m 
 
 
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 C LIBRARY f 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 I SAN DIEGO J
 
 THE 
 
 TREATMENT OF THE OFFENDER 
 
 THE SIXTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK 
 
 1911 
 
 THIS IS AN ACCOUNT OF SOME PHASES OF 
 AMERICAN PRISON PROGRESS IN 1911; OF 
 MANY NEEDS NOT YET MET; OF SOME 
 EUROPEAN METHODS OF MEETING PROB- 
 LEMS OF DELINQUENCY; AND OF PLANS 
 FOR THE FUTURE 
 
 ALBANY 
 
 THE ARGUS COMPANY. PRINTERS 
 191 2
 
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 1 
 
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 The following report is made (i) to the legislature of the State of 
 New York, (2) to the members and friends of the Prison Associa- 
 tion, and (3) to all others concerned about the treatment which 
 society accords the offender. 
 
 This report is larger than it has been for many years, because we 
 have embodied not only an account of the principal efforts of the 
 Association in 1911, but also the detailed report of our general 
 secretary on European prison conditions. He has given special 
 place in his report to European methods of dealing with vagrancy. 
 
 In this report are published also an address on the " Statistics of 
 Crime," read by Mr. Eugene Smith, president of the Prison Associa- 
 tion of N\\v York, before the American Prison Association in 1911, 
 and an article on "Witzwil, a Penal Colony," by Prof. Frank A. 
 Fetter of Princeton University, published in the Survey in 1911. 
 
 An index will be found at the end of this annual report. 
 
 Prison farms and farm colonies are being advocated and tried. 
 The relation of feeble-mindedness to crime is one of the most fre- 
 quent matters of discussion today among American criminologists 
 and psychiatrists. Prison labor is prominent on the program of 
 national and state conferences. The payment to prisoners and their 
 families of prisoners' wages and prisoners' earnings is urged in many 
 parts of our country. The abolition of the jail is demanded, or its 
 reorganization as a place of detention solely pending trial. 
 
 Such are some of the fundamental problems discussed in our 
 report. We ask of the legislature careful consideration of our re- 
 port; of our members and other friends their interest and their sup- 
 port; and of all those concerned with the treatment of the offender 
 an appreciation of the vital seriousness of crime and of the methods 
 of society in seeking to reduce lawlessness.
 
 "I cannot end this talk without emphasizing what I think 
 is at this moment by far the most pressing of the social tasks 
 in America, namely, the diminution of the distance between 
 the ignorant and the intelligent; the diminution of the 
 distance between the vicious and the just; and the diminu- 
 tion of the distance between the economically miserable and 
 the economically opulent. More urgent than any other problem 
 is the diminution of the distance between the vicious and the just. 
 The problem of crime has become far more urgent than the problem 
 of poverty, far more urgent than the problem of enlightenment. 
 I fail to see how arty careful and thoughtful observer of our 
 American life can be oblivious to the fact that for the last 
 fifteen or twenty years we, as a people, have been suffering 
 serious deterioration in the quality of private and of public 
 conduct. We cannot travel on the ordinary means of convey- 
 ance without being irritated by rowdyism and hoodlumism; life 
 and property are not, strictly speaking, safe in the United 
 States to-day. We have a most unhappy notoriety among the 
 nations of the world, as a nation which lets murder go un- 
 punished. In the north, as in the south, we burn negroes alive. 
 And these things should most certainly make us pause. We 
 must bestir ourselves to deal with the elimination of the rapidly 
 increasing factor of vice and crime in our life as we must bestir 
 ourselves to relieve misery and to diminish ignorance." 
 
 PROFESSOR FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS, 
 September 26, 1911.
 
 a 
 
 'i 
 
 -
 
 of (ontf nts 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface 3 
 
 Prison Association, officers 7 
 
 Prison Association, standing committees 8 
 
 Prison Association, staff 9 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION IN IQII 
 
 Chapter One. Introductory 12 
 
 Chapter Two. Parole, Probation and Relief 15 
 
 Chapter Three. Prison Farms and Farm Colonies 39 
 
 Chapter Four. The Treatment of the Feeble-minded Delin- 
 quent 47 
 
 Chapter Five. Prison Labor 52 
 
 Chapter Six. Legislation, Finances, etc 59 
 
 Chapter Seven. The Statistics of Crime, by Eugene Smith ... 63 
 
 EUROPEAN TRIP, SUMMER, IQII 
 
 Chapter Eight. Introductory 74 
 
 Chapter Nine. Problem of European Mendicancy and Va- 
 grancy 78 
 
 Chapter Ten. Merxplas, a Belgian Beggar Colony 86 
 
 Chapter Eleven. Holland and Veenhuizen 102 
 
 Chapter Twelve. German Compulsory Workhouses 1 12 
 
 Chapter Thirteen. Rummelsburg, a Berlin Workhouse 115 
 
 Chapter Fourteen. Brauwejler, a County or Provincial Work- 
 house 125 
 
 Chapter Fifteen. German Voluntary Labor Colonies 133 
 
 Chapter Sixteen. Witzwil, a Successful Penal Farm, by Prof. 
 
 Frank A. Fetter 141 
 
 Chapter Seventeen. Vagrancy in England 147 
 
 Chapter Eighteen. English Prisons 151 
 
 Chapter Nineteen. The Borstal System 168 
 
 Chapter Twenty. Tramp Problem in the United States, by 
 
 O. F. Lewis 1 79 
 
 Chapter Twenty-One. Treasurer's Report 188 
 
 Chapter Twenty-Two. Constitution and By-Laws 218
 
 a lir ilriiunt Aiuuinutimi df Xrui Murk. 
 (ftffirm fur 1912. 
 
 EUGENE SMITH. 
 
 fimiriiiiiy 9rrrrtarg. 
 
 SAMUEL M. JACKSON. 
 
 Irraaurrr. 
 J. SEELY WARD, 135 E. i5th St., N. Y. 
 
 (Srnrral t*rrrrtari|. 
 
 O. F. LEWIS. 
 
 Rt. Rev. DAVID H. GREER, EUGENE A. PHILBIN, 
 
 ROBERT W. DEFOREST, JL ACOB ^- SCHIFF, 
 
 FELIX ADLER, THOMAS MOTT OSBORNE. 
 
 Exrrtitinr dnntntttrr. 
 
 W. W. BATTERSHALL, THOMAS LE BOUTILLIER. 
 
 B. OGDEN CHISOLM, EDWARD B. MERRILL, 
 
 J. FENIMORE COOPER, FRANK D. PAVEY, 
 
 JOHN H. FINLEY, DEAN SAGE, 
 
 AUSTIN FLINT, M. D., DECATUR M. SAWYER, 
 
 CORNELIUS B. GOLD, GEORGE G. SHELTON, M. D., 
 
 WM. H. GRATWICK, GINO C. SPERANZA, 
 
 HENRY E. GREGORY, FRANK TUCKER, 
 
 ALEXANDER M. HADDEN, EVERT JANSEN WENDELL, 
 
 JOHN W. HUTCHINSON, MORNAY WILLIAMS, 
 
 GEORGE W. KIRCHWEY, JAMES WOOD.
 
 for 1912. 
 
 Haw (Eammittrr, 0prttnn 1. 
 
 }Jarnlr aith probation. 
 Messrs. WILLIAMS (Chairman), KIRCHWEY AND GREGORY. 
 
 Caw (Enmmtttrr, &*rtt0n 2. 
 
 Sfrm legislation. 
 Messrs. SAGE (Chairman), PAVEY AND SPERANZA. 
 
 on flrtHon 
 
 Messrs. SAWYER (Chairman), WOOD AND SHELTON. 
 
 an ltBrt|argrb 
 
 Messrs. HADDEN (Chairman), HUTCHINSON, JACKSON AND 
 LE BOUTILLIER. 
 
 on 
 Messrs. HADDEN (Chairman) AND WENDELL. 
 
 3Pwanrp Qlommitter. 
 Messrs. WARD (Chairman), CHISOLM AND TUCKER. 
 
 Ijnua? 
 
 Messrs. JACKSON (Chairman) AND WARD. 
 
 Ctbrarg 
 Messrs. JACKSON (Chairman) AND GREGORY. 
 
 8
 
 Cell Block Corridor, Portland Prison, England. Contrast This With Cell 
 Block Corridor, New York City Workhouse, opposite page 13
 
 'a &taff. 
 
 AbmiutHtrattnn. 
 
 O. F. LEWIS, General Secretary. 
 
 D. E. KIMBALL, General Agent. 
 
 Miss F. S. AUCHAMPAUGH, Private Secretary. 
 
 R. S. MORISON, Cashier. 
 Miss JULIA MALSHEIMER, Clerk. 
 Miss BEATRICE STECKER, Clerk. 
 Miss BESSIE RATNER, Clerk. 
 Miss ANNA F. PETRY, Clerk. 
 Miss ALICE SCHMIDT, Messenger. 
 GEORGE CORSER, Messenger. 
 
 JJarulr Surraii. 
 
 H. B. RODGERS, Chief Parole Agent. 
 
 A. G. BENEDICT, Parole Agent. 
 
 SAMUEL ORNITZ, Parole Agent. 
 
 FRANK CHEDSEY, Parole Agent. 
 Miss HELEN H. LEVY, Stenographer. 
 
 probation Surrau. 
 
 D. E. KIMBALL, Chief Probation Officer. 
 
 EDWARD Hi KM AN, Investigator. 
 Miss MINERVA ROSENTHAL, Stenographer. 
 
 fflr&iral Stirrau. 
 
 Dr. GEORGE M. PARKER, Psychiatrist. 
 9
 
 STATE OF NEW YORK 
 
 No. 29. 
 
 IN SENATE 
 
 MARCH 25, 1912 
 
 ?ixti!-iuwntli Annual tRrpnrt 
 
 of tljr 
 
 Aaanriatum of Sfaro fork. 
 
 HON. THOMAS F. CONWAY, Lieutenant-Governor of New York: 
 
 SIR. In accordance with chapter 163 of the Laws of 1846, we 
 have the honor to present the sixty-seventh annual report of the 
 Prison Association of New York, and to request that you will lay 
 the same before the Legislature. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION 
 OF NEW YORK, 
 
 by EUGENE SMITH, 
 
 President. 
 
 O. F. LEWIS, 
 
 General Secretary.
 
 rt00n AHfiortaium 1911 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 A year of gratifying progress made possible by a very generous 
 gift of $27,500 from Mr. Smith Ely to our endowment fund; 
 a response, totalling an equal amount, from hundreds of our 
 friends; the loyalty and activity of a small but efficient staff, and the 
 broad constructive policy of a board of managers: such can be the 
 report of the president and the general secretary of the Prison 
 Association at the close of 1911. 
 
 This Association is in what one of the board has called a "ten 
 year period of reorganization and extension, "called for byits ambition 
 to really be what it was chartered to be, not a local but a state organi- 
 zation, obligated so far as its resources allow to 
 A Period develop its beneficent work throughout the entire 
 of state. The society has always conceived its purpose 
 
 Extension. thus, but never before perhaps as in the present 
 decade, 1910-1919, has it so consciously bent its 
 energies to laying a financial foundation for state-wide usefulness. 
 A budget of $15,000 admits of relatively little systematic activity, 
 compared with the need, even in New York city. A budget of 
 $27,000, which is ourbudgetfor 1912, admits of a fairly wide range of 
 activity in New York city, and attention to imperative needs "up- 
 state." A budget of $50,000 can make the Prison Association an 
 active, persistent agent for progress throughout the state. 
 
 As -our estimated budget in 1911 was only $26,000 it was 
 necessary to limit carefully our field. We conceived at the end of 
 1910 our three principal lines of activity for 1911 to be: a careful 
 study of the correctional institutions of New York city, the systematic 
 visitation and inspection of the correctional institutions of the state, 
 and the development of research and educational work within the 
 state. We had, by December, 1910, reorganized our parole and 
 probation bureaus upon a basis largely of self-regulating efficiency. 
 The "next needs" were the study of state and city institutions. 
 
 But we were compelled to alter our program, to the general 
 advantage of the state, the city and the Association. The survey 
 we had contemplated on a necessarily small basis, hampered by 
 scanty funds, has been in part conducted by the state through efficient 
 special commissioners, so far as relates to the state prisons. Co- 
 incidentally the state commission on prisons has pursued a vigorous 
 campaign of inspection, amounting often to rigorous overhauling 
 of county penitentiaries, county jails and local station houses and 
 lockups, and publishing monthly reports in the news columns of the 
 daily press.
 
 COOPERATION. 13 
 
 In the city of New York the Association has pursued its purpose 
 of studying the city's correctional institutions, meeting with trie most 
 cordial cooperation from the commissioner of cor- 
 New rections, and we have been able to act frequently 
 
 Institutions. in an advisory capacity in relation to the reor- 
 ganization of the city reformatory for misdemean- 
 ants at Hart's Island, as well as in connection with the problems of 
 congestion in the city prison, the "Tombs," and of the development 
 of greater attention to the care of defective delinquents. The general 
 secretary's visit in the summer of 1911 to several European 
 correctional institutions gave occasion to several widely-quoted inter- 
 views comparing deplorable prison conditions in New York city 
 with conditions in similar English and continental institutions; and 
 this "publicity campaign" has been a factor in leading probably 
 to the most complete investigation of the treatment of the offender in 
 New York city that has ever been undertaken in this city an 
 investigation of which at the moment of writing, the plan and scope 
 are about to be announced, and in which the Association will 
 cooperate. 
 
 The board of inebriety, appointed by Mayor Gaynor in the summer 
 of 1911, has also sought the cooperation of the Association in the 
 development of plans for a reception hospital and a farm colony. 
 The board has adopted the general plan and lay-out for a farm 
 colony suggested by the Association^ and with gratifying broadness 
 of vision has sought from a number of reputable firms of architects 
 tentative estimates of plans and cost, instead of following a too fre- 
 quent custom -in New York city of employing an architect without 
 any form of initial competition. 
 
 A state institution that will be of great service to New York city 
 is the proposed state industrial farm colony for habitual tramps and 
 vagrants. Not only has the Prison Association for a number of years 
 urged the establishment of such a colony, but the Association directed 
 its general secretary, even before the bill had passed the Legislature 
 in 1911, to visit in the summer of 1911 some of the leading labor 
 colonies abroad, in order that facts as to European methods and 
 experience might be at the service of the farm colony board 
 in the event of the passage of the bill. The governor of the state 
 appointed the general secretary of the association to membership on 
 the state industrial farm colony board, and the board has elected 
 him its secretary. 
 
 It is thus evident to our members and other friends of the Asso- 
 ciation what the general policy of the society has been during 1911. 
 We have cooperated wherever possible with all 
 Cooperation. movements for the betterment of the treatment of 
 the delinquent. One of the most gratifying 
 results of such cooperation was a conference held in New York city 
 on December 22, called by the Prison Association, to frame a legis- 
 lative program of correctional needs in 1912. This conference was 
 attended by representatives of the state board of charities, the state
 
 14 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 commission on prisons, the state probation commission, the state 
 conference of charities and corrections, the state charities aid asso- 
 ciation, the state fiscal supervisor of state charities, the prison asso- 
 ciation of New York, and the national committee on prison labor. 
 Resolutions, unanimously adopted, urged the establishment of a state 
 reformatory for misdemeanants between the ages of sixteen and 
 twenty-one, a state custodial asylum for feeble-minded delinquents, 
 the placing under state control and operation of the county peni- 
 tentiaries, the increase to a maximum capacity of facilities at the 
 state training school for girls at Hudson, the erection of a similar 
 institution for girls in the western part of the state, and an issue of 
 long-term bonds (in case current income shall prove inadequate) 
 for the completion of existing state charitable and correctional in- 
 stitutions and for the establishment of sorely needed institutions of 
 this nature. The conference also recommended the enlargement of 
 the state probation commission to a state probation and parole com- 
 mission, with powers of supervision over the activity of parole officers 
 similar to the supervisory powers over probation officers now vested 
 by law in the commission. 
 
 We mention this conference, because it is typical of the policy of 
 the Association. We do not conceive our function to be primarily 
 that of a prober or investigator or graft-hunter in institutions or boards, 
 state or municipal. We do believe it is our function to urge and 
 stimulate the proper public bodies to conduct official investigations 
 not only whenever it becomes apparent that investigation is needed, 
 but also periodically, for the "general good of the service." The 
 special investigators appointed by Governor Dix, aided by the office 
 of the state comptroller, conducted a very fruitful investigation of 
 the state prisons lasting nearly a year and entailing an expense of 
 many thousands of dollars, an almost prohibitive sum for a private 
 society to raise or expend, even if it had the power. 
 
 Similarly we have within a few weeks prior to the writing of this 
 report urged upon the proper city authorities that a survey be made 
 of the treatment of the offender in New York city. We believe that 
 cities and states should possess "efficiency bureaus" similar to that 
 now developing in New York city. We believe that the state depart- 
 ments should from time to time be thoroughly analyzed by expert 
 accountants and efficiency specialists either from the state comp- 
 troller's office or functioning as a bureau of the executive chamber. 
 
 We conceive therefore our functions to be primarily those of assist- 
 ance to prisoners, released prisoners and prisoners' families; inspection 
 of institutions; consultation in expert capacity with organizations and 
 boards; cooperation with all bodies aiming to reduce crime and im- 
 prove the treatment of the offender; to further good legislation and 
 to oppose bad or unsuitable legislation, and to conduct a dignified 
 and persistent campaign for the development of sane public opinion 
 regarding the problems of penology and criminology. Ever in our 
 minds, as a society, are the rights of the prisoner and the rights of 
 society, and their attainment.
 
 PAROLE, PROBATION AND RELIEF. 
 
 t 
 
 THE oldest, most wide-spread and most conspicuous feature of 
 the Association's work is the assistance rendered prisoners and 
 their families. In our act of incorporation, May 9, 1846, 
 the first object of the society is stated to be "the amelioration of the 
 condition of prisoners, whether detained for trial. 
 The Relief or finally convicted or as witnesses." Another 
 of Prisoners object of the Association was (and still is) "the 
 and Their support and encouragement of reformed convicts 
 Families. after their discharge, by affording them the means 
 of obtaining an honest livelihood, and sustaining 
 them in their efforts at reform." 
 
 This work for prisoners in prison or on parole has been maintained 
 on a more comprehensive and systematic plan than ever before. As 
 parole agents for Elmira and Napanoch reformatories we had 
 supervision on January I, 1911, of 442 young men. During the year 
 we received in charge 623 more young men from Elmira and' Napa- 
 noch. The most casual reader will understand the importance to 
 society of an Association that aims to guide with sympathy but with 
 strictness 1065 young men just out of prison through a parole period 
 of from six months to one year. 
 
 What are the results ? Look at the table on page 25. We have 
 there put down month by month, for seven years, the number of 
 young men coming to us each month from Elmira reformatory, and 
 the number of paroled men to whom absolute release (that is, honor- 
 able discharge) could be granted by us. Taking a span of seven 
 years for a large cross-section test, we have found that sixty-eight 
 per cent of Elmira reformatory paroled men have "made good" for 
 their paroled period. And we further believe that if our staff of parole 
 agents could be doubled, we could raise the 68 per cent to 75 percent 
 or more. 
 
 Is that not worth while ? We do not and cannot say that none of 
 these 68 per cent of paroled men later revert to crime. But we do say 
 that a systematic parole system is indeed splendidly justified when it 
 carries seven out of every ten men through the most crucial after- 
 prison period. 
 
 Since April, 1910, we have been extending our parole work to the 
 state prisons. At the beginning of 1911 we had on parole 55 men, 
 largely those assigned by the state prison parole board to us as "next 
 friend." Homeless, without employment or friend, they came to us. 
 During ion we received 118 more state prison men. There have 
 been sent oack to state prison, as delinquents, only eleven men in nearly 
 two years. Warrants have been issued for only eight more.
 
 16 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 What does this mean ? It means that cooperation between the 
 state prison parole board and the parole bureau of the Association 
 has resulted, in brief, in the following way. 
 
 Men paroled to Association 
 
 From State prisons, April iQio-December 1911 184 
 
 Men released 39 
 
 Men returned to prison 13 
 
 52 
 
 Men on parole from State prisons, December 31, 1911. 
 
 132 
 
 In other words, of 184 men under our supervision, only seven per 
 cent have been returned to prison and in only eight other cases, or 
 five per cent, have warrants been issued. In- 
 Parole deed, our relations with the state prison men on 
 
 Results. parole have been unexpectedly encouraging in 
 
 results, and we strongly urge the state parole 
 board to develop as systematically and as extensively as possible its 
 parole work throughout the state. More than ever a.re we of the 
 opinion that if New York state once has a comprehensive and well 
 "checked up" parole system, the resulting saving in cost of crime 
 and in the prevention of poverty and misery and even in institu- 
 tional care will be enormous. 
 
 Parole work in general in New York state is well conducted by 
 certain institutions, but is in a condition approaching chaos 
 where parole is left practically without supervision. The state 
 should face the parole problem frankly and boldly. 
 
 Our parole bureau has increased the number of its visits and 
 investigations about thirty-three per cent in 1911; it has given more 
 meals, but decreased the number of lodgings given, by a larger 
 utilization of the excellent lodging facilities of the municipal lodging 
 house. We have been stricter with the "rounder" who makes 
 capital of his prison sentences even as the professional beggar does 
 of his wounds, but on the other hand our cash relief disbursed for 
 released prsioners and their families has increased from $2277 to 
 $3555> or 56 per cent. We have consistently cut down during the 
 year the tendency to give garments and shoes without good knowledge 
 of the need. On the other hand, we have during the year helped 
 with advice or actual material relief a considerably larger number of 
 men. 
 
 Our statistics show also that the Association has been used much 
 more frequently by ex-prisoners not on parole, but claiming to be 
 in need. Part of this apparent increase may be due to a much more 
 careful system of records installed in 1911. There is no doubt, 
 however, that the Association is becoming much more "popular" 
 with the men released from New York prisons, because of its willing 
 and definite help, although its reputation for being "wise," in the par- 
 lance of the prisoners, prevents it from being regarded as "easy" or
 
 When the discharged prisoner returns 
 Shall he meet 
 
 THIS 
 
 OR
 
 A Cell, New York Penitentiary 
 [Compare this cell with English prison cell opposite page 31]
 
 PAROLE, PROBATION AND RELIEF. 17 
 
 "soft." This annual report could be filled with descriptions of the 
 daily work of the bureau. Characteristic of hundreds of letters is a 
 series of six letters herewith printed. They certainly speak for them- 
 selves. 
 
 NUMBER i. 
 THE CRY OF A CHILD. 
 
 (This is a letter from a girl of eleven, whose mother was in the hospital 
 and whose father was "away.") 
 
 BROOKLYN, N. Y., October 30, 1910. 
 
 The Prison Association. 
 
 Gentlemen: 
 
 as my mother is in the City of Lying Hospital 
 
 [the child meant the lying-in hospital] I write to let you know that I 
 arn at my Grandmothers, with my little brother. The landlawd of 
 the house where we live told me today that if my mother don't pay 
 rent before thursday he will put the furniture out in the street, and as 
 my mother is in the hospital, and you know where my father is, I beg 
 of you will you kindly ask the landloud not to throu our furniture out, 
 until my mother comes out of the hospital, and will you also Please 
 try and do something to get my father home. I will be thankful to 
 you the rest of my life, I am only II years old and you can't imagine 
 how it feels to be with a father taken away from you, and a mother in 
 hospital. I, and my little brothers are so lonesome for Papa, please 
 do try and do something for my poor mother and myself. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 II years old, at my Grandmothers, Mrs 
 
 NUMBER 2. 
 FROM PRISON CELL. 
 
 (From a prisoner at Clinton State Prison, New York, to the chief parole 
 agent of the Prison Association). 
 
 October 23, '1910. 
 My dear Sir: 
 
 I am at a loss to know why the Parole Board did not parole me out 
 in your charge it can't be on account of behavior for my record is good 
 as far as prison records go and my time is short. I have only 7 months 
 and a few days to serve out of my full time. 
 
 I am mechanic enough to earn a living anywhere. I was reading 
 sometime ago about what you arc doing for the men leaving prison 
 no one I have ever heard off or read about has taken the practical method 
 which you are taking and I hope they who you are doing it for will 
 appreciate it some. I am sure will if they only have courage in them- 
 selves and trust in God. 
 
 Well I will come and see you if God spares me in June 6 I wont be 
 able to get a job in my trade then for the season will be over for tailor-
 
 1 8 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 ing till the coming fall its at its best now and here I am it m akes me 
 feal good to hear of your success and you deserve it if some of them 
 should not live up to your experections dont get discouraged and God 
 Bless you. 
 
 From yours sincerely 
 
 P. S. Mind you are thought well off among the men here it gives 
 them some encouragement for the future. 
 
 NUMBER 3. 
 A LETTER OF HOPE. 
 
 (This letter is sent by the chief parole agent of the Association to all 
 prisoners in state prisons who ask the Association to help them on their 
 release. In one week in January, IQII, the Association received sixty 
 letters from men in New York state prisons). 
 Dear : 
 
 Your letter of recent date asking me to get you a position is received. 
 I am glad to hear of your good record while in prison and will do any- 
 thing possible to help you. Of course you must know how impossible 
 it is for me to go to a stranger and ask for a position for another stranger 
 of whom I know as little as I do of you. 
 
 Under the circumstances all I can do .is to offer the parole board 
 to take you on parole and then to help you find a position. If you are 
 paroled to the Prison Association I do hope you will be guided by our 
 advice and that you will faithfully observe the rules of your parole. 
 I am sure if you mean all you say in your letter to me that you will 
 succeed, but I want to warn you that the struggle will be hard and the 
 difficulties numerous and that you will need all the patience and forti- 
 tude God can bless you with to make a successful fight. I want you 
 to come to me at all times when things seem to be getting the best of 
 you and let me know what the problem is. 
 
 Trusting to see you soon a free man among the many others who are 
 demonstrating by their conduct the value of our parole system, I am, 
 
 Sincerely your friend, 
 
 H. B. RODGERS. 
 
 NUMBER 4. 
 "IN THE DEPTHS." 
 
 (A letter from a man in the depths of despair, whom we have been able 
 to help materially since). 
 
 NEW YORK, November 6th, 1910. 
 Dear Friend: 
 
 Did not call on you yesterday, Saturday, to have you renew my tickets 
 for meals and bed for the reason that I was doing some work for Mrs. 
 A. at her home and she paid me enough to permit me to secure lodgings
 
 
 
 >H 
 
 5 
 4) 
 X 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 E 
 
 fl
 
 PAROLE, PROBATION AND RELIEF. 19 
 
 and meals for Sat. and today. I try to make the few cents I am able 
 to earn in this way go as far as possible, for I feel that you have a great 
 many more besides myself whom you help and it all amounts to quite 
 a sum as a whole. I do not know what on earth I should have done 
 without your help. I simplv would have starved, because 1 could not 
 have gone crooked again, not because of the punishment, but somehow I 
 am of the mind that this is a fight between myself and some force 
 unknown to me, and being a fight I don't like to show a yellow streak, 
 but am either going to win or drop fighting. 
 
 In the end 1 will win, I know. I am making some friends every day, 
 and tho they are in no position to help me yet, are interested enough 
 
 should the chance be given them to do all they could for me 
 
 I feel quite ashamed to come to you all the time, but I know of no one 
 to whom I could apply. It can't be long now before I must land some- 
 thing. Surely a man that tries as hard as I and persists must land 
 
 something in the end, but it seems a long time coming 
 
 Respectfully yours, 
 
 NUMBER 5.' 
 A PLACE AT LAST. 
 
 (A letter regarding a man -who made a grave mistake, but whose life 
 has not been ruined, and who is now doing excellently). 
 
 NEW YORK, August ijth, 1910. 
 
 The Prison Association, 
 
 Gentlemen: 
 
 I wish to say that I have employed Mr. X. whom you sent me. From 
 a cursory personal observation I think he possesses qualities which 
 would make him a very successful broker. I have placed him in entire 
 charge of our private house department and it now remains for him to 
 make good. I have every reason to believe that he will and I trust 
 that the day will shortly come when I shall be indebted to you for draw- 
 ing my attention to him. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 NUMBER 6. 
 "MAKING GOOD." 
 
 (From a man, a released prisoner, who has "made good"). 
 
 BROOKLYN, N. Y., Jan. 24. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I am pleased to state that I obtained a position with the X. and Y. 
 Co. in Brooklyn. On starting I was placed in charge of a mixing
 
 2O THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 machine; today I received a promotion, viz: to that of stock clerk. 
 I can assure you, Sir, I left Prison in both a cynical and a pessimistic 
 mood; in the first place (though guilty) at the inequalities of justice; 
 in the second at my future outlook. But now all is changed. I have 
 a decent position, with a certain amount of responsibility. I am trusted 
 and I feel a man, and can look the whole world in the face once more. 
 
 Thanks to you and Mr. M., whom a greater Samaritan I have never 
 met nor did I believe existed. 
 
 In reiterating my thanks believe me, I remain, 
 Yours most sincerely, 
 
 The parole work of the Prison Association is its most important 
 
 single function in the line of relief work. More released prisoners 
 
 are on parole to the Prison Association than 
 
 What probably to any other one organization in the 
 
 Parole Is. United States. The parole work for Elmira and 
 
 Napanoch reformatories has been conducted by 
 
 the Association for years. In April, 1910, parole work for the state 
 
 prisons of New York was undertaken. The parole period of a 
 
 prisoner's life is in our opinion fully as critical as his period of 
 
 imprisonment. 
 
 Parole means a period of supervision of a prisoner subsequent to 
 his imprisonment, and prior to his absolute release from any obli- 
 gation to the state entailed upon him by his sentence. In other 
 words, a prisoner may, according to the operation of the indeterminate 
 sentence, be committed to an institution for a certain maximum 
 period, or to a period between a minimum and a maximum term, or 
 to a period without expressed limits, but which period shall not be 
 greater than the maximum period of the sentence if imposed. 
 
 In practice, the released prisoners from Elmira and Napanoch 
 reformatories are under the supervision of the Prison Association 
 for six months. Before they may be released on parole, prisoners 
 must secure offers of work from responsible employers. These offers 
 of work are investigated in New York city by the Prison Association. 
 Here the Association meets its first difficulty in the case of paroled 
 men. 
 
 Employers agree to receive a paroled man in employment. The 
 Association often has no actual ground to declare the offer of employ- 
 ment unsatisfactory, yet far too often the employer 
 Difficulties. will release or discharge the paroled man within 
 a brief time after the latter has reported for work. 
 This may be through indifference, through the sudden cessation of 
 need of the paroled man's services, or it may be because in narrow- 
 ness of vision but largeness of heart the employer has wished to "give 
 a show" to the man by getting him out of prison. There does not 
 seem to be any legal way in which such employers may be repri- 
 manded or punished, even in cases where the act was seemingly 
 only for the purpose of obtaining the paroled inmate's release from
 
 THE TREATMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 21 
 
 prison. In such cases it would be possible for the Prison Association 
 to return the paroled inmate to the reformatory, a process, however, 
 obviously hard if not unjust upon the paroled man. In practice, 
 the Association endeavors to find another position for the man. While 
 the new position often proves better than the old, the sudden trans- 
 ition so soon after the paroled man's entrance into life again reacts 
 badly upon the individual. 
 
 The lour parole agents of the Prison Association have in charge 
 at any one time a total average of about 600 men. Instead of four 
 parole officers there should be for the best interests of the men at 
 least double that number of officers. Our officers are civilians in 
 plain clothes, and pursue their work in a large-hearted, sympathetic 
 way. So far as possible, each paroled man is visited once a month 
 at his work and at his residence. 
 
 In the treatment of delinquents, the Association meets a second 
 difficulty. 
 
 In the early part of 1911, the Association lost the services of Ser- 
 geant Grant Williams through the withdrawal of this efficient police 
 officer by the police commissioner from his detail with the Prison 
 Association. For a number of years Mr. Williams had acted as the 
 special officer to investigate paroled men who had become delin- 
 quent; that is, those who had failed to report to us at the proper 
 time, or who had committed new crimes, or against whom charges 
 of improper conduct had been brought. The Association's policy 
 has been with increasing emphasis that of patience and sympathy 
 for the paroled man. It often became evident, when a paroled man 
 was apprehended by Mr. Williams and brought to the Association, 
 and had a chance to tell his side of the story, that although he was 
 technically delinquent, he was in fact making good progress toward 
 rehabilitation as an honest and self-respecting member of society. 
 
 Then came the withdrawal of Mr. Williams by Police Commissioner 
 
 Cropsey on the ground that the police force was inadequate to meet 
 
 its most important duties of patrol work. In vain 
 
 The the Association pointed out to Commissioner 
 
 Treatment of Cropsey that from an economic standpoint the 
 
 Delinquents. Association's police activities were of more value 
 
 in all probability to the city than would be the 
 
 addition of one or more policemen upon the streets. The Association 
 
 cherished no doubt that in the course of a year many men, who might 
 
 become delinquent, were restrained from so doing and that many 
 
 men were distinctly encouraged to continue through their parole 
 
 period without reversion to crime. 
 
 Since the withdrawal of Sergeant Williams all warrants for arrest 
 of delinquents have been lodged with the police department. These 
 warrants are served by policemen more or less incidentally in the 
 course of their duties. Delinquents are now never brought to the 
 offices of the Association for examination prior to their confinement 
 in the Tombs, but are taken directly to a city prison, and if their cases 
 are investigated, it must be under the disadvantageous circumstances
 
 22 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 of an arrest frequently made at a paroled man's home or place of 
 work. In short, the procedure is highly unsatisfactory and the effici- 
 ency of the Association as a parole agent for the reformatories has 
 in this respect decidedly decreased. 
 
 The average parole period of the men from Elmira and Napanoch 
 reformatories is six months. This presents a third difficulty in 
 administration. There is no law providing that attheend of sixmonths 
 a paroled man shall receive his absolute release. Under the former 
 superintendent of Elmira reformatory that time limit was felt in the 
 case of paroled inmates in general to be sufficient to test the man's 
 ability to maintain himself properly and with safety to society. This 
 is not the view of the Association. In some states the man's period 
 on parole extends even to the limit of the maximum sentence for the 
 crime for which he has been committed. In the state of New York, 
 the Association feels that the period of parole of an inmate of the 
 reformatory be at least six months, with a careful survey of the man's 
 record at the end of the fifth month and a recommendation by the 
 Association to the board of managers of the reformatories as to the 
 continuance of the man's parole. In general, the Association 
 believes that the parole period should be extended beyond six months, 
 and that during the second period of six months the man should 
 report generally once in two months to the Association. At the end 
 of a year's parole a final decision should be made as to the contin- 
 uance of the parole period. It is the Association's belief that such 
 a plan would work little or no injustice to the men, but would on 
 the contrary be a means of mild but effective restraint upon a number 
 of men who, as experience shows, hardly survive their period of parole 
 before committing another crime. 
 
 The fourth difficulty is the present inability of the Prison Associa- 
 tion to obtain sufficient funds to put the parole work of the reform- 
 atories as conducted by the Prison Association upon its most effective 
 basis. A year ago it was stated Ln our annual report that according 
 to a recent decision of the salary classification commission at Albany, 
 the parole work in New York city for the reformatories at Elmira 
 and Napanoch might shortly be conducted by the board of reforma- 
 tory managers directly and not by the Prison Association in New 
 York city. The Prison Association still continues to act as parole 
 agent, and we are informed that the plan outlined a year ago by 
 the salary classification commission has not proved acceptable or 
 feasible to the board of reformatory managers. This Association 
 believes that ultimately the parole work of the correctional institu- 
 tions of the state should be administered by the institutions them- 
 selves. We believe that as soon as possible the parole system for 
 Elmira and Napanoch reformatories not only should be strengthened 
 where it is now fairly well administered, but that throughout the 
 state the system should be put upon an effective basis. This requires 
 the annual expenditure of a considerable sum, probably $30,000 
 or more. The Prison Association, having devoted itself for several 
 years particularly to the development of an effective system, would
 
 f 
 
 c 
 Z 
 
 o
 
 THE TREATMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 23 
 
 gladly extend its system not only in New York city, but throughout 
 other parts of the state, aiming to bring it to an eventual degree of 
 effectiveness which, when transferred to the state, will render its 
 administration successful. The question is simply whether the state 
 should develop its parole system for the reformatories through the 
 board of reformatory managers or whether an organization like the 
 Prison Association should be sufficiently financed so that it may 
 enlarge its present system, with the idea ultimately of transferring it 
 to the state. 
 
 The following tables, with annotations, show the volume and nature 
 of the parole work as administered by the Prison Association of 
 NY\v York during 1911. In this connection we desire to emphasize 
 the parole work which we have gladly undertaken for the state prisons. 
 Monthly during 1911, the chief parole agent has been present at the 
 meetings of the board of parole at Sing Sing prison. The results 
 of this work are shown in separate tables below. 
 
 (Cnmjmratiur 
 
 Parole and Relief, 1911 and 1910. 
 
 
 1911 
 
 IQIO 
 
 Increase 
 or 
 decrease 
 in 1911 
 
 Number of investigations 
 
 4. 27O 
 
 i>, 165 
 
 Percent 
 +35 
 
 Employment found: 
 temporary 
 
 60 
 
 \ 
 
 
 permanent 
 
 81 
 
 | 362 
 
 6l 
 
 Meals given 
 
 4.4.72 
 
 1,478 
 
 +28 
 
 Lodgings given . . 
 
 Q27 
 
 I.Q68 
 
 112 
 
 Garments given 
 
 2OQ 
 
 1.14, 
 
 39 
 
 Shoes given (pairs) 
 
 25 
 
 IOI 
 
 75 
 
 Persons aided 
 
 I .407 
 
 801 
 
 4-75 
 
 Total relief given ."* 
 
 ft"/ 
 9T>. 555 
 
 WJ 
 
 to. 277 
 
 + 56 
 
 Cash refunded . . 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Calls from men, not on parole, from: 
 Elmira 
 
 251 
 
 00 
 
 + 181 
 
 Napanoch 
 
 4.O 
 
 
 + ^44 
 
 Sing Sing ... . 
 
 AD\ 
 
 no 
 
 + 188 
 
 Auburn 
 
 124 
 
 u 
 
 +3OO 
 
 Clinton 
 
 8l 
 
 AQ 
 
 +65 
 
 Great Meadow 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Blackwell's Island: 
 Penitentiary 
 
 2O I 
 
 226 
 
 +29 
 
 Workhouse 
 
 I \ 
 
 70 
 
 +90 
 
 Other prisons 
 
 508 
 
 174 
 
 + 190 
 
 Criminal courts 
 
 57 
 
 27 
 
 -fill 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1.895 
 
 Ml, 
 
 + 132
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
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 In charge, beginning of year 
 New cases during year 
 Absolutely released 
 In charge, end of year 
 Returned to prison, during 
 year 
 Warrants for arrest issued..
 
 THE TREATMENT OF DELINQUENTS 
 
 TABLK SHOWING MEN RECEIVED ON PAROLE FROM EI.MIRA REFORMATORY, AND MEN 
 RECEIVING ABSOLUTE RELEASES ON CONCLUSION or PAROLE PERIOD, 
 JANUARY 1906 DECEMBER 1911. 
 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Feb. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 Apr. 
 
 May 
 
 June 
 
 July 
 
 Aug. 
 
 Sept. 
 
 Oct. 
 
 Nov. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Total 
 
 1906 
 Paroled 
 
 S3 
 
 43 
 
 56 
 
 59 
 
 64 
 
 79 
 
 68 
 
 60 
 
 43 
 
 48 
 
 59 
 
 65 
 
 095 
 
 Absolutely re- 
 iHMd 
 
 39 
 
 16 
 
 36 
 
 4* 
 
 20 
 
 31 
 
 33 
 
 36 
 
 35 
 
 54 
 
 39 
 
 60 
 
 441 
 
 1907 
 Paroled 
 
 51 
 
 57 
 
 64 
 
 55 
 
 64 
 
 63 
 
 45 
 
 37 
 
 48 
 
 39 
 
 36 
 
 60 
 
 619 
 
 Absolutely re- 
 leased 
 
 00 
 
 47 
 
 41 
 
 33 
 
 37 
 
 37 
 
 43 
 
 43 
 
 43 
 
 45 
 
 33 
 
 45 
 
 494 
 
 1908 
 Paroled 
 
 41 
 
 19 
 
 51 
 
 43 
 
 48 
 
 66 
 
 6? 
 
 36 
 
 40 
 
 33 
 
 41 
 
 70 
 
 554 
 
 Absolutely re- 
 leased 
 
 1909 
 Paroled 
 
 32 
 
 4 
 
 37 
 55 
 
 3i 
 71 
 
 35 
 49 
 
 IS 
 70 
 
 26 
 So 
 
 39 
 40 
 
 aS 
 50 
 
 13 
 65 
 
 30 
 36 
 
 33 
 ?O 
 
 35 
 86 
 
 327 
 
 713 
 
 Absolutely re- 
 leased 
 
 1910 
 Paroled 
 
 43 
 
 38 
 
 18 
 67 
 
 23 
 
 85 
 
 3i 
 40 
 
 ao 
 3a 
 
 33 
 
 57 
 
 45 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 37 
 
 35 
 43 
 
 39 
 17 
 
 45 
 
 39 
 
 34 
 34 
 
 375 
 513 
 
 Absolutely re- 
 leased 
 
 191 1 
 Paroled 
 Absolutely re- 
 leased 
 
 Si 
 
 40 
 46 
 
 96 
 
 37 
 3* 
 
 30 
 
 44 
 19 
 
 43 
 
 37 
 36 
 
 ai 
 
 37 
 33 
 
 58 
 
 47 
 IS 
 
 59 
 
 37 
 44 
 
 13 
 
 29 
 
 27 
 
 SI 
 
 39 
 
 37 
 
 40 
 
 31 
 45 
 
 41 
 4* 
 
 3O 
 
 30 
 
 57 
 
 33 
 
 462 
 
 477 
 345 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total persons received on parole from Elmtra, 1906-191 1 3 , 570 
 
 Total persons absolutely released. 1906-191 1 3,444 
 
 Proportion of absolute release* to arrivals. 68.5%.
 
