onques mais ne fu il si joians ne si lies; Isnelement le cort acoler et baisier. " Gentiex damoiseus sire, por coi ne le dissies ? Ja vous eusse jou adoube tout premiers a On the other hand was Sir Gontier, / He who was his squire, / His sister 's son, he was his nephew ; / Thus saith the tale at Saint Richier; /As yet it was not eight full days / Since he armed him chevalier. points out that the poet of the Chevalerie simply transferred the name Guischard of the earlier WilUame to Vivien's brother Gui, whom he utilizes in the Chevalerie (Suchier, Willame, p. IxiiifP.). Professor Weeks had previously come to the same conclusion in *'The Newly Discovered Changun de Willame," Modern Philology, Vol. II (1904-5), p. 232 ff. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 53 Et rendus vos honors, vos teres et vos fies.'^ " Sire, je nen osoie, par les sains desousiel, Por chou que j'ere povres, nus et mal aaisies." ^ {Aiol, 8106) In Raoul de Cambrai, it is Louis, the maternal uncle, who knights Raoul (471); Guerri, the great-uncle of Gautier, knights the latter so that he may pursue vengeance upon the slayer of his uncle Raoul (3752 ff.).^^ (c) Marks of Favor The epic uncle distinguishes his nephew by bestowing upon him gifts and favors of various kinds, tangible and intangible, he confers dignities upon him, makes him valuable presents, and grants him fiefs. Taken symbolically, this typefies the period when it was the duty of the uncle to provide for his nephew, to set him up in life, as it were, and in the epic we see that such aggrandizement of the nephew is treated more or less as a matter of course, in such a way that it does not arouse the surprise nor the admiration of the audience at the uncle's generosity. The Chanson de Roland makes of the temble sword Duren- dal a living force; it is by means of this sword, which is given to him by the Emperor, that the hero Roland is enabled to rein- force his natural prowess to the extent that he conquers all his a Now when the King hears that Aiol was his nephew, / Never before was he so joyful nor so glad; / Quickly he runs to embrace and to kiss him. / ' ' Gentle youth, sir, why did you not say so ? / 1 w«uld indeed have knighted you first of all, / And restored your honors, lands and fiefs. " / ' ^ Sire, I dared not, by the saints of Heaven, / Because I was poor, unclad, and ill at ease. ' ' 63 Guilhiermoz, p. 414, note 64, names two historical characters who were knighted by a maternal uncle: Etienne, future king of England, the son of Etienne de Blois, who was knighted by Henry the First (Orderic Vidal, ed. Le Prevost, IV, p. 189), and Foulque Rechin, Count of Anjou, who was knighted by Geoffrey le Bel (Marchegay et Salmon, Chroniques des Comtes d' Anjou, p. 379). 54 UNCLE AND NEPHEW enemies — thus the very element of his success is contributed by his uncle. We are familiar in the work of the modern novelist Zola with that literary method which assigns a kind of super- human force to an inanimate object which plays an important part in that it affects the relations and the actions of the char- acters of the novel, and we see in the Roland something more than a suggestion of this method: the sword is a symbol of power conferred upon the nephew, and the uncle is the primum mobile and the natural source of such power. Roland himself speaks of Durendal as ma bone espee que li Reis me dunat * {Roland f 1121) ; the poet of Aiquin alludes to the gift in a reference to the battle of Aspremont, in which Roland fought so well: Et y conquist Valentin Fabrive, Et Durendal o le plon d'or nielle, Don il fut puis chevalier adobe.^ {Acquin, 1844) The poem of Aspremont itself relates the circumstances under which Roland defeats the owner of the sword in single combat, and is rewarded by the King with the blade.®* The institu- tion of the twelve peers as related in Aspremont^ as a body- guard for Roland, may be considered a signal mark of favor : Li Empereres ne volt plus demorer, .XL vaxaus ala faire sevrer Des plus gentils qu'il se pot porpenser, Es quiex bons sires se pooit mialz fier : "Biax nies," dist Karles, "vos seroiz .XXL per. Ces vos doing je por vostre cors garder. a My good sword which the King gave me. b And won there Valentin the impetuous, / And Durendal with the hilt inlaid with gold, / With which he was afterwards knighted. 64 Cf . page 48. For other legends, cf . Gautier, Chanson de "Roland, vs. 2316 ff. and note, and J. Geddes, Chanson de Eoland, pp. xxxvi and 184, note 2. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 55 Cist iront la ou vos voldroiz aler. Tot ce f eront que voldroiz commander." * {Aspremont, 55 v°)^^ Roland's horn, the olifant, is also a gift from the Emperor. A son neveu Rollant V olifant c' ot conquis ^ {Renaut, p. 136, 7). An allusion to Durendal, the olifant, and the horse Veillantif is found in Aspremont, where the Emperor says: " Ge ai le cors le eheual et le brant Que ge ai done a mon neueu Rollant." ° {Aspremont, ed. Bekker, p. 47, col. 1) A peculiar mark of favor, indicative of the position which Roland holds with reference to Charlemagne, is shown in the Pelerinage de Charlemagne: the knights, on being entertained by King Hugon, indulge in the festive sport of making gabs before going to sleep, and after the Emperor has made his merry boast, instead of calling upon one of the older peers who are with him, he turns to his nephew, saying : Gahez, hels nies Rollanz (469). That this is really a distinction is shown by the fact that Roland in his turn calls next upon his owk best friend Oliver. In the Renaut de Montauhan, when the Emperor catches sight of the wonderful horse Bayard, he im- mediately longs to possess him in order to give him to Roland : " Cis cevax est mult bons, ves com va randonant. Je le vaurrai doner a mon neveu Rollant." ^ {Renaut, p. 130, 32) a The Emperor does not wish to stay longer; / Twelve vassals he went and set aside, / The noblest that he could think of, / On whom a good master could best rely : / ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said Charles, * ' twelve peers shall you be. / These I give you for a body- guard. / They will go wherever you would go. / They will do all that you may command. ' ' b To his nephew Eoland the horn that he has won in combat. c''I have the horn, the horse, and the blade / Which I gave to my nephew Roland.'' d ' ' This horse is very good ; see how he goes speeding. / I want to give him to my nephew Roland." 65 Cited by Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, 89. 56 UNCLE AND NEPHEW In Otinel, when Charlemagne has conquered the Saracens, he sends for the barons in order to distribute fiefs among them; it goes without saying that he does not forget his nephew in this bounty: Nostre emperere ne s^est mie oubliez: Apres mengier a son nevou mandez.^ {Otinel, 2100) In the Roland, the Emperor sends word to Marsile that if he will become his vassal he shall receive half of Spain, but only half, for Ualtre meitiet avrat Rollanz li her^ (XXVI, 7). In Gui de Bourgogne, Gui tries to make capital out of the well known intentions of Charlemagne with regard to his nephew by pretending to Huidelon that the Emperor has quarrelled with Roland and that he swears to disinherit him and give Spain to Huidelon if the latter will come to him and embrace Christianity (vs. 1703 ff.). These citations show how current was the tradition of the Emperor's partiality for his sister's son, so that Ganelon has good reason when he designates him as ses nies, li quens Rollanz, li riches {Roland, 585) ; riches of course means ' powerful,' and is an allusion to the Emperor's favor. In Anseis de Cartage, the Emperor heaps material favors upon the young Anseis, who is his sister's son, knighting him and giving him Spain and Carthage as a fief {Anseis, 100 ff.). During the Saxon wars he plans to crown Baudoin, another nephew, and give him the kingdom of Guiteclin, a plan which he accomplishes upon the defeat and death of the Saxon king: " Biaus nies, or vous souviengne de ce chastoiement ; Car, se me voules croire, je vous ai en convent K'ainQois .i. an passe ou plus prochainement a Our Emperor has not forgotten; /After eating, he summoned Ms nephew. b The other half shall Eoland, the baron, have. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 57 Vous ferai coronner, et Sebile au eors gent Vous cuit donner a femme, se Diex le me consent/^ ^ {Saisnes, LXXV, 14) King Louis, in Raoul de Cambrai, at first shows great favor to his nephew Raoul, but has no fief for him; he makes promises to give him the first vacant one, and presently keeps his word and gives Raoul certain lands, in the acquirement of which Raoul starts a feud that does not end even with the loss of hi& own life (vs. 469 flf.)- ^^ Aiol, we find Makaire calling upon his nephews for aid, and reminding them of the bounty they owe to him : ^' Ou estes vos,'^ dist il, "mes parentes? Vos qui de moi tenes hours et chites." ^ {Aiol, 4430) In Gaufrey, Gloriant bestows Vauclere, the property of Doon,. upon his nephew Maprin : " Mapris, venes avant ; bien vous estes encontre ; Vous estes mon neveu, si vous ai moult ame. Vauclere vous otroie, le pais grant et le." ° {Gaufrey, 1520) ' In the Enfances Ogier, Naimon encourages his nephew Ogier, who is about to fight in single combat, by giving him his own weapons : ( i Fair nephew, now bear in mind these instructions ; / For, if you will believe me, I promise you / That before a year has passed, or sooner, / 1 will crown you, and Sebile, fair of form, I propose to give you to wife, / If God grants it. ' ' b'< Where are you," said he, ''my kin? /You who through me hold towns and cities. ' ' c ''Maprin, come forward; well-met are you; /You are my nephew, and I have loved you much. / Vauclere I grant you, that land great and broad." 58 UNCLE AND NEPHEW " Biaus niez," dist Namles, " demain serez portans Mes droites armes, car teus est mes coumans." * {Enfances Ogier, 2535) An example of the practise of giving some trophy to a favorite nephew is found in the story of the famous helmet of Marsile, which Ganelon had : Guibors d'Orenges lo dona puis Folcon En la bataille vers Tiebaut FEsclavon.^ {Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 101) Louis likewise, when knighting his sister's son Raoul, gives him a trophy: Nostre empereres ama molt le meschin; L'erme li donne qi fu au Sarrazin Q'ocist Rolans desor I'aigue del Rhin. Desor la eoife de Fauberc doublentin Li a assis, puis li a dit : " Cousin, Icis ver hiaumes fu a .i. Sarrazin." ^ {Raoul, 471) . (d) Uncle Provides a Wife for his Nephew One of the pleasantest duties of the epic uncle is the be- stowal of a wife upon his nephew; this seems to be treated by the poets more in the light of a reward for faithful services, although it can sometimes be considered purely a mark of affec- tionate interest in the nephew's welfare. In the Girart de Yienne, Charlemagne affiances Roland to Aude, and tells her a "Fair nephew," said Naimou, ''tomorrow you shall be carry- ing / My own weapons, for such is my command. ' ' b Guiborc of Orange gave it then to Foucon / In the battle against Tibaut the Slav. c Our Emperor loved the lad much; / The helmet of the Saracen he gives him, / Whom Eoland slew across the water of the Ehine. / Upon the head-piece of the double hauberk / He placed it for him, then said : * ' Cousin, / This shining helm was a Saracen 's. ' ' CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 59 that N'a chevalier millor el mont vivant^ (p. 173). In Ckii de Bourgogne, when the two French armies meet, he brings the happy couple together again : Li rois prist bele Audain, s'a Rollant apele: " Biaus nies, ves ici cele que tant deves amer." " Si fas je voir, biaus oncles, ja mar le mescreres." ^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 4012) After Roland's death he feels it necessary to do something for Aude, and so offers her the hand of his son Louis, hardly an equivalent for that of Roland in his estimation, but the best that he can do; so, to make the offer more enticing, he calls Louis a mult esforciet escange: " Jo t'en durrai mult esforciet escange : C'est Loevis, mielz ne sai jo qu'en parle: II est mis filz e si tiendrat mes marches." ^ {Roland, 3714) The Emperor promises his nephew Baudoin several times to give him Sebile, the wife of Guiteclin the Saxon, and after the latter has been conquered he does this: Baudoin apela, le fil de sa seror: Toz est ses cuers espris de joie et de baudor. S'iJ en a la saisine, ne plaint pas son labor; Ne la randroit nelui por chastel ne por tor. "Dame, ce dit li rois, "ci a .i. poigiieor; / Assez est riches hom, fiz est de ma seror. Se vos par mariage le volez a seignor, a There is no better knight alive on earth. b The King took the beautiful Aude, and called Eoland : /'' Fair nephew, see here the one you must love so much. " / * ' So do I, truly, fair uncle; doubt it not." c ' ' I will give you a very advantageous substitute ; / That is, Louis, more I cannot say ; / He is my son, and will have my states ) } 60 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Baptisier vos feroie a loi cle Creator. Rois sera, et vos dame de ceste grant honor." ^ (Saisnes, CCV, 12) An allusion to this is found in the Benaut : Sebile la roine qui tant ot cler le vis, Dona a son neveu Baudoin le marchis; A son neveu Rollant I'olif ant c'ot conquis.^ {Benaut, p. 136, 7) Ordinarily, the disposal of the lady's hand is apparently not considered of much importance to the lady herself ; Sebile how- ever is pleased, being already in love with Baudoin, but in- stances occur where the matter is settled without consulting either of the interested parties, as in Garin le LoJierain, where Count Bernart says, speaking of Blancheflor : " Car la donnons dant Isore le gris, Ou mon neveu Guillaume de Monteelin." ^ {Garin, II, 6) Auberi is besought by his nephew Gasselin to bestow upon him the lady of his choice : " An non dieu, oncle, d'autre chose vos pri : le uos demant la fille au roi Ouri." ^ {Auheri, ed. Tobler, 145, 20) a Baudoin he called, his sister's son; /All kindled is Ms heart with joy and ardor. / If he has possession of her, he regrets not his toil ; / He would not give her up to anyone for castle nor tower. / ' ' Lady, ' ' said the King, ' ' here is a warrior ; He is a man of power, my sister 's son. / If you wish him for your lord in marriage, / 1 would have you baptized according to the law of the Creator. / He will be king, and you the lady of this great domain. ' ' b Sebile, the queen so bright of face / He gave to his nephew Baudoin the marquis; /To his nephew Koland the horn which he had won. c ' ' Pray let us give her to Sir Isore the gray, / Or to my nephew, Guillaume de Monteclin.'' d ' ' In Heaven 's name, uncle, I ask another thing of you : / 1 ask of you the daughter of King Ouri." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 61 In Anse'is de Mes, Bierengier finds a husband for Asseline in the person of his nephew Beraut, and suggests that if the latter does not want her, he could bestow her hand upon an- other nephew, Fouquere^: " Biaus sire nies," dist Bierengiers li gris, " Je vos donrai et le rose et le lis Et le plus biele que dex a el mont mis." ^ {Anse'is de Mes, 449, 10) Later, Bierengier consoles Clarisse for the death of her son Ansel's by offering her his nephew Fouqueret : Chou dist li quens : " Dame ne vos anuit ! J. neveut ai Fouqueret le petit . . ."^ {Anse'is de Mes, 471, 1) {e) Nephew as Messenger Not only do we find our epic uncle setting up his nephew as ruler over conquered teiTitory, but we find also many in- stances of his giving the nephew other important work to do : he makes him a messenger or an envoy, or entrusts an army to him. It is not so much the mere fact that a nephew is made the messenger of his uncle that is important, as that it shows the close, confidential relations which exist between the two. It would seem that the choicest plums of the diplomatic service fall into the mouth of the nephew, that the most desirable ofaces in general come to him, yet there are instances where he is sent on the most dangerous missions, in which death is almost certain ; and such instances give the poet an opportunity for enlarging upon the distress and despair of the uncle at the necessity which compels him thus to expose the life of his favorite. Even more significant, perhaps, is the fact that it is a ''Fair nephew, Sir," said Bierengier the gray,/' 'I will give you both the rose and the lily, / And the fairest that God has placed in the world. ' ^ bThus spoke the Count: ''Lady, grieve not! /I have a nephew, Fouqueret the young." 62 . UNCLE AND NEPHEW not so often the great heroes, the well-known nephews, who are selected by the poet to perform the duties of a messenger, as the less important nephews, who are sometimes introduced into the story merely for such a purpose; it becomes, then, not an attribute which the poet assigns to his great hero in order to heighten his literary value, but a characteristic phase of the relationship in general. In the Guillaume cycle, the nephew frequently plays the part of the Greek chorus, giving Guillaume information which the poet wants him to have for the continuance of the story. It is not always easy in our poems to separate the traditional from the literary material, and to be frank, this element of the nephew-theme appears on the surface to be a literary inven- tion, or would so appear, were it not that it is also a corrobor- ative detail of the general predominance of the nephew, which has a legendary basis. Guillaume's nephew Bertrand brings him the important news that the Emperor has in his disgust at his son Louis vowed to make him a monk: D'une forest repere de chacier : Ses nies Bertrans li corut a I'estrier.* {Couronnement Louis, 116) When Acelin becomes turbulent and threatens to seize the crown of Louis, Guillaume sends his own nephew Aliaume to call him to order: II en apela Alelme le baron. " Va, si me di Acelin I'orgoillos Dreit viegne faire Loois son seignor Isnelement, quar de lui se plaint molt." ^ {Couronnement Louis, ed. Langlois, 1785) Guielin is selected by Guillaume to get a message through the lines at the siege of Orange : a From a forest he is returning, from hunting; /His nephew Bertrand ran to his stirrup. b He called Aliaume the baron. / ' ' Go, and say for me to Acelin the haughty / That he come straightway and make Louis his lord / Quickly, for he makes much complaint of him. ' ' CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 63 " Nies Guielins/' ce dit li cuens Guillelmes ! " Desi a Nymes ne fines ne ne cesses, Bertran ton frere me diras eez noveles, Qu'il me seeore o la gent de sa terre." ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 1412) Another nephew, Girart, brings Willame the news of Vivien's danger at the battle of I'Archamp : " Avant, Girarz ! Si di de tes noveles ! " Co dist Girarz : " Jo'n sai assez de pesmes." ^ {Changun de Willame, ed. Suchier, 961) Gautier is a messenger to Aymeri: Quens Aymeris a Gautier apele Qui lo mesaje lor ot dit et eonte: " Biau sire nies, un petit m'entendez." '^ {Mort Aymeri, 481)^^ In Girart de Roussillon, Foucon is the close friend and fre- quently the envoy of his uncle Girart (vs. 1381 ff.)-^^ Fou- con and Amadeus are Girart's envoys to the Emperor to sue a ' ' Nephew Guielin, ' ' said Count Guillaume, / ' ' From, here to Niine8 stay thee not nor stop ; / To Bertrand thy brother thou wilt tell this tidings, / That he assist me with the men of his land. ' ' b' 'Hither, Girart, and tell thy news !'-'/ Said Girart: '^I know some full bad. ' ' c Count Aymeri called Gautier, / Who told and related the message to them : / ' ^ Fair nephew, Sir, listen to me a little. ' ' 66 Cf. page 10. It is plausible that the poet really had in mind the nephew relationship here. 67 In the Provencal Girart, Foucon offers on behalf of Girart to become a hostage if the Emperor will cease his warfare: ''Nous serons a titre d'otages, par la foi que je vous dois, cent barons de naissance, damoiseaux choisis. " (Translation of P. Meyer, p. 63, § 119.) In the Provengal poem, Foucon is the cousin of Girart, being the son of Odilon, although the poet uses the term neps (cf. pp. 161 and 259, notes) ; in the French Girart and in Eenuut he is a nephew, and in the Mort Maugis a relative. 64 UNCLE AND NEPHEW for peace in Renaut de Montauban (p. 37 ff.). In JBoeve de Haumtone, Graunder is his uncle's messenger to the prison in which Bovon is confined; when he learns of Bovon's escape, Bradmund and his nephew pursue him together: Meymes icel jour Bradmund se leva, Son neveu Graunder a sei apella : " Graunder," f et Bradmund, " a la prison tost va, Dy a mes chartrers, ke il veignent a mei sa." ^ {Boeve de Haumtone, 1147) The Abbe Lietri is the messenger of his uncle Garin to discuss a truce with Froment, who says: " Vos me mandastes par Fabe Lieteri Paiz et acorde deci a quinze dis." ^ {Mort Garin, 227; cf. 6 ff.) Another nephew of Garin, Auberi, is a messenger in the sense that he is commissioned to escort Garin's son Girbert to Pepin to be knighted by him {Mort Garin, 364). In Anse'is de Mes, the relations between Berengier and his nephews are very close, and Fouqueret is commissioned to cany his uncle's standard : "Fouques biaus nies, vos portres m'oriflor. Gardes que Flandres i ait par vos honor ! " ^ {Anse'is de Mes, 411, 1) In the Renaut de Montauban, no sooner has the youth Roland presented himself to the astonished Emperor as his sister's son than he is knighted by his uncle and sent off in charge of twenty thousand men to defend Cologne against the Saxons : a On that day Bradmund rose, / His nephew Graunder he called to him : / " Graunder, ' ' said he, ' ' to the prison go speedily, / Say to my warders that they come to me here. ' ' t> ' ' You sent me word by the Abbe Lietri / Of peace and harmony for fifteen days from now." c ' ' Fair nephew Foueon, you will carry the standard ; / Take care that Flanders receive honor through you." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 65 " Dous nies," dist I'emperefe, " je t'en doing le congie "... " Biaus nies, je vos ai ore mon barnage chargie. Gardes par vos ne soit honi ne vergoignie." ^ {Renautj p. 120) In the Destruction de Borne, when Charlemagne hears of the havoc wrought in Rome by the pagans, he sends his nephew Gui to succor the town: Et Guion de Bourgoigne a a lui apelle : Fils ert de sa seror et de sa parente : " Cosins, vous en irrez socoure la cite." ^ {Destruction de Borne, 1179) When the Emperor is commanded by an angel to go and pray at the shrine of Saint Jacques, he leaves his entire aimy in charge of Gui, admonishing him : Et vos, hiaus sire niez, de eeste oevre pansez^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 4126). Guillaume, when placing a g-uard around the monastery preparatory to de- livering King Louis, gives an important post to a nephew : Li cuens Guillelmes en apela Gualtier Le Tolosain, ensi Foi noncier, Fill de sa suer, un gentil chevalier: "A cele porte qui tome vers Peltiers, La m'en irez, filz de franche moillier, Ensemble o vos avra vint chevaliers; Guardez n'en isse nuls om qui seit soz ciel." ^ {Couronnement Louis, ed. Langlois, 1657) J ? a ' ' Gentle nephew, ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' I give you leave . . . / " Fair nephew, I have now entrusted to you my barons. / Take care by you they be not shamed nor dishonored." bAnd Gui de Bourgogne he called to him; /He was his sister's son and his kin ; / " Cousin, you will go to the aid of the city. ' ' c And you, fair nephew, Sir^ mind this work. d Count GuDlaume called Gautier / The Tolosan, thus I heard him named, / His sister's son, a noble chevalier; / ''To that gate which faces Poitiers, / There shall you go, son of a noblewoman; / 6 66 UNCLE AND NEPHEW The poet's general conception of the " avuncular " relations militates against allowing the nephew to be sent deliberately into danger, while as we have seen the tendency is to represent the father as making an easy, if not a willing sacrifice of the son. When the story absolutely requires that the nephew be sacrificed, either apparently or really, the sentiment on the part of the uncle appears much more genuine than that of the father. The story of the Roland revolves in large measure around the attitude of the uncle, who is compelled by force of circumstances to forego his inclination and his duty to favor and to protect his nephew. It does not seem possible that such poignant grief as is depicted in many passages of the poem can come wholly from the poet's imagination, but rather does the treatment bear the impress of a legendaiy point of view common to the uncle in general, in which the personal equation so far as the poet is concerned is reduced to a mini- mum. The apparent contradiction of this theory to be found in the Enfances Vivien is easily explained: the legend of the son acting as hostage for the father is mentioned in the Cheva- lerie Vivien, which says of Vivien that: Filz fu Garin, qui tant par est proisiez. Qui d'Anseiine fu sire et jostisiers; En Roncevaus fu il pris et liez, Si I'en mena Marados vostre nies. Por Vivien fu il cuens ostagiez.^ {Covenant Vivien, ed. Jonckbloet, 143; cf. 121)^^ This incident is naturally enlarged upon by the later poem, in which it becomes an important theme; here we see Guillaume Together with you will be twenty knights ; / Take care there issue forth no man whatsoever upon earth." a He was son to Garin, so much esteemed, / Who was of Anseiine the lord and judge ; / At Roncevaux he was captured and bound, / And Maradoc your nephew led him away. / For Vivien was the count held in ransom. 68 The last verse reads in the Terracher edition : Par eel glouton fut U cuens ostegies (vs. 142). CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 67 deciding regretfully but firmly that Vivien shall take his father's place as hostage in a pagan prison, but although he is condemning his nephew to apparent death, Guillaume vows to avenge him most abundantly. The earlier versions of the poem say very little of Garin's love for his son, while representing as always the demonstrativeness of the mother's affection; on the other hand, the late prose version goes into a long description of the father's attitude, and in fact, the very ascription of Garin as father to Vivien is of late origin; thus we see that to the later author the paternal sentiment in general makes the stronger appeal, while to the earlier poet that of the uncle assumes the greater weight.^^ Now when Guillaume says : " Neuos et oncles et parens sont asses, Mais vn sien freire ne puet on recourer; Nies Vivien, com ies a Terme nes, « Ma boche juge qe tu soies liures En la prison por ton pere saluer." * {Enfances Vivien, 337, ms. Bib. Nat. 1448) he is not speaking in harmony with the sentiments of the poems of the twelfth century; the Enfances in general, as an epic genre, are of later origin than the other poems, and they illus- trate very well the decline of the epic importance of the nephew just as presumably the tradition of an older state of society de- clined in the minds of poets; as the Enfances in many in- stances invented a father whom they might attach to great heroes, so they probably invented sentiments like the above. The father and his sentiments, then, assume an importance in the later poems which is foreign to the point of view of the earlier ones, and which comes about through a growing desire a ''Nephews and uncles and relatives are plenty, / But one's brother cannot be replaced. / Nephew Vivien, as thou wert born at Termes, / My mouth decides that thou shalt be consigned / To prison, to save thy father. ' ' 69 Cf . Enfances Vivien, 244 ff. The Wahlund edition gives the readings o± the various mss. 68 UNCLE AND NEPHEW for novelty ; as Professor Lanson wittily puts it : " Les fils en- gendrent les peres, et les dieux naissent aprds les peres/' "^^ (/) Solidarity between Uncle and Nephew The solidarity between uncle and nephew is consistent and marked: not only is the nephew singled out for superlative favor and given work of the greatest consequence to do by his uncle, but the latter acts always as the guide and adviser of the young chevalier. The anxiety of the uncle when his nephew is in danger and his rejoicing at his success in battle give rise to some of the most intense passages of the French epic. The bond between the two is most sympathetic; if it is threatened by occasional wordy quarrels, it rarely suffers serious dam- age. The poets appear fond of introducing an exchange of vilification — vox et praeterea nihil — not in order to arouse the apprehension of the listener for the fate of his favorite char* acter, but merely as a comic element which comes as a necessary relief to the intensity of the passions of war and the animosity of enemies, and the initiated hearer is well aware that the bond is not so quickly broken as that between the poetic father and son. It is upon the nephew that the uncle depends for aid when in danger and for revenge when worsted, and the nephew looks to the uncle for the same ministrations. In order to portray with exactness the close association of the two, it would be necessary to tell the story in detail of many poems, which is obviously impossible here. A few illustrations of the various phases of such association must suffice, but it is necessary to bear constantly in mind that the veiy sum and substance of the plot and the very life of the poem depend in many instances upon the closeness of the uncle-nephew relations, which is re- vealed far more convincingly by the general tone than could be done by any detached quotation from the actual words of the poet. Many scattered passages might be adduced to show the regard of Charlemagne for his nephew Roland, but would they he as conclusive as the impression which a comprehensive read- me G. Lanson, Litterature Frangaise, p. 39. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 69 ing of the entire Chanson de Boland must give? The whole cycle of Guillaume brings out the fundamental conception of solidarity as expressed between Guillaume and Vivien, Guil- laume and Bertrand, and others. What would the Emperor's Saxon war be but a dreary recital of military details if it were not for the dramatic interest in the fortunes of his nephew Baudoin ? Undoubtedly the mediaeval reciter held his audience spell-bound by the stories of battles and tournaments, by the minute descriptions of all their phases, and by the vigorous delineation of the lust of conquest and the glory of religious proselyting, but after all must we not assume that the element of human interest was also very keenly felt both by the poet and by his listeners'? Leon Gautier has brought out many parallels between the- French and the Greek epic ; '^^ the same comparison can be made of the human interest in the fortunes of the heroes in both epics. And in the French epic it is the nephew whose career we watch with interest, admiration, or suspense; it is not be- cause he is the nephew of a great legendary personage, for since the epic deals with kings and nobles the nephew must of neces- sity be of high rank himself, but just because he is a nephew, just because of that relationship in itself, and just because the whole poetic legend of Charlemagne and of Guillaume and of other dominant spirits brings out the significance of that re- lationship. Then too the French epic introduces numerous minor characters who exemplify the same attitude of solidar- ity and mutual dependence — difficult to enumerate, so many are there — and yet are introduced more or less incidentally into the story. A striking example of the solidarity between uncle and nephew is found in Raoul de Cambrai. Duty to a master comes before all else in the mediaeval conception of allegiance, so that Bemier at first does not waver in his allegiance to Raoul, not even when the latter in the most heartless manner destrovs the convent of Bernier's mother, and the abbess and 71 Epopees Frangaises, III, IV, passim. See also Andrew Lang, Homer and Ms Age, pp. 297-309 {French Mediaeval Epics). 70 UNCLE AND NEPHEW her nuns perish in the flames, but when Raoul attempts to drive Beniier's uncles from their land, then the squire rebels. Still, he is willing to continue in his service if Raoul will be- come reconciled with his opponents. Here the uncle plainly counts more than the master : " Je suis vostre hom, a celer nel vos qier, De mon service m'as rendu mal loier : Ma mere as arce la dedens eel mostier, Des q'ele est morte n'i a nul reeovrier. Or viex mon oncle et mon pere essilier ! N'est pas mervelle s'or me vuel corecier: II sont mi oncle, je lor volrai aidier, Et pres seroie de ma honte vengier." ^ {Baoul, 1644) " Et pardonrai trestot, par saint Richier, Mais que mes oncles puisse a toi apaier." ^ {Raoul, 2284; ef. 3070) When Bemier has finally killed Raoul, the latter's uncle Gueni rejects all attempts at reconciliation made by the King on behalf of Bernier, and is indignant that Louis looks upon Ber- nier with favor, since Raoul was Louis' nephew: " Comment poroie esgarder eel glouton Qi mon neveu ocist en trai'son? Fix ert vo suer, qe de fit le seit on." ^ (EaowZ, 4867) a ' ' I am your man, I wish not to conceal it from you, / Thou hast given me poor reward for my service ; / My mother thou hast burned within that monastery; /Now that she is dead there is no redress. /Now thou wouldst destroy my uncle and my father! /No wonder is it if now I wish to loose my anger; /They are my uncles, I wish to aid them, / And I should be near avenging my shame. ' ' b ' ' And I will pardon all, by Saint Eichier, / If only I may reconcile my uncles and you. ' ' c ' ' How could I look at that villain / Wlio slew my nephew by treachery ?/ He was your sister's son, for it is known of a certainty. ' ' CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 71 In Aye d' Avignon, Charlemagne abandons Garnier, yielding to the representations of his enemies; two of Garnier's nephews overhear the plot to betray him, and although they are in the service of the Emperor, their duty towards their uncle makes them rebuke Charlemagne and leave his court: Gamiers ot .ii. neveus, Guichart et Alori, Qui sont de ses serors ne et engenui'; Li .i. fu fiz Sanson et li autre Amaugin, Et servoient por armes Karlon le fiz Pepin. Quant oent el palais le conseill descouvrir, C'est de Nentuel abatre et de Garnier trahir, Ce ne puent il onques endurer ne soffrir.^ {Aye d' Avignon, 2649) Family ties should be so strong that Pepin ought not to be angry, so the Abbe of Saint-Denis tells him, when a dear friend has been killed by his nephew-in-law : Se Gascelin a mort .i. aversier, Vers si haut homme ne vous deves irier; Car vostre niece a or prise a mollier.^ {Auheri, ed. Tarbe, p. 131) Auberi himself has so great faith in the bond between uncle and nephew that he will not believe his own uncle is a traitor, who is planning to kill him: " Ja est mes oneles Oedes et mes amis : Et si dui fil sont mi germain cousin. a Garnier had two nephews, Guichart and Alori, / Who were con- ceived and born of his sisters. / The one was son to Sanson^ the other to Amauguin, / And with arms they served Charles the son of Pepin. / When they hear within the palace the plot disclosed, / That is, to overthrow Nanteuil and to betray Garnier, / This they can never endure nor suffer. t> ' ' If Gascelin has killed an enemy, / Towards a man so high you must not feel angry, / For he has now taken your niece to wife, ' ' 72 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Ne me f audront por home qui soit vis." * {Auheri, ed. Tarbe, p. 17) In the Tobler extracts from Auheri, the bond between Auberi and his sister's son Gascelin appears of the closest; the two are inseparable companions, and Gascelin exclaims le sui vos nies, ie ne vos faudrai ja^ (p. 12, 30). The relationship is sometimes made use of to make a taunt or a threat more bitter. During the combat between Otinel and Roland, the former cries to the Emperor: Vous ocirai vostre neveu Eollant^ (Otinel, 337). Acelin says to Aleaume, a nephew of Guillaume: Voir, de ion oncle ne dorreie un denier^ [Couronnement Louis, 1831). When Tedbald declares that Willame will not dare come to the battle, Vivien passion- ately gives him the lie: " Cil nen est nez de sa mere ne vis, De ga la mer ne de dela le Riu,'^^ N'entre les noz n'entre les Arabiz, Mielz de mei ost grant bataille tenir, * Fors sul Guillelme al curb nes le marchis. II est mes uncles, vers lui ne m'aatis." ^ (Cangun de Willame, ed. Suchier, 83) Girart taunts the coward Esturmi, whom he has unhorsed, saying : a ' ' Indeed, he is my uncle Odon and my f riendj / And his two sons are my cousins german. / They will not fail me for any man alive. ' ' b I am your nephew, I shall never fail you. c I shall slay your nephew Eoland for you. 3 Forsooth, I would not give a farthing for your uncle. e ' ' He is not born of mother, nor is alive, / This side the sea, nor across the Channel, / Neither among us nor among the Arabs, / Who, more than I, dare fight a great battle, / Save only Guillaume of the crooked nose, the marquis. / He is my uncle, with him I do not rival.*' 72 Suchier conclusively defends his reading Bin; the ms. has rui. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 7S " Ultre, lechiere ! Prise as or mortel hunte ; Net vanteras ja a Tedbald tun uncle." ^ • {Cangun de Willame, ed. Suchier, 425) The closeness of the relations between Guillaume and his nephews is evident from many passages in the Guillaume cycle. During the siege of Orange, Guillaume relies upon the aid which his relatives will bring him, and refuses to leave the palace where he has taken his stand; in fact, it is his nephew Bertrand who comes to his rescue: Lor heaumes ostent li chevalier vaillant. Puis s'entrebesent, de joie vont plorant. Li cuens Bertrans I'en apele avant : " Comment t'est, oncles ? Ne'l me celer neant." ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 1800; cf. 1090, ff.) When Vivien is ready to succumb at the battle of Aliscans, his thoughts revert to his uncle, and at the very point of death he strives to keep on fighting, in order to do honor to his rela- tionship to Guillaume: " Ne vos verrai ja mais, oncles Guillermes, Ne mon lignage, mes amis ne ma geste ; Hui en orroiz si tres pesme novele ! . . . Oncles Guillelmes, ja mais ne me vareis! Dame Guibor, Deus vos eroise bonteis. . . . Se ge n'abat des miolz enparenteis, Et des mellors et des plus abrives, Se ge les puis devent moi ancontreir, Ans ne fui nies dan Guillelme au cor neis." ^ {Clievdlerie Vivien, ed. Terracher, 606, 1455, 1902) a ''Away, knave! Thou hast received a mortal shame; /Never- more wilt thou boast to Tedbald thy uncle." b Their helms the valiant knights remove, / Then they embrace, and go weeping for joy. / Count Bertrand calls out to him: / ''How is it with thee, uncle? Conceal it in no wise from me." c ' ' Never again shall I see you, uncle Guillaume, / Nor my kin, my friends, nor my family; /Today you will hear such very bad 74 UNCLE AND NEPHEW The attraction of the uucle towards an unknown nephew is seen when Girart de Vienne is immediately drawn to Oliver, whom he sees for the first time : " Voir/' dist Girars, " cestui aurai je chier, Que molt fors me resamble." ^ (Girart de Vienne, p. 54) When Rainier kills one of the Emperor's partisans Ajnneri says to him: " Par f oi, biaz oncles," ce li dist Aimeris, " Or vos aim plus que home qui soit vis." ^ {Girart de Vienne, p. 65) In another poem, Aymeri rebukes the Emperor for having un- justly deprived Girart of his land: " Mes bien savez trop aviez mespris, Qant a mon oncle toliez son pais." ^ {Aymeri de Narbonne, 730) Apparently uncles and nephews are usually in each other's confidence, for the messenger in Aiol, after vowing that he will not betray Aiol's secret to nul home en tere qui soit sousiel^ (3955), thinks that that is not sufficiently comprehensive, for he promises not to reveal it even to neveu ne a oncle ne a moillier. Guillaume and his nephews are connected even in the minds of news ! " . . . / " Uncle Guillaume, nevermore will you see me ! / Lady Guiborc^ may God increase his favors to you. '' . . . / ' ' If I fell not some of their best connected, / And best and most eager, / If I can meet them face to face, / Never was I nephew to Sir Guillaume of the crooked nose. ' ' a '' Forsooth, " said Girart, ''this one I shall hold dear, / For he very much resembles me. ' ' b < ( Truly, fair uncle, ' ' said Aymeri to him, / ' ' Now I love you more than any man alive." c ' ' But well you know that you committed a very great wrong, / When you took from my uncle his land." •3 Any man on earth, under the sky. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 75 the other characters of the poems, for we find the Saracen king Arragon threatening to annihilate them all together : "Morz iert Guillaumes et a sa fin alez, Et ses neveuz a forches encroez."* {Prise d'Orenge, 605) The idea of lignage, or kinship, is dominant in the family of Aymeri; it supports them in distress and spurs them on to greater effort ; Vivien declares : " Se ge n'abat des mellors de lor geste, Ans ne fui nies Aymeri ne Guillelme." ^ {Chevalerie Vivien^ 1886) The nephews of Girart are constantly with him: Ampres lui, sui neveu sunt souvant trestuit quatre ^ ( Girart de Roussillon, 1691). The nephews of Garin and Begon are in their com- pany in all their battles : Qui done veist et Hernaut et Gerin ^ Apres lor onele en la presse venir ! ^ {Mort Garin, 791) Gamier is surrounded by a troop of nephews in his combats: Li dus Garnier sot bien rengier ses compaignons; Girart ot, son neveu, le fi^; au due Othon, Renier, et Fouquerrant, et Garin de Mascon . . . ® {Aye d' Avignon, 2113) a ' ' Guillaume will be killed and gone to Ms end, / And his nephews hanged upon forked branches." b^'If I strike not down some of the best of their race, / Never was I ' nephew ' to Aymeri nor Guillaume. ' ' c With him are often his nephews, all four. d One ought then to have seen Hernaut and Gerin / After their uncle coming in the throng. , e Duke Garnier knew well how to arrange his companions ; / He had Girart, his nephew, the son of Duke Otho, / Eenier, and Fouquerant, and Garin de Macon. 76 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Bemier, who has always been morally a supporter of his uncles,, although his sense of allegiance has compelled him to serve his master Raoul, connects himself with them after his break with Raoul : " Raous mes sires nos vieut toz essilier, Et tos mes oncles de la terra chacier." * {Raoul de Camhrai, 1835) The minor nephews of the Guillaume legend, when they are brought into the story, are made by the poet to exhibit the same spirit of concord as do Vivien and Bertrand; Gaudin and Savari set out to help Guillaume, whom they meet by the way : Gaudins li bruns les conduit, li marchis, Et avec lui fu li preuz Savaris: Cil furent nies Guillaume au fier vis. En France en vont socorre Looys. Quant s'entr'contrent a merveille lor vint, II s'entrebesent, neveu sont et ami.^ (Couronnement Louis, 1480) Such closeness of association would naturally give the uncle- greater authority than the father, and it is not surprising then that we find the uncle disposing of his nephew under various circumstances; for instance, it is Guillaume who decides in the family council that Vivien shall take his father's place in the Saracen prison, and in fact, Guillaume has the beau role to the end — it is he who restores Vivien to his family and points out to the father the son whom he thought lost.'^^ According to the a^'Eaoul my master wishes to destroy us all, /And drive all my uncles from their land. ' ' t> Gaudin the swarthy leads them, the marquis, / And with him was the valiant Savari ; / These were nephews to Guillaume of the lofty countenance. / To France they go to succor Louis ; / When they meet, splendidly it suited them ; / They embrace, nephews are they and friends. 73 Enfances Vivien, 337 (cited on page 67) and 4562. There are- a number of instances where the uncle disposes of the hand of his- CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 77 Willame, the uncle gives Renoart all the possessions of Vivien after the latter's death: Willame li donad set chastels en fez, & Ermentrud li dunent a moillier, & tote la tere Viuien le ber.^ {Cangun de Willame, ed. Chiswick, 3498) (g) Association in War The Petit Larousse neatly defines an epic as a " poeme de longue haleine siir un sujet heroi'que ; " heroic deeds are in- terpreted to mean maiiial deeds, for in this earlier stage of civilization the refinement of moral heroism is neglected to the advantage of deeds of prowess; so the modern reader has his mind attuned to a recital of "battle, murder, and sudden death," and although his sjonpathetic interest may not have been awakened, yet he is in a receptive mood towards the long descriptions of battles and combats to which all else in the Chansons de Geste is but a preliminary appetizer. The poet often beseeches his audience to listen patiently, for a bone cangun is to follow directly, meaning that he is about to take his hearers to the battle-field and point out to them eveiy detail of the long and bloody fight. Thus we must expect to find our poet pursuing his uncle-and-nephew theme with a keener interest when he is treating of the companionship of his characters in war. It is not easy to classify the poetic references to these rela- a Willame gave him seven chateaux in fief, / And Ermentrud they give him to wife, / And all the land of Vivien the baron, niece in marriage, and his authority in these cases seems to be undisputed; it takes only a word on the part of Guillaume when he bestows the hand of Aaliz upon Renoart, and he notifies rather than consults her father, King Louis, in the matter {Aliscans, ed. Halle, 8164). Hardre rewards Ami for concealing his cowardice in battle by giving him his niece; Ami passes her on to Amile, who marries her at once (^Amis et Amiles, 470). 78 UNCLE AND NEPHEW tions as regards the association in war and the spiritual atti- tude of each pair of characters, many phases overlapping one another, but even the crudest grouping will serve to point out the different features of such contact. After being knighted, the next important step in the life of the nephew is to distin- guish himself as a warrior; he may have already done so, thus winning his spurs, but in any case we see him as the insepar- able companion of the uncle in our poetic narrative. Unlike the original Mentor, the uncle may not always be an impec- cable guide and prudent counsellor, but he at least performs that offtce always with his nephew's interests at heart. The earlier part of the Chanson des Saisnes contains many passages showing the watchful care of the Emperor over his nephew Baudoin, who accompanies him on the Saxon campaign and whose love adventures fill the poem from the moment of his first appearance, when: Karles tint an sa main .i. baston de sapin Et apela o soi son neveu Baudoin.^ (Saisnes, L, 8) Charlemagne forbids him to cross the Rune to make love to his enemy's wife, not because it is morally wrong, but because it is dangerous : " Biaus nies," dist I'empereres, " entendez mon talent : Je vueil faire seur vous .i. mien commandement, Qui est tez que je vueil trestout certainement Que plus ne passes Rune, car je le vous deffent; Et se plus i passez seur mon deveement. Tons soies asseiir d' avoir mon maltalent." ^ {Saisnes, LXXV, 1) a Charles held in Ms hand a staff of fir, / And called to him his nephew Baudoin. b * ' Fair nephew, ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' hear my will : / I wish to put upon you a command of mine, / Which is that I desire above all, positively, / That you cross the Eune no more, for I forbid it you, / And if you cross again, against my prohibition, / Be fully assured of having my displeasure." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 79 Baudoin is always with him, and when the attack upon the Saxons is planned, the Emperor assigns him a position first of all, one that will please him: Son neveu Baudoin en apela premier: " Biax nies," dist Fampereres, " bien vos vuel aasier : Androit le tre Sebile irez enuit gaitier, Et seront an ta rote .xx.M. chevalier. Bien sai que c'est li leus que vos avez plus chier." ^ {Saisnes, XCIII, 2) He is ever alert in his nephew's behalf, and when Baudoin gets into a serious quarrel with Berart, Charlemagne interferes and acts as peace-maker: " Biax nies," dist I'ampereres, " laissiez vostre plaidier, Que par celui Seignor que nos devons proier, Mar direz a Berart qi li doie enuier/' Ensi fait I'ampereres les paroles laissier.^ {Saisnes, CXXV, 48) When Charlemagne retires, leaving his nephew in authority over the conquered Saxons, he directs his further actions, giv- ing him parting advice: Nostre ampereres Karles son neveu molt chastie . . . " Mes bien gardez, biax nies, f olors ne vos sorpraigne "... " Contenez vos ensi c'on n'an face parlance, Que vostre lignage ne tomast a pesance." . . . ° {Saisnes, CCXIV-CCXVII) a His nephew Baudoin he called first ; / " Fair nephew, ' * said the Emperor, "I wish indeed to content you; /Near the tent of Sebille you will go and watch tonight, / And in your troop will be twenty thousand knights. / Well I know that that is the place which you hold dearest." t ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' cease your dispute, / For by that Lord to whom we must pray, / In evil hour shall you say to Berart what must annoy him. ' ' / Thus the Emperor makes him cease his words. c Our Emperor Charles advises his nephew much. . . . / " But take 80 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Similarly, he advises Anseis as to the best way to govern the fief which he gives him: Quant ot pense, parmi les flans I'embraehe; Puis li dist : " Nies, diex te croist bamage." * { Anseis de Cartage, 100 ff.) At Aspremont the Emperor gives Roland command of one of the five divisions of his army, then when he is compelled to leave him, he tearfully recommends him to the vigilance of Ogier : " Ha ! Ogier, sire, tenez moi covenant De mon neveu por ce qu'a cuer d'enfant. A Damedieu et a toi le comant." Li rois le seigne, si s'en tome plorant.^ {Aspremont, cited by L. Gautier, Ep. Fran., Ill, 89) The watchfulness of Guillaume over his favorite nephew Vivien does not avail to save him, but at the outset of the latter's career he anxiously warns him against going into the fight: " Vos estes jones, laissies tels foletes "... " Nies," dist Guillelmes, " tant suis ge plus dolans. Car or sai bien ne vivres longement; Ociront vos li Sarrasin pulant. Je en plorai et tuit vostre parent." ^ (Chevalerie Vivien, ed, Terracher, 29-46) good heed, fair nephew^ lest imprudence take you unawares, " . . . / ' ' Eestrain yourself, so that they may make no talk, / Lest for your family it should turn to sorrow." a When he had meditated, he puts his arms about his waist; / Then said to him : ' ' Nephew, may God increase your valor. ' ' b ' ' Ha ! Ogier, Lord, make a compact with me, / About my nephew, because he has the heart of a child. / To the Lord God and to you I commend him. ' ' / The King blesses him, and turns away, weeping. c ' ' You are young, give up such follies. " . . . / " Nephew, ' ' said CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 81 Naimon acts as the guardian and counsellor of Ogier throughout the Enfances Ogier; the Emperor entrusts Ogier to his care, and he goes bond for him, and looks after him on the campaign on which he takes him : Fer ne chaienne ainc I'enfes n'i porta, K'au chastelain dux Namles Farrea Et loiaument li encouvenenga C'Ogiers de lui ne se departira.^ {Enfances Ogier, 234) Charlemagne recognizes the interest of the uncle in his nephew and the right that he may have for interceding on his behalf; if he does not get the father, for whom Ogier is hostage, he says : "En son despit fei'sse trayner Ogier son fill et pendre et encroer, Sachiez de voir, n'en peiist eschaper, Mais pour son oncle le lairai ore ester, Le due Namlon, c'on doit bien hounorer." ^ {Enfances Ogier, 531) In the Provencal Girart, the nephews are so closely associated with the uncle that when the messenger Pierre annoimces to the Emperor the intention of Girart to keep on with the feud, his thoughts cannot help turning to the danger of the nephews; he says: "Girart gardera sa rancune (puisse Dieu proteger ses neveux et ses hommes) jusqu'a ce qu'il fait vaincu." ^* Guillaume, ' ' all the more sorrowful am I, / For now I know well you will not live long ; / The filthy Saracens will slay you. / 1 shall weep, and all your relatives.'* a Fetters nor chains the youth never bore. / For Duke Naimon placed him with the warden, / And faithfully he promised him / That Ogier shall not separate from him. b < ' To his humiliation I would have Ogier / His son dragged and hanged and exposed ; / Know truly, he could not escape, / But for his uncle I will let him be, / Duke Naimon, whom we must honor. ' ' 74 Girart de Eoussillon, traduction Meyer, p. 150, § 303. 7 82 UNCLE AND NEPHEW [h] Mutual Dependence During their association in war the mutual dependence of uncle and nephew is evident throughout; where one is, there is the other to be found, and each looks after the welfare of the other. This attitude of mutual helpfulness is recognized by the other characters, and the poet himself sometimes ventures the statement that it is a natural thing. A passage of the Chan- son de Boland brings out nicely the extreme reliance of the Emperor on Roland; Marsile asks Ganelon if the Emperor is never going to weary of fighting, and Ganelon, thinking of the close bond between them, replies: Co n^iert tant cum vivet sis nies^{Eoland, 544) ; if his nephew were only out of the way, it would be a death-blow to the Emperor's pride and ambition, the loss of his right arm, as it were, and then Spain would be left in peace: " Carles verrat sun grant orgoill eadeir, iT N'avrat talent que jamais vus guerreit." ^ {Roland, 577) "Ki purreit faire que Rollanz i fust morz, Dune perdreit Carles le destre braz de 1' eors ; Si remeindreient les merveilluses oz, N'asemblereit Carles si grant esforz; Jamais el' chief n'avrat curune d'or; / Trestute Espaigne remeindreit en repos." '^ {Roland, 596) More noticeable still is the degi^ee to which Guillaume leans upon his nephew Bertrand, especially for moral support and a That will not be, so long as his nephew lives. b ' ' Charles will see the fall of his great pride, / He will have no desire to wage war upon you more. ' ' c ^ ' If anyone could manage that Eoland should die there, / Then Charles would be losing the right arm of his body ; / The marvel- lous armies would come to an end, / Charles would never assemble so great a force again ; / Never will he have a golden crown upon his head; /All Spain would remain in peace. > ) CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 83 encouragement; he takes care of Vivien, but Bertrand takes better care of Guillaume himself, and the uncle, seemingly un- able to do without his sympathy, requires his assent or approval on all occasions, some of which are indeed triviaU^ While talking with the porter of the monastery where Louis is con- fined, he attracts Bertrand's attention : Bertran apele : " Entendez, sire nies, Oistes mes si bien parler portier?"^ {Couronnement Louis, 1543; cf. 1587, 1634) He is continually asking advice of Bertrand: Bertran apele : '' Sire nies, entendez, Por amor Deu, quel conseill me donez? Li rois, mes sires, est touz desheritez." ^ [Couronnement, 2650) " Biax nies," dist il, " conseill vos demandomes De cest traitre, comment le destruiromes ? " Ce dist Bertrans : " Que pensez vos, biaus oncles. Or li metons enz el chief tel corone, Dont la cervele li espande en la bouche." ^ {Couronnement, 1909) TV^hen Bertrand advises his angry uncle to continue in the ser- vice of Louis, he follows the advice, as he does when Bertrand suggests that he had better ask the Emperor for Nimes and other ijnconquerable cities as a fief: a He calls Bertrand : ' ' Listen, sir nephew, / Did you ever hear porter speak so well?" b He calls Bertrand : ' ' Sir nephew, listen ; / For love of God, what advice do you give me ? / The King, my master, is completely dis- inherited. ' ' CFair nephew," said he, ''we ask advice of you / About this traitor, how we shall destroy him." /Bertrand said: ''What think you, fair uncle, / Now let us put upon his head a crown, / Out of which his brain may pour down into his mouth." 75 Cf. the Nerhonesi, vol. II, p. 143, E pai Beltramo si tamo a Giiglielmo, die sanza lui nan potea stare. 84 UNCLE AND NEPHEW "Vo droit seignor ne devez pas haster, Ainz le devez servir et hennorer, Centre toz homes garantir et tenser/' ^ {Charroi de Nimes, 423) "Vos dites voir, beau nies. La leaute doit I'en toz jorz amer: Dez le commande, qui tot a a jugier." ^ {Charroi, 442) " Nies," dit Guillaumes, " de bone heure f us nez, Quar tot ausi Favoie ge pense, Mes ge voloie avant a toi parler." ^ {Charroi, 461) Guillaume insists upon having Bertrand and Guielin with him on the Spanish expedition {Charroi, 596 ff.; 763). Once set- tled in Nimes, he is affected by the languor of the spring, and calls Guielin and Bertand to confide in them, ses .ij. neveus, que il pot amer tant ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 84). No sooner has he reached Orange on his matrimonial quest than he is overcome by stage-fright and begins to feel the need of Bertrand's prompting, although he has two other nephews with him on the scene; at a loss what to do, he asks advice of Guielin, and the poet slyly offers us the unusual spectacle of the hardened war- rior giving way to doubts and fears and meekly reljdng upon the encouragement of the youthful knight, his nephew: " Tant par est riches li sires de ceanz, Que pleust Deu, qui forma tote gent, a < < Your rightful lord you must not provoke, / But rather must you serve and honor him, / Protect and defend him against all men.'' b ' ' You say truly, fair nephew, / Loyalty must one always cherish; /God commands it, who has judgment over all." c ' ' Nephew, ' ' said Guillaume, ' ' in a good hour wert thou born, / For I too had thought of it, / But I wanted first to speak to thee. ' ' ^His two nephews, whom he loved so much. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 85 Que i fust ore li palazins Bertrans tot .X.M. de Frangois combatans ! " ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 466) " Oncle Guillaume," Guielins li respont, Gentix horns, sire, vos querriez amor: Vez Gloriete, le pales et la tor, Quar demandez ou les dames en sont, Bien vos poez engaigier por bricon." Et dist li cuens : " Tu dis voir, valleton.'^ ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 515) "Nies Guielins, qu'alons nos atendant? . . . Ne reverrons ne cosin ne parent." . . . " Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez de neant." ° {Prise d'Orenge, 905 fl.) " Nies Guielins," dist il, " quel la f erons ? James en France, ce cuit, ne revenrons, Ne ja neveu, parent ne beserons." . . . " Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez en perdon "... " Nies Guielin, comment le poiTons fere ? Tuit somes mort et livre a damaige." " Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez de folaige." ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 1030-1057) a " So powerful is the lord of this place, / That I would to God, who created all men, / That the paladin Bertrand were here now / With ten thousand French warriors ! ' ' b ' ' Uncle Guillaume, ' * Guielin replies, / ' ' Gentle sir, you sought love; / See Gloriette, the palace and the tower; /Ask where the ladies are, / You can well engage as jester/' / And the Count said: *'Thou sayest truly, lad." c ''Nephew Guielin, what are we awaiting? . . ./We shall not see again either cousin or relative." . . ./"Uncle Guillaume, you talk in vain." ror I have lost him to whom my crown belongs. 77 Cf. Couronjiem-ent de Louis, 50 ff.; Gautier, Epopees Fran- gaises, HI, 737. 7SW. M. Hart, ''Ballad and Epic,'* in Harvard Stud. 4' Notes in Phil. 4- Lit., XI (1907), p. 231. 79 Ms. fr. de Venise, XXI, f ° 31 r% cited by Gautier, Ep. Fran., Ill, 141. 90 UNCLE AND NEPHEW t bestowal of property, and as will be seen, this sentimental aspect is merely a survival of what was once the legal method of disposal. If Charlemagne does not return from his long absence, the entire realm of France will continue in the hands of the temporary king, his sister's son Gui, who is the natural heir : " Et se il ne revient, si aura I'erite ; Car nos ne volons mie Karlon deseriter." ^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 224) There is a reference in Foucon to a sword of Pepin's, which descended to a sister's son, and eventually came into the posses- sion of Foucon: " Se vers Orenges poons penre sejor, Ge cuit prover mon vert bran de color,^^ Qui fu Pepin lo maigne empereor, Dom il occist Justamont en I'estor; Apres sa mort I'ot unz fiz sa seror." ^ {Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 623) King Gondrebuef holds the realm of Brittany for his nephew Anseis : Roi Gondrebuef truevent et sa maisnie, Ki de Bretagne tenoit la seignorie ; Pour>Anseis avoit I'onor saisie, a ' ' And if he returns not, he will have the heritage ; / For we do not wish to disinherit Charles. ' ' b ' * If near Orange we can make our stand, / 1 expect to try my blade flashing green, / Which belonged to Pepin, the great em- peror, / With which he slew Justamont in the combat ; / After his death a son of his sister had it." 80 Schultz-Gora reads par voir, with a comma before and after the phrase, but the Boulogne ms. has prover, which is certainly preferable. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 91 Ses nies estoit, si Faime sans boisdie.* {Anse'is de Cartage, 8985) Karaheu claims Rome, because it once belonged to his uncle : " Qu'il vos laist Rome tenir vostre herite, Ce f u vostre uncle Costentin Falose." ^ {Chevalerie Ogier, 1415) Boniface asks the Emperor's permission to make his nephew Garin his heir; here, to be sure, the reason seems to be that he has no children : " Vez ci Garin, qui est de mon linaje, Filz Aymeri le hardi conte et saje, N'ai filz ne fille qui ait mon eritaje. Se il vos plest et il vient en corage Que je li doigne ma terre et mon menaje? Qu'il est mes nies, del mieuz de mon linaje." ° {Narhonnais, 3091) The nephew of Aymer de Losengne inherits his uncle's land: " D'Aymer est la perte reeovree, Le bon vassal qui la vie a finee. Cist est ses nies, fiz sa seror I'ainnee; Bien doit tenir la terre et la contree Qui fu son oncle a la chiere menbree."^ {Aymeri de Narhonne, 1881) a King Gondrebuef they find and his household, / Who held lordship over Brittany ; / For Anseis he had seized the land, / His nephew was he, he loves him without deceit. ti^'That he let you hold Eome, your heritage ;/ It was your uncle Constantine 's, the honored. ' ' c ' ' See Garin here, who is of my lineage, / Son of Aymeri, the hardy count, the wise; / I have no son nor daughter who may have my heritage. / If it please you, and is your will / That I give him my land and my home? /For he is my nephew, of the best of my race." d " Of Aymer is the loss replaced, / The good young noble whose life has ended. / This is his nephew, son of his sister the eldest born ; / Indeed he must hold the land and the territory / That was his unele 's of the intelligent face. ' ' 92 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Gui offers to protect his uncle's wife Guiborc and to rule the land after Willame's death : Quant I'ot Guillelmes, prist le chief a croller, Plurat des oeilz tendrement e suef, L'enfant apelet, sil prist a acoler, Treis f eiz le baiset, e puis li at mustre : " A la f ei, nies, sagement as parle. Cors as d'enfant, e raisun as de ber. Apres ma mort tei seit mis fiez donez." * {Willame, ed. Suchier, 1476) At the end of the poem Willame repeats his promise : Apres ma mort tien tot m'erite^ (1981). Girart du Frate, when about to start on the dangerous expedition to the gorge of Aspremont, bequeaths his property : Girart du Frate a la chiere membree, Si tost com out sa terre deuisee, A ses neuez et a ses fiz donee . . . ^ {Aspremont, ed. Bekker, p. 2, col. 2) (j) Bole of Uncle in the Blood-Feud Most conspicuous among all the attributes of the uncle is his position as avenger of the death of the nephew. In starting or in carrying on the blood-feud it is the uncle who plays the most important part; likewise, the prime duty of the nephew is to avenge the uncle's death, imprisonment, or defeat. The utmost vindictiveness characterizes this thirst for vengeance, only one a When Guillaume hears him, he began to shake his head; /He wept tenderly and softly, / Calls the child and began to caress him; /Three times he kisses him and then points out to him: / ** Truly, nephew; thou hast spoken wisely. / The body of a child hast thou, and the language of a baron. / After my death let my fief be given to thee. ' ' b After my death hold all my heritage. c Girart du Frate of the keen visage, / As soon as he had divided his land, / And given it to his nephews and his sons. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 93 or two cases of lenience or of reconciliation being recorded, in the French epic, and the moral obligation of the uncle in this respect is very strongly emphasized by the poet. Occasionally the uncle applies the principle of an eye for an eye in his demand of a nephew for a nephew, and sometimes, too, he must suffer for his nephew's crimes or shortcomings, if his enemy can lay hold upon him. The instances of vengeance threatened or taken are numerous; the principle and the lan- guage are about the same in each case. This and the ques- tion of inheritance are the most noticeable features of the epic which bear a resemblance to the commoner practises of Mother- right as we know them; if the blood-feud plays a larger part in the epic than inheritance does, it is because of the greater proportion generally given to war and battles; inheritance, like the other peaceful relations within the family, has less occasion to be introduced by the poet. While in primitive society the legal aspect of the relations between the two, i. e., inheritance, etc., was equally important with the ethical and sentimental relations, in the Chanson de Geste it is the latter aspect which predominates. Thus barbaric influence prevails to a large extent over that of organized society in its effect upon the French epic. Thus Charlemagne prays to God for the power to avenge the death of Roland : " La tue amur me seit hoi en present. Par ta mercit, se tei plaist, me cunsent Que mun nevuld poisse vengier Rollant." ^ {Chanson de Roland, 3107) And when his barons try to dissuade him, asking mercy for Oanelon, he is irritated at their attitude, and exclaims: Vus estes mi felun^ (3814). In the Baligant episode he takes ven- geance upon the Saracens, while from verse 3805 to the end a ' ' May thy love be present with me today. / By thy mercy, if it pleaseth thee, grant / That I may avenge my nephew Roland. ' ' b You are my knaves. 94 UNCLE AND NEPHEW of the poem he is engaged in his work of punishing Ganelon. In Anse'is, when he orders the execution of Marsile, it is be- cause the thought of Roland comes to his mind and induces him to make his vengeance complete, and he cries: Vengier vaurrai mon cier neveu Rollant^ (10198). He takes vengeance upon the guilty Saxons for the death of Baudoin : La mort de son neveu vange molt fieremant ^ {Saisnes, CCLXII, 5). He wants to wreak vengeance upon Ogier, qui son neveu li a ochis Loihier^ {Chevalerie Ogier , 4318). He starts the feud with Renaut de Montauban because : Renaus li filz Aimon qui tant ot de bontez Oceit puis Bertolai d'un eschac pointure, Le neveu Karlemaine, dunt li rois fu irez.*^ (Vivien de Monhranc, 19) He vows : Jamais ne finerai, s'es aurai vergondes ® (Renaut, p. 73, 21) ; the situation is summed up in the words of Renaut : "II m'ot ocis mon honcle, dont je fui mult ires, Le due Buef d'Aigremont ki tant ot de bonte . . . Bertolai en feri .i. cop desmesure, .1. neveu Karlemaine que mult avoit ame. . . . Adonc me prist li rois de France a regarder, Qu'il me voloit ocirre et les membres coper. Mes linages nel pot sofrire ne endurer. ... La me fist a mon pere guerpir et desfier, Que jamais entor lui ne prendroie .i. disner." * (Renaut de Montauban, p. 227) a I want to avenge my dear nephew Roland. b The death of his nephew he avenges very fiercely. c Who slew his nephew Loihier. d Eenaut, the son of Aymon, who so much goodness had, / Slew Bertolai then with a painted chesshoard, / The nephew of Charle- magne, at which the King was enraged. e Never shall I stop, till I have covered them with dishonor. f He slew my uncle, at which I was sore angry, / Duke Bovon d ^Aigremont who had so much goodness. ' * . . . / 1 struck Bertolai CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 95 Girart de Eoussillon threatens Ogier for the death of his nephew Pongon de Clarv^ent : " Ogiers de Danemarche, li cors Deu te eravant, Tu as mort mon neveu que je amoie tant. Se je puis esploitier, tu en seras dolant." * {Renaut de Montauhan, p. 32, 10) Bovon threatens revenge when his nephew Coine is killed by the Emperor: Atant parti des rens dus Bueves I'alosse, Et escrie : " Aigremont ! Karles ou ies ale ? Mon neveu m'as ocis, que tant avoie ame. Jamais ne serai lies, si I'auras compare." ^ {Benaut, p. 34, 35) Wedon de Vermandois declares that if the familv of Herbert slay Kaoul, his uncle King Louis will avenge him : ^' Nies est le roi qi France a a baillier : Se I'ocions, par no grant encombrier, Ja I'enpereres mais ne nos avra chier : Toutes nos terres nos fera essilier; Et, s'il nos puet ne tenir ne baillier, a furious blow, / A nephew of Charlemagne, whom he loved much. ' ' . . . / ' ' Then the King of France began to look at me, / As if he wished to slay me and dismember me. / My race could not endure nor suffer him. ^ ' . . . / There he made me to be forsaken and repudiated by my father, / So that nevermore shall I take dinner with him ! ' ' a '^ Ogier of Denmark, may God annihilate thee; /Thou hast killed my nephew whom I loved so much. / If I can succeed, thou shalt be sorry for it. ' ' b Straightway started Duke Bovon the honored from the ranks, / And cries: "Aigremont! Charles, where hast gone? /My nephew thou hast slain, whom I loved so much. / Never shall I be joyful, till thou shalt have paid for it. '^ 96 UNCLE AND NEPHEW II nos f era toz les menbres tranchier." ^ {Raoul de Camhrai, 2105) Ernaut de Douai reproaches Raoul: " Par Dieu, Raous, jamais ne t'amerai De ei qe mort et recreant t'avrai. Tu m'as ocis mon neveu Bertolai, Et Richer in qe durement amai, Et tant des autres qe nes recoverai." ^ {Baoul, 2786) Ouerri vows vengeance over the body of Raoul: Son neveu trueve, s'en fu en grant esmai. II le regrete si con je vos dirai : " Biax nies," dist il, " por vos grant dolor ai. Qi vos a mort jamais ne Tamerai, Pais ne acorde ne trives n'en prendrai Desq'a cele eure qe toz mors les arai; Pendus as f orches toz les essillerai." ^ {Baoul, 3166) " Mi anemi sont ci devant voiant : Celui m'ont mort qe je amoie tant: a ' ' He is nephew to the king who has France to govern ; / If we slay him, to our great injury, / The Emperor will nevermore hold us dear ; / All our lands he will have laid waste ; / And if he can seize or hold us, / He will have all our limbs hewn off. ' ' b < * By Heaven, Eaoul, nevermore will I love thee, / Until I have thee conquered and dead. / Thou hast slain my nephew Bertolai, / And Eicherin whom I loved deeply, / And so many others that I shall not replace them." c His nephew he finds, and fell into great dismay. / He laments him as I shall tell you : / ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' for you I have great grief. / Who has slain thee I shall never love, / Peace nor compact nor truce shall I accept / Until that hour when I shall have them all dead ; / Hanged on the gibbet I shall destroy them all. > ) CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 97 Se je nel venge, taing moi a recreant." * {Baoul, 3254) " Se ne li trais le foie et le poumon, Je ne me pris vaillant .j. esperon." ^ {Baoul, 3187) Raoul's mother comes to court and upbraids the king for let- ting Bernier even eat at his table after killing his nephew; if she were a man, she would show him before sunset with a sword : " Q'a tort ies roi, bien le pues afichier, Qant celui laises a ta table mengier Qi ton neveu fist Ies menbres trenchier." ^ {Baoul, 5230) Guerri, too, tries to induce the King to perform his duty and punish the murderer of Raoul: "De vo neveu fist Farme departir; Je me mervel comment le pues soufrir Qe ne li fais toz Ies menbres tolir, Ou pendre as f orches, ou a honte morir." ^ {Baoul, 4882) In the ms. of Girbert de Metz, Louis really does take vengeance on the slayer of Raoul {Baoul, Appendix, 657). In the legend of Auberi, we find him fearing to go to France, dreading the vengeance of the king for the loss of his nephews: a ' ' My enemies are here before me visible ; / Him they have killed whom I loved so much ; / If I do not avenge him, hold me cowardly. ' ' b ' ' If I do not tear out his liver and his lungs, / 1 do not value myself as worth a spur. ' ' c ' ' That wrongfully thou art king, well thou canst affirm, / When thou lettest him eat at thy table / Who had thy nephew's limbs cut off." d ' ' He caused your nephew 's soul to depart ; / I wonder bow thou canst endure / Not to deprive him of all his limbs, / Or hang him on the gibbet, or put him to death disgracefully." 8 98 UNCLE AND NEPHEW " Se uois en France, la serai ie ocis, Car trop me bet li rois de Saint Denis; Si neueu erent cil dui que i'ai ocis." * {Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 17) Early in the career of Vivien, we find his uncle Guillaume swearing to take vengeance if any ill befall him: " Nies," dist Guillaume, " Jesu te soit garant ; Mais par I'apostre que quierent peneant, Se tu i meurs por toi en mora tant De celle gent qui Deu n'aiment nient Que nes menroient .iii.c. cber charroient." Qant ot ce dit do cuer vait sospirant.'^ {Enfances Vivien, 359) In the Chevdlerie Vivien, when the ill-stan'ed hero is mortally wounded, Guillaume promises to avenge him: Si m'e'ist Dex, mult hien vengies sereis^ (1910). The pagans seem to expect Guillaume to take vengeance after the death of his nephew, for Desrame, after gloating over the vengeance he himself has taken on Guillaume for the death of his own nephew Aenre, taunts him and dares him to do his duty: " Perdu aves Vivien le vaillant . . . Cuvert, traitres ! Ja I'amies vous tant. Vien, si le venge a ton acerin brant ! " ^ {AliscanSf ed. Halle, 5931 ff.) a ''If I go to France, I shall be slain there, / For the King of Saint Denis hates me much ; / His nephews were those two whom I slew". b ' ' Nephew, ' ' said Guillaume, ' ' may Jesus be thy protector ; / But by the Apostle whom penitents seek, / If thou diest, for thee shall die so many / Of that race who love not God at all, / That three hundred removal carts would not bear them away. ' ' / When he had said this, he goes sighing from his heart. c So may God help me, full well shall you be avenged. d ' ' You have destroyed Vivien the valiant. / Treacherous wretch, you loved him so. / Come thou, and avenge him with thy steel blade." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 99 The main theme of the poem of Foucon concerns the endeavor of the hero to obtain his revenge upon the slayers of his uncle Vivien. Likewise much of the poem of Raoul and other Chansons in addition to the many passages in which the in- tention to take vengeance is openly announced, make this an important feature of the story. (k) Role of Nephew in the Blood-Feud In the matter of vengeance, the solidarity between uncle and nephew is complete, for it is the duty of each to start the blood-feud for the death of the other. In Raoul de Cambrai, the child Gautier looks on the dead body of Raoul with emo- tion, and vows vengeance ; the quarrel rests until he has reached an age to bear arms, whereupon Raoul's mother summons him and stirs his recollections; he refuses to make peace with Ber- nier, who offers a composition, or indemnity: " Oncles," dist il, " tos ai duel acointie. Qi de nos .ij. a parti I'amistie Ne I'amerai si Farai essilie, Ars ou destruit ou del reg-ne chacie. . . . Se Dex se done q'aie tant de duree- Qe je elise la ventaille fermee, L'iaume lacie, enpoigne I'espee, Ne seroit pas si en pais la contree. La vostre mort seroit chier comparee." * {Raoul, 3614, 3641) Une grant piece covint puis detrier Ceste grant guerre dont m'oes ci plaidier; Mais Gauteles la refist commencier. a ' ' Uncle, ' ' said he, ' ' early have I learned to know sorrow. / The one who has ended the friendship of us two, / Never shall I love him till I shall have exterminated him, / Burned or destroyed or driven him from the realm. " . . . " If God grants that I may last so long / Until I should have the rental closed, / The helmet laced, the sword in hand, / The region would not be so at peace. / Your death would be dearly redeemed." 100 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Tantost com pot monter sor son destrier, Porter les armes, son escu manoier, Molt se pena de son oncle vengier.