 26 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
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 PROBATION OFFICERS AND CIVIL SERVICE. 27 
 
 The difficulties which we have mentioned in connection with the 
 parole work of Elmira and Napanoch reformatories are found in 
 large measure also in connection with our state prison parole work. 
 We need more parole officers and we need to visit the places of employ- 
 ment and the residences of the men more frequently. 
 
 The past year has seen the probation systegi become more firmly 
 rooted than ever as a vital and permanent part of our machinery for 
 dealing with delinquents. For the first time the 
 Probation. number of persons placed on probation in New 
 York state during a single year exceeded the 
 10,000 mark. Over 2,500 of those placed on probation during 1911 
 were under sixteen years of age. Better, however, than the increase 
 in numbers, are the improvements in the organization and opera- 
 tions of the system. The periods of probation are lengthening; the 
 oversight of those on probation is closer and more intelligent; more 
 helpful and constructive work is done by probation officers; and there 
 is more cooperation among the probation officers in different juris- 
 dictions. These results have been due in large measure to the state 
 conferences of probation officers, and other efforts of the state pro- 
 bation commission. One special improvement during the past year 
 has been the publication by the state commission of an accounting 
 system for probation officers to use in keeping account of moneys 
 collected from probationers in the forms of family-support, restitu- 
 tion and instalment fines. The amount of money received by pro- 
 bation officers in these forms more than doubled during 1911, and 
 reached a total of nearly $100,000. 
 
 Our last annual report stated that the New York city inferior 
 courts act of 1910 had resulted not only in the withdrawal during 
 the summer of that year of twenty-seven police- 
 Probation men serving as probation officers in the court of 
 Officers special sessions and the boards of magistrates, 
 
 and but also in considerable temporary confusion in 
 
 Civil Service, the probation work of these courts on account of 
 the delay in holding a civil service examination 
 for probation officer. The examination which was announced in 
 July, 1910, was not completed until March, 1911. The municipal 
 civil service commission was assisted in conducting the examination 
 by a number of persons familiar with probation work, including the 
 secretary of this Association. The eligible list finally promulgated 
 was exceedingly satisfactory. Pending the completion of this exam- 
 ination the justices and magistrates made temporary appointments, 
 many of which, were not very satisfactory. It was to be 
 hoped that upon the publication of the eligible list permanent 
 appointments could be made from it forthwith; but no sooner 
 were the names of the successful candidates announced than Supreme 
 Court Justice Crane handed down a writ of mandamus declaring that 
 the positions were "confidential" and should be in the exempt class. 
 This contention was later sustained by the appellate division of the 
 second department and was carried from there on appeal to the
 
 28 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 court of appeals. The final decision by the court of appeals was not 
 rendered until January, 1912. This tribunal, we are glad to .say, 
 upheld the practicability of competitive examinations. As a result 
 of this litigation nearly thirty probation officers appointed during 
 the past year without regard to the eligible list are to be removed 
 from office, and their successors, as well as eighteen additional 
 officers to be named in the children's courts, are to chosen from the 
 eligible list. 
 
 The importance of this decision of the court of appeals can hardly 
 be over-estimated. Experience has amply demonstrated that exam- 
 inations, conducted with the assistance of those acquainted with 
 probation work and held in part orally, afford a practical means of 
 testing the experience and personal fitness of the candidates. With- 
 out the safeguard of such examinations the appointments are likely 
 to be influenced by partisan considerations. 
 
 In this connection attention can not be called too often to the fact 
 that the success of probation depends on the personality of the pro- 
 bation officer. The reformation of delinquents can never be secured 
 by any system operating simply as a system, but only through the 
 reformatory influences emanating from interested and inspiring 
 individuals. The forces that change our habits and character are 
 largely psychological and social. A probation officer should not be 
 a spy or disciplinarian, but a big brother or big sister. Judges, the 
 fiscal authorities of cities, and boards of supervisors should bear in 
 mind that probation officers of the requisite character, interest and 
 ability can not be secured unless adequate salaries are paid. 
 
 It is gratifying to report that during the past year the probation 
 system has made special progress in rural communities. The county 
 probation officer law provides that salaried county 
 County probation officers, appointed by a county judge 
 
 Probation and paid by the board of supervisors, may serve 
 Officers. in all courts in their respective counties, except 
 in courts of cities of the first and second classes. 
 We have previously recommended the appointment of more of these 
 county probation officers. Twenty-one counties have thus far made 
 appropriations for this purpose, five counties Cortland, Jefferson 
 Lewis, Madison and Putnam having made such appropriations 
 for the first time during 1911. Nowhere is probation more needed 
 than in the rural districts; nowhere are there so few agencies of a 
 preventive or corrective character, and nowhere do persons of way- 
 ward or depraved tendencies go more quickly from bad to worse. Far 
 too often the justices of towns and villages are prone to commit boys 
 and young women to jails and other institutions, when sympathetic 
 and helpful oversight by a probation officer might do far more good, 
 and incidentally save much in the way of expense. 
 
 There have also been advances in the probation system in other 
 states. Recent enactments of laws by the legislatures of Arkansas, 
 Delaware and Florida have increased the number of states having 
 juvenile probation laws to forty-two. There have also been increases
 
 Interior View. Cell. Portland Prison. England. Built in 1849
 
 PROBATION IN GENERAL SESSIONS, NEW YORK CITY. 29 
 
 in the number of states authorizing the use of probation for adult 
 offenders, the most notable advance in this field having been in 
 Illinois, where for local reasons there had previously been con- 
 siderable opposition to proposed legislation on this subject. Bills 
 were introduced in that state and Pennsylvania for the establishment 
 of state probation commissions, but failed of passage. 
 
 Outside of the District of Columbia, probation is not used in any 
 of the federal courts. It is highly desirable that congress enact 
 appropriate legislation in order that the federal courts throughout 
 the country may be brought abreast of modern methods. 
 
 Probation conditions in the court of general sessions continued 
 
 during 1911 to be unsatisfactory in principle to 
 
 Probation the Prison Association, although individual pro- 
 
 in General bation officers attached to that court pursued 
 
 Sessions, their duties with devotion. Early in 1911, and 
 
 New York City, again in February of 1912, the president of the 
 Prison Association sent to the newspapers an open 
 letter, the later one being as follows: 
 
 "It has been frequently claimed, that too many persons convicted of felony 
 have been released on suspended sentences, and that a more rigorous treat- 
 ment on the part of the judges would prove a greater deterrent to the commis- 
 sion of crime. It has further been claimed that the probation work in the court 
 of general sessions is faulty, and that the probation officers are not able to give 
 adequate supervision to those placed in their charge. 
 
 "The decisions on the questions thus raised must depend on a correct under- 
 standing of the proper use of the suspended sentence which lies at the founda- 
 tion of the system of probation. What, then, are the essentials of a successful 
 probation system ? They may be enumerated as follows: 
 
 "Wise discrimination by the court as to what convicted offenders should be 
 placed on probation. 
 
 "An adequate and experienced corps of probation officers. 
 
 "Systematic supervision and assistance of probationers. 
 
 "Adequate period of probation. 
 
 "Regular reports to the judges as to the conduct and other circumstances 
 of probationers. 
 
 "No overcrowding of probation officers through the assignment of too 
 many cases. 
 
 "Rigorous prosecutions of delinquent probationers. 
 
 "Cordial and considerate appreciation of the difficulties attending a wise 
 administration of the probation system, both by judges and by the district 
 attorney's office. 
 
 "In presenting the views of the Prison Association regarding these essentials 
 of probation, it is assumed at the outset that (as all modern penologists now 
 assert), the probation system itself is of the highest value, and that, when it 
 fails of success, the method of administering is at fault. A proper probation 
 system demands that judges should be thoroughly informed, prior to sentencing, 
 of all important circumstances relating to the crime committed by the offender, 
 his environment, and his social history.
 
 30 THE PRISON 'ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 "Confirmed and habitual criminals are not fit subjects for the suspended 
 sentence. It is only where the court, after weighing all the facts that can be 
 gained about the individual offender's character, purposes, and surroundings, 
 believes it to be reasonably probable that the offender, if placed under the 
 authority of the probation officer and set conditionally free, will abstain from 
 crime it is only under these circumstances that the suspended sentence is 
 warranted. 
 
 "All outside influences and the current of public opinion and of popular 
 criticism should be sternly disregarded by the court, whose sole duty it is in 
 each case to take such course as will, in the conscientious judgment of the 
 court, best protect the public and tend to rehabilitate the offender. Of these 
 ends, the protection of the public is, of course, paramount; but the most effec- 
 tive and permanent public protection is secured by the rescue of a first offender 
 from leading a life of crime. 
 
 "It becomes more evident each year that a fairly large proportion of offenders 
 are mentally abnormal and that such offenders, while perhaps not so respon- 
 sible for their deeds as more balanced criminals, may all the more for that 
 reason need custodial care rather than a suspended sentence. On the other 
 hand, the fact that association with criminals in confinement tends to the 
 debasement and corruption of character must always be present to the mind 
 of the court. In short, a suspended sentence should be given only after full 
 knowledge of mitigating circumstances, indicating the greater probability of 
 reformation and ultimate restoration to society outside of prison than inside. 
 
 "Even if a wise decision is made by the court and nevertheless inadequate 
 service is rendered by probation officers, the principle of the suspended sentence 
 is discredited. In the court of general sessions there is a numerically inadequate 
 corps of probation officers. They have far too many cases, and the cases are 
 distributed unevenly from a numerical standpoint. There is no chief pro- 
 bation officer. The probation officers in the court of general sessions are sal- 
 aried, not by the city, but by private societies, and while there may be cordiality 
 and even friendship between probation officers, there is not the responsibility 
 nor the coordination of work necessary to make the working out of the proba- 
 tion system wholly successful. The Prison Association, having several pro- 
 bation officers in the court of general sessions, is nevertheless an advocate of 
 the plan of the state probation commission, providing for a corps of probation 
 officers salaried by the city and a chief probation officer, the force to be ade- 
 quate, to be experienced, and to be centralized as to method. In the opinion 
 of the Prison Association, neither the judges nor the district attorney's office 
 will receive the best results from a probation system until such corps of pro- 
 bation officers is established. It is to be hoped that when such a corps is estab- 
 lished, the experience and ability of the probation officers now working in the 
 court of general sessions will be taken into consideration. 
 
 "The need of systematic supervision and of necessary assistance is obvious. 
 To what extent that supervision is now lacking or to what extent necessary 
 assistance is not rendered, can be checked up by the judges in the court of 
 general sessions at any time if they so desire. If they do not closely trace 
 the career of probationers, just in so far does responsibility for the possible 
 failure of the probation system devolve upon them. 
 
 "Similarly there should be an adequate period of probation, and during that 
 period the probationers should know all the time that they are on probation.
 
 A PAROLE AND PROBATION COMMISSION. 31 
 
 Probation is not liberty and the probation officer is not simply a nurse, but if 
 occasion requires a rigid disciplinarian with official power and authority. 
 
 ' If probation officers do not report tq the judges with such frequency as 
 to enable the judges to know the circumstances in each individual case, the pro- 
 bation system is weak in that particular, and the societies maintaining proba- 
 tion officers would seem to be derelict. If the judges do not give close attention 
 to the reports of the probation officers as to delinquency and as to progress of 
 probationers, they are not aiding in the working out of an efficient system. 
 The judges are as responsible for being informed as to the merits of their pro- 
 bationers as the warden of a prison is responsible for having knowledge as to 
 the progress of the inmates of his prison. 
 
 "That the probation officers are over-crowded as to cases is well known. 
 That the distribution of cases is quite uneven is also well known. In the opinion 
 of the Prison Association this calls for a remedy. 
 
 ''If probationers should become delinquent and are allowed to continue 
 delinquent; if little or no effort is made to check their delinquency or to arrest 
 them; if a sentimental or unjust leniency is exercised without extenuating cir- 
 cumstances, the probation system sags. It is just as important to weigh the 
 case of the delinquent probationer as it is to weigh the case of the escaped 
 prisoner. Otherwise contempt for law is created as well as a criticism of the 
 courts, of the probation officers, and of the societies maintaining them." 
 
 In 1911 a bill was introduced into the New York legislature, pro- 
 viding for the extension of the powers of the state probation com- 
 mission to supervise the parole work of the state, 
 A Parole as that supervision is now exercised over the pro- 
 and bation work. The Association is in sympathy 
 
 Probation with this proposed extension of supervision, which 
 Commission. is quite distinct from any control or administra- 
 tion of parole work. The bill will be reintroduced 
 in 1912. We believe that for statistical purposes, 
 and for the general betterment of the parole work of the state, there 
 should be a central agency to which all facts of importance regarding 
 the administration of parole work in the state should be reported, 
 and which should have the power to require such reports. The 
 state probation commission has so administered its supervisory 
 powers in connection with the requiring of facts regarding the work 
 of probation officers that the state has now an increasingly valuable 
 collection of regularly gathered statistics. The efficiency of parole 
 work depends not only upon the work of the individual parole officer, 
 or of the individual institution, but also upon the coordination of 
 parole work, and upon the systematizing of that work. The methods 
 suggested by the state probation commission in probation work 
 have been valuable. It seems clear that the state parole and proba- 
 tion commission, if established, will not undertake parole work 
 already carried on by institutions or organizations, but will require 
 from such institutions and organizations, very justly, reports of their 
 work, and be able to make valuable suggestions to them of possible 
 improvements in their methods. The Prison Association will be 
 glad at any time to receive such suggestions and give them careful 
 consideration.
 
 32 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 The Association is invested with a certain amount of responsibility 
 
 in that one section of its charter requires it to 
 
 The Association inspect and report the condition of jails. The 
 
 and the general agent, Mr. Kimball, and his assistant, 
 
 City Prison. Mr. Berman, are in daily attendance at the Tombs 
 
 and their time is devoted principally to the work 
 
 of probation, which is reported elsewhere. 
 
 The city prison (Tombs) has been over-crowded throughout the 
 year but conditions are better on the whole than they were during 
 the summer months, when some of the courts were closed for the 
 usual vacation. 
 
 For half a century the Association has protested against the evil 
 of unprincipled lawyers who make it their business to prey upon 
 ignorant and unfortunate prisoners. A number of instances of such 
 evil practices were brought to the attention of the commissioner of 
 corrections and as a result a placard was printed and posted on 
 every tier in the city prison where all prisoners could read it. The 
 placard is printed on the following page.
 
 Interior View. Cell, Portland Prison. England. Built in 1909
 
 THE ASSOCIATION AND THE CITY PRISON. 33 
 
 NOTICE TO PRISONERS 
 
 Do not trust in fellow prisoners. It" you are without friends, 
 tell your story to the agent of this Association who will advise 
 you as to all your rights without charge. 
 
 If you have no money to pay for a lawyer, the court will 
 assign one to defend you. This will cost you nothing. 
 
 If you are going to plead guilty in court and ask for mercy, 
 you need no lawyer. The probation officer sent by the judge 
 will hear your story and look after your interests without charge. 
 
 If a lawyer sends for you, be very careful, unless you are 
 sure he was sent by your friends. 
 
 Tell those who visit you to beware of those around the court 
 and prison who act as "steerers" for lawyers. 
 
 Free advice will be given by the agent of this Association who 
 visits the prison daily. Letters for him may be dropped in his 
 letter box at the front gate, by the prison messengers 
 
 Address letters as follows: 
 
 Agent, Prison Association, City Prison. 
 Or, 135 East 1 5th Street, New York. 
 
 COPY OF CARD POSTED IN CITY PRISON, NEW YORK
 
 34 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 The letter-boxes which were established and in which prisoners 
 were invited to deposit letters, were productive of much good. They 
 enabled the agent to secure counsel for the friendless and deserving 
 prisoners, in many instances to expedite trials and to defeat the 
 scheme of some lawyers who were of the class above mentioned. 
 
 Two cases are cited as showing the result. 
 
 An Irishman on the third tier who was accused of sharp practices 
 inja horse'deal asked the Association to investigate his case and if 
 possible find out why he had been confined in the prison from the 
 1 8th of June, until late in October, without a trial. Investigation 
 showed that his lawyer lived in Long Island city and did not give 
 any attention to the case because it was not convenient and because 
 he was away on vacation. Judge Rosalsky disposed of the case in 
 twenty-four hours and released the man on probation in the custody 
 of this Association, because he thought the man had been sufficiently 
 punished. 
 
 Another case is that of a Greek, convicted in the court of special 
 sessions for violation of the excise law, and sentenced to thirty days 
 imprisonment and two hundred dollars fine. He was the proprietor 
 of a small restaurant which he had purchased for one thousand 
 dollars. Eight hundred and fifty dollars was paid and the balance 
 allowed to stand until the vendor made certain necessary repairs. 
 This part of the contract was not carried out promptly, but the pris- 
 oner conducted the restaurant and in the course of business violated 
 the law by selling a bottle of beer to two customers who proved to 
 be detectives. He was brought to trial and sentenced as stated. 
 
 While he was in prison the vendor brought suit for the balance of 
 one hundred and fifty dollars and he was about to get judgment when 
 the Association learned of the case through the letter box. A lawyer 
 was secured for him, the case postponed, the fine was remitted and 
 the poor fellow was enabled to save his little business. 
 
 Many of the communications received in the letter box relate to 
 matters over which the Association has no control. A number have 
 been received from prisoners who are mentally deficient, but much 
 good has resulted, and this particular branch of the work is sure to 
 increase in usefulness.
 
 Prison-Made Concrete Blocks for Breakwater. Peterhead. Scotland 
 
 \ 
 
 Quarry, Peterhead Prison. Scotland
 
 THE ASSOCIATION AND THE CITY PRISON. 
 
 35 
 
 
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 38 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 x 
 
 Ages of probationers, reporting Jan. 1st, Ages of probationers discharged during 
 
 1912 1911 
 
 16 to 20 43 16 to 20 19 
 
 21 to 25 30 21 to 25 14 
 
 261030 24 261030 12 
 
 3 Ito 35 23 311035 6 
 
 361040 14 361040 3 
 
 41*045 7 411045 4 
 
 46 to 50 3 46 to 50 5 
 
 511062 4 511062 2 
 
 148 65 
 
 Average age (years) 27 Average age (years) 28 
 
 Reports, in. person, total 4>!75 
 
 Reports, in person, average per week 80 
 
 Reports, in person, average per month 348 
 
 Reports by mail and telephone during 1911 970 
 
 Average per week 18 
 
 Average per month 60 
 
 Average length of time of reporting i yr. 9 mos. 
 
 Cases on probation inspected, 191 1 83 
 
 Number of visits to probation cases, 1911 140 
 
 Number of cases on probation, Jan. i, 1911 12 1 
 
 Number of cases received during 1911 137 
 
 Number of cases received during 1911, and trans- 
 ferred to other probation officers 25 
 
 162 
 
 Total 283 
 
 Number of cases discharged by expiration of maximum sen- 
 tence 41 
 
 Number of cases discharged by expiration of probation 
 
 period 25 
 
 Re-arrested and committed 1 1 
 
 Bench warrants issued v 5 
 
 Lost. . i 
 
 Total 83 
 
 Number of cases transferred to other probation officers. .... 25 
 
 Total. . 1 08 
 
 Number of cases received during 1911, on probation 283 
 
 Number of cases passed during 1911 108 
 
 Total number remaining on probation Jan. I, 1912 .. 175
 
 PRISON FARMS AND FARM COLONIES 
 
 THE "prison farm" and the "farm colony" movements have 
 gained much impetus during the year. Especially noteworthy 
 was the purchase by the state ot Pennsylvania, in December, 
 of 4878 acres at a cost of $191,655, for the new site of the western 
 penitentiary of that state. This old penitentiary 
 Prison Farms and has had in recent years an enviable record 
 
 Farm Colonies, as to its warden, John Francies, and an 
 unenviable record as to tuberculosis. 
 
 In Kansas City the board of pardons and paroles maintains a 
 municipal farm of 135 acres, which is used for the physical and moral 
 rehabilitation of a number of the paroled men. In Colorado the 
 working of state prisoners in the open, on roads, but not on farms, 
 has attracted much attention. Penitentiary prisoners, upwards of 
 300 in number, have been housed during the past four years in camps 
 in the wild and mountainous sections of the state, at times 200 miles 
 from the penitentiary, without guards or guns, and yet there were 
 only two escapes in one year. 
 
 The city workhouse of Cleveland occupies 750 acres of land, nine 
 miles from the city, purchased in 1904, and the city plans to make 
 of its workhouse a model farm. Escapes are relatively frequent. 
 In Michigan Warden Otis Fuller of the state reformatory has built 
 with prison labor a mile of good gravel road between the reformatory 
 and the city of Lansing, and claims that farming and road building 
 could be greatly extended with profit to the state and the prisoners. 
 "I doubt," says the warden, "if there is a prison in the United States 
 which could not profitably work more than 1000 acres with prison 
 labor." Similarly Warden Simpson of the Jackson (Mich.) peni- 
 tentiary has reported that in his opinion, based upon the prison farm 
 of that institution, there is no work, trade or calling, to which men 
 striving for a livelihood may fall heir, so conducive to the development 
 of health, happiness, honesty and independence, combined with all 
 the attributes of a good citizen, as practical and successful farming. 
 |In Montpelier, Vermont, Sheriff Tracy of the county jail is said to 
 trust his prisoners to come and go almost as freely as members of his 
 own family. A state law authorizes all sheriffs to set their prisoners 
 at work either inside or outside the jails. Sheriff Tracy's charges, 
 permitted and encouraged to go out to work on farms during the day, 
 have in four years earned above $6000, of which a total exceeding 
 $2000 was kept by themselves. The District of Columbia bought 
 recently a farm of uoo acres near Occoquan, Virginia, and is there 
 
 (39)
 
 4O THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 building a farm colony workhouse. During the first year there 
 passed through the prison farm 3000 men, yet there were but sixty 
 attempts at escape. The superintendent estimates that within three 
 years the farm will be self-supporting and that eventually the farm 
 will clear from $20,000 to $30,000 a year after paying all the expenses 
 of maintenance of prisoners. 
 
 In Oregon chains and stripes have been abolished, and prisoners 
 have been put at work outside prison walls, without guards, on roads 
 or farms or in buildings; with 150 men working outside the peniten- 
 tiary only three men escaped between January and July, 1911. 
 In the Kansas state penitentiary every man is given six months on 
 the farm just previous to his release. "The farm work and a half- 
 hour recreation period have reduced the ordinary prison vices seventy 
 per cent." 
 
 Canada corroborates strongly the above experiences of other 
 American prisons. Warden J. T. Gilmour said in the spring of 
 1911 of the prison farm of the central prison of Toronto, the farm 
 being of 530 acres fifty miles distant from the city, that "we have 
 taken out to this farm 500 men, of whom four have escaped success- 
 fully and three or four have attempted to escape unsuccessfully." 
 
 The prison farm and the farm colony appeal strongly to public 
 o x pinion. Prison. officials in general favor farm work for at least a 
 part of the prison population. It is healthy, varied, reasonably 
 strenuous, easily learned, offers an outlet to much unskilled labor- 
 energy, does not compete with outside organized labor, produces 
 articles of consumption for institutions, and furnishes a liberty of 
 movement far less hampered than within prison walls, while testing 
 the ability of the prisoner to meet the temptation of escape. 
 
 The possibilities of prison farms and farm colonies for New York 
 
 state are being carefully weighed by institution boards of managers, 
 
 superintendents, wardens and by public and pri- 
 
 In New York, vate boards and societies. Several serious ques- 
 tions arise in connection with adult prisoners. 
 Will escapes be frequent ? Will the farm be more remunerative to 
 the state and to the prisoner than well-developed industries in shops ? 
 Will the administrative expenses be considerably higher ? 
 
 Answers to these and other questions will be obtained only through 
 experience. The Bedford state reformatory for women is a cottage 
 institution, but with very little cultivable land. The state training 
 school for boys at Industry is a cottage system community par excel- 
 lence, the school covering over 1400 acres, and farm cottages being 
 in the main the centers of separate farms varying in extent from 50 
 to 150 acres. 
 
 The new state prison at Comstock, now under construction, has 
 an area of 1000 acres and is destined for "first-timers" in state prison. 
 During 1911 inmates have been transferred to this prison, located 
 several miles south of Whitehall. It is planned that it shall be the 
 "agricultural prison" of the state. The proposed Harlem prison at 
 Wingdale, which was to be located on a tract of approximately 600
 
 THE BOARD OF INEBRIETY 41 
 
 acres, was to be partially agricultural, partially industrial. Construc- 
 tion was halted on this prison by Governor Dix late in 1911. 
 
 The farm colony plan Has been adopted this year in connection with 
 three important new institutions: the state industrial farm colony 
 (for tramps and vagrants); the farm colony and hospital of the board 
 of inebriety, New York city, and the New York city reformatory for 
 misdemeanants. Let us consider these institutions and their possi- 
 bilities in detail. 
 
 By act of the legislature of 1911, the state industrial farm colony 
 
 was established. Late in 1911, the governor appointed a board of 
 
 managers, consisting of two lawyers, two general 
 
 The State secretaries of charitable societies, the commis- 
 
 Industrial sioner of public charities in New York city, a 
 
 Farm Colony, banker and the professor of farm management 
 at Cornell university. By the terms of the act, 
 the purpose of the state industrial farm colony is "the detention, 
 humane discipline, instruction and reformation of male adults com- 
 mitted thereto as tramps and vagrants." 
 
 The duties of the board of managers are briefly: to secure a site, 
 to build the colony, to administer it and to conduct a system of parole. 
 The site shall be of not less than 500 acres. The board organized 
 on December 15, 1911, and the general secretary of the Prison 
 Asociation was elected secretary of the board. A sub-committee 
 of the board was appointed to seek a proper site for the colony. 
 
 In view of the exhaustive study of vagrancy, on pages 78 to 150 
 of this report, further treatment of the subject is omitted from this 
 portion of our report. Yet we would point out that the action of 
 the New York legislature in establishing this state industrial farm 
 colony is of high significance to the country in general. In many 
 statesfarmcolonieswereadvocatedin 191 1. The New York colony will 
 be most carefully watched, both in the United States and abroad. 
 Can the tramp army be reduced ? Can vagrants be made to work ? 
 Will a farm colony prove a deterrent ? Will it reform ? Will it 
 rehabilitate the wanderer ? Will the colony be a serious initial and 
 annual expense to the state ? What should be the size of the colony ? 
 Is vagrancy an unavoidable social plague ? Such are some of the 
 questions for which charitable and correctional bodies throughout the 
 country await an answer. 
 
 The board of inebriety of New York city is a new and important 
 departure in the treatment of habitual and occasional intoxication. 
 In 1910, legislation was enacted authorizing the 
 The Board city of New York to establish a board of inebriety 
 of of seven members, to maintain a probation system, 
 
 Inebriety a reception hospital, and a farm colony and hos- 
 pital. The board was empowered to maintain a 
 corps of field officers (i. e., probation officers), to release first offenders 
 from the station houses after arrest and without appearance at court; to 
 receive inebriates on probation from the court, to collect fines in install- 
 ments, to maintain a hospital in the city for "worse" cases, and to
 
 42 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 transfer to the farm colony and colony hospital, and to hold there under 
 restraint, such inebriates, committed by the courts to the board, as 
 the board shall deem would profit by such treatment. By further 
 legislation in 1911, all cities of the first and second class were author- 
 ized to establish such boards of inebriety. 
 
 The carrying power of such a law is apparent to all who know how 
 futile has been the public treatment of inebriety. The annual report 
 of the Prison Assocaition in 1910 gave in detail appalling examples 
 of short sentences for inebriety, repeated workhouse convictions, 
 petty fines, discharges, recurrent visits for a few days to the alcoholic 
 ward of Bellevue hospital, and the like. A more unprofitable method 
 of dealing with intemperance (which is the greatest cause of com- 
 mitments to penal institutions in the United States), cannot be found. 
 
 In the early summer of 1911, Mayor Gaynor of New York appointed 
 a board of inebriety, which includes among others the commissioner of 
 public charities and the commissioner of correction. This board has 
 sought sites for the colony and for the reception hospital, and has with 
 commendable desire to secure the best results sought suggestions for 
 plans for the farm colony from a number of New York city architects. 
 
 The character of the institution has been the subject of serious 
 deliberation. The board has decided to build a hospital and colony 
 admitting of the classification of inmates in all degrees from the 
 strictest custodial care to the largest amount of freedom in honor 
 cottages consistent with the general purpose of the colony. Close 
 study of existing institutions led the board to recognize both the 
 advantages and disadvantages of the congregate system of construc- 
 tion and the cottage system of construction. The new farm colony 
 for inebriates will, if present plans are adhered to, be an institution 
 combining the best features of the congregate plan and of the cottage 
 plan, the congregate division furnishing a number of buildings for 
 custodial restraint, while the cottages will give excellent chance to 
 house trustworthy inmates in conditions approximating that of the 
 family. The board is to be commended not only for providing for 
 a system in which rewards and deprivations will be thus a central 
 feature, but in "making haste slowly" in an experiment of so far- 
 reaching importance. The farm colony is planned for 500 inmates. 
 
 The board of inebriety is a city board, and the farm colony will be 
 a city institution. The trend in charitable legislation has been 
 toward the establishment of state rather than local institutions for 
 the care of special classes of dependent defectives and delinquents, 
 such as the blind, the deaf, the crippled, the epileptic, the feeble- 
 minded, and the insane. But the number of inebriates was estimated 
 to be so large, that in urging legislation the promoters of the bill 
 believed that the several cities of the first and second class, rather than 
 the state, should establish hospital and colony facilities for their local 
 inebriates. Whether the local administration of such important 
 organizations as boards of inebriety will be so successful under local 
 conditions and influence is a question open to doubt.
 
 Disciplinary Building [Single Outside Cells] Fichtenhain Reformatory. 
 Crefeld, Germany 
 
 Punishment [Light] Cell. Boys' Reform School. Amersfoort. Holland
 
 STATE REFORMATORY FOR MISDEMEANANTS 43 
 
 The New York city reformatory for misdemeanants was established 
 
 in 1905 because there was no state reformatory to which to send 
 
 misdemeanants. Located on Hart's island in 
 
 New York closest proximity to a branch workhouse and 
 
 City within a short distance of the "Potter's Field" 
 
 Reformatory, where the city's pauper dead are interred, the city 
 
 reformatory has since its establishment been a 
 
 reformatory largely only in name. 
 
 Prior to the advent of the present commissioner of correction the 
 reformatory was continually the subject of severe criticism, because 
 it was in little or no sense fulfilling a reformatory purpose. The 
 buildings were few, the system lacking and the results meagre. 
 
 The present commissioner of correction, Mr. Whitney, in his 
 official career has devoted much attention to the problem of this reform- 
 atory. An architect has drawn successively plans for a congregate 
 institution with inside cell block, for a congregate institution with out- 
 side cells, and more recently for a cottage plan institution in the country. 
 In the latter part of 191 1, the commissioner made request of the board 
 of estimate and apportionment for $800,000 with which to establish 
 a city reformatory in the country. Close cooperation in the study 
 of sites and the best possible system for the city reformatory has been 
 maintained between the department of correction and the Prison 
 Association. 
 
 In our opinion the possibility of locating an adequate reformatory 
 on Hart's island is out of the question. We strongly urge upon the 
 board of estimate and apportionment an adequate appropriation for 
 a cottage-plan country reformatory. We urge that architecturally 
 it shall embody the broadest experience of similar reformatories in 
 this country and that from the standpoint of administration it shall 
 seek the ablest superintendent that can be found in the United States. 
 In every way this city reformatory should be a model for the entire 
 country. The city of New York can afford to do no less than this 
 in the establishment of one of its most necessary institutions already 
 delayed many years. 
 
 Trie proposed state reformatory for misdemeanants will again in 
 1912 be vigorously urged by representatives of charitable and cor- 
 rectional boards and organizations in this state. 
 State It is exasperating to see the annual effort made 
 
 Reformatory by the most representative charitable and correc- 
 tor Misde- tional bodies in this state rebuffed by the 
 meanants. legislature on the grounds that there are not suffi- 
 cient funds for an obviously necessary institution. 
 Preference is to be given to the following resolution during the legis- 
 lative campaign of 1912, as endorsed by the bodies mentioned 
 on pages 13 and 14: 
 
 RESOLVED, That it be recommended that the state legislature make pro- 
 vision for a state reformatory for male misdemeanants between the years of 
 sixteen and twenty-one, where such males may be committed on indeter- 
 minate sentences and where they may be properly trained and educated.
 
 44 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 A member of the prison commission, Honorable Frank E. Wade, 
 in addressing in December the state conference of magistrates at 
 Albany, said: 
 
 "The prison system in New York state presents a strange paradox. Train- 
 ing schools are provided for delinquent boys and girls under sixteen years of 
 age. There are reformatories for boys and men from sixteen to thirty years 
 of age who have been convicted of felonies. Reformatories are also available 
 for girls from fifteen to thirty years of age. The wayward boy of over sixteen 
 years, however, who has not committed a felony but who must be sent away 
 for the commission of a minor crime, is denied all reformatory treatment. 
 
 "Sixteen years of age is simply an arbitrary division established by law. 
 Many boys of sixteen, seventeen and eighteen are as immature and susceptible 
 to evil associations as those under sixteen. The boy at sixteen is just beginning 
 to prepare for his future life. He is then young enough to be easily moulded 
 by environment, and old enough to have some discretion in the selection of 
 his trade or life work. 
 
 "During the five years from sixteen to twenty-one the boy is preparing to 
 shape his future career and to become an American citizen. These are form- 
 ative and more or less restless years. The virile animal propensities are begin- 
 ning to assert themselves, unaccompanied by maturity and balance of judg- 
 ment. Many reckless and neglected boys who commit minor crimes are unfit 
 to remain at liberty, even under probation, and are moving in the grooves that 
 lead to confirmed criminality. You all meet the type daily in your courts: 
 wrong-headed boys, twisted out of gear by bad habits and associations, stub- 
 born and sullen, generally dissipated, intolerant of advice, sowing the wildest 
 oats of the smart period of life. 
 
 "Guardianship of minors has been reserved by the state in law and equity 
 
 from time immemorial. It follows consequently that, both in morals and in 
 
 law, the state owes a special obligation to neglected and 
 
 The State's delinquent minors. How does the great state of New 
 
 Duty. York discharge this moral and legal obligation to boy 
 
 minors between sixteen and twenty-one years of age 
 
 whom the courts decree must receive institutional treatment for the commis- 
 sion of minor crimes ? Jt consigns them to penitentiaries and jails. 
 
 "Most of the inmates of the penitentiaries are kept in idleness, with the 
 exception of those in the New York and Onondaga county penitentiaries, and 
 there work should be increased fifty per cent. In some of the penitentiaries, 
 the cell accommodations are unfit for human beings. I could name a peni- 
 tentiary where most of the inmates are kept in their cells during the twenty- 
 four hours of the day, except for short exercise periods. I could name two 
 other penitentiaries where the inmates are daily marched into workshops 
 denuded of all industries, and are seated on benches, remaining there during 
 the working day doing absolutely nothing. There is not a penitentiary in 
 the state that gives educational instruction, with the exception of New York 
 penitentiary, where the warden is about to institute something in that line. 
 There is not a penitentiary in the state where minors are separated from adults, 
 except in the New York penitentiary. In 1909, 1,560 and in 1910, 1,333 hoys 
 between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one were imprisoned in the penitentiaries.
 
 JAIL EVILS 45 
 
 "The conditions in the county jails are even worse. Only a few jails fur- 
 nish employment, and that of the most rudimentary kind, such as breaking 
 sto % ne. Only a few jails have yards, and the inmates of 
 Jail Evils. the jails have practically no exercise in the open during 
 the period of confinement. The jail construction is 
 
 generally a cage affair, the cells opening into corridors where the inmates 
 freely mingle during the whole day, play cards, and loaf away their time. 
 While the county law forbids the mingling of minors and adults in jails, it is 
 constantly violated notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts of the state 
 commission of prisons. Abominable practices are reported. There is cer- 
 tainly opportunity enough, because most of the time the inmates are not 
 watched, and degraded characters are confined in the jails. In 1909, 4294 
 and in 1910, 3816 boys between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one were confined 
 in the county jails, a good proportion of whom were time prisoners. 
 
 "Now, gentlemen, these conditions constitute a serious indictment against 
 the intelligence and the moral sense of the state of New York. For a number 
 of years past the friends of prison reform have been soliciting the legislature 
 to make provision for a reformatory for male misdemeanants between the ages 
 of sixteen and twenty-one years of age. Conferences of charities and correc- 
 tions, this conference, and other public and philanthropic bodies have expressed 
 themselves in favor of this proposition in resolutions and by appointment of 
 committees, and yet practically no progress has been made. 
 
 "I regard the erection of a reformatory for male misdemeanants between 
 the ages of sixteen and twenty-one as the most necessary and urgent prison 
 reform at present under public discussion. Such an institution should be of the 
 character of the Elmira reformatory, fully as large and fully as well equipped. 
 It would soon be filled by boys who are now being degraded and destroyed in 
 our penitentiaries and jails. The inmates should be committed on an inde- 
 terminate sentence, instructed in trades and agriculture, and receive an educa- 
 tion at least up to the standard of the common school. 
 
 "An institution of this kind will round out the prison system of the state, 
 remove the present stigma of neglect and provide a place where you, as magis- 
 trates, can commit the delinquent boy between sixteen and twenty-one years 
 of age with the assurance that he will be surrounded by reformatory and cor- 
 rective influences and with the chances that he will be saved to usefulness 
 and good citizenship." 
 
 The Prison Association recommends as the most necessary correc- 
 tional institution not yet established in the state of New York a state 
 reformatory for male misdemeanants between the ages of 16 and 21 
 years. To the question why the age limit should be 21, there are at 
 least two answers: 
 
 First. The years from 16 to 21 are peculiarly filled with criminal 
 tendencies. Tne energy of the state expended upon the reformation 
 of misdemeanants should be first within those ages, provision for 
 juvenile delinquents of lesseryears already being relatively satisfactory. 
 
 Second. It is anticipated that the state industrial farm colony, 
 receiving only males above the age of 21, will thus receive many 
 who otherwise would be sent to a reformatory for misdemeanants, 
 since a considerable proportion of offenders are committed for 
 vagrancy to our various institutions.
 
 46 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 In brief, the growth of the farm colony plan in the treatment of 
 prisoners is widespread and contagious. We are in an experimental 
 period. It would be dangerous to establish 
 The Future. colonies so devoid of correctional methods or of 
 custodial buildings that the deterrent or the 
 restraining effect of the commitment would be largely lost. On the 
 other hand the old congregate type of institution is, we believe, slowly 
 passing away. Inevitably, if the farm colony or the prison farm 
 shows that offenders against the law may be trusted far more than 
 has heretofore been believed, the tendency will be in the construction 
 of new prisons to extend the prison farm, the outdoor work and the 
 degree of confidence placed in the individual man. And indeed, it 
 may be asked with seriousness whether the trend in the treatment of 
 prisoners is not constantly toward the restoration of the "normal" 
 whenever possible in the treatment of prisoners rather than in the 
 retention of the abnormal, be it in surroundings, in discipline, in 
 rooms, in food or in work.
 
 THE TREATMENT OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED DELINQUENT 
 
 THE year 1911 has been noteworthy as regards the attention given 
 to the problem of the feeble-minded delinquent. The states of 
 the Union have in general made more or less adequate provision 
 for the treatment of the insane. In a number of states the criminal in- 
 sane are housed either in separate institutions or in separate wings of 
 insane hospitals. The treatment of the insane has undergone great 
 changes. Mercy, patience, sympathy and the hope of cure have all 
 become prominent factors in the treatment of those bereft of their 
 reason. 
 
 For those not bereft of their reason but of cloudy or feeble mentality, 
 the states of the Union have given less thought than to the treatment 
 of the insane. Insanity, being a more definite and acute 
 abnormal mental condition, has obviously attracted more directly 
 the attention of the public. Feeble-mindedness is a vaguer mental 
 condition of which the public frequently knows little and notices less. 
 The lowest stages of feeble-mindedness such as idiocy or low grade 
 imbecility are plain to even the lay observer. The highest stages of 
 feeble-mindedness are so subtle that even in the court room and the 
 prison they are frequently not recognized. Nevertheless, those 
 students of feeble-mindedness and insanity, those alienists whose 
 special field is the abnormal brain, and those prison administrators 
 and social workers who are concerned with the individual offender, 
 have united to an extent never before manifest and with an enthusiasm 
 which bodes well, in proclaiming that feeble-mindedness is not only 
 far more prevalent in the community than is generally believed, but 
 that a considerable proportion of criminals are feeble-minded. 
 
 We are in the early stages of careful research into this problem of 
 feeble-mindedness among criminals. Even the definition of feeble- 
 mindedness is often vague. Elmira reformatory 
 The has announced in its annual reports in recent 
 
 Proportion years that a proportion of practically 40 per 
 of Feeble- cent of their inmates are mental defectives. 
 mindedness. Mental defectiveness ranges all the way from the 
 lowest grade of idiocy to the backward mentality. 
 Dr. Henry H. Goddard, known throughout the United States for his 
 studies ot the feeble-minded at Vineland, N. J., has recently found 
 that among 100 children arraigned in the juvenile court of Newark, 
 N. J., the ninety-seventh child was normal. All the children examined 
 prior to this ninety-seventh child were declared abnormal mentally. 
 Sixty-six per cent of the children averaged mentally at least four 
 years behind their chronological age, and were adjudged definitely 
 feeble-minded. "It is safe to say," writes Dr. Goddard, "that these 
 
 47
 
 48 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 children have been in the past entirely misunderstood both by their 
 parents and by their teachers and the criminal authorities. Beyond 
 the four-year point (that is, in the cases of children testing more than 
 four years behind their chronological age) there is no possibility that 
 these children can ever be normal nor can they be considered entirely 
 responsible. This is the material out of which we make our adult 
 criminals, since there is no other course open to them." 
 
 These facts and other equally significant statements made with 
 great frequency by responsible students of the subject led the Prison 
 Association in 1910 to establish a committee on defective delin- 
 quents. This committee during 191 1 has held a number of meetings. 
 Some of the results already achieved are the following: 
 
 Cooperation with the New York state reformatory for women at Bedford, 
 in securing a fund of $1500 to be devoted entirely to the study of feeble-minded- 
 ness in that institution. 
 
 Cooperation with the house of refuge at Randall's Island in the establish- 
 ment of a separate wing in that institution for the study of the feeble-minded. 
 
 Cooperation with the department of correction in New York city, 
 
 (a) in establishing a card index plan for the discovery of feeble-minded 
 persons in the district prisons and in the Tombs. 
 
 (b) in planning to secure a fund sufficient to enable the department to place 
 a specialist at the city reformatory for misdemeanants at Hart's Island to study 
 the mental condition of the inmates. 
 
 Cooperation with the committee of the state charities aid association on 
 provision for the feeble-minded. 
 
 In addition the Prison Association has been especially fortunate in 
 securing the services of Dr. George M. Parker of New York city as 
 psychiatric examiner for the Prison Association. A brief abstract 
 from an official report by Dr. Parker to the Association will show the 
 field to be covered in the Tombs, in which prison Dr. Parker has during 
 several afternoons of each week during the last year studied and 
 assisted individual cases of mental defectiveness. 
 
 "Prisoners remanded to the Tombs have had no initial examination, either 
 physical or mental, unless suffering from some obvious disability or unless 
 themselves asking for mental advice. They came from the district prisons 
 with their commitments only and with an occasional verbal report where they 
 had shown any striking symptoms. They were then assigned to the several 
 tiers. Among the tier keepers there has obtained the old and not entirely 
 wrong idea that all prisoners are 'queer.' Hence a strong degree of queerness 
 is demanded before any particular attention has been paid them. 
 
 "Defectiveness, mental inferiority, early psychoses and the psychopathies 
 are not easy to detect even by the trained man. The prison orderly then passed 
 through all the tiers. He treated those who asked for treatment or those to 
 whom his attention had been called by the tier man. He reported his cases 
 to the prison physician who saw them on his daily visit to the prison. Thus 
 we go back; the physician saw those the orderly saw; the orderly saw those the 
 tier man saw; the tier man saw those who wished for help or seemed very
 
 Building Their Own Buildings, Borstal. England 
 
 In the Grain Fields, Borstal, England
 
 THE IMPORT OF THE PROBLEM. 49 
 
 'queer' to his chance observation and the rest, perhaps 1300 during 1911, 
 slipped through these sets of fingers and it was the fault really of none of these. 
 The system was bad, incomplete, archaic." 
 
 As above stated, a system checking up the mental status of all 
 prisoners admitted to the Tombs has been installed in the Tombs by 
 the commissioner of correction on the advice of and with the assistance 
 of our psychiatric examiner. In addition we are indebted to Dr. 
 Parker for his professional assistance to our parole bureau, often 
 averaging not only several evenings a month when paroled men have 
 reported to the Association, but also averaging many hours during 
 the year for private consultation with paroled inmates at his office. 
 
 The committee on defective delinquents has through its members 
 brought the subject of the defective delinquent to the front at the 
 national conference of charities and correction in June and at the 
 state conference of charities and correction at Watertown in October. 
 The subject was placed upon the program of the American prison 
 association at Omaha in October partly at the suggestion of the com- 
 mittee on defective delinquents of the Prison Association. The 
 subject received special attention at the recent annual conference 
 of the state board of magistrates, at which several members of the 
 committee presented the problem. 
 
 On motion of the general secretary of the Prison Association the 
 state board of magistrates endorsed the following resolution, which 
 was subsequently endorsed by the general conference of December 
 22d mentioned above: 
 
 RESOLVED, That it be recommended that state custodial institutions be 
 established, one for males and one for females, for the treatment of feeble- 
 minded persons convicted of crime, together with some form of preliminary 
 institution to serve as a testing house, in order to determine if persons charged 
 with crime are, or are not, mentally defective. 
 
 What is the great import of this rapidly increasing concern regard- 
 ing the treatment of feeble-mindedness ? This, that if it be established 
 that feeble-mindedness is to a considerable degree 
 The Import present in persons accused or convicted of crime, 
 of the and if it be further shown that the degree of feeble- 
 
 Problem, mindedness in many of these instances is such as 
 to make the individuals but partially responsible 
 for their deeds, it will become clear that prison treatment on the one 
 hand, and reformatory treatment on the other hand, cannot be 
 expected to produce permanent change in the mental conditions and 
 in the physical habits of these individuals. 
 
 Obviously then, these facts if proved must lead to a reorganization 
 in considerable measure of our methods of dealing with criminals. 
 It will be seen that reformatories have been unable to reform a certain 
 proportion of their inmates because of mental defectiveness. It will 
 be seen that the prison is no place for the feeble-minded offender any
 
 50 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 more than the insane hospital is the place for a normal trans- 
 gressor of the law. The problems will arise in more acute form than 
 ever as to the ultimate disposition of the offender who is an habitual 
 offender, though not of normal mind. Not only will the prisons, 
 the reformatories, the jails, the reform schools and the courts be 
 forced to concern themselves with these problems, but the problem 
 will force itself back to the school and the home. 
 
 It is likely to be shown that by the age of twelve the state of feeble- 
 mindedness can be definitely determined by the psychologist and the 
 psychiatrist. Research is likely to show the indispensability of a 
 complete record of the mental condition of school children. Nowhere 
 so well as in the school can such facts be established. The vista of 
 possibilities is long and wide. The student of criminology finds 
 himself forced further and further back toward youth and childhood 
 in his efforts to deal with the delinquent and to prevent crime. Not 
 only is a central bureau of identification of all convicted criminals 
 desirable, but far more desirable is a complete mental and physical 
 record of all children, to be continued at least until they reach their 
 majority. 
 
 The resources of psychology and psychiatry, particularly as utilized 
 at the state school for the feeble-minded at Vineland, N. J., have 
 uncovered secrets of heredity in connection with 
 An the strain of feeble-mindedness running through 
 
 Illustration. generations which are indeed horrible to contem- 
 plate. It has been shown at Vineland, that in 
 the case of a feeble-minded child, attractive in appearance, the family 
 of the child could be traced back to Revolutionary times, at which 
 time, as the result of a most transitory union of a young man of good 
 family with a prostitute of feeble mind, a feeble-minded child was 
 born. The father of this child, long separated from the mother and 
 probably with little recollection of ever having known her, married 
 a healthy, normal wife. From these two lines of ancestors have 
 descended two families in the state of New Jersey, one fa-mily often 
 distinguished by its representatives, the other family known only too 
 often in prisons and poorhouses. Of 396 members of what we might 
 call the normal family, 395 were of normal mind. On the other side 
 of 378 members of the family 143 have been feeble-minded. The 
 curse of the parent has been visited upon this family in a measure 
 almost beyond the imagination. 
 
 More fearfully still is the fact seemingly established that feeble- 
 mindedness is a strain in the blood that runs through generations, 
 cropping out here and there as the subterranean river comes now 
 and then to the surface, not only ruining lives, but making most 
 costly inroads upon the finances of the state or the community. In 
 this connection the well known history of the "Jukes" family is 
 recalled. The manuscripts originally prepared by R. L. Dugdale, 
 one of the members of the board of managers of the Prison Associa- 
 tion in the yo's, were recently discovered among the archives of the 
 Association. This family has been cited for thirty years as a classic
 
 AN ILLUSTRATION. 51 
 
 example of the immense cost of degeneracy in poverty and crime and 
 money to the state of New York. It has been estimated that over 
 a million dollars in loss has been entailed besides all the woe of crime 
 and poverty through generations which has descended from the 
 original feeble-minded ancestor of the early eighteenth century. 
 
 For thirty years this family, located in one of the rural districts 
 of the state of New York, and with ramifications extending through 
 forty-two different families and embracing in all nearly 900 persons, 
 has not been studied. Through the discovery of the original drafts 
 prepared by Mr. Dugdale, this study will now be continued by the 
 Carnegie institute, and within several years will be brought down 
 to date, undoubtedly presenting at that time the most grannie study 
 and proof of the scourge which feeble-mindedness and degeneracy 
 can be that the world has ever known.
 
 PRISON LABOR. 
 
 THE problem of the utilization of the labor of prisoners in a manner 
 which shall be just to the prisoner, the state and the public, is 
 considered by many the most important and complicated 
 question in present-day penology. The most significant fact of the year 
 has been perhaps the appointment at the annual meeting of the Ameri- 
 can prison association of a special committee of the association to report 
 to the annual meeting in 1912 of the American prison association 
 on the status of prison labor in the United States, and to make recom- 
 mendations looking to the betterment of prison labor conditions in 
 various parts of the country. 
 
 During the year agitation has increased in many states for the 
 payment to the dependent families of prisoners of a portion of their 
 earnings, it being unfortunately only assumed in 
 The many instances that the prisoners had earned a 
 
 Demand. sum over and above the cost of maintenance. 
 The desires of the critics of present day prison 
 labor are easily understood and phrased. The demand is that pris- 
 oners shall be employed at useful occupations which not only shall 
 train prisoners for some efficient industrial life on release from prison, 
 but shall also meet not only the cost of the maintenance of prisoners, 
 but furnish a surplus, a part of which shall be retained for the prisoner 
 and a part of which shall be paid to the dependent families of prisoners. 
 This is in general the goal which penologists as well as the general 
 public seek. The difficulties of administration are great and the 
 delay in the working out of plans is so lengthy that there is a general 
 and increasing impatience of which the special committee appointed 
 at the meeting of the American prison association is one manifesta- 
 tion. 
 
 During the year legislation has been encouraging in a number of 
 
 states. "Although no state legislatures give new powers of leasing 
 
 or contracting for the labor of prisoners, and one 
 
 Progress only, Idaho, extended the field of its prison leases, 
 
 in 191 1. twenty-one states made some provision for the 
 
 states' assumption and operation of industries. 
 
 Eight states provided in some manner for the states' consumption 
 
 of the manufactured articles, and six states established laws for the 
 
 regulation of prices and the standardization of commodities. Six 
 
 states provided through legislation for compensation for the labor of 
 
 prisoners. In five states the dependent family was given assistance 
 
 through legislation. One state, Nevada, gave to the prisoner the 
 
 right to choose between working on the roads and working indoors. 
 
 5*
 
 Shop, Beggar Colony, Merxplas. Belgium 
 
 Shop. Beggar Colony. Merxplas. Belgium
 
 THE NEW YORK SYSTEM. 53 
 
 In New York the farm and industrial colony for tramps and vagrants 
 was established. Florida met the peonage issue by a provision for 
 working off fines during imprisonment. The antagonism of organized 
 labor to the distribution of the products of the convict's labor on the 
 open market resulted in the passage in three states of laws requiring 
 the branding of convict made goods." ' 
 
 As an example of the most modern legislation relating to prison 
 labor there is here given a summary of prison labor legislation in New 
 Jersey in 191 1. 
 
 "The sale on the open market of the products of convict labor of any state 
 penal institution is prohibited after the expiration of existing contracts. A 
 
 preferred market is established consisting of all manu- 
 In facturable articles consumed by the state and sub- 
 
 New Jersey. divisions thereof. A prison labor commission is created 
 
 to so regulate the penal industries that the greatest 
 
 amount consumable by this preferred market will be produced. They are to 
 publish a list of all possible articles of manufacture and grant releases when 
 articles cannot be supplied. Penal officers are required to keep all physically 
 capable convicts employed, not to exceed nine hours a day except Sunday 
 and holidays, on productive work or in receiving industrial and scholastic 
 instruction. 
 
 "Yearly budgets are to be sent on October 1st to the commission by all pur- 
 chasing officials in the state. The penal institutions are to report fully regard- 
 ing ail convict labor and its productive power together with the cost of pro- 
 duction. A uniform system of accounting is to be established, together with 
 a standardization of commodities to be manufactured, on which is to be affixed 
 a fair price. Agricultural pursuits are to be given preference and the products 
 sold as above, except that the surplus products may be sold at advertised 
 auction to the general public once in six months unless they are of destructible 
 character and require more immediate sale. Counties and municipalities are 
 to conform to the state plan but may employ the prisoners for their own use. 
 Charitable institutions are allowed to manufacture for their own use. Prisoners' 
 families dependent on charity are relieved by the commissioners of charities 
 at the rate of fifty cents for every day the prisoner works, but this relief fund 
 is limited to five per cent of the value of all goods produced. The services 
 of charitable societies are to be used for making investigations of families. 
 The estimates of added appropriations needed to carry this into effect are 
 to be included in annual estimates. The commission reports to the governor."* 
 
 In the state of New York, the year 1911 has been especially sig- 
 nificant because of the investigation, by special commissioners 
 appointed by Governor Dix, of the industries of the 
 The New state prisons. For a score of years the so-called 
 York System, state use system has been in operation in this 
 state. This system provides, in brief, that no 
 prison-made goods shall be sold in the open market, thus reducing 
 the competition with free labor to an indirect competition, in that 
 
 1 Prison Labor Legislation in 1911, Dr. E. S. Whitin in The Review, September, 1911. 
 *Dr. E. S. Whitin, in The Review, September, 1911.
 
 54 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 the prison-made products shall by law be sold only to the state 
 and its political subdivisions, the counties, the cities and the towns, 
 the state and its subdivisions being obligated by law to purchase the 
 prison-made goods at prices determined by a special board, whenever 
 the articles required by the state or its political subdivisions may be 
 manufactured by the prisons. The word "prisons" in this connec- 
 tion means not only the state prisons, but the reformatories and the 
 county and city institutions. 
 
 Early in 1911, Governor Dix appointed a special commission, con- 
 sisting of William Church Osborn.and George E. Van Kennen, to 
 investigate the prison industries. In the summer of 1911, Mr. Van 
 Kennen was appointed a member of the conservation commission, 
 and John D. McMahon was added to the special commission for the 
 investigation of prisons. This commission was engaged in this task 
 during practically the entire year, and late in December, 1911, pub- 
 lished their final and most extended report. 
 
 This report is a severe arraignment of the prison industries as 
 they have been managed. We quote portions of the most important 
 sections of the report: 
 
 "Our investigation shows a riot of management, waste and wrong doing. 
 Of a possible market to the state and municipal departments of not less than 
 $20,000,000 per annum, the prison industries with the free labor of 4400 men 
 and no overhead charges, except supervision, have supplied less than $1,000,000 
 per annum. With an ample field for labor, prison industry has paid only 
 15^ per cent of the cost of prisoners' maintenance. The failure to fill the orders 
 open to prison industries keeps a third of the prisoners in idleness. . 
 We believe that the prison industries must continue to be unsatisfactory until the 
 more profitable industries are extended and additional facilities are provided 
 for the employment of the idle convict population and the work of each convict 
 is so arranged under the present statutory conditions that his efforts will be 
 of the highest efficiency from the point of view of production. 
 
 "As usual in such cases, wrong doing has gone hand in hand with mismanage 
 ment and waste. Thus, the superintendent of industries at Sing Sing uni- 
 formly violated the law by opening bids in private, 
 Mismanagement communicating the contents to favored bidders and 
 and Waste. relaxing the specifications in their interest. He has 
 diverted to the industries money appropriated for main- 
 tenance, the warden concurring. . . . He and others have repeatedly 
 used prison labor and prison material for private purposes. . . . 
 
 "We conclude that the prison industries have not had a fair chance in this 
 state. If managed under the superintendent of prisons by such a man as would 
 ordinarily be employed to conduct a business of $5,000,000, to $10,000,000, 
 they would give better results. It is possible that they would make the prison 
 system self supporting. . . . 
 
 "The commissioners find and report that the greatest source of criticism 
 and censure in the department of state prisons, apart from specific instances 
 of corruption, lies in the management and control of the prison 1 industries. 
 Neither the spirit nor the letter of the law applicable thereto has been observed; 
 the immense economic possibilities have been neglected; and the entire manage- 
 ment of that part of the department which is basic to our present .prison system
 
 FURTHER FINDINGS. 55 
 
 has been palpably lacking in the acumen and energy essential to a successful 
 business administration. . . . 
 
 "Your commissioners find that the conditions in this state arc peculiarly 
 favorable to the profitable operation of prison industries. By statute the prisons 
 are given certain economic advantages over smaller industries operated in the 
 open market at a profit to the manufacturer. . . . Not only is the avail- 
 able market constant and certain, but we find that it is of sufficient magnitude 
 to consume an output many times the amount now purchased by prison 
 industries. The expenditures for supplies for the city of New York alone, 
 exclusive of such items as coal, foodstuffs, forage, horses, etc., aggregate 
 $16,000,000 annually. The salesof the state prisons in the entire state amount 
 each year to about $900,000. Labor is practically free. By statute the price 
 of the manufactured article is maintained at the market price and the earnings 
 bear no charges for depreciation of plant, taxes, rentals or interest. Not- 
 withstanding these advantages confirmed by statute, the prisons fall far short 
 of being self supporting. The penal institutions for the fiscal year ending 
 September 30, 1910, cost the state of New York approximately $2,000,000; 
 and for the last fiscal year the profits on the sale of prison-made goods over and 
 above the bare cost of materials and supervision, were $158,000. The average 
 profit so obtained during the period between the years 1890 and 1900 was i8 
 per cent of the amount required to maintain the prisoners, exclusive of 
 expenditures for new construction and betterment. In the period between 
 1900 and 1910 this percentage fell to 15^ per cent. To support themselves, 
 without* contributing anything to the treasury of the state, there would be 
 required a six-fold increase in the productiveness of the work of the convict 
 population. . . . 
 
 "One cause for the failure of the prison industries to operate at a greater 
 profit to the state arises from the fact that in the management of these industries 
 the output has not been shaped to the demands of the market. The demand 
 for furniture, clothing and cloth, blankets, shoes and knit wear far exceeds 
 the supply which the shops in their present state can produce. Other shops 
 are operated to manufacture articles in much less demand." 
 
 The report continues, covering in detail the following topics among 
 others: 
 
 Illegal use of convict labor at Sing Sing; extravagant and unneces- 
 sary and improvident purchases at Sing Sing; improvident contract 
 at Clinton prison; diversion and misuse of appropriations at Sing 
 Sing; misappropriation of state property at Sing Sing; misuse of state 
 property at Clinton prison; neglect of duty; extravagant, improper 
 and illegal charges for expenses; improper methods of purchasing 
 material for industrial department of prison, etc. 
 
 Under the general heading of discipline, the commission points 
 
 out that conditions of discipline have been found at Clinton ana Sing 
 
 Sing prisons to be incredibly lax, being the direct 
 
 Further cause of the many murderous assaults and the 
 
 Findings. revolting crimes which have occurred at the 
 
 institutions mentioned. The commission also made 
 
 an analysis of the construction to date of the Great Meadow prison, 
 
 finding in certain cases negligence in construction. I he commis-
 
 56 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 sion further stated its opinion that the site chosen by the commission 
 on new prisons at Wingdale for a new prison is restricted practically 
 to the use of about 100 acres which are seriously interfered with by 
 the proximity of the Harlem division of the New York Central rail- 
 road, and by the proposed state highway; that the water supply is 
 questionable in quantity and that the proximity of the swamp renders 
 the hygienic conditions of doubtful character. For these and a number 
 of other reasons the commission recommends the abandoning of this 
 site and a reconstruction of the general scheme of prison accom- 
 modations. In closing the commission states: 
 
 "That as the evidence of our examination has indicated that there 
 has been a constant defiance of the statutes and frequent violations 
 of the penal law, we recommend that this report be submitted to 
 the consideration of the attorney-general." 
 
 That the foregoing paragraphs contain a severe arraignment of 
 the former administration of the state prisons no one can doubt. 
 The resignation of the fofmer superintendent of 
 The Future. state prisons, Mr. Cornelius Y. Collins, in the 
 spring of 191 1, several months after his resig- 
 nation had been asked for by the governor, and without waiting 
 to meet the charges which were being brought against him 
 by the special commission, accentuated the belief in the public 
 mind that the prisons have been administered with a most 
 deplorable negligence. Governor Dix shortly appointed as super- 
 intendent of state prisons Mr. Joseph F. Scott, at that time superin- 
 tendent of Elmira reformatory. Mr. Scott's long record for efficiency 
 in the reformatory treatment of prisoners and his reputation ior hon- 
 esty led the Prison Association strongly to endorse his candidacy for 
 the position of superintendent of state prisons. Mr. Scott's adminis- 
 tration has been, we understand, one of quiet but persistent reor- 
 ganization of the prison department. The disastrous experiences in 
 this department, as outlined above, running through years and often 
 permeated, according to general report, with baleful political influences 
 leads the Association to raise the question whether the present method 
 of administering prisons by a superintendent of state prisons who 
 appoints the wardens, who in turn appoint their subordinate officers, 
 is the most efficient method of managing the prisons. Other cor- 
 rectional institutions in the state are managed by separate boards of 
 managers, with the exception that the state reformatory at Napanoch 
 is under the management of the board of managers of Elmira reform- 
 atory. There is no reason why in case of an incompetent superintendent 
 of prisons the history of recent years should not repeat itself. Safety 
 in this regard depends very largely upon the character of the super- 
 intendent. Political influences bear with greater or less force upon 
 the superintendent of prisons. It has in general been found that 
 political influences are far less likely to prove successful with a board 
 of managers. While the Prison Association of New York does not 
 commit itself to the proposition that the state prisons should be man- 
 aged each by its own board of managers, it raises this question as a
 
 IN NEW YORK CITY. 
 
 57 
 
 result of the costly and deplorable experiences in the prison depart- 
 ment during recent years. 
 
 In this connection the Association urges in no uncertain manner 
 that the attorney-general of the state give careful attention to the 
 cases of all persons in the prison department whose actions, as shown 
 by the investigations of the special commission, have been deliberately 
 in violation of the penal law of the state of New York. It would 
 be fully as deplorable on the part of the state to permit such viola- 
 tions of the penal law to go unpunished as the state has shown the 
 violations themselves to be deplorable. 
 
 In dealing thus at considerable length in this chapter on prison 
 labor with the exposures presented by the commissioners, we have 
 not wandered from the subject in hand. Prison labor can be suc- 
 cessfully operated only by strict observance of the laws of the state. 
 Prison management of the industries of correctional institutions is 
 in large measure chaotic. Releases allowing goods to be purchased 
 in the open market seem often to be signed without the knowledge 
 on the part of the authorities who sign such releases of the stock on 
 hand, or of the means of delivery. In point of fact, should all pro- 
 posed purchases of supplies by the state and its political subdivisions, 
 which are made by the prisons, be undertaken only after releases 
 have been signed by those authorized so to sign, the number of re- 
 leases alone would occupy the attention of the proper authority or 
 authorities to a prohibitive extent. What is obviously needed in 
 this state is a thorough study of the prison industries, witn the present 
 study of the special commissioners as a basis. This suggested study 
 should present a comprehensive plan for the reorganization and 
 administration of the present industries not only of the state prisons, 
 but of the reformatories and all county and city correctional insti- 
 tutions. 
 
 In the city of New York the penitentiary on Blackwcll's Island, 
 
 with a market in the city of New York of perhaps several million 
 
 dollars a year, manufactures articles of a total 
 
 In value somewhat over $100,000 annually. If the 
 
 New York penitentiary on Blackwcll's Island manufactured 
 
 City. school desks, chairs, riling cabinets, bookcases, 
 
 tables and other common articles of furniture, it 
 
 would be mandatory upon the city to purchase such articles from the 
 
 penitentiary or from some other correctional institution. No stronger 
 
 illustration is needed of the inadequacy of our present prison labor 
 
 system in the state than the above fact. On the other hand, this 
 
 Association still believes that the state use system may after thorough 
 
 study prove to be, in the hands of competent administrators, the 
 
 most efficient system of prison labor that could be devised. 
 
 In this connection the Association urges upon the state of New 
 York a comprehensive study of the prison industries, not primarily 
 for the purpose of discovering irregularities of administration, but 
 primarily for the purpose of obtaining sufficient data and of present- 
 ing a comprehensive plan of administration of such industries.
 
 58 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 The Prison Association further urges upon the city of New York 
 a similar study of the prison industries of the city of New York, with 
 a view to developing to the maximum extent the industries of the cor- 
 rectional institutions of the city of New York, to the end that the city 
 department may be, so far as possible, supplied by the products of 
 the industries of the city prisons. 
 
 The county penitentiary situation as regards prison labor has 
 offered encouraging signs during the year. There has been the cus- 
 tomary activity at the New York county peniten- 
 The County tiary, which is the only penitentiary in the state 
 Situation. of which this can be said. In the case of the 
 Onondaga county penitentiary an investigation of 
 the winter industries of that institution by the prison commission, with 
 the cooperation of the national committeeonprisonlaborandtheprison 
 association, resulted, in 1911, in the prohibition of the continuation 
 of the willow stripping industry, which had been conducted in violation 
 of the prison law relating to the manufacture of products for the open 
 market. During the fall of 191 1 some of the inmates of the Onondaga 
 county penitentiary were worked upon a road at some distance from 
 the penitentiary, with a view of testing the feasibility of road work 
 for county prisoners. This work has not yet gone beyond an 
 experimental stage. The necessity of providing lawful and productive 
 work for the inmates of county penitentiaries has been emphasized 
 by the necessary prohibition of the willow stripping industry at the 
 Onondaga county penitentiary, and by the emphatic reports of Com- 
 missioner Frank E. Wade, regarding idleness in the Erie county peni- 
 tentiary and in the Albany county penitentiary. 
 
 The Prison Association repeats once more its belief that the state 
 needs to conduct a comprehensive survey of its prison industries, not 
 alone in state, but also in county and municipal institutions, and 
 that one of the fundamental needs of the state is a comprehensive 
 plan for the development and coordination of the prison industries.
 
 LEGISLATION, FINANCES, ETC. 
 
 THE most important bill passed by the legislature of 1911 along 
 correctional lines was the so-called tramp colony bill, which 
 provides 
 
 (Chapter 812) for a state industrial farm colony for the detention, 
 humane discipline, instruction and reformation of male 
 Legislation. adults committed thereto as tramps or vagrants. This 
 is the bill discussed on page 41 . 
 
 Other bills of importance that became law were the following: 
 
 (Chapter 700) "An act to amend the general municipal law and the penal 
 law, in relation to the treatment of public intoxication and inebriety." This 
 bill extends to all cities of the first class and second class the authorization to 
 establish boards of inebriety. 
 
 (Chapter 192) "An act to amend the penal law, in relation to the sale and 
 carrying of dangerous weapons." Increases the number of weapons specifi- 
 cally designated as dangerous; makes it a misdemeanor to have in one's pos- 
 session firearms that may be concealed about the person, and a felony to carry 
 them concealed. 
 
 (Chapter 689) "An act to amend the code of criminal procedure, in relation 
 to the commitment of vagrants to almshouses." Prohibits the commitments 
 of vagrants to almshouses and requires their commitment to the county jail. 
 
 The legislature failed to pass several important bills, among them 
 those providing for the establishment of a state reformatory for mis- 
 demeanants, for increased facilities at the Hudson state training school 
 for girls, for the extension of prison industries in the county peniten- 
 tiaries, for the payment of earnings to prisoners in county peniten- 
 tiaries, and for the enlargement of the state probation commission 
 as the state parole and probation commission. 
 
 Undesirable bills were introduced, and did not pass, providing for 
 the abolition of the state parole board and the substitution therefor 
 of a supervisor of parole; for the election of magistrates in New York 
 city instead of the appointment of magistrates by the Mayor; for 
 the appointment of eight male probation officers in the court of gen- 
 eral sessions, New York county, on denominational lines; for the 
 exemption of the county almshouses from the provisions of the prison 
 law requiring the purchase of prison-made goods. 
 
 The temporary abandonment of the construction of the new prison 
 
 which was to be erected at Wingdale on the Harlem division of the 
 
 New York central railroad about seventy miles 
 
 The Problem from New York was caused by the dissatisfaction 
 
 of Sing Sing, found by Governor Dix and his advisors with the 
 site chosen by the commission on new prisons. 
 
 William Church Osborn reported to the Governor "that the cosi 
 
 59
 
 6o THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 to the state of the abandonment of the site would be negligible com- 
 pared with the permanent injury in spending $3,000,000 on a wholly 
 improper location." The legality of abandoning this site has been 
 questioned and will, it is reported, be submitted to the legislature of 
 1912 for consideration. Meanwhile the prison department has urged 
 that there be a thorough renovation of Sing Sing prison through the 
 reconstruction of the old cell-block for factory purposes and through 
 the construction of an entirely new cell block which would accom- 
 modate probably about 1200 persons. The cost of the work of re- 
 construction at Sing Sing would be, it is estimated, perhaps a million 
 and a half dollars less than the ultimate cost of a new prison at Wing- 
 dale. 
 
 On the other hand, there are not a few persons who believe that 
 the Wingdale site might be used with profit to the state and that it 
 is in most respects a satisfactory site. The arguments pro and con 
 will undoubtedly be presented with considerable force during the 
 legislative period of 1912. The Prison Association will give its atten- 
 tion at the proper time to this very important matter, being keenly 
 aware of the very unfortunate conditions under which prisoners have 
 been lodged at Sing Sing for many years, and aware also of -the 
 great necessity of providing adequate accommodations for our 
 state prisoners. 
 
 In our last annual report we stated that the present annual report 
 
 would contain a somewhat exhaustive study of the post reformatory 
 
 period of Elmira inmates. The preparation of 
 
 The this study we have been obliged to postpone be- 
 
 Elmira cause of the general secretary's trip to Europe 
 
 Study. in the summer and the preparation of the present 
 
 annual report as its result. We hope in our 
 
 report for 1912 to present an interesting and detailed study of the 
 
 above mentioned subject. 
 
 An important part of the work of the general secretary of the Asso- 
 ciation is to secure so far as possible the presentation before public 
 and private bodies of the correctional problems 
 Conferences and needs of this state. It is the policy of the 
 and Prison Association that no national, state or city 
 
 Meetings. conference shall pass without there appearing 
 upon the program important papers by distin- 
 guished specialists on the treatment of delinquency. The Associa- 
 tion has also, particularly through its committee on defective delin- 
 quents and through the Barrows League, developed a strong coop- 
 eration with representatives not only of the business world, but also 
 of the leading charitable and correctional organizations of the state. 
 During the year members of the Association or of its committees 
 have furthered the development of the city conference of charities 
 and correction, and have assisted at the conference held on May 12 
 and 13 at Columbia university, on the reform of the criminal law and 
 procedure. At that time, a New York branch of the American 
 institute of criminal law and criminology was organized, the president
 
 FINANCES. 61 
 
 and the secretary of the national branch being connected officially 
 with the New York Prison Association. 
 
 At the National conference of charities and correction in June 
 the general secretary of the Association presented a report as the 
 chairman of the committee on law-breakers. The section meetings 
 of the committee on law-breakers were given over to the discussion 
 of mental defectives and delinquents, the treatment of misdemeanants, 
 family desertion laws and the development of systems of probation 
 and parole. 
 
 The president and the general secretary of the Prison Association 
 represented the Association at the annual meeting of the American 
 prison association at Omaha in October. The Association was 
 also represented at the state conference of magistrates held in 
 Albany in December and as a result of discussion at that conference 
 the Prison Association called an important conference, mentioned 
 on page 13, which met on December 22, 191 1, and adopted far reach- 
 ing resolutions regarding the development of correctional work in 
 this state. 
 
 The Barrows League, of which our last annual report made men- 
 tion, has continued to meet at times during 1911 at the rooms of the 
 Prison Association. This is a body of some fifty 
 The men in business and professional life who are 
 
 Barrows actuated by a strong desire to help released and 
 League. discharged prisoners in the most effective way. 
 
 The staff of the Prison Association, and particu- 
 larly the parole bureau, has received frequent valuable assistance 
 from many of the members of the Barrows League. The Asso- 
 ciation has gladly given its rooms for evening meetings to the Barrows 
 League and was glad during the year to welcome also an important 
 meeting of the Big Brothers movement. 
 
 The committee on defective delinquents held at the rooms of the 
 Prison Association, in December, a public meeting which was ad- 
 dressed by Dr. Henry H. Goddard, director of research of the train- 
 ing school for backward and feeble-minded children at Vineland, 
 N. J., and by Miss Eli/abeth Farrell, inspector of ungraded classes 
 of the New York city department of education. Under the chair- 
 manship of Dr. Hastings H. Hart of the Russell Sage Foundation, 
 it is expected that the work of the committee in 1912 will be even 
 more effective than during 1911. 
 
 During the spring the Prison Association also entertained on one 
 evening the Monday Club, a group of social workers. 
 
 The year has brought us considerable satisfaction from a financial 
 
 standpoint. Our receipts during 1911 were $27,649 as compared 
 
 with $21,051 in 1910. The sum mentioned for 
 
 Finances. 1911 includes two small items which fall within 
 
 neither donations nor interest, one of $364 being 
 
 "funds held in trust" and the other, $290 transferred from the reserve 
 
 fund. The net increase in donations and interest during 1911, 
 
 amounted to approximately $6,000. Our expenditures during the
 
 62 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 same period were $27,756 or, deducting the item of "funds held 
 in trust," approximately $27,000, an, increase in expenditures over 
 1910 of approximately $6,500. 
 
 That our endowment fund in two years has increased from $9,108 
 to $69,087 is a source of great pleasure to us. Had it not been for 
 the very stimulating influence of the late Mr. Smith Ely's promise of 
 $27,500 toward the endowment fund in case -this Association could 
 raise a similar amount from other contributors, we should not have 
 succeeded in placing the Association upon its present financial basis. 
 Yet we know how far short we fall of the work which the crime and 
 prison conditions of this state call upon us to do. It is our earnest 
 hope that we may within the next few years continue to increase 
 our contributions by several thousand dollars each year and that the 
 period is not far off when we may continue the work of the Associa- 
 tion on a budget of $50,000 each year, a sum which is not at all 
 large for the amount of need and misery of which we are cognizant. 
 During the year the Association has initiated a century fund with 
 the idea that there are in this city a number of persons of means 
 who would willingly promise their support to the 
 The Association to the extent of $100 or more each 
 
 Century year. During 1911 we have received from this 
 
 Fund. special fund, which is devoted to the general 
 
 purposes of the Association the following contri- 
 butions, for which we make grateful acknowledgment. 
 
 Francis Lynde Stetson $200 
 
 Lloyd W. Seaman 100 
 
 George S. Bowdoin 250 
 
 Miss Alice E. Strong 100 
 
 James A. Hearn & Son 100 
 
 Felix M. Warburg 100 
 
 Alfred M. Heinsheimer 50 
 
 Miss Catherine Bliss . . 100
 
 rnrn 
 
 THE STATISTICS OF CRIME' 
 
 AT the international prison congress held at Washington last year 
 the foreign delegates, while they seemed favorably impressed by 
 most of our institutions, twere outspoken in condemnation of 
 our county jails and our criminal statistics. They could not repress 
 their amazement at the dearth of official statistics regard ing crime in the 
 United States. Possibly it may be doubted whether any ofthe novelties 
 they observed here produced on their minds so lasting and injurious 
 an impression of this country, regarded from the point of view of 
 scientific penology, as that caused by the meagreness and practical 
 inutility of our criminal statistics. It must be freely admitted that 
 the English and some of the continental statistics of crime are far 
 in advance of our own in comprehensiveness, in method and in 
 scientific value. 
 
 But the inadequacy of the criminal statistics of the United States 
 is largely owing to a condition which does not exist in England or 
 hardly on the Continent. We are confronted with difficulties that 
 are practically unknown on the other side of the Atlantic, difficulties 
 inherent in the dual system of government existing in this country. 
 In the division of sovereignty between the federal government and 
 the states, the treatment of crime falls within the jurisdiction of the 
 states. Congress, it is true, acting within the limits closely defined 
 in the constitution, has the power to declare certain acts which are 
 injurious to the nation to be crimes. Thus there is a federal criminal 
 code, violations of which are within the exclusive jurisdiction of the 
 federal courts. But these crimes are only those that bear relation 
 to the central government; they are comparatively few in number. 
 
 The vast volume of crime in this country comes under the exclusive 
 jurisdiction of the separate states. The establishment of police and 
 constabulary forces, the detection and arrest of offenders, the trial 
 and sentencing of criminals, the administration of prisons, all are 
 included within the functions of the states. The rules and regula- 
 tions governing the police, the courts, the prisons, all the details of 
 their administration and of their records are thus matters of state 
 jurisdiction. And in those matters that fall within the jurisdiction 
 ofthe states, the states have absolute sovereignty; the federal govern- 
 ment is as powerless to direct or in any manner to interfere with the 
 action of the state in the lawful exercise of its exclusive jurisdiction, 
 as the state is powerless to obstruct the federal government in the 
 exercise of its exclusive jurisdiction. It is only when the action 
 of the state infringes upon the federal constitution that it becomes 
 subject to any coercion by the central government. 
 
 'Addre** of Eugene Smith, President of Prison Association of New York, at American 
 Prison Association, Omaha, Nrb., October, 1911.
 
 64 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 All that the federal census bureau attempted in the direction of 
 criminal statistics, prior to the year 1904, related simply to prisoners 
 in actual confinement in prisons. The federal agents were able to 
 count these prisoners and to distinguish between the male and the 
 female and the white and the colored, without any aid from the states; 
 but, as to every other item regarding the prisoners, the United States 
 census was necessarily nothing but a transcript from the prison 
 records. In 1904, the Census for the first time enlarged its scope by 
 gathering statistics relating to persons committed for crime during 
 that calendar year. In this new departure, the census bureau was 
 entirely limited to an examination of the books and records kept in 
 the prisons. The extent and the value of any criminal statistics that 
 have been, or that can possibly be, collected by the federal government 
 are necessarily measured by the completeness and accuracy of the 
 books and records maintained by state institutions; but, since these 
 books and records are under the exclusive jurisdiction of the states, 
 the federal authorities have no power to direct or to supervise in any 
 manner the system by which the records shall be kept; they have 
 simply the power of inspection and transcription. 
 
 The constitution empowers the federal government to make only 
 a decennial "enumeration" of the persons within the United States. 
 This gives the implied power to restrain the states from preventing 
 or interfering with such enumeration but it extends no further; it 
 certainly confers no power on the central government to direct or 
 compel the states to keep records of their own affairs in any pre- 
 scribed form or to keep any records at all. 
 
 The contrast, therefore, between the authority of our federal gov- 
 ernment and the authority of European nations in compiling criminal 
 statistics is most marked. In Europe, the sovereign power in each 
 nation can prescribe the uniform system upon which all public records 
 shall be kept, the data which they shall embody and the manner in 
 which these data shall be collected and verified and can enforce 
 obedience to its requirements by every official and every institution 
 within the national boundaries. In the United States, on the con- 
 trary, the central government can gather only data over the collec- 
 tion and verification of which it has no control. 
 
 State records, so far as they contain matter available for the com- 
 pilation of criminal statistics, are now woefully imperfect imper- 
 fect in two main particulars. First, imperfect because they are 
 kept in a careless and perfunctory manner and without pains to verify 
 the accuracy of entries made in them; secondly, imperfect, especially 
 for purposes of comparison between records of different states, 
 because they are not constructed upon any comprehensive and uniform 
 plan. 
 
 Every court, every prison, the police of every city in every state, 
 is a separate institution maintaining its records upon its own individual 
 plan, without much serious effort to assimilate its plan to that of 
 other like institutions even within its own state. Certain entries are
 
 THE STATISTICS OK CRIME. 65 
 
 made regarding each person convicted of crime, based mainly upon 
 the answer given by the convict himself to questions put to him. 
 
 Is he a native of this country or of foreign birth ? Doubtless many 
 an immigrant, in fear of deportation or under the impression that 
 natives may receive more clement treatment, falsely declares that he 
 was born in the United States, and so he is numbered statistically 
 among the native born. What is his age ? It is of advantage to an 
 offender to be under twenty-one years of age that he may enjoy the 
 benefit of that tenderness of spirit which the law exhibits towards 
 minors; it is of advantage to be under the age of thirty years in the 
 states that have a reformatory to which only those under thirty years 
 of age can be sentenced, unless indeed the offender prefers confine- 
 ment in a state prison to the strenuous life of the reformatory. The 
 inducement is strong to state the age falsely. Is he married or single : 
 If the offender is living in circumstances that are scandalous because 
 he is unmarried, he is apt to find no difficulty in stating that he is 
 " married." Has he ever been divorced ? If he has been, the tempta- 
 tion is great to avoid embarrassing explanation. In these cases and 
 all similar ones, statements made by the offender himself have very 
 slight statistical value; they come from an interested and untrust- 
 worthy witness. Every reasonable effort should be made, either 
 before the trial or after conviction, to gain from sources, outside the 
 offender himself, all available information regarding his previous 
 career, his environment, his habits of life and associations, and 
 especially to verify all such items as enter into the statistical record. 
 Until this is done, the classifications of prisoners contained in our 
 criminal statistics stating how many are adults and how many are 
 minors, stating how many are natives and how many foreign-born, 
 stating how many are married and how many single, cannot be 
 received with confidence in their accuracy. 
 
 Why is it that the existing state records relating to crime are kept 
 in a manner so imperfect and perfunctory ? Perhaps it is a sufficient 
 answer to say that it is because they are not subjected to supervision 
 or control by any central authority. A few of the states have passed 
 laws requiring annual returns to be made to the attorney-general or 
 to the secretary of state by criminal courts, county clerks or prose- 
 cuting attorneys, showing the number of convictions for crime during 
 the year, together with varying personal details. In most of the 
 states, no laws, even of this inadequate kind, have been enacted. 
 But these laws have proved, so far as they have any statistical value, 
 to be practically a dead letter. 
 
 The records of the criminal courts are committed to the clerks of 
 the court. To gain the essential statistical facts regarding persons 
 brought to trial and to transcribe them faithfully in the records, 
 demands of the clerks laborious and conscientious work; the work 
 actually done will always be performed in a lax and slovenly manner 
 so long as it is not reviewed or supervised by any superior authority. 
 It now receives, in fact, practically no supervision whatever. The
 
 66 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 attorney-general or secretary of state simply receives the returns in 
 whatever form they may come to him. If any court fails to send in 
 returns or if any court fails to keep any statistical records at all, no 
 one is greatly disturbed and no coercive measures are thought of. 
 