* {Baoul, 3732) " Biax nies," dist ele, " or sai de verite Raoul vostre oncle aveiz tout oublie, Son vaselaige et sa nobilite." ^ {Raoul, 3752) ] " Qant ces nies estes, a moi vos apaies; Prenes Famende, se faire le dengnies. Vostre horn serai, de vos tenrai mes fies." ^ (Raoul, 4006) The poem of Foucon hinges largely upon the feud under- taken to avenge the death of Vivien by his nephew Foucon, who bids his mother prepare letters summoning the aid of the entire family, and enunciates the principle that ains venge nies que frere: " Mais f ai escrivre e si f ai seialx faire, Ses envoiex a la gent de vostre aire, Cor vos secorent, que bien lo devez faire; Toz jors I'oi dire : ainz venge nies que f raire." ^ (Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 534) a A long time it was necessary then to defer / This great war which you hear me hear relate; /But Gautier caused it to begin again. / As soon as he could mount his steed, / Bear arms, handle his shield, / He strove much to avenge his uncle. b ' * Fair nephew, ' ' said she, ' ' now I know in truth / Eaoul your uncle you have quite forgotten, / His courage and his nobility. ' ' c ' ' If you are his nephew, make peace with me. / Take the reparation, if you deign so to do. / 1 will be your man, and hold my fiefs from you." d ' ' But have letters written and sealed, / And send them to the people of your race, / That they aid you now, for truly you must ■do so ; / Always I hear said : rather does nephew than brother take vengeance. ' ' CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 101 Foucon strikes Tibaut and almost kills him, and tlie poet remarks : Se ne tornast en son poing la jostise, De Vivien fust la venjance prise.^ {Foucon, 1712) And Foucon bears in mind throughout the poem the object for which the war is undertaken, for he exclaims : La mort mon oncle ne Vai m'ie obViee^ (7426). The poem of Renaut de Montauban is filled with recrimina- tions and threats of vengeance on the part of uncle or nephew : Renaut demands vengeance for the death of his uncle Bovon, and kills the Emperor's nephew Bertolai out of revenge, thus renewing the feud which fills the rest of the book : 't? " Mais de la mort mon oncle li parlemens sera, Que feistes ociiTC, dont malement vos va. De lui vos demant droit par eel qui nos cria. Mi honcle et li miens peres s'amainerent piega; Mais endroit moi, dans rois, nel creanterai ja." ° {Uenaut, p. 51, 37) The hatred between Renaut and Foucon de Morillon is mutual, and for a similar reason in each case : Fouque de Moreillon, que Renaus haoit si; L'autre an ocist son oncle, au branc d'acier forbi."^ {Renaut, p. 62, 1) a If the judgment had not turned in Ms hand, / Vengeance for Vivien would have been taken. t> The death of my uncle have I not forgotten. c ' ' But the talk will be of the death of my uncle, / Whom you had slain, wherefore it goes ill with you. / For him I demand satisfaction of you, by Him who created us. / My uncles and my father became reconciled long ago; /But as for me, Sir King, I will not grant it.'' d Foucon de Morillon, whom Eenaut hated so; /Last year he slew his uncle with his polished blade of steel. 102 UNCLE AND NEPHEW " Seignor, franc chevalier, mult doi hair R^naut. A gTant tort m'a ocis mon honcle Bertolai." ^ {Renaut, p. 164, 30) Maugis renews the anger of Renaut by reminding him of the death of his uncle Bovon: Renaus ce fu vostre oncle (p. 218, 16). Rispeu threatens Renaut's brother Richart, who is a cap- tive in the hands of the enemy: " La mort Foucon, mon honcle, vos f erai comparer. Que Renaus m'a ocis sos BalenQon, as gues." ^ {Renaut, p. 275, 31) Gontier strikes and upbraids Gormond for killing his uncle Hugon, but it is King Louis who completes the vengeance : Al rei Gormund brochant en vient, Sil fiert sur sun helme vergie.'^ {Gormont et Isemhard, 341) The murder of Begon, brother of Garin, arouses his nephews; the bon ahe Lietri threatens to tear off his clerical robe and punish the murderer: " Or me verrez de moniage issir, Le blanc haubert endosser et vestir." ^ {Garin, II, 250) The young Rigaut stirs up the family to vengeance, announcing the death first to the franche enpereris, his aunt, and to his uncle Hernai's, riding first to Paris, then to Orleans, and lin- gering only long enough to tell his story, then on to Blaives : a ''My lords, noble knights, I must hate Eenaut deeply; /Wrong- fully he slew my uncle Bertolai. ' ' b ' ' The death of Foucon, my uncle, I shall make you atone for, / Whom Eenaut slew near Balengon, at the ford." c To King Gormond spurring he comes, / And strikes Mm upon his carven helm. d ' ' Now you will see me leave my monkhood, / Clothe and garb me in the white hauberk." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 103 " Oneles," dist il, " male nouvelle a ci ! Qui vous a mors il n'est pas mes amins." * {Gar in, II, 254) Garsion plans to avenge the death of his uncle Gui : Et Garsibns, ki les ceviaus ot blois, Ki pour Guion, son oncle, fu destrois, Vengier le cuide, anchois ke past li mois.^ {Anse'is de Cartage, 10094) Richaii; swears vengeance upon the Emperor: " Dame," ce dist Richart, " ne seroit pas reison. Kalles ocist mon oncle par mortel traison. En sauf conduit I'ocist, si com bien le savon. James ne I'ameroi, foi que nos vous devon. Se Diex nos donue vie encor nos vengeron." ^ {Vivien de Monhranc, p. 57) Otinel, during a combat with Roland, calls for vengeance : la mort de mon oncle Fernagu te demant {Otinel, 420). Garnier, instead of taking vengeance for the death of his uncle, re- quires allegiance of his murderers: " Vos et vostre lingnage oceistes Buevon, Mon oncle debonaire, quant venoit d'Aigremont, Et vos estez mi homme por la mort an baron. Qui le me reprovez, de droit vos en semon." ^ {Aye d^ Avignon, 166) a ' ' Uncle, ' ' said he, ' ' bad news is here ! / He who killed you is no friend of mine. ' ' b And Garsion, the blond-haired, / Who for Gui, his uncle, was distressed, / He thinks to avenge him ere the month be past. c ' ' Lady, ' ' said Kichart, ' '■ that would not be right. / Charles slew my uncle in mortal treason. / In safe conduct he slew him, as well we know. / Nevermore shall I love him, by the faith we owe you. / If God gives us life, we shall still take vengeance. ' ' d ' '■ You and your lineage slew Bovon, / My gentle uncle, when he was coming from Aigremont, / And you are v^j men by the death of the baron ; / You who reproach me for it, rightfully I summon you." 104 UNCLE AND NEPHEW In Anse'is de Mes, we find a nephew introduced apparently for the sole purpose of taking vengeance; Ansei's kills Gillemer, whose nephew Pongon immediately avenges him by slaying Anseis : Mort le trebuce, qui qu'en poist ne cui non. Dex, com en poise .1. sien neveut Pongon ! * {Anse'is de Mes, 464, 18) There are occasional instances of a feud being carried on for injuries or insults offered to the uncle or the nephew, and in such cases we sometimes find a nephew who is not important in any other connection taking up the defense of his uncle, thus seemingly being introduced into the story for this particular purpose, although the great majority of instances of vengeance occur at the hand of uncles or nephews who are an integral part of the story. Aymeri precipitates a war between Girart de Vienne and Charlemagne by telling his uncle Girart of the trick played upon him by the Empress, who had caused him to kiss her foot instead of that of the Emperor in doing homage; Aymeri attempts to wreak a smnmary vengeance upon the lady by attacking her with a knife, but is prevented, and reports the affair to his relatives at Vienne, after declaring : "Molt est proudom Dam Girart le guerrier; De duel morai, se je ne 1' puis vangier." ^ {Girart de Vienne, p. 52) Gascelin kills Lambert for persecuting his uncle Auberi; Lam- bert's nephew Helinant demands vengeance of Pepin, and the two nephews fight in single combat to decide which is in the right {Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 124 ff.)- Gautier, who has cap- tured the Sultan, threatens to kill him to avenge the captivity of his uncle Ogier, whereupon the former offers to purchase indemnity by giving him money wherewith to ransom Ogier : a He strikes him dead, whether it may grieve anyone or not. / Heavens! How it grieves his nephew Ponton! b < ' Brave and honorable is Sir Girart the warrior ; / I shall die of grief, if I cannot avenge him." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 105 "Poureoi alas Ogier emprisonnant, Le plus prodonme de ce sieele vivant? Or te ferai ja pendre pour .1. tant; Si en sera vengie li dux puissant." . . . " Et si raurez votre chier oncle Ogier, Et Moysant sain et sauf et entier. . . . Et vous rendrai Ogier qui tant est ber, Votre chier oncle que tant poez amer." ^ {Deliverance Ogier ^ 65, 88, 107) The Count of Bourges takes up the defense of his uncle Elie, who has been driven from his estates by the King : Le signor de Boorghes o le vis cler Qui guerroie le roi par grant fierte Por chou qu'il a lor oncle desirete, Elie le franc due qui tant fu ber.^ {Aiol, 1398) The nephew frequently upholds his uncle's honor by defend- ing his cause in single combat, being selected as champion and engaging in the fight with that purpose in mind. The nephew is sometimes made to atone for the uncle's crimes, or a threat to that end is made, the moral effect of which is to deter the uncle from committing some deed of violence that he has in mind, on account of the ultimate effect it will have upon his nephew's fate. Makaire's nephew Gerart and his friends try to convince him that he had best not kill Aiol, whom he has in his power, because the King has the flower of their rela- a ' ' Why goest thou imprisoning Ogier, / The most worthy knight living in this world? /Now I shall have thee hanged for that; / And the powerful duke will be avenged. " . . . / " And you will have again your dear uncle Ogier, / And Moysant safe and sound and whole. " . . . / " And I will restore to you Ogier the dis- tinguished, / Your dear uncle whom you love so much. ' ' t) The lord of Bourges, fair of face, / Who is warring with the King so haughtily, / Because he has disinherited their uncle, / Elie, the noble duke, the distinguished. 106 UNCLE AND NEPHEW tives and will surely wreak his vengeance upon them for the death of his sister's son: " Car li rois a la fors de nos millors amis, Et oncles et parens et neveus et cousins: S'or ochies Aiol, ja nes reverons vis." ^ {Aiol, 8755; cf. 9165) When Aymeri sees his son Guibelin nailed to the cross he sends word that one of his own captives, the Emir's favorite nephew, shall suffer for it, and the uncle is thereby induced to show mercy to his victim: " Se ne me ranz Guibelin an sante, Ja sera mort le neveu Famire." . . . . . . Clargis de Valplenier, Desor toz homes I'avoit Famirant chier; Ses nies estoit . . . . . . filz sa seror Fainnee.^ {Narhonnais, 5292, 5366, 5668, 6518) Corsolt, the nephew of Galafre, is chosen as combattant against Guillaume, and the Saracen king offers his sons as hostages; these passages afford an interesting comiDarison of the relative practical value of son and nephew: the hope of the Saracen is fixed upon his nejDhew, w^hile the sons have only a passive part in the little drama {C ouronnement Louis, 486 ff., 620 ff.)- The duel between Roland and Oliver is on account of their re- spective uncles, whose reputation each engages to defend {Girart de Vienne, pp. 103 ff., 133 ff.). Girart de Rivier, niez Gamier et de sa seror nez, offers to defend his uncle against the charge of treason, but Gamier prefers to fight for himself {Aye d' Avignon, 296 ff.). a * ' For the King has out there some of our best friends, / And uncles and relatives and nephews and cousins; /If now you slay Aiol, we shall ne'er see them again alive." f If thou dost not restore Guibelin to me unharmed, / The nephew of the Emir shall be put to death. " . . . / Clargis de Val- plenier, / Above all men the Emir held him dear. . . . / His nephew was he, / Son of his sister, the eldest born. CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 107 (l) Claims of Nephew The allusions are many to the claims and rights of the nephew, the poet's own statements confirming the words of the characters themselves. The nephew calls upon his uncle for assistance in time of danger, and is sure of its being granted, for such is the duty of the uncle; the uncle acts contrary to the claims of relationship when he arbitrarily sends the nephew into danger; it is his duty to love his nephew, to give him power, to avenge him. We have seen how these various features are carried out by the individuals of the Chansons de Geste, now it remains to note that they were the very requirements of the relationship itself. The poet both in his own person and in that of the characters frequently voices opinions as to the ethical significance of this relationship; for purposes of inves- tigation, his dogmatic utterances are more important than his application of them in the course of the narrative. His con- ception as to the duties of the uncle towards the nephew and the claims of the latter, his uncompromising belief in the fundamental harmony of this relationship, his consistent proc- lamation of the rights of each party, constitute a tradition that must have had its roots far back in the life of the people — a root that in the poet's own time must still have supplied con- siderable nourishment to the branches of the ^family tree.' By virtue of the relationship the uncle should love and cher- ish the nephew ; he who does not is a knave : " & Deus dist Willame vus me uolez aider ; Fel seit li uncles qui bon nevov nad cher." ^ (Cangun de Willame, ed. Chiswick, 2549) The child Gautier, looking upon the body of his uncle Raoul, thus apostrophizes the murderer Bernier: a ''Ah, God!" said Willame, ''you wish to aid me; /Be the uncle a knave who holds not a good nephew dear. ' ' 108 UNCLE AND NEPHEW " Culvers bastars, con tu m'as fait irie ! Se m'as tolu dont devoie estre aidie." * {Baoul de Camhrai, 3618) Berart chides the Emperor when he becomes ruffled at the pranks of his nephew Baudoin: " Vos estes d'un lignage andui estrait et ne, N'ave fors lui neveu : tanez le an cherte." ^ {Chanson des Saisnes, CXLI*, 33) Helissant tells Queen Sibille who Baudoin is : " C'est li nies Karlemaine, tres bien I'os afiier, De sa seror germaine, molt le doi[t] avoir chier. Ses freres fu RoUanz, li compainz Ollivier; Por le meillor de France n'estuet cestu changier." ^ {Saisnes, LXVII, 29) Renaut's friends urge King Yon not to betray him to Charle- magne, for his sons are Yon's nephews, whom he must cherish r " Vo sereur li donastes a moillier et a per, Renaus en a .ii. fils que mult deves amer." ^ {Benaut de Montauban, p. 157, 15) Henri d'Ostenne ought to love his nephew Auberi, but does not: L'enf ant deiist amer, S'il fust preudoms, et ses honnors garder: a'^Baseborn wretch, how thou hast angered me! /Thou hast taken him from me by whom I was to be aided." b ' ' You are both of one lineage descended and born ; / You have no nephew save him : hold him dear. ' ' c " He is the nephew of Charlemagne, well I dare affirm it, / By his sister ; very dear must he hold him. / His brother was Roland, the companion of Oliver ; / For the best in France there is no need to exchange him." d^Your sister you gave him to wife and as peerj /Renaut has two sons by her, whom you must love." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 109 Mes il le het de la teste couper.* (Auberi, ed. Tarbe,. p. 5) Here we have the unusual spectacle of the wicked uncle, common enough in the history of the Merovingian period, but so infrequent in the French epic that it can be dismissed with a brief reference. Such cases doubtless existed often enough in mediaeval France, but they do not seem to have appealed to the poets as material for epic use. Other branches of literature utilize the theme more often; for instance, the wicked uncle is frequently found in English popular literature.^^ The very treatment of the subject shows that it was foreign to the general conception of the uncle; the poet of Auberi makes this plain when he remarks: Or ne sai je la ou se pent fier Quant I'oncle velt le neveu af oler ! ^ {Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 6) This is said in connection with the harsh treatment which Auberi receives at the hands of his father's brother Henri. Odon, likewise, is a wicked uncle to him, plotting to kill him at the moment when he pretends to be most fond of him; Auberi cannot believe this when he is inforaied of it, for Odon is his maternal uncle, and as such cannot fail him, he thinks.^- After his speedy disillusionment, Auberi refers to these two uncles as mes mortex anemis.^^ Another Odon, the uncle of Huon de Bordeaux, receives his nephew very kindly, but plots his murder, and is finally killed by Huon : a He ought to have loved the child, / If he had been a man of honor, and to have protected his lands, / But he hates him enough to cut off his head. b Now I know not where one can put trust, / When the uncle wishes to injure the nephew! 81 Cf. F. B. Gummere, 'The Sister's Son,' in the Furnivall Miscellany. 82 Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 17, cited on page 71. 83 Auberi, ed. Tobler, p. 104, 17. no UNCLE AND NEPHEW Cist maus traistres a moult le sens derve: C'est fix son frere qu'il veut la jus tuer.^ {Huon de Bordeaux, 4311) King Louis, while not intentionally a bad uncle, is accused of causing the whole war between Raoul and the Vermandois by giving away his nephew's rightful inheritance : Rois Loeys fist le jor grant folaige Qi son neveu toli son eritaige. . . . "Et vos, fox rois, on vos en doit blasmer: Vos nies est I'enfes, nel delissies penser, Ne sa grant terre vers autrui delivi'er." . . . " Drois empereres, Dex te doinst encombrier ! Car ceste guere f eis tu eommencier, Raoul mon oncle ocire et detranchier." ^ {Eaoul de Camhrai, 135, 304, 5142) The Emperor Alexis and his nephew Tatice (Tatixos) have a quarrel, and the nephew complains that the former has not perfonned his duty towards him: Quant Estatins oi que il fin n'i metra, De son oncle est partis que il gaires n'ama . . . ..." Mon oncle trai m'a, Li cuivers empereres qui sa foi menti a. Dame Diex le maudie qui le mont estora."*' {Chanson d'Antioche, II, 471, 477) a This vile traitor has lost his senses; /It is his brother's sod whom he wishes to kill yonder. b King Louis committed that day a great folly, / Who took from his nephew his heritage. . . . / ' ' And you, mad King, one must blame you for it; /This youth is your nephew; you ought not to have thought it, / Nor to have delivered his broad lands to another. ' ^ /' ' Eightf ul Emperor, may God give you ill ! / For thou didst cause this war to begin, / And Eaoul my uncle to be slain and cut to pieces.'' c When Tatice heard that he will not put an end to it, / He left CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 111 The nephew has a right to the uncle's favor and preference; Makaire is angry with King Louis because of favors shown to Aiol, whom he thinks a stranger; he bitterly exclaims: " Or sont li avole miex en vo court Que ne sont vo neveu ne li millor." ^ {Aiol, 4189) Raoul asks the King for a fief, because, he says: Vostre nies sui, ne me doi meserrer^ {Baoul de Camhrai, 838). The uncle will submit to liberties taken by the nephew; othei'wise Gui de Bourgogne would not dare to take charge of the kingdom in the absence of the Emperor: " Se revieut I'emperere ariere en son rene Et il trueve celui que I'aions corone, II ne Focira mie, de son linage est ne." . . . " Se Dex m'ait," se dist Karlemaine au vis fier, " S'il ne fust mes parens mes cousins ou mes niez, II ne I'osast panser, por les membres tranchier, Ne li enfant de France ne I'eussent laissie Que ja corone d'or eust mis sor son chief." ^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 221, 3158) The uncle must not fail his nephew in time of need; Guern^ the uncle of Raoul, declares : his uncle, whom he loved not much. . . . / "Mj uncle has betrayed me, / The base emperor who has belied his pledge. / May the Lord God curse him, who established the world. ' ' a ''Now are strangers better off at your court / Than are your nephews or the best." b Your nephew am I, I cannot be mistaken. c'' If the Emperor comes back to his kingdom, / And finds him whom we have crowned, / He will not slay him, of his lineage he is born. " . . . / ' ' So help me God, ' ' said Charlemagne of the proud visage, / " If he were not my relative, my cousin or my nephew, / He would not have dared think it, at the risk of his limbs, / Nor would the youth of France have allowed / That he should ever have put crown of gold upon his head." 112 UNCLE AND NEPHEW "Ains me lairoie toz les membres colper Mon neveu faille tant com puisse durer." * {Raoul de Cambrai, 317) Gautier, the grand-nephew of the Emperor, proclaims his rights, saying that Louis ought not to show any mercy or favor to Gautier's enemy Bernier: " Drois empereres," dist il, " grant tort aveis. Je sui vos nies, f aillir ne me deveiz." ^ {Raoul de Cambrai, 5438) When the Saracens attack Narbonne in the absence of Aymeri, it is suggested that he shall apply to his uncle Girart for help : " Proierai lui, se de rien vos a chier, Que vos secore a ce besong premier; II est vostre oncles, si vos doit bien aidier." ® {Aymeri de Narbonne, 3797) Begon expresses his willingness to help his nephew Auberi, and later sends to his own uncle Thierry for help : " Je ne lairoie por tot For que Diex fist Que n'aille aidier mon chier nevou Aubri." , . . " Aus mons d'Aussai m'en irez a Thieri, II est mes oncles, si ne me doit f aillir." ^ {Garin, 1, 273; II, 102) By virtue of this relationship the nephew has claims upon others; Benoit asks Ogier to give arms to his brother Gui, a ' ' Eather would I let all my limbs be cut off, / Than fail my nephew, as long as I can last. ' ' b ' ' Rightful Emperor, ' ' said he, ^ ' great wrong do you. / I am your nephew, you must not fail me." c ' 'I will beg him, if he holds you dear at all, / That he help you in this foremost need ; / He is your uncle, indeed he must aid you. ' ' d ' ' I would not fail, for all the gold that God made, / To go and help my dear nephew Auberi. " . . . / ' ' You shall go to the Monts d'Aussai, to Thierry; / He' is my uncle, he must not fail me." CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 113 because he is the Nies BSron qi uos par ama si^ (Chevalerie Ogier, 6973). Maucion bases his claims to the crown of France upon his relationship to the Emperor through the marriage of his father Ganelon to the Emperor's sister:^* " E si est mun pere Guenes, k'od Karlon est alez ; Sa serur od a femme, si ke ben le savez: Pur ce dei en France estre haltement coronez." ^ {Gui de Bourgogne, p. 137) The uncle must not strike or threaten his nephew, send him into danger, nor shall he make fun of him : "Non ferez, frere," li quens Guillaumes dit, " II est tes nies et de ta seror fis." ^ {Garin, II, 245) " Sire," ce dist dus Namles, " merci, pour amour De ! Rollans est vostre nies et de vo sereur nes; Se vous I'i envoies, jamais ne le venres." ^ {Fierahras, 2278) Quant I'entendi Aiols, molt fu iries, Et dist entre ses dens c'on ne I'ot nient : "He! Dieux! chou est mes oneles, je sui ses nies; Si ne me delist mie contralier." Sel seiist I'emperere qu'il fust ses nies, Ja n'i fust plus gabes ne laidengies, a The nephew of Beron who loved you so much. b ' ' And my father is Ganelon, who has gone with Charles ; / He had his sister to wife, as well you know; /For that should I be publicly crowned in France.'' c'^You shall not do it, brother," said Count Guillaume; /''He is your nephew and your sister ^s son." d ' ' Sire, ' ' thus spoke Duke Naimon, ' ' mercy, for the love of God! / Eoland is your nephew, and of your sister born; /If you send him there, never again will you see him. ' ' 8* See E. Sauerland, Ganelon und sein GesclilecJit, p. 39. 9 114 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Ains fust molt richement aparellies.* {Aiol, 2640) Charlemagne considers it his personal duty to seek for the body of his nephew Roland: " Kar mei mei'sme estoet avant aler Pur mun nevuld que vuldreie truver." ^ {Roland, 2858) On the other hand, the nephew must reciprocate along the same lines; he must love and serve his uncle and not fail him in time of need; particularly must he avenge the death of his uncle — this is his right, his duty even more than that of the son or brother. Oliver reminds Roland of the allegiance he owes the Emperor : "Par la foi que deves Karle vostre oncle, que tant amer deves. Que feissiez?"^ {Girart de Vienne, p. 76) The Emperor, after quarrelling with Foucon, the nephew of Girart, offers excuses for him : " Bien sai qu'il est dolans de ce qu'avons a f aire Entre moi et Girart; mas son devoir velt faire De servir son signeur, son oncle." ^ {Girart de Roussillon, 1533) a When Aiol heard him, much was he angered. / And said between his teeth so that none heard him, / ' ' Ah, God ! he is my uncle, I am his nephew ; / He ought not to have sought a quarrel with me. ' * . . . / If the Emperor had known that he was his nephew, no more would he have been mocked and insulted, / But rather would he have been richly apparelled. b ' ' For it is necessary for me to go ahead myself, / For my nephew whom I would like to find." c ' ' By the faith which you owe / Charles your uncle, whom you must love so much, / What would you have done? " d ' ' Well I know that he is grieving at what we have to do, / Girart and I, together ; but he wishes to do his duty, / By serving his master, his uncle. ' ' CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 115 The Emperor admonishes Roland of his duty : " Et vos, biaus nies Rollans/' I'empereres a dit, '' Quant ee vient al besoing, ne me deves f aillir." * (Renaut de Montauban, p. 264, 13) Ogier alludes to the fealty that he owes his uncle: " Foi que je doi le due Namlon porter, Le mien chier oncle que je doi moult amer." ^ {Enfances Ogier, 2212) Garin reminds two of his nephews of their duty: a Et vous Girars et li borgoins Aubris, Mi nevou estes, ne me devez f allir." ^ (Garin, II, 26) In at least two passages, the poets seem to be enunciating an axiom : in the poem of Foucon, when Foucon hears of the death of his uncle Vivien, he is anxious to start at once and pursue the work of vengeance, urging his mother to summon her fam- ily to aid him, and concluding with the argument : Toz jors Foi dire: ainz venge nies que fraire^ {Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 534). The poet of Aye d' Avignon, after telling the story of how Guichart and Alori learned of their fathers' plot against their uncle Garnier and for love of their uncle left the court and hastened to warn him, joining his forces, then offers this story as an explanation of what appears to have been an axiom in his time : For ce dit on encore : ainz venge niez que fiz ® {Aye, a ' ' And you, fair nephew Eoland, ' ' said the Emperor, / ' ' When need eomes^ you must not fail me. ' ' b ' ' By the faith that I must show Duke Naimon, / My dear uncle, whom I must love much. ' ' c ' ' And you, Girart, and Auberi le Bourguigon, / You are my nephews, and must not fail me." d Always I hear it said : rather does nephew than brother take vengeance. e For this they still say : rather does nephew than son take vengeance. 116 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 2667). These two passages indicate plainly enough that the nephew's obligation in the blood-feud had passed into the form of a popular saying with which the poets of the Chansons de Geste were acquainted, but the reason for which, or the origin of which, had become lost; thus the axiom itself, as well as the application of it, as has been seen, becomes part of a literary tradition, carried on long after it had ceased to be understood. The principles of it are obviously to be sought in a period when the nephew was the nearest and dearest, and we have abundant material to show that there has been such a period, which we reach by tracing the way back from literary allusions through popular customs to primitive right. CHAPTER III Stylistic Treatment in the Poems Although it is not always easy to draw the line of demarca- tion between those features of the French epic which are an integral part of the nephew tradition and those which may be classified as characteristics of literary style, there are never- theless certain phases which seem to come more appropriately under the head of personal methods of treatment rather than under a subdivision of the legend proper. These are of three sorts, the emotional expression of the uncle-nephew relations, the use of certain formulas of allusion or address on the part of the characters, and the attributing of the conventional rela- tions to those groups of uncle and nephew about whom there could scarcely have been any legend. All these features show the hold which the relationship had upon the mind of the mediaeval poet. As we have thus far traced the story of the active relations between the epic uncle and his nephew, the poet has been following the legend as he knew it, embroidering it but sparsely with the threads of his own personality; the ex- ternal features of style are however an important indication of the attitude of the poet and in many cases point indubitably to a well-defined convention. As might be expected, the emotional aspects of the relations are fairly limited; expressions of affection predominate, and are particularly striking in connection with the uncle's lament over the dead body of his nephew. It is perfectly in keeping with the poetic treatment of the nephew that the poet should dwell upon the uncle's anxiety when the young chevalier is in danger, and upon his joy over the latter's successes in battle. Yet it is surprising to find the poet so entirely con- sistent in the matter: we must either give him credit for a 117 118 UNCLE AND NEPHEW capability of invention and a definiteness of purpose that are wonderful, considering the ciTidity of his conceptions in many places and the lack of variety in general, or we must assume that sOme trace of an older society has left its impress upon the mental habits of his times in such a way that these relations between uncle and nephew are perfectly familiar to him, and that he reproduces them as naturally and as unconsciously as he does other peculiarities of the period. At any rate, citations might be multiplied almost indefinitely to show that emotionally the relations under discussion are in harmony with their more external features. The Boland must again be used as a prominent example of this, just as it un- doubtedly served as a model for later poets to follow; yet in characterizing it as a model, we must be careful not to attribute utter lack of originality to the others. Leon Gautier, to men- tion only one critic, has probably given too great importance to the part of imitation in other poems, and not enough to the presumption that the fondness of the uncle had some founda- tion in family life. Speaking of Vivien, Gautier expresses himself with a considerable amount of disparagement: " C'est uue pure fiction, c'est une pure invention de nos ^ epiques. Voyant la place que tenait Roland aupres de Charle- magne, voyant partout le succes qu'avait le neveu du grand empereur, ils resolurent de creer un autre Roland dans la geste de Guillaume. Ils dedoublerent leur heros primitif, et calque- rent le neveu de Guillaume sur le neveu de Charlemagne. lis prirent, en quelque maniere, un vieux portrait de Roland, et se contenterent d'ecrire au bas : * Vivien.' Procede naif ! " ^^ A thoughtful examination of the two stories will show that the affection between the Emperor and Roland is throughout purely personal, while that between Guillaume and his nephew is less personal than it is a matter of lignage: the personal element being subordinated to the worship of the family, so that here at least there is no ground for depreciation of the invention of Vivien as an epic character. Against Gautier's 85 Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, IV, 417. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 119 opinion may be set that of Gaston Paris, who says of the cycle of Charlemagne and of that of Guillaume that : " Ce sont done deux cycles independants Fun de I'autre, nes dans des provinces differentes et restes longtemps sans contact." ^^ The discovery in 1903 of the Changun de Willame, whose ancient part is con- temporary with the Roland, disproves Gautier's theory.*'^ It would seem then that the safer conclusion, since as we shall see the nephew tradition can be traced back historically as well as poetically to remotest antiquity, is that it is an essential part of the earliest French versions of both cycles, and that when the two were merged it persisted, becoming to some extent influenced by the extreme use made of it in the Chanson de Roland. Just how much is to be attributed to this influence and how much to a sociological basis can probably not be accurately deter- mined; if the theme were so utterly an imitation, and as Gau- tier believed, a calculating one at that, it would certainly not have remained so consistently a part of the epic traditional material and would not have been so harmoniously developed from beginning to end, but like the majority of evident imita- tions would have gone from bad to worse until it finally died of exhaustion; when the nephew-tradition does die out in the epic, it is not from over-exertion, but on account of the change in social conditions. The arbitrary manufacture of genealog- ical ties, pointed out by Gaston Paris as one of the signs of decadence, is in itself, so far as the nephew is concerned, not a mark of imitation ; ^^ the later poems really make less use of this relationship than do the earlier ones, so that on the whole it seems likely that the imitations and remaniements of the Chansons de Geste neglected this phase of the ancient epic more and more, probably because the development of the family and 86 Gaston Paris, Histoire Poetique de Charlemagne, p. 81. 8T Professor Weeks, in TiOmania, XKKTV (1905), p. 261, note 1, was perhaps the first to dissent from Gautier's view, saying briefiy: "L. Gautier a cru le type de Vivien caique sur celui de Eoland. iSTous ne voudrions pas, cependant, soutenir cette these." 88 Litterature frangaise au Moyen Age, p. 42. 120 UNCLE AND NEPHEW the growth of closer ties between parents and children rendered such points less intelligible to the readers of a later period. (a) Anxiety of Uncle The intensity of the uncle's anxiety or fear for the safety of the nephew, and the exuberance of his ultimate rejoicing at the latter's success, are well represented in all the poems. This anxiety often expresses itself in the form of a prayer for the protection of the nephew during a battle or a combat, while the rejoicing is sometimes a jjassionate outburst, sometimes an embrace, according to the desire of the poet to make much or little of the situation. When Roland first makes his appear- ance in the army of the Emperor, the uncle entrusts him to the care of Ogier, on account of his extreme youth : " Ogier," dist il, " tenez moi conuenant De mon neuou, por ce quel sai enfant: Car nule rien n'aime ge atretant." ^ {Aspremont, ed. Bekker, p. 44, col. 2) Charlemagne's distress at leaving Roland behind on the retreat from Spain is very keen : Sur tuz les altres est Charles anguissus : As porz d'Espaigne ad laissiet sun nevuld. Pitiet I'en prent, ne poet muer n'en plurt . . . Pluret des oilz, tiret sa barbe blanche, Suz sun mantel en fait la cuntenance . . . " Jo I'ai laissiet en une estrange marebe. Deus! se jo 1' pert, ja n'en avrai escange."'' {Chanson de Boland, 823, 829, 839) a <■ ' Ogier, ' ' said he, ' ' keep a compact with me, / About my nephew, because I know he is young ; / For nothing else do I love so much." t> Above all others is Charles anxious ; / In the mountain-passes of Spain he has left his nephew. / Pity seizes upon him, he cannot help but weep . . . / He sheds tears, plucks his white beard, / Under his mantle he hides his countenance . . . / " I have left him in a foreign land. / God ! If I lose him, never shall I have his like. ' ' STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 121 On arriving at Roneevaux after the disaster, his first word is : U estes vus, hels nies^ (2402). In Fierdbras, his distress is keen when he has been falsely persuaded that Roland is dead: " Ahi ! Rollans, biaus nies, com vous avoie chier ! Jamais ne vous venrai .1. tout seul jour entier. Ja Damedieu ne plaice, qui tout a a jugier, Que jamais sur mon cief port coronne d'oimier." Lors se pasma li rois sur le col du destrier; Ja en alast a terre, ne fuissent li estrier . . . " He ! las/' fait il, " quel perte ai fait par ma f olour ! Biaus nies, je vous ai mort par ma mauvaise errour." ^ {Fierahras, 4565, 4574) And when he hears that his nephew still lives : le cuer en ot joiant; il ne fust pas si lies pour Vonnour d'Oriant^ (4621).. He prays for the success of Roland, who is engaged in single combat with Renaut: " Glorieus sire pere, par vo sainte bonte, Garissies moi Rollant de mort et d'afoler, U trametes tel signe qu'il soient desevre." ^ {Renaut de Montauhan, p. 322, 19) a "Where are you, fair nephew. b^'Ah! Eoland, fair nephew^ how dear I held you! /Nevermore shall I see you for even a single day. / May God not please, who has all to judge, / That ever on my head I shall wear a crown of pure gold. ' ' / Then the King fainted upon the neck of his steed. / He would surely have fallen to the ground, were it not for the- stirrups. . . . / ' ' Alas ! ' ' said he, ' ' What a loss I have had through my folly ! / Fair nephew, I have kille'^ vou through my wretched error. ' ' c His heart was joyful at this; he would not have been so happy for all the lands of the Orient. d ' ' Glorious Lord and Father, by your sacred bounty, / Protect me Roland from death and injury, / Or send me such a sign that they are parted." 122 UNCLE AND NEPHEW He watches during the combat with Otinel, and fears when his nephew receives some hard blows: " Diex," dist li rois, " com cist cop est pesant ! Sainte Marie, garisses moi RoUant ! " Se RoUans chiet, n'en soiez merveillant, Quant son cheval est desous lui morant.* (Otinel, 468) When Roland and his opponent come to an agreement the uncle asks: " Biaus nies," dit il, " com vos est convenant ? Dites le moi, quar j'en sui moult engTant."