 In this deplorable and chaotic condition of the very sources from 
 which all statistical matter must be drawn, it is hopeless to look for 
 any improvement in our census statistics, unless a radical change 
 can be effected in state administration. The records of the police, 
 the courts, the prisons, can be made of statistical value only by the 
 action of the state itself; and there is apparent but one method by 
 which the state can act to this end. There should be established in 
 each state a permanent board or bureau of criminal statistics, whether 
 as an independent body or as a department of the office of the attorney- 
 general or of the secretary of state. This bureau should be charged 
 with the duty of prescribing the forms in which the records of all 
 criminal courts, police boards and prisons shall be kept and of speci- 
 fying the items regarding which entries shall be made. The law 
 creating the bureau should direct that the forms prescribed by it 
 should be uniform as to all institutions of the same class to which 
 they respectively apply and be binding upon all institutions within 
 the state. The bureau should issue general instructions governing 
 the collection and verification of the facts to be stated in the record; 
 it should also be its duty, and it should be vested with power, to 
 inspect and supervise the records and to enforce compliance with its 
 requirements. Such a bureau might secure a collection of reliable 
 statistical matter, uniform in quality throughout the state. Indiana 
 is now, it is believed, the only state in the Union where such a bureau 
 exists. 
 
 But even this result is not enough. Supposing all the criminal 
 records within each separate state to be made uniform throughout 
 the state, still they would not be available for comparison or for the 
 purposes of a national census, unless all the states could be brought 
 to adopt the same form and method so that all criminal records 
 throughout the Union could be kept upon one uniform plan. Here 
 we encounter a serious obstacle. The diversity and conflict of state 
 laws are crying evils of our time, universally recognized and 
 denounced and yet the most strenuous efforts to bring about harmo- 
 nious action between the legislatures of separate states have always 
 failed. No single statute, however skilfully drawn, proposed for 
 universal acceptance, has ever yet been adopted by all the states of 
 the Union. Still, the states must act in unison upon this matter of 
 uniform criminal records or else our statistics of crime must continue 
 to be a national failure and a national reproach. 
 
 Not the slightest reflection can be cast upon the federal census 
 bureau; on the contrary, when consideration is taken of the frag- 
 mentary and chaotic state records with which the census bureau had 
 to deal, the systematic and orderly results and the general deductions 
 embraced in the census report of 1904 must be regarded as a signal 
 scientific triumph.
 
 Canal and Raid, within Grounds of Juvenile Reformatory, Avereest, Holland 
 
 
 I 
 
 Part of Vagrancy Colony. Vecnhuizen. Holland
 
 THE STATISTICS OF CRIME. 67 
 
 Uniformity in criminal records throughout the Union we have 
 seen to be an imperative need. Is it a visionary ideal, impossible 
 of attainment ? If there is any means through which the ideal can 
 be realized it is through the agency of state bureaus of criminal 
 statistics, such as have just been suggested. Each of these state 
 bureaus, in preparing uniform plans and forms for its own state, 
 would naturally place itself in touch with the national census bureau. 
 While the national bureau would not be legally vested with the slight- 
 est power to dictate to the state bureau or to direct its action, prac- 
 tiidllv its wide experience and grasp of the entire situation would 
 enable the federal bureau to wield commanding influence in shaping 
 the action of every state bureau. If the creation of efficient state 
 bureaus, of the kind indicated, in the several states could only be 
 secured, it is not chimerical to believe that, through the dominating 
 influence of the federal census bureau tactfully exerted, a uniform 
 system of statistical records relating to crime could ultimately be 
 established throughout the United States. It is the first step that 
 costs. If a few of the leading states in the Union could be induced 
 to establish such a bureau if to Indiana could be added New York, 
 Illinois, Nebraska and in the south Virginia the force of example 
 would be potent in the sister states. 
 
 1'rofessor Mayo-Smith in his work on the "Science of Statistics" 
 states that criminal statistics present the most complicated and diffi- 
 cult problems within the scope of the science. Some of the diffi- 
 culties and elements of uncertainty attending such statistics have been 
 adverted to; there are so many unknown and unascertainable factors 
 affecting the problems of crime that conclusions drawn from criminal 
 statistics must be received with the utmost caution. Statistical vari- 
 ations that seem on their face to point in a certain direction may be 
 really caused by facts pointing in exactly the opposite direction. 
 
 One exceedingly common and popular error needs special mention; 
 a marked increase in the number of convictions for crime indicates 
 to the public mind an increase necessarily in the volume of crime com- 
 mitted. In fact, it may be owing to increased activity and efficiency 
 on the part of the police and detective officers, to greater severity 
 and thoroughness in the administration of the courts, to a change in 
 the economic conditions of the community, to diminished care and 
 skill on the part of offenders in escaping detection; indeed, there are 
 many possible factors that may have combined to produce an unusual 
 statistical result. A slight change in the laws or methods of procedure 
 may cause startling statistical fluctuations. For example, in the year 
 1890, the number of convictions for drunkenness in Massachusetts 
 was 25,582; two years later, the number had fallen to 8,634. An 
 amazing diminution of drunkenness in Massachusetts nearly 70 
 percent? Not at all; it was owing to a new statute passed in 1891, 
 the effect of which was that only those arrested for the third time 
 within a year were subject to conviction. 
 
 The congestion of population in cities and the progress of inven- 
 tion necessitates every year the enactment of numerous statutes and
 
 68 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 municipal ordinances making certain acts, that are harmful to the 
 public, misdemeanors (that is, legally crimes); but these acts, com- 
 mitted in large part through ignorance or negligence, are not essen- 
 tially of a criminal nature. Statistically, they swell the number of 
 crimes committed but most of them are not crimes in the 
 meaning popular usage attaches to that word. These considerations 
 suggest that all attempts to draw conclusions from, and to explain, 
 the significance of the rise or fall of the statistical barometer must be 
 conducted with extreme caution. 
 
 An error into which speakers and writers upon crime are prone 
 to fall is that of regarding the statistics of crime as a measure of the 
 total volume of crime committed in the country, affording ah answer 
 to the vital question: "Is crime increasing ?" There are two funda- 
 mental facts relating to crime that must never be forgotten. First, 
 that criminal statistics are, and must necessarily always be, confined 
 to those crimes that are known and are officially acted upon by the 
 police or the courts. Secondly, that there is a large number of crimes 
 that are committed secretly and are never divulged, the perpetrators 
 of which are never detected, and crimes that never result in the 
 apprehension of the offender. The crimes of this second class can- 
 not possibly enter into any criminal statistics and yet they form a 
 very large part of the total volume of crime committed. It does not 
 seem to be commonly appreciated that these unpublished, unpunished 
 crimes, which can never be included in any criminal statistics, prob- 
 ably far exceed in number those that are followed by conviction and 
 punishment. 
 
 A striking example of this class of unpublished crimes comes to 
 the memory of the writer of this report, connected with a gentleman 
 who was his personal friend. At the time of the occurrence to be 
 related, this gentleman, who may be called James Simpson, had 
 retired from business in his old age. He was not wealthy, but from 
 a long and industrious life had saved sufficient means to enable him to 
 pass his closing years in comfort. He received a call one day from the 
 cashier of a bank who stated that he had come to see Mr. Simpson 
 about the payment of these notes of his, exhibiting a number of promis- 
 sory notes signed "James Simpson" and aggregating in amount some 
 $25,000. Mr. Simpson, who had not before heard of any such notes, 
 perceived at a glance that his signature to them had been forged, but 
 he was shocked to recognize by the same glance that the notes through- 
 out were in the handwriting of his own son the son had forged his 
 father's signature. He was doubtless unable to conceal his agitation, 
 for the cashier in alarm asked, "The signatures are yours, aren't 
 they?" The father was immediately confronted with a tragical 
 dilemma. If he should adopt the notes, as if they were genuine, 
 he was at a loss to know how he could pay them; he would have to 
 mortgage his property: it would subject him to great difficulty and 
 privation; perhaps, he would have to try to get into business again. 
 On the other hand, if he should repudiate the notes as forgeries, 
 there flashed before his mind visions of a public trial before a criminal
 
 THE STATISTICS OF CRIME. 69 
 
 court, his son the prisoner at the bar, the inevitable sentence, his 
 only son a state prisoner in prison garb, doomed to end his life in 
 disgrace and ruin. There was no time for deliberation; the crucial 
 (jiH'stion, "The signatures are yours, aren't they?" must be met 
 without hesitation or wavering. The father promptly answered (and 
 the same answer would be given probably in ninety-five cases out 
 i hundred), "Yes, they are my notes." 
 
 This example recalls another, relating to another friend of the writer, 
 the narration of which may be excused as the circumstances attending 
 it were peculiarly interesting and strange. A merchant in the city 
 of New York had in his employment a bookkeeper who had served 
 him for twenty years and was trusted without limit. By sheer accident 
 the employer happened to notice a mis-entry in the books relating 
 r<> a transaction of the previous day; this false entry made by the book- 
 keeper meant a loss to the employer of $200. His suspicion aroused, 
 the employer made a closer examination of the books and discovered 
 another false entry of the same kind made some two weeks before, 
 involving loss to him of another sum of about $200. He then sum- 
 moned the bookkeeper to his private office and charged him with the 
 theft of these two items amounting together to some 400. The 
 bookkeeper indignantly protested his innocence but, on being con- 
 fronted with the proofs which were convincing, he broke down com- 
 pletely and confessed that he had been pilfering from his employer 
 for a series of years past. When asked how much he had taken, he 
 replied, "I can tell you exactly;" and he drew from his pocket a 
 neatly written memorandum giving dates and amounts stolen aggre- 
 gating about $15,000. The merchant, appalled at this unexpected 
 disclosure, exclaimed, "John, what have you done with all this 
 money?" John replied, "With the first $3,500 taken I bought a 
 little house and lot in New Jersey where I am living; all the rest of 
 the money I put into savings banks in this city where it now is, intact; 
 and I am ready to make restitution of all of it to you and, as soon as 
 the deed can be prepared, I will convey to you the house in New 
 Jersey which is worth all I gave for it." In verification of his state- 
 ments he produced the savings bank books showing the deposits 
 in his name and he said, "I am ready to go with you now to these 
 banks and draw out these moneys and repay them to you." Events 
 were moving rapidly, but the merchant summoned a carriage and the 
 two men started out to make the round of the savings banks. As 
 they entered the carriage the bookkeeper drew from his pocket a 
 roll of bank bills, containing several hundred dollars which he handed 
 to his employer saying, " Here, this is part of your money; take it." 
 They visited the savings banks, drew out the deposists and when they 
 returned to the office the merchant had recovered all that had been 
 stolen from him except the New Jersey house and that was duly 
 conveyed to him afterward. 
 
 Now, who can tell how many occurrences similar to these are daily 
 happening, except as to the feature of restitution in the last case 
 cited ? That feature was surely unique. Crimes of burglary, of
 
 jo THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 robbery, of blackmail, of rape, of larceny, of assault, are being con- 
 stantly committed that never come to the public ear. The victims 
 of these crimes endure them in silence, impelled by multitudinous 
 motives. A merchant may have apprehension that if it becomes 
 known that he has sustained loss through robbery or embezzlement, 
 his commercial credit may be seriously impaired; other victims 
 shrink from the annoyance and publicity of appearing as prosecutors 
 at a criminal trial and reason that even the conviction of the offender 
 cannot in any degree repair the loss or damage they have already 
 suffered; others are restrained by distrust of the police or by fear of 
 revenge by the offender or his allies; the situation or conduct of the 
 victim himself at the time the crime was committed may have been 
 such as to cast discredit or ridicule upon him if publicly disclosed; 
 pity for the guilty person, professing penitence, or for his innocent 
 family or the fact that the offender was his relative may restrain the 
 victim from conducting a prosecution that would bring disgrace and 
 suffering without any compensating benefit. These and countless 
 other like inducements not to prosecute control the action of the 
 victim in possibly a majority of all the cases where crimes are com- 
 mitted. It often requires public spirit and a strong sense of justice 
 and of public duty to sustain a complainant in pressing a criminal 
 prosecution to final conviction. 
 
 In addition to these unpublished crimes, there are numerous cases 
 where crime is committed and reported to the police but proceed no 
 further. In these instances, the offender may be known but has 
 escaped or the offender is unknown and eludes detection; in either 
 case there is no conviction and the crime remains unpunished. 
 
 All these crimes, both those that are unpublished and those 
 that are unpunished, cut no figure in the statistics of crime. What pro- 
 portion they bear in number and in magnitude to the crimes included 
 in statistics cannot possibly be known and yet they constitute a very 
 large part of the total volume of crime. Do these unpublished and 
 unpunished crimes bear a constant relation to the crimes of the statis- 
 tics, both increasing or decreasing in like ratio ? The prosecution 
 and punishment of crime is designed to check the commission of 
 crime, that is, to reduce the number of crimes committed. Is it 
 not probable, then that when the number of crimes that are detected 
 and punished increases, the number of those crimes that are unpub- 
 lished and unpunished will tend to decrease instead of to increase ? 
 That the ratio between the two classes will be, not a direct, but an 
 inverse ratio ? 
 
 There is no possible means of arriving at a positive and confident 
 answer to these questions. All that is certain is that any criminal 
 statistics that can possibly be gathered must relate to a part only, 
 and doubtless a minor part, of the whole volume of crime and that 
 there is no possible means of learning whether the magnitude of 
 that known part varies in a direct or in an inverse ratio to that of 
 the rest of the volume. Is crime increasing ? is a question 
 vastly interesting and important; whether the question relates to the
 
 THE STATISTICS OK CRIME. 71 
 
 number of crimes committed or the number of criminals, it embraces 
 the whole body of crime actually committed in the country. To this 
 question, criminal statistics cannot, be made to yield any answer. 
 
 This conclusion, however dispiriting, docs not impugn the value 
 of statistics of crime. There are many problems where such statistics 
 are not only useful but indispensable. "Statistics are our chief source 
 of knowledge concerning the elements of population that enter into 
 the criminal classes, the essential condition of these elements, the 
 proportion of prisoners convicted for the different kinds of offences" 
 (Annual Report of 1907 of American Prison Association, p. 208). 
 
 Perhaps the highest value of criminal statistics consists in the light 
 they may throw upon the practical effects produced by penal legis- 
 lation, by judicial procedure and by the administration ot police and 
 detective officers. For example, within the past decade radical 
 changes in the administration of justice have been established in 
 this country by laws relating to juvenile offenders and by the extended 
 use of the suspended sentence and probation. A question has arisen 
 in many minds whether the severity of the penal law has not thus 
 been unduly relaxed. It is a matter of supreme importance to know 
 whether, and how far, the tenderness of the modern law toward 
 children serves to rescue them from a life of crime; to know whether 
 the clemency of the law toward adults by suspension of sentence and 
 probation promotes their rehabilitation, and to know to what class 
 of offenders this clemency may properly be extended; to know whether 
 these milder methods of treatment are affording adequate protection 
 to the public, or whether sterner measures of restraint and discipline 
 may be made more effective in repressing crime. These vital ques- 
 tions can receive final answer only by following the subsequent career 
 of the offenders to whom these methods are applied, and thus gain- 
 ing data for statistical tabulation. In the same way, the virtue of 
 the indeterminate sentence ought to be substantiated by the statis- 
 tical test. Statistics can be made to show what class of crime comes 
 most frequently before the courts in a given community, and whether 
 an increase in the severity of punishment tends to increase or diminish 
 the number of convictions. 
 
 A movement is now in progress which may greatly widen the scope 
 of criminal statistics. It has long been reali/ed that many persons 
 sentenced for crime are feeble-minded and seriously defective, men- 
 tally and physically, but within the past few years the conviction has 
 been growing that our penal system is radically imperfect in that 
 it provides no adequate means for deciding whether or not a person 
 on trial for crime is really responsible criminally. 
 
 Some two years ago the writer of this report had his attention and 
 interest directed to a convict confined in the state prison of one of 
 the western states. The man was subject to sei/ures which were 
 diagnosed (possibly correctly) as of an epileptic nature. They were 
 attacks of acute mania when he became violent and was apparently 
 unconscious of his acts, as he retained no memory of what had 
 occurred during the attack. In one of these seizures he committed a
 
 72 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 violent assault upon and killed the foreman of the factory where he 
 was a workman. He was convicted of murder and sent to the state 
 prison. There he was subjected to close medical observation and 
 treatment and last year underwent a surgical operation which 
 resulted in the discovery of a needle in or upon the surface of the brain, 
 with a thickening of the adjacent part of the skull. The removal 
 of the needle was followed by a quick recovery; the general health 
 of the man, which had been reduced, rapidly improved and there 
 has since been no recurrence of the spasmodic seizures. Last April 
 he was discharged from the prison upon parole or conditional pardon 
 and his future career will be watched with interest for the appearance 
 of any criminal tendency. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that many of the convicts now confined in 
 prison are constitutionally abnormal, on the borderline between sanity 
 and insanity, or mentally defective to such a degree that they are not 
 fit subjects for penal treatment. The protection of the public 
 requires that they should be confined, not in prison, but in an insti- 
 tution where they can receive medical and psychopathic treatment. 
 The stern discipline of the prison may often serve positively to aggra- 
 vate the infirmities from which they suffer and render them more 
 dangerous to the community on their discharge. To meet this neces- 
 sity, it is now demanded that every person tried for crime shall be 
 subjected to a psychological examination by medical experts to ascertain 
 and report whether his mental or physical condition is so far impaired 
 or so far abnormal as to render him irresponsible criminally. Such 
 report would be an invaluable aid to the court in determining whether 
 the offender should be committed to prison for a limited term or to 
 a custodial institution for an indefinite period, to be released only 
 when his release will be consistent with safety to the public. 
 
 Examinations of this kind have lately been conducted, with 
 results interesting and notable, in the New Jersey state reformatory, 
 in the state reformatory for women at Bedford, New York, in the 
 Tombs prison in New York city and elsewhere; they have shown 
 that a large fraction of the number of prisoners examined are mentally 
 defective and below the line of criminal responsibility for their acts. 
 The Prison Association of New York has recently organized an 
 active committee, comprising eminent specialists in mental disease, to 
 promote the legislative adoption of a system requiring the medico- 
 psychological examination of all persons placed on trial or imprisoned 
 for crime. If the movement in this direction should prove successful, 
 the contemplated examinations might furnish a mass of data for the 
 establishment of a new department in the science of criminal statistics. 
 
 There are numberless legal, sociological and economic problems 
 bearing upon the efficiency of the police force and of the administra- 
 tion of justice by the courts, on immigration, education, marriage and 
 divorce, commercial prosperity or depression, drunkenness and vag- 
 rancy, lunacy and idiocy, unemployment and poverty, all in their 
 relation to crime, upon which criminal statistics may be made to 
 throw needed light.
 
 THE STATISTICS OF CRIME. 73 
 
 To sum up this report, it is but a truism to say that statistics, to 
 be useful for any purpose, must be comprehensive, accurate and uni- 
 form. What statistics we now have are deficient in all these qualities. 
 To secure the ultimate introduction of these lacking qualities into 
 our criminal statistics must be made the aim of present endeavor. 
 The institution in each state of the Union of a bureau of criminal 
 statistics, all these bureaus to be brought into harmonious and united 
 activity through the co-operation and under the guidance of the 
 federal census bureau, is urged as the most effective means to this 
 end. To stimulate interest and effort toward the establishment of 
 such state bureaus is respectfully presented as the chief burden of the 
 present report.
 
 Qlrtp, $itmm?r, 1911 
 
 iEtglit 
 
 INTRODUCTORY TO REPORT OF EUROPEAN TRIP OF GENERAL 
 
 SECRETARY 
 
 IN the spring of IQII, the Prison Association of New York received 
 an invitation from the International Congress for the Studv of 
 Questions Relating to the Patronage of Discharged Prisoners 
 and the Protection of Morally Abandoned Children to participate 
 in the fifth session of that congress to be held in 
 The State Antwerp from the sixteenth to the twenty-first of 
 of European July, 1911. The congress of 1911 was a continu- 
 Prisons. ation of four similar congresses held in Antwerp 
 
 in 1890, 1894 and 1898, and at Liege in 1904. 
 The general secretary of the Prison Association was instructed to 
 represent the Association at Antwerp, and subsequently to make a 
 tour of several European countries, in order to report to the Prison 
 Association, and through the annual report of the society to the 
 Legislature, upon such conditions obtaining in European prisons and 
 other correctional institutions as might prove of interest and value 
 to American students of prison administration and reform. 
 
 More than thirty years ago Dr. E. C. Wines, a former secretary 
 of the Prison Association, published an epoch-making work on the 
 "State of Prisons in the United States and Europe." In later years, 
 between 1900 and 1909, Dr. Samuel J. Barrows, corresponding sec- 
 retary of the Prison Association, published frequent monographs of 
 great value on European prison conditions. The present report of 
 the general secretary is neither exhaustive nor complete. The re- 
 port treats of institutions visited by the general secretary of the Asso- 
 ciation in Belgium, Holland, Germany, England and Scotland in 
 the summer of 1911, and describes also the Antwerp congress. 1 While 
 in no sense a general study of the "state of prisons," it is a report 
 conforming with the purpose of the Association to describe from time 
 to time for the benefit of American students of criminology the methods 
 and deliberations of students in similar fields in other lands. 
 The itinerary of the general secretary was as follows: 
 
 ITINERARY 
 
 July, IQII. 
 4-14 New York to Rotterdam. 
 
 14 The Hague, Holland. House of detention for adults. 
 
 15 The Hague, Holland. Special prison (under construction) for epilep- 
 
 tics, aged, insane, feeble minded and tuberculous. 
 Haarlem, Holland. Prison. 
 
 16 Antwerp, Belgium. International congress. 
 
 1 Because of present lack of space, certain parts of the general secretary's report will be pub- 
 lished in our next annual report. 
 
 74
 
 Greenock Prison. Scotland. 
 
 Grccnock Prison. Scotland.
 
 Tin STATE OF EUROPEAN PRISONS. 75 
 
 r/>, Belgium. International congress. 
 
 |S / ,-//, Belgium. International congress; house of detention. 
 
 ."/. International congress superior court. 
 
 20 Antwerp, Belgium. International congress. 
 .' i Antwerp, Belgium. National fete. 
 
 22 The Hague, H'Jland. Local prison. 
 .Imersfoort, Upland. Reform school. 
 
 23 Apeldoor, Holland. Voluntary labor colony for discharged prisoners. 
 
 24 A'cereest, II nil and. Opening of reform school. 
 i) yeenhuixen, Holland. Beggar colons. 
 
 26 Berlin, German \. 
 
 Berlin^ Germany. Juvenile protectory, "Am I'rhan." 
 
 lierlin, German v. Morals police. 
 
 Berlin, German v. Children's court. Prisoners* aid society. 
 
 30 Berlin, Germany* Sunday. 
 
 31 Berlin, Germany. Morals police. Moahit prison. 
 
 August, 1Q1I. 
 
 1 Berlin, German\. Morals police. Night asylum for homeless. 
 
 2 Berlin, German v. Workhouse ar Kummelshurg. 
 
 3 Baden Baden, Germany. Dav's interview with Dr. Krohne, chief of 
 
 Prussian prison system. 
 
 4 The Rhine, Germany. From Bingen to Cologne. 
 
 5 Brauweiler, Germany. Workhouse. 
 
 6 Bielefeld, Germany. Labor colony. 
 
 7 ('.iff, Id, Germany. Juvenile reformatory Fichtenhain. 
 
 7 Anhalt, Germany. Prison. 
 
 8 Merxplas, Belgium. Beggar colon}'. 
 
 9 Antwerp, Belgium, to London, England. 
 10 London, England. Holloway prison 
 
 10 London, England. Pentonville prison. 
 
 1 1 London, England. Wormwcx>d Scrubbs. 
 
 12 London, England. Brixton remand prison, 
 i \ London, England. Sunday. 
 
 14 Borstal, England. Borstal institution. 
 
 1 5 I^ondon, England. Borstal association. 
 
 16 London, England. Bow Street Police Court. Scotland yard. Work- 
 
 in HIM, casual ward. 
 
 17 Newport. Isle of Wight, England. Parkhurst prison. Camp Hill 
 
 prison (under construction). 
 1 8 20 London, England. 
 
 21 Edinburgh, Scotland. Local prison. 
 
 22 I'eterhraJ, Scotland. Convict prison. 
 . ^ Inverness, Scotland. Local prison. 
 
 24 Gltisgou; Scotland. 
 
 25 Glasgow, Scotland. Barlinne prison, Duke street prison. 
 
 August 26 to September 3. Glasgow to .Vint- York. 
 
 The character of institutions and organizations visited was as 
 follows: 
 
 Convict prisons 3 
 
 Local or district prisons 1
 
 76 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Remand prisons I 
 
 Houses of detention (adults) 2 
 
 Reformatory for males 16-21 I 
 
 Workhouses 2 
 
 Reformatories for juveniles 4 
 
 Vagrancy and bcgger colonies (compulsory) 2 
 
 Vagrancy colonies (voluntary) '. . . 2 
 
 Prisons under construction 2 
 
 Pauper workhouse 
 
 Casual ward 
 
 Night asylum for homeless 
 
 Superior court 
 
 Police court 
 
 Children's courts. I 
 
 Police departments 2 
 
 37 
 International congress (July 16-21) i 
 
 While the general secretary aimed to visit many typical institutions 
 of various kinds, he recognized that the Prison Association is at present 
 most deeply interested in (a) European vagrancy colonies; (b) local 
 and convict prisons; (c) tendencies toward the reformatory treatment 
 of prisoners, and (d) the treatment of the feeble-minded or mentally 
 deficient prisoner. The chapters following will outline the impres- 
 sions of the representative of the Association. 
 
 The Prison Association deeply appreciates the signal courtesy and 
 hospitality so spontaneously manifested toward the general secre- 
 tary by prison authorities in all countries visited 
 Honorary by him. Frequently our European colleagues 
 Corresponding and friends gave themselves considerable per- 
 Members. sonal inconvenience to facilitate the tour of our 
 representative. In partial recognition of these 
 courtesies, the board of managers of the Prison Association have 
 done themselves the honor to elect as honorary corresponding mem- 
 bers of the Association 
 
 Sir Evelyn Ruggles-Brise, chairman Prison Commission of 
 England. 
 
 Walter George Scott, chairman Prison Commission of Scotland. 
 
 James S. Gibbons, chairman Prison Commission of Ireland. 
 
 H. C. Dresselhuis, secretary-general Ministry of Justice, Hol- 
 land. 
 
 A. Fentener van Flisslngen, president Netherlands Prisoners' Aid 
 
 Society, Holland. % 
 
 H. B. Ver Loren van Themaat, Queen's attorney, Holland. 
 Dr. E. Krohne, chief of Prussian Prison System, Germany.
 
 THE STATE OF Et ROPKAN PRISONS. 77 
 
 Dr. Ernest RostnfflJ, royal attorney, Germany. 
 Gtorgt Stammer, criminologisr, Germany. 
 Madame Carton de ft'iart, social worker, Belgium. 
 Adolph Prins, professor of penal law, Belgium. 
 
 hnr Sztlagyi, advocate, Hungary. 
 
 Dr. R. y amber y t royal attorney and professor of penal law, 
 Hungary. 
 
 This report seeks to cover in brief form the problem of vagrancy 
 in ci-rtain European countries, and outlines also the present status of 
 English prisons and Borstal institutions. It is hoped that the 
 in-xr annual report will contain a study of German and Dutch prisons 
 and reformatories, and of certain European prisoners' aid societies, 
 matters that could not be treated in the present report because of 
 lack of space.
 
 (Eltaptrr 
 
 THE PROBLEM OF EUROPEAN MENDICANCY AND VAGRANCY 
 
 THE problem of vagrancy in the United States has assumed not 
 only national proportions, but most serious phases. Students of 
 industrial conditions as well as the more popular newspaper 
 press have shown that our indifference to our tramp army results yearly 
 in startling increases in the number of tramps and vagabonds. More 
 than in any other country our tramp army is recruited from work- 
 shy young men, who form the bulk of the freight-train riders infest- 
 ing the great trunk lines throughout the country. 
 
 Many estimates have been made as to the size and extent of the 
 tramp army. The statement was popular several years ago that 
 500,000 vagrants roam American railroads and 
 The Extent highways. The annual loss to American rail- 
 of the roads through depredations of tramps and vag- 
 
 Problem. rants has been variously estimated at from 
 
 $15,000,000 to $25,000,000. Cases of loss of life 
 among tramps due to accidents on railroads and railroad tracks seem 
 to number between 5,000 and 10,000 a year, while serious injuries 
 occur to as many more persons. The cost to the public in chari- 
 table provision in almshouses and hospitals, municipal lodging houses, 
 missions, charity organization societies and the like must be enor- 
 mous, and local prisons, such as houses of correction, workhouses and 
 county jails are largely populated by the'vagrant classes. That con- 
 ditions become each year worse instead of better is common testi- 
 mony. Discouraging indeed are such patent facts as that the short 
 sentencing of vagrants is still the rule throughout the country and 
 that commitments for vagrancy to penal institutions form about one- 
 fifth of all the commitments to American penal institutions, drunken- 
 ness being the only cause.of commitment more frequent than that of 
 vagrancy. 
 
 Encouraging on the other hand is the general public interest mani- 
 fested in the so-called tramp problem, an interest due not so largely 
 to the picturesque nature of the tramp as to the obvious fact that the 
 tramp is generally not only a nuisance, but an elusive and dangerous 
 individual. 
 
 The State of New York passed last summer a bill providing for 
 the establishment of an industrial farm colony for the compulsory 
 detention, reformation and education of habitual 
 A Farm tramps and vagrants. The bill provides for the 
 
 Colony appointment of a board of managers by the Gov- 
 
 Bill. ernor, and for the securing of a site, preferably 
 
 among the waste lands of the State. An appro- 
 priation of $io,coo was granted for initial expenses. By 1912, the 
 
 78
 
 : 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 .: 
 

 
 IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. 79 
 
 board of managers will, it is hoped, have secured a proper site and 
 will seek to secure appropriations for the construction of the first 
 buildings. No step of greater significance has probably ever been 
 taken in the United States in the treatment of vagrancy. The state 
 farm of Massachusetts has for many years been considered an 
 excellent workhouse for vagrants and inebriates, but the proposed 
 New York farm colony will, it is planned, combine the best of the 
 experience of European countries with the results of American 
 experience in the treatment of the vagrant. 
 
 The next few years, during which the first New York industrial 
 farm colonv will be built and put into operation, will be a period of 
 high importance not only for New York State but for all other states 
 of the Union. New York State is being carefully watched by many 
 sister states. Rightly or wrongly, many of the methods adopted in 
 Nt-\v York are considered standards in many other states. The 
 present is a period of much doubt as to the proper methods of dealing 
 with the tramp. Should New York make false moves in the con- 
 struction of its farm colony or in its administration and operation, 
 the unfortunate results would effect not only New York but other states. 
 leign countries, notably Belgium, Holland and Germany, have 
 had lengthy und varied experience with the problem of vagabondage 
 and mendicancy. Indeed, in central Kurope the 
 In Foreign vagrancy problem is not only a generation old. 
 Countries. but a century old. Napoleon devoted some of 
 his genius to the problem of the suppression of 
 vagabondage. When the Dutch controlled Belgium as well as Hol- 
 land, Dutch benevolent societies sought in Belgium the reformation 
 and rehabilitation of the vagabond. A half century ago, Holland 
 was segregating over 1000 vagabonds and beggars on a bleak heath 
 in the north of Holland east of the Xuyder Zee, and already turning 
 the arid plain into a blooming oasis. Belgium was creating, fifty 
 years ago. local beggar colonies and was recogni/ing that vagrancy 
 is one of the great social dangers of a nation, a danger increasing 
 iiH-\ital)ly with the progress of civilization. Germany was thirty 
 years ago establishing its first voluntary labor colony at Bielefeld in 
 central Prussia. Pastor von Bodclschwingh. the great German 
 organizer of philanthropic institutions for defectives of all kinds, 
 founded with deep religious conviction his first farm colonv for the 
 "l>i others of the highway." Compulsory workhouses, semi-penal 
 in nature, have come to number about thirty in the kingdom of 
 Prussia, containing not thieves, not those guilty of assault, not robbers 
 in. i other criminals of greater or less degree, but solely vagrants, 
 mendicants, and that despicable class of human beings, the toutrnfurs, 
 who traffic in human flesh. 
 
 Today the accumulated experience of generations can be found in 
 the records and in the methods of administration of Belgian beggar 
 colonies, Dutch vagrancy colonies, German voluntary labor colonies 
 and German compulsory workhouses. It is unthinkable that the 
 United States, ever ready in commercial and industrial lines to profit 
 not only by the mistakes but by the successes of other nations, will
 
 8o THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 be blind to the wealth of experience that European countries can 
 offer us. 
 
 With the purpose of rendering a slight contribution to American 
 information on this subject, a considerable part of my last summer's 
 tour in Belgium, Holland, Germany, England and Scotland, as general 
 secretary of the Prison Association of New York, was devoted to a 
 first-hand study of the administration of institutions for vagrants 
 and mendicants, and to the study also of their history and of the laws 
 under which at various times they have been operated. In several 
 chapters following this introductory chapter, I present a somewhat 
 careful study of Merxplas, the world-famous beggar colony of Belgium ; 
 of Veenhuizen, the less-known but remarkably interesting vagrancy 
 colony of Holland; of the voluntary labor colonies and the compulsory 
 workhouses of Prussia and Germany; and of conditions and problems 
 of vagrancy in England and Scotland. 
 
 Much very valuable material has been furnished me by the directors 
 of the several institutions; by the departments of justice in Belgium, 
 Holland and Prussia; by the Home Office in England and by the 
 prison commissioners of Scotland. I have not hesitated to cull from 
 reliable reports and publications dealing with the various institutions 
 it has been my purpose to describe. The following chapters are in no 
 sense essays, but rather compilations of facts which have been gathered 
 from personal observation and from various other credible sources. 
 
 Several general observations may well precede the special chapters. 
 
 I. In four of the countries above mentioned (Belgium, Holland, 
 England and Scotland} the correctional institutions in which vagrants 
 and mendicants are confined are under the same 
 Centralized governing body as that which governs the prisons. 
 Control. In Belgium and Holland, the department of 
 
 justice controls the beggar colonies and the 
 vagrancy colonies. In England and Scotland the boards of prison 
 commissioners are the governing bodies not only for the convict 
 prisons in which the more serious offenders are imprisoned, but also 
 for the local prisons, which are the places of imprisonment of beggars 
 and mendicants. In Prussia, the Arbeitshaeuser (compulsory work- 
 houses) are under provincial, not royal, control. In short, in Prussia 
 compulsory workhouses are county institutions, or in the case of 
 Berlin municipal institutions, rather than state institutions. We 
 find therefore in Holland and Belgium special institutions for the 
 imprisonment of vagrants and mendicants controlled by the state; 
 in Prussia special institutions for the imprisonment of vagrants and 
 mendicants controlled by provinces corresponding in general to our 
 American counties; we find in England and Scotland local prisons, 
 not specially designated for vagrants and mendicants, controlled by 
 the state through boards of prison commissioners. While in Prussia 
 the American student might perhaps expect under provincial (i. e., 
 county) management a condition analagous to the indifferent if not 
 highly unintelligent county management of correctional institutions 
 so familiar to American students, the fact is that the Prussian county
 
 FOREIGN VAGRANTS DIFFERENT. 81 
 
 compulsory workhouses seem to be managed with a German thor- 
 oughness, efficiency, and integrity, that makes these county institu- 
 tions, so far as my observations went, fully comparable to the man- 
 .im-im-nt of the German state prisons and penitentiaries. 
 
 The important point is that the state, or in Prussia the county, 
 can organi/e and operate its institutions for vagrants and mendicants 
 independent of petty local prejudices or ignorance and regardless of 
 pernicious political influences. And if in general a European state 
 concludes to institute in its colonies or other institutions an innovation 
 or a method well-tested elsewhere, it has the power. As in New York, 
 state institutions in general are far better managed than the local 
 institutions, so in the European countries I visited the principle of 
 state control and operation of all correctional institutions is held to 
 be fundamentally correct. If in Prussia the local institutions were 
 poorly managed, the state would undoubtedly seek to step in and 
 take over the management of these institutions. Briefly then, it can 
 be asserted that the state control and operation of institutions for the 
 treatment of vagrants and tramps is a principle justified by European 
 experience. 
 
 2. In all European countries vitittJ, I found a most aJtnirablt 
 absence of political influences. Repeatedly it was impressed upon 
 
 me by high authorities that politics play no dele- 
 No Politics. terious part in the appointments of correctional 
 
 officials, high or low. To be sure, each country 
 has its political parties, but the integrity of men in office is, I was 
 informed, rarely questioned. Positions such as secretary-general of 
 the department of justice, which office carries with it both in Holland 
 and Belgium the administration of prisons and other correctional 
 institutions, or that of the head of the Prussian prison system, or that 
 of chairman of the prison commissioners of England or Scotland is 
 practically a position of life tenure, during good behavior. Governors 
 and directors of prisons, and subordinate officials as well, hold office 
 without fear of removal for any cause except dereliction of duty, 
 incompetency or immorality. Frequently indeed was the plea made 
 to me: "Urge above all things the removal of American prisons 
 from politics." The type of prison employee from governor down 
 through to the list of attendants is, from the standard of integrity, 
 admirable in all countries I visited. That such conditions make for 
 good service is self-evident, through the elimination of worry as to 
 tenure, and through the elimination of voluntary or compulsory dis- 
 honesty under the pressure of political influences. 
 
 2. On the continent* the vagrants and mendicants found in the colonies 
 and in the compulsory \vorkhouses art very noticeablv Ji/etent from our 
 
 typical tramp or vagrant, in that the European 
 
 Foreign tramp in prison is much older than our typical 
 
 Vagrants youthful or young adult wanderer. In Mcrxplas 
 
 Different. and in Veenhui/en the young tramp was a rarity. 
 
 Perhaps ninety-five per cent, it would seem, of 
 the population of the beggar colonies were at least 45 years old. The 
 6
 
 #2 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 population of the several compulsory workhouses visited in Prussia 
 averaged somewhat younger, but nevertheless was considerably older 
 than the members of our tramp army. 
 
 Added to this was the fact, everywhere observable, that the great 
 majority of the tramps and vagrants possessed a trade. They could 
 accomplish at least moderate results with their hands and they seemed 
 to wish to do satisfactory work to a reasonable extent. As illustra- 
 tions I would cite the tailoring department, the shoe making depart- 
 ment and the trunk department at Merxplas, and the weaving and 
 the carpentry work at Veenhuizen'. The great majority of the 
 vagrants and the beggars who are segregated in Holland, Belgium and 
 in Germany are men who know how to do things with their hands 
 and heads sufficiently well to earn a living, but are either physically 
 or mentally so under-par that they cannot work hard enough or will 
 not save money enough to render them permanently self-supporting. 
 Hence they gravitate, generally without any criminal instincts or 
 intentions, into vagabondage or mendicancy and are arrested and 
 sent or returned to the beggar colony. In these colonies, under a 
 control which they are not averse to and with a shifting of responsi- 
 bility which they are glad of, they produce a moderate amount of 
 product with a moderate amount of pleasure in their work. The 
 directors of the colonies and other representatives of the departments 
 of justice claim that the men are happier in the colonies and are better 
 off by far than they would be outside. 
 
 4. The beggar colonies and the compulsory workhouses are in no 
 
 sense reformatories. The importance of this fact cannot be over 
 
 emphasized. There seems to be a rather general 
 
 Colonies belief in the United States that farm colonies for 
 
 Not tramps and vagrants will be important reformative 
 
 Reformatories, agencies. European experience is directly contrary 
 to this belief. European sociologists, directors 
 
 of colonies, prison physicians, and prison commissioners without 
 exception stated emphatically to me that the percentage of reforma- 
 tion, by which is meant fairly permanent rehabilitation, is exceedingly 
 small from the colonies and the compulsory workhouses. The history 
 of beggar colonies in Belgium and Holland shows that these colonies 
 began with large hopes of reformation, but that in the course of years 
 and generations it has become manifest that the tramp and vagrant 
 is what he is through a lack of stamina, will, physique or brain 
 (whatever we may call it inth.e individual instance), without which it is 
 impossible for him to lead long a normal and self-supporting existence. 
 
 Just as we in the United States are coming to see that the feeble- 
 minded criminal and non-criminal are chronically deficient and that 
 feeble-mindedness means an absence of a quality which cannot be 
 replaced or cured, so as to vagrancy and its twin sister mendicancy 
 European conclusions are emphatic that vagrancy and mendicancy, 
 especially in the more advanced stages, must be regarded as mani- 
 festations of a social inefficiency and incompetency which require 
 segregation and custodial care, in most instances permanently or for 
 long periods.
 
 Weaving Shop, Beggar Colony, Merxplas, Belgium 
 
 Children of Officials Being Reviewed by Minister of Justice. Beggar Colony, 
 
 Merxplas. Belgium
 
 COLONIES DETERRENT. 83 
 
 If ever a labor colony was organized and conducted with the 
 earnest purpose of reformation of a large proportion of its imnates, 
 the \oluntaiv lahor colonv at Bielefeld, Prussia, was such a one. Yet 
 a ft i- 1 thim \eais the parent colony, known throughout the civilized 
 world ami quoted more than any otner of its kind, bears this testimony 
 through its secretary, given to me on August n, 10,11 : "This colony 
 is not successful in reforming many men or in making them perma- 
 nently self-supporting. This colony is successful in furnishing, as 
 do the score of other voluntary colonies in Germany, a haven to the 
 'brother of the highway* who is stranded and unable to live honestly 
 without our help. This colony has become a colony not for the per- 
 manent rehabilitation of its inmates, but for the temporary succor 
 of those who seek our help. A large proportion of our 'brothers' 
 come time and again to see us. They think themselves strong 
 enough to leave us, but they come back. If they do not come to us, 
 the\ go to other colonies from time to time. Many of our colonists 
 are disciplined prisoners. Many of them are at times in the volun- 
 tatv labor colonies, at times in the compulsory workhouses. We have 
 many instances of successful reformation and rehabilitation, but the 
 voluntary labor colony as represented by Bielefeld colony has not 
 soKed the problem of the elimination of the tramp." 
 