^ (Otinel, 604) His anxiety is extreme when during a combat with Oliver Roland's helmet is cleft by a sword-stroke; he runs to him and takes off his helmet : Quant sain le trouve, grant joie en a eu. " Bials nies," dist il, " grant paor ai eu Que ne fussies ne mors ne confondus." ^ (Girart de Vienne, p. 92) In this fight Roland and Oliver are engaged in combat on ac- count of their respective uncles, who pray each for the safety of his nephew during the fight (p. 133 ff.). That Baudoin is constantly present in Charlemagne's mind is attested by his joy when his nephew wins a tournament, by his attempts to dissuade him from crossing the Rune, by his vexation when he learns that Baudoin has disobeyed his com- a'^God! " said the King, ''how ponderous is that blow! / Saint Mary, protect Eoland for me ! " / If Roland falls, be not amazed at it, / When his horse is dying under him. f Fair nephew," said he, ''how goes it with you? /Tell me, for I am very anxious about it." cWhen he finds him sound, he feels great joy. /"Fair nephew," he said, ' ' I had great fear / Lest you might be killed or over- whelmed. ' ' STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 123 mand and crossed once more, and by his pretence at anger, concealing his real joy, when they meet again: Grant joie ot I'emperere quant son neveu enmaine; A son cors desarmer fu la premiere paine, Puis vesti dras de lin et bliaut taint en graine. Par toute I'ost parolent dou neveu Karlemaine, Qui a fait outre Rune la jouste premeraine.^ {Chanson des Saisnes, LXXVI, 1) " Biau nies," dist I'ampereres, " trop iestes amors [?] De passer outre Rune : trop est cruex li pors." " Sire," dist Baudoins, " qar outre est mes tresors : Ce qi est gries as autres, m'est solaz et depors." ^ {Saisnes, CV, 1-i) ^^ He, Dex ! " dist Karlemaines, " com est outraliez ! ^^ Se Saisne le m'ocient, suens en iert li pechiez, Et miens en iert li diax et li domages griez." ° {Saisnes, CXXX, 20) Meisme Karlemaines s'en est .iij. fois seigniez, Ses braz li giete au col par molt granz amistiez; La fu molt Baudoins acolez et baisiez. La joie est comencie, et li duels est laissiez. a The Emperor felt great joy when he leads away his nephew; / To disarm him was his first care, / Then he put on him linen gar- ments and a tunic dyed scarlet. / Throughout the army they talk of the nephew of Charlemagne, / Who fought across the Kune an extraordinary tourney. b^'Fair nephew," said the Emperor, "too fond are you / Of crossing the Eune ; too dangerous is the passage. " / " Sir, ' ' said Baudoin, ' ' on the other side my treasure is ; / That which is hard- ship to others, to me is pleasure and enjoyment. ' ' c ' ' Ah, God ! ' ' said Charlemagne, ' ' how angry he is ! / If the Saxons slay him, his will be the wrong, / And mine will be the grief and the great loss.'' 89 Eead contraliez? Seemingly a confusion between outrecuidies and contraliez. 124 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Sor toz an fu li rois et joianz et haitiez; Nequedant samblant fist que il fust molt iriez.® {Saisnes, CXXX, 52) The emotion of Gondrebuef on hearing of the pitiful plight of his nephew Ansei's, who is besieged in Estorge, is equalled by that of Charlemagne, the other uncle of Ansei's : Rois Gondrebues mout tenrement plora; Quant les nouveles oi et escouta, Ne pot respondre; tons li cuers li sera . . . Rois Gondrebues mout petitet menga, Pour Anseis, son neveu, sospira.^ {Anseis de Cartage, 9023, 9041) Quant Karles Tot, mout en est abosmes, Tenrement plore, li cuers li est seres, L'eve li cort fil a fil les le nes.^ {Anseis de Cartage, 9270) In a similar way the poet depicts Guillaume's anxiety for Yivien, who is fighting in Spain: Guillaumes fut corocies deurrement, De son nevot li poise aparement, Qu'est en Espaigne entre paiene gent, Ou se conbat a I'acier et au brant. a Charlemagne crossed himself three times, / He throws his arms about Ms neck with great affection; / Then was Baudoin much caressed and embraced. / Joy has begun, and grief has ceased. / Above all men^ the King was joyous and cheerful ;/ Nevertheless he made pretence that he was very angry. b King Gondrebuef wept tenderly ; / When he heard and listened to the news, / He could not reply ; all his heart was oppressed. . . . / King Gondrebuef ate but little, / For Anseis, his nephew, he sighed. c When Charles hears this, he is much downcast, / Tenderly he weeps, his heart is oppressed, / The water runs trickling down along his nose. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 125 " Deu," dist Guillaumes, " eon j'ai lou cuer dolant." * {Enfances Vivien, 3139) He is disturbed by a dream about Vivien, asks Girart for news of him, and hastens to the rescue at the battle of I'Archamp : Voit lou Guillelmes, a poi qu'il n'est desves: Beaus nies Gerars, por Deu ! car me contes De Vivien novelles et vertes "... Et dist Guillelmes: "Baron, car vos hasteis; Se Viviens i est a mort navres, A tos jors mais en serai adoleis."^ {Chevalerie Vivien, 1102, 1269) His anxiety for Vivien is intense during the battle of Aliscans : Li quens Guillaumes voit ses homes morir ; Forment li poise, quant nes pot garandir. Vivien kiert, mais ne le puet veir; Quant il nel traeve, le sens quide marir.^ (Aliscans, ed. Halle, 40) His joy is equally keen on seeing Bertrand, who has just been released from a Saracen prison by Renoart: "Biaus nies Bertrans, n'est or liens de parler; Jou ne vos puis basier ne acoler, a Guillaume was greatly irritated ; / He is disturbed evidently about his nephew, / Who is in Spain among the pagan race, / Where he is fighting with his steel blade. / ''God! " said Guil- laume, ' ' how sad is my heart ! ' ' b Guillaume sees him, and is almost beside himself ; / ' ' Fair nephew Girart, in Heaven 's name, tell me / News of Vivien and true reports. " . . . / And Guillaume said : ' ' Barons, pray hasten ; / If Vivien is wounded to death there, / For evermore I shall be afflicted. ' ' c Count Guillaume sees his men dying ; / Greatly it disturbs him, when he cannot protect them. / He seeks Vivien, but cannot see him ; / When he finds him not, he almost goes out of his senses. 126 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Car n'avons mie loisir de reposer." * {Aliscans, ed. Halle, 5669) The joy of Naimon when the Emperor consents to grant his nephew Ogier a reprieve and to entrust him to his care is so great that he cannot leave him behind when starting on a campaign : Lors s'est dux Namles si liez dou roy sevres Que de liece fu si ses euers combles Qu'ains n'ot tel joie des I'eure qu'il fu nes . . . Li bons dux Namles d'une rien s'avisa : Que son neveu Ogier o lui menra: Tant fist au roy que congie Ten donna.^ {Enfances Ogier, 453, 553) Naimon's delight at Ogier's success is exultant; he is distressed when his nephew and a companion are about to fight a duel with two Saracens, and almost heart-broken when he hears that Ogier is dismounted and fighting alone against a hundred, and at the end, when he is complimented on his nephew's brave performance, he luxuriates in quiet enjoyment : Li bons dux Namles I'ot mene a son tre, Conjoy Tot de cuer plain d'amiste. Car assez I'ot baisie et acole Ains que de riens I'eiist on desarme. N'est pas merveille se il I'ot en chierte, Selonc ce k'ot cele jornee ouvre.^ {Enfances Ogier, 1320) a ''Fair nephew Bertrand, now is no place to talk; /I cannot kiss nor embrace you, / For we have no time to rest. ' ' b Then did Duke Naimon part from the King so joyfully / That his heart was so full of gladness / That he never had such joy since the hour that he was born. . . . / The good Duke Naimon thought of something : / That he shall take his nephew Ogier with him ; /He said so much to the King that he gave him leave. c The good duke Naimon took him to his tent, / He greeted him with heart full of joy; /Full long he kissed and caressed him,/ STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 127 Charles les va de sa main benissant, Pour aus va Namles moult de cuer souspirant . . . Quant li dux Namles ceste parole entent, Tel duel en a pres que ses cuers ne f ent : Ogier regrete li dux moult souplement, En graciant Dieu de cuer bounement.^ {Enfances Ogier ^ 2575, 3045) Namles I'entent, si en va sousriant, Moult li estoient cil mot au cuer plaisant . . . Quant Namles a son neveu regarde, De courtoisie si duit et avise, Torment li plot.'' {Enfances Ogier, 6982, 7003) In the same way, the interest of Guerri is acute during the combat of his grand-nephew Gautier with Bernier; he prays to God: Garis Gautier, mon neveu le vailant^ {Raoul de Cam- hrai, 4419 ff.)- -^^ interesting combination is found in the fact that it is Bemier's nephew Aliaume who acts as his second in this encounter, while Gautier's great-uncle acts for him. In the geste of the Lorrains, Garin is in despair on learning of the capture of his nephews : Au Loherenc fu la nouvelle dit Que si nevou i furent trestuit prins. Before they had relieved him of any of his armor. / It is no wonder if he held him dear, / According to what he performed that day. a Charles goes blessing them with his hand, / For them Naimon goes sighing very • deeply. . . . / When Duke Naimon hears this word, / Such grief has he that his heart almost breaks; / The Duke laments Ogier very humbly, / Thanking God courteously and heartily. b Naimon hears him, and goes away smiling ; / Very pleasant to his heart were these words. . . . / When Naimon looked at his nephew, / In courtesy so practised and gifted, / Greatly he pleased him. c Protect Gautier, my nephew so valiant. 128 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Ez vous le duel contreval Fost Pepin.^ {Garin, II, p. 204) As is usual with the uncle, the first thought of the wounded Gamier, the hero of Aye d' Avignon, on reviving, is for his nephews : Li dus ce fu pasmes, mais lues s'est esperis. " Seignors," ce dist Garniers, " por Famor Dieu, mercis. Ou sont mi dui neveu, Guichart et Aulori ? " ^^ {Aye, 3107) (6) Occasional Quarrels That the relations between uncle and nephew are not always peaceful bears testunony to the knowledge which the poet possesses of the vagaries of hiunan nature; intimate as the connection is, and perhaps by virtue of its very closeness, we find its harmony temporarily interrupted by occasional pro- tracted disputes. Surely these are copied from life : with their violent natures, their outbursts of pettishness, their abrupt descent from the heights of greatness to the level of ordinary humanity, the heroes of the epic, whether Greek or French, certainly appear at times very close to the living model.^^ Charlemag-ne and Roland indulge in many disagreements, the Emperor sometimes striking his nephew with his glove, while Roland, though in general cool and reasonably polite, is some- times goaded by rage to the point of striking back, but is always prevented. So, too, are other nephews kept from strik- ing the uncle by the recollection of the respect due him; the consistency with which the poets make use of this device to a To the Lorrain the news was told / That his nephews were all taken. / Lo ! the grief throughout the army of Pepin. b The Duke had fainted, but soon regained his senses. / ^ ' My lords," said Gamier, ''for love of God, I beg of you, / Where are my two nephews, Guichart and Alori?" 90 Andrew Lang has also pointed out this parallel between the two epics, pp. 297 ff., of his Homer and Ms Age. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 129 moderate the nephew's wrath suggests a very deeply rooted feeling of the saeredness of the uncle's position in general. There is no difficulty in reestablishing friendly relations, and the quarrel ends in reconciliation. The effect of these stormy scenes from a dramatic standpoint is to enliven the monotony of what to us are rather tedious accounts of battles, and it may be surmised that the mediaeval world was moved by these inter- ludes not to terror or suspense, but rather to a smile of ap- preciation. The anger of Roland because Charlemagne had boasted of the veterans of his army, and his refusal to combat Fierabras, stir the Emperor himself to wrath; while Oliver and the giant are fighting, he upbraids his nephew again; and he finally punishes him by threatening to send him on a dangerous mission : Karles trait son gant destre, qui fu a or pares, Fiert le comte Rollant en travers sur le nes; Apres le caup en est 11 clers sans avales ; Rollans jete le main au branc qui est letres; Ja en ferist son oncle se il n'en fust ostes. " Ha, Dix ! " dist Karlemaines, " comment sui vergondes, Quant icil me ceurt seure qui mes nies est clamez." * {Fierdbras, 166) *^ He glous," dist I'enperere, " bien vous ai escoute ; N'i ossastes aler pour vostre mauvaiste. Fils a putain, eouars, a tart aves parle; Encor vous sera il, se je vif, reprouve." Rollans se taist tons cois, ne li a mot sonne, a Charles draws off his right glove, which was embroidered with gold,/ Strikes Count Eoland across his nose; /After the blow the bright blood flows down. / Eoland puts his hand to his blade, which is inscribed; /He would surely have struck his uncle with it had he not been taken away. / * * Ah, God ! ' ' said Charlemagne, ' ' How I am shamed, / When he runs at me who is called my nephew. ' ' 10 130 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Fors taut qu'il dist : " Biaus oncles, dites vo volente." * {Fierahras, 822) "Biaus nies," ce dist li rois, "trop sui pour vous ires; Tel lieu vous trametrai anehois .ii. jors passes, U jamais ne venres lumiere ne clartes." ^ {Fierahras, 2264) At another time lie falls into a passion with Roland for making peace with Oliver : " Glous," ce dist Karl, jamais ne t'iert rove ! Fui de mon ost ! Trop i a demore." " Non ferai. Sire," dis Rollant li mambre. " Ne m'en irai, tant com vos i serez." ^ (Girart de Vienne, p. 159). When Roland mildly pokes fun at his uncle and advises him to give up France for good to Gui de Bourgogne, the Emperor flies into a passion and soon arouses the resentment of his nephew, who answers back in plain language : Quant I'entandi Karlon, si a le chief crolle, Qu'il se bien que ses niez Rollans Pa ranposne: " Ha ! glous," dist Femperere, " com tu es f orsene ! Ains ne me fu par toi .i. bons eonsaus dones "... a ' ' Ha, knave ! ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' I have heard you per- fectly ; / You dared not go, for your cowardice. / Son of a dog, coward, too late you have spoken ; / You will still, if I live, be reproached for it. " / Eoland is quiet and silent, nor spoke a word, / Save that he said : * ' Fair uncle, say your pleasure. ' ' b^'Fair nephew," thus spoke the King, ''on your account I am very angry; /To such a place will I send you ere two days be past, / Where never will you see light nor gleam. ' ' c ' ' Villain ! ' ' thus spoke Charles, ' ' never was it commanded ! / Flee from my army ! Too long hast thou remained here !"/''! will not do so, Sire, ' ' said Eoland the prudent, / ' ' I shall not leave^ so long as you are here." STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 131 "Laissomes ce viellart qui tons est assotez: A .c.M. dyables soit ses cors conunandes ! " ^ (Qui de Bourgogne, 1042, 1061) Charlemagne^s attempts to curb the ardent nature of his nephew Baudoin, who wishes to go love-making into the very midst of the enemy, lead to an interchange of opinions, be- ginning with a warning on the part of the uncle, and culminat- ing in the nephew's taking his departure in a fit of temper : " De passer outre Rune vos f ais banc et def ois, Baudoin mon neveu et ces autres Frangois." ^ {Saisnes, CXXV, 6) A lui s'an va tot droit, ja sera araisniez : " Baudoin," dist li rois, " mes commanz est laissiez. Je ai veu tel ore que ja ne 1' pansissiez; Mes de mes amis sui af ebliz, ce cuidiez : Por ce, ce m'est avis, me covient desprisier. Hom privez mal achate, ce tesmoigne li bries. Li autre Font tenu, vos estes sorcuidiez. Vos me demostrez bien comment vos me prisiez." ^ {Saisnes, CXXX, 58) When Baudoin rushes oflf in spite, he cries: Et se je an retor, a When Charles heard him, he shook his head, / For he knows well that his nephew Roland has derided him; /''Ha! knave, *' said the Emperor^ ' ' how mad thou art ! / Never was good counsel given me by thee ! " . . . / " Let us leave this old man who is all besotted; / To a hundred thousand devils let him be commended! " d ' ' From crossing the Rune I prohibit and interdict you, / Baudoin my nephew, and these other Frenchmen." c To him straightway he goes; now he will be admonished;/ ''Baudoin," said the King, "my command is neglected. / 1 have seen a time when you would not have thought it; /But I am weak in friends, you think ; / For this, in my opinion, it suits you to dis- dain me. / A man bereft fares ill, so the writing testifies. / The others observed it, but you are arrogant. / You show me plainly how you esteem me. ' ' 132 UNCLE AND NEPHEW jamais m'amor n'aurez^ (CXXXII, 33), whereupon his uncle decides that he will cool his love of adventure by bidding him go among the enemy and bring back Sebile's ring, and the Saxons exclaim : N'aimme pas son neveu, qu'ou met an tel ran- don^ (CXXXVI, 25).^^ Baudoin quite properly resents this foolish whim; "Hai Karles, vieillarz! Dex te doint ancombrier! Se je muir autre Saisnes, que cuides gaaigner? Tu n'amas onque home s'il ne fu losangier Ou tel que tu peusses tot a ton vuel plaissier. Par ton f orf ait f u morz RoUanz et Olivier." ^ {Saisnes, CXLIX, 39) In the Prise d'Orenge, Guillaume becomes angry with his ironical nephew Guielin, and says to him : " Se n'estoit or por honte et por viltage, Ge te dorroie une colee large." Dist Guielins : " Vos f eriez f olage. I Huimes dirai, ne me chaut qui le saehe: "' ' ^ L'en soloit dire Guillaume Fierabrace, Or dira l'en Guillaume I'amiable.' En ceste vile par amistie entrastes." * {Prise d'Orenge, 1558) a And if I return^ never shall you have my love again. i^He does not love his nephew^ who drives him to such violence. c'^Ha! Charles, old man! God give thee ill! /If I die among the Saxons, what thinkest thou to gain? / Thou didst never love a man if he was not a flatterer, / Or such that thou couldst bend wholly to thy will. / By thy misdeed was Eoland killed, and Oliver. ' ' d ' < If it was not for shame and opprobrium, / 1 would give thee •a good blow. ' ' / Said Guielin : ' ' You would do a foolish thing. / Henceforth I shall say, and I care not who may know it, / * They were accustomed to say Guillaume of the terrible arms, / Now they will say Guillaume the amiable. ' / You entered this city through love. ' ' 9iEead on% STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 133 There is a quarrel between Guerri and bis nepbew Raoul when the former advises against continuing the feud with Herbert's sons: Raous parole au coraige hardi: " On soloit dire le riche sor Guerri, Qu'en tout le mont n'avoit .j. si hardi, Mais or le voi couart et resorti." Guerris I'oi, fierement respondi: Por trestout For d'Abevile en Ponti, Ne volsist il qe il I'eiist gehi, Ne qe ces nies Ten elist si laidi.^ {Raoul de Camhrai, 2179) In Garin, Fromont upbraids his nephew Thiebaut and threatens to strike him, but is prevented by friends. (c) Grief of Uncle The emotional phase which seems to appeal most strongly to the poets is the attitude of the uncle after the death of the nephew. His laments are endless, and the poet takes evident pleasure in making his grief as heart-rending as possible. From the general resemblance of such passages to a prototype in the Chanson de Boland, it might be assumed that here, if anywhere in the poetic treatment of this relationship, the later poets must be taxed with imitation. Yet all such passages have an atmosphere of sincerity; there is to be sure an occa- sional verse or hemistich following directly after the announce- ment of the death of a character, which sounds as if the poet were perfunctorily complying with the hienseances when he does not wish to expatiate upon the uncle's grief, but he so generally does wish to expatiate upon it that short laments are a Raoul speaks, the stout-hearted : / " People were accustomed to say ' the powerful Sir Guerri, ' / For in all the world there was not one so bold, / But now I see him cowardly and faint-hearted. ' ' / Guerri heard him, proudly he replied : / For all the gold in Abbe- ville en Ponthieu, / He would not have wished that he had declared this, / Nor that his nephew had vilified him so. 134 UNCLE AND NEPHEW the exception. These passages are in the main so long that they cannot be gone into here in detail. CharlemagTie's grief is increased when he finds the body of Roland; he weeps and tears his hair and faints repeatedly and finally denounces Ganelon: Pitiet en ad, ne poet muer n^en plurt . . . Nen est merveille se Carles ad irur. Descent a pied, alez i est plein curs. Si prent le Cunte entre ses mains ambsdous, Sur lui se pasmet, tant par est anguissus.^ {Roland, 2873, 2877) " Jamais n'iert jurz de tei n'aie dulur. Cum decarrat ma force e ma baldur! Nen avrai ja ki sustienget m'honur; Suz ciel ne quid aveir ami un sul. Se j'ai parenz, nen i ad nul si prud." Trait ses crignels pleines ses mains ambsdous, Sur lui se pasmet tant par est anguissus.^ {Roland, 2901) " A grant dulur tiendrai pois mun reialme : Jamais n'iert jurz que ne plur ne m'en pleigne. Amis Rollanz, prozdum, juvente bele. Cum jo serai ad Ais en ma capele, Viendrunt li hume, demanderunt nuveles; Je's lur dirrai merveilluses e pesmes : Morz est mis nies, ki tant suleit cunquerre" . . . a He is moved to pity, and cannot help but weep. . . ./ It is no wonder if Charles feels sorrow. / He dismounts, runs to him, / Takes the Count in both arms, / Faints over Mm, so distressed is he. b ' ' Never will there be a day when I do not lament thee ! / How my strength and my pride will fail now ! / 1 shall have none to defend my honor; /On earth I do not think I have a single friend. / If I have relatives, I have none so brave. " / He plucks out his hair with both hands, / And faints over him, so distressed is he. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 135 " Ki guierat mes oz a tel poeste, Quant cil est morz ki tuz jurz nus cadelet? E ! France dulce, cum remeins hoi deserte ! Si grant doel ai que jo ne vuldreie estre." * . {Roland, 2914, 2926) " Si grant doel ai que ne vuldreie vivre, De ma maisniee ki pur mei est ocise. Co me duinst Deus, li filz seinte Marie, Einz que jo vienge as maistres porz de Sizre, L'anme de 1' eors me seit hoi departie, Entre les lur fust aluee e mise, E ma car fust delez els enfuie." Pluret des oilz, sa blanche barbe tiret.^ {Roland, 2936) Echoes of this grief are heard in other poems : in giving Aymer the fief of Spain, the Emperor weeps and says : " Car g'i perdi le mielz de mon barne, Le mien neveu, don j'ai le cuer ire." ^ {Narhonnais, 2968) a ''In great grief I shall hereafter hold my realm; /Never will there be a day I do not weep nor lament. / Friend Roland, brave knight, fair youth, / When I am at Aix in my chapel, / Men will come, they will ask news ; / 1 will tell them strange and evil things ; /My nephew is dead, who was so accustomed to conquer" . . ./ ' ' Who will guide my hosts with such authority, / When he is dead who always leads us? /Ah! Sweet France, how dost thou remain today deserted ! / So great grief have I that I would wish not to exist. ' ' t> ' ' So great grief have I that I would wish not to live, / On account of my household which is slain for me. / May God grant me this, the son of Saint Mary, / Before I come to the great pass of Cize, / That my soul today may depart from my body, / An Many a one wept for his nephew, and with him his friend. 144 UNCLE AND NEPHEW upon the child Roland springs at him like a little fury, grasp- ing his hand so violently that " le sang jaillit des ongles." ^^ According to the Entree en Espagne, after Roland has been slapped in the face by his uncle, he is on the point of attack- ing him with his sword, but remembers the many favors Char- lemagne has shown him, so he refrains, and simply deserts the camp, remaining away a long time : Le roi ferist, quant il fu remembrant Qe il I'avoit noriz petit enfant. Del treif s'en va honteus et sospirant.^ ^^ Passages have already been cited which suggest the fitful moods of a volcano, while from the tone of the Chanson de Roland and the Pelerinage de Charlemagne we get rather the impres- sion of a steady flame of allegiance, kept burning by his sense of duty to his uncle. Baudoin, Roland's half-brother, is equally fiery, yet when he has quarrelled with his uncle he quickly repents; he is in dismay when the Emperor is vexed with him, yet he teases his uncle a little before becoming reconciled with him: Baudoins toz iriez repaira a sa tante; A son oncle est meslez, tart est que se repante; Ne se set consoillier, durement se demente.^ {Chanson des Saisnes, CXXXLLL, 1) Molt par fu Baudoins plains d'ire et abosmez. Mauvaisement li chiet, ce li est vis, ses dez ; a He would have struck the King, when he remembered / That he brought him up as a child. / From the tent he goes, ashamed and sighing. b Baudoin, all sorry, repaired to his tent ; / He has quarrelled with his uncle, he longs to show penitence ;/ He knows not what to decide, he abandons himself to grief. 95 Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, 70. »G Cited by Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, 170. STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 145 N'a pas le gre s^amie, a son oncle est meslez.* {Saisnes, CXLVI, 1) " Gloriox rois celestes/' ce dit li nies Karlon, " Tant sui antelantez de f ole antancion ; Je voi ici venir le mien oncle a bandon, Armez sor le cheval, destors le conphenon; Orandroit euide panre de ma mort vangison, Orient que ne m'aieut mort Saisne(s) et Esclavon; Et je sui tant mauvais et ancrime felon Que de son bien li vuel randre mal guerredon. Ne me puis an mon euer trover nule raison Que pardoner li puisse ne ire ne tan^on Devant que je I'aie f eru sor le blazon." ^ {Saisnes, CLVI, 3) The real test of the closeness of their relations is when Bau- doin is left in command of the Saxons, who are still rebellious though their leader has been slain; now his dependence upon the Emperor is more marked; he misses him, longs for him, prays for him, but his uncle is no longer within reach: Baudoins sanz son oncle sofferra I'anvaie, Dou mainte bone targe iert troee et partie. Et mainte dure broigne derote et desartie . . . " Se j'eusse Karlon mon oncle detenu. Par f ol se fussent Saisne desor moi ambatu "... a- All full of sadness and downcast was Bandoin, / Badlv, he thinks, do his dice turn out for him ; / He has not the favor of his friend, and has quarrelled with his uncle. b ''Glorious celestial King," thus spoke the nephew of Charles,/ ' ' So full am I of a foolish plan ; / I see my uncle coming swiftly hither, / Armed, upon his horse, with standard unfurled; /Now he expects to take vengeance for my death, / He fears that Saxons and Slavs have killed me ; / And I am such a wicked and confirmed rascal, / That for his kindness I wish to give him a poor reward ; / I cannot in my heart find any reason / That I can pardon him either anger or dispute / Until I have struck him upon the buckler. ' ' 11 146 UNCLE AND NEPHEW " Et ses je mant mon oncle, il vanra, ce cuit, lant "... " A mon oncle direz le mien contenement, An Saissoigne me vaigne soeorre maintenant "... Des biax oilx de son chief commenga a plorer, Et Karlemaine d^Aiz son oncle regreter . . . " Gardez, se il vos plaist, de mort et d'ancombrier, Karlemaine mon oncle qi tant m'a eu chier." * {Saisnes, CCXIV, 29, CCXXI, 22, CCXXIII, 10, 22, CCXXXIV, 12, CCLVII, 41) Gui de Bourgogne is throughout the conscientious deputy and the faithful general of his uncle; Anseis de Cartage, leger and unstable as he is, nevertheless means to serve the Emperor, and puts his trust in him, confident that in the hour of his distress, despite his own shortcomings, he will be supported by his uncle. Thus all his nephews place implicit confidence in the Emperor; at the close of Roland's career his trust in Charlemagne is sublime : Co dist Rollanz : " Comerai I'olif ant ; Si I'orrat Carles, ki est as porz passant. Jo vus plevis, ja retumerunt Franc." ^ {Boland, 1702) Of the various nephews of Guillaume Fierabrace, Bertrand a Without his uncle, Baudoin will suffer invasion, / In which many a good targe will be pierced and broken. / And many a hard coat-of- mail torn and crushed. . . , / * ' If I had kept my uncle Charles, / In vain would the Saxons have rushed down upon me.'' . . . / ''And if I summon my uncle, he will come, I think, slowly. ".../'' To my uncle you will tell my situation, / That he come to Saxony to succor me now. " . . . / He began to weep with the fair eyes in his head, / And to lament Charlemagne of Aix, his uncle. . ./"Pro- tect, if you please, from death and injury, / Charlemagne my uncle, who held me so dear. ' ' t> Thus spoke Eoland: ''I will sound the horn; /And Charles will hear it, who is crossing the passes. / I assure you, the Franks will return.'' STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 147 not only has the most active relations with his uncle, but he possesses as well the most distinctive character; there is a great deal of reciprocity in his attitude towards his uncle, while in the ease of Vivien there is a highly developed senti- mental feeling without much action on the part of the nephew. Bertrand is the companion and often the adviser of Guillaume; he argues with him, objecting to his undertaking the Saracen expedition; he is deeply sympathetic when Guillaume loses a part of his nose in combat; he plays chess with his uncle in Orange; he gives him good advice, and reproves him in mo- ments of weakness; he plays an important part in the invention of the cJiarroi; he appears as the intimate and inseparable com- panion of Guillaume, following him to war and doing his best to help him: Ses nies Bertrans I'en prist a aresnier: " Oncle Guillaume, estes vos enragiez ? Ainz mes por home ne vos vi esmaier ! " * {Couronnement Louis, 360) Si le besa, cjuant I'eaume ot deslacie. Tot en plorant li cuens Bertrans ses nies, Et Guielins et li cortois Gautiers. Tel peor n'orent a nul jor desoz ciel. " Oncles," f et il, " estes sains et hetiez ? " ^ {Couronnement, 1144) " Vo droit seignor ne devez pas haster, Ainz le devez servir et hennorer, Contre toz homes garantir et tenser." . . . a His nephew Bertrand began to address him : / " Uncle Guil- laume, are you crazy? /Never before did I see you dismayed for any man ! ' ' b And then kissed him, when he had unlaced the helm, / All the while weeping, Count Bertrand his nephew, / And Guielin and the courteous Gautier. / Such fear they never had any day on earth. / * 'Uncle," quoth he, ''are you sound and well?" 148 UNCLE AND NEPHEW ..." Vos dites voir, beau nies, La leaute doit I'en toz jorz amer; Dex le commande, qui tot a a jugier." ^ (Charroi de Nimes, 423, 442) " Oncles," dit il, " qu'avez a dementer, Estes vos dame, qui pleurt ses vevetez ? " ^ {Charroi, 795) Ses nies Bertrans Fen prist a eliastoier: " Oncles," dist il, " tu te veus vergoignier Et toi honnir et les membres tranchier." ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 362) " Dex ! " dist Bertrans, " beau pere droiturier, Cum somes ore trai et engignie! Par quel folie est cet plet commencie, Dont nos serous honi et vergoignie, Se Dex n'en pense, qui tot a a jugier." ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 392) " Oncle Guillaume, tant f eis f olement; Quant en Orenge alas si faitement Cum pautoniers et a tapinement." ® {Prise d'Orenge, 1705) a ''Your rightful lord you must not provoke, / But rather must you serve and honor him, / Against all men protect and defend him. " . . . / " You speak truly, fair nephew, / Loyalty must one always love ; / God commands it, who has all to judge. ' ' b" Uncle," said he, "what have you to lament? /Are you a lady who bewails her bereavement?" c His nephew Bertrand began to admonish him : / " Uncle, ' ' said he, ' ' thou wishest to shame / And disgrace thyself, and have thy limbs hewn off." 3 "God!" said Bertrand, "fair righteous Father, / How we are now betrayed and deceived ! / By what folly was this affair begun, / By which we shall be shamed and disgraced, / If God gives not heed to it, who has all to judge." e ' ' Uncle Guillaume, so foolishly didst thou, / When thou didst go to Orange in such manner / As a low wretch, and secretly. ' ' STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 149 Dit Bertrans : " Sire, s'or avoie auf errant ! D'aisdier mon oncle ai le cuer desirant." ^ (AliscanSj ed. Halle, 5427) The character of Vivien is marked with less individuality than that of Bertrand; he is consistently loyal to his uncle as the real chief of the lignage, and, rather passively to be sure, has a deep affection for him; he is heroic in his eveiy act, but never helps Guillaume in the practical ways that come so easily to Bertrand, and on the whole is dependent upon his uncle in a way that makes him a pathetic rather than a sym- pathetic figure.^"^ " Va, si me di a Guillelme mun uncle, Si li remenbret del champ desuz Girunde, > Quant combatit al paien Alderufe. Ja set il bien, desconfit I'ourent Hungre. Jo vine el tertre ot treis cenz de mes homes, Criai Munjoie pur la presse derumpre; Cele bataille fis jo veintre a mun uncle." ^ {Cangun de Willame, ed Suchier, 637) " Dex ! ", dist il, " sire, beau pere omnipotent. Par qui est toute creature vivant, La toie force ne va mie faillant, Secor mon oncle, se toi vient a commant ! " ^ {Aliscans, ed. Jonckbloet, 410) a Said Bertrand : ' ' Sir, if now I only had a courser ! / My heart is much desirous of aiding my uncle. ' ' b''Go, and say to Guillaume my uncle, / If he remembers the field down along the Gironde, / When he fought the pagan Alderufe. / Full well he knows, the Hungarians had routed him. / I came to the hill with three hundred of my men, / 1 cried 'Monjoie,' to break up the crowd; /That battle I made my uncle win. ' ' c ' ' God ! ' ', said he, ' ^ Lord, Father omnipotent, / Through whom is every creature living, / Thy strength goes never failing, / Help Thou my uncle, if such is Thy will ! ' ' 87 This characterization is truer of the Vivien of the later epics, as distinguished from the Vivien of the Willame. 150 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Guillamne appears to rely considerably upon his nepihew Guielin : " Oncle Guillaume," Guielius li respont, " Gentix horns, sire, vos querriez amor : Vez Gloriete, le pales et la tor, Quar demandez ou les dames en sont, Bien vos poez engaigier por brieon." Et dist li cuens : " Tu dis voir, valleton." ... " Nies Guielins," dist il, " quel la f erons ? James en France, ce cuit, ne revenrons, Ne ja neveu, parent, ne beserons." " Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez en perdon "... " Nies Guielin, comment le porrons fere ? Tuit somes mort et livre a damaige." " Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez de f olaige." ^ {Prise d'Orenge, 515, 1030, 1055) Such in the main are the characteristics of the nephew, al- though there are individual variations : Bemier, for example, is at first so loyal to his master Raoul that he accompanies him on an expedition against his uncles, whereupon his mother cries in horror: " II sont si oncle, si qe bien le seit on ; Se le lor perdent, mar les i verra on ! " ^ {Raoul de Cambrai, 1319) a ' ' Uncle Guillaume, ' ' Guielin replies, / ' ' Gentle man, sir, you were seeking love ; / See Gloriette, the palace and the tower, / Ask where the ladies are, / You can well engage as jester. "/And the Count said : ' '■ Thou sayest truly, lad. " . . . / ' ' Nephew Guielin, ' ' said he, ''what do we here ?/ Never, I think, shall we return to France, /Nor embrace nephew or relative again." . . ./''Uncle Guillaume, you speak in vain. " . . . / " Nephew Guielin, how can we do it? /"We are all killed and overwhelmed. "/" Uncle Guil- laume, you speak foolishly." b ' ' They are his uncles, as is well known ; / If they destroy their nephew, they will not be welcome here ! ' ' STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 151 Raoul fails to assist his uncle Guerri in battle, gradually sepa- rating from him, in the desire to perform greater feats by himself : Mais d'une chose le taign je a effant, Qe vers son oncle fausa de convenant; Guerri g-uerpi, son oncle le vaillant Et li barons qi li furent aidant . . . Mais d'une chose le taign je a legier: Guerri guerpi, son oncle le legier Et les barons qi li durent aidier.^ {Eaoul, 2664, 2710) The nephew is frequently represented as watching anxiously his uncle's fate in a combat, or as being overcome with grief at his defeat: Qant Gautiers voit son oncle enprisonne, Tel duel en a le sens quide derver.^ {Eaoul, 4071) " Oncle," che dist Bertram, " vous a il adesse ? " " Nenil," dist il, " biaus nies, la merci Damelde." Et Bertram passe avant a loi de bacheler.^ {Elie de Saint-Gilles, 819) " Pleust au roi des ciex et sa mere Marie, Que je fusse por vous sous vo targe florie." ^ {Aye d' Avignon, 491) a But in one thing I hold him childish, / That towards his uncle he broke his agreement ; / Guerri he left, his uncle the stout- hearted, / And the barons who were aiding him. . . . / But in one thing I hold him thoughtless : / He left Guerri, his uncle, the agile, / And the barons who had to aid him. b When Gautier sees his uncle taken prisoner, / Such grief does he feel, he is almost beside himself. c ''Uncle, " thus spoke Bertrand, ''has he touched you?''/ ' ' Not he, ' ' said he, ' ' fair nephew, by the mercy of God. ' ' / And Bertrand passes on, according to the custom of the knight aspirant. d" Would to the King of Heaven and his mother Mary, /That I were for you under your decorated shield. ' ' 152 UNCLE AND NEPHEW The Count of Boiirges expresses his sympathy with his exiled uncle : " Elies, biaus dous oneles, je sui honis. A tort fustes cachies de ees pais. Si vous desireta rois Loeys. Je sui fieus vo seror, se Dex m'ait, Dame Marsent la bele o le eler vis." * {Aiol, 3309) Foucon sees his uncle Guischart in danger, and exclaims: Dex! de mon oncle! si volontiers Vesgart^ {Foucon, 2474). Galien rescues his uncles Hernaut de Beaulande and Girart de Vienne from the Saracens.^^ Roland saves his uncle's life by slaying Eaumont at the combat in the gorge of Aspremont.^^ (e) Lack of Becognition A favorite theme with the poets is the meeting of uncle and nephew who do not know each other; sometimes they are mu- tually attracted by a sympathetic interest, more often they fight, yet the poet does not impair the sacredness of the family tie by introducing a serious outcome, but on the contrary dis- closes their identity to each other and reconciles them after he has momentarily awakened the suspense of his audience. In one instance we find a nephew killing his uncle by mis- take, taking him for an enemy, and thinking he is in reality avenging him; Auberi, the uncle, pardons the horrified and grief-stricken nephew, Gascelin, who thereupon pursues Auberi's enemy and kills him {Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 119 ff.). Baudoin jousts with Charlemagne, who does not recognize him; a ' ' Elie, gentle uncle, I am shamed. / Wrongfully were you driven from this country, / And King Louis disinherited you. / 1 am your sister 's son, so may Grod help me, / Lady Marsent the beautiful and fair of face. '^ t> God ! My uncle ! So gladly do I look out for him. 98 Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 342. 