 ( >n the other hand, opinion is general that the compulsory labor 
 colony as represented bv the heggar colon v or compulsory u-ork house 
 is of great value as a deterrent and as a custodial 
 Colonies institution. None of the countries would, I 
 
 Deterrent. believe, give up the colony idea, although state- 
 ments were frequently made that the colonies 
 should be smaller, classification more developed, and efforts of influence 
 for the betterment of individual colonists should be more frequent and 
 \ a mil. At Merxplas the secretary general of the Belgian department 
 of justice, who is the administrative head of the Belgian prison system, 
 .1 to me that Belgium is planning numerous smaller colonies totake 
 the plan of Merxplas. The feeling is pronounced in Belgium. 
 Holland and Germany that the most that can be achieved by any 
 present method of dealing with vagrants is the gradual reduction of 
 the mimlui of vagrants, the deterrence of many would-be vagrants, 
 and the segregation of a large number of inevitable vagrants and 
 .us where they may do the least harm to society at a minimum 
 expense to society. 
 
 Although vagrants in the colonies and the workhouses manifest in 
 :< -neial a restlessness and a frequent desire for liberty, they aie them- 
 sl\ i .iware that their condition in general is better in the colonies 
 than outside. Indeed, at Merxplas and particularly at Vcenhuizcn 
 the American visitor finds a beauty of landscape and a condition of 
 intensi\e development of garden and meadow, grove and forest, 
 canal and highway, that render both institutions sccnically beautiful. 
 The Prussian compulsory workhouse, Brauweiler, is most attract- 
 ivelv located in a renovated monastery, some of the original buildings 
 of \\hich are looo years old. The spacious rooms, the impressive 
 arched corridors, the striking central courts and the cloisters, as well
 
 84 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 as the well-preserved cloister church dating back to the tenth century 
 are all impressive and even awe-inspiring. The workhouse prisoners 
 eat in cloistered passages where 500 years ago the monks had their 
 daily meals. The prisoners worship in a church used by royalty and 
 nobles at the time of the Crusades. Even a spreading mulberry tree 
 in one of the court yards, furnishing shade from time to time for 
 some of the inmates, was planted a thousand years ago by the founders 
 of the monastery. In Rummelsburg, adjacent to Berlin, the walled 
 workhouse embraces ample grounds, a spacious garden and 
 attractive buildings. At Veenhuizen in Holland, the heath has been 
 made to blossom like the rose and no finer views of Holland scenery 
 can be found than those in the midst of the 9000 acres embraced by 
 the colony. 
 
 5. Not only do the vagrants live under such surroundings, but in 
 nearly all instances they and their predecessors have thus created their 
 
 surroundings. Merxplas and Veenhuizen were as 
 
 Colonist the rest of the heath when they were founded. 
 
 Labor. Today the cold north wind, blowing down from 
 
 the North sea, is checked before striking the 
 grounds and buildings of Veenhuizen by forests planted by colonists 
 a generation or more ago. The large dormitories accommodating 
 500 men each in which the Merxplas colonists sleep were built by 
 former colonists, most of whom have passed away. The arable farm 
 land of Merxplas, which now supplies the bulk of the vegetable 
 products needed by the colony, was made fertile by gangs of colonists 
 in previous years, who rooted out the weeds and heather and utilized 
 the street sweepings of Antwerp in a mixture of top soil. Shops, 
 churches, officers' quarters, farm buildings, farm implements and 
 wagons have been built by the colonists in these several institutions. 
 Stock has been bred and raised at the colonies, and to the maximum 
 extent the colonies are rendered self-supporting. In addition, 
 industries are maintained to the maximum extent possible with hand 
 and foot power, it being still a literal principle in the colonies and in 
 the workhouses that by the sweat of his brow shall the colonist earn 
 his bread. Oftentimes the rigor of the work impressed me 
 unpleasantly, particularly the weaving by hand and foot power at 
 Merxplas and at Veenhuizen. 
 
 In short, one of the important lessons taught by the colonies and 
 the workhouses is that there is to be found in tramps and vagrants, 
 at least in central Europe, a large amount of latent productivity, 
 which, directed normally and under conditions offering the least 
 resistence, can be made financially profitable to the state. 
 
 6. European vagrants and beggars seem seldom malicious and 
 vicious. The colonies in Belgium and Holland are not regarded 
 
 as penal institutions, and in Prussia as only semi- 
 Colonists penal. Discipline is comparatively easy, the pro- 
 Not portion of infractions of rules being largely in 
 Malicious. proportion to the tact, discretion and humanity 
 of the director and of his assistants. Throughout 
 the Merxplas colony the words docility and obedience kept recurring
 
 COLONISTS NOT MALICIOUS. 85 
 
 t<> my miiul. In Merxplas and Vecnhui/cn the men come and go, 
 \virhmir the restriction of walls. Kscape is easy and the possibilities 
 are often taken advantage of. As noted in the special chapters that 
 follow, little is done to prevent these escapes so long as the colonists 
 show a disposition to re-estahlish themselves in industrial life. " Peace 
 ami <Nx.il \\ill" seem to he mottos in the colonies. In the Merx- 
 plas colonv one finds many mottos printed in French and Flemish, 
 admonishing the colonists to forsake the vices and cleave to the 
 virtues. Other religious influences, however, are not very noticeable. 
 By comparison, the atmosphere of Bielefeld, a voluntary labor colony 
 of Prussia, seems permeated with devoutness and outward religious 
 observance. 
 
 While further comparison of the colonies visited would be perhaps 
 profitable, it is probably better to leave to the special chapters the 
 description of many of the interesting details of organi/ation and 
 administration. Following the special chapters, it will be my effort 
 to consider further our American problem in the light of European 
 experience and to make certain suggestions looking to the organization 
 and operation of an American labor colony along lines suggested by 
 the European experiences of a century.
 
 GUjapter 
 
 MERXPLAS, A BELGIAN BEGGAR COLONY 
 
 NO careful study of the treatment of vagrancy can neglect Merxplas' 
 Wortel and Hoogstraeten, the famous beggar colonies of Belgium, 
 situated about twenty miles northeast of Antwerp. Merxplas is 
 a compulsory colony for more hardened vagrants and mendicants, has 
 an area of about 3000 acres, and is surrounded by heath and marshes. 
 It is a village in itself, with administration buildings, great dormitories 
 and refectories, shops, church, hospital, farm buildings, sheds, and 
 a population of from 6000 to 7000 colonists, with a staff of over 100 
 employees. Some miles distant are the colonies of Wortel, for first 
 offenders (vagrants and mendicants), and Hoogstraeten for incapaci- 
 tated persons of the same class. So close to the western frontier of 
 Holland is Merxplas that some of the Merxplas lands are in Holland. 
 The colonies are reached from Antwerp by a steam tram that for 
 nearly three hours tries the extreme patience of the traveler. 
 
 Merxplas and its sister colonies cannot be well understood without 
 some knowledge of the Belgian penal code relative to mendicancy 
 and vagabondage. The colonies were founded 
 Belgian in 1823 by Dutch benevolent societies as colony 
 
 Penal homes for indigent families. In 1870, Belgium, 
 
 Code. then long separated nationally from Holland, 
 
 bought the colonies and concentrated here at 
 Merxplas, Wortel and Hoogstraeten the "human derelict heaps" 
 that for many years had been increasing in population through inef- 
 fectual treatment of mendicants and vagrants in may local depots 
 de mendicite. Conditions in the middle of the nineteenth century in 
 Belgian institutions were analogous to present vagrancy conditions 
 in county penitentiaries and county jails in New York. Vagabondage 
 and begging were punished with light and brief imprisonment, after 
 hurried consideration of the individual case by the magistrates. 
 
 The Belgian penal code of 1867, still in use today, defines vagabond- 
 age in the same terms as the French penal code, as follows: "Vaga- 
 bondage is a misdemeanor. Vagabonds are those without known 
 residence, or means of support, who habitually have neither occupa- 
 tion nor trade." To these three facts of no work, no means, no 
 residence, is added in practice by the court, in arriving at a decision, 
 the question of intention on the part of the accused to remain idle. 
 
 According to Belgian law the following cases of vagrancy are 
 punished: (a) Entering of dwellings without permission of owner 
 for purposes of begging; begging with pretence of wounds or infirmity; 
 begging in company with others; imprisonment from eight days to one 
 month, (b) Begging or vagabondage in disguise; imprisonment from 
 eight days to two months, (c) Begging or vagabondage with false 
 
 86
 
 Courtyard, Brauweiler Workhouse. Germany 
 
 Workhouse Yard. Brauweiler. Germany
 
 Si .KI <.\ii.N FOR YEARS. 87 
 
 witnesses, with pasM-s <> ( \\aiult-r-cards, with weapons, files, etc.; 
 three months to one yem . .1 15. L^ing with threats a^.imsf person or 
 properrv; imprisonment from 'in,- month to one year; if accompanied b? 
 violence, .TV months to three \ears. 
 
 Begins a ml \aal>i>Mils convicted under the above captions may 
 atn-i thur imprisonment he placed under police supervision for periods 
 of from five to ten years. 
 
 In 1870 the local depots Je mtnJieite (beggar prisons) were dis- 
 continued and in their place were created the neighboring agricultural 
 beggar colonies of Hoogstraeten, Wortel and Merxplas. From 1870 
 to 1890 begging and vagabondage continued to increase until in 1891 
 Belgium adopted a comprehensive law "for the repression of vagi- 
 bondage and mendicity." This law deserves our attention. 
 
 The thesis upon which the law was based was that "rebellion 
 against the laws relating to labor, and habitual intentional idleness 
 alone, justify correctional measures; society may punish only those 
 who will not work." Let us note that the man out of work is not 
 necessarily a vagrant, nor is that beggar culpable who unwillingly 
 "extends the hand" through force of misfortune. All the more 
 severe is the law with the intentional work-shy or beggar, for every 
 vagabond must, and every beggar may be arrested and arraigned before 
 the magistrate who may, after careful investigation, sentence to 
 confinement ("segregation" would be an excellent English synonym) 
 in a depot de mendicite for from two to seven years able-bodied persons 
 who instead of earning their living by legitimate work exploit charity 
 as professional beggars, or . who live in idleness, drunkenness or 
 otherwise disorderly conditions in a state of vagrancy. To these 
 classes have been added the cadets ("pimps," souteneurs de filles 
 publiques). 
 
 In short, intentional vagrancy and mendicancy, in the case of 
 
 able-bodied persons, has been punishable since 1891 in Belgium by 
 
 compulsory segregation in a beggar colony for 
 
 Segregation from two to seven years. To cover the case of 
 
 For Years. the occasional or the unintentional vagrant or 
 
 beggar, the law provides that the court may dis- 
 
 charge the less serious case or commit the offender to a maison Je 
 
 refuge (Wortel and Hoogstraeten for men, Bruges for women), where 
 
 the offender may not be detained longer than one year against his 
 
 will, nor beyond the time when his earnings shall have reached a 
 
 certain sum (generally about $3.00). The minister of justice, who 
 
 in Belgium is the responsible head of the entire prison system of the 
 
 nation, may release before the expiration of sentence. 
 
 As a distinction is made between the able-bodied (Merxplas and 
 Wortel) and the incapacitated (Hoogstraeten), so also between those 
 over 18 years of age and those of lesser years. Habitual mendicancy 
 or vagabondage in those under 18 years is punished by sentence to 
 a reform school, with the age of majority as a maximum. Children 
 under thirteen in such schools are separated from older children. 
 Of course a child may in time be indentured or sent back to his 
 parents.
 
 88 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Noteworthy in comparison with American methods is the above- 
 cited fact that Belgium has done away with the short sentencing of 
 vagrants and beggars, having learned the futility of short sentencing' 
 Holland, Belgium, Germany, England and Scotland all bore witness, 
 on my trip, to the uselessness of short and repeated convictions. 
 
 Belgium possesses at Brussels a very complete central registration 
 bureau for records of mendicants and vagrants. Cases under arrest 
 must be heard by the court within twenty-four hours, and the tele- 
 graph is brought frequently into play to complete the records of the 
 arrested person. 
 
 Now, what is Merxplas ? One of the leading officers of this beggar 
 colony answered me: "A vast receptacle for human beings; a human 
 refuse heap." Between six and seven thousand 
 What is men are here detained. Imprisonment in the 
 
 Merxplas? penal sense does not exist. The dormitories and 
 shops are not surrounded by walls; the farm lands 
 and the church are unconfined. Indeed, ready means of escape are 
 apparent on all sides, and actual escapes number approximately 
 twelve hundred annually. In 1910, there were 1,197 escapes. In 
 the same year, 1,026 persons were returned after having escaped. 
 On one day the number of escapes has risen to seventeen. What 
 seems to the American visitor a strange indifference of the adminis- 
 tration toward such escapes does not seem remarkable to the, Belgian 
 department of justice. "These men are here because they cannot 
 exist by honesty outside. If an escaped colonist can maintain him- 
 self when at liberty, the state is the gainer by one less inmate. If 
 the colonist goes to begging again, he is soon arrested and returned 
 here. Few colonists, whether escaped or discharged, ever perma- 
 nently succeed in becoming self-supporting one in one hundred. A 
 number will keep their heads above water for a year or two, and then 
 be brought back here." 
 
 Merxplas, therefore, is not a reformatory colony, but a custodial 
 colony, with a three-fold way out: by ultimate discharge, by pardon 
 through the minister of justice (readily given when seemingly justified), 
 or by escape. Eighty-five per cent of the inmates are more or less 
 alcoholic; the fact explains largely the great amount of recidivism. 
 
 Belgium is not trying to abolish vagrancy and mendicancy; has 
 no hope of doing so. Nor have any of the other countries I visited, 
 (Holland, Germany, England, Scotland). Belgium aims to concen- 
 trate, to corrall, its vagrants and mendicants in one locality, removing 
 them from boulevard, street, highway and lane, and assembling them 
 where their partial powers of labor and industrial production may 
 be used for the state's benefit. There are always mendicants and 
 vagrants in Belgium outside of Merxplas and its sister colonies, but 
 most beggars and vagrants pass through Merxplas a number of times 
 and pass most of their time there. Furthermore, the citizens of Bel- 
 gium know that Merxplas exists and that indiscriminate charity is 
 not necessary.
 
 MERXPLAS POPULATION. 89 
 
 The following tables show graphically the movement of the Mcrx- 
 plas population. 
 
 1910 
 
 It.il admissions 4.{ n 7 
 
 Total departures 4,4?5 
 
 Population, December 31, lyio 5.49* 
 
 Of the admissions: 
 
 Direct 2,930 
 
 By transfer 411 
 
 Returned after escape 1,026 
 
 Of the departures: 
 
 Kxpiration of term 1,520 
 
 Bv act of nun, .;, i 1,085 
 
 Conducted to frontier i 
 
 Transferred 467 
 
 I M-aped 1,197 
 
 Dit (1 155 
 
 Of the population (5,492) in the colony on December 31, 1910 
 there had been already placed at the disposition of the government: 
 
 Once 501 
 
 Twice .. 554 
 
 Three times 122 
 
 Four or more times 3.^2 
 
 5,059 
 
 Of special significance is the fact that the great bulk of the popu- 
 lation is made up of repeaters, only 501 out of 5,059 being Hrst-comers 
 in a compulsory beggar colony. That the population fluctuates 
 greatly during the year is evident from the following tables, though 
 the summer and winter populations of our New York jails and peni- 
 tentiaries that house tramps in idleness show much greater variations 
 
 POPULATION TAUI.KS 
 
 Population on the first of each month, 1910. 
 
 January ............ 55o J u ' v S4^ 
 
 February ...... 557 August.. 5.O.J9 
 
 March ...... 5,7'* September. 5.O43 
 
 April ......... 55 ( H October $."5 
 
 May ...... ..... 5.*7 November 5,228 
 
 June ................. 595 December ........ 5.374
 
 9 o 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Average population, first day of month, in 1910, 5,302 persons. 
 Average population, 1901-1910, by years. 
 
 1901 4.124 1906. 
 
 1902. 
 1903. 
 1904. 
 1905. 
 
 4,616 
 4,683 
 5,002 
 
 1907 
 1908 
 1909 
 1910 
 
 4,935 
 4,716 
 5,029 
 5,352 
 5,305 
 
 Average population of year 1910, 5,305 persons. 
 Highest population (February 25) 5,729. 
 Lowest population, (August 6, 7) 5,009. 
 
 - 
 
 First 
 day of 
 month 
 
 Average 
 in 
 month 
 
 Highest 
 in 
 month 
 
 Lowest 
 in 
 month 
 
 January 
 
 1,168 
 
 r 6lO 
 
 c 667 
 
 r r68 
 
 February 
 
 1 671 
 
 r 7QT 
 
 c 72Q 
 
 c 671 
 
 March 
 
 1,708 
 
 c 64.3 
 
 1,7l8 
 
 c. 164. 
 
 April ^ 
 
 C.c6l 
 
 1 4.6l 
 
 1.161 
 
 1.276 
 
 May 
 
 1.276 
 
 1,186 
 
 1,282 
 
 1.OOC 
 
 June 
 
 c .104. 
 
 C.Q4.6 
 
 1.IO4 
 
 1.OI7 
 
 July. - 
 
 1.O11 
 
 C.04.2 
 
 1,064 
 
 1.OIQ 
 
 August. . 
 
 1,031 
 
 1.O3O 
 
 1.O1O 
 
 1.OOQ 
 
 September 
 
 1.016 
 
 1,074. 
 
 1,111 
 
 1.O1O 
 
 October 
 
 C I I I 
 
 C .ICC 
 
 5,228 
 
 1.Oo8 
 
 November 
 
 C.2^6 
 
 C.7Q4. 
 
 S.^74. 
 
 1.2^6 
 
 December 
 
 r,28l 
 
 1.4.34. 
 
 1,407 
 
 5,38l 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 POPULATION TABLES 
 
 1901 1902 1903 
 
 1904 
 
 1905 
 
 Highest daily popu- 
 lation 
 
 4,689 
 31 Dec. 
 
 4,850 
 31 Dec. 
 
 5,014 
 
 31 Dec. 
 
 5,136 
 24 Feb. 
 
 5,339 
 2 March 
 
 Average daily popu- 
 lation 
 
 4. 124. 
 
 44.76 
 
 4. 616 
 
 4.68^ 
 
 1.OO2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lowest daily popu- 
 lation 
 
 3,794 
 14 May 
 
 4,048 
 8 Tulv 
 
 4,239 
 6 Tulv 
 
 4,226 
 
 14. Tulv 
 
 4,725 
 
 7 August 
 
 
 
 U JLI1/ 
 
 v J"V 
 
 
 
 1906 
 
 1907 
 
 1908 
 
 1909 
 
 1910 
 
 Highest daily popu- 
 lation 
 
 5,484 
 23 Feb. 
 
 5, 2 4 
 22 Feb. 
 
 5,492 
 31 Dec. 
 
 5,6i7 
 26 Feb. 
 
 5,729 
 25 Feb. 
 
 Average daily popu- 
 lation 
 
 4,935 
 
 4,7 J 6 
 
 5,029 
 
 5,352 
 
 5,305 
 
 Lowest daily popu- 
 lation 
 
 4,580 
 16 August 
 
 4,366 
 in August 
 
 4,707 
 10 Tune 
 
 5-J29 
 11 Tune 
 
 5,009 
 67 August 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 THE INDUSTRIES. 91 
 
 A second point. Merxplas is not a penal colony in appearance, 
 
 but resembles in population far more that of a great American alms- 
 
 house like the BlackweH's Island city home for 
 
 Not a the aged and infirm. And a comparison of 
 
 Penal Colony, administration and results is not favorable to the 
 
 American institution. At the BlackweH's Island 
 
 almshouse we find the "in-and-out" habit with little or no com- 
 
 pulsion by the authorities to check the pauper from leaving. We 
 
 find there almost two thousand old men idling mournfully through 
 
 their declining days. We find the almshouse a heavy burden on the 
 
 city. The more able-bodied men are employed in the farm-colony 
 
 at Staten Island. 
 
 \r Merxplas, approximately two-thirds of the population are able- 
 bodied and work at varied trades. The census of the population 
 on December 31, 1910, showed the following general classes of occu- 
 pations, and percentages: 
 
 TABLE SHOWING OCCUPATIONS OF THE POPULATION ON THE LAST 
 WORKING DAY OF 1910. 
 
 srrVK-e ..... ....... Q4I 
 
 Farm and field ........ ....... 1,144 *3% 
 
 Industrial ........................ .......... 2,034 37% 
 
 Unoccupied ....... 399 
 
 ( K-cupied at the colony of Hoogstraeten ................ 1 59 2% 
 
 At Wortel ............................... 4 
 
 At Rcckheim ..................... 303 6% 
 
 Total ...... 5,492 100% 
 
 An American visitor must be impressed with the great variety of 
 
 trades pursued. Among them are the following: Weaving, spinning, 
 
 printing, tailoring, tanning, foundry work, black- 
 
 The smithing, mat making, trunk making, shoemaking 
 
 Industries. and cobbling, carpet making, the manufacture of 
 
 cement blocks, concrete, bricks, furniture, wagons, 
 
 carriages, pearl buttons, preparation of tobacco. Great shops accom- 
 
 modate the more generally practiced trades. Rarely is power mach- 
 
 inery employed, and an unique power producer is a great capstan 
 
 manned by some sixty men. in two shifts, who slowly push the caps- 
 
 tan, which generates power that is transmitted by belts and which 
 
 Hicient for all the grinding instruments of a large shop. 
 The following tables shows the admissions for 1910, classified in 
 general industrial divisions: 
 
 INDUSTRIAL TABLE 
 T.iMe showing admissions for n>io, classified in general industrial divisions. 
 
 Laborers, gardeners, farmers, etc ---- 3*9 
 
 Miners.. .................. - ................... "9
 
 92 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Textile industries 184 
 
 Leather and skins 23 
 
 Industries in wood 32 
 
 Metallurgy 14 
 
 Metal manufacturing 184 
 
 Ceramics 14 
 
 Food supplies 123 
 
 Clothing and toilet. 216 
 
 Furniture 46 
 
 Building trades 574 
 
 Transportation articles 16 
 
 Electricity, chauffeurs, firemen, etc 117 
 
 .Arts, science, letters, etc 54 
 
 Transportation 226 
 
 Commerce 76 
 
 Domestic work 25 
 
 Unclassified 558 
 
 2,93 
 
 The products of the industries more than pay for themselves. So 
 far as possible the products are utilized by the government or political 
 subdivision of the state. There is found at Merxplas contract work 
 in trunks, pearl buttons and some other branches. The secretary- 
 general of the Belgian prison stated to me that he is eliminating the 
 contractors as fast as possible. 
 
 The farm at Merxplas, though extensive, is not so profitable as 
 the industries. The financial statement for 1910 shows that the 
 institution is very far from being self-supporting, and is mainly 
 dependent upon per capita payments from the state, the provinces 
 and the communes. 
 
 FINANCIAL STATEMENT, 
 
 Receipts and expenditures, compared with average receipts and expenditures, 
 
 1900-1910. 
 
 Average 
 
 1910 1900-1910 
 
 RECEIPTS Francs Francs 
 
 Maintenance of inmates 1,840,695 1,498,398 
 
 Farm 30,000 23,540 
 
 Workshops 475,000 372,500 
 
 Sundry 120,475 99>44 J 
 
 Total 2,466,170 1,993,779 
 
 'The franc is valued at $.193.
 
 EARNINGS OK COLONISTS. 93 
 
 EXPENDITURES 
 
 
 Salaries 
 
 *50.<>57 
 
 I.iluaiv and school 
 
 5.750 
 
 Buildings and furnishings 
 
 62,000 
 
 Clothing, luvl^injF and food 
 
 708,800 
 
 Remuneration to inmates 
 
 360,000 
 
 ( )Hice i \|u uses 
 
 63,800 
 
 Manufacturing 
 
 400,000 
 
 rarni 
 
 74*600 
 
 Sundrv 
 
 25,200 
 
 4,)8o 
 
 615,272 
 287,742 
 
 45,77* 
 355.86$ 
 
 55,i4 
 22,270 
 
 Ttal.... 1,950,207 1,667,825 
 
 / , ss tif rtitipts o'ctr f\f>tnJiturfs ............... 515,962 ' 325,954 
 
 Mri \plas is therefore, a "going concern" only because for every 
 
 able-bodied man committed to the colony the sum of sixty-six cen- 
 
 times (13 cents) per day is paid in equal parts 
 
 The Cost. by state, province and commune. Non-able- 
 
 bodied colonists are supported similarly by state, 
 
 province and commune at the rate of one franc and fifty centimes 
 
 (30 American cents) a day, paid in equal parts (io American cents 
 
 r.K-hi by the three parties. The administration of the colony may 
 
 hope for no further subsidy from the government, even for improve- 
 
 ments, new buildings or other extensions of the work. 
 
 Kortv years ago the property consisted of but several small farms 
 
 and an area of approximately 1,500 acres of heath and woodland. 
 
 A recent estimate indicates a total valuation of the property of i,- 
 
 000,000, the increase in value being derived wholly from the labor 
 
 of the colonists, who, supported by their own work and by the per 
 
 capita grants, have built all the additional buildings and cultivated 
 
 all the now arable land. The government has made, it is said, no 
 
 further appropriations, save the per capita subsidies above referred 
 
 i nee its initial advances on several occasions of 5zo,OOO, which 
 
 subsequently paid off by the colony. 
 
 The colonists are stimulated to activity by daily wages and, in 
 
 many industries, by the joy of work. The earnings of the colonists 
 
 depend upon the financial value of the occupa- 
 
 Earnings of tion. Able-bodied colonists earn at industrial 
 
 Colonists. work from three to five cents a day; at farm work, 
 
 from two and one-half to four cents; at domestic, 
 
 garden and other work from two and one-half to four cents. Numer- 
 
 ous offices of trust are paid for at the rate of from four to six cents, 
 
 and even in the punishment division from two to three cents daily 
 
 in. i\ be earned. 
 
 The following tables show in detail the methods of payment of 
 earnings to colonists, and also the total earnings of colonists, as well 
 as supplementary "canteen money" to the unemployed and inca- 
 pacitated, during a decade.
 
 94 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 PAYMENTS TO CoLONisTs 1 
 
 Able-bodied colonists: 
 
 Industrial, construction, maintenance of buildings.. 
 
 Special farm work 
 
 Farm and forest 
 
 Domestic or simple 
 
 Special, confidential, requiring more aptitude. 
 
 Undergoing discipline 
 
 Minimum Maximum 
 centimes centimes 
 
 0.15 
 
 0. 12 
 0.12 
 O. 12 
 O.2O 
 O. IO 
 
 0.25 
 O.2I 
 
 0.18 
 0.18 
 0.30 
 0.15 
 
 Persons not working by artificial light during the winter receive from Novem- 
 ber ist, one-third less wages. 
 
 In general, all categories of workers begin at the minimum wage. 
 
 A slight bonus of 4 to 6 centimes may be given daily to the volunteer firemen, 
 and 3 centimes to readers, singers and "prayers." 
 
 Non-able-bodied colonists, unable to work, receive a daily gratuity of 3 cen- 
 times. 
 
 If, at discharge, the amount saved up by the colonist does not aggregate 
 five francs, the deficit is made up by the administration, in the case of deserv- 
 ing colonists. 
 
 TABLE SHOWING SALARIES AND SUPPLEMENTS PAID TO COLONISTS 
 FROM 1901 TO 1910, INCLUSIVE 
 
 YEARS 
 
 Average 
 popu- 
 lation . 
 
 Francs 
 
 Salaries 
 Francs 
 
 Canteen 
 money 
 
 Francs 
 
 Supple- 
 ments 
 
 Francs . 
 
 IQOI 
 
 4.. 124. 
 
 24.0.082 
 
 95,086 
 
 22,74.7 
 
 IQ02. . 
 
 4,436 
 
 264,576 
 
 128,180 
 
 10,723 
 
 IQOI . 
 
 4,6 1 6 
 
 276,846 
 
 135.785 
 
 I 1,71 1 
 
 IQO4.. . 
 
 4,683 
 
 2Q4.v4.83 
 
 14.5.184. 
 
 0,788 
 
 IQCK. . 
 
 5, OO2 
 
 3IQA78 
 
 157,665 
 
 I3,Q7Q 
 
 1906 
 
 4. 035 
 
 732.4.26 
 
 I64..O33 
 
 IQ,287 
 
 IQO7 . 
 
 A.7 1 6 
 
 332.66Q 
 
 1*64,5 1 1 
 
 2I.S-K 
 
 1908 
 
 5.O2Q 
 
 352.803 
 
 176.14.8 
 
 23,488 
 
 IQOQ. . 
 
 5.352 
 
 363,364. 
 
 l8l,5IQ 
 
 23,701 
 
 IQIO. . 
 
 5.3O5 
 
 364.,3l8 
 
 l82,40Q 
 
 24,144 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 In short, with the institution receiving in 1910 the sum total of 
 2,466,170 francs or $475,970, it paid back to colonists in earn- 
 ings, canteen money, and supplements the sum 
 Daily Per of 570,871 francs, or $110,178. If one should 
 Capita Cost. deduct from the total receipts of Merxplas the 
 stipends from state and province and commune 
 paid for maintenance of inmates (1,840,695 francs), and from the 
 
 J The centime is valued at $.002.
 
 Wash Room, Beggar Colony, Marxplas, Belgium. 
 
 Minister of Justice Inspecting Marxplas. Belgium. Beggar Colony. August 8, 
 
 1911.
 
 DAILY PER CAPITA COST. 95 
 
 disbursements the amount paid to inmates for their labor, it would 
 be found that the deficit of Merxplas was in 1910 approximately 
 750,000 francs, or approximately $144,750, which with an average 
 daily population of 5,305 gives an annual per capita cost of slightly 
 over $27, or a daily per capita cost of 5. 08, certainly a small sum in 
 comparison with the daily per capita cost in 1909 of the workhouse 
 <>n BUckwell's Island of 5.42. To be sure, the workhouse has some 
 earnings through the labor of its inmates, but these earnings are not 
 computed in its annual report nor can the department of correction 
 state what the earnings from the labor of prisoners are. 
 
 The following table shows the distribution of the payments made 
 to colonists in 1910. 
 
 Franc; 
 
 Kmplnud in new construction and maintenance of buildings 16,589 
 
 Employed in manufacturing ' 45*737 
 
 Employed in farm work and upkeep of plant. 57.79' 
 
 Employed in forests and on roads 4*7*9 
 
 . .. 139,473 
 
 3 6 4.3 9 
 
 The joy in work is plainly visible in many shops where the most 
 skilled industries are conducted. Excellent pieces of carving, car- 
 pi-urn, weaving, trunk making and the like were conspicuous. Bel- 
 gian vagrants are largely workmen "going to seed," so to speak. 
 Nt.iiK all have, or have had, a trade. Through alcoholism or other 
 perverted habits they are unable to control or manage themselves 
 "outside;" "inside" they shift easily all responsibility to the officers, 
 and under direction are led to produce a moderate product in their 
 ti.itlc. < )iu- often wonders in continental countries whether much of 
 the docility and lack of initiative is not due to traditional class 
 subordination, both socially and industrially. 
 
 Yet within Merxplas there is a considerable effort at classification 
 by the administration. On April I, 1910, there were nine classes: 
 
 (1) Juveniles (18 to 21 years) 39 
 
 (2) Invalids, able to work a little I.33& 
 
 (3) Invalids, incurable 153 
 
 (4) First offenders confined, but not in cells 58 
 
 15) Recidivists, degenerates, weak minded 301 
 
 ((>) Incendiaries 79 
 
 (7) Pederasts, immoral, souteneurs 89 
 
 (8) Dangerous 190 
 
 (9) Able-bodied, well behaved .. 3,5*1 
 
 These various classes are kept in various sections of the colony, 
 the courtyards and the dormitories and refectories being specially
 
 96 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 constructed for such classification. For instance, the recidivists who 
 are less tractable are segregated, as are also the immoral, the dan- 
 gerous, the vicious and the youthful. A natural segregation of the 
 invalids and incapacitated occurs. Yet the Belgian government is 
 far from satisfied, and smaller new colonies, to supplant Merxplas, 
 are contemplated. 
 
 The most concrete inducement to good behavior and industry is 
 the "canteen," where the colonist may spend one-half of his earn- 
 ings, the other half being retained and saved by 
 The the administration against the day of his discharge. 
 Canteen. During a typical year, 1910, articles to the total 
 
 value of 102,330 francs ($19,749) were purchased 
 by colonists at the canteen. The principal items purchased and the 
 receipts were the following: 
 
 Francs 
 
 Milk 157-12 
 
 Beer 2,168.52 
 
 Rolls 27,437.64 
 
 Smoking tobacco 1 1,239.76 
 
 Powdered tobacco 87.39 
 
 Herrings 5>7 8 7-54 
 
 Pork fat 14,712.48 
 
 Lard 6,860.28 
 
 Butter 124.80 
 
 Cheese 3>342-24 
 
 Coffee 4,433.06 
 
 Chicory 2,250.76 
 
 Soap 207.12 
 
 Glycerine 599-44 
 
 Eggs 2,215.71 
 
 Bread 1 7,524.2 1 
 
 Salt 90-7 1 
 
 Boxes 80.00 
 
 Belts 143. 10 
 
 Knives J7-7 1 
 
 Combs 59-^9 
 
 Pipes 34.39 
 
 Mirrors 92.32 
 
 Paper and envelopes 199.89 
 
 Cigarette paper 508.12 
 
 Cocoa butter 1,69 1 .86 
 
 Sundries 264.23 
 
 Total 102,330.29 
 
 The receipts of the canteen have risen since 1902 almost every 
 year, the expenditures on the canteen being in 1902, 78,456 francs 
 ($15,142), and in 1910, 102,330 francs ($19,749). The canteen is 
 an incentive to good labor by supplementing a dietary that is 
 acknowledged by the direction of the Belgian prisons to be insufficient.
 
 THE FOOD. 
 
 97 
 
 RECEIPTS OF CANTEEN, 1902-1910 
 
 Francs 
 78,456.43 
 
 Francs 
 1907 . 94,042.86 
 
 1902 
 
 ! 93 91,523.72 1908 
 
 1904 95,661.36 1909 112,065.30 
 
 1905.. 97,545-90 1910.... 102,330.29 
 
 1906. .... 94,441.27 
 
 In comparison with dietaries or feeding customs in American cor- 
 rectional and charitable institutions, the dietary scales at Merxplas 
 are certainly scanty. When the passing visitor 
 The Food. notes in the weaving shop, for instance, the heavy 
 looms being driven from eight to ten hours a 
 day by hand and foot power, by aged and decrepit looking 
 colonists who in American almshouses would undoubtedly often be 
 regarded as past any usefulness, and when the visitor then learns 
 that solid meat is never given in the regular rations; that, at the most, 
 meat soup is distributed at the second meal on Sunday and Thurs- 
 day and that no meat appears on the bill of fare on other days, save 
 a bit of bacon in a potato soup; then the passing visitor queries, and 
 in my case, received, the answer from M. Dom, the secretary-general 
 of the Belgian department of justice, "Yes, the able-bodied colonists 
 are certainly underfed, yet they come back after their discharge, often 
 several times. Qne faire? If we starve them, there would be a 
 great public protest; if we fed them better, Merxplas becomes too 
 attractive. As it is, the canteen supplements materially the dietary." 
 
 The following are the dietary tables: 
 
 DIETARY TABLES 
 
 Fit st meal. Every Jay: Unit 
 
 Hn-ad Kilogram 
 
 I'hieory 
 
 Skim milk. . Litre. .. . 
 
 Second meal. Sunday and Thursday: 
 Meat soup: 
 
 Meat 
 
 Rice 
 
 Peas 
 
 Salt.. 
 
 Kilogram. 
 
 Pepper 
 
 Vegetables 
 
 Second meal. Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Friday, Saturday: 
 
 Pork fat Kilogram.. 
 
 Rice 
 
 Peas 
 
 Salt.. u 
 
 Pt-pper 
 
 Vejrttables. 
 
 Quantity 
 per 100 
 rations 
 67.500 
 2.500 
 4.000 
 
 7 ooo 
 
 10 ooo 
 
 7.000 
 
 2.000 
 0.025 
 2.000 
 
 0.750 
 
 to. ooo 
 7.000 
 
 2 OOO 
 O.O25 
 2.000
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Third meal. Monday, Wednesday, Friday: 
 
 Vegetable soup: Unit 
 
 Beans Kilogram. 
 
 Fat 
 
 Salt 
 
 Pepper 
 
 Vegetables " 
 
 Vinegar Litre. 
 
 Third meal. Sunday, Tuesday, Thursday, Saturday: 
 Potato soup: 
 
 Potatoes Kilogram. 
 
 Vegetables " 
 
 Fat.... " . 
 
 Salt... " . 
 
 Pepper 
 
 Onions " 
 
 Vinegar Litre 
 
 Quantity 
 per 100 
 rations 
 
 25.000 
 0.750 
 1.500 
 0.025 
 4.000 
 1 .000 
 
 130.000 
 8.000 
 3.000 
 1.500 
 0.025 
 i .000 
 
 I.OOO 
 
 SPECIAL INVALID DIET 
 
 First meal. Every day: Unit 
 
 Bread Kilogram. 
 
 Chicory " 
 
 Coffee Litre. 
 
 Skim milk " 
 
 Quantity 
 per 100 
 rations 
 
 50 . ooo 
 
 2.OOO 
 O.2OO 
 4.OOO 
 
 Second meal. Every day except Thursday: 
 Meat soup: 
 
 Meat Kilogram. 
 
 Rice 
 
 Vegetables " 
 
 Potatoes " 
 
 Salt " . 
 
 Pepper " 
 
 Beer. . Litre. . 
 
 20 . OOO 
 
 3-000 
 
 IO.OOO 
 
 52 . ooo 
 
 2. OOO 
 0.030 
 
 50 . ooo 
 
 Second meal. Thursday: 
 Pea soup: 
 
 Pork meat Kilogram 20.000 
 
 Peas 20.000 
 
 Vegetables " .10.000 
 
 Salt " 2 .000 
 
 Pepper " 0.030 
 
 Beer Litre 50.000
 
 Cabinet Shop. Beggar Colony, Merxplas. Belgium 
 
 Central Fountain. Beggar Colony. Merxplas. Belgium
 
 SUNDAY PROGRAM. 
 
 99 
 
 Third meal. Every day: 
 
 Potatoes Kilogram. . 
 
 Fat " .. 
 
 Vegetables .. 
 
 Salt " 
 
 Pepper u 
 
 Vinegar Litre 
 
 Beer.. " , 
 
 .... 125.000 
 0.750 
 5.000 
 
 .... 2.OOC 
 
 0.03O 
 I.OOO 
 
 50.000 
 
 The colony is run on a definite time table, varying with the season 
 of the year, as follows: 
 
 DAILY PROGRAM 
 
 
 April i 
 to 
 Sept. 15 
 
 Sept. 16 
 to 
 Oct. 31 
 
 Nov. i 
 to 
 Feb. 15 
 
 Feb. 1 6 
 to 
 Mar. 31 
 
 Rising 
 
 A 20 
 
 C OO 
 
 6 oo 
 
 C 7O 
 
 Distribution of bread 
 
 C OO 
 
 c 10 
 
 *6 30 
 
 *6 oo 
 
 Work -. 
 
 C 4C 
 
 6 it 
 
 7 1C 
 
 6 4.C 
 
 Doctor's visit 
 
 7 OO 
 
 7 OO 
 
 / J 
 
 8 oo 
 
 ^ 
 
 8 oo 
 
 meal and rest 
 
 8 oo 
 
 8 oo 
 
 
 
 Work resumed 
 
 8 70 
 
 8.70 
 
 
 
 Report of the Director 
 
 97O 
 
 97O 
 
 97O 
 
 97O 
 
 Second meal, first table 
 
 IO 4O 
 
 IO 4O 
 
 IO 4.0 
 
 J w 
 
 1 -i 
 
 Second meal, second table .... 
 Work resumed 
 
 11.40 
 I . 1C 
 
 11.40 
 I . I? 
 
 II .40 
 I . 1C 
 
 II.4O 
 I . 1C 
 
 Rest 
 
 4. OO 
 
 4. OO 
 
 
 
 Work resumed 
 
 4. IO 
 
 4 7O 
 
 
 
 Third meal 
 
 6.4C 
 
 6.4C 
 
 4..OO 
 
 c.oo 
 
 Bed 
 
 7 OO 
 
 7 OO 
 
 4 IO 
 
 C.7O 
 
 Third meal for men of work- 
 shops . . 
 
 
 
 6 4C 
 
 6 AC 
 
 Bed for men of workshops .... 
 
 
 
 7.OO 
 
 7 OO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SUNDAY PROGRAM 
 
 
 April i 
 
 Sept. 16 
 
 Nov. i 
 
 Feb. 1 6 
 
 
 to 
 
 to 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 15 
 
 Oct. 31 
 
 Feb. 15 
 
 Mar. 31 
 
 Mass 
 
 7 .00 and 
 
 7 .OO and 
 
 8.00 and 
 
 8.00 and 
 
 General inspection of doctor .. 
 
 8. ,5 
 After 
 
 8.15 
 After 
 
 9.15 
 After 
 
 9.15 
 After 
 
 Salute 
 
 mass 
 
 2. TO 
 
 mass 
 
 2. 3O 
 
 mass 
 2.OO 
 
 mass 
 
 2.OO 
 
 
 
 

 
 ioo THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 As to punishments, the principal inflictions are: Reduction in 
 
 earnings, three to sixty days' ordinary cells with ordinary diet, three 
 
 days' punishment cells with ordinary diet, three 
 
 Punishments, days' punishment cells with ordinary diet and 
 confinement in the punishment quarter for serious 
 infractions of the rules. The ordinary cells are equipped as are the 
 usual prison cells of Belgium, with all necessary articles; punishment 
 cells are stripped of practically everything save hard, wooden bed. 
 Dark cells are not used. In fact, nowhere in my tour did I see a 
 dark cell. 
 
 The following tables shows the causes of punishments of colonists 
 during 1910: 
 
 For escapes: 
 
 Simple and attempts , 188 
 
 Complicity 399 
 
 Repeated complicity 475 
 
 Total 1,062 
 
 For other causes: 
 
 Refusal to work or idleness at work 229 
 
 Feigning illness 51 
 
 Assaults on colonists 85 
 
 Rebellion against guards 34 
 
 Thefts, etc 91 
 
 Misconduct 547 
 
 Drunkenness 5 
 
 2,104 
 
 A further summary will bring out salient facts regarding the fre- 
 quency of punishments in relation to the population. 
 