99 Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 87. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 153 merely wishing to display his strength, he declares himself after he has won, and they embrace: Baudoins li nies Karlon ne vuet que si panse Fussent sen ancor; la place a delivre, Plus viste c'uns oisiax sailli an mi le pre; Molt desirre q'il ait a son oncle joste; Jamais ne desenflast d'orgoil ne de fierte De ee que I'amperere ot devant lui chose, Jusque tant q'il eust son grant pooir mostre.^ {Chanson des Saisnes, CLVII, 1) In Foucon, the pagan Povre-Veii meets his uncle Girart, que molt delist amer, who is in the opposing army, and as the twa are not aware of their relationship they fight (ed. Tarbe, p. 74). When Aymeri, son of Hernaut, makes his first appearance at Vienne, his uncle Girart takes him for a jongleur, which so angers the nephew that he strikes Girart and makes his face bleed : Girars escrie: "Prenes moi eel glouton! A unes f orches or endroit le pandon ! " Plus de .LX. li courent a bandon. Dit Aymeris : " Estes arier, glouton ! Ja suis je fils dant Hemaut le baron Et nies Girars, que de fi le seit on " . . . " Aymerit nies, cuers aves de baron : Bien traies a la geste."^ {Girart de Vienne, p. 45) aBaudoin, the nephew of Charles, does not wish that his^ thoughts / Should be known as yet; he has cleared the field,/ Quicker than a bird he has leaped into the middle of the field; / He would like much to joust with his uncle; /Never would he relax his presumption and haughtiness / Because the Emperor had scolded him, / Until he had shown his great strength. b Girart cries : * ' Seize me that knave ! / Let us hang him directly to a gibbet ! " / More than sixty run swiftly at him. / Said Aymeri: " Stand back, knaves! / 1 am the son of Sir Hemaut the 154 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Aiol attacks King Louis without knowing that he is his uncle : Loeys fu a piet entre ses drus, Li fieus de sa seror Fot abatu.^ {Aiol, 3385) At Orleans the Countess Ysabiaus sees Aiol seeking a lodg- ing, and offers him shelter without knowing him: C'estoit hex sa seror, de son linage . . . S'or seust Ysabieus qu'il fust ses nies, Molt par fust ses serviches bien enforcies.^ {Aiol, 1987, 2073) Bovon de Haumtone takes refuge with the Bishop in Cologne, whom he does not know to be his father's brother : L'eveske fu son unkle, sachez de verite, Mes il ne sout ke il fu de sou parente.^ {Boeve de Haumtone, 1899) Guillaume, searching the battle-field for Vivien, is attacked by his nephew, who takes him for a Saracen; on being asked his name, Guillaume replies: " Paiens," dist il, " ja ne vos iert celei. J'ai non Guillelmes, li marchis au cor neis; Mes peres est Aymeris apeleis, Hernals mes freire, li chatis Aymers, Guibers li rois et Beuves li saneis, Et dans Bemars de Brebant la citei, baron, / And nephew to Girart, for this is known in very truth. , . . / " Aymeri, nephew, you have the heart of a baron, / And well take after the family." a Louis was on foot among his friends, / His sister's son had felled him. bHe was her sister's son, of her race. . . ./If Ysabiaus had known now that he was her nephew, / Full well would her services have been forced upon him. c The Bishop was his uncle, know in truth, / But he knew not that he was of his kin. STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 155 Et d'Anseiine Guarins li adureis; Si est mes nies Viviens I'aloseis, Por cui amor suis en cest champ entreis."^ {Chevalerie Vivien, 1841) When Gui dons armor and comes to rescue Willame, the latter does not recognize him, so young and small is he: Cil respundent : " Pur quel nus demandez *? Vostre nevou devez conuistre assez." Quant I'ot Guillelmes, prist le chief a croller, Plurat des oeilz tendrement e suef, Dune prent Guiburc durement a blasmer.^ {Willame, ed. Suchier, 1618) Ogier saves his uncle Naimon from the hands of the Saracens, and is not at once recognized; on learning each other^s identity they embrace with great joy : Namles I'entent, Dieu en a aore, Ainc n'ot tel joie en trestout son ae, De fine joie li sont li oeil lerme.^ {Enfances Ogier, 1160) Combats under the same circumstances between other close relatives are not infrequently naiTated, and particularly common as an epic theme all over the world is the combat between father and son; the origin and spread of the latter has been a ' ' Pagan, ' ' said he, ' ' it will not be hidden from you : / My name is Guillaume, the marquis with the short nose ; / My father is called Aymeri, / Hernaut my brother, the stripling Aymer, / Guibert the king, and Bovon the wise, / And Sir Bernart of Bra- bant the city, / And of Anseune Garin the inured, / And my nephew is Vivien the renowned, / For love of whom I came into this battle-field.'^ b They reply: ''Why ask you us? / You must know full well your nephew. ' ' / When Guillaume hears it, he shook his head, / Then wept tenderly and softly, / And begins to rail harshly at Guiburc. c Naimon hears it and praised God: /Never in all his life had he such joy; /With extreme joy his eyes are tearful. 156 UNCLE AND NEPHEW traced by Dr. Mun'ay Potter, wlio finds its roots in Matri- archy.^^o Dr. Potter adds that the poem of Maugis "fairly swarms with encounters between fathers and sous, nephews and uncles, and brothers." ^^^ There is this great distinction to be made between the father-son and the uncle-nephew com- bat, as will be seen by a comparison of the folk-lore tales to which Dr. Potter refers with the stories of the French epic: the fight between father and son, ritualistic by origin, becomes the denouement of the story of ' a son in search of a father,' and is based largely upon ignorance of paternity, while the theme of a combat between uncle and nephew is merely an episode, and never in the French epic has it any important bearing upon the general plot.^^^ Yet more or less episodic treatment of encounters between father and son is also to be found.^^^ The two themes are practically alike so far as our Chansons de Geste are concerned, in that with very few excep- tions the combat ends with recognition and reconciliation. (/) Descent Traced through Uncle The purely literary treatment cannot always be separated from the legendary in certain phases of the uncle-nephew re- lations which appear in the Chansons de Geste, yet taken from either point of view the conclusions must be the same. Certain conventional expressions recurring so frequently that they may be called formulas appear to have no part in the transmission of the legend of one character or another, but, if a faint line of demarcation can be drawn, they seem rather to give that kind of unconscious testimony which is to be found in purely 100 Sohrah and Eustem; for examples in the Old French Epic, see pp. 82, 83, 86-90, and Appendix A. 101 Id., p. 87. 102 Cf . the story of Tristan de Nanteuil, Galien, Florent ei Octavien, Moniage Eainouart, in Paulin Paris, Histoire Litteraire, vol. 22. 103 Cf . Floovant, Parise la Duchesse, Eaoul de Cambrai (Bernier and his son), Macaire, in Hist. Litt., vol. 22. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IX THE POEMS 157 stylistic treatment. "When the poet, as we have seen, follows a well-defined legend, he gives direct evidence as to the matter in hand, but we see just as plainly, if indirectly, from his use of terms, the position and importance that a given subject assumes in his own mind. Thus the constant repetition of phrases of description produces the same effect upon our con- clusions that the recurrence of the same kinds of actions does » in the narrative. The frequency is surprising with which the poet makes his characters trace their descent through the uncle; when the father is mentioned at all in such circumstances, it is usually after the uncle. And the poet himself delights in recalling the relationship, not only in the case of his well-kno^vn heroes, but whenever it is possible to attach an uncle to a nephew or a nephew to an uncle, even though the character be introduced but incidentally. In very few instances is the father mentioned to the exclusion of the uncle, but the cases are innumerable in which the uncle-nephew relationship is the only genealogical indication given. The starting pomt of this method of treat- ment may very well have been the desire to attach a relative of this degree to the great heroes, the well-known characters of the epic, in order to increase their mterest for the audience, as we find primarily the tendency of one character to connect himself by his own statements with another who is known by his great feats to the other characters of the poem, but we also find that the poet in his own person links uncle and nephew together, not only when one or both are well-known characters, but just as frequently when one or both are of but passing interest to the story. The instances in which the poet points out relationship of this sort when it can have no possible effect on the stoiy mount into the hundreds; yet if there is no tech- nical or literary effect, there remains a moral or a sympathetic effect. In other words, it is a device to arouse interest in his characters; and as we must not ascribe to the poet too gTeat capability of literaiy subjectivity, it remains for us to assume that this method of tracing descent or of claiming relationship 158 UNCLE AND NEPHEW was not imcommon in his actual experience. The importance of the uncle as an ancestor is modified by the attitude of the period towards paternity as the great factor in tracing heredity, but it is plain that the uncle has not as yet entirely lost the dominant power which he once possessed as the head of the family in earlier states of society. It is then a legendary sur- vival of the uncle as the head of the family which causes the poet to attach nephews to Charlemagne and to Guillaume and to a host of unknown, unimportant minor characters as well. These passages are of two kinds, those in which the relationship is indicated by the characters themselves, and those in which the poet speaks in his own person. If the latter class appears here much smaller than the former, it is because the poet more often indicates the relationship as being on the maternal side, and for practical purposes these citations are best relegated to a subsequent section. As the actual wording varies so little, this method of pointing out descent might be called formulas of identification. "Ami," fait il, "on m'appelle Rollant: Nies suis Karl I'Empereor poissant."* {Girart de Yienne, p. 75) " Dame," ce dist li quens, " fix sui Milon d'Engler, Et ai nom Rollans, ensi sui apeles, Et sui nies Karlemaine au courage adure."^ {Fierahras, 2788) " Son nipote di Carlo imperiero, E son il fior d'ogni altro cavaliero." ^ (Vanto dei Paladini, II, 7) a ' ' Friend, ' ' quoth he, ' ' they call me Eoland ; / Nephew am I to Charles, the powerful emperor." b ' ' Lady, ' ' thus spoke the Count, ' ' I am the son of Milon d 'Engler, / And my name is Eoland, thus am I called, / And I am nephew to Charlemagne the strong-hearted. ' ' CI am the nephew of Charles the Emperor, / And I am the flower of every other knight. ' ' STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 159 "Filz sui Girard le conte, ung nobile baron, Qui tient quite Viane et Lion et Mascon, Guibort a nom ma mere, fille le due Bueson, Niez Hernaut de Biaulande qu'a flori le grenon, Et eosins Aimeri qui occit le dragon." ^ {Boon de Nanteuil, 69) " J'ai non Jofroi, nies suis au bon Gaudin." ^ {Garin le Loherain, I, 80) " Vassaus," fait il, je ai non Olivier. Nes suis de Genes, fils au conte Rainier. Mes oncles est Dans Hernaut le guerrier; Nies suis Girars de Viane le fier." ^ {Girart de Vienne, p. 75) Dit Aimeris : " Estes arier, glouton ! Ja suis je fils Dant Hernaut le baron Et nies Girart, que de fi le seit on" . . . " Fils suis Hermant de Biaulande la grant, Et nies Girars au corage vaillant." ^ {Girart de Vienne, pp. 45, 49) " Li rois Garsile est mes germains cousins, Mes oncles fu Fernagu li gentis, a " I am the son of Girart the count, a noble baron, / Who holds, exempt from claim, Vienne and Lyons and Macon, / (Guibort is my mother's name, daughter of Duke Boson) / Nephew of Hernaut de Beaulande with the white moustache, / And cousin to Aymeri, who slew the dragon. ' ' t) ' ' My name is Geoffroy, nephew am I to the good Gaudin. ' ' c ' ' Noble youth, ' ' quoth he, * ' my name is Oliver. / I was born at Genoa, son to Count Rainier. / My uncle is Lord Hernaut the warrior; /I am nephew to Girart de Vienne the bold." d Said Aymeri : ' ' Stand back, knaves ! / 1 am the son of Sir Hernaut the baron, / And nephew to Girart, for it is known in truth. " . . . / " I am son to Hernaut of Beaulande the great, / And nephew to Girart of the stout heart." 160 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Icil de Na2;ze, que Rollans m'a oeis." ^ {Otinel, 242) "Voir on m'apele Aiol; mes peres est Elie; Nies sui I'enpereor qui Franche a en baillie; Je suis fieus sa seror la gentil dame Avisse." ^ {Aiol, 5392) "Sire," clie dist Elies, " je nel puis amender; Nes sui de douche Franche, de mout grant parente : Guillaumes est mes oneles, li marcis au cor nes, Mes grans sire Aymeris de Nerbone sor mer; Et sui fieus Julien de Saint Gille le ber." ^ {Elie, 1083) ^' Filz suis Gairin d'Anseiine lou dus Et nies Guillaume a la fiere vertus." ^ {Enfances Vivien, 4016; cf. 700 note, 726 ff.) Se li demande: "Amis, dont estes nes?" Bertrans respont, ki tos ert esf rees : " Sire, de France, nies Guillame au cort nes." ® {Aliscans, ed. Halle, 5367) " lo ai nun Bertram nies Willame al eurbneis." ^ {Cangun de Willame, ed. Chiswick, 3033) a ' ' King Garsile is my cousin german, / My uncle was Fernagu the gentle, / He of Nazze, whom Eoland slew. ' ' b'' Truly, they call me Aiol; my father is Elie; /I am nephew to the emperor who has France in his power ; / 1 am son to his sister, the gentle Lady Avisse. " c ' ' Sir, ' ' thus spoke Elie, ' ' I cannot prevent it ; / I was born in sweet France, of very noble stock; / Guillaume is my uncle, the marquis with the short nose, / My grandsire Aymeri of Narbonne- by-the-sea, / And I am son to Julien de Saint Gille, the baron. ' ' His nephew Baudoin, who was brother to Eoland. c Baudoin the nephew of Charles came wandering all alone. Drogon the third, Aimon formed the fourth, / His uncle Simon de Tailleborc / The fifth, with them twenty thousand companions. . . . / And the sixth King Anseis formed, / His uncle Aiquin de Floriville. 106 Eaymond Weeks, ' ' The Newly Discovered Changun de Willame," Modern Philology, III, p. 216. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 171 the individuality of the characters; what it does give, however, is a mathematical demonstration of the importance of the uncle- nephew relations — oncles and nies as vocatives outnumber all-^ the other forms of family address combined. In this, as in many other phases of the Old French Epic, not only was imita- tion not frowned upon, but the saving grace of originality was not even recognized. The exordium of the poet to his hearers, the endless prayers which recite the whole story of the Old Testament, the descriptions of grief and of death itself, these and many others contain features of style that amount to a regular convention, the form of which sometimes degenerates into mere tags; it is not easy to determine just what expres- sions shall be considered tag-rhymes, introduced because the poet's invention gives out, and what ones are to be considered as representing a real aspect of the poet's thought. Gaston Paris states his view of the situation clearly : " il y a deja dans le Roland beaucoup de formules toutes faites, heritage de Fepopee anterieure, qui facilitent au poete I'expression de ses idees, mais la rendent frequemment banale, et qui I'empechent trop souvent de voir directement et avec une emotion person- nelle les choses qu'il vent peindre." ^^^ He had previously said of the Roland: "Pas une cheville, aucune concession a la rime." ^^^ The line of demarcation between the conventional formula, which has quite as much raison d'etre as those of the present day, and the meaningless cheville, which is as its name indicates only a stop-gap, is so easily overstepped that each critic will probably make his own individual classification. If any one feature of the poet's use of terms in his treatment of the dealings between uncle and nephew deserves to be called a stop-gap, it is the formulas of address, yet nevertheless there is an indefinably sympathetic character about them which effec- tually brings out the nature of the sentiments expressed. A few examples will suffice to show the general style, which is com- non to French and pagans alike: AM! Karles, biaus oncles, 107 Litterature Frangaise au Moyen Age, p. 63, 108 Histoire Poetique de Charlemagne, p. 24. 172 UNCLE AND NEPHEW jamais ne me venres^ {Fierdbras, 3329); Bertram, beau sire nies; Entendez, sire nies; Ha, Bertran, sire (Couronnement Louis, 2184, 1543, 1169) ; Oncle Guillaume, gentix horns, sire {Prise d'Orenge, 515) ; Dex gart toi, nies {Raoul de Cambrai, 835) ; Dous nies {Renaut de Montauban, p. 120, 29). i*'^ There is also a type of characterization which amounts to a formula, i. e., the terms employed by nephew or uncle in speak- ing of each other or by others in referring to them: Karlon vostre oncle Vadure; ^ Karlemaine mon oncle qi tant m^a eu chier {Saisnes, CCXXII, 24, CCLVII, 42) ; Ton oncle le gentil^ a Vadure talent; mon neveu le Danois alose; Berart mon neveu, qui tant a de fiertes; Son neveu Maprin, que durement ama; Maprin, non neveu le guerrier ( Gaufrey, 1125, 1575, 1771, 6058^ 8858) ; Gautier, mon neveu le vailant; Mon nevou Raoul, c'amoie tant {Raoul, 4419, ms. de Girbert, 662) ; Bertran, son neveu, le nobile; Ses .ij. neveus, que il pot amer tant; Bertrans a Ah, Charles, fair uncle, nevermore will you see me. / Bertrand,, fair nephew, sir. / Listen, sir nephew. / Ah, Bertrand, sir. / Uncle Guillaume, gentle sir. / God guard you, nephew. / Gentle nephew. i> Charles, your uncle, the proven knight. / Charlemagne, my uncle, who held me so dear. / Your uncle the gentle, of the proven ardor. / My nephew, the honored Dane. / Berart my nephew, who has such boldness. / His nephew Maprin, whom he deeply loved. / Maprin, my nephew, the warrior. / Gautier, my nephew the valiant. / My nephew Eaoul, whom I loved so much. / Bertrand, his nephew the noble. / His two nephews, whom he loved so much. / Bertrand my nephew, who is brave and valiant. / His nephew. Sir Vivien, the brave. / Sir Godef roi, your valorous uncle. / My uncle Guillaume, the feared. / Guichart my uncle, whose heart was bold. / Protect today my nephew the practised. / My dear uncle Naimon of the wise heart. / My uncle Naimon of the bold heart. / Your urcle Constantine the renowned. / My nephew whom I held so dear / Your dear uncle, who brought you up gently. / Fromondin, who does not wish to leave his dear uncle. / Enguelier my uncle, who did so much to be praised. / Bovon, my gentle uncle. 109 The use of cosin applied to a nephew as a term of endear- ment has already been pointed out on page 4 ff. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 173 mis nies, qui est preuz et vaillanz (Prise d/Orenge, 10, 84, 1095) ; Sun nevou, dan Vivien le prou {Willame, ed. Suchier, 9) ; Dant Godefroi vostre oncle de valor; Mes oncles Guillaume li doutes [Enfances Vivien, 774, 4752); Guichart son oncle, qui le cuer at Jiardi (Foucon, 5429) ; Garissiez hui mon neveu Vadure {Narhonnais, 4769) ; Mes chiers oncles N amies au cuer sene; Mon oncle Namlon au cuer hardi (Enfances Ogier, 1004, 1115) ; Vostre uncle Costentin Valose; Le mien neveu que favoie tant chier (Chevalerie Ogier, 1416, 3856) ; Vostres chiers oncles qui souef vous norri (Garin, I, 146) ; Fromondins, qui ne vialt mie son chier oncle guerpir (Mart Garin, 4006) ; Enguelier mon oncle qui tant fist a loer (Gui de Nanteuil, 806) ; Buevon, mon oncle dehonaire (Aye d' Avignon, 166). Thus there seems to be on the part of the poets a clear intention to add as far as pos- sible a complimentary or affectionate epithet in characterizing the uncle or the nephew. By far the commonest term that is applied to the nephew is fiz sa seror, a formula which has such an important bearing- upon our whole question that it must be treated in a section by itself. There are other formulas to be found in the language of the epic, the most important of which is perhaps that of allegiance : Ogier speaks of the foi que je doi le due Namlon porter^ (Enfances Ogier, 2212) ; Oliver reminds Roland: Par la foi que deves Karle vostre oncle (Girart de Vienne, p. 76). (i) Pagan Uncle and Nephew Another phase of the epic which may be treated as a purely stylistic one is the habit of connecting the Saracen uncle and nephew just as is done with the French characters; each poem is remarkably consistent in itself and, as regards the leading enemies of France, the genealogy varies but little from one poem to another, so that it would appear that the legendary material of the Chansons de Geste included certain Saracen a Fidelity that I must show Duke Naimon. / By the fidelity you owe to Charles your uncle. 174 UNCLE AND NEPHEW genealogies. And not only is the consistency remarkable with which the same relationship is maintained, but the number of characters among the Saracens or other enemies of France who are described as the nephew or the uncle of another is very large; this combination is very common in accounts of battles, where the nephew frequently appears only once in the whole story. The most frequent method is to attach a nephew to an uncle who is a more important character in the poem, but not seldom do we see two entirely unknown characters combined in this way: Roi Ahsalon, ki nies fu au soudant ^ {Anseis de Cartage, 3674) ; Clariun, nies Vamirant et de sa sereur nes {Fierdbras, 4065) ; Machiner e sun uncle Blaheu {Roland, 66) ; [Desrames] et Tacon, le fil de sa seror {Aliscans, 39) ;^^° Luc'ion, le neveu Vamustant {Anseis, 3478) ; Goniot d'Ale- mengne, nies Savari de sa seror germaine {Aymeri de Narhonne, 1775). Sometimes the nephew is not even named, the mere fact of the relationship seeming to answer the poet's purpose : Iluec ont mort A. neveu Desiier {Anseis, 3191) ; Et Guis ocliist le fil de sa seror {Anseis, 2775) ; Morant et lo neveu Fanon {Foucon, 1291) ; .an. donzel et uns nies Vamirant {Foucon, 3899) ; Et un vallet, qui fu nies Vamire {Foucon, 3924). The Saracen Amirant, in telling the history of Narbonne, mentions a battle fought there under the Romans, and brings in a certain Fenice, who nies fu Popee {Narhonnais, 3712) ; this is the only mention of Fenice, who led the army of Caesar a King Absalom^ who was nephew to the Sultan. / Clarion, nephew to the Emir^ and of his sister born. / Machiner and his uncle Maheu. / Desrame and Tacon, the son of his sister. / Lucion, the nephew of the Emir. / Goniot d 'Allemagne, nephew of Savari by his sister. / There they killed a nephew of Desier. / And Gni slew his sister's son. / Morant and the nephew of Fanon. / Four youths and a nephew of the Emir. / And a lad, who was nephew to the Emir. 110 This is the reading of Jonckbloet; the Halle ed., vs. 33, reads: Le jar ont mort maint gentil vavasor, / Et a Guillafume le fil de sa seror. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 175 against the Britons, while Pompey appears also in the Prise de Pampelune (1677, 3024). Another curious instance of the arbitrary creation of a nephew is found in the Chanson d'An- tioche: the poet makes Tatice a sister's son of the Emperor Alexis, but according to the historian Comnenus, Tatice (or Estatin in the poem) was of Saracen origin and a favorite of Alexis, but there is no evidence that he was related to him {Chanson d'Antioche, Chant II ft.). It is also curious to find that the relationship of the pagans is kept in mind by the French troops, as when Gamier addresses King Desrame, and says to him: Vos et Tiehauz vostre nies, escoutez {Foucon, 7791). It goes without saying that the pagans are always made to bear in mind the relationships among the French; we have seen already many examples of this. The number of cases of this relationship among the pagans, the extreme care which the poet takes to point it out and to repeat his statements, and the consistency with which he fol- lows out this partial genealogy, all these points tend to indicate the general importance which the uncle-nephew tie assumed in his mind. He delights in underlining the disastrous effect which the loss of a nephew has upon the leaders of the enemy, and he constantly makes his French heroes wreak their ven- geance for their own losses upon the nephew of the amirant or the soudant or some other chief. Furthermore, despite the general tendency to paint the Saracens as black as possible by the free use of uncomplimentary epithets, the poet attributes to them exactly the same characteristics in the uncle-nephew relations that he does to the French. We can find parallel illustrations for nearly all the points of contact between uncle and nephew among the French and among the pagans, but in the latter case particular emphasis is given to their association in war and to the desire for vengeance; the frequency with which he introduces the nephew in battles is surprising — a search of Langlois' Table would show hundreds of names. A few citations will show the attributes which the poet attaches to the Saracen uncle and nephew. 176 UNCLE AND NEPHEW An instance of the bringing up of the nephew by the uncle: C'est li fils Faussetain, qui del Franc est issus. A Baudart f u norris. Si 1' porta Kahus Au roi Dinel son oncle, qui I'amirant f u drus.^ {Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 67) After serving his uncle well, the pagan nephew receives marked favors, is granted lands, is given important work to do or is made the confidential messenger of his uncle: " Mapris, venes avant ; bien vous estes encontre ; Vous estes mon neveu, si vous ai moult ame. Vauclere vous otroi, le pais grant et le." ^ {Gaufrey, 1520) Qant il vit Baudoin, ne f u mie atalante ; Cuida Caanins fust, fiz (de) sa seror Aiglante. " Caanins," fait il, "nies, ta valors m'atalante; Nul plus bel chevalier ne sai de ta jovente; De .V. citez roiax vuel acroistre ta rante." '^ {Chanson des Saisnes, CXXIX, 5) "Sire," dist il, "je irai volantiers Dedens Sebille lou mesage noncier, Au roi Judas mon honcle lou guerrier." ^ {Prise de Cordres, 2317) a It is the son of Faussetain, who is the issue of the Frank, / At Baudart he was reared, and Kahus took him / To King Dinel, Ms uncle, who was a friend of the Emir. f Maprin, come forward; you are well met; /You are my nephew, and I have loved you much. / I grant you Vauclere, the region great and broad." c When he saw Baudoin, it was not with eagerness; / He thought it was Caanin^ son of his sister Aiglante. / ' ' Caanin, ' ' quoth he, ' ' nephew, thy valor pleases me ; / No finer knight do I know of of thy youth ; / By five cities royal I wish to increase thy income. ' ' d ' ' Sir, ' ' said he, * ' I will gladly go / Within Seville to announce the message / To King Judas, my uncle, the warrior. ' ' STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 177 Le roi de Piconie Glorians appela, Et son neveu Maprin, que durement ama.* [Gaufrey, 6057) Meymes icel jour Bradmund se leva, Son neveu Graunder a sei apella: " Graunder," fet Bradmund, " a la prison tost va, Dy a mes chartrers, ke il veignent a mei sa." ^ {Boeve de Haumtone, 1147) " En Babiloine t'en covendra aler Dire mon oncle, qui mout fet a doter. Que il me viegne aidier sanz demorer." ° {Narhonnais, 3434) When King Edgar of England proposes to give his daughter in marriage to Bovon's son, he sends for the latter's uncles : L'eveske de Londres ad le roi mandez E quatre contes, uncles a Bonn le senez . . . Kant Boves veit ses unkles, si les ad beisez; Les noveles del manage unt contez.*^ {Boeve de Haumtone, 3750, 3756) The Danish king wants the hand of Flandrine for his nephew, but her father is unwilling to grant it, and the two pagans are at war over the question : " Le roy danois la quiert, chen sai je vraiement. Pour donner son neveu, .i. damoisel vaiUant, a Gloriant called the King of Piconie, / And his nephew Maprin^ whom he deeply loved. t> That same day Bradmund rose, / His nephew Graunder he called to him ; / ' ' Graunder, ' ' quoth Bradmund, ' ' to the prison go straight, / Say to my warders that they come to me here. ' ' c " To Babylon you must go, / And say to my uncle, who is much to be feared, / That he come to aid me without delay. ' ' d The Bishop of London summoned the King / And four counts, uncles to Bovon the wise ; . . . / When Bovon sees his uncles, he kissed them; / They related the news of the marriage. 13 178 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Gontier est apele des vaus de Montbruiant." * {Boon de Mayence, 6364) The instances of mutual affection are many: the pagan Des- rame shows evident preference for his nephew Baudus over his son Renoart, but as the son is an apostate, the poet would naturally set the father against him in battle: Dist Baudus : " Sire, or sui toz aprestez ; A Testandart, biax oncles, vos seez, Que de Guillaume en cest jor pes aurez. S*il m'ose atendre tost sera afrontez. De Renoart point ne vos dementez, Car hui seront toz .ij. a fin alez." ^ {Aliscans, ed. Jonckbloet, 6347) Aarofle is indignant because Guiborc forsook her husband, his nephew, and married Guillaume; he threatens Guillaume: " Ja en Orenge ne porres mais vertir A la putain, ke jou doi tant hair, Ki mon neveu Tiebaut a fait honir." ° {Aliscans, ed. Halle, 1149) Grant joie maine Tibaus li Arabis Del roi son oncle qui est encore vis . . . Lors s'entr'acolent li oncles et li nis.*^ {Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, p. 453) a ' ' The Danish king seeks her, that I know in truth, / To give to his nephew, a valiant youth; / Gontier he is called, of the Vales of Montbruyant. " to Said Baudus: <'Sir, now I am all ready; /By the standard, fair uncle, place yourself, / For this day you shall have peace of Guillaume. / If he ventures to await me, straightway will he be attacked. / Do not trouble yourself about Renoart, / For today both will be gone to their end. ' ' c ' ' Never shall you return to Orange, / To the slut whom I must hate so deeply, / Who has disgraced my nephew Tibaut.** ^Tibaut the Arab feels great joy / Over the king, his uncle, who is still alive. / Then uncle and nephew embrace. STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 179 "Mon neveu me rendres I'amiral de Persie, Et vos r'ares Renaut sain et sauf et en vie." . . . Garsions d'Antioche a son neveu veu, Que mais ne garira, tant a del sane perdu; Plains fu de maltalent, s'ot le cuer irascu.* (Chanson d'Antioche, V, 195, 229) . " Se mon neveu enporte, moult par seres laignier." ^ [Fierabras, 3886) Grant doel en ot li glos en son corage, Car Synagons estoit de son lignage, Prere sa mere, s'en ot au cuer la rage.° (Moniage Guillaume, 4642) Cel jour prisrent li nostre Tamiral des Escles, Au tref Huon le Maine la fu emprisones; Nies estoit Garsion et de sa seror nes ; Sachies quant le saura moult en iei*t adoles.^ (Antioche, IV, 1011) " Di moi mon onele : se tost ne me secor, De son lignage perdra ja lo meillor." ® {Foucon, 2663) a ' ' My uncle the Emir of Persia you will restore to me, / And you shall have Eenaut back, safe and sound and alive. " . . . / Garsion of Antioch saw his nephew, / That he will never recover, so much blood has he lost ; / Full of anger was he, and his heart was wrathful. t* ' ' If he carries off my nephew, most cowardly will you be. ' ' c Great sorrow had the knave in his heart at this, / For Synagon was of his race, / His mother 's brother, and his heart was wrathful. 3 That day our troops took the Emir of the Slavs; /In the tent of Huon le Maine he was imprisoned ; / Nephew was he to Garsion, and of his sister born ; / Know when he learns this, he will be much grieved by it. e ' ' Tell my uncle for me ; If he does not aid me straightway, / He will indeed lose the best of his lineage. ' ' 180 UNCLE AND NEPHEW The names of uncle and nephew stand always in close con- nection in accounts of battles, the nephew combats for the uncle, and the association is always intimate. Corsolt defends the side of the Saracens in combat against Guillaume {Couron- nement Louis ^ 620) ; Sortin fights for his uncle against Jour- dain {Jourdains de Blaivies, 1804) ; Desrame and Tibaut go side by side throughout the story of Foucon, as do Tacon and Desrame in Aliscans, Guiteclin and Baudamas in the Chanson des Saisnes, and others. Et d'autre part Tiebaut s'appareilla, Et Desramez mout pres de lui ala; Ce fu son nies, por ce plus s'i fia.^ {Narbonnais, laisse CLXXXVIII, h, 17, variant) Huidelon vient devant et Escorfaus ses nies.^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 3626) Li rois de Cordrez ot Orenges assise; Ses niez Tiebauz ot sa guerre remprise ; ^^^ Avec lui ot sa seror Anfelise . . . Tiebauz descent et ses oncles li rois . . , " Ha las, pechieiTe ! com set femme engignier ! Guibors et ceste me vouront essillier, Moi et mon oncle de la terre chacier." ° {Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 702, 840, 4577) a And on the other hand Tibaut equipped himself, / And Desrame went close beside him ; / He was his nephew, therefore he relied upon him more. b Huidelon comes forward and Escorf aut his nephew. c The King of Cordes had besieged Orange ; / His nephew Tibaut had resumed the war; /With him he had his sister Anfelise / Tibaut descends, and his uncle the king. . . . / " Alas ! Miserable me! How doth woman know how to use deceit! / Guiborc and this woman will want to ruin me, / Drive me and my uncle from the land.'' Ill The ms. reads Cordres and 7iies, as Professor Weeks has verified. STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 181 Le chastelain avoit nom Grimouart; Nyez est Aiquin qui vis a de lepart; Moult est cruel et de moult male part; Oveeques luy est ung sien cousin Girart, Et Cherion, et son niez Avisart, Et Flourion et son nies Aerochart.* {Acquin, 1293) Mes Guiteclins sospire dou cuer desoz I'aissele, * Qant voit le neveu Karle, tot son duel renovele ; Baudamas son neveu isn element apele; Fiz est de sa seror Odierne la bele.^ {Saisnes, GUI, 18) Si les eonduisit li nies a I'amire. Ludaire ot nom, molt fu jentis et ber; Devant Nerbone ot este adobes; Li amiraus le tenoit en eierte.^ (Gerhert de Mes, 440, 94) E soun neveu Graunder un autre destrer mounta . . . Apres sun onele Bradmund Graunder esporuna. Bradmund fu ale devaunt, sun neveu va derere."^ {Boeve de Haumtone, 1178, 1181) a The master was named Grimouart ; / Nephew is he to Acquin of the leopard face; /Full cruel is he and of evil parts; /With him is his cousin Girart, / And Clarion, and his nephew Avisart, / And Florian and his nephew Acrochart. b But Guiteclin sighs in his heart beneath his armpit ; / When he sees the nephew of Charles, he renews all his grief; / Baudamas his nephew he quickly calls ; / He is the son of his sister, Odierne the beautiful. c And the nephew of the Emir led them. / Ludaire was his name, very noble and brave was he ; / He had been knighted at Nar- bonne ; / The Emir held him dear. d And his nephew Graunder mounted another steed. . . . / After his uncle Bradmund Graunder spurred. / Bradmund had gone ahead, his nephew goes behind. 182 UNCLE AND NEPHEW As estres de la tour estes vous Garsion Et Solimant de Nique, son neveu Rubion.* {Chanson d'Antioche, III, 869) There are occasional, but infrequent quarrels and instances of bad faith or harsh treatment among the Saracen as well as among the French uncles and nephews. Baldus is ill received by his uncle Judas on account of his apostacy, yet the nephew has a certain amount of influence with him still : Prumiere chose que Judas respondie, I li a dit : " Honques ne f us mes nies." ^ {Prise de Cordres, 2366 ff.) Escorfaut leads the French to the stronghold of Maudrane, and speaks of his nephew Emaudras, of his trickeiy and craft, and threatens to kill him if he will not surrender: " On I'apele Maudrane," Escorfaut respondi, " Si la tient Emaudras, .i. culvers maleis ; II f u de ma serour nez et angenois." ^ {Gui de Bourgogne, 3476) There is a violent quarrel between Tibaut and his uncle Des- rame, who says: " G'irai derrieres, que mon nies m'a rete De coardise, volant tot mon barne." ^ {Foucon, 4833) Acquin has escaped the pursuit of the French, leaving his nephew Doret to shift for himself ; the latter is angry, and in- veighs against his uncle: a At the parapets of the tower behold Garsion / And Soliman of Nicaea, his nephew Eiibion. b The first thing that Judas replied, / He said to him: *' Never wert thou my nephew." c'^They call it Maudrane," Escorfaut replied, /'' And Emau- dras holds it, an accursed wretch ; / He was born and conceived of my sister. ' ' d " I will go back, for my nephew has accused me / Of cowardice, in the sight of all my army. ) J STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 183 '^ Alas ! " dist il, " cousin desbarate, Et qui s'en est par haulte mer tourne, Ne vivre mes en paix en cest regne, Quant eil me fault par qui g'estoye aye." . . . " Ja en Bretaigne n'en auray poeste, Quant de mon oncle suy enxin degTeppe." * {Acquin, 2548, 2554) At the conclusion of a disagreement between Tatice (Tatixos) and his uncle, the former cries: " Mon oncle trai m'a, ^ Li culvers empereres qui sa foi menti a. Dame Diex le maudie qui le mont estora." ^ {Chanson d'Antioche, II, 477) The feelings of the Saracen uncle, on seeing or learning of the death of his nephew in battle, are as deeply affected as those of the French uncle ; he faints and laments and gives way to his emotion in the same way ; if there is any difference at all, it is that the poet gives much less space to the grief of the pagan uncle, and treats it with a degree less of sympathy : Li nies Marsilie, il ad num Aelrot, Tut premereins chevalchet devant Tost . . . Asez ad doel quant vit mort sun nevuld.^ {Roland, 1188, 1219) a < ' Alas ! ' ' said he, ' ' discomfited cousin, / Who has withdrawn over the high seas, / Nevermore shall I live in peace in this realm, / When he fails me by whom I was aided. . . . / Indeed, I shall have no power in Brittany, / When by my uncle I am thus forsaken. ' ' b ' ' My uncle has betrayed me, / The wretched emperor who haa belied his faith. / May the Lord God curse him, who established the worlds" c The nephew of Marsile (his name is Aelrot) / Rides first before the army. . . . / Much grief he feels, when he saw his nephew dead. 184 UNCLE AND NEPHEW "Vostre nies est ocis, qui le courage ot fier." Quant le voit ramirans, n'i ot que courecier; .iiii. fois se pasma sor son escu d'ormier. Moult s'est haut eseries, quant vint au redreeier: " Ahi ! nies Clarion, tant vous avoie chier." ^ {Fierabras, 4229) " Perdu i ai Maprin, mon neveu le guerrier ! " ^ {Gaufreij, 8858) " Perdu as Escorf an, le fiz de ta serour." « {Floovant, 595) Pris est sis nies, Clargis qu'il aimoit tant. Con i Pantant, si demena duel grant.^ {Narhonnais, 7589) But the mere lament is not all: it is the duty of the uncle or the nephew to avenge the death of the other, and we find a great many passages in which he either threatens or attempts vengeance; we might imagine these passages, if seen detached from the connection, to apply to the French, were it not for the uncouth pagan names and for the fact that usually satis- faction is not received by the avenger — he only loses his own life in addition. In the battle at Morligane, Ansei's kills the aumachor hi tenoit d/Inde le rikeche et Vonor^ and the poet adds directly that Guis ocliist le fil de sa seror^ {Ansets de Car- tage, 2771, 2775). In Gaufrey, the pagan Faradin, nephew of Nasier, is killed by Robastre ; the uncle swears vengeance : Mes, a ' ' Your nephew is slain, who was strong-hearted. ' ' / When the Emir sees him, he could not but grieve; /Four times he swooned upon his shield of pure gold, / Loudly he cried, when he came to rise : / ' ' Ah, nephew Clarion, so dear I held you ! ' ' f I have lost Maprin, my nephew the warrior. ' ' c ' ' Thou hast lost Eseorf ant, thy sister 's son. ' ' ^ Captured is his nephew Clargis, whom he loved so much. / When he hears this, he gave way to great grief. eEmir who held the power and the land of India. f And Gui slew his sister 's son. STYLISTIC TEEATME'NT IN THE POEMS 185 foi que doi Maliom, chier sera comperee; * he has a long com- bat with Robastre, but is himself killed (3181 &..). Glorians I'apela, si I'aresonne : " Vassal, per Mahommet ! vous aves mal ouvre. Mon neveu m'as ochis, comment fus si ose? Ch'estoit J. des meillors de la paiennete; Mes par temps te sera moult chier guerredonne." . . . " Le bon roi des Danois, mon neveu, m'a tue Quant a Vauclere fu par forche marie; Or le deliverroi son oncle Faussabre, Et au frere Amandon le fort roi areste; Si en prendront venjanche tout a lor volente."^ {Gaufrey, 1493, 1514) " Mes Do nous a moult plus que n'a Garins greve, II ochist mon neveu le Danois alose, A I'eure que il fu sus I'Aubigant ale." " Mahom ! est che cheli," chen respont Machabre, " Qui ochist mon neveu que tant avoie ame? " ° {Gaufrey, 1574) " Or voeil vengier mon oncle et son bame." ^ {Aliscans, ed Halle, 6836) a But, by the allegiance which I owe Mahomet, dearly will it be avenged. bGloriant called him and addressed him: /''Noble youth, you have wrought ill. / Thou hast slain my nephew, (how wert thou so daring?) /Who was one of the best in pagandom. / But in time it will be requited thee dearly. / The good king of the Danes, my nephew, he killed / When he was harassed by a troop at Vauclere ; / Now I will deliver him to his uncle Faussabre, / And to the brother of Amandon, the powerful, determined king; /And they will take vengeance upon him at their pleasure.'' c^'But Doon much more than Garin has injured us; /He slew my nephew the honored Dane, / At the hour when he went against the Aubigant. ' V Mahomet ! Is that he," replies Machabre,/ ''Who slew my nephew whom I had loved so much?" d'^Now I want to avenge my uncle and his barons." 186 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Molt menace Guillaume le conte poigneor, Et dit quil li a mort le fil de sa seror. Encor Fen oecirra a son branc de color, Se ne li rent sa terre, qui fu son ancessor.* {Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 86) " Mais tu m'es mort mon nevot Aucibier." " Voir dites, sire/' Aymers respondie, " Je li copai a m'espee lou chief. Que fais, paiens? pause de I'esploitier, Ans de vengence ne f us mais si aissies." ^ {Prise de Cordres, 223) Quant Jossiens voit mort Salatre son neveu, Le cors en .ii. moities, ne pent muer ne plor: " Mahon et Apolin, mal debet aies vous ! . S'or ne faites justiche del quiver dolerous, Qui m'a mort devant moi le fil de ma seror, Le f er de ceste lance vous metrai el cors tout." ^ {Elie, 448) Par desor I'iaume fiert un Amoravi, Qui tint Biterne et Pampelune ausi. cors li mist le fort espie forbi. Devant son oncle le vellart Aupatri L'a gite mort o pandant d'un larri. a Much does the warrior count threaten Guillaume, / And he says that he has killed his sister 's son. / He will yet slay him with his colored blade, / If he surrenders him not his land^ which belonged to his grandfather. b ' ' But thou hast slain me my nephew Aucibier. " / ' ' You speak truly, sir, ' ' Aymer replied, / " I cut off his head with my sword. / What dost thou, pagan f Take care to make haste, /Never wert thou so within reach of vengeance." c When Jossien sees Salatre his nephew dead, / His body in two halves, he cannot help but weep : / ' ' Mahomet and Apollin, mis- fortune be upon you! /If now you take not judgment upon the sorry wretch, / The steel of this lance I shall put full into your body. ' ' STYLISTIC TREATME'NT IN THE POEMS 187 Grant duel an font sa gent et si ami. " Nies," dist ses oncles, " con ai le cuer marri ! Se ne vos vanche, bien doi estre honi ! " ^ {Narhonnais, 6147) Quant Solimans le voit de doel prist a fremir; " Biaus nies," dist li soudans, " com vous i voi morir ! Se ne vous puis vangier ne doi terre tenir." ^ ^i- {Chanson d'Antioche, III, 110) " Si va sus Kallemaine, qui vous ochist Bremant, Ton oncle le gentil, a I'adure talent." ^ {Gaufrey,1124:) Many of the most exciting combats in the French epic are undertaken in an attempt to avenge the death of uncle or nephew on one side or the other, and in this respect the poet readily acknowledges the bravery of the foreigner, even though he is usually worsted at the end. In Jourdains de Blaivies, the Saracens are at war with King Mark, and when one of the latter's men is killed, moult en peza son neveu Elyot,^ who immediately slays the offender (1655). During the combat with Roland, Otinel, whose anger is at white heat, cries to him : La mort mon ancle Fernagu te demant^ (Otinel, 420). As we a Upon the helm he strikes an Amoravi, / Who held Biterne and Pampelune also. / Into his body he put Ms stout burnished spear. / Before his uncle, the old Aupatri, / He struck him dead, on the slope of a fallow field. / His people and his friends exhibit great grief. / ' ' Nephew, ' ' said his uncle, ' ' how sorry is my heart ! / If I avenge you not, indeed I must be shamed ! ' ' t) When Solimant sees him^ lie began to quiver with grief ; / ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said the Sultan, ' ' how I see you dying there ! / If I cannot avenge you, I must not hold my land." c ' * And go at Charlemagne, who slew Bremant, / Your well-born uncle, of the practised will. ' ' Who aided Guillaume the warrior so much, / And much exalted Christianity; /Deeply must Guillaume have loved them; /Nephews were they to the Count. c ' ' Louis, Sire, I hold you my master, / You have given me great sorrow and great honor; /I have lost through it my sister's son, / The fairest and the flower of my household. ' ' 119 The ms. of London, fol. 284, r° , reads: Perdus en ai les filz de ma serour, / De ma. mesnie le barnage et la flor. 206 UNCLE AND NEPHEW The grief of other uncles at the death of their sister's sons is equally keen, and the way of recording the death in battle sometimes shows by inference the depth of this sentiment. For instance, when the poet tells us that in the battle of Mor- ligane Anseis kills the Aumagour, and immediately adds: Et Guis ochist le fil de sa seror^ {Anseis de Cartage^ 2775), it is evident that he wishes to point out the closeness of the connec- tion between them. A similar case is when Gui kills the nephew of Tibaut: Gui de Doai — fox demande meillor — Fiert devant lui lo fil de sa seror.'' {Foucon, 3283) Ysore, King of Corinth, rages when he hears of the defeat of his maternal uncle Synagon: Grant doel en ot li glos en son corage — Car Synagons estoit de son lignage, Frere sa mere, — s'en ot au cuer la rage.° (Moniage Guillaume, 4642) Louis reports to his barons the threats of Tibaut against Guil- laume for killing his sister's son: "Molt menace Guillaume le eonte poigneor, Et dit quil li a mort le fil de sa seror. Encor I'en ocirra a son branc de color, Se ne li rent sa ten-e, qui fu son ancessor."^ {Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 86) a And Gui slew his sister's son. b Gui de Douai — only a fool would ask for a better — / Strikes down before him Ms sister's son. c At this the knave had great grief in his heart, / For Synagon was of his lineage, / His mother 's brother ; he had wrath in his heart. d ' ' He threatens much Guillaume the warrior count, / And says that he killed his sister's son, / And that he will slay him with his colored blade, / If he does not restore his land, which was his grandfather 's. ' ' THE SISTER'S SON 207 The same attitude is seen in the threat of the Saracen Jossien, whose sister's son has been slain by Elie.^^^ The association of the nephew with his maternal uncle is alluded to in several passages; when Aymer de Losengne is slain, his sister's son, who is fighting in the same fray, steps at once into his place, is knighted, and receives his uncle's pos- sessions and avenges him as a matter of course : D 'Aymer est la perte recovree, Le bon vassal qui la vie a finee, Cist est ses nies, fiz sa seror I'ainnee; Bien doit tenir la terre et la contree Qui fu son oncle a la chiere menbree.* {Aymeri de Narhonne, 1881) Begon de Belin, when besieged by the enemy, calls upon his sister to despatch her son to his aid: "Ma seror dites qu'elle m'envoit son fis Et son nevou, dant Jofroi I'Angevin."^ {Garin, 11, 1^2) Fromont, notwithstanding that he is the enemy of Begon, is angered at his death, and threatens his own nephew, who has done the deed, but is prevented from striking him by Guillaume de Monclin, who reminds him of the consideration due his sister's son : " Non ferez, frere," li quens Guillaumes dit, " II est tes nies et de ta seror fis." ^ {Garin, II, 248) a Of Aymer is the loss replaced, / The good youth whose life has ended; /This is his nephew, son of his eldest sister; /He must surely have the land and the domain / Which belonged to his uncle with the prudent look, b ' ' Tell my sister that she send me her son / And her nephew, Sir Jofroy the Angevin." c^'You shall not do it, brother," Count Guillaume said, /''He is your nephew, and the son of your sister." 120 Cited on page 186. 208 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Guischart and his nephew Foucon, who are engaged in aveng- ing the death of Vivien, Foueon's uncle, are brought together by the poet all through the poem : Guischarz et Folque, li fiz de sa seror, Sovent i metent lor verz branz de color, Kar tel costume orent lor ancessor.^^-^ {Foucon, 2972) The connection between Garnier and his sister's sons is so close that they abandon their fathers for the sake of the uncle.^^^ In the story of the Birth of the Knight of the Swan, King Lotaire has a nephew at court, his sister's son, who unwittingly shoots at the swans in the royal garden; the King is so angry, despite his fondness for Plantol, that he rushes at him with a knife, but is restramed by the courtiers: Plantols, uns chevaliers qui ert de sa maisnie. Molt I'ama; ses nies ert, de sa seror joie.*^ (Elioxe, 1639) Plantols n'ot mie oi eeste manace faire; Nies ert le roi Lotaire, et frans et debonaire.^ {Elioxe, 2119) Li rois en vaut ocire son neveu avantier, Por §ou que il i traist une fois d'arc manier.*^ {Elioxe, 2451) The earlier poems of the French mediaeval period have in- dubitably a different treatment of the nephew tradition from a Guischart and Foucon, the son of his sister, / Often use their blades flashing green, / For such a custom had their ancestors. b Plantol, a knight of his household, / Much did he love him; he was his nephew by his favorite sister. c Plantol did not hear this threat made ; / He was nephew to King Lotaire, and noble and gentle. d The King wanted to slay his nephew day before yesterday, / Because he drew his short-bow once. 121 Costume, i. e., the association in battle of uncle and nephew. 122 For citation, see page 71. THE SISTER'S SON" 209 that of the later ones — the greater part of them make nothing of the relationship of father and son, and when the nephew, who is frequently the main character of the story, is introduced, he is usually a sister's son; in the later poems of the thirteenth century the brother's son is on the same footing, while greater importance is given to the role of the father. As seen above, the general allusions to the importance of the sister's son in his uncle's life are not many, but as the treatment of the poet is objective so far as his limitations allow, we must bear in mind that he voices his sentiments mainly in the deeds of his characters rather than by dogmatizing, and that the pains which he takes to indicate a character as le fiz sa seror and the tendency to make this relationship the fulcrum of his dramatic action are of equal weight with any general statements that he may choose to make. We have a good example of the change in the nephew tradition in the legend of Vivien; in the earlier poems he appears as the son of Guillaume's sister, while in the Enfances Vivien, which is much later than the Cangun de Wil- lame or the Aliscans, he appears as the son of Guillaume's brother Garin.^^^ The tradition being broken in this respect, it is not surprising that the poet makes Guillaume say, when deciding that Vivien shall take his father's place in prison : " Nevos et oncles, parens sont il asses, Mais un sien freire ne puet on recovrer." ^ {Enfances Vivien, 337) a * ' Nephews and uncles are very close relatives, / But one can- not replace his brother." 123 Vivien is the sister's son of Guillaume, according to the Cangun de Willame, the Willehalm of Wolfram von Eschenbaeh, Foucon, the narrative of Alberic des Trois Fontaines^ and verse 34 of the Aliscans in the Halle edition, where the reading et a Guillaume le fil de sa seror is decidedly to be preferred over the lui et Tacon le fil de sa seror of the ms. utilized in the Jonckbloet edition; Vivien is the son of Garin, according to the Enfances Vivien, the Covenant Vivien, Aymeri de Narhonne, and the Nerhonesi. See Weeks, ''The Newly Discovered Chan^un de 15 210 UNCLE AND NEPHEW This impairing of the saeredness of the nephew relation is an evidence of late writing; and yet in the same poem we find the utmost harmony between Guillaume and his nephew. The in- consistency seems to be due to the loss of the real significance of the term ' sister's son ' ; the first step is the placing of the brother's son on the same footing, and then comes a quick transition into the modern conception of the inner family. When Foueon claims his right as Vivien's nephew to avenge his death, telling his mother, Vivien's sister: Toz jors Voi dire: ainz venge nies que fraire^ (Foueon, 537), it is made clear that there was a well-defined tradition regarding the duties of the nephew, and when we find the same thing in Aye d' Avig- non: For ce dit on encore: ainz venge niez que fiz^ (2667), the matter is clinched. Yet although the axiom is familiar to the poet, he seemingly cannot reconcile it to his knowledge of family life, for instead of making the incident of his story illus- trate the old saying, it seems to him that his legend is the origin of the axiom. That is, he makes Alori and Guichart warn their uncle Gamier of the plot of their fathers against him, their maternal uncle, and makes them join Gamier in fighting against their fathers; the poet finds this proceeding incongruous and tries to find in it the origin of the saying, claiming that on account of it people still say that it is the duty of the nephew rather than of the son to take vengeance. He goes still farther in his attempt to harmonize the situation with his own ideas of propriety by making the fathers belong to the breed of traitors, while the uncle is an oppressed and vir- tuous hero. The hero of Auberi, praising his sister's son Gas- celin for his long-continued devotion and faithfulness, calls to a I always hear it said: rather does nephew than brother take vengeance. bFor this they still say: rather does nephew than son take vengeance. Willame," Modern Philology, 1904-5, pp. 239-240. In consulta- tion. Professor Weeks expresses the opinion that the reading of the remanieur is manifestly to be rejected. THE SISTEE'S SON 211 mind anotlier axiom which shows the poet's conception of this relationship : " Par mainte f ois I'ai oi regehir, Miens vant bons nies, ce dist on sans mentir, Que tel enfant puet on souuent nourir."^ {Auberi, ed. Tobler, 54, 17) Tibaut, the nephew of the Saracen Desrame, voices another side of the question when he declares his intention of continuing a battle which his uncle wishes to abandon, and says to him : Dist li nies : " Oncles, ja mes n'avroiz honor, S'el champ laissiez lo fil vostre seror." ^ {Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 8184) The occasional characterization of the nephew as the son of the eldest sister is of a certain importance, for where Mother-right prevails, a nephew of that particular degree often has more prerogatives than do those by other sisters; unfortunately, these indications in the Chansons de Geste are always in rhyme, so that an argument based on them alone is hardly possible. Taken in connection with other indications, however, this point has a bearing on our theory. For instance, Rainald de Peiter, a nephew of Willame, is called un sun neuov de sa seror primer {Willame, 2541) ; speaking of the pagan king Aarofle, the poet tells us that Renoart was fils sa seror, Vainz nee {Aliscans, 294) ; Renoart himself has a nephew, Baudue, who is called nies Benoart, fiz sa seror Vainz nee (Aliscans, 5377) ; the loss of Aymer, the squire of Foucon de Poitier, is replaced by a squire of whom the poet says: cist est ses nies, fiz sa seror Vainnee {Aymeri, 1883). These slight hints are all that we have to show that the poets themselves ever felt the need of accounting for the mutual con- sideration which they attribute to maternal uncle and nephew; a ''Many a time have I heard it declared: /Better is a good nephew, so they said in truth, / Than any chikl one can bring up." t> Said the nephew: ''Uncle, nevermore would you be honored,/ If you should leave on the field your sister's son. J ) 212 UNCLE AND NEPHEW they probably did not really grasp the significance of its mani- festation, but accepted the relationship as sufficient to account for the situation. It is impossible to say with precision that the sister's son predominates in the earlier Chansons and loses ground in the later ones, because we cannot tell how much of our material is native to the earliest versions of any poem: that the brother's son does assume prominence in some of the early ones is shown by the character of Bertrand in the Cou- ronnement Louis and the Charroi de Nimes, while the late Enfances Ogier bring out the essential relations between uncle and sister's son as well as some of the earlier poems.^^* The poetic development of the material is still enveloped in uncer- tainty, but we may assume that the earliest legends made much of the sister's son and that the whole period of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries knew this without understanding it, and thus unconsciously developed the tradition until maternal and paternal nephews alike were looked upon as good material for embodying the human interest in the epic poems. The question as to why the sister's son appears to fill the poetic need of a character standing close to the central figure of the various divisions of a cycle is usually answered by referring to the prototype Roland. But then another question, equally difficult, arises : why was Roland in the first place repre- sented as the sister's son of Charlemagne? It has been sug- gested that as the legend about his deeds grew and the poets desired to connect him as closely as possible with the Emperor under whom he served, they deliberately set to work to invent an arbitrary relationship, since they could not violate history so far as to make him a son, which should be next to that of son. This is theorizing, of course, without examination of the circumstances; a comparative examination of the legend in- duces the belief that as the story evolved, making the relations between the Emperor and Roland more and more personal, the 124 As regards Bertrand, in the Pelerinage Charlemagne he calls Hernaut de Gironde his uncle (565), while no mention is made of relationship to Bernart, who is in other poems his father. THE SISTEE'S SON 213 poets ascribed to the two a relationship that was even closer than that between father and son, as the most natural thing to do. There is no historical basis that justifies making Roland the sister's son of Charlemagne, but as we shall see, there is a sociological justification; nor is there anything but poetic in- foi-mation as to the connection between the other oncles and nephews of the Chansons. The only historical reference to Roland is found in Eginhard, who states that he was a prefect of the Marches of Brittany, and perished in the battle at Roncevaux in Navarre.^-^ The entii'e poetic theme is evidently a pure invention, but it is not a violent and phenomenal use of arbitrary methods, but rather the easiest way of making in- telligible to an audience relations which, thus characterized, were natural in the eyes of the mediaeval world. And what applies to Charlemagne and Roland applies equally well to all the others. Some credence has been attached to a certain legend of Roland's birth which makes him the son of Charlemagne by his own sister, as an explanation of the position which he oc- cupies in the mediaeval epic. But this would not account for the similar poetic treatment of so many other nephews; how- ever, it must be considered. Among the many scandalous legends which grew up soon after the death of the historical Charlemagne was one which attributed to him incestuous inter- course with his sister Gille or Berte, as a result of which she gave birth to Roland shortly after her marriage to Milon.^-^ This legend appears not to have been so current as one which attributed to the Emperor a great sin, not specified, but one which tomiented his conscience so grievously that he found no peace in life. None of the early French epics makes use of this legend of Roland's birth, although in Huon de Bordeaux there 125 Eginhard, Vie de L 'Empereur Charles, trans, from the Latin by A. Tenlet, p. 14. 126 This matter is discussed in detail by Gaston Paris, Histoire Poetique, pp. 378 ff., and in his Introduction to La Vie de Saint- Gilles, p. Ixix ff. 214 UNCLE AND NEPHEW is a reference to an unconfessed sin which prevents the Em- peror from drinking out of the magic cup of Auberon, a cup to be used only by the pure and sinless.^-'^ The Karlamagnus- Saga, the prose romance of Berte, and the Chronique de Wei- henstephan all mention the first theory as stated above as the sin of the Emperor, while the author of Tristan de Nanteuil arrives at the same conclusion as does the Icelandic saga, only he states it hypothetically : Le peche fu orribles, on ne le sot neant; Mais ly aucun espoirent, et tons ly plus sachant, Que ce fut le peche quant engendra Roulant En sa sereur germaine, se va on esperant; Car il n'est nul qu'au vrai vous en voit reeordant ; Mais ensement le vont plusieurs signiffiant.^ (Ms. Bib. Imp. 75535, fol. 311 v°) ^^s This fourteenth century poem is of so late origin that the adop- tion of a legend which the other epics disregard may indicate that by that time it seemed necessaiy to justify or rather to ac- count for an affection which the earlier poems found perfectly natural between an uncle and a sister's son. The compiler of the Beali di Francia had heard of this legend, and indignantly dismisses it as untrue: " Carlo lo amava tanto ehe lo teneva come suo proprio figliuolo adottivo, intantoche volgarmente fu detto che Orlan- dino era figliuolo di Carlo, la qual cosa e contraria al vero; e amaval il re per la sua virtu e perche lo vedeva valeroso dell' animo e della persona." ^-^ a The sin was horrible ; it was not known at all ; / But some surmise, and all the most learned, / That it was the sin when he begot Roland / Upon his sister, so they surmise. / For there is none who goes reporting this to you for a certainty, / But several go thus indicating it. 127 Euon de Bordeaux, 10217 ff. 128 Cited in Histoire Poetique, p. 381, and in La Vie de Saint Gilles, p. CIX. i^Q Beali di Francia, ed. of Gamba (1821), p. 479. THE SISTER'S SON 215 Another question arises, whether the poets may not intend to imply sometimes that the paternity of their heroes is so uncer- tain that a man's affection turns from his sons to his sister's sons, whom he knows to be of his own blood. Although doubt does seemingly exist in some cases, this explanation is insuffi- cient on general grounds. The epic father occasionally assever- ates his belief in the legitimacy of his sons, les filz de nos moil- liers, and occasionally the legitimacy is questioned. Thus for example Ami says of his children: De moi sont il, por voir le puis conter^ {Amis et Amiles, 2938). Charlemagne becomes angiy with his son Louis because the boy does not display the independent spirit which he expects in his heir, and in his violent outburst of temper he casts suspicion upon his wife : Et I'empereres fu moult gi'ams et iriez. " Ha las ! " dist il, " com oi sui engigniez ! Delez ma fame se coucha'^pautoniers Qui engendra cest couart heritier. Ja en sa vie n'iert de moi avanciez : Qui en f eroit roi ce seroit pechiez." ^ {Couronnement Louis, 91) Much the same attitude is taken by Aymeri, who vows, when his wife Hermanjart sends money to assist her exiled sons upon their way, that if they accept this gift they are not his off- spring : " Jes proverai, angois que past le jor, S'il a en eulx ne bonte ne valor. Se I'avoir prannent, par Dieu le mien segnor, Je dirai bien, qui qo tiengne a iror. Que i sont filz d'aucun losanjeor Que avec vos cochastes par folor. a Mine they are, I can state it in truth. b The Emperor was much grieved and angry. / ' ' Alas ! ' ' said he, * ' how I am deceived today ! / With my wife lay some varlet, / Who begot this cowardly heir. / Never in his life will he be advanced by me; /If one should make him king, it would be a sin. 216 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Mes s'il ranvoient les mulez sans demor Et il batoient les sergenz par fieror, Tant que livre fussent a grant dolor, Donques diroie, par Dieu le criator, Qes angendra Aymeri le contor, Cil de Nerbone a la fiere vigor, Si sanbleront de cuer et de valor A nostre fier linage."^ {Narhonnais, 774) As a matter of fact, the insulted sons do send back the money and refuse all assistance from the father who had banished them, and old Aymeri, delighted, embraces his wife and cries: " Dame," f et il, " or sai de veritez Qu'i sont mi fil et ques ai angendrez."^ {Narbonnais, 923) Such outbursts are not to be taken seriously; the suspicion is not a direct, but a hypothetical one, and yet we may conclude that such doubts would be justifiable in some cases, to judge by the demeanor which the poet chooses to attribute to the many amorous ladies of the Chansons. '^^^ A notable instance is found in a curious passage of the Chanson des Saisnes (LXXIV- LXXVI), in which there is a detailed account of the wanton- ness of the barons' wives who remain at Saint-Hubert during a ' ' I shall test them, before the day be past, / If there be in them either merit or valor. / If they take the money, by my Lord God, / I shall surely say, whoever may consider it is in passion, / That they are sons of some flatterer, / With whom you lay through folly, / But if they send back the mules without delay, / And beat the servants through passion, / So that they should be given up to great pain, / Then I would say, by God the Creator, / That Aymeri the Count begot them, / He of Narbonne of the terrible vigor, / And that they will resemble in courage and in valor / Our bold race." f Lady," quoth he, ''now I know in truth, / That they are my sons and that I begot them. ' ' 130 cf. Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, Vol. Ill, passim. THE SISTEE'S SON 217 the Saxon war, disporting themselves with the squires and the menials of the army. All these tentative explanations are insufficient to account for the persistence with which the uncle-nephew relations are de- veloped throughout the epic, and there is really no internal evidence that gives the reason. Our difficulty in projecting ourselves into the spirit of the period is only increased by an examination of the bare facts of the epic, piled one upon the other in crude colors which give no subtle distinction to the various nephews, no plastic quality to any individual, but serve only to accentuate the phenomenon. And yet it is not an isolated phenomenon : the same treatment of the sister^s son is found in the Arthurian legends, in Germanic, Celtic, even in Indo-Iranian folklore, and these various manifestations cor- respond so closely to certain phases of that primitive state of society known as the Matriarchal System that we are but fol- lowing the line of least resistance in seeking in Mother-right the explanation of the curious aspect of family life which we have been obser%'ing in the French epic. (h) In Other Branches of Literature Although the relations between nephew and maternal uncle are not to so great an extent an integral part of the romances of the Arthurian cycle as of the legends of the French epic, they nevertheless play a part of considerable impoi-tance. It is obviously unnecessary here to go into the minute details that have been examined in the epic, and a very recent article by Professor Nitze, which calls attention to the frequent appear- ance of the theme in the Grail legend, while it anticipates some statements that would otherwise be made here, is an excellent reference for this phase of the subject.^^^ The emphasis which the position of maternal uncle is given in the Perceval le Gallois of Chretien is much greater than in the later German version of Parzival by "Wolfram von Eschenbach, and many 131 W. A. Nitze, ''The Sister's Son and the Conte del Graal,'* reprinted from Modern Philology, IX, No. 3, January, 1912. 218 UNCLE AND NEPHEW details of the earlier poem, such as the neglect to mention the father's name and the introduction of numerous relatives on the mothei'^s side, combine to accentuate the importance of matrilinear descent in the legend. The Grail King is the maternal uncle of Perceval, as is also the Henaiit; Professor Nitze remarks that " a closer male relative Perceval could not have had." The article gives also confirmatoiy testimony from other romances; Tristan is the sister's son of King Mark, so that his betrayal of his uncle is made to appear all the blacker : " Dex ! Tant m'amast mes oncles chiers, Se tant ne fusse a lui mesf ait." * {Tristan, version of Beroul, vs. 2170) So in the Boman de Brut, the author denounces Mordred's betrayal of his uncle Arthur: Oies quel honte e quel vilte; Ses nies, fils sa seror estoit.^ {Brut, 13422) In Partenopeus de Blots, the King's nephew is dearer to him than his own son: Un sien neveu avoit li rois, Cuens fu d'Angiens et cuens de Blois; Fils ert Lucrece sa seror. Li rois I'amoit de tel amor Que nis son fil de sa moillier N'avoit il de nient plus chier.^ {Partenopeus, ed. Crapelet, I, p. 19) ^^^ a ' < God ! So much would my dear uncle have loved me, / If I had not wronged him so much." bHear what shame and what vileness; /His nephew, his sister's son was he. c The king had a nephew, / Count was he of Angers and Count of Blois ; / He was son to Lucrece his sister. / The king loved him with such love / That not even his son by his wife / Did he hold dearer in any wise. 132 Professor Nitze states also that the obligation of vengeance THE SISTER'S SON 219 The resemblance has been noted often between the sinister legend of Roland's birth and the story that Mordred is Arthur's son by his sister; in the Beowulf, too, Fitela is Sigemund's son by his sister Sig-ny, states Dr. Hart in his Ballad and Epic. An equally close connection between uncle and nephew is discussed by Professor Gummere in his article on the sister's son in the English and Scottish popular ballads, in which we see that many of the popular heroes are sister's sons, and that the maternal uncle frequently stands in the place of a father to them.^2^ Professor Gummere concludes that these survivals point to a primitive law; the ballads show traces of the older family system together with the new, in which the son is of more account, but in the earlier w^orks preference is clearly given to the sister's son. Near the end of Chevy Chase we find: Sir Davye Tindale that worthe was. His sister's son was he. ■ In the Beowulf much weight is given to the relationship of Beowulf to his maternal uncle Hygelac, and to his claims upon him by virtue of that. The sister's son is introduced continu- ally in Layamon's Brut. In Malory's Morte d' Arthur there are many sister's sons of greater or less importance in the stoiy; Arthur's nephews Mordred and Gawain of course are the most prominent; in the popular ballads about Arthur, too, much mention is made of the sister's son. is brought out in Chretien's Yvain, and cites the verses addressed by Yvain to Calogrenant, 588 ff. ''Car se je puis et il me loist, J'irai vostre honte vangier. " There seenis to be no indication that this applies to a nephew, however, for the statement of Yvain in 582 is: ''Vos estes mes cosins germains, Si nos devons mout antramer. " Unless the relationship is indicated more clearly in other poems, it would seem best to interpret cosins as ' cousins. ' 133 The Furnivall Miscellany, pp. 133-149. 220 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Dr. Mun^ay Potter, in his valuable book on combats between father and son, refers incidentally to many cases in mediaeval and in ancient literature where the maternal uncle takes charge of the rearing of the child, who afterwards avenges his death.134 Besides these three studies which treat of the sister's son as a literary theme, taking up the examination of a limited phase of the question, many writers on Sociology have had occasion to refer to the frequent appearance of the sister's son in other lands; as the majority of such writers have been Germans, it is natural that they should refer particularly to the oldest Ger- manic traditional literature. It has been shown that both in the oldest monuments and in the later poems of the Middle Ages there is an uncommonly intimate relation between uncle and sister's son.^^^ The uterine uncle supervizes the education of his nephews, who sometimes bear his name and after his death occupy his position. Both the older Edda and the Nibelungenlied consider it the worst crime against a child to slay his maternal uncle.^^^ According to Bachofen, the story of the Nibelungs shows plainly a transition from the old uter- ine relationship to the one based upon the claims of marriage ; the peculiar position in which the uncle stands with regard to his sister's son is of course dependent upon the close tie be- tween brother and sister.^^T j^ ^he Edda we find Gudrun avenging her brother, who has been killed by her husband; Chriemhild, too, takes sides with her brother, while in the later Nibelungenlied the struggle in Chriemhild's soul, the combat between her love for her brothers and that for her husband, culminates in her instigating the murder of the former, who have killed her husband Gunther. The story of Ortnifs Braut- fahrt, which is rather late, has many ancient characteristics, showing, as Dargun says, that popular views and customs last 134 SoJirab and Bustem, passim; also Appendix C. 135 L. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Bauhehe, p. 54 ff. 136 M. Kovalevsky, Origines de la Famille, p. 33. 137 J. J. Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, I, 170 ff. THE SISTER'S SON 221 much longer than the practises prescribed by law, and that their most trivial features sometimes perv^ade later literature.^^^ Bachofen devotes many chapters of his Antiquarische Brief e to a study of the uncle and sister^s son relations in Greek and Latin mythology; the uncle takes the place of the father, and we find a triangular family consisting of mother, son, and mother's brother. Dr. Potter has pointed out that the epic theme of a combat between father and son and the intimacy of uncle and nephew frequently go hand in hand in these early mji;hs: the son is brought up by the maternal uncle (the mother ha^dng been deserted by the father, who has had only temporary relations with her), and on setting out into the world he comes across his father, with whom he fights. Bach- ofen points out that this family relation rests upon an actually existing state of society, and that its appearance in legendary literature is not an invention of the fancy. In the Maha- hharata, the story of Astika brings out the importance of the maternal uncle as guardian and educator of the child. ^^^ In the Daedalus myth of ancient Greece, the most important phase is the continuation of the family through the sister; this feature rests upon an ancient order which the later Greeks had forgotten, but the tradition of which they piously kept up.^**^ He gives parallels to this, taken from the Vishnu Purana, the story of Brikaspati, the story of Narada, the story of Krish- na's birth. The popular traditions of the Maori all rest upon the sacredness of the tie between uncle and nephew, just as the Indian and some of the Greek myths do.^^^ The important feature of these epic legends is that they show the predomi- nance of the avunculate as a sentimental survival after its legal rights have disappeared; the Indian myths in particular show the struggle between the declining maternal and the ris- ing paternal authority, ending of course in the complete vic- 138 MutterrecJit und Bauhelie, p. 56. 139 Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, 1, 57. 140 Antiquarische Brief e, 1, 118. "i^^T- Antiquarische Brief e, 1, 204. 