 Daily percentage of persons punished for escapes, actual or attempted. . 2 .90% 
 
 Average number of punishments inflicted daily 05% 
 
 Daily percentage of persons punished for other causes 2 .85% 
 
 Average number of punishments inflicted daily 53^ 
 
 Until September I, 1911, a detail of 150 soldiers and several officers 
 were the military guard at Merxplas. Never has the military been 
 
 called into action because of insurrection or riot, 
 Guards. and on September ist (so it was planned in August 
 
 at the time of my visit), the military force was to 
 be materially reduced, and in place of the military more attendants 
 were to be engaged. Formerly one or more soldiers accompanied 
 the groups of farm laborers; with the departure of a goodly portion 
 of the military, employee-guards will supplant them, with the addi- 
 tional advantage that they can work with the men. Escaping men 
 were never fired on, and a sentry on guard at one of the enclosure en- 
 trances I found had no ammunition for his terror-inspiring rifle.
 
 Cabinet Shop. Beggar Colony. Merxplas, Belgium 
 
 Weaving Shop. Beggar Colony. Merxplas. Belgium
 
 GUARDS. 101 
 
 A thousand pounds of potatoes are required daily, and the farm 
 can produce but about one-half the potatoes and grain needed. Over 
 1,000 men are generally working on the farm during summer months 
 in groups of from fifty to sixty. Among the farm products are maize, 
 wheat, oats, hemp, tobacco, flax, chicory, horses, oxen, cattle, pigs, 
 sheep. A considerable body of colonists is utilized in reclaiming 
 the unfertile land. 
 
 The colonists sleep in large dormitories containing about 500 beds. 
 There seems to be no law in Belgium like that in Holland that re- 
 quires of all inmates of state correctional and charitable institutions 
 entire cellular separation at night. For refactory colonists there are 
 two classes of cells ordinary and punishment. The colonists eat 
 in large dining halls, some of which seat up to a thousand persons.
 
 HOLLAND AND VEENHUIZEN. 
 
 FROM the end of the sixteenth century, when Holland founded its 
 " Rasp-houses " and " Spin-houses " for the repression especially of 
 beggars and mendicants, to the present day, when the vagrancy 
 colony at Veenhuizen stands as an example of thousands of acres 
 of land reclaimed not from the seas but from the desert heath, the 
 little kingdom of Holland, numbering only about a million more in- 
 habitants than live in greater New York, has given much attention 
 to the reduction of vagrancy. 
 
 The present Dutch law is as follows: 
 
 1) Imprisonment up to twelve days is inflicted upon (a) a person who publicly 
 bsgs or (b) a person who intentionally wanders about without means. 
 
 As in Belgium, in practice it must be proved to the 
 , _ j court that the person begging has not been forced by 
 " overpowering circumstances " to beg, and that the 
 a ' accused has been wandering with the deliberate intention 
 
 of not working. In short, Holland in practice recog- 
 nizes that it is not the act of begging and vagabondage that should determine 
 the disposition of the case, but the intent of the beggar or the vagrant. 
 
 2) Begging and vagrancy of three or more persons over sixteen years is punish- 
 able with imprisonment up to three months. 
 
 3) A person or persons found guilty under l) or 2) may, if able-bodied, be 
 sentenced to transfer and detention in a state-workhouse, on the expiration of his 
 or their imprisonment. 
 
 There may be thus two imprisonments, one in the nature of pun- 
 ishment for the act, the other (and longer detention) because society 
 through its laws has expressed its conviction that beggars and. 
 vagrants should be prevented from further illegal practices of this 
 nature. The American student meets this theory of post-prison 
 detention frequently in European countries. Belgium has given up 
 the first short period of imprisonment for beggars and vagrants, save 
 in certain definite cases, and instead permits the immediate sentencing 
 of the convicted mendicant or vagrant to a kind of preventive 
 detention for from two to seven years. Germany, in the draft of 
 its proposed imperial penal code, has raised the question of the utility 
 of the first short prison sentence before the transfer of the offender to 
 the workhouse. In the case of habitual criminals, England has recently 
 (1908) passed a significant "Prevention of Crime Act," providing for a 
 separate and additional period of preventive detention, in a separate 
 prison, for habitual criminals subsequent to the imprisonment of 
 the said criminals in a convict prison for the crimes of which they 
 have been convicted.
 
 I 
 
 . 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 - 
 
 e 
 
 3
 
 ITS HISTORY. 103 
 
 Far in the northern part of Holland, some thirty miles east of the 
 
 Xuyder Zee, is situated Veenhuizen, the celebrated vagrancy labor 
 
 colony. About eight miles from Assen, it is sur- 
 
 Veenhuizen. rounded by uncultivated heath. The traveler, 
 
 riding out from Assen along the brick-paved 
 
 highway and the narrow canal, sees the road stretch before him 
 
 through a flat and treeless country that resembles the sea-surface 
 
 under which it once undoubtedly lay. After an hour's drive, the 
 
 visitor to Veenhuizen sees before him a broad "oasis" of forest, 
 
 intersecting canals, broad roads, neat Dutch houses, fertile gardens, 
 
 sweeping fields of grain; and finds himself in a few moments at Colony 
 
 No. One. Formerly there were three colonies or divisions, in a 
 
 region of over 3,000 hectares, about 7,500 acres. One colony has 
 
 recently been abandoned, the population committed to the colonies 
 
 having fallen off markedly in recent years. 
 
 The impression on the American student of delinquency cannot 
 fail to be striking. I say this with confidence, for inspection of the 
 visitors' book seemed to show that I was the first American visitor 
 (not an inmate), at least in many years. Perhaps the most potent 
 impression is that of the interminable extent of the beautiful colony. 
 Miles of excellent roads, lined with trees often a generation or more 
 old, and with sluggish canals that make heavy transportation facile; 
 ever-recurring groups of houses, where officers and employees live; 
 frequent larger buildings, serving as workshops, dormitories, refec- 
 tories, offices; vistas of grain fields, woods, forests, and then more 
 settlements, more large buildings; and every little while the passing 
 of colonists shuffling along in wooden shoes, or children playing at 
 canal-side or by the road, the sons and daughters of employees and 
 officers; women, the wives of officers, at work by cottage door or 
 walking along the highways as in any other village; employees in 
 uniform; now and then a squad of colonists with farm wagons or 
 implements, unaccompanied by guards, going to or from the daily 
 work in field or shop. No walls surround the community's 1,200 
 colonists and some 300 officers and employees who live and work in 
 very passable harmony. The colony is a world in itself; the rest of 
 Holland was spoken of during my stay as "out there." And the 
 rarest thing one sees at Veenhuizen is a policeman, though as in Bel- 
 gium a military company acts as guard. Here at Veenhuizen nine 
 rural military guards and twenty-eight policemen are adequate, and 
 find it hard to keep occupied. 
 
 Veenhuizen has a long history. In 1818, the Dutch Society of 
 Beneficence, having organized with 20,000 members within one year, 
 founded several agricultural colonies for dependent 
 Its History. families, called Frederiksoord, Willemsoord and 
 Wilhelminasoord. Two years later, in 1820, a 
 colony of about 1,900 acres for mendicants and vagrants, was estab- 
 lished at Ommen, and was christened Ommerschanz (Ommcr bar- 
 racks or fort). A second colony, called Veenhuizen (fen-dwellings), 
 of 2,380 acres was also founded some eight miles west of Assen.
 
 IO4 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 This report can, because of limitations of space, give no extended 
 history of the Dutch free labor colonies. Between 1819 and 1840, 
 no less than 137,378 persons had been received into the colonies, both 
 free and beggar. Both Ommerschanz and Veenhuizen were in active 
 existence in 1851, when the following table of population was compiled 
 on December 31. 
 
 First time at Ommerschanz and Veenhuizen J >9 2 3 
 
 Second time iiO3 
 
 Third time 72 1 
 
 Fourth time 458 
 
 Fifth time 190 
 
 Sixth time 42 
 
 Seventh time 14 
 
 Ninth time 
 
 Tenth time I 
 
 4*5*5 
 
 In 1853 Sir John McNeill of England reported after a careful study 
 of Holland colonies that 
 
 1) Indigent families can rarely be made self-sustaining by providing them 
 with houses and land, with all that is necessary for its cultivation and for their 
 own maintenance until they are able to support themselves. 
 
 2) Paupers, even when able-bodied, cannot be made to contribute to their 
 own support by employing them at agricultural labor or land belonging to the 
 body which undertakes to maintain them, but, on the contrary, the attempt so 
 to diminish the cost of maintaining them tends to augment it. 
 
 3) Paupers can be more advantageously employed in manufactures and 
 handicrafts than in agricultural pursuits, but it is doubtful whether the price 
 obtained in the market for the produce of their industry, after deducting 
 expenses, will diminish the charge of their maintenance. 
 
 The above remarks referred not only to the beggar colonies, but 
 to the free (family) colonies. 
 
 In 1859 the Dutch government took over both the beggar colonies 
 (Ommerschanz and Veenhuizen), when the Dutch Society of Benefi- 
 cence was over two million dollars in debt. By degrees the govern- 
 ment concentrated the beggars and vagrants at Veenhuizen. Beg- 
 ging became almost without exception the charge upon which the 
 colonists were committed. At no time have the beggar colonies been 
 self-supporting, though because of the system of book-keeping 
 employed by the government it was not possible for me while in 
 Holland in the summer of 191 1 to learn even approximately the annual 
 receipts and expenditures. 
 
 In 1885 an Englishman, H. G. Willinck, made a careful study for 
 his government of the Veenhuizen and Ommerschanz colonies, and 
 reported that in respect to neither repression nor prevention of mendi- 
 cancy were the colonies at that time a success. The paupers had 
 no dread of the place, but rather liked it, the doctor of one of the col- 
 onies reporting: "It is too comfortable; their dinner is always ready!"
 
 Shops, Canal and Road. Vagrancy Colony, Vcenhuizen. Holland 
 
 Colonists Coming in to Dinner. Vagrancy Colony. Vcenhuizen. Holland
 
 ITS HISTORY. 
 
 105 
 
 Out of 3,253 beggars and vagrants at Veenhuizen and Ommer- 
 schanz on December 31, 1885, there were there: 
 
 For the first time. .. ....... % ---- 425 or 13 per cent. 
 
 Second time ........... ...................... 63 1 or 20 " 
 
 Third time ............ ...................... 391 or 12 " 
 
 Fourth time ......................................... 344 or 10 " 
 
 Fifth time .......................................... 277 or 9 " 
 
 Sixth time .......................................... 230 or 7 " 
 
 Seventh time ............................. . .......... 178 or 6 " 
 
 Eighth time ......................................... 169 or 5 " 
 
 Ninth time .......................................... 142 or 4 " 
 
 Tenth time ......................................... 140 or 4 " 
 
 Eleventh time ....................................... 1 16 or 3 u 
 
 More than eleven times ............................... 210 or 7 a 
 
 _ it 
 
 3,253 100 " 
 
 Nor did the colonies seem to Mr. Willinck in 1885 to exercise any 
 reforming influence. "Inefficient work, safe board and lodging, free 
 intercourse night and day with hundreds of others of the same 
 almost hopeless class, nothing to lose by stagnation; what is there in 
 this to raise a man ? The best that can be said for such an insti- 
 tution is that it keeps decently and out of sight, and in a condition of 
 animal well-being, a class of men who, if not in its keeping or under 
 some other kind of restraint, would, as in England, be a public dis- 
 grace and shame, and would also be raising up children to succeed 
 them." 
 
 That was thirty years ago. In 1890 the colony of Ommerschanz 
 was discontinued. In 1903 the colony contained about the present 
 acreage, divided thus: 
 
 Heath, moor, water, highways ............................ 1,920 hectares* 
 
 Forest ................................................. 484 
 
 Meadow and field ...................................... 123 
 
 Tillable land ......... 588 
 
 Buildings .............................................. 34 
 
 Garden ................................................ 31 
 
 The proportion of lands cultivated and uncultivated has not changed 
 materially, nor have the religious persuasions of the colonists, which 
 in 1901 were as follows: 
 
 Reformed Dutch ................... .' ...... 3.I* 6 
 
 Roman Catholic ................................ 2,066 
 
 Other Protestant faiths. . 88 
 
 'A h.ctare it 1.471 acre*.
 
 io6 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 In 1903, M. Louis Riviere, perhaps the keenest and most widely 
 recognized French student of vagrancy and mendicancy, visited Veen- 
 huizen. He found an average population of 
 In 1893. 3,200, and in the four previous years an annual 
 average of escapes of 226, of whom on the aver- 
 age 177 were recaptured. This proportion is about one-third the 
 annual number of- escapes at Merxplas, in proportion to the number 
 of colonists. M. Riviere found the average length ,of detention (there 
 are no walls around this village on the heath) about two and one-half 
 years, and the annual number of admissions 1,700, of whom only a 
 fourth were for the first time. 
 
 What were M. Riviere's conclusions? "By means of the beauty 
 of its lay-out, by the varied occupations of the colonists and by the 
 comparative liberty which is allowed them, the Dutch government 
 has been able to remove from its colony the character of a depvt de 
 mendicite (beggar colony). But what as regards the moral point of 
 view ? Are the persons who leave Veenhuizen after more than two 
 years' stay transformed, and do they become then sober and indus- 
 trious workers ? 
 
 "To claim this would be an exaggeration. Reformations do occur 
 and they are an encouraging thing; but they are the exception. The 
 majority of the colonists revert to their old errors; three-fourths of 
 those admitted to Veenhuizen have already been at the colony." 
 
 M. Riviere then attempts to estimate the cost of this colony, but 
 finds difficulty, because the prison statistics embrace the expenses of 
 several colonies in common. Approximately it would seem (in 1903) 
 that the daily cost of a colonist was sixty Dutch cents (24 cents Amer- 
 ican) a total annual cost of 694,839 florins, or approximately $277.932. 
 "Of course," states M. Riviere, "there are important receipts that 
 lower the total expense, so that the ultimate net cost is slight in com- 
 parison with the results obtained." In conclusion M. Riviere states 
 that the population of the colony was divided by ages as follows: 
 
 Less than 20 years old 24 
 
 Between 20 and 50 3> r 7 2 
 
 Over 50 2,084 
 
 5,280 
 
 The average population was in 1901, 3,172 and the total days' 
 work 1,158,065. There were 40,522 days of sickness, an average of 
 in persons sick, or 3.5 per cent of the population. 
 
 In 1905, two members of the English Church Army, the Reverend 
 Wilson Carlile, and Victor W. Carlile, visited Veenhuizen. 1 They 
 reported that Veenhuizen seemed in many ways an improvement on 
 Merxplas. "The system, applying as it does to so low and hopeless 
 a class, is a remarkable success. It is humane, elevating, economic- 
 ally sound, practicable and desirable." On the other hand, the 
 
 'The Continental Outcast, Unwin, London, 1906.
 
 Gateway of Administration Building, Colony Number Two. Beggar Colony, 
 
 Veenhuizcn. Holland 
 
 Canal and Road, Within Beggar Colony. Yeenhuizen. Holland
 
 IN THE SUMMER OF 1911. 107 
 
 impressions of the English visitors are not accompanied by statistics 
 regarding cost of management, per capita cost, and recidivism. 
 
 In 1910 Dr. Albert Wilson of Edinburg, in a study of tramps and 
 beggars,' wrote of Veenhuizen that "they get encouraging results, 
 for the system rewards and stimulates industry in lazy non-workers. 
 Many of' these recover and get into honest work again. Many of 
 the drunkards recover. But, as in all such discouraging, hopeless 
 undertakings, there are many failures and some return two or three 
 times." 
 
 Turning now to my own visit to Veenhuizen in the summer of 191 1 
 I would express at the outset my admiration of the "plant" in general, 
 of the remarkable development of this great corn- 
 In the munity through its own labor and industry, of 
 Summer the varied character of the work, of the high grade 
 of 1911. of the officials, and of the plan in general of seg- 
 regating over a thousand beggars and vagrants 
 in reasonable, comfortable and humane surroundings, and, as in 
 Belgium, ridding to this extent the roads and communities of the 
 wandering regiment. 
 
 Analyzing the activities and conditions of Veenhuizen, I found the 
 following situation: 
 
 POPULATION. The men are in general much older than 
 American tramps and vagrants, resembling in the main the aged, 
 broken-down groups so characteristic of our almshouses. Few 
 young men were to be seen; on the other hand the lame, the halt, and 
 the blind were frequent. The population on July 25, 1911, was 
 about 1,200, about evenly divided into Colony No. I and Colony 
 No. 2. Colony No. 3 has recently been abandoned, the explanation 
 at The Hague being mat the courts are now becoming far more severe 
 upon mendicants and vagrants, sending them to prisons instead of 
 to the colony. In short, the colony is regarded as too attractive, 
 making too much for recidivism. The average age of the colonists 
 is over fifty years. 
 
 BUILDINGS. The main administration building of each colony 
 is a large square structure with a great open interior court, service- 
 able for the leisure periods of the colonists. A separate central 
 kitchen in the central building serves for each colony. Food is con- 
 veyed by certain colonist helpers to the large refectories. Twenty dining- 
 rooms are each equipped with sixty seats, thus admitting of classifi- 
 cation of population. 
 
 The sleeping quarters are in the second story of the central build- 
 ing, on three sides of the court, and according to Holland law are 
 fitted with separate cubicles (inside rooms) partitioned off in a large 
 room, open at the top, the partition rising about seven feet, a wire 
 grating being substituted for the ceiling. This plan, employed also 
 in the children's institutions, is of course effective in preventing any 
 physical communication at night. 
 
 Tnfinishrd Man, Greening, London, 1910.
 
 io8 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 There are ten dormitories in Colony No. 2, each containing 120 
 beds, separated as above mentioned. The dormitories are well 
 ventilated, but the cells are without the water closet and running 
 water conveniences now so common and so generally approved in 
 our prisons and similar institutions. 
 
 Around the central building and at irregular intervals for a con- 
 siderable distance are the shops and the farm buildings, all built 
 by the colonists. Colony No. I is a mile distant from Colony No. 
 2, and three miles from the abandoned Colony No. 3. 
 
 INDUSTRIES. The variety of industries, and the amount of 
 work and of products obtained from aged vagabonds and beggars, 
 are the two most impressive points in connection with the industries. 
 About two-thirds of the able-bodied colonists are working in the 
 shops, and about one-third are in agriculture, for as yet only one- 
 third of the vast acreage (3,200 hectares, about 8,000 acres) is under 
 cultivation* There is a twelve-hour day for the colonists, from 6 
 to 6, with 2 hours respite at noon; this applies to all able-bodied men. 
 Rising time is at 5 A. M.; bed time at 9 P. M. 
 
 Employees' detached houses line the canals every little while, and 
 behind the cottages lie many of the shops. The industries strongly 
 resemble those of Merxplas, among the most important occupations 
 being weaving, carpentry work, cabinet work, tailoring, cobbling 
 (wooden shoes for the colonists being one branch), rug making, 
 repairing of clothes, book-binding, foundry work, concrete making, 
 harness making. 
 
 There are eighteen farms in all in the two colonies. Each farm is 
 in general charge of a farmer whose salary is low but who enjoys 
 such perquisites as a garden, chicken, eggs, etc., and a certain amount 
 of the time of one or more colonists. Although salaries of officers 
 are low at Veenhuizen, the gardens, the poultry and the labor of 
 colonists are inducements to remain. 
 
 Power machinery is conspicuous by its absence. Power for a 
 circular saw is obtained, for example, by the labor of two colonists 
 who crank a large wheel which by belting con- 
 The Absence veys power to the saw. In one shop each man 
 of Power was building from start to finish a small hand- 
 Machinery, propelled post-cart, which takes about three weeks 
 to build, and would sell in the outside market 
 for about $20. All tools are sharpened by hand; all polishing, drill- 
 ing, cutting and planing is done by hand. The theory obtains that 
 this is well, since most of the able-bodied occupied colonists had 
 their trade "on the outside," and are competent to do with the assist- 
 ance of hand power what they formerly may have done much more 
 quickly by steam or electric power. Furthermore, much physical 
 energy is purposely thus consumed, and, moreover, the installation 
 of machine power would so increase the industrial products of the 
 colony that the government would find much difficulty in disposing 
 of them.
 
 OLD METHODS. 
 
 109 
 
 A very important point .is thus raised. Contract labor seems not 
 to he forbidden in Dutch correctional institutions, but it is not favor- 
 ably regarded bv the government. All European countries I visited 
 were obviously hampered by inability at times to find a clear open 
 market for their products. No law in Holland compels the state or 
 its political subdivisions, such as counties or cities, to purchase 
 prison made goods. If the post-office department or the telegraph 
 department orders or purchases products of Veenhuizen, it is probably 
 as an accommodation at least, not because mandatory, loo much 
 of an excursion by the Dutch prisons into the open market as a field 
 for their products would undoubtedly rouse the labor unions. In 
 none of the countries visited did I find any law approaching that of 
 New York, whereby the state and its political subdivisions are 
 required by law to give first chance to the prisons to sell or make goods 
 required by the former. So the Veenhuizen colony, as Merxplas 
 also, is forced back on itself and upon the market furnished by the 
 institutions under the department of justice. This feature, and the 
 favorable attitude of the department of justice toward the retention 
 of hand and foot power, are matters of some irritation to the director 
 of Colony No. 2, who knows that the colony could greatly increase 
 its output through the installation of power machinery. 
 
 The American visitor notes, similarly, an absence of time-saving 
 devices, as well as of modern sanitary facilities. No drainage system 
 has as yet been installed, though such a system 
 Old could well be utilized for the fertilizing of the 
 
 Methods. fields in connection with a sewage disposal plant. 
 Kerosene lamps persist in being the only illumina- 
 tion in dwellings and shops that are by no means fireproof. Nor 
 has the central power plant or the central heating plant heating 
 idea penetrated to Veenhuizen. In short, save for the twenty tele- 
 phones in this great colony, one could readily believe himself from 
 the industrial standpoint back a generation or more. This is not 
 economical nor is it necessary as a work-supplying expedient, for 
 the director could utilize all his present workers under power machin- 
 ery, and even if this were not so, the men released from the industries 
 could reinforce the agricultural colonists, who still face the reclaiming 
 of many thousand acres of land. 
 
 The lasting impression produced upon me was, however, that 
 everybody who could work was really working; that just exactly the 
 group we feel to be one of the most unproductive in the United States 
 was nere at Veenhuizen, as at Merxplas, working hard, and very often 
 with joy in their work, for they often have the entire article to com- 
 plete, rather than the repeated production of a small part of an article; 
 and that some of the men were worked even too hard, as in Colony 
 No. i, where old men in the weaving rooms drove by hand and foot 
 power the looms and the shuttles, ceaselessly and laboriously producing 
 the cloth, expending an energy hour after hour that more nearly 
 approached trie line between punishment and apparent torture than 
 anything else I saw on European soil.
 
 no THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 FOOD AND EARNINGS. As is customary in European institu- 
 tions, meat is a rare article of diet. The noon-day meal on July 
 25, 1911, was mainly potatoes, half mashed, with vegetable greens. A 
 great plateful equivalent to the contents of an ordinary sized wash- 
 basin was the portion for each man; the colonists sit in groups of eight 
 at small tables. One colonist serves the portion from a central dish 
 and the eager and often jealous eyes of the other seven colonists, 
 measuring each portion, convey vividly the idea that the vegetarian 
 diet does not result in over-feeding. The potato hash was very 
 palatable. Mornings and evenings the colonists are served with 
 plenty of bread and have coffee, not of a very good grade, I was 
 informed. 
 
 As at Merxplas, so at Veenhuizen, a canteen flourishes. The 
 colonists may earn up to twenty-five Dutch cents (ten American cents) 
 a day, of which they may use two-thirds to purchase at the canteen such 
 articles as butter, bacon, salt, tobacco and pipes. No alcoholic 
 drinks 'are sold or permitted. It is noteworthy that most of the men 
 patronize the canteen sparingly, saving their money for the time of 
 discharge. 
 
 The dietary for the noon meal is fixed, as follows: 
 
 Sunday, potatoes and vegetables; Monday, bean soup; Tuesday, potatoes and 
 vegetables; Wednesday, soups and boiled beef; Thursday, potatoes and vege- 
 tables; Friday, sago soup; Saturday, soup and boiled beef. 
 
 The colonists are fed much less liberally than in American cor- 
 rectional institutions. Apart from the supplementary use of the 
 canteen as a stimulus to work, the European prison administrations 
 believe that their dietaries are sufficient, and that ours are too liberal. 
 
 ESCAPES AND PUNISHMENTS. From forty to fifty colonists escape 
 each year, most of whom are recaptured. While colonists do 
 not stay willingly in Veenhuizen, they often find the colony 
 the lesser of two evils, and revert to vagabondage partially in 
 order to gain entrance again to the colony. In general the 
 colonists are not temperamentally or physically fit to earn their self- 
 support permanently on the outside. As in Merxplas, the adminis- 
 tration makes little effort to recapture the runaways. Significant 
 indeed is the statement of Director Hondius that the Veenhuizen 
 colonists are not in the' main the professional beggars and vagrants, 
 but rather the incompetents and the half-ables. 
 
 This is confirmation of Professor Von Hippel's statement 'that the 
 penal" code is insufficient for any successful campaign against begging 
 and vagrancy. Non-public begging is not punishable, even if it is 
 practised by professional work-shys. "The law guarantees com- 
 plete freedom to any one who is fairly careful. On the other hand, 
 the definition of vagrancy is too sweeping, for it hits also the penniless 
 but honest wanderer seeking work away from his place of settlement. 
 The threatened punishments are unjustly severe for the unfortunate, 
 but completely Worthless for the professional beggar and vagrant."
 
 Corridor in Dormitory with Separate Rooms, Juvenile 
 Reformatory, Amersfoort, Holland 
 
 The Prince-Consort of Holland Opening a Juvenile Reformatory. Avereest. 
 Holland. July 24, 19"
 
 Farm Buildings, Dutch Prisoner's Aid Society's Colony for Discharged 
 Prisoners, Apeldoor. Holland 
 
 Dutch Prisoners Aid Society's Home for Discharged Prisoners. Apeldoor 
 
 Holland
 
 THE RESULTS in 
 
 Von Hippel, commenting on the vagrancy colony, says further: 1 
 "Far worse than the law is its practical working out. The treat- 
 ment in the colony is so mild that the detention 
 The Results. has lost its punitive character, only to come to 
 seem a desirable provision, and the most begging 
 and vagrancy occurs in those judicial districts where sentence to the 
 colony is most likely. After leaving the colony the same career 
 begins again, ending with return to the colony." 
 
 Mr. Hondius, the director of Colony No. 2, said to me frankly 
 that after ten years at the colony, he had gained a firm conviction 
 that little can be done to reclaim the colonists, and that Holland's 
 efforts should be directed toward the prevention of mendicancy and 
 vagrancy, and not toward the cure. 
 
 In the colony comparatively little trouble occurs with the men, 
 \\ho go back and forth from work without guards. Apart from 
 squabbles among themselves, violence rarely occurs. To be sure, 
 the general tone of the colony is conditioned largely by the attitude 
 and personality of the director. Mr. Hondius, a man of wide 
 experience, first as teacher in South Africa, then as director at Veen- 
 huizen, has in ten years reduced the punishments from a daily average 
 of sixty to a daily average of three, through stern and humane treat- 
 ment of the colonists, and the locating of definite and ample respon- 
 sibility upon each officer and employee. One prison at the colony 
 has been discontinued, and a second prison is nearly empty. On 
 July 25, I counted four prisoners in cells, being punished as follows: 
 
 Colony No. I, I sentence 100 days for accumulated disobedience. 
 
 Colony No. 2, i sentence 10 days for attempted escape. 
 
 Colony No. 2, I sentence 6 days for having things unlawfully in his possession* 
 
 Colony No. 2, I sentence I day for disobedience. 
 
 Even though the population has fallen from about 3,000 to 1,200, 
 this is an excellent showing. 
 
 l \'crgl. Dartellung d. deutschen u. ami. Strafrcchts, Special part, II Vol., p. 136, ditto p. 137
 
 dljapter 
 
 GERMAN COMPULSORY WORKHOUSES. 
 
 THERE are approximately fifty compulsory workhouses for vagrants 
 and beggars in Germany, of which half are in Prussia. In 
 Prussia these are not state institutions, but county or provincial 
 institutions. The organization of some goes back into the eighteenth 
 century. Outside Prussia the workhouses are state controlled. Most 
 of the workhouses receive not only beggars and vagrants, but often also 
 persons convicted of even very serious crimes. In most of the work- 
 houses there are male and female divisions, and often youths under 
 eighteen years of age are found in these institutions, either partially 
 or wholly separated from adults or lacking such separation. 
 
 The capacity of the workhouses varies in size from 1,000 to 100. 
 Association during the day is customary, the workhouses thus dif- 
 ferentiating themselves markedly from the prisons (Gefaengnisse) and 
 the convict prisons (Zuchthaeuser). Single cells are rarely present 
 in the workhouses, nor is there in general a careful attempt at classi- 
 fication. 
 
 The workhouses do not belie their name. The daily program em- 
 braces on the average from n^ to 12 hours in summer and 10^ to 
 ii hours in winter, a fact that makes the work- 
 Workhouse houses frequently more dreaded by the offender 
 Routine. than the prison. Work is quite vigorously carried 
 on, and agricultural and forestry labor is a prom- 
 inent feature of many workhouses, a third of the population of many 
 workhouses working in the fields. Women inmates rarely work out- 
 side the workhouse, but are occupied in sewing and other domestic 
 branches. The industries for male prisoners are very varied and 
 educative. In almost all institutions the inmates receive very moderate 
 earnings, which are in part withheld until the day of discharge, the 
 remainder being available for canteen purchases. 
 
 Religious observance is regarded as important, not only on Sundays, 
 but briefly in the morning and in the evening; moreover the chaplains 
 visit occasionally the inmates of their faith. 
 
 Punishments are: the withdrawal of privileges, reprimands, 
 reduction of diet, and transfer into the punishment class. Cellular 
 imprisonment is permissible, both ordinary imprisonment in a light 
 cell and imprisonment in a dark cell, generally with plank bed. 
 Both forms of imprisonment may be made severer by reduction of 
 diet to bread and water. Chaining and flogging are occasionally 
 practiced. 
 
 The results of governmental efforts to help prisoners after their 
 discharge have proved of little success, according to von Hippel,
 
 State Prison, HaarU-m, Holland 
 
 
 m 
 
 Exercise Yard of a German Prison
 
 GERMAN PENAL CODE. 113 
 
 partly because of the reluctance of released prisoners to seek the aid 
 of discharged prisoners' aid societies, and partly because the 
 ex-prisoners often leave a position thus obtained as soon as the first 
 wages are received. 
 
 imperial German penal code has in the main the following 
 provisions regarding the legal treatment of mendicancy and vagrancy. 
 The following are subject to imprisonment: 
 
 I. A person wandering as a vagabond. 
 
 _ 2. A person begging, or who persuades children to bee 
 
 (jrerman e -i < 
 
 p 1 p j or wno ' ai ' s to P rcvent from begging such persons as 
 
 are under his oversight or control, and who are members 
 of his household. 
 
 3. A person who is so addicted to gambling, drinking or idleness that he is 
 forced to require public aid for his own support or for the support of those 
 legally dependent upon him. 
 
 4. A prostitute. 
 
 5. A person who, receiving charitable aid, refuses to perform proper labor 
 for public authority in return. 
 
 6. A person who, having lost his means of support, has not within a time 
 designated by proper authority secured other support, and cannot prove that 
 he has been unable to support himself in spite of his own efforts. 
 
 7. A person who, though able to provide support for those legally dependent 
 upon him, refuses to provide such support, with the result that such persons 
 must be aided by the authorities. 
 
 The duration of such imprisonment may be up to six weeks. 
 Instead of imprisonment a fine up to 150 marks ($36) may be imposed. 
 An important feature of the law is that after the sentence of imprison- 
 ment is imposed, the convicted person may be sentenced to be placed 
 at the disposition of the provincial police, which through the police 
 court may sentence the offender to a supplementary imprisonment 
 up to two years either in a workhouse or at public works. 
 
 There is no precise definition of vagrancy in the imperial German 
 penal code. Vagrancy in practice is regarded as the state of wandering 
 without work, without means of support and without the intention 
 of working legally. A clearer definition of vagrancy would be, 
 according to von Hippel, "A vagrant is one who wanders illegally 
 and at the expense of others." In short, the vagrant is a professional 
 and penniless parasite. 
 
 Nor is the penal code definition of begging more precise. Begging 
 is generally understood as the request lor a gift having value, which 
 request must be based upon real or alleged need, and must be directed 
 toward a strange person; and the article requested must be for the 
 use of the person requesting the gift or for those dependent upon 
 such person. Begging in time of direct need is not subject to punish- 
 ment, nor when the person asking alms directs his request to a public 
 authority appointed to bestow relief. 
 
 Von Hippel states that there is no unanimity in the various police 
 courts as to the inflictions of the supplementary sentence to the work-
 
 ii4 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 house, in respect either to age nor ability to work. The law is not 
 mandatory that all beggars and vagrants shall be after their imprison- 
 ment (Haft) remanded in charge of the police authorities; nor is 
 there any rule as to procedure by the police courts in the matter. 
 Far more frequently the provincial court sentences the mendicant 
 or beggar simply to a few days' imprisonment without remand there- 
 after to the police authorities. Through divided responsibility of 
 courts, the speedy decisions by the judges, and too little investigation 
 of the previous careers and "conditions of servitude" of the defend- 
 ants, there results this situation, according to von Hippel, that a large 
 proportion of the offenders get into the workhouse only after they 
 have repeatedly been punished with short sentences. 
 
 Convicted mendicants and vagrants may be sentenced to the work- 
 house for from six months to two years, the first time for the minimum 
 period, the length of the sentence increasing proportionally with each 
 further commitment. Under special circumstances the police judge 
 may reduce the sentence to not less than three months.
 
 Prison Yard, Rrauwciler Workhouse, Germany. 
 
 Protestant Chapel. Brauwcilor Workhouse. Germany.
 
 Engine Room, Brauweilcr Workhouse. Germany 
 
 Kitchen, Brauweiler Workhouse. Germany
 
 <ljaptrr (EljtrUrn 
 
 RUMMELSBURG, A BERLIN WORKHOUSE 
 
 A few miles from the center of Berlin and still within the city limits, 
 is located the municipal workhouse, which in administration 
 differs from the majority of German workhouses in that it is under 
 city management, instead of under county or state control. To a New 
 York visitor it offers especially interesting comparisons with our own 
 workhouse on BlackweU's island. 
 
 In acreage it is restricted, as compared with compulsory labor 
 colonies. Where Veenhuizen has some 8000 acres, Rummelsburg has 
 hardly 20 acres. A wall surrounds the buildings, 
 A City though sufficient acreage exists for a garden of 
 
 Workhouse. reasonable size. Rummelsburg is a beggar col- 
 ony, compressed into city dimensions. In area 
 a vivid contrast to Veenhuizen and Merxplas, it serves as prison for 
 the same classes of offenders beggars, vagrants and souteneurs. 
 Consequently Rummelsburg can answer our question: "How are 
 beggars and vagrants dealt with when a great labor colony is not 
 available?" 
 
 The population in the fiscal year 1909-1910 was: 
 
 Men Women Total 
 
 April i, 1909 1,628 83 1,711 
 
 Admissions M73 IO 5 1.278 
 
 Discharges 1,361 196 1,457 
 
 Died 7 3 10 
 
 Remaining March 31, 1910 '.433 $9 1.522 
 
 The daily average population for the past ten years has been: 
 
 Men Women Total 
 
 1900 1,107 1 5 I ! *58 
 
 if i 1,128 150 1,278 
 
 1902 1,600 152 1,752 
 
 1903 1,660 117 1,777 
 
 1904 i.&H 145 8 39 
 
 1905 i. : 129 1,978 
 
 1906 i > 117 1,802 
 
 1907 1.369 65 1,434 
 
 1908 1,403 58 1,461 
 
 1909 1,478 80 1,558 
 
 However, only a part of the inmates are confined at Rummelsburg. 
 The city possesses great sewage disposal plants outside the city, which 
 are manned largely by inmates from Rummelsburg, who are housed in 
 
 "S
 
 n6 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 great barracks, containing dormitories, refectories, overseers' quarters, 
 other rooms, discipline cells, etc. 
 
 The average daily population, classified according to location, was 
 as follows in, 1909-1910, the year to which all following statistics 
 apply unless otherwise noted: 
 
 Men Women 
 
 Institution, Rummelsburg 575 80 
 
 Hospital Reinickendorf. 9 
 
 Night-asylum (Berlin) 3 
 
 Sewage disposal plants. 89 1 
 
 1,478 80 
 
 As indicated in the introductory paragraphs, Rummelsburg, like 
 other German workhouses, serves as place of detention and labor 
 for those sentenced to after-imprisonment from 6 months to 2 years, 
 after the completion of their short imprisonment. In the fiscal year' 
 1909-1910 there were admitted thus 1025 men and 101 women, while 
 148 men and 4 women were admitted because of recapture or com- 
 pletion of the term of imprisonment. 
 
 Within the institution the male inmates work in the shops, the 
 laundry, the bakery, kitchen, woodyard, and as clerks, or attendants 
 in the hospital. Outside, at the sewage disposal plant, the thirteen 
 ^angs work under overseers, generally reaching the plants shortly 
 after their admission to Rummelsburg, and remaining at this work 
 until their discharge. The women inmates at Rummelsburg perform 
 the work customarily assigned to their sex in prison. 
 
 Sentences are from six months to two years, according to previous 
 prison records. According to the official report of Rummelsburg, 
 "the majority of the inmates are old 'customers' of the institution, 
 who never reform, or who because of social conditions cannot reform 
 and therefore return ever within the walls of their second home in 
 order there to pass two years more. These people, who within the 
 institution generally do their tasks willingly and industriously, lack 
 for the most part strength of character, because of their wretched 
 education. Frequently they leave the institution with the best 
 of intentions to 'make good,' find at times a suitable occupation, and 
 lead for a time a proper and honest life. After some misfortunes or 
 unsuccessful trials they soon fall back into the old ways, beg, wander, 
 and give up to their worst enemy, drink, until the judge returns them 
 to the shelter of the workhouse. 
 
 "The souteneurs form a distasteful and annoying class, ever plotting 
 escape and ever discontent with enforced labor. It is interesting 
 to note that the other inmates avoid the souteneurs as much 
 as possible." 
 
 As regards the discharged inmates, the report continues: "Al- 
 though the reformatory results of the institution are relatively slight, 
 Rummelsburg nevertheless succeeds in forcing the work-shys to
 
 A CITY WORKHOUSE. 117 
 
 labor for the betterment of the community, which they assuredly do 
 not do 'on the outside.' 
 
 The discharges in 1909-1910 were as follows: 
 
 Discharged with residence IOI 
 
 Discharged without residence 1, 112 
 
 Discharged to police or court authorities 192 
 
 Discharged to hospital or insane hospital 9 
 
 Discharged to hospital after discharge or release from Rummelsburg . . 33 
 
 Died 10 
 
 M57 
 
 That many of the inmates are old-timers is graphically shown by 
 the records of previous convictions. 
 
 Men Women 
 
 Korrektionshaft (local jail) 418 71 
 
 Korrektionshaft more than 3 times 517 10 
 
 Geschaerfte Haft (local jail), more than 10 times 290 14 
 
 Geschaerfte Haft more than 20 times 375 2 1 
 
 Gefaengnis (prison) 769 54 
 
 Zuchthaus (convict prison) 102 5 
 
 Admitted within a year after discharge from institution 193 7 
 
 The causes of commitment to the institution are, as might be 
 expected, largely mendicancy and vagrancy: 
 
 Men Women 
 
 Vagabondage 2 2 
 
 Begging 658 
 
 Prostitution 71 
 
 Homelessness 309 28 
 
 Souteneurs 55 
 
 1.024 101 
 
 Comparatively few are discharged on a minimum sentence. The 
 sentence is determinate, the term being fixed by the police judges. 
 
 Men Women 
 
 Up to 6 months 131 44 
 
 '' months and under 2 years 433 47 
 
 Two years ; : 461 10 
 
 1.025 IO( 
 
 At Veenhuizen the average age of the colonists was said to be not far 
 from 50 years. At Rummelsburg the admissions of persons between 
 30 and 60 years of age form practically eighty per cent of the 
 admissions. 
 
 Age at time of admission : Men Women 
 
 8 years 2 2 
 
 19 years 53
 
 u8 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Age at time of admission Continued. Men Women 
 
 20 years 3 3 
 
 21 years 2 
 
 21 years up to 25 45 30 
 
 25 years up to 30 86 12 
 
 30 years up to 40 246 13 
 
 40 years up to 50 300 19 
 
 50 years up to 60 266 15 
 
 60 years up to 70 71 3 
 
 70 years and over 2 
 
 The institution keeps certain annual social statistics that throw 
 light on the characteristics of the inmates. 
 
 Birth: Men Women 
 
 Legitimate 97 1 96 
 
 Illegitimate 54 5 
 
 Religion: 
 
 Evangelical 854 8 1 
 
 Catholic 168 20 
 
 Jewish 2 
 
 Other I 
 
 Education up to 14 years: 
 
 At home 947 86 
 
 With strangers 78 15 
 
 Public institutions 
 
 Parents: 
 
 Died before inmate was 14 years old: 
 
 Father died 115 1 1 
 
 Mother died 78 8 
 
 Both parents 23 6 
 
 Stepfather I 
 
 Stepmother I 
 
 School education: 
 
 None 
 
 Scanty 5 3 
 
 Common school I>OI3 98 
 
 High school 7 
 
 Language: 
 
 German 1,016 98 
 
 Polish and German 7 3 
 
 Military: 
 
 Served in 94 
 
 Conjugal condition: 
 
 Single 723 65 
 
 Married 162 21 
 
 Widower 74 9 
 
 Divorced 66 6
 
 Forge Room, Brauweiler Workhouse. Germany 
 
 Weaving Shop. Brauweiler Workhouse, Germany
 
 OCCUPATIONS. 119 
 
 Income: Men Women 
 
 Without 1,025 IO1 
 
 Health: 
 
 Able to work 1,024 97 
 
 Partially able I 4 
 
 Analysis of the above figures can be but partially satisfactory, yet 
 it is to be noted (a) that the population is almost entirely Protestant 
 and Catholic; (b) that a considerable proportion, about 5 per cent, 
 acknowledged their birth as illegitimate; (c) that about 20 per cent 
 had lost either one or both parents by their fourteenth year; (d) that 
 the general average of schooling was good, although few (seven 
 in all) had gone beyond the Volkschule (common school); (e) that 
 the population was almost entirely German, or at least spoke German, 
 apparently therefore nonforeign or but little mixed with foreigners; 
 (t) that less than 10 per cent had served in the army, an unintelligible 
 fact to the writer in view of compulsory conscription in Germany; 
 (g) that only 5 out of 1 126 were even partially incapacitated for work, 
 which is explained by the presence of a hospital adjoining the insti- 
 tution, to which practically all infirm convicted prisoners are sent. 
 