222 UNCLE AND NEPHEW tory of father-right. The French epic exhibits the same un- conscious struggle, as we have seen, in which the secure position of the father as head of the family is still not able to impair the sentimental value of the maternal uncle. The old Irish legends, too, show the same predominance of the maternal uncle, particularly as the foster-parent of the nephew; Cuchu- lain, for example, is the sister's son of Conchobar, and is under his protection. ^^- Thus it is evident from these few preuves a Vappui that other literatures add to the testimony of the French epic. In Italian literature the relationship is not made strikingly apparent; the adaptations even of the French Chansons de Geste make much less of uncle and nephew than do the orig- inals, and when the relationship is indicated at all, it is entirely subordinated to the narrative, whereas in the French epic the stoiy is often sacrificed to the sentiment. And yet the influ- ence of the old tradition is felt at times ; although in the Italian version of the Narbonnais the relationship itself is of far less importance — or at least, if he had it in mind, Andrea da Bar- berino did not continually harp upon the fact as did the French poets — the role of the nephew is such that at times he is the leading character. For instance, the loyalty and devotion of Bertrand to his uncle Guillaume forms so stout a thread run- ning all through the Nerhonesi that Bertrand rather than Guil- laume appears the hero. At the festivities in connection with the Coronation of Louis, Bertrand distinguishes himself at a tournament by combatting and overpowering several of his uncles. ^*^ In the story of the siege of Orange, Bertrand escapes from the city, where Guillaume has been besieged for seven years, and goes in search of aid. Applying to his father, he is refused, and in his anger he soundly reprimands Bernart in a tirade magnificently worded : " ingrato, e dimentico, non mi chiamare figliuolo, ch'io non t'appello mai piu per padre, che doveresti essere da tutti i 142 Eleanor Hull, The Cuchullin Saga, p. 18. 143 Nerhonesi, 1, 361 ff. cristiani perseverato . caceiato ! lo non sonc desti la guanciata a Pa^ peccato, io ti farei prova non ti raccorda quando fu. e Guglielmo ti riscosse, e g noria acquistati tu mai? Ox Sappi ch'egii e molto da piii Qj. ferse se medesimo in avere, e in pei sangue nerbonese; la quale eolonna, s nostro nome de' Nerbonesi ? Morto Giiglieiiuv Ora ti rimani, cli'io ti giiiro per la fe, la qu. Guglielmo, e a dama Tiborga, e per la fe, ch'io Aluigi, che se Guglielmo iscampa di tanta fortuna, . sia nelle battaglie in suo aiuto, ebe noi non ti lascieremo ta di terra che tu possi avere sepoltura ! ^** Continuing bis march, be kills a man who opposes the expedition which King Louis proposes for the relief of Guil- laume.^*^ These episodes are from a French source — for example, in the Enfances Vivien, Louis suggests such an expe- dition — so that we can see here the failure of the Italian mind to grasp the whole significance of the quality of nephew, while at the same time realizing the dramatic possibil- ities of the relations between him and the uncle. It is to be doubted that a tirade like the above could be found in the French epic, on ~ the same theme, that is, without the word ' uncle ' being once used ! ^*^ In Spanish literature we find two noteworthy additions to our illustrations ; in the story of the Siete Infantes de Lara, it is the maternal uncle who kills the seven children, and this relation- ship makes his crime appear all the more horrible; in the early cantares, Bernaldo del Carpio was a sister's son of Charlemagne, and in the working over of the legend becomes of the same 144 Nerbonesi, I, pp. 452-3. 145 Nerbonesi, 1, pp. 459-469. 146 These are at least the impressions produced by a rapid read- ing of the Reali di Francia and the Nerbonesi, to which it was not feasible to devote the care used in searching the French originals. •*»' ' jf # ,-»■ 5».on -Paris says of him : ■pendant a Roland/' ^*^ this one instance, it is -•al, as applied by Gaston ,>roes of the French epic, intimately with those of ,Je French that the question be- x'urther into the origins. Since the .„ ^ed be one, of the sister's son is not found .mance languages to the extent that it is in ^.s evident that a Latin origin must be discarded, i ve parallels which Bachofen discovered in the early -C myths. Its prevalence in the Germanic legends indicates "a' vei-y close connection with the French, and the tradition of nephew-right must have come into the French from Germanic sources; this testimony would serve to corroborate Professor Pio Rajna's theory of a Germanic origin of the Chansons de Geste, but on the other hand, Professor Bedier's recent theory of a clerical or monastic origin along the mediaeval pilgrimage routes is so plausibly stated that it seems advisable not to formulate an unequivocal opinion until the appearance of the final volume of the Legendes Epiques, in which we are prom- ised the key to the situation. 147 Grober 's Grundriss, II, 2, p. 392. 148 Histoire Foetique, p. 205 ff. CHAPTER V The Prevalence of Mother-Right Just bow far back it is necessary to go to find tbe nepbew and uncle relation prominent in real life is not easily decided; it is likely tbat certain elements of it remained even in tbe Merovingian period, since we find tbat it occurs in one form or anotber in many of tbe cbronicles of tbat time. Tbe bis- tory of tbe Merovingian kings, as related by Gregory of Tours, affords many instances of close relations between uncle and nepbew in connection witb bostility on tbe part of tbe fatber, as well as instances wbere tbe dealings were of a sinister kind. Tbe importance attacbed to tbis relationsbip was remarked by Montesquieu, wbo seems to bave been tbe first writer to trace tbe situation back to an observ^ation of Tacitus about tbe ancient Germans, and to bim tbis affection for tbe nepbew seems peculiar. He comments: " Je trouve les semences de ces bizarreries dans Tacite. Les enfants des soeurs, dit-il, sont cberis de leur oncle comme de leur propre pere. II y a des gens qui regardent ce lien comme plus etroit et meme plus saint, ils le preferent quand ils regoi- vent des otag'es. C'est pour cela que nos premiers bistoriens nous parlent tant de Famour des rois francs pour leur soeur et pour les enfants de leur soeur. Que si les enfants des soeurs etoient regardes dans la maison comme les enfants memes, il etoit naturel que les enfants regardassent leur tante comme leur propre mere." ^*^ Tbe ancient chroniclers were interested in relating onlv wbat appeared to tbem striking or unusual, so tbat tbe common occur- rences of life escape tbem entirely ; tbus tbe details of alliances between imcle and nepbew, so frequent, are given witbout com- 149 Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, Livre XVIII, Chap. XXII, p. 328 (edition of 1820). 16 225 226 UNCLE AND NEPHEW ment, presumably because they seemed to the historians very natural, in connection with discord and ill treatment on the part of the father. Among the stories which bring out the same close- ness of relations that appears in the epic is that of the affection of Gregoire, Bishop of Langres, for his nephew Attala, and his attempts to rescue him from the misery he was enduring as hostage in the hands of Clovis.^^*^ Family affection receives so little attention from the historians of those tumultuous times that the recording of it is noteworthy. Childebert and Clotaire at first unite against their nephew Theodebert, but are ap- peased with presents, and Childebert finally sends for him, saying : " Je n'ai pas de fils, je desire te traiter eomme si tu etais le mien." ^^^ The conspiracy of Chramne, son of Clo- taire, against his father, in which he is joined by his uncle Childel^ert, does not arouse any feelings of horror on the part of the historian. ^°- When Gontran adopts his nephew Childe- bert, he says: " S'il me vient des fils, je ne te regarderai pas moins eomme un d'entre eux." ^^^ Childebert later rejects this alliance and combines with his uncle Chilperic, who makes him his heir.15* The Bishop of Nantes brings about the election of his nephew as his successor without his having first passed through the necessary clerical degrees.^^^ Gondowald is pre- sented to his uncle Childebert by his mother, who says : " Voila ton neveu, le fils du roi Clotaire; eomme son pere le hait, prends-le avec toi, car il est de ton sang." ^^^ In another story, the royal chamberlain, who has been accused of hunting in the royal forest, denies it, and when commanded to submit to the jugement de Bieu, offers his nephew to combat in his stead.^^'' 150 Gregoire de Tours, trans, of Guizot, Bk. Ill, Chap. 15, p. 142. 151 ±ik. Ill, Chap. 23, p. 154. 152 Bk. IV, Chap. 16, p. 187. 153 Bk. A', Chap. 18, p. 269. 154 Bk. VI, Chap. 3, p. 338. 155 Bk. VI, Chap. 15, p. 362. 156 Bk. VI, Chap. 24, p. 370. 157 Bk. A, Chap. 10, p. 104. THE PEEVALENCE OF MOTHEE-EIGHT 227 When Waroeh, who is leading the Bretons and the Saxons in an attack on Nantes and Rennes, makes peace, he offers his nephew as hostage : " J'aiirai soin d'accomplir tout ce qu'or- donnera le roi, et, pour que vous donniez a mes paroles une entiere creanee, je vous remettrai mon neveu en otage." Un- fortunately for the nephew, Waroeh forgets his promise of peace, and sends his son to attack the anny on its retreat to France.^^^ It was perhaps this last illustration that suggested Montes- quieu's reference to Tacitus, who says in the Germania: " Sororum filiis idem apud avunculum, qui apud patrem, honor. Quidam sanctiorem arctioremque hunc nexum sanguinis arbitrantur, et in accipiendis obsidibus magis exisamt, tanquam ii et animum firmius et domum latius tenea.nt. Heredes tamen successoresque sui cuique liberi ; et nullum testamentum." ^^^ Not only have the various editors of Tacitus commented abundantly on this passage, but sociological writers as well con- sider it of extreme importance, the earlier ones attaching great weight to each statement, the later ones making resei'\^ations. Andrew Lang, in commenting on whether the Picts were Aryan or non- Aryan, says : " The account given by Tacitus, also, in the Germania, of the important relationship of uncles, and of sister's sons, closely resembles what we are told about the Pictish family system. Yet the Germans, if anybody is, are Aryans. . . . On such delicate points the evidence of Tacitus, whose Germans may have been mixed with more backward races, is not very strong, it may be urged." ^^^ The words of Tacitus would indicate that the bond was looked upon rather as a sentimental one than in a legal light, so that this was not a period of unmixed Mother-right. The sociologists have shown that this preference for the sister's son, which is one of the main characteristics of the matriarchal state of society, is found only where Mother-right prevails or has once prevailed, so that 158 Bk. X, Chap. 9, p. 102. 159 Germania, Book XX. 160 A. Lang, History of Scotland, I, 13. 228 UNCLE AND NEPHEW the existence of this peculiar bond between uncle and nephew in itself indicates that the Germans in the time of Tacitus were passing through that social state. Lippei*t sums up the situ- ation neatly : " An den Resten des Neffenrechtes erkennen wir in unertriig- licher Weise, dass auch Germanen und Sklaven nicht allzulange vor ihrer Beriihrung mit dem klassisehen Kulturkreise ihren Organisationen noch auf dem Boden des Mutterrechts gestan- den haben miissen — ganz in Uebereinstimmung mit dem, was uns die Alten liber Skythen und Sarmaten melden." ^^^ Although the development of a legal system had outstripped Mother-right, unmistakable traces of the latter remained in the minds and customs of the people, as the statement of Tacitus shows, so that it seems to be clear that the bond among the ancient Germans was a sentimental one, not supported by the laws.^^2 The mutual obligation of vengeance, the uncle as educator or guardian or administrator, his provision of a wife for the sister's son, his protection, the continuation of his name or his office by the nephew, the allusions in legends to the fact that " jemand sei dieses oder jenes Mamies Schwestersohn gewesen," — all these points are in close connection with the situation as portrayed in the French Chansons de Geste, and are supported by Dargun by quotations from the Scripta Historica Islandica and from Gregoiy of Tours' Historia Francorum. The general practise of fosterage, particularly on the part of the mother's brother, has also been pointed out by Weinhold.^^^ Yet, if such is practically the situation in the oldest Chansons de Geste, how much more frankly matri- archal must it have been in the time of Tacitus ; Dargun seem- ingly does not give sufficient weight to the length of the inter- vening period. Dargun's attempt to strengthen the legal as- pect of the problem is not very convincing, in that the develop- 161 J. Lippert, KulturgescMcMe der Menschheit, II, 56. 162 Dargun, Mutterrecht und Bmihehe, pp. 21, 56 ff. 163 K. Weinhold, Die Beutschen Frauen in dem Mittelalter, I, 105; Altnordisches Lehen, p. 285. THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHER-EIGHT 229 ment of the Salian and Ripuarian, as well as the independent Thuringian, laws shows the original inclusion of the mother's family alone, Avith the gradual inclusion of the father's family, in the matter of inheritance.^^* As a matter of fact, the Ger- mans before the scission must have passed that stage. A recent writer on the subject remarks that "la legislation franque avait cette superiorite sur le droit romain de ne pas connaitre cette distinction des agnats ou parents par les males et des cognats ou parents par les femmes." ^®^ Starcke and Schrader, too, take exception to Dargun's views, thinking he goes too far. Starcke's statement is clear and satisfactory when he says that : " Ce sont les liens de la sympathie et non ceux du droit qui rattachent Fenfant a la mere, mais nous ne sortons pas pour cela de la f amille patriarchale." ^^^ Thus it is clear why Tacitus reports the close connection of the sister's son as a sentimental tie, while in the legal question of inheri- tance the own son comes first. Yet we cannot deny that at an earlier period matriarchy must have prevailed among the Germanic tribes. Schrader's evidence is wholly linguistic: in IndogeiTnanic stems a name for the paternal uncle was first used, which was then applied to both uncles, while at a much later period a special name was found for the maternal uncle. As the family became more stable, the cognates assumed more importance, and the mother's brother had naturally the most responsible position in the family. Schrader admits however that probably the pre-Indogermanic tribes of Europe had in part the custom of inheritance from mother's brother to sister's son.^^" If it is tnie that there was originally no name for the mother's brother, his explanation is unconvincing, and his attempt to push farther back the period of Matriarchy is hardly successful. As Andrew Lang says in his article on 1^^ Mutt err edit mid Eauhehe, p. 62 ff. 165 C. Galy, La FamilJe a VEpoque Merovingienjie, p. 138. 166 c. N. Starcke, La Famille Primitive, p. 111. 167 Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 369 ff. ; Eeallexilcon, articles Familie, Oheim, Miittcrrecht. 230 UNCLE AND NEPHEW ' Family ' in the new Encyclopaedia Britannica, the controversy is still alive ; a reasonable hypothesis seems to be that the Ger- manic tribes must all have passed through a period of Matri- archy at some time, as its spread was clearly very general, and that the change into the patriarchal family was so gradual a process that we cannot yet determine how far it had pro- gressed at a given period; since, however, the vestiges in the legends are so distinct, it seems likely that the family organiza- tion at the time of Tacitus must have been even more decisively matriarchal than he thought. Caesar does not appear to have observed the custom of pre- ferring or fostering the nephew among the Gauls; he does, however, comment upon the aloofness of the father, who does not peiTnit his sons to approach him openly until they have reached the age of manhood. ^^^ In Livy there is perhaps a trace of the practise : Ambigatus, King of the Bituriges, we are told sent a large surplus of his tribe away to Italy to found colonies, under the leadership of his sister's sons, Bellovesus and Segovesus.^^^ It is of some importance perhaps that the fact of their being sister's sons of the King was sufficiently current to have passed into the account of Livy. The evidence is more conclusive in other sections of Europe as to the continuation of the matriarchate or its remains. Among the Picts, down to the ninth century, the sister's son inherits the power, after the brothers of the Pictish ruler; after him and his brothers a sister's son again follows, and so on ; it is said that the King was not allowed to marry, and that this method of bequeathing power was the cause of their finding marriage unnecessary.^'^^ Celtic history shows many traces of Mother-right, or rather of Nephew-right. The father's lack of importance in a senti- mental way is shown by the general practise of having sons 168 Gallic War, Book VI, Chap. 18, 19. 169 Livy, Book V, Chap. 34. 170 Schrader's Eeallexikon, article Mutterreclit ; also stated by Andrew Lang, History of Scotland, I, 5, 28. THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHEEr-EIGHT 231 brouglit up out of the paternal house; thus fosterage becomes the closest of all ties among the Celts.^^^ When the sister^s son or the maternal uncle was killed, the duty of vengeance devolved upon the other, according to the Ancient Laws of Ire- land.^^- According to the old law of northern Wales, the son of a woman by a stranger from across the sea could inherit from maternal relatives, although contrary to the usual practise, because it was felt that the stranger brought new strength into the family, and that the nephew would thus become the succes- sor of the grandfather. These facts are explained by D'Arbois de Jubainviile as the natural influence of daughter upon father, sister upon brother, niece upon uncle.^'^ The father, how- ever, had the power of life and death over the sons, as in ancient Gaul.^'* The Welsh law states, with regard to the inheritance of land, that if the eldest son be dumb or deaf or an idiot, " the next in age has it, unless there be a brother's son, or a son to a nephew the son of a brother, or a male of equal right." ^"^ Thus w^e find the right of succession in Celtic Britain, but aside from that, nephew-right seems to have been in Germany, France, and Ireland, more a matter of sentiment than of legal provision. But what we know of ancient laws and customs in other parts of the world, together with travel- lers' reports from the most remote periods down to our own times, combines to emphasize the rights of the nephew both legally and sentimentally. Strobaeus relates that the Ethiopian kings left their power not to their own but to their sister's children.^'^ Herodotus, Strabo, and Nicholas of Damascus all give the same testi- 171 R. Dareste, Etudes d'Histoire de Droit, p. 361; P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland, II, 17. i'^2 H. D'x^rbois de Jubainviile, Cours de Litteratiire Celtique, VII, 187. 173 La Famille Celtique, pp. 69, 71. 174 G. Dottin, Manuel de I'Antiqidte Celte, p. 143. 175 Laws of Wales, ed. of Aneurin Owen, 1841, pp. 739-740. 176 Cited by Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, p. 12. 232 UNCLE AND NEPHEW mony.^^^ Plutarch says that the Roman matrons prayed to the mother-god Ino-Matula to bless, not their sons, but their sister's sons.^'^^ The notion of the relative closeness of the tie between mother and children and father and children is seeiqi in the Athenian legislation, which forbade marriage between children of the same mother, while permitting it between children of the same father.^'''^ The Brahmin codes called Vishnu and Narada recognized the rights of the grand-father and the maternal uncle as guardians; it was allowable to adopt the brother's sons, but not those of the sisters, because the latter were considered an integral part of the family without adoption.^^^ According to Pistorius, the eldest mater- nal brother was the head of the Malay family, acting as the real father of the sister's children, while his possessions went to his own family, and never to his wife's family.^^^ The Bolognese traveller of the fifteenth century, Varthema, reports that the kings of Calicut appointed the sister's son as heir to the throne, being sure that they two were of the same blood, while owing to the practise of defloration of brides by the Brahmin priests, paternity was always uneertain.^^^ Guber- natis relates that for the same reason the second son, or pre- ferably the sister's son, became heir among the Nairs of Mala- bar in the period from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries at any rate; Barbosa reports the same thing.i^^ The same stories are reported by modern travellers from all parts of the world, showing that mother-right is even now fairly wide-spread among uncivilized tribes; the details vary, in some places the uncle and nephew relationship assuming more prom- 177 Cf . Kovalevsky, Tableau des Origines, p. 19 ; A. Giraud- Teulon, Origines de la Famille, pp. 32, 263, with cross-references to Herodotus, III, 29, and Strabo, XVII, 822. 178 Cited by Bachofen, Bas MutterrecM, p. 12. 179 Kovalevsky, Tableau des Origines, p. 36. 180 Kovalevsky, p. 37. 181 Bachofen, Antiquarisclie Brief e, 1, 55. 182 K. Schmidt, Jus Primae Noctis, p. 32. 183 Jus Primae Noctis, p. 34. THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHER-EIGHT 233 inence in the blood feud, in other regions in the matter of in- heritance, and so on. These accounts are reliable, although the state of society they represent only helps us to determiue approximately the characteristics of the primitive family. " The beliefs and customs of civilized peoples contain many survivals of beliefs and practises that still exist in full force in savage communities." i^* So it is worth while to collate some examples of nephew-right among primitive peoples of modem times which have a connection with those fonns of ma- triarchy to be found in the French epic. Many of the details characterizing mother-right in its various phases find no placp in its survival in the Chansons de Geste, such as the jus primae noctis, defloration as a privilege, the couvade, exogamy, although there is perhaps a trace of the last. Generally speak- ing, mother-right appears in the French epic in the form of nephew-right. In India, among the Nairs of Malabar at the present time, the sister's children grow up with the uncle and are his heii*s, while he is a stranger to his own children, for the reason that the man and woman after maiTiage continue to live each in his own family.^^^ Inheritance nowadays is always in the mater- nal line, property descending first to the sister, then to the sister's son, etc.^^^ Among the Hindus the nephew is fre- quently adopted by the uncle, seemingly in order to reconcile the ancient uterine system with that of direct inheritance, so that now in the Tanjaour the nephew inherits the royal power not as the sister's son, but as the son of his uncle.^^''' In Arabia at the present day the relations between a man and his maternal uncle are particularly close and tender; ^^^ there is, too, a popular belief that in inheriting the property of his 184 r. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, p. 209; cf. also p. 264. 185 Giraud-Teulon, p. 41. 186 Schmidt, p. 35. 187 Giraud-Teulon, p. 204, note. 188 Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 187. 234 UNCLE AND NEPHEW uncle, lie also inherits the latter's eharacter.^^^ In a note to his translation of the Arabian Nights, Burton writes that: " The Arabs also hold that as a girl resembles her mother, so a boy follows his uncle (mother's brother) "; the translator adds that he himself has often seen this resemblance.^^^ In Ethiopia and Egypt the order of succession through the uterine nephew, as pointed out by Herodotus and Strabo and by the Arab writer Abou-Selah, is still observed by the greater part of the African negroes.^^^ Abou-Selah states that kin- ship among the Nubians descends to the sister's son, and that they trace descent in the female line, alleging that the maternal nephew is iiTevocably of the family.^^- In the valley of the Nile, until recently, the ancestors of the Biskra tribe reckoned genealogy in the female line, and property descended in the same way.^^^ In the Messoufah tribe, which follows the teach- ings of the Koran, children are named after the maternal uncle instead of the father, and inherit from him.^^* In China, the brother's sons are still called ' my sons,' the sis- ter's sons ' my nephews.' ^^^ In his Systems of Consanguinity, Morgan shows in a long chapter on the topic that the Chinese do not consider the two sets of nephews to be related to the uncle in the same degree. In Thibet, a family of brothers living together will have one wife among them, but the eldest brother is the natural head of the family and the nurturer of the children.^^^ It is said that the Shiva of Durdistan have no other name for uncle and nephew than ' father,' ' son.' '^^'^ 189 Potter, Sohrab and Bustem, p. 123. 190 Burton's Arabian Nights, 1, 303, note 1. 191 Giraud-Teulon, p. 32 ; ef . Quatremere, Memoires Geogra- phiques sur VEgypte. 192 Kovalevsky, p. 17. 193 Giraud-Teulon, p. 25. 194 Giraud-Teulon, p. 32, note. 195 Giraud-Teulon, p. 117, after Morgan. 196 Robertson Smith, p. 146. 197 Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, II, 152 ff. THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHEE-EIGHT 235 In the region of the Caucasus, among the Pshaves, a moun- tain tribe of Georgia, the mother's brother acts instead of the father in the blood-feud, avenging the nephew's death, or receiving the composition. ^^^ The Ingousch have a custom which is derived from an ancient mode of inheritance : the nephew, at the age of puberty, invariably demands and re- ceives from his maternal uncle the gift of a horse.^^^ The Chevsours, another tribe of the Caucasus, admit of no other person than the maternal uncle as the guardian of an orphan. -"^^ Among the Kalmucks there exists great abuse of the nephew- right for purposes of gain or for political influence, and the name ' nephew ' is generally synonymous with ' spendthrift.' -*^^ In Russia, states Kovalevsky, " this close tie between brother and sister, between the uncle and the sister's children, still ex- ists among the southern Slavs." -^- He explains the historical development of the situation as follows: "According to the old Russian law, the tie which unites a man to his sister and the children she has brought into the world, was considered to be closer than that which unites two brothers or the [paternal] uncle and his nephew. In a society organized on the principle of agnatism, the son of a sister has no reason to interfere in the pursuit of the murderer of his uncle. The brother belongs altogether to another elan, and the duty of vengeance falls exclusively on the persons of that clan. But such is by no means the point of view of the old Russian law, recognizing, as it does, the right of the sister's son to avenge the death of his uncle. * In case a man shall be killed by a man,' decrees the first article of the Pravda of Yaroslav (the lex harb[ar]orum of the Russians), ^vengeance may be taken by a son, in case his father has been killed ; by the father, when the son falls a victim; by the brother's son and by the son of a sister.' The last words are omitted in the later version of the Pravda, a fact which shows the increase of agnatic organisa- tion, but they are found in the version generally recognized as the most ancient." 198 Kovalevsky, p. 21. 199 Kovalevsky, p. 22. 200 Kovalevsky, p. 24. 201 Bachofen, Antiqiiarische Brief e, II, 91. 202 M. Kovalevsky, Modern Customs and Ancient Lmvs, p. 18. 236 UNCLE AND NEPHEW The mass of similar testimony from African tribes is im- mense. Among the Berbers, the eldest son of the eldest sister inherits the office of Sheik.^oa In the Touareg tribes there are several interesting practises: property acquired by individual work descends to the sons, but that acquired collectively by the family goes to the eldest son of the eldest sister.^o* The Touaregs of the Messoufah trace their genealogy through the mother's brother, as do the Arabs, who also give the child his uncle^s name, rather than that of his father.^^^ Among the African Barea and Kunama the nephew and the maternal uncle perform vengeance one for the other, while neither father nor son ever takes up the blood-feud the one for the other.^*^® AjQong the Barea and the Bazes the own childern never inherit property, but it descends first to the brother by the same mother, then to the eldest son of the eldest sister.^^''' The family system of the Barea and the Bayas rests wholly upon maternal kinship, says Kovalevsky.^^* All along the Guinea coast and in some interior tribes, the Barea, Bazes, Vouamrima, Kim- bundas, Bassoutos, the mother's brother owns the children out- right and has extraordinary power over them.-^^ Among the Bassoutos in particular this excessive preponderance of the maternal uncle is found, and the children of polygamous fam- ilies have no especial dealings with their f ather.^^o Among the Ashango, the brother inherits property and rank ; in default of a brother, the eldest son of the eldest sister.^^^ Among the 203 G. Bonnet Maury, ' ' La Femme Musulmane dans 1 'Af rique Septentrionale Fran§aise," Eevue Bleue, 3 fevrier, 1906, p. 135. 204 Giraud-Teulon, p. 168. 205 Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, II, 152. 206 Hastings' Encyclopedia of Beligion and Ethics, article Blood-feud, signed by L. H. Gray. 207 Giraud-Teulon, p. 34. 208 Tahleau des Origines, p. 18. 209 Giraud-Teulon, p. 162. 210 E. Westermarck, Human Marriage, p. 108. 211 Starcke, La Famille Primitive, p. 68. THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHER-RIGHT 237 Pantis, the eldest sister's son succeeds to property and rank.^^^ In some tribes of Madagascar the sister's son inherits property, political office, and sometimes priestly functions.^^^ Among the Baronga close relations prevail' between maternal uncle and nephew, and the latter has numerous claims and rights, even to that of inheriting his uncle's widows.-^* In Polynesia the evidence of present Matriarchy is equally striking; the Malays have passed through this stage of devel- opment within historical times.-^^ The Malay family of today consists of the mother and her children — the father is an out- sider.-^^ Spencer points out kinship through the females among the higher Tahitians, and states that " among the Ton- gas nobility has always descended by the female line." ^^^ In the Fiji Islands the nephew has a remarkable part : in some regions he has the right to appropriate to his own use as much of the uncle's property as he may desire, but this power is given only to those whose uncle has lands or subjects.-^^ In Sumatra the succession to the chieftainship goes to the sister's son, as does property in general.- ^^ In South America we are told that nephews formerly in- herited in Peru, except in the case of the Incas.^-^ In North America the same practise is found in some of the Russian possessions in the Pacific, as well as among various tribes of Indians.--^ The family is sometimes continued through the women, the father not passing as a relative, so that the nephew is more cherished than the son.^-^ Among the 212 Potter, Solirab and Eustem, p. 128. 213 Giraud-Teulon, p. 34. 214 Hartland, Primitive Paternity, II, 208. •215 Dargun, p. 17. 2ie Westermarck, p. 39. 217 Spencer, Sociology, 1, 698. 218 Starcke, p. 91 ff . ; Bachof en, Antiquarische Brief e, II, 97 ff. 219 Spencer, I, 699; Giraud-Teulon, p. 36. 220 Spencer, I, 710; Giraud-Teulon, p. 36; Dargun, p. 20. 221 Giraud-Teulon, p. 36; Giddings, p. 263. 222 Dargun, p. 15, after Lafiteau, Moeurs des Sauvages Ameri- cains, 1, 5^9. 238 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Iroquois Indians power and property, even to the tomahawk, descended from the chief to the children of his brothers and sisters, and not in his own line.^-^ In some of the tribes the Indian regards his brother's son as his own, his sister's son as his nephew, while the woman considers her brother's son her nephew and her sister's son her own; the same nomenclature prevails also in Hawaii.--* In British Columbia there is a tribe (the Kwakiutl) in which the maternal system has but recently become merged into the paternal. ^^^ 223 Cf. Spencer, I, 698; Giraud-Teulon, p. 36, after Charlevoix, V, 395. 224 Giraud-Teulon, pp. 112^ 91 ; this system of nomenclature, which is fairly common, is best studied in Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity. 225 w. J. Thomas, Sex and Society, p. 84, after Professor Boas. CHAPTER VI Conclusion This glorification of the nephew has been well established by the sociologists as being one of the main features of Matri- archy, and its characteristics as seen in the myths and legends of the ancients and in primitive communities of various parts of the modern world left such distinct traces upon the mediae- v/al mind that they pervade the literature of the Middle Ages. Its manifestations vary in different societies, the more prim- itive the state of civilization, the looser the bond between hus- band and wife and the closer the tie between brother and sister, with the resultant elevation in importance of the sistei*'s children ; -^^ in a later state of society, as the father's functions and authority became recognized and the family came to con- sist of father, mother, and children, instead of mother, mother's brother, and children, the jDaternal uncle assumed a position of equal prominence with the maternal uncle. When the actual legal rights of the uncle die out, we find that traces still remain in customs and legends in the form of a sentimental survival. This is undoubtedly the situation in the French epic. And yet 226 Cf. the occasional dogma of the epic poet with regard to the affection between brother and sister: ' '■ Li rois i doit Blanceflor corouner, Vostre seror, ki molt vos doit amer. ' ' (Aliscans, ed. Halle, 2548) N'i ot un seul ki li desist salus, Nis la roine, dont asses f u veiis ; Ki ert sa suer, amer le delist plus. (Aliscans, 2579) ' ' Ains aiderai Oreble od le vis cler, Ele est ma suer, si le doi molt amer.'' (Aliscans, 3818) 239 240 UNCLE AND NEPHEW it is doubtful whether the poets of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were aware of the importance that nephew-right assumes in their compositions. That such a survival can exist without its being apparent is evinced by the contention of Bachofen that vestiges of mother-right remained in certain Latin beliefs — and yet we find Tacitus expressing surprise at the emotional aspect of the uncle and nephew relations among the Germanic tribes; Bachofen claimed that among the ancient Etruscans the expression nepos luxuriosus a Tuscis dicitur in- dicates the i^ampered condition of the sister's son, and he adds that : " Rom verwandelte die Schwestersohnsf amilie in die vater- liche, den nepos ex sorore in den nepos ex filio vel filia/' ^-"^ What is certain is that Roman influence affected the ancient supremacy of the mother's relatives as seen in the Germanic tribes to the extent that nothing remained of it in the Caro- lingian period except the tradition. The Salian laws show how early it died out. The Merovingian chronicles show traces of it in its sentimental aspect, while literature proper keeps it up and makes much of it until a late period. The early theories of Lubbock and von Hellwald that the cause of such predominance of the sister's son in primitive communities was uncertainty of paternity due to early com- munism in women, and that of Bachofen that it was owing to general promiscuity in a primitive condition of society, have been displaced by that of Westermarck, who shows conclusively that it was the inevitable result of the practise of Exogamy. And Exogamy, according to the latest writers on the subject, is the natural outcome of Totemism. Uncertainty of paternity, although in some communities an important factor, has in general far less effect than ignorance of the principles of pater- nity; Hartland has shown that the latter was one of the main reasons for early Matriarchy. Since motherhood is in any state of society the strongest of all ties, little wonder that the mother's clan assumed such importance in the life of the child- ren, when Exogamy was so generally rendered necessary on ac- 227 Bachofen, Antiquarisclie Brief e, II, 113. CONCLUSION 241 count of the strict laws of Totemism. In primitive tribes of today members of the same totem are forbidden to intermarry, the children are of the same clan as the mother, and thus the practise of tracing descent through the mother's totem is a natural outgrowth of mai-riage outside the clan. It is not sur- prising to find a hint of this practise of marrying outside the clan surviving in mediaeval literature; nearly every one of the French epics has one or more examples of a French hero mari-ying by elopement or by consent a Saracen maid, and the custom in poetry at least is so common that it may be con- sidered an additional manifestation of matriarchal principles. Other peculiarities of the epic show that nephew-right, al- though the most important, was not the only phase of prim- itive society which persisted in a literary form. The numerous allusions to the conception of a son during the first night of union suggests many of the ancient folk-tales related by Potter, in which a couple meet by chance and separate the next day, the woman being left enceinte with a son who later seeks his father; this theme is found in the Arthurian cycle as well. The custom of Gastfreundschaft, so common still in many primitive tribes, brings about the same result.--^ The many allusions, particularly in the Aymeri legends, to the family- whole, the lignage, suggest also the days when the individual was not an entity, but one of a group, a part of a system. The banding together of a vast clan to avenge the common honor was pointed out by Flach as illustrative of feudal solidarity; in the epic this is noticeable particularly in the Girart de Vienne, where the whole family take up arms to avenge the dishonor imposed upon Girart by the Queen; in the Benaut, where a numerous kin surrounds the four sons of Aymon; in 228 Cf. the episode of Lutisse in Aiise'is de Cartage, the origin of Baudidnet, son of Ogier, the episode of Guischart and Fausete in Foucon, the narrative of the diversions of Garin, Berart and Eobastre in the castle of Beaufort in Garin de Montglane, and the prediction of Elioxe to her husband in the Naissance du Chevalier au Cygne. 17 242 UNCLE AND NEPHEW the banding together of the traitors in the various parts of the geste devoted to them; and even at the close of the Roland, where all of Ganelon's relatives take up his defeuce.-^^ So that on the whole, the nephew-manifestation is but one, albeit the most important, of several ways in which the epic connects itself with prehistoric society. It is impossible to decide how much is a matter of tradition in the Chansons de Geste, and how much represents the life and thought of the periods in which they were composed. The belief of Leon Gautier and others that the poems are an exact picture of their times is not borne out by the present examina- tion of the reciprocal attitude of uncle and nephew.^^o Unless corroborated by documents which by their nature imply the use of less imagination than do the epic poems, it is not pos- sible to assign a definite period to the decline of the maternal uncle. Although Roman influence impaired the ancient im- portance of the mother's relatives in the Germanic tribes, still that importance remained long enough to color both the Ger- man and the Carolingian epic; that the fusion of paternal with maternal relatives was complete as early as the sixth century is brought out in Dargun's discussion of the Salian and the Ripuarian laws.^^^ On the other hand, the authority of the father is disregarded in the French epic, and we find a striking conflict of two forces, in which the survival of traditional rela- tions seems to predominate throughout the period of epic bloom over the actual state of family life; and yet we are told that in actual life through the feudal period the relations between father and son were based rather upon allegiance than upon kinship or any tie of affection : " Generalement les barons du moyen age ne temoignaient pas grande affection a leurs enf ants en bas age, et le jeune gargon restait jusqu'a six ou huit ans entre les mains de sa mere et des femmes du chateau." -^^ jf 229 Cf. J. Flach, Origines de VAncienne France, II, 446 ff. 230 Cf. C. V. Langlois, La Societe Frangaise d'apres dlx Eomans, p. iv. 231 MutterrecJit und ^aubehe, p. 62 ff. 232 ch. de la Paquerie, La Vie Feodale, p. 139. CONCLUSION 243 we may rely upon Tacitus, as far back as his time the legal status of the son as heir was fixed upon the Germanic tribes, yet the sentimental position of the sister's son was much the same as described in our epics. This germ of prehistoric tra- dition persisted far into the period of transition. The Mero- vingian chronicles certainly do not record such striking in- stances of nephew-right as do the popular branches of litera- ture; the insular Celtic chronicles however show its actual existence in a much later period; the introduction of Chris- tianity and of Roman influence among the tribes of the north must have been the most important factors in the transition to paternal authority. The life of the epic, then, was mainly in the past, in that remote period when the sister's son had a status different from that of the brother's son, but the period of composition was one of transition, when the two nephews were being merged into the same degree of relationship. The manifestations of nephew-right in the Chansons de Geste consist largely of sentimental themes, but of the active phases that of the blood-feud assumes the greatest weight, to- gether with the constant association of uncle and nephew in war. These two features are to be expected, considering the consistently martial character of the naiTative. Fosterage and inhentance receive far less attention at the hands of the poet. Among those peoples however where Matriarchy still holds sway, or has recently done so, fosterage and inheritance — in other words, the legal rights of uncle over nephew and the claims of the latter — are the veiy foundation of the system; the other features are but details. The term ' Matriarchy ' is of course in itself a misnomer, for the degraded position of women is well-known among primitive tribes where mother-right pre- vails, while the inferior position of the mediaeval woman is equally apparent, yet in the continuation of the family both have a part which vastly exceeds that of the father. In fact in our mediaeval epic the father is himself of so slight im- portance that the heroes are frequently not distinguished by a patronymic as in the Greek epic, but rather by the name of 244 UNCLE AND NEPHEW their son, as Milon, qui fut pere de Roland; Gauffrey, qui engendra Ogier, etc. ; " le fils etant devenu celebre avant le pere, I'illustration, au lieu de descendre, remontait." ^^^ The main principle of mother-right is the matrilinear tracing of descent; we find vestiges of this in the French epic in the con- stantly recurring reminders of kinship to the maternal uncle. What the poet had in petto we cannot tell, but the direction which the nephew as an epic character follows implies a cer- tain remoteness from the fundamental reasons for the matri- archal system; the tendency to dwell longer upon the more romantic aspects of solidarity and mutual affection indicates a sub-conscious recognition of the basic element of primitive relationshijD. The direction which nephew-right takes in the French epic would tend to strengthen the theory of a popular origin; the close resemblance in many features to Germanic legends indicates the point of contact, the direct source, while the many phases which are found in all popular literatures show a remote common origin. The foundation of family life as seen in the epic is nephew-right; this is plainly the most ancient part of the poems, and the inference is that all else was of gradual growth, the stories developing and expanding, while the primitive core remains until the period when pater- nity became actually of such authority that the mediaeval mind could no longer appreciate the glorification of the rela- tions between maternal uncle and nephew, and the theme dropped out of literature. Each legend, then, would be the heritage of remote antiquitj^, an edifice which was the work of many hands so unceasingly engaged in extending it that even after many generations have been engaged upon it no jointure is discoverable, and the whole is the assimilation of more periods than one could tell. 233 E. Pey, Preface to Doon de Mayence, p. iv, note. APPENDIX A Formulas of Identification of the Sister's Son (A few examples collected to show the conventional terms em- ployed by the poets) 1. Eoland. Et li rois Guis tantost fait mander dame Gile : Cele ert suer Karlemaine, le roi de Saint Denise, Et fame Ganelon, qui li cors Dieu maudie, Et ert mere Rollant a la cliiere bardie. {Gui de Bourgogne, 1589) C'est Gile la duchoise, au gent cors onore, Qui suer est Karlemaine, le fort roi kerone, Et fame Ganelon, le compaignon Hardre, Et est mere Rollant, le chevalier menbre. [ {Gui de Bourgogne, 2920) " Te donnay f amme Baguebeut la gentis : Ma serour est la belle o le cler vis ; Or en est veusve et Rolend orpbelins." {Aquin, 1002) " Sire," dist li valles, " Rollans m'apele on, Et fu nes en Bretaigne, tot droit a saint Fagon. Fix sui vostre seror a la elere fagon Et li buen due d' Anglers c'on apele Milon." {Benaut, p. 119, 34) 2. Baudoin. " De par moi saluez le maine ampereor ; A Baudoin me dites, le fil de sa seror, Qu'il gart bien sa saignie jusq'au trezisme jor." {Saisnes, CXXIV, 23) Baudoin apela, le fil de sa seror ... : "Dame," ce dit li rois, "ci a .i. poigneor; 245 246 UNCLE AND NEPHEW }) Assez est riches horn, -fiz est de ma seror. {Saisnes, CCV, 12, 16) 3. Gui de Bourgogne. " Ves Sanson de Borgoigne, qui gentils est et ber, S'a la serour Karlon, le fort roi eorone, Et si en a li dus .i. vallet angendre." {Gui de Bourgogne, 216) " Sanses," dist Femperere, " par la vertu du eiel, Je quit c'est vostre fis et de vostre moillier; Maris estes ma suer, je quit qu'il est mes nies." {Qui de Bourgogne, 3166) Et Guion de Bourgoigne a a lui apelle : Fils ert de sa seror et de sa parente: " Cosins, vous en iiTes socoure la cite." {Destruction de Borne, 1179) 4. Anse'is de Carthage. Ripeus fu le septiesme, qui moult ot de renon, Qui fu pere Anseis, fix de la suer Kallon. {Gaufrey, 100) 5. Nephews of Guillaume. " Viuien sire ia es tu de icel lin En grant bataille nus deis ben maintenir la fustes fiz Boeue cornebut al marchis Nez de la fiUe al bon cunte Aimeris Nefs Willame al curbnies le marchis En grant bataille nus deis ben maintenir." {Willame, 295) Del feu se dreeet dune uns suens nies danz Gui: Cil fut fiz Bueve Cornebut le marchis, Nez de la fille al prou cunte Aimeri, E nies Guillelme al curb nes le marchis, E frere fut Vivien le hardi. {Willame, ed. Suchier, 1438) Del altre part fu Rainald de peiter IDENTIFICATION OF SISTEE'S SON 247 Vn sun neuov de sa sorur primer. {Willame, 2540) Li cuens Guillaumes en apela Gautier, Le Tolosan, einsi Foi noncier, Fil de sa suer, un gentill chevalier. {Couronnement, 1646) Ld bers Guillaumes fu molt preus et hardis. II en apele et Gerbert et Jerin : Si neveu furent et de sa seror 'fil. {Couronnement, 1392) 6. Aiol. " Mais il n'i ara certes plus franc de vous, Car vos estes li nies I'enperreour, Jel sai bien a fiance, fiex sa serour." {Aiol, 188) Loeys fu a piet entre ses drus, Li fieus de sa seror I'ot abatu. {Aiol, 3385) " Voir on m'apele Aiol : mes peres est Elie ; Nies sui Tenpereor qui Franche a en baillie; Je suis fieus sa seror la gentil dame Avisse." {Aiol, 5392) " Mes peres a non Elie a la clere f achon, Ma mere ert vostre seur, fille le roi Charlon." {Aiol, 8099) " Rois, je sui nes de France, des vaillans et des mieus, Et nies I'enpereor, Loeys le guerrier. Je sui fieus sa seror, dame Avisse al vis fier; Elie est mes peres, li viellars chevaliers." {Aiol, 10250) 7. Raoul de Camhrai. " Conunent poroie esgarder eel glouton Qi mon neveu ocist en traVson'? Fix ert vo suer, qe de fit le seit on." {Raoul, 4867) 248 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Icil Raous, Seignor, que je vos di, De la seror fu le roi Loeiz. {Mort Garin, 3694) 8. Foucon. " S'a pris mari outre noz volentez, Nies Vivien et de sa seror nez." {Foucon, ed. Scliultz-Gora, 4629) Et cil li conte com li sors fu jete, Et de Foukon, qui tant est redoutes, Nies Vivien, et de sa seror nes. {Foucon, ms. de Boulogne, fol. 213 r°; the third verse would follow 880 of Schultz-Gora) 9. Reinier de Termes. Enmi la rote a eneontre Reinier; Nez fu de Termes de la seror Gautier . . . Paranz Guisehart, nies Guion, filz Gautier. {Foucon, 3350, 8484) 10. Joffroi, nephew of Bertrand. Joffroi, lo fil Rogier; Ses parenz iere de la seror Gelier ... Joffroiz ot non, si ert nies Ernays. {Foucon, 7443, 9126) 11. Garin and his brothers, nephews of the King of Lomhardy. Ce dist Garin : " Oncles, entandez §a ! Vez les anfans q'Aymeris angendra, Et Herman j art vostre suer les porta." {Narhonnais, 2091) 12. Coine. Et Charles laise eorre le destrier abrive, Si ala ferir Coine en son escu liste. Icil fu nies Girart et de sa seror ne. {Benaut, p. 33, 35) 13. Gontier, nephew of Hugon. De I'autre part fut danz Guntiers, IDENTIFICATION OF SISTEE'S SON 249 Cil qui fut ja sis escuiers, Fiz sa serur, si ert sis niez. {Gormond et Isembard, 327) 14. Hernaut. " Qui I'a done mort f " Droes lui respondit, " Par ma f oi, sire, li nies au due Garin, Hernaus d'Orliens, qui fu fils Heloi." {Garin, 1, 149) 15. Nepheivs of Yhert. Ybers apela Bernier par amor, Et en apres le fil de sa serour, Et ces .ij. freres qui sont bon poigiieor, Wedon de Roie, Loeys le menor. {Baoul, 4130) 16. Gilehert, nephew of Elie. " Un neven ai en Franee qu'est tes parens, II est flex ma seror dame Hersent ; S'a a non Gilebers o le eor gent. Si guerroie le roi u Franee apent." {Aiol, 332) 17. Nephews of Gamier. La bataille fu prise et li gage donne. Ez Girart de Rivier ou descent au degre. Qui tint Hui et Naumur et Dinant et Ruise. Et cil fu niez Gamier et de sa seror nes, {Aye d' Avignon, 296) "Diva! Estes vous freres, qui si vos resenblez ? '' Et respont Aulori : " Cosins sommes cbamez. Car nous sommes de freres et de .II. serors nez, Neveu le due Garnier de Nentuel la cite." {Aye, 3424) 18. Nephew of Makaire. Uns des neveus Makaire i est ales: Fieus fu de sa seror, cb'oi conter. {Aiol, 4492) 250 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 19. Nephew of Fromont. Et va ferir Morant le fil Barre. Nies fu Fromont et de sa seror nes. {Jourdains, 200) 20. Buevon, nephew of Milon. II estoit ses cosins et de sa seror nez. {P arise, 664) 21. Nephew of Ganelon. .1. damoisel i ot, Hervieu Fapeloit on, Fix fu de la seror au cuvert Guenelon. {Gui de Nanteuil, 197) 22. Plantol, nephew of King Lotaire. Molt I'ama; ses nies ert, de sa seror jo'ie. {Elioxe, 1640) 23. Saracen and foreign nephews. A Clariun le roi en est cascuns ales : Cil ert nies I'amirant et de sa sereur nes. {Fierahras, 4064) .i. mien cousin m'ocist ier au joster, Sorbrins ot nom, fix de ma seror ert. {Huon de Bordeaux, 7883) Baudamas son neveu isnelement apele; Fiz est de sa seror Odierne la bele. {Saisnes, Clll, 20) Cuida Caanins fust, fiz de sa seror Aiglante. {Saisnes, CXXIX, 6) " Perdu as Escorf an, le fiz de ta serour." {Floovant, 595) A tant es vos Goniot d'Alemengne, Nies Savari de sa seror germaine. {Aymeri, 1775) Por la bataille vint Brujant li membres .i. jovenes turs qui molt avoit fiertes Nies fu le roi Jermont se sa seror portes. {En fauces Vivien, 4409) IDENTIFICATION OF SISTER'S SON 251 Un espie portent par moult ruiste freor, Dont si ont mort maint gentil vavasor, Lui et Tacon, le fil de sa seror. {Aliscans, ed. Jonckbloet, 39) N'ot si fort homme jusqu'a la mer betee, Pors Renoart fils sa seror, Vainz nee. {Aliscans, ed. Jonckbloet, 293) Nies Renoart, f-z sa seror Vainz nee. {Aliscans, ed. Jonckbloet, 5377) Cele nuit les conroie Estatins Fesnases, Drus fu I'empereor et de sa seror nes. {Antioche, II, 74) Cel jour prissent li nostre I'amiral des Escles, Au tref Huon le Maine la fu emprisones, Nies estoit Garsion et de sa seror nes; Sachies quant le saura moult en iert adoles. {Antioche, IV, 1012) APPENDIX B Bibliography {Contains only works utilized) (a) Chansons de Geste AcQUiN. Le Roman d'Aquin, on la Conqueste de la Bretaigne par le Roy Charlemaigne. Chanson de Geste du XII ° Siecle, publiee par F. Joiion des Longrais. Nantes, 1880 (Soc. des Bib. Bretons). 3,087 verses. AiOL. Aiol, Chanson de Geste publiee d^apres le ms. unique de Paris, par Jacques Normand et Gaston Raynaud. Paris, 1887 (Soc. des Anc. Textes Frang.). 10,983 verses. Aliscans. (a) Aliscans, Kritiseher Text von Erich Wienbeck,, Wilhelm Hartnacke, Paul Rasch. Halle, 1903. (b) Guillaume d'Orange, Chansons de Geste des XI° et XII° siecles, publiees pour la premiere fois par M. W. J. A. Jonckbloet, 2 vol.. La Haye, 1854. La Bataille d'Aleschans, Vol. I, pp. 215-427. 8,057 verses. Amis. Amis et Amiles und Jourdains de Blaivies, zwei alt- franzosische Heldengedichte des Karolingischen Sagen- kreises. Naeh der Pariser Handschrift zum ersten Male herausgegeben von K. Hoffmann. 2° ed., Erlangen, 1882. 3,504 verses. Anseis de Cartage. Ansei's von Karthago, herausgegeben von J. Alton. Tiibingen, 1892 (Bib. des Litt. Vereins in Stutt- gart, CXCIV). 11,607 verses. 252 BIBLIOGRAPHY 253 Anseis de Mes. (a) Die Bruclistiicke der nocli ungedruckten Chanson d' Anseis de Mes, aus den Archives von Saint- Hubert im belgisehen Staatsdepot zu Arlon : L 12, nebst ' umschliessendem wie verbindendem Texte und Varianten der Pariser Hss. LSN, der entsprechenden Stelle der Pariser Prosa a, den letzten Kapitelliberschriften der Briisseler Prosa b und Beschriebung einer neuen Loth- ringer Hs. in Lille veroffentlicht von E. Stengel. Greifs- wald, 1904. 1,433 verses. (b) Anseis de Mes. Der Schlussteil der Chanson d' An- seis de Mes, nach den Hss. LSN in Paris und U in Rom veroffentlicht von E. Stengel. Greifswald, 1909. 1,783 verses. Antioche. La Chanson d'Antioche, composee au commence- ment du XII ° siecle par le Pelerin Richard, renouvelee sous le regne de Philippe Auguste par Graindor de Douay. Publiee pour la premiere fois par Paulin Paris. 2 vol., Paris, 1848 (Romans des Douze Pairs). 8,970 verses. ASPREMONT. Der Roman von Aspremont, altfranzosisch, aus der Handschrift der Kl. Bibliothek (Ms. Gall. 4° 48) ab- geschrieben von Hrn. Bekker. (In: Philologische und historische Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaft zu Berlin, 1847.) 3,854 verses. AuBERi. (a) Le Roman d'Aubery le Bourgoing, edition Tarbe. Reims, 1849 (Coll. des Poetes de Champagne anterieurs au XVI° siecle, Vol. G). 5,285 verses. (&) Mittheilungen aus Altfranzosischen Handschriften, von A. Tobler. I. Aus der Chanson de Geste von Auberi, nach einer Vatieanischen Handschrift. Leipsig, 1870. 7,883 verses. 254 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Aye d' Avignon. Aye d' Avignon, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres le ms. unique de Paris, par F. Guessard et P. Meyer. Paris, 1861 (Anc. Poetes de la France). 4,136 verses. Aymeri. Aymeri de Narbonne, Chanson de Geste publiee d'apres les mss. de Londres et de Paris, par Louis De- maison. 2 vol., Paris, 1887 (Soc. d'anc. Textes frang.). 4,703 verses. Berta. Berta de li Gran Pie, public par M. A. Mussafia, dans la Romania, III (1874), pp. 339-365, IV (1875), pp. 91-107. 1,750 verses. Berta e Milone. Berta e Milone, public par M. A. Mussafia, dans la Romania, XIV (1885), pp. 177-192. 441 verses. Berte. (a) Li Roumans de Berte aus grans pies, par Adenes li Rois. Poeme public d'apres le ms. de la Bibliotheque de r Arsenal, avee notes et variantes, par A. Seheler. Brux- elles, 1874. 3,482 verses. (&) Li Roumans de Berte aus grans pies, precede d'une dissertation sur les romans des douze pairs, par M. Paulin Paris. Paris, 1836 (Romans des Douze Pairs). 3,469 verses. BoEVE DE Haumtone. Dcr Anglonormannische Boeve de Haumtone, zum ersten Male herausgegeben, von Albert Stimming. Halle, 1899 (Bibliotheca Normannica). 3,850 verses. Cantari. Cantari Cavallereschi dei Secoli XV e XVI, Rac- eolti e pubblicati da Giorgio Barini. Bologna, 1905. Castres. Le Siege de Castres, Fragment public par M. H. Suchier, dans les Romanisehe Studien, I, v, (1875), 589- 593. 128 verses. BIBLIOGRAPHY 255 Charroi. Giiillaume d'Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet (see Aliscans). Li Charrois de Nymes, Vol. I, pp. 73-111. 1,471 verses. Chevalerie Ogier. La Chevalerie Ogier de Danemarehe, par Raimbert de Paris. Poeme du XII ° sieele public pour la premiere fois d'apres le ms. de Marmoutier et le ms. 2729 de la Bibliotheque du Roi. 2 vol., Paris, 1842 (Romans des Douze Paii^ de France). 13,058 verses. Chevalerie Vivien. La Chevalerie Vivien, Chanson de Geste publiee par A. L. Terracher. I, Textes, Paris, Champion, 1909. (See also Covenant.) Commarchis. Bueves de Commarchis, par Adenes li Rois, pubHe par A. Scheler. Bruxelles, 1874. 3946 verses. CoRDRES. La Prise de Cordres et de Sebille, Chanson de Geste du XIII ° sieele publiee d'apres le ms. unique de la Biblio- theque Nationale par 0. Densusianu. Paris, 1896 (Soc. des Aneiens Textes fraiiQ.). 3,793 verses. CouRONNEMENT. Guillaume d' Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet (see Aliscans). Li Coronemens Looys, Vol. I, pp. 1-71. 2,679 verses. Covenant. Guillaume d' Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet (see Aliscans). Li Covenans Virien, Vol. I, pp. 163-213. 1,918 verses. Deliverance Ogier. La Deliverance d' Ogier le Danois, frag- ment d'une Chanson de Geste. A. de Longperier, Journal des Savants, 1876, pp. 219-293. 213 verses. Destruction de Rome. La Destruction de Rome, Premiere Branche de la Chanson de Geste de Fierabras, publiee par M. G. Groeber, dans la Romania, II (1873), pp. 1-^8. 1,750 verses. 256 UNCLE AND NEPHEW DooN DE Mayence. Doon de Maience, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Mont- pellier et de Paris, par E. Rey. Paris, 1859 (Anc. Poetes de la France). 11,505 verses. Doon de Nanteuil. La Chanson de Doon de Nanteuil. Fragments inedits, publics par M. P. Meyer, dans la Romania, XIII (1884), pp. 1-26. 220 verses. Elie. Elie de Saint-Gilles, Chanson de Geste publiee avec In- troduction, Glossaire et Index par Gaston Raynaud, ac- compagnee de la redaction norvegienne traduite par Eugene Koelbing. Paris, 1879 (Soe. des Anc. Textes FranQ.). 2,761 verses. Elioxe. La Naissance du Chevalier au Cygne, ou les Enfants changes en Cygnes. French Poem of the Xllth Century. Published for the first time, together with an inedited prose version from the mss. of the National and Arsenal Libra- ries at Paris, with Introduction, Notes and Vocabulary, by Henry Alfred Todd. Baltimore, 1889 (Modern Language Publications, Vol. IV). 3,500 verses. Enfances Ogier. Les Enfances Ogier, par Adenes Li Rois, Poeme public pour la premiere fois d'apres un ms. de la Bibliotheque de 1' Arsenal et annote par Auguste Scheler. Bruxelles, 1874. 3,229 verses. Enfances Vivien. Les Enfances Vivien, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Paris, de Boulogne-sur-Mer, de Londres et de Milan, par C. Wah- lund et H. von Feilitzen. Precedee d'une these de doctorat, servant d'Introduction, par A. Nordfelt. Upsala et Paris, 1895. 5,204 verses. BIBLIOGRAPHY 257 FiERABRAS. Fierabras, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la pre- miere fois d'apres les mss. de Paris, de Rome et de Londres, par A. Kroeber et G. Servois. Paris, 1860 (Anc. Poetes de la France). 6,219 verses. Floovant. Floovant, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la pre- miere fois d'apres le ms. unique de Montpellier, par MM. H. Michelant et F. Guessard. Paris, 1858 (Anc. Poetes de la France, in vol. with Gui de Bourgogne and Otinel). 2,533 verses, FoucON. (a) Le Roman de Foulque de Candie, par Herbert Leduc, de Dammartin. Edition Tarbe. Reims, 1860 (Col- lection des Poetes de Champagne anterieurs au XVI° Siecle). 4,832 verses. (6) Folque de Candie, von Herbert Le Due de Dan- martin, nach den festlandischen Handschriften zum ersten Mai vollstandig herausgegeben, von 0. Schultz-Gora. Band I, Dresden, 1909 ( Gesellschaf t fiir Romanische Literatur). 9,882 verses. Garin". Li Romans de Garin le Loherain, public pour la pre- miere fois et precede par I'examen du systeme de M. Fau- riel sur les Romans Carlovingiens. 2 vol., Paris, 1833- 1835 (Romans des Douze Pairs). 9,823 verses. Gaufrey. Gaufrey, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la pre- miere fois d'apres le ms. unique de Montpellier par F. Guessard et P. Chabaille. Paris, 1859 (Les Anc. Poetes de la France). 10,371 verses. Gaydon". Gaydon, Chanson de Geste, publiee pour la pre- miere fois d'apres les trois mss. de Paris par IVIM. F. Guessard et S. Luce. Paris, 1862 (Anc. Poetes de la France). 10,887 verses. 18 258 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Gerbert. (a) Die Befreiung Narbonne's durch Gerbert de Mes, Episode aus dem Schlussteil der Chanson de Gerbert de Mes. E. Stengel, Zeitsehrift fiir franz. Spraclie und Lit., XXIII, ii, 271-301. 473 verses. (ft) See: Raoul de Cambrai, ed. Meyer et Longnon, pp. 297-320, un fragment du ms. Bib. nat. fr. 1622 de la Chan- son de Girbert de Metz. GiRART DE RoussiLLON. (a) Le Roman en vers de Girart de Rossillon, public pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Paris, de Sens et de Troyes, par Mignard. Paris, 1858. 6,712 verses. (h) Girart de Roussillon, Chanson de Geste, traduite pour la premiere fois, par Paul Meyer. Paris, Champion, 1884. GiRAET DE ViENNE. Le Romau de Girart de Viane, par Ber- trand de Bar-sur-Aube. Reims, 1850 (Coll. des Poetes de Champagne anterieurs au XVI ° Siecle, Vol. 16). 6,318 verses. GORMOND ET IsEMBARD. Fragment de Gormund et Isembard, Text nebst Einleitung, Anmerkungen und vollstandigem Wortindex, von Robert Heiligbrodt. Romanische Studien, Band III (1878), pp. 501-596. 661 verses. Gui DE BouRGOGNE. Gui de Bourgogne, Chanson de Geste pub- liee pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Tours et de Londres, par F. Guessard at H. Michelant. Paris, 1858 (Anc. Poetes de la France, in vol. with Otinel and Floo- vant). 4,394 verses. Gui DE Nanteuil. Gui de Nanteuil, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres les deux mss. de Montpellier et de Venise, par P. Meyer. Paris, 1861 (Anc. Poetes de la France). 3,019 verses. BIBLIOGEAPHY 259 HuON. Huon de Bordeaux, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Tours, de Paris et de Turin, par F. Guessard et C. Grandmaison. Paris, 1860 (Les Ane. Poetes de la France). 10,495 verses. JouRDAiN. Jourdains de Blaivies. Ed. Hoffmann, in vol. with Amis et Amiles. 4,245 verses. Mainet. Mainet, Fragments d'une Chanson de Geste du XII° siecle, publics par G. Paris, dans la Romania, IV (1875), pp. 305-337. 946 verses. MoxiAGE GuiLLAUME. Le Moniage Guillaume, les Deux Re- dactions en Vers. Chansons de Geste du XII° Siecle. Publiees d'apres tons les mss. eonnus, par Wilhelm Cloetta. Tome Premier, Paris, 1906 (Soc. des Anc. Textes Frang.). 7,763 verses. MoRT Aymeri. La Mort Aymeri de Narbonne, Chanson de Geste, publiee d'apres les mss. de Londres et de Paris par J. Couraye du Pare. Paris, 1884 (Soc. des Anc. Textes Frang.). 4,176 verses. Mort Bauduinet. Balduins Tod, Episode aus dem altfran- zosischen Ogier-Epos nach den Handschriften und Bear- beitungen mitgeteilt von Dr. Carl Voretzsch. Tubingen, 1910. 372 verses. Mort Garin. La Mort de Garin le Loherain, poeme du XII° siecle, public pour la premiere fois, d'apres douze mss., par M. Edelestand du Meril. Paris, 1846 (Romans des Douze Pairs de France). 4,810 verses. 260 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Narbonnais. Les Narbonnais, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la premiere fois, par Hermann Suchier. 2 vol., Paris, 1898 (Soe. des Anc. Textes FranQ.)- 8,063 verses. Nerbonesi. Le Storie Nerbonesi, Romanzo Cavalleresco del Secolo XIV, pubblicato per cura di I. G. Isola. 2 vol., Bologna. Orange. Guillamne d'Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet (see AuscANs). Vol. I, pp. 113-162, La Prise d'Orenge. 1,888 verses. Orlandino. Orlandino, public par M. A. Mussafia, dans la Romania, XIV (1885), pp. 192-206. 475 verses. Otinel. Otinel, Chanson de Geste, publiee pour la premiere fois, d^apres les'mss. de Rome et de Middlehill, par MM. r. Guessard et H. Michelant. Paris, 1858 (Ane. Poetes de la France, in vol. with Gui de Bourgogne and Floo- vant). 2,133 verses. Parise. Parise la Duchesse, Chanson de Geste, deuxieme edition, revue et corrigee d'apres le ms. unique de Paris, par MM. F. Guessard et L. Larchey. Paris, 1860. (Anc. Poetes de la France). 3,107 verses. Pelerinage. Karls des Grossen Reise nach Jerusalem und Constantinople. Ein altfranzosisches Heldengedicht, her- ausgegeben von E. Koschwitz. 4te Auflage, Leipsig, 1900. 870 verses. Raoul. Raoul de Cambrai, Chanson de Geste publiee par MM. P. Meyer et A. Longnon. Paris, 1882 (Soe. des Anc. Textes Fran§.). 3,726 verses. BIBLIOGEAPHY 261 Reali. Li Reali di Francia, nei quali si eontiene la Genera- zione degli Imperadori, Re, Principi, Baroni e Paladini con la bellissima Istoria di Buovo di Antona. Edizione per la prima volta purgata da infiniti errori. Venezia, 1821 (Ed. di Gamba). Renaut. Renaus de Montauban, oder die Haimonskinder. Altfranzosisehes Gedicht, nach den Handschriften zum erstenmal herausgegeben, von Dr. Heinrich Michelant. Stuttgart, 1862 (Bib. des litt. Vereins, vol. LXVII). 17,278 verses. Roland. La Chanson de Roland, Texte critique. Traduction et Commentaire, Grammaire, et Glossaire, par Leon Gautier. Tours, Alfred Mame et Eils. 4,002 verses. Saisnes. La Chanson des Saxons par Jean Bodel, publiee pour la premiere fois par F. Michel. 2 vol., Paris, 1839 (Romans des Douze Pairs). 8,046 verses. Syracon. Syracon, Fragment public par M. E. Stengel, dans les Romanische Studien, I, v, (1873), pp. 399-106. 184 verses. Vivien. Vivien de Monbranc, Note sur deux mss. des Fils Aymon, F. Castets, Revue des Langues Romanes, Vol. 31 (1887), pp. 49-58. 126 verses. WiLLAME. (a) La Changun de Willame, published anony- mously at the Chiswick Press, London, 1903. 3,553 verses. (b) Chan^un de Guillelme, herausgegeben von Hermann Suchier, Halle, 1911 (Bibliotheca Normannica). 1,983 verses. 262 UNCLE AND NEPHEW (6) General Works H. d'Arbois de Jubainville: Cours de Litterature Celtique, Vol. 7, Paris, 1895. H. d'Ahbois de Jubainville: La Famille Celtique, Etude de Droit Compare. Paris, Bouillon, 1905. 221 pp. J. J. Bachofen : Antiquarische Brief e, vornelimlieh zur Kennt- niss der altesten Verwandtsehaftsbegriffe. 2 vol., Strass- burg, 1880-1886. J. J. Bachoeen: Das Mutterreeht. Eine Untersuehung liber die Gynokratie der alten Welt nach ibrer religiosen und reebtlicben Natur. 2te unveranderte Auflage. Basel, 1897. Joseph Bedier : Les Legendes Epiques, Reehercbes sur la For- mation des Chansons de Geste. I, Le Cycle de Guillaume d'Orange. II, Le Cycle de Charlemagne. Paris, Cham- pion, 1908. [Ill, IV, Paris, 1913] Caesar: De Bello Gallico. W. Cloetta: Die Enfanees Vivien, ihre Ueberlieferung, ihre cyklische Stellung. Berlin, 1898. Ernest Crowley: The Mystic Rose. London, 1902. Rudolph Dareste: Etudes d'Histoire de Droit. Paris, 1889. 417 pp. Dr. Lothar Dargun : Mutterreeht und Raubehe und ihre Reste im germanischen Recht und Leben. Breslau, 1883. 161 pp. J. W. Determann: Epische Verwandtschaften im altfranzo- sischen Volksepos. Diss, zu Gottingen. Burg, 1887. 48 pp. Georges Dottin: Manuel pour servir a I'Etude de FAntiquite Celte. Paris, Champion, 1906. Eginhard: Les Oeuvres, traduites par Alexandre Teulet. La Vie de Charlemagne; Les Annales. Paris, Didot, 1856. 340 pp. BIBLIOGRAPHY 263 Joseph Falk : Etude Soeiale sur les Chansons de Geste. These pour le Doetorat. Upsala, Nykoping, 1899. 137 pp. Feed. Fellinger : Das Kind in der Altf ranzosischen Literatur. Gottingen, 1908. 199 pp. Jacques Flach: Le Compagnonnage dans les Chansons de Geste. In: Etudes Romanes dediees a Gaston Paris, pp. 141-180. Paris, 1891. Jacques Flach: Les Origines de PAncienne France, Dixieme et Onzieme Siecles. 2 vol., Paris, 1886. 475 -j- 584 pp. Charles Galy : La Famille a I'Epoque Merovingienne, d'apres les recits de Gregoire de Tours. These de Droit. Paris, Larose, 1901. 425 pp. Leon Gautier: La Chevalerie. Nouvelle Edition, Paris, Dela- grave, 1884. 850 pp. Leon Gautier: Les Epopees FranQaises. Etude sur les ori- gines et I'histoire de la litterature nationale. Paris, 1882. 4 vol. J. Geddes, Jr.: La Chanson de Roland. A Modern French Translation of Theodor Mliller's Text of the Oxford Manu- script, with Introduction, Bibliography, Notes, and Index, Map, Illustrations, and Manuscript Readings. New York, Macmillan, 1906. clx-1-316 pp. F. H. GiDDiNGS : Principles of Sociology. New York, Macmil- lan, 1896. 476 pp. Alexis Giraud-Teulon : Les Origines de la Famille, Ques- tions sur les Antecedents des Societes Patriarehales. Paris, Fischbacher, 1874. 288 pp. Gregoire de Tours et Fredegaire: Histoire de France, Tra- duction de M. Guizot. Nouvelle Edition, Paris, 1862. 2 vol. G. Grober: Grundriss der Romanischen Philologie. 2te Auflage, Strassburg, 1904-06, 264 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Georg Grupp: Kultur der alten Kelten und Germanen, mit einer Riickblick auf die Urgeschichte. Miinchen, 1905. 319 pp. P. GuiLHiERMOZ : Essai sur I'Origine de la Noblesse en France au Moyen Age. Paris, Picard, 1902. 502 pp. Francis B. Gummere: The Sister's Son (in the English and Scottish Popular Ballads). In: An English Miscellany, presented to Dr. Fumivall in Honour of his Seventy-fifth Birthday. Oxford, 1901, pp. 133-149. W. M. Hart : Ballad and Epic. Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, vol. XI (1907). Edwin Sidney Hartland: Primitive Paternity. The Myth of Supernatural Birth in Relation to the History of the Family. London, David Nutt, 1909. 2 vol. 325 + 328 pp. James Hastings: An Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. Article on Blood-feud, vol. 2. New York, Scribners, 1910. Eleanor Hull: The CuchuUin Saga in Irish Literature. Be- ing a Collection of Stories relating to the Hero Cuchullin, translated from the Irish by various Scholars. Compiled and edited, with Introduction and Notes. London, David Nutt, 1898. lxxix + 316pp. A. Jeanroy: Notes sur la Legende de Vivien. Romania, XXVI (1897). P. W. Joyce: A Social History of Ancient Ireland. London, Longmans, Green & Co., 1907. 2 vol. J. Kluge : Etymologisches Worterbuch, article Neffe. Seventh edition, Strassburg, 1910. Louis J. Koenigswarter : Histoire de 1' Organisation de la Famille en France, depuis les temps les plus reeules jusqu'a nos jours. Paris, 1851. 371 pp. Maxime Kovalevsky: Modern Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia. Being the Ilchester Lectures for 1889-90. Lon- don, David Nutt, 1891. 260 pp. BIBLIOGEAPHY 265 Maxime Kovalevsky: Tableau des Origines et de PEvolution de la Famille et de la Propnete. Stockholm, 1890» 202 pp. A. Lang : Article Family in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition. A. Lang: Histoiy of Scotland from the Roman Occupation. 4 vol. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1900. A. Lang : Homer and his Age. London, 1906. 336 pp. Ch. V. Langlois: La Societe Frangaise au Xni° Siecle^ d'apres dix romans d'aventure. Paris, Hachette, 1904. 328 pp. Ernest Langlois: Table des Noms Propres de toute nature compris dans les Chansons de Geste imprimees. Paris,, 1904. 674 pp. Gust AVE Lanson: Histoire de la Litterature Frangaise. 11° Edition, Paris, 1909. 1204 pp. Julius Lippert: Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit in ihrem organischen Aufbau. Stuttgart, 1887. 2 vol. 643 + 656 pp. Montesquieu: Esprit des Lois; Livre XVIII, Chap. XXII. Edition 1820. Lewis H. Morgan: Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family. Washington, 1878. 590 pp. (Smith- sonian Institution Contributions to Human Knowledge, Vol. 17). W. A. Nitze: The Sister's Son and the Conte del Graal. Re- printed from Modern Philology for January, 1912, VoL IX, No. 3. 32 pp. Cristoforo Nyrop: Storia dell' Epopea Francese nel Medio Evo, prima traduzione dalP originale danese di Egidio Gorra. Torino, 1888. 495 pp. Ch. de la Paquerie: La Vie Feodale en France du IX ° sieele a la fin du XV°. Tours, Cattier, 1900. 283 pp. 266 UNCLE AND NEPHEW Gaston Paeis: Histoire Poetique de Charlemagne. 2me Edi- tion. Paris, 19,05. 554 pp. Oaston Paris : La Litterature Frangaise au Moyen Age. 3me Edition. Paris, Hachette. 344 pp. Gaston Paris et Alphonse Bos : La Vie de Saint Gilles, par Guillaume de Berneville, poeme du XII ° siecle, public d'apres le ms. unique de Florence. Introduction, cxvi pp. Paris, Societe des Anciens Textes Frangais, 1881. Paulin Paris: Histoire Litteraire de la France. Vol. 22. Paris, 1895. 970 pp. Murray Anthony Potter: Sobrab and Rustem, the Epic Theme of a Combat between Father and Son. A Study of its Genesis and Use in Literature and Popular Tradi- tion. London, David Nutt, 1902. 234 pp. Maurice Prou: La Gaule Merovingienne. Paris, 1897. (Bib- liotheque d'Histoire Illustree, publiee par la Societe frangaise d'editions d'art). 292 pp. Pio Rajna: Le Origini dell' Epopea Francese. Firenze, San- sone, 1884. 550 pp. J. Runeberg: Etudes sur la Geste Rainouart. These, Hel- singfors, 1905. 173 pp. Ernst Sauerland: Ganelon und sein Geschlecht im altfranzo- sischen Epos. Marburg, 1886 (Ausgaben und Abhand- lungen aus dem Gebiete der Romanischen Philologie, LI). 61 pp. Dr. Karl Schmidt: Jus Primae Noctis. Freiburg, 1881 ( Oberlandesgerichterath zu Colmar i. S.). 397 pp. O. Schrader: Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples; A Manual of Comparative Philology and the Earliest Cul- ture. Being the ^ Sprachvergleiehung und Urgeschichte.' Translated by Frank Byron Jevons. London, Griffin & Co., 1890. BIBLIOGRAPHY 267 O. Schrader: Reallexikon der Indogemianischen Altertums- kunde. Grundziige einer Kultur- und Volkergesehichte. Strassburg, Triibner, 1901. Articles Familie, Mutterrecht, Neffe, Oheim. €arl Schubert: Der Pflegesohn (nourri) im Franzosischen Epos. Diss., Marburg, 1906. 55 pp. AjiWiN ScHULTZ: Das Hofische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesan- ger. 2te Auflage. Leipsig, 1889. 2 vol. 688 + 504 pp. W. Robertson Smith : Kinship and Maniage in Early Arabia. Cambridge, 1885. 322 pp. Herbert Spencer: The Principles of Sociology. Third Edi- tion. New York, Appleton, 1905. 3 vol. C. N. Starcke: La Familie Primitive, ses Origines et son Developpement. Paris, 1891. 287 pp. W. A. Stowell: Old-French Titles of Respect in Direct Ad- dress. Diss., Johns Hopkins, Baltimore, 1908. 237 pp. Hermann Suchier: Changun de Guillelme. Introductipn. Halle, 1911. Tacitus: Germania, Cap. XX. ',. Ernst Tappolet: Die Romanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen. Mit Besonderer Beriicksichtig-ung der Franzosischen und Italienischen Mundarten. Ein Beitrag zur Vergieichen- den Lexikologie. Strassburg, Triibner, 1895. 178 pp. W. J. Thomas: Sex and Society. Chicago, 1907. Raymond Weeks : The Newly Discovered ChanQun de Willame. Modern Philology, III (1905-'06). Karl Weinhold : Altnordisches Leben. Berlin, 1856. 512 pp. Karl Weinhold: Die Deutschen Frauen in dem Mittelalter. Wien, 1882. 2 vol. 2te Auflage. Edward Westermarck: The History of Human Marriage. Second edition. London, Macmillan, 1894. 644 pp. VITA The writer of this study was born in Maine in 1871. He- received the degree of A.B. magna cum laude from Harvard University in 1893, that of A.M. in 1894. From 1904 to 1906, while a member of the Faculty of Yale University, he pursued work ia the Graduate School there. He has been a student in the School of Philosophy of Columbia University since 1910, his major subject and dissertation being in Romance Philology and his two minor subjects in the Romance Litera- tures and Comparative Literature. He is glad to take the op- portunity of expressing here his appreciation of the stimulating influence of the instructors with whom he has been most closely associated : at Harvard, Professors Bocher, Francke, von Jage-^ mann, Sanderson, Sheldon, de Sumichrast; at Yale, Professors Lang, McKenzie, Phillips, Warren; at Columbia, Professors Cohn, Fletcher, Todd, Weeks. 268 -•'». ». '-yfl J^ CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT >^"^ zU2 Main Library ^N PERIOD 1 '- - lOME USE UL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS ^o'^^^tR^ODSA%^^^^ BE MADE 4 DAV^ a^,^ >gNEWAcS.CALM!.;;"e;^^rn.^^-^ ^^^"^S^NDuy|;^^^ ^^ DUE DATE . DUE As STAMPED BJmw -( - ^ «> r\ ^ tiUU fj ^EIVED^ ^lON DEPT ®s U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES C020Q75253