 The homogeneous character of the population is undoubtedly one 
 ground for the relatively small proportion of cases of discipline, 
 which amounted to 9.7 per cent with the male inmates and 4.9 per 
 cent with the female inmates. 
 
 Turning now to the occupations of the inmates, our chief interest 
 
 will be to learn not only the variety of occupations and the output 
 
 in each occupation, but also the relative cost 
 
 Occupations. of administration as well as the receipts from 
 
 the institution's activities. German institutions 
 
 measure labor by "working days " as well as by the number of persons 
 
 employed. In explanation of the following figures, it is to be stated 
 
 that the so-called "earnings" of the inmates are estimated, and are 
 
 not represented by actual payments of money. Thus, the men 
 
 working at the sewage disposal farms, are estimated to earn each 
 
 40 pfennigs (10 American cents) a day in the seven summer months, 
 
 while inmates employed in gardening "earn" 70 pfennigs (17$ 
 
 American cents) a day, etc. The following scale of imputed earnings 
 
 is of interest: 
 
 Pfennigs 1 
 
 Sewage disposal farms (summer) 40 
 
 Helpers in municipal buildings 70 
 
 Gardening at orphan asylum 70 
 
 Piece work, boys shins 25 
 
 Piece work, girls shirts 15 
 
 Laundry, I kilogram of washing 13 
 
 Amounting to daily wage of. 76 
 
 Shoemakers, tailors, carpenters, cabinet makers, machinists (extra) etc 70 
 
 'One cent=four pfennig*
 
 I2O 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Pfennigs 1 
 Agricultural work ................................................ 70 
 
 Shoemakers, tailors, carpenters, cabinet makers, machinists, etc ...... 50 
 
 Pickers of bed-feathers, rope, etc., for i kilogram bed-feathers ...(marks) 2 
 For 100 kilograms rope .............................. (marks) 10 
 
 In the last ten years the average daily per capita earnings have been 
 as follows: 
 
 Pfennigs (divide by 
 4 for American 
 cents) 
 
 I99 ................................................. 54 
 
 1908 .............. .................................... 58 
 
 I97 ................................................. 56 
 
 1906 .......... ....................................... 62 
 
 1905 .............. ................................... 40 
 
 i94 ................................................. 39 
 
 1903 ................................................. 40 
 
 i9 02 ............... .................................. 47 
 
 1901 ................................................. 56 
 
 1900 ................................... . ..... ........ 56 
 
 50.8 pf.=T$.I25 
 
 Turning now to the total days' work in the various activities, and 
 also to the imputed earnings, we have: 
 
 PAID WORK 
 
 DAY'S WORK 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 EARNINGS 
 
 Total 
 
 Per 
 
 capita 
 
 average 
 
 daily 
 
 (1) Outside the Workhouse: 
 
 (a) On the sewage disposal farms 
 
 April to October 
 
 (b) For other municipal departments . 
 
 (c) For officers of orphan asylums and 
 
 night shelter 
 
 (2) Inside the Workhouse: 
 
 (a) Sewing 
 
 (b) Laundry 
 
 (c) Wood chopping 
 
 (d) Other inside work 
 
 (e) Farm work 
 
 (f) For officers in the shops 
 
 (g) Picking of bed-feathers 
 
 148,142 
 2,374 
 
 '212 
 
 (h) Oakum picking. 
 
 22,307 
 
 4,999 
 1,406 
 
 5,352 
 9,162 
 6,874 
 
 Marks 
 (.23-8) 
 
 59^56 
 1, 660 
 
 II 
 
 99 
 
 35,577 
 6,408 
 
 3,488 
 
 984 
 2,695 
 
 565 
 81 
 
 Pfennigs 
 
 40 
 70 
 
 70 
 
 47 
 7 6 
 29 
 70 
 70 
 
 50 
 6 
 
 'One cent=four pfennigs
 
 EARNINGS AND GRATUITIES. 
 
 121 
 
 UNPAID WORK 
 
 DAY'S WORK 
 
 EARNING* 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 Total 
 
 Per 
 
 capita 
 average 
 daily 
 
 (i) On the sewage disposal farms, 
 November-March 
 
 102,113 
 
 961 
 3 2 '399 
 '.363 
 12,887 
 
 
 
 
 In the municipal night shelter. . . . 
 (2) Laborers and artisans . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Gardeners 
 
 
 
 
 Kitchen workers 
 
 
 
 
 Sewing and mending 
 
 18,201 
 
 
 
 Laundry workers 
 
 7429 
 
 37.437 
 26,531 
 
 Domestic work including clerks, 
 bookbinders, attendants, watchmen, 
 foremen, etc 
 
 
 
 
 Cooks and domestic workers 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The earnings above mentioned (Marks 75,798) are largely imputed 
 
 earnings. In reality the institution and its sewage disposal plants 
 
 are a comparatively heavy expense to the city of 
 
 Earnings Berlin. Before turning to the annual financial 
 
 and statement of the Rummelsburg workhouse, let us 
 
 Gratuities. note thel debit and credit accounts relating to the 
 
 gratuities paid or alloted to the inmates. 
 
 In the year 1909-1910 the following gratuities were alloted (I use 
 the word gratuities to differentiate these allotments from the imputed 
 earnings). 
 
 Not paid out of workhouse funds: 
 
 For work on the sewage disposal farm 
 
 Other work outside institution 
 
 Other work inside institution 
 
 Work for officers of the workhouse 
 
 Paid from workhouse funds: 
 
 Work on bakery of workhouse 
 
 Work on farm and garden 
 
 Other work in workhouse. . 
 
 Marks 
 28,009 
 4*4 
 456 
 539 
 
 3*4 
 140 
 11,972 
 
 Add sums received from other prisons or departments on account of 
 
 inmates ................... 7*3^ 
 
 49.344
 
 122 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Expenditures in favor of inmates: Marks 
 
 Additional food .............................................. IO 355 
 
 Stamps, etc ................................................. 123 
 
 Military papers and passes .................................... 269 
 
 Fines for damaged or destroyed articles ......................... 1,613 
 
 Clothing for time of discharge ................................ 3>O23 
 
 Sundries .................................................... 398 
 
 Payments at discharge ........................................ 33> I2 9 
 
 Definitely, therefore, on behalf of the inmates there are spent 
 yearly approximately $12,000, of which nearly three-fourths is given 
 the inmates on their release, and practically all of which is considered 
 earned by the inmates. Since in 1909-1910, 1457 persons were 
 released, the average amount per person given on release was about 
 33.6 marks or about $8.00, a fair sum for German conditions. 
 
 This city workhouse of Berlin is far from a paying investment 
 financially. The budget of the workhouse for 1911 showed the fol- 
 lowing probable receipts and expenditure on an estimated average 
 population of 2147 (including 686 persons in two attached hospitals 
 under the same administration as that of the workhouse) : 
 
 Marks 
 Receipts (estimated) ........................................... 297, 100 
 
 Expenditures (estimated) ....................................... 870,000 
 
 Deficit (to be met by city) .................................. 572,900 
 
 The budget figures do not permit a ready division of expense 
 between workhouse and hospitals. The per capita per diem cost in 
 1909-1910 of the following categories will be instructive. 
 
 Marks 
 
 Workhouse inmates, ablebodied ................................. -97 
 
 Incapacitated persons in hospital, not ill .......................... 1 .41 
 
 111 persons in hospital .......................................... i . 79 
 
 It seems probable that if the workhouse administration were not 
 burdened with the expenses of the hospitals, and contained only able- 
 bodied inmates, its annual expenditures would not be more than 
 20,000 marks above its receipts. On the other hand, the hospitals 
 receive a large number of the broken-down, sick and incapacitated 
 offenders that with us would be sent to the workhouse. 
 
 In short, the Berlin workhouse is a correctional institution where 
 all able-bodied inmates are required to render a reasonable amount 
 of work; where the terms of imprisonment are sufficiently long "to be 
 felt," and where an average daily population of between 1400 and 
 1500 is maintained at an approximate total annual expense of from 
 
 (*) The pfennigs in connection with each amount have not been given in the list. Hence 
 the sum total seems slightly larger than the sum of the separate amounts given.
 
 Bag and Paper Shop, Brauweiler Workhouse. Germany 
 
 Printing Shop, Brauweiler Workhouse, Germany
 
 EARNINGS AND GRATUITIES. 123 
 
 150,000 to $75,000 including the costs of necessary improvements, 
 interest, etc. 
 
 Turning now to the daily life of the Berlin workhouse inmates, 
 we find a long day and an active day, with a dietary far. below that 
 of the average American prison or penitentiary. The days program 
 is as follows: 
 
 Summer, 
 workdays 
 Rising hour ................................... , * r 
 
 Work ...................................................... ] 
 
 Breakfast ................................................... 6-6.15 
 
 Leisure ..................................................... 6.15-6.30 
 
 Work ...................................................... 6.30-11 
 
 Dinner .................................................. 12 
 
 Work ...................................................... ,- 5 
 
 ....................... 5-15-5 30 
 
 5-30-7.30 
 
 Bed ........................................................ 7.30 
 
 Locking up ................................................. 7-45 
 
 ^In short, twelve and one-half hours' work, forty-five minutes for 
 meals, one hour and fifteen minutes of leisure, and nine hours and 
 fifteen minutes of bedtime. A program in which the work feature, 
 if carried out, is pre-eminent. 
 
 On Sunday the inmates rise an hour later, have church in the 
 morning and reading aloud in the afternoon, and go to bed at 5.45 
 in the evening; certainly an uneventful Sunday. 
 
 In winter the inmates rise at 5.45 instead of 4.45, but in other 
 respects follow the summer week-day routine. On Saturday evenings 
 the workday ends at 6.30 instead of 7.30. 
 
 To one who has previously visited Veenhuizen or Merxplas, the 
 Rummelsburg workhouse is not particularly interesting. Industries 
 within the institution are not very varied. The modern equipment 
 of kitchen and laundry is noteworthy. The souteneurs are used in 
 the laundry, partly because it is considered more laborious and 
 disagreeable work, and partly because active persons are needed. 
 The bakery and laundry supply the needs of several neighboring 
 charitable institutions. Among the industries at the workhouse an 
 the picking of feathers, oakum picking, cobbling, carpentry, book- 
 binding, tailoring, gardening, matmakmg. But the heavy work is 
 done on the sewage disposal farms. 
 
 The population of the workhouse on the day of my visit, August 
 2, 1911, was as follows: 
 
 Men Women 
 In dormitories ............................. 404 40 
 
 Hospital ...................................... 5* 7 
 
 Clerks .................... 10 
 
 Bakery ................................... 14 
 
 Kitchen.. .................................. IO ......
 
 124 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Men Women 
 
 Under arrest 4 
 
 Isolated r I 
 
 Sewage disposal plants 696 
 
 1,200 57 
 
 What are the results of the Berlin workhouse ? No greater 
 apparently than at Veenhuizen or Merxplas. Scanty diet, long work 
 hours, a fearful monotony of existence, final discharge and in the 
 majority of cases an eventual return of the inmate. Would better 
 diet alter the proportion of recidivists ? It would probably 
 increase the number. Would more varied trades equip the men for 
 self-support ? The men are, most of them, old and under-willed. 
 Is the regime too severe ? The director is an enthusiastic, warm- 
 hearted, sincere man with the interest of his charges at heart. 
 
 What can be done ? The answer, echoing down from decades and 
 generations of experience for the Rummelsburg workhouse was 
 founded by Frederick the Great is: Prevent the young man from 
 becoming a beggar or a vagrant. 
 
 In a separate small room an old man was cutting out the parts 
 of institutional suits. "Let's see the old tailor," said the director. 
 The door was unlocked, and the aged worker stood at his task. I 
 asked him this question: "If you were a judge and had to decide 
 what to do with vagabonds, would you send them here ? " "I would." 
 "Can you cure or reform the men who have taken to the road?" 
 ' You can't." ' Then what society has to do is to lock them up 
 repeatedly?" 'That's it. And remember this the only time 
 to cure fellows like me is when we're boys. When we get along 
 later, we haven't the grit to fight any longer to be honest and indus- 
 trious. So we get sent back here."
 
 (Eljapfrr JFourtmt 
 
 BRAUWEILER, A COUNTY OR PROVINCIAL WORKHOUSE 
 
 A thousand years ago a German count Eberhard of the Rhine 
 caused a vast territory west of the city of Cologne to be denuded 
 of trees. Then, near the city, he established a little settlement 
 called Brauweiler. The count's son married at Brauweileranemperor's 
 daughter in the village church. This was in 988 A. D. The legepd 
 relates that the happy bridal pair, wandering out into the castle yard, 
 planted a mulberry tree taken from the bridal bouquet. 
 
 Nearly a thousand years have passed. The earthly remains of 
 
 the royal bride and her husband lie beneath the stones of the church, 
 
 while the mulberry tree has through ten centuries 
 
 History. flourished as a gnarled and powerful tree in the 
 
 cloister court. And where once royalty was 
 
 wedded, and where through centuries the Benedictine monks lived 
 
 and worked within monastery walls, here now the unhappy "brothers 
 
 of the highway," the beggars and the vagabonds of the Rhine province 
 
 of today, labor and live. 
 
 For the old monastery has become a prison. The old church, 
 rich with valuable paintings and frescoes, has become the workhouse 
 chapel, and beneath the vaulted arches of more than one corridor 
 where it is easy to imagine the Benedictine brothers once eating in 
 silence, now the mendicant and the vagabond sit at long tables eating 
 their scanty fare. 
 
 Forcibly indeed was I struck at Brauweiler with three things: the 
 wonderful historic surroundings of the cloister-converted workhouse; 
 the remarkable productivity of the institution; and, in the director, 
 Herr von Jarotsky, the embodiment of a double personalty, that of 
 a devout lover of the ancient arts of painting and architecture and 
 that of an enterprising business man, who prides himself on his work- 
 house output hardly less than upon his extensive knowledge of the 
 thousand-year history of the Brauweiler community. 
 
 Not every country or province could turn a tumble-down monastery 
 into an up-and-coming factory, manned by the cast-off work-shys 
 of the land, yet at Brauweiler more than in any other one institution 
 on the continent, did I see the wheels of industry go round. 
 
 We have in New York state four mainly idle county penitentiaries. 
 Brauweiler in the Rhine province is a county penitentiary. Let us 
 study it, and we can learn much about what county penitentiaries can 
 produce: 
 
 Brauweiler is reached from Cologne by a half hour's railroad 
 journey, followed by a carriage ride of two miles across a prairie-like 
 plain billowing with grain, the product of the workhouse. The land, 
 after a thousand years of often intensive cultivation, is still remarkably 
 
 "5
 
 126 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 fertile. The village of Brauweiler clusters about the old monastery 
 church. The workhouse buildings are numerous, but largely within 
 the original monastery enclosure. The motto of the workhouse 
 might well be: "Made in Brauweiler." Not only have the buildings 
 been renovated and new buildings erected by the inmates, but artistic 
 restorations of the directors' room, of the superintendent's room, of 
 the Protestant chapel and other historical rooms have been done by 
 the inmates under direction. Let us note at the outset the financial 
 statement of the Brauweiler workhouse for 1908, and the budget for 
 1911. 
 
 1908 1911 
 
 Receipts: Marks Marks 
 
 Care of county and local poor, dependent children and 
 
 insane 86, 130 74,460 
 
 Farm and stock 36,000 36,000 
 
 Industries 259,650 335,000 
 
 Store 29,000 34,000 
 
 Mill and bakery 97,000 15,000 
 
 Sundries 5,5 2 4,4 
 
 Subsidy from provincial government 163,000 215,000 
 
 590,000 714,000 
 
 Expenditures: 
 
 Salaries and wages 218,587 261,622 
 
 Food 210,000 259,000 
 
 Clothing 45,ooo 50,000 
 
 Bedding, etc 12,000 12,000 
 
 Laundry and cleaning 8,500 9,500 
 
 Implements 9,500 1 1,500 
 
 Heat 33>7 44,4OO 
 
 Light 9,100 10,700 
 
 Water. ..." 4,000 2,800 
 
 Medicine 3,io 3,400 
 
 Church and school 3,650 3,5 
 
 Upkeep of building 18,000 18,000 
 
 Sundries 15,863 28,028 
 
 Total 590,000 714,000 
 
 In brief the institution (including also a department for dependent 
 and delinquent children, a poorhouse and an insane hospital) was 
 run in 1908 at a net expense of 163,000 marks, or approximately 
 $38,974, or at a daily per capita expense of 36.6 pfennigs, or 9 cents. 
 In 1911, the net expense was 215,000 marks ($51,170), a daily per 
 capita expense of 42 pfennigs, or 10 cents. 
 
 To perceive more clearly what this means we must note that the 
 department for the insane, town and county poor and for dependent 
 children were but slightly, if at all, industrially productive. Without
 
 CONDUCT. 127 
 
 these "appendages" the workhouse itself might well become self- 
 supporting. The population on April I, 1911, was as follows: 
 
 Male Female 
 
 Workhouse 1,118 191 
 
 Capacity of workhouse 1,500 300 
 
 We find in Brauweiler as in other similar correctional institutions 
 two classes of inmates: (a) professional beggars and vagrants, many 
 of them of feeble mentality and most of them weakened by alcoholic 
 excesses. The average age of this class at Brauweiler is 45 years. 
 They are easy to control, and work willingly and industriously, 
 (b) The souteneurs, the despicable male creatures who live upon the 
 earnings of prostitutes; they are mainly young, strong men, protesting 
 against the compulsion to work, plotting escape and maintaining 
 in general a vicious, malicious attitude toward the purpose of the 
 workhouse. 
 
 The term of imprisonment is from six months to two years as in 
 Berlin. The average length of imprisonment at Brauweiler is 
 fourteen months. 
 
 The inmates work almost entirely in association, at the industries 
 and on the farm. There is a noticeable contrast between the attitude 
 of the Prussian prison and of the Prussian workhouse in respect to 
 freedom of intercourse and of work. The prison lays stress on the 
 rule of silence, separate employment and separate cells. The work- 
 house, recognizing that most of its inmates are not dangerous to 
 society, allows comparative freedom of speech, allows work in asso- 
 ciation, but lays far more emphasis than do the prisons on work. 
 Many men much prefer the prison to the workhouse. The inmates 
 work therefore in common in workrooms by day and sleep in dormi- 
 tories, which are not in general divided into cells or cubicles, although 
 there were 138 iron cubicles for men and 42 iron cubicles that were 
 utilized for inmates whose habits would tend to demoralize or corrupt 
 the other inmates. 
 
 At the time of my visit in August, 1911, an isolation disciplinary 
 building with separate cells was being constructed by inmate labor 
 to accommodate 200 unruly or perverse inmates, as well as those 
 whom it may be necessary to isolate because of contagious disease. 
 This building will cost about $125,000. 
 
 In general the inmates are fairly trustworthy as regards both work 
 
 and conduct. Window gratings and locks are not of prison strength. 
 
 some of the windows being wired instead of 
 
 Conduct. barred. Little care is taken to guard the 
 
 individual inmate during the day. The work in 
 
 the fields, occupying a large proportion of the inmates, is supervised 
 
 by guards without weapons. The men for the farm work are chosen 
 
 from those who have shown themselves more "trusty." Escapes 
 
 from inside the workhouse are rare, but men in the fields make 
 
 frequent attempts, the temptations of "earth and field and sky"
 
 128 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 being too strong. As in Veenhuizen and Merxplas, the escapes are 
 not taken very seriously by the director of the workhouse or the 
 government, for the escaped inmate is rarely a menace to society, 
 and he is generally soon caught and brought back. Such inmates 
 lose the "costs" of their escape from the money they have earned, 
 and if the detention period does not amount to two years they are 
 detained for some months beyond the time of their original sentence. 
 No corporal punishment is permitted. 
 
 The inmates rise at half past four in the summer, in winter at 5.30 
 and go to bed at 7.15 p. m The daily routine is similar to that at 
 Rummelsburg. The actual work period is in summer 10 hours, in 
 winter 9 hours. The dietary is similar to that of the prisons, and 
 the food is supposed to be sufficient for a vigorous, able-bodied man. 
 No meat is provided, yet, according to official report, the physical 
 condition of a majority of the inmates is satisfactory. Sick diet is 
 of course provided as needed, and special diet is provided for special 
 cases; and as a reward for good conduct and special industriousness, 
 the latter diet containing three times a week 150 grammes of meat. 
 
 All inmates not occupied in the open air must exercise a half hour 
 a day in the open air. Bathing is compulsory at least every two 
 weeks. 
 
 The hospital is modern. There are 10 male wards with 96 beds, 
 and 5 female wards with 26 beds. There is a house physician trained 
 in psychiatry. The hospital had an average daily population in 1910 
 of 27 men and 5 women. There were during the year 13 deaths of 
 male inmates, and 2 deaths of female inmates. 
 
 The official report of the institution states that the clothing of the 
 inmates consists of a complete cloth suit and a complete linen suit 
 (summer). School instruction is given in common school branches, 
 and the workhouse has a library of 7500 volumes. There are five 
 religious services during the week. 
 
 But it is the industrial work and products of Brauweiler that com- 
 mand particularly the attention and admiration of the visitor. The 
 institution aims to carry on as varied industries 
 Industries. as possible, not only to give the inmates larger 
 chances in occupations already familiar to them, 
 but also to offer as little competition as possible to free labor in any one 
 branch. Consequently and very exceptionally so far as my European 
 visit showed machinery and electric power are used in manufacture 
 to the same degree as is customary in the world outside. 
 
 The workhouse supplies primarily the needs of the government of 
 the Rhine province. Many of theheavierorcoarsertasksofthe province 
 are executed by the inmates, such as the construction of provincial 
 institutions, as well as work on roads, in fields and in forest and on 
 other improvements. All equipment of public institutions, so far as 
 possible, is manufactured by the workhouse. Hospitals, juvenile 
 protectories, reform schools, deaf and dumb schools and blind 
 asylums requisition equipment from the workhouse. This kind of 
 outside work and other work for the government is done by preference.
 
 Exterior. Brauweiler Workhouse, Germany 
 
 Officers' and Employees' Cottages. Brauweiler Workhouse, Germany
 
 AN IMPRESSIVE LIST. 129 
 
 Only when orders are slack does the workhouse, it is claimed, do 
 work under contract for private parties. 
 
 About 450 inmates are constantly at work outside the workhouse 
 in building or in work on the soil. Particular attention has been given 
 for some years to the improvement of a neighboring heath. During 
 the summer months 18 gangs (12 men ana an overseer to a gang) 
 are used on the neighboring roads. Two special road-wagons are 
 utilized for each gang, one wagon serving for kitchen and dining 
 room, the other for sleeping quarters. The wagons are drawn by one 
 or two horses. The mentally incompetent inmates are used when 
 possible in the workhouse brickyard. Within the workhouse no 
 contractors are allowed. The workhouse buys all the raw material 
 and sells all its finished products. 
 
 There follows now a list of some of the articles manufactured in 
 quantity in a recent year. While the individual items may not be 
 of interest to all, the total amounts of the various 
 An Impressive articles manufactured will no doubt be impressive, 
 List. especially when it is remembered that these are 
 
 largely the products of the labor of beggars and 
 vagrants. 
 Carpenter Shop 
 34 tables 
 I 02 cupboards 
 24 benches 
 500 metres looking glass frames 
 
 I complete outfit for winter school Bergheim 
 I complete equipment for a children's home 
 i room furnished in oak 
 44 church benches 
 
 many mirrors, sofas, commodes, chairs and stools, wooden floors, 
 windows, doors for director's home and insane hospital. Also car- 
 pentry work on two office buildings. 
 
 fPt truing: 
 
 750 metres cloth for shirts and spreads 
 
 4,040 gray aprons 
 
 6,030 sacks 
 
 4,700 table cloths 
 
 11,000 towels 
 
 1,500 napkins 
 
 70,000 shirts and bedspreads 
 
 3,300 kitchen towels 
 
 2,500 cleaning towels 
 
 1, 800 sail cloth 
 
 7,900 drilling for mattresses 
 
 15,000 drilling for garments 
 
 7,000 " woollen cloth for clothes 
 
 5,800 nightclothes 
 
 3,200 * aprons 
 
 7,500 " beds
 
 130 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Weaving Continued: 
 
 750 metres cloth for shirts and spreads 
 
 800 neckties 
 
 3,200 handkerchiefs 
 
 1,400 " curtains 
 
 13,500 padding 
 
 3,500 undergarments 
 
 1,000 bandages 
 
 4,000 twine 
 
 4,000 " cloth 
 
 2,400 cloth 
 
 6,000 gray cloth 
 
 2,500 woolen coverlids 
 
 2,500 flannel shirts 
 
 225 packing bags 
 
 The value of the products was 250,000 marks. 
 
 Iron work, foundry, etc.: 
 450 iron beadsteads 
 85 tables for sick room 
 33 washstands 
 300 wire mattresses 
 100,000 tree holders 
 
 Several dozen each of milk cans, ice cans, pails, etc. 
 All iron work for the insane hospital, such as window gratings, 
 weighing 15,000 kilograms. 
 
 Tailor shop, pieces: 
 1,430 coats cloth 
 1,380 trousers cloth 
 
 850 vests cloth 
 1,200 coats 
 
 860 trousers 
 
 500 vests 
 
 1,450 underdrawers 
 40 overcoats 
 
 550 caps 
 9,500 shirts 
 
 325 garments, woolen 
 
 270 underskirts 
 
 250 undergarments, women 
 1,650 aprons 
 
 660 nightgowns 
 
 3,500 neckties and handkerchiefs 
 1,650 bedclothes 
 
 900 bed coverlids 
 1,850 pillow cases 
 
 600 straw sacks 
 
 3,600 pairs of socks and stockings 
 
 750 towels 
 I 6,000 tablecloths
 
 Laundry. Brauweilcr Workhome, Germany 
 
 Sewing Room. Rrauwcilcr Workhnus?. Germany
 
 EARNINGS. 131 
 
 Cobblers' shop: 
 
 6,700 pairs of shoes soled and patched 
 3,500 pairs of shoes or slippers manufactured 
 
 Mattress shop: 
 340 mattresses 
 385 pillows 
 
 Paper industry: 
 
 For contractors, envelopes and paper bags to value of 48,000 marks 
 
 Printing shop: 
 2 575. formulas 
 Many smaller jobs 
 
 Bookbindery: 
 
 Books for provincial government 
 Many other smaller industries, rtot cited in detail. 
 
 In the women's division 80 females are occupied with domestic 
 duties, sewing and laundry work. The laundry work of about 600 
 private residences is handled, many customers living in Cologne. 
 In six years the earnings of the laundry have met the cost of machines 
 costing 53,000 marks. 
 
 It is interesting to note the attitude of the administration toward 
 
 the financial value of the inmates' work, and toward the earnings 
 
 to be allowed the inmates. The labor efficiency 
 
 Earnings. of the inmates does not equal that of the average 
 
 free laborer; therefore the estimated value of the 
 
 inmates' labor is lower, a further reduction of 15 per cent to 20 per 
 
 cent being made for the province and its institutions. The average 
 
 daily earning capacity of the inmates for the workhouse is 1.09 marks 
 
 (26 cents), a sum considerably higher than the per capita per diem 
 
 earnings of the prisoners in the state prison. In 1907 the earnings 
 
 of the workhouse through the labor of prisoners amounted 10344,975 
 
 marks. 
 
 The industrious inmates receive a daily gratuity of from 3 to 15 
 pfennigs (\ cents to 3 \ cents), a part of which may be used for the 
 purchase of supplementary food, for the support of their families 
 and for the purchase of additional clothing. The larger portion of 
 the prisoner's gratuities is saved up for the time of discharge, a part 
 of the amount saved being given to the inmate on release, and the 
 remainder to the prisoners aid society that is to aid the inmate. 
 
 Other productive activities of the workhouse were in a recent year 
 the following: 
 Bakery: 
 
 475,000 kilograms of bread baked 
 
 Mill: 
 
 230,000 pounds of wheat ground 
 670,000 pounds of rye ground
 
 132 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Gas: 
 
 All gas generated in the gas plant of the workhouse 
 
 Electricity: 
 Generated in the workhouse 
 
 Heat: 
 Generated by central heating plant of workhouse 
 
 Water: 
 Obtained from artesian wells belonging to workhouse 
 
 Farm: 
 
 Very fertile land of 59^ hectares (149 acres), a third of which is rented to 
 officers of the workhouse, while another third is pasture land. Rye, wheat, 
 hay, potatoes, beets, and other vegetables are raised. The stock con- 
 sisted on April I, 1911, mainly of 218 pigs, 18 cows, 10 horses and 85 hens. 
 The net profit from the farm and stock in 1907 was 34,325 marks. 
 
 What results does Brauweiler achieve ? What percentage of ref- 
 ormations are recorded, and of restoration to industrial life ? Are 
 results more gratifying than at Merxplas, Veenhuizen, or Rummels- 
 b urg ? 
 
 I quote from a recent official report. "Though detention in the 
 workhouse rarely has noticeable results, this arises from the fact 
 that in most of the inmates the tendency to vagas 
 What Are bondage is so deeply rooted that even two year- 
 trie Results? of confinement are not sufficient to overcome the 
 trait. Most of the discharged men soon fall back 
 into vagabondage voluntarily or under the influence of their old com- 
 panions. One important cause of recidivism is in many cases 
 advanced age, as well as physical and mental weakness. Alcohol plays 
 an important part in many instances. Prisoners' aid societies can 
 in some instances achieve results, but frequently the men will not take 
 take the places secured by the societies, or soon give the employment 
 up. 
 
 "Although the reformative and educational influences of the work- 
 house cannot be regarded as very effective, it is nevertheless of 
 importance that the workhouse does remove from the highway a large 
 proportion of those people who cost society many thousand marks 
 annually through their vagrant life; furthermore, the workhouse 
 occupies them in a manner useful to the community in general. This 
 is the significance of the Brauweiler workhouse. "
 
 GERMAN VOLUNTARY LABOR COLONIES 
 
 NEAR Bielefeld, an important manufacturing city of central Prussia, 
 is the thousand-acre voluntary labor colony of Wilhelmsdorf, 
 founded in 1882 by Pastor von Bodelschwmgh, a remarkable 
 constructive philanthropist, known for his good works among men 
 throughout the German empire. At Bielefeld a 
 A Voluntary veritable town of philanthropic institutions has 
 Labor Colony, arisen in the last tnirty years, and the voluntary 
 labor colony, some half-dozen miles distant from 
 the city, is but one of the undertakings inspired and carried through by 
 him. This colony is specially significant as being the first of thirty- 
 six similar colonies, not for the compulsory detention of vagrants and 
 beggars, but for the voluntary entrance and reception of the stranded 
 and indigent "brothers of the- highway" of whom there were in the 
 early eighties of the nineteenth century in Germany so many as to 
 be a veritable plague. 
 
 The voluntary labor colonies of Germany have had a religious 
 origin, and their organized and systematic treatment of the broth- 
 ers of the highway has been largely forced upon the colonies by the 
 world-wide ingenuity of the professional penniless idler in getting 
 something besides sympathy for nothing. 
 
 There is much confusion in American minds regarding the difference 
 between German compulsory labor colonies and German voluntary 
 labor colonies. To German compulsory labor colonies, like Rummels- 
 burg and Brauweiler, inmates are committed by the courts, and are 
 held as prisoners. To German voluntary labor colonies come wan- 
 derers of their own will, and leave very largely as they will. The 
 German compulsory labor colonies or workhouses are state or pro- 
 vincial institutions; the voluntary labor colonies are private organi- 
 zations, subsidized in various amounts by public funds. 
 
 I visited Wilhelmsdorf on Sunday, August 6, 1911. A gentle- 
 man from Bielefeld, whom I joined on the two-mile walk from the 
 railroad station to the colony, was going to visit his son, picknicking 
 for a week with a group of schoolmates at this cluster of charitable 
 buildings and institutions on the heath, the heath itself on both sides 
 of the highway having been reclaimed during 
 At thirty years by colonists. The colony itself is 
 
 Wilhelmsdorf. not exclusively for wanderers. A home for epi- 
 leptics, another for insane poor, another for inebri- 
 ates, and still another for inebriates able to pay something for their 
 care and rest-cure, were a part of the colony. The labor colony 
 started the settlement; other institutions for the unfortunate and 
 afflicted classes have been added. The layout of the colony is most 
 attractive, resembling Veenhuizen in Holland, although much smaller 
 
 >33
 
 134 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION or NEW YORK. 
 
 in area. When the colony was founded in 1882, there was only one 
 road through the forest; now the district has been fully opened up 
 by the roads built by the colonists. 
 
 In the comparatively brief limits of my report, I cannot take up 
 in detail the administration of this single colony of Wilhelmsdorf, 
 but must rather cite important generalizations regarding the place 
 of voluntary labor colonies in the treatment of vagrancy and mendi- 
 cancy in Germany. No better authority can be quoted than the 
 president of the union of German voluntary labor colonies, von 
 Massow, who in September 1908, after an intimate administrative 
 experience of over fifteen years, gave a careful history of the movement. 
 I quote from his facts and statistics, and also from various files of the 
 "Wanderer," the official monthly journal of the above mentioned 
 Union. 
 
 There were at the end of 1910 thirty-six labor colonies, with a 
 total population on December 3 1st of 4,707 persons. The following 
 table shows important admission and population statistics. 
 
 Admissions in all colonies since opening of first colony in 1882 226,935 
 
 Admissions in all colonies in 1910 I2 3O3 
 
 1910 1909 1908 1907 
 
 Admissions 12,303 12,878 12,587 9,856 
 
 (Nov.) (Nov.) (Oct.) (Nov.) 
 
 Maximum monthly admissions 1,296 1,301 i>442 1,252 
 
 (Dec.) (Feb.) (Apr.) (Mar.) 
 
 Minimum monthly admissions 889 807 894 648 
 
 Average monthly admissions 1,025 I >73 1,048 822 
 
 Beds in colonies, December 3 ist 4,888 4,919 4,687 4,703 
 
 Lowest population in year 3,35 34 12 3,089 2,338 
 
 The labor colonies did not spring up over night, but developed 
 through the incentive of successful, or apparently necessary, insti- 
 tutions already established. The dates of the founding of the labor 
 colonies follow: 
 
 1882 i colony. 1894 i colony. 
 
 1883 6 colonies. 1897 i colony. 
 
 1884 4 colonies. 1898 i colony. 
 
 1885 2 colonies. 1899 2 colonies. 
 
 1886 4 colonies. 1900 I colony. 
 
 1888 4 colonies. 1902 i colony. 
 
 1889 i colony. 1905 2 colonies. 
 
 1891 2 colonies. 1908 I colony. 
 
 1892 2 colonies. 
 
 No colony has been discontinued as a failure. The network of 
 colonies, except one gap between Hamburg and Kolburg, stretches 
 over the entire German empire. 
 
 The fundamental purpose of the colonies is, of course, to be a 
 haven for the unfortunate and penniless wanderer without employ-
 
 Paper Bag Shop, Brauweilcr Almshouse, Germany 
 
 Spinning Shop. Brauweilcr Almshouse. Germany
 
 WHAT Is ACCOM i>i ISHFD? 135 
 
 ment. The colony differs from the relief station or the friendly inn 
 in that the latter institutions are for distinctly temporary assistance 
 "along the road," so to speak, while the colony should theoretically 
 serve as a place not only of recuperation to the " brother of the high- 
 way" but also of industrial rehabilitation, should the brother elect 
 to stay long enough. 
 
 Speaking as of the last day of December, 1910, the thirty-six 
 colonies embraced a total of 6,804 hectares (16,812 acres) of own 
 property, and 676 hectares (1,670 acres) of rented property. On 
 August 15, 1909, the colonies possessed a total of 754 buildings and 
 14,750 animals. The insurance valuation of the properties was four 
 million marks, approximately one million dollars. 
 On August 15, 1910, there were 
 
 Officers 183 
 
 Other employees 88 
 
 Women employees 69 
 
 Members of families of officers and employees 282 
 
 Total 
 
 Non-colonists 622 
 
 Colonists 3,42 1 
 
 Pensioners go 
 
 Many of the farms can be regarded as models for the vicinity. 
 The neighboring peasants are often astonished at the products and 
 the fertility of the farms, and find the stock also excellent. 
 
 Seeking to answer at once the general question "What have the 
 
 colonies accomplished?" President von Massow says. "This, that 
 
 except perhaps in the months of December and 
 
 What is January, or in other words, when the labor market 
 
 Accomplished? is not wretched, a chance to work can be found 
 for every destitute man who wishes to work, so 
 that he is not forced to beg or to revert to prison. The proof of this 
 lies in the fact of the greatly differing conditions in which the colonists 
 of twenty-five years ago found themselves, in comparison with their 
 present conditions. At that time the great bulk of colonists came to 
 us in rags and with vermin. Nowadays they do not wait to get into 
 this condition, but come earlier. The chance is thus provided for 
 them to return to a regular and decent life, after accustoming them- 
 selves in the colony to an orderly life and to the renunciation of liquor. 
 After having remained at the colony for some time, they leave dressed 
 in a decent suit of clothes and with as much money as they really 
 need. Not only the 'brothers of the highway' come to us, but also 
 those who are temporarily without means, and discharged prisoners, 
 and also the half-invalids. For these latter classes our colonies are 
 of the greatest value." 
 
 Turning again now to statistics for 1910 and previous years, we 
 find that less than fifty per cent of the colonists were there for the 
 first time, the percentage of new comers in 1910 being 38.6 per cent.
 
 136 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Per 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 cent 
 
 ADMITTED 
 
 1910 
 
 % 
 
 IQOQ 
 
 % 
 
 1908 
 
 % 
 
 1907 
 
 % 
 
 for 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 four 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 years 
 
 ist time 
 
 4,74-2 
 
 38.6 
 
 ^03 
 
 4.2 4. 
 
 'j.67';; 
 
 4.<J.2 
 
 3.067 
 
 4.O 3 
 
 41 8 
 
 2d time 
 
 2,548 
 
 20-7 
 
 2,515 
 
 19.6 
 
 2,447 
 
 19.4 
 
 i,775 
 
 17.9 
 
 19.5 
 
 
 3<i time 
 
 1. 4.4.? 
 
 117 
 
 I.4.O3 
 
 IO O 
 
 1.34.6 
 
 IO 7 
 
 I.IC2 
 
 ii 6 
 
 112 
 
 4th time 
 
 02 < 
 
 7 5 
 
 028 
 
 7 2 
 
 8?c 
 
 6 7 
 
 706 
 
 8 o 
 
 7 3 
 
 5th time 
 
 C47 
 
 4.. 3 
 
 S87 
 
 A 6 
 
 588 
 
 4. 7 
 
 <J32 
 
 <C 4. 
 
 4 g 
 
 6th time 
 
 461 
 
 3-8 
 
 454 
 
 3-5 
 
 407 
 
 3-i 
 
 374 
 
 3-7 
 
 3-4 
 
 7th time 
 
 2Q3 
 
 2 4. 
 
 202 
 
 2 4. 
 
 288 
 
 2 3 
 
 7Q7 
 
 3 i 
 
 2 C 
 
 Over 7 times.. . 
 
 1,342 
 
 I .O 
 
 I,2OO 
 
 9-3 
 
 1,001 
 
 7-9 
 
 953 
 
 IO.O 
 
 9-5 
 
 Total 
 
 IZ.SOS 
 
 100% 
 
 12,878 
 
 100% 
 
 12,587 
 
 100% 
 
 9,856 
 
 100% 
 
 100% 
 
 Facts as to "first time in colony," and subsequent times, must 
 necessarily be gathered from the colonists' own assertions, fortified 
 or disproved by such facts as the individual colony may command. 
 Probabilities are that the number of "more times than one" is much 
 larger than appears from the tables. 
 
 The colonies receive every one not absolutely incapacitated that 
 presents himself, with no questions asked as to past life. He may go 
 to work at once, and may leave when he wants to, unless he has (as 
 in most cases) signed a contract to remain for a definite time. At 
 Wilhelmsdorf the minimum contract is for two months. The colonies 
 being founded for the permanent moral improvement of the men, 
 have naturally a Christian basis, and they pay special attention to 
 the confessional needs of their inmates. Yet the record of length 
 of time spent by the men at the colony is often a discouraging one. 
 As seemingly everywhere else in the world, a great part of the wander- 
 ing class will recover physically to some extent without a correspond- 
 ing moral recovery. As a result we find the statistics -of the labor 
 colonies regarding length of stay as follows: 
 
 PRESENT IN 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 COLONIES 
 
 1910 
 
 % 
 
 1909 
 
 % 
 
 1908 
 
 % 
 
 1907 
 
 % 
 
 DEC. 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Under 2 months.. 
 
 1,978 
 
 42- 
 
 1,870 
 
 3 8.6 
 
 1,926 
 
 39-3 
 
 2,087 
 
 51-3 
 
 24 months 
 
 1,107 
 
 23 . <C 
 
 1,252 
 
 25.8 
 
 1.4.^2 
 
 2Q.6 
 
 QII 
 
 22 .4 
 
 46 months . 
 
 574. 
 
 12 2 
 
 698 
 
 14. 3 
 
 628 
 
 12 8 
 
 4.26 
 
 IO.4. 
 
 6-12 months .... 
 
 586 
 
 12-5 
 
 606 
 
 12.5 
 
 553 
 
 "3 
 
 387 
 
 9-5 
 
 Over i year 
 
 462 
 
 9-8 
 
 423 
 
 8.8 
 
 344 
 
 7.0 
 
 259 
 
 6-4 
 
 Total . . 
 
 4..707 
 
 100% 
 
 4.. 84.0 
 
 100% 
 
 4..0O3 
 
 100% 
 
 4..O7O 
 
 100%
 
 WHAT Is ACCOMPLISHED ? 
 
 37 
 
 Evidently, from the above figures, less than one man in ten stays 
 in a colony during even one year. From three to five out of every 
 ten colonists have been at any one time of count less than two months 
 at the colony. Yet, if vagrancy or mendicancy is to be cured, a 
 detention period of considerable length is necessary, if cure can be 
 effected at all. The deduction is obvious. T he colonies neither cure 
 the individual vagrant or beggar in general, nor do they withdraw for 
 any extended period the wanderers from off the highway. 
 
 On the other hand, they serve as great "catch-alls," temporary 
 havens of shelter for the friendless and homeless, and their inmates 
 are not of a vicious class. Men must come sober to the colonies or 
 at least stay sober after arrival. No alcohol is allowed within the 
 colonies, and any cases of insubordination are dealt with by dis- 
 charge at short notice. In the twenty-five years there has been no 
 case of serious insurrection in a labor colony. 
 
 The ages of the colonists show a maturity that probably exceeds 
 by considerable that of the American "brother of the highway." 
 Incidentally we should note that the American highway is generally 
 the railway, and that the agility of youth is required to jump success- 
 fully the freights. Bearing in mind that the American peregrinating 
 tramp is generally supposed to be less than thirty years of age, we 
 compare the ages of the German colonists. 
 
 AGES OF COLONISTS 
 
 1910 
 
 1909 
 
 1908 
 
 1907 
 
 Per 
 
 cent 
 for 
 four 
 years 
 
 Under 15 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 15 or 16 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 27 
 
 23 
 
 .2 
 
 17 to 20 
 
 C27 
 
 645 
 
 578 
 
 cic 
 
 4.1 
 
 21 to 30 
 
 2,166 
 
 2.3^6 
 
 2.36o 
 
 I.7I2 
 
 18. 
 
 31 to O. . . 
 
 6.38o 
 
 6,6 
 
 6,6l7 
 
 {.141 
 
 $2.1 
 
 51 to 60 
 
 2,4.$8 
 
 2,480 
 
 2,370 
 
 1,026 
 
 1O.4 
 
 61 to 70 
 
 68? 
 
 633 
 
 <73 
 
 4QA 
 
 c.o 
 
 Over 70 
 
 66 
 
 7O 
 
 4>J 
 
 
 .c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Only twenty-two per cent of the colonists are under thirty years of 
 age, while one in every two is between thirty and fiftv years old. 
 The colonies obviously do not take any large number of tne extremely 
 old. The general categories of colonists are, according to von Massow: 
 
 1. Seasonal laborers (mainly of the building trades). 
 
 2. Persons often punished for mendicancy and vagrancy. They come to 
 the colonies mainly to get their certificate of "work done," thereby avoiding 
 arrest when they wander further. 
 
 3. Discharged prisoners. Out of 8,679 colonists entering between October, 
 1906, and September 30, 1907, 443, or 5 per cent, were from prison.
 
 138 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 4. The principal category is those who are limited in physical ability, that 
 is, more or less handicapped. They furnish the backbone of the colony 
 workers. 
 
 And now comes the especially important point. Von Massow 
 says: "The great mass of the population of the highways will have 
 nothing to do with the colonies, because at the colonies they must 
 work, and there is no alcohol there!" 
 
 Of those who do come, the laborers predominate, about four in 
 ten giving that as occupation. The great bulk of the colonists claim 
 to be single, the proportion of married men to single in the colonies 
 in 1910 being one in eighteen. About one in ten claims to be either 
 separated or widower. 
 
 In 1910, out of 16,201 applicants for admission to the colonies, 
 3,898 were refused admission. This is practically one in every five 
 applications, showing that considerable discretion is used. The 
 causes for refusal were the following: 
 
 Refused admission 
 
 Because of overcrowded condition i>244 
 
 Applicants not belonging to district 634 
 
 Too young '. 46 
 
 Too old 82 
 
 111 172 
 
 Incapable of working 75 
 
 Drink 47 
 
 On the black list 179 
 
 Other reasons *A 1 9 
 
 The black list is a list of colonists who have left the colonies under 
 disgrace, or before the expiration of their promise in contract form, 
 or who have run away with colony property, or have otherwise 
 incurred the censure of the administration. The colonies are banded 
 together in a central body or conference that meets once a year, each 
 year at a different colony. This union maintains a small secretarial 
 staff through the year, and each month there is returned to the central 
 office of the union a black list from each colony for the preceding 
 month. The complete black list is forwarded to each colony as soon 
 as possible, and the rule is that no colony shall receive a colonist 
 from any other colony who is on the black list, save that the colony 
 so listing him may take him back at its discretion. 
 
 Some of the causes of leaving in 1910, not all of course meriting 
 the black list, were the following: 
 
 Died 37 
 
 Illness 502 
 
 Incapable of working 5 1 
 
 Requisitioned by government 74 
 
 Time expired 54 2 
 
 At own request 6,324
 
 Bowling Alley. Voluntary Labor Colony. Bielefeld. Germany 
 
 Sunday Afternoon at Bielefeld Voluntary Labor Colony. Germany. 
 
 August 2, 1911
 
 NOT A SOLUTION. 139 
 
 Work found by colony gn 
 
 Work found by own efforts i 2 95 
 
 Went back to family 436 
 
 Refused to work or broke contract 1.254 
 
 Unwilling to work 196 
 
 Drunkenness 222 
 
 Immoral conduct io 
 
 Otherwise improper conduct 225 
 
 Ran away 366 
 
 Total number leaving 12,445 
 
 In short, of the total discharges, eighteen per cent were for bad 
 conduct, ten per cent were at the request of the men themselves to 
 go to work which they had found by their own efforts, fifty per cent 
 were discharged because they wished to go away, and only a little 
 over four per cent were discharged because they had stayed their 
 alloted time, while only seven per cent went to work which had been 
 found for them by the colonies. 
 
 What would be plainer than that the above figures show the essen- 
 tially temporary curative nature of the colonies ? I emphasize this 
 fact, not because of any lack of appreciation of 
 Not a the colonies, but because we ought not to acquire 
 
 Solution. an admiration for the German voluntary labor 
 colonies for things that they do not do. Let us 
 not, as Americans, vaguely claim before bodies of people who are 
 naturally unaware of the facts that the German labor colonies offer 
 a striking solution of the vagrancy problem. They do not, and 
 apparently never will. On the other hand, they are the shelter and 
 asylum of thousands of poor fellows who otherwise would be the 
 miserable spectacles on the highways and in the cities that their 
 predecessors were thirty years ago throughout the empire. 
 
 Let us turn again to von Massow. "The means of removing the 
 vagrants and mendicants from the highways has not yet been dis- 
 covered. Labor colonies of the voluntary order, way-stations for 
 wanderers, and registry bureaus serve in general only the better 
 elements of the population of our roads, but not the real professionals. 
 Originally we started the scheme of the daily walk from station to 
 station for the vagrants and the homeless unemployed, with the 
 exception of Sunday, when no work was required. As this system was 
 enforced throughout large portions of Germany, the results were 
 strikingly successful. The highway population decreased remark- 
 ably, and the houses of correction became empty. But let no one 
 think that vagrancy ceased; no, it transferred itself into territory 
 where there were no such stations, and overflowed in great masses 
 the border countries of Germany, particularly the Netherlands, 
 Austria and France and even reached down into Italy. 
 
 "In my opinion," continues von Massow, "it will be very difficult 
 to rid the highways of the wandering population. At the most, the
 
 140 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 laws against vagrancy could be strengthened and the offender could 
 be required to become an inmate of a house of correction for a con- 
 siderable period. 
 
 "The per cent of those who have been successfully restored by a 
 life in our colonies is uncommonly small, even though they work 
 industriously in the colonies. Particularly have they fallen victims 
 to drink. Yet I would answer the question as to what avail, after 
 all, our colonies are, as follows: 
 
 "First: There are a certain number of persons, who, through 
 our colonies, are restored to self-support and self-respect. 
 
 "Second: The average beggar in Germany 
 
 A makes about two marks ($.48) a day. The num- 
 
 Justification. ber of days of maintenance in our colonies totalled 
 
 in 1905 about 900,000. We can reckon that our 
 
 people 'on the outside' on these days begged about 1,800,000 marks 
 
 ($428,000), while the total subsidies for all the colonies in 1905 were 
 
 517,800 marks ($123,236), a difference of about 1,280,000 marks 
 
 ($304,640). Moreover, the colonists were making out of sand dunes 
 
 and heath and moorland fruitful land and meadows, and increasing 
 
 the value of same thereby. 
 
 "Third and principally: For the half-able and the handicapped, 
 the colonies furnish the only self-respecting kind of existence in which 
 they can live day by day without fearing to be thrust again into 
 despair and pauperism."
 
 Chapter t*ixtrrn 
 
 WITZWIL, A SUCCESSFUL PENAL FARM' 
 
 IN this day, when imposing prison architecture has lost its novelty to 
 the student of penology, a simple farm used as a penal labor colony 
 in the Canton Berne, Switzerland, has visitors from all parts of the 
 world. Edmond Kelly of New York, author of "The Elimination of 
 the Tramp," visited Witzwil in 1906 and wrote in the visitor's book: 
 "The best of the labor colonies I have seen; far ahead of those in 
 Belgium and Holland." Edith Sellers, an English authority on 
 European social work, wrote in 1908: "The best of its kind tnat I 
 have visited." Because of the present active discussion of the plan 
 of farm colonies in America, and especially in New York state, it 
 is perhaps worth while to report the impressions gained last summer 
 at Witzwil in repeated visits made to discover the secret of the unique 
 success this institution has attained. 
 
 The Witzwil farm conists of 2,000 acres of level moorland, a part 
 of a tract redeemed from the waters of Lake Neuchatel a generation 
 ago by an intercantonal drainage enterprise. It is still flooded at 
 times of very high waters. Good gravel roads traverse the fields. 
 No fences, walls, or signs tell the visitor when he has entered the prison 
 grounds. Here and there may be seen substantial farm houses, each 
 with a large, plain, practical barn. A paid farmer lives with his 
 family and four working prisoners at each of these outposts ("courts") 
 where about thirty cows are kept. In the center of the farm is a 
 group of buildings including the director's (warden's or superin- 
 tendent's) house, a cellhouse, and large barns and workshops. 
 
 After this land has been drained it was owned and cultivated by 
 a large private agricultural corporation. The company did not 
 prosper; its property came into the hands of creditors, and drainage 
 assessments due to the Canton Berne were in arrears. To collect 
 a bad debt the canton took the land. For the first few years the can- 
 tonal workhouse nearby supplied the labor needed, while old build- 
 ings were being repaired and new ones erected. In 1895, however, 
 Witzwil was made a penitentiary farm under separate management. 
 Since then other buildings and new roads have been made, and a 
 large area of pasture lands in the Simmental Alps has been acquired 
 for summering the young cattle. 
 
 This farming enterprise in which most of the work is done by pris- 
 oners has proved to be a good business investment for the canton. 
 There has been expended by the canton, all told, for land $200,000, 
 for building material $100,000, and other cash advances (net, after 
 deducting the so-called rents paid to the canton), $50,000, a total 
 
 l By Prof. F. A. Fetter, Princeton Uniwiity. From the Surrey, February 4, 1911.
 
 142 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 of $350,000. The present worth of the whole plant (land, buildings, 
 stock, cash fund) is at a low estimate $550,000, an average gain for 
 the time the institution has been in full operation of over $13,000 a 
 year. 
 
 An inventory valuation is somewhat a matter of opinion and the 
 rise in the price of lands accounts for part of this increase. But 
 let us look at the account for 1909, which is fairly typical. In any 
 comparison we must take account of the peculiar practice of the canton 
 in giving a nominal, or apparent, cash appropriation to be used for 
 new construction, but charging rent for land and buildings on the 
 basis of four per cent rental, sometimes to an amount exceeding the 
 appropriation. What would American institutional managers think 
 of that ? Last year Witzwil paid to the canton a net cash sum of 
 $1,000 (excess of the rental above its appropriation) and expended a 
 net sum of $7,000 for materials in new construction, paid all expense 
 of the institution, including salaries and insurance, and laid away 
 a reserve of $9,000 for building a railroad on the grounds. In 1908 
 it paid the canton $1,000 and expended $10,000 for new materials. 
 In 1907 it got from the canton about $1,000 net but expended $24,000 
 for new materials. While the care of the 200 (sometimes over 250) 
 prisoners is without cost to the public, the actual outlay on new build- 
 ings and equipment has amounted to a good return on the investment 
 in grounds and buildings. Yet this has been done without the lease 
 or the contract systems of labor, and with no injurious competition 
 with, or protests from, free labor. Within the last year the land has 
 at length been brought fairly under cultivation, so that it would seem 
 that the results in the future would be still more favorable. 
 
 In view of such facts and figures, the interesting question is, how 
 was it done ? The most obvious answer is, by good management. 
 Otto Kellerhals was but twenty-four years of age when he entered 
 upon this work in 1891, becoming director, in full charge, in 1895. 
 He was a practical Bernese farmer boy with an education. Graduated 
 at the cantonal agricultural college at Berne, he attended the famous 
 institute in connection with the University of Halle, Germany. He 
 was versed in the new agricultural science and he knew how to put 
 good theory into practice. He is a quiet, plain man who reads 
 widely and works with his hands. He thinks, schemes, dreams of 
 Witzwil, but he finds time to go out wheeling with his four boys. 
 His wife takes charge of the institution in his absence and is at all 
 times a helpful co-worker in the administration. 
 
 The answer to our question, however, must be found not alone in 
 the director's ability, but in his use of it, in his spirit and in his plans. 
 Light was thrown on these by a remark of Mr. Kellerhals : "A super- 
 intendent should manage his institution as if it were his own farm. 
 The buildings are for use, not for show. They should be just what 
 a good farmer would put up; the workshops and machinery should 
 be just what a manufacturer would choose for the same purpose." 
 This proposition may sound like a truism; but would not its appli- 
 cation work a revolution in many an institution ? It is not only
 
 Cabinet Shop, Brauweiler Workhouse. Germany 
 
 Envelope Shop. Brauweiler Workhouse. Germany
 
 WITZWIL, A SUCCESSFUL PENAL FARM. 143 
 
 that buildings and equipment have been in practice too expensive 
 and elaborate, but also that many officials and citizens hold tne very 
 different theory that a penal institution is a place where labor ought 
 to be wasted. 
 
 Consider, for example, Director Kellerhals's policy as to the use 
 of machinery. Here we saw a row of American mowing machines, 
 there an automatic potato digger built on the farm; here electric 
 motors in the machine shops, there an automatic bread mixer enabling 
 one prisoner to do all of the baking for the institution; here the best 
 laundry machinery, there a model creamery through which passes 
 the enormous product of the farm. These things were far more 
 remarkable because of the exceedingly slight use made of labor- 
 saving machinery on private farms in Switzerland. It was a sight 
 to delight an American, but not so the Russian prison official who was 
 that day making a study of Witzwil. In the Russian prisons, as he 
 said, everything is done by hand. The hand-work policy is followed 
 on principle in the otherwise excellently managed prison system of 
 Prussia. In visiting other Swiss institutions I had just been hearing 
 various arguments (not needing to be repeated here, as they are not 
 unknown in America) in favor of excluding machinery from institu- 
 tions. It is evident that Director Kellerhals is not uttering a truism 
 or practicing a commonplace in Europe. He does not cherish the 
 official fear that the prisoners will be without occupation. "There 
 is always work here," he said, "there is never any labor to waste;" 
 and he ran over a list of plans he has in mind for the improvement 
 of the great estate in the next few years. This does not mean, as I 
 understand him, that all these things could be done profitably with 
 free labor; it means that he believes in using in the most productive 
 way open to him the labor force put into his charge by the state. 
 
 In its variety of occupations and products Witzwil is a challenge 
 to any other institution of its size anywhere. Convicts have helped 
 draw the plans of the buildings, and have built them all with a mini- 
 mum of supervision, and out of the raw materials. Structural steel, 
 iron plates, and steel rods are bought in straight, plain pieces to be 
 cut and shaped in the Witzwil shops to many uses. The cellhouses 
 are of cemented stone, without steel in the walls, yet only one man has 
 ever dug his way out. The doors are of heavy wood, and all hinges, 
 locks and grates were forged by prisoners. All plumbing, wiring, 
 tinning, roofing were done by convicts, even the making of the light- 
 ning rods. The convicts made all of the furniture that is in the 
 cells and in the offices. They made all the stoves out of flat iron 
 plates. They make all the held tools, rakes, hoos, shovels, picks, 
 baskets, brooms, brushes, boxes, barrels, besides a number of com- 
 plex farm machines. Most remarkable of all, they make excellent 
 wagons and carriages in various patterns, not merely assembling the 
 parts, but with the exception of the springs forging all of the metal 
 parts: tires, rims, steps, in the blacksmith shop from plain rods, and 
 shaping the woodwork in some cases from logs cut in the forest. 
 These things are not made to show what can be done regardless of
 
 144 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 expense; a careful cost account is kept of every article to determine 
 what it pays best to do. 
 
 All these and the other industries are, after all, but auxiliary to 
 the main industry of farming. Five-sixths both of the gross and of 
 the net industrial receipts are from agriculture. Yearly there are 
 sold $20,000 worth of cattle and hogs, $12,000 worth of milk, and 
 $40,000 worth of other agricultural products, and through the winter 
 400 hogs and 800 neat cattle are kept. Agriculture is the paramount 
 interest and here is another feature of the Witzwil system every- 
 one is helping to farm. When the weather is fine the shops are all 
 but deserted, and so far as possible, every one, free or convict, from 
 the director to the last prisoner, is out in the fields. It is the Witzwil 
 policy to have the tailors and the shoe makers make hay when the 
 sun shines, for so they are worth more to the institution than making 
 clothes and shoes. "Besides," said the director with a smile, "the 
 days they pitch hay they need no other exercise." On the other 
 hand, almost any work pays on bad days rather than to have prisoners 
 idle in their cells. At such times the shops are the busy places. In 
 the trades of basketry, hat-weaving, saddlery, woodworking, iron- 
 working, tailoring, shoemaking, bookbinding, etc., the number of 
 working days per month, as shown by the official figures, is twofold 
 to manifold as great in the winter as in the summer. Other large 
 labors are so far as possible crowded into the winter and early spring 
 months, an adjustment favored by the mild winter climate. Such 
 labors are house and road building, drainage, peat-cutting, forestry, 
 and melioration of the soil. 
 
 Is the unusual variety of industries at Witzwil due to a superior 
 quality of the inmates compared with those of other institutions ? 
 No evidence of such a fact appeared. To Witzwil are sent men 
 sentenced for the first time for felony (the English word most nearly 
 corresponding) for less than three years, whether they are young men or 
 old. Many have served time in minor institutions or have been con- 
 victs in othe.r countries. A large proportion have been chronic 
 drinkers. Only ten per cent have had more than primary school 
 training. When a skilled man comes, his skill is used, not wasted. 
 The surveying for the new buildings, roads, and new railway is 
 being done by a convicted engineer, and the complicated calculations 
 of materials and costs are being made by a convicted banker, a victim 
 of the American panic of 1907 at least that revealed his peculations. 
 Switzerland has not as yet put the indeterminate sentence into practice, 
 and the average term of the Witzwil inmates is short. One-half of 
 them serve less than six months, four-fifths less than a year, and only 
 one in twenty serves over two years. A more shifting and unpromis- 
 ing labor supply would hardly be found in any American prison or 
 penitentiary. 
 
 On its material and financial sides Witzwil is in many respects a 
 model. What as to its equipment and agencies for reforming the 
 prisoners ? Here, it must be confessed, something is lacking. Not 
 only is there no school for the almost, or quite, illiterate prisoners
 
 WITZWIL, A SUCCESSFUL PENAL FARM. 145 
 
 (many of whom are young), but the intellectual stimulus in other ways 
 falls short of good modern reformatory standards. But this said, 
 the criticism is about spent. The conditions of physical health are 
 so excellent as to make a citizen of the state of Sing Sing feel very 
 humble. The simple, dry, light cells, built in one story along a 
 central hall, and with outer windows opening directly to sun and air, 
 are architecturally and hygienically much superior to those at Elmira. 
 The food is bountiful and varied, and the clothing, both in winter and 
 in summer, excellent for its purpose. There is no prison pallor on 
 any face in Witzwil. Some motive to ambition is given by grouping 
 the prisoners in three classes with three grades of wages, small sums 
 each month which are sent to the prisoners' families or kept until the 
 sentences expire. The different classes have also differing privileges, 
 including for the more trustworthy that of living at the farm houses 
 in semi-liberty. Punishment plays a small part; tempers keep sweet 
 better out-of-doors. There are ten solitary cells which I inspected, 
 but none of them had been occupied since weeks before the time of 
 my visit. 
 
 Whatever merit of a reformatory nature Witzwil has consists in its 
 teaching of the hard lesson of regular toil under healthy physical 
 conditions. The spirit of work, so far as I saw it, is remarkable. 
 This is fostered partly by the policy of giving responsible tasks to 
 prisoners without oversight, and partly by another noteworthy policy, 
 that of keeping no idle guards at Witzwil. The paid employees all 
 work with the prisoners, setting an example of industry. The com- 
 bined moral and financial advantages ot this plan are self-evident; 
 every guard earns his salary in the increased product, and as the con- 
 victs come they are put to work under good paid workers from whom 
 they learn. It may well be that Witzwil is a better practical school 
 of agriculture and the trades than some reformatories with a showy 
 educational equipment. 
 
 An essential part of the Witzwil system are the homes, in the 
 neighborhood, for unemployed men. The little colony of Nusshof, 
 belonging to the institution, can give employment to ten liberated 
 convicts at a time, until they can again get a foothold in the world. 
 Tannenhof, conducted by a private society, at the border of the Witz- 
 wil farm, can house and give work to forty men at a time. It shelters 
 many former inmates of Witzwil, and is a haven to which they later 
 return when hard pressed by temptation and by unemployment. 
 
 With the large liberty enjoyed by many of the prisoners, and with 
 the nearness of the French border, ever in sight, there are on the 
 average each year about seven escapes, and of these two are not 
 recaptured. Most of the attempts are made by foreigners. 
 
 Many of the men in Witzwil are such as in America largely recruit 
 the army of tramps. Most competent officials whom f consulted 
 in Berne agreed that in the canton the tramp problem, as we know 
 it in America, no longer exists! Other influences (especially the way- 
 farers' lodges) have helped to produce this desirable result; but
 
 146 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Witzwil doubtless has done its share, along with smaller and less 
 distinctive institutions shaped somewhat on the same lines. Witzwil 
 teaches an impressive lesson in its proof that dissolute and untrained 
 prisoners may be made industrious and self-supporting in an open-air 
 prison colony, and it challenges America to a trial of the same plan. 
 Witzwil has its lesson further for all American public institutional 
 management, whether correctional or charitable, in its economic use 
 of labor, in its union of agricultural and manufacturing industry, and 
 in its outdoor work for adult men in an unwalled institution. 
 
 Could the plan of a farm labor colony succeed in New York as well 
 as in Switzerland ? When this question was put to Mr. Kellerhals 
 he at once replied: "It should succeed better. In Europe land is 
 dear and labor is cheap; in America land is cheap and labor is dear; 
 and labor is the factor of production which the prison has in abund- 
 ance." 
 
 A large state such as New York, with fifteen times the population 
 of the Canton Berne and twice that of all Switzerland, would have 
 the economy resulting from size in an institution. In a thoughtful 
 paper (not yet published), to be presented to the Swiss prison society, 
 Mr. Kellerhals has shown that a larger institution could be more 
 economically managed. 
 
 A further advantage over the Swiss institution could easily be had 
 in New York York with its precedents and present public opinion, 
 by the application of the indeterminate sentence to habitual drunk- 
 enness and vagrancy. Such a change, favorable to the welfare both 
 of the public and of the pitiable victims of vicious habits, would, by 
 giving to the institution a more stable working force and a longer 
 period for training, promote greatly its financial as well as its reform- 
 atory success. 
 
 Finally, Witzwil, remarkable as it is, can be surpassed in America, 
 if to its economic merits can be added the best modern reformatory 
 discipline. The opportunity awaits the progressive state that will 
 found such an institution, and the able management that will guide 
 it to success.
 
 VAGRANCY IN ENGLAND 
 
 VAGRANCY has long been one of the social plagues of England. 
 Severe repressive laws have alternated with more humane 
 treatment. At present, with grave annual problems of unem- 
 ployment, the "sturdy beggar" and the "sleeper out" add by their 
 thousands to the gravity of the problem. 
 
 England has no compulsory labor colonies, the local prison being 
 the place of imprisonment of the vagfant. Casual wards (temporary 
 lodgings of a punitive but not penal character) correspond partially 
 in motive with our municipal lodging houses. The workhouses, cor- 
 responding to our American almshouses, shelter the non-ablebodied 
 pauper homeless. 
 
 Tramping in the British Isles is not on railroads. Hence the 
 migratory habit is less developed. In addition, chances of casual 
 employment are far less than in our country. There seem to be 
 larger local armies of the unemployed than with us. 
 
 In 1904 the president of the local government board of London ap- 
 pointed a departmental committee on vagrancy, "to inouire and re- 
 port with respect to England and Wales as to 
 The Depart- (i) the law applicable to persons of the vagrant 
 mental class; (2) the administration of the law applicable 
 
 Committee to these persons; and (3) any amendments which 
 on Vagrancy, should be made in it or in its administration." 
 This committee sat for about two years and pub- 
 lished a most exhaustive and painstaking report on vagrancy con- 
 ditions in Great Britain and on the continent. 
 Briefly, the committee found that 
 
 The present English system neither deters the vagrant, nor affords any means 
 
 of reclaiming him, and the Committee is unanimously of the opinion that a 
 
 thorough reformation is necessary. The army of vaj- 
 
 Summary. rants is increasing of late years, and there is reason to 
 
 fear that it will continue to increase if things are left as 
 
 they are. The object of the scheme which the Committee proposes is to place 
 vagrants more under the control of the police, help the bnna fide wayfarer, and 
 to provide means of detaining the habitual vagrant under reformatory influences. 
 Estimates of the number of vagrants in England and Wales vary from 20,000 
 to 150,000. Mr. Loch, of the London C. O. S., estimates between 60.000 and 
 70,000. 
 
 The proportion of bona fide working men traveling in search of employment 
 is estimated as less than 3 %. There is much truth in the saying, "once on the 
 road, always on the road." The habitual vagrant in a sense bcbngs to the 
 criminal class. The existence of this class gives rise to the greatest difficulties 
 
 *47
 
 148 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 when any attempt is made to deal with the question of the unemployed. All 
 old and infirm persons, handicapped and unemployable, many of whom are 
 crazy, and all of whom live by begging, give much trouble to the police and 
 magistrates. 
 
 The vagrant class as a whole is not much addicted to the worst forms of 
 crime, but minor offenses are very common. The "masterful" beggar in- 
 timidates the farmer's wife and assaults persons on the highways; hay-rick 
 firing and robbery are often attributed to vagrants. In casual wards their 
 offenses generally take the form of refusing to work, destroying clothes, or win- 
 dow-breaking. On the average every vagrant in Northumberland is corn- 
 committed to prison once a year, whereas convictions among the ordinary 
 population average only about 25 per thousand. The number of prisoners 
 of the vagrant class is about one-quarter of the whole prison population. 
 
 The majority of vagrants are in the able-bodied period of life; the number 
 below 16 or above 65 is very small; 70 % of the whole number were between 
 35 and 65. Vagrants are not an ill-fed class; their bodies are as a rule well- 
 nourished; as a rule their boots are sound. The modern tramp lives an un- 
 social and wretched sort of existence. He has no object in life; his mere con- 
 tentment with his miserable surroundings renders any improvement in his 
 condition practically hopeless. 
 
 There is no uniformity whatever in the sentences for vagrancy offenses. 
 The great majority of sentences are for 14 days, a sentence impossible to defend 
 from any practical point of view. In the case of the inebriate, short sentences 
 aggrevate the habit of drunkenness, and involve great expense. The vagrant 
 deliberately commits offenses to obtain a short imprisonment. The short 
 sentence is very ineffectual in getting work out of prisoners. A sentence for 
 less than fourteen days should be limited to one day, and the conviction re- 
 corded. The general conditions in modern prisons are superior to those to 
 which the ordinary tramp is accustomed. Habitual vagrants should be sent 
 to labor colonies with detention for not less than six months or more than three 
 years. 
 
 In 1905, while the departmental committee on vagrancy was still 
 sitting, a royal commission on the poor laws was appointed "to in- 
 quire (i) into the working of the laws relating to 
 Royal the relief of poor persons in the United Kingdom; 
 
 Commission on and (2) into the various means that have been 
 Poor Laws adopted outside of the poor laws for meeting 
 distress arising from want of employment, particu- 
 larly during periods of severe industrial depression." The committee 
 was also to bring in recommendations. 
 
 This very important and standard-setting committee recommended 
 in 1909 that 
 
 "For those unwilling to work, and for those whose character and behavior 
 are such that no employer will engage them, detention colonies under the control 
 of the home office should be established. No system of labor on industrial 
 colonies can be properly worked unless there is in reserve a semi-penal insti- 
 tution to which those who refuse to comply with the rules and regulations of 
 the colony can be sent on proof of repeated or continuous misconduct. 
 
 "At Lingfield and Hadleigh and at the German colony at Ware good results 
 in a certain number of cases have been obtained . . . but we cannot,
 
 ROYAL COMMISSION ON POOR LAWS. 149 
 
 on the evidence and figures given, speak positively as to the actual percentage 
 of those thus benefited, nor as to the period during which the improvement 
 lasted." 
 
 After recommending the establishment in England of voluntary 
 labor colonies to supersede in large measure the pauper workhouses, 
 for those classes "whose unemployment is due to causes wholly 
 beyond their own control", the report passes to the question of de- 
 tention colonies, "without which no system of colonies can be effec- 
 tive." 
 
 "We endorse the recommendations of the departmental committee on va- 
 grancy. For imprisonment we propose to substitute committal to a detention 
 colony during any period between six months and three years, for a wilful 
 and persistent repetition within a given period of any of the following offenses: 
 
 (a) Neglect to support self or families, with result that the persons or their 
 families become public charges. 
 
 (b) Refusal of person receiving assistance to work or observe regulations. 
 
 (c) Refusal to comply with conditions of receiving relief. 
 
 (d) Giving way to gambling, drink or idleness so that person or family 
 becomes chargeable to the charitable authorities." 
 
 Turning now to vagrancy conditions in 1911, as related to the penal 
 treatment of offenders in England, we first define those who fall 
 into the vagrancy class. The law rests on the vagrancy act of 1824. 
 Three classes of persons are defined: 
 
 (1) Idle and disorderly. 
 
 (2) Rogues and vagabonds. 
 
 (3) Incorrigible rogues. 
 
 CLASS (I) Idle and disorderly, includes: 
 
 (a) Those refusing or neglecting to maintain self or family, 
 
 thus forcing self or family on charitable assistance. 
 . (b) Those removed from community, but returning and 
 becoming dependent upon charitable assistance. 
 
 (c) Workhouse inmates refusing or neglecting to perform a 
 
 prescribed task, or destroying their clothes, or damag- 
 ing the property of the poor law officials. 
 
 (d) Similar provision regarding persons relieved by work- 
 house. 
 
 (e) Those applying for relief and not disclosing money or 
 property in their possession. 
 
 (f) Paupers absconding from casual ward, workhouse or 
 
 asylum; those giving false names or statements to 
 obtain relief. 
 
 (g) Unlicensed pedlars, also mendicants and prostitutes under 
 certain conditions.
 
 150 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 CLASS (II) Rogues and Vagabonds, includes: 
 
 (a) Paupers repeating above offenses. 
 
 (b) Family deserters. 
 
 (c) Mendicants exposing wounds and deformities; also per- 
 
 sons gathering alms under false pretenses. 
 
 (d) Certain offenders against decency and morality. 
 
 (e) Fortune tellers, etc. 
 
 (f) Persons found in enclosed places, etc., or frequenting 
 
 certain places with unlawful intent, or in possession 
 of house-breaking tools or armed with felonious intent. 
 
 (g) Deserters from navy. 
 
 (h) Immigrants or aliens guilty "of offenses under the aliens 
 act. 
 
 CLASS (III) Incorrigible Rogues, includes: 
 
 (a) Persons previously convicted as rogues and vagabonds. 
 
 (b) Persons escaping from legal confinement before expiration 
 of a term of sentence under the vagrancy act. 
 
 The terms of imprisonment are as follows: 
 
 CLASS I Idle and disorderly. Not more than one month. 
 CLASS II Rogues and vagabonds. Not more than three months. 
 CLASS III Incorrigible rogues. Not more than one year. Male offenders 
 may be whipped. 
 
 The great majority of sentences under this act are for fourteen 
 days. Let us turn to the report of the prison commission for 1910- 
 1911 to learn of the deplorable nature of the vagrancy problem 
 today. 
 
 In the first place the terms of imprisonment of 35^ per cent of the 
 persons committed to prison in England in 1910-1911 were one 
 week or less. Over 60 per cent of all English prisoners received 
 sentences of two weeks, or more than one week. Only 20 per cent 
 of English prisoners received sentences of over one month. 
 
 The vagrant class continues to furnish nearly 20 per cent of the 
 total commitments to local prisons. "Additional evidence-is furnished 
 this year (1910-11), if such were needed, not only that the offenses 
 of habitual vagrancy should be made the subject of special legis- 
 lative enactment, but that any provisions along the lines of the com- 
 mittee of 1906 might be expected to produce effective results." 
 
 In short, English and American experiences and methods are 
 similar. Conditions are more acute in England. We can learn 
 from England's plight the direction in which we are moving. Vag- 
 rancy causes with us 20 per cent of commitments to penal institu- 
 tions, according to the 1904 census. In England it caused 19 per 
 cent in 1910-1911. England is still condemned to the short-sentence 
 evil. So are we. England has a large percentage of vagrancy re- 
 peaters. So have we. England has as yet no compulsory labor 
 colony, but strongly urges one. We in New York have the first 
 compulsory labor colony authorized by law. The experience of 
 England proves that it is time.
 
 o 
 a 
 "i 
 
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 _ 
 
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 Chapter twlit mi 
 
 ENGLISH PRISONS 
 
 IT is now 4.30 in the afternoon," said Sir Evelyn Ruggles-Brise, the 
 chairman of the English prison commission to me one afternoon 
 last summer in London, ' and I know that just now that at every 
 local and every convict prison in England the same things in general 
 are being done, and that in general they are being done in the same 
 
 \\.I_V." 
 
 That is the keynote of the English prison system. Definite rules 
 of administration so many that the rules and regulations for local 
 prisons fill an official volume of five hundred pages and within 
 the limits of these carefully prescribed rules, a liberty of action and 
 discretion. The result is plain. "Do I need to see such and such 
 prisons ?" I asked, mentioning several that were located on my way 
 from England to Scotland. "Not if you see such and such prisons," 
 was the answer. In short, if one sees a typical local prison and a 
 typical convict prison, one learns the idea that all embody. 
 
 The result is that the American visitor, far from finding the diver- 
 sity of prison architecture, administration and appointments that 
 characterize our own states of the Union, finds in 
 English each prison in general a like equipment, like uni- 
 
 System. forms, officers that resemble each other so much 
 
 that one no longer differentiates them in different 
 prisons, always a governor or a deputy governor, always a chief 
 warder (often the storehouse of prison wisdom) and a small army of 
 subordinates. Cells are equipped in prison after prison with the 
 same appointments, placed in each prison in the same order in the 
 cells. So many tins, so much furniture, so big a mattress, rolled in 
 such and such a manner upon such and such a chair. In short, such 
 systematic order in the cells that the prison inspector can see at a 
 glance what is out of place or missing. 
 
 Order and orders seem to be fundamental features of the English 
 prison system. Centralization of authority is paramount. At the 
 head of the prison system is the secretary of state; under him the 
 prison commissioners, of whom the chairman is Sir Evelyn Ruggles- 
 Brise, a distinguished criminologist. The prison commissioners are 
 salaried officials, giving their entire time. They appoint all subor- 
 dinate officials, from the governor of the prison down. The tenure of 
 office of officials is during good behavior, and is remarkably per- 
 manent. Worry about loss of position is practically eliminated, so 
 far as political influences are concerned. Inspectors of prisons are 
 appointed by the secretary of state. A visiting committee of magis- 
 trates is appointed for each prison annually by quarter sessions, to 
 be a kind of "watchdog for trie public." 
 
 The present administrative system came into existence in 1877, 
 through the prison act. In 1876 there were 1 13 local prisons, governed
 
 152 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION or NEW YORK. 
 
 by local authorities. Conditions of management and inefficiency 
 then were strikingly like conditions still existing in our own county 
 jails. There was no standard of architecture, administration, punish- 
 ment, promotion or privileges. The prison act of 1877 at one stroke 
 centralized the control and conduct of all English prisons under the 
 prison commission, although for a time there was great objection to 
 such a drastic change. To-day no one would urge in Parliament 
 a return to the old conditions. Not only are the English prisons 
 managed at present satisfactorily to the English public in general, 
 but the number of prisons has been reduced from 113 in 1877 to 57 
 at present. 
 
 The American penologist finds in English prisons and English 
 penal laws conditions differing so much from American conditions 
 that analysis is sometimes difficult, because at 
 English first the contrasts of English "conservatism" and 
 
 and American so-called "progressiveness" are apt to 
 
 American react disadvantageously to the English system. 
 Systems. Let us note some of the contrasts. In the United 
 States we have in each state a different penal 
 system; in England we find one state and one system. In our country, 
 the state prisons may be managed by one board, the reformatories 
 by another, the county institutions by sheriffs, the city institutions by 
 municipal commissioners, and the many private or semi-private reform- 
 atories by separate boards. In England, one board of commissioners 
 manages all institutions, from the reception or remand prisons to 
 the convict prisons (our state prisons). With us, each institution is 
 an experiment station to try out new ideas in penology; what one 
 state succeeds in appeals to other states; what one state fails in teaches 
 other states a lesson. In England, the prison commissioners do the 
 experimenting for the entire system; four or five men. No sudden 
 surprise can come from Portland, or Borstal, or Wormwood Scrubbs. 
 As competition in new ideas is the life of American penology, so the 
 conservative weighing of advantages and disadvantages of an in- 
 novation, which generally must be applied to the entire system, 
 causes England to make haste slowly. 
 
 Let me cite some specific instances. New York state introduced 
 at Elmira in 1876 the reformatory system for felons between ages 
 of 16 and 30. Rhode Island, Colorado and a number of other states 
 initiated children's courts over a decade ago. Massachusetts de- 
 veloped a probation system thirty years or more ago. Colorado 
 announced recently great success in working prisoners on roads far 
 away from the prison. Kansas City manages a municipal farm work- 
 house. Sheriff Tracy in Montpelier, Vermont, lets his jail prisoners 
 out, free to work for farmers during the day. The parole system is 
 being developed intensively by the Prison Association of New York. 
 The State Charities Aid Association of this state puts through the 
 legislature a bill authorizing the city of New York to establish a board 
 of inebriety. Throughout the country new ideas, new principles in 
 the treatment of the offender spring up, are tried out, are reported
 
 THE PRISON ACT OF 1898. 153 
 
 upon at conferences, fail or succeed; and we make progress, sometimes 
 directly, often laterally, and not infrequently backward. 
 
 But in England the steps are slow and sure. The history of the 
 last ten years of prison administration are of exceptional interest to 
 American students. Let us briefly review some of the innovations 
 and developments of prison science in England since 1900. 
 
 In 1898 an English prison act passed, providing that prisoners not 
 sentenced to hard labor might be further classified according to the 
 gravity of the offense and the character of the 
 The offender, and that the labor of prisoners in local 
 
 Prison prisons might, under due supervision be in asso- 
 
 Act of ciation instead of cellular. Cellular separate con- 
 
 1898. finement has until recent years been the backbone 
 
 of the English prison system. Formerly, cel- 
 lular confinement continued in local prisons for two years, after which 
 the prisoners were transferred to convict prisons for the rest of their 
 sentence. 
 
 Corporal punishment, by the terms of the prison act of 1898, was 
 to be awarded less frequently, and for fewer offenses; ordinary pris- 
 oners might earn a remission of a portion of their sentences through 
 good conduct; the payment of a portion of a fine might cause a remis- 
 sion of a portion of their sentences; boards of visiting magistrates 
 were appointed; there were provided increased opportunities for 
 school instruction, increased privileges as to letters, visits and library 
 books; and in the later stages of imprisonment the privilege of talk- 
 ing might be awarded to certain deserving prisoners. 
 
 What had been the results up 101900? In the classification of 
 prisoners and in the development of associated labor, good. The 
 cellular system of confinement still remained the law, but prisoners 
 whose conduct was good might be associated if practicable. The 
 two years between 1898 and 1900 brought a reduction of cases of 
 corporal punishment; the remission of a certain part of the sentence 
 in the cases of prisoners whose sentences exceeded six months brought 
 great stimulus, as did the chance to pay off a portion of the fine, in 
 lieu of which payment imprisonment had been imposed. The 
 privileges of conversation in exceptional cases seemed to be but par- 
 tially appreciated by the prisoners. 
 
 These innovations, only a little more than ten years old in English 
 local prisons, will seem to Americans extremely conservative, but 
 they furnish us a background upon which to consider the changes 
 that have occurred in the decade 1000-1910. 
 
 The principal improvement in tne English penal system in the 
 last 10 years has been undoubtedly the treatment of so-called juvenile 
 adults, children less than 21 years of age. Between the years 1893 
 and 1903 there had been committed to prison juveniles as follows: 
 
 Males Females 
 
 Under 12 490 & 
 
 12 or under 16 *549 ii9 
 
 1 6 or under 21 '47. 2 39 *7974
 
 154 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 More than half of those under 16 were committed to prison in 
 default of payment of a fine, and for such slight offenses as trespass, 
 playing games in street, throwing stones and sleeping out (i. e., 
 vagrancy). 
 
 By 1900 the juveniles were being collected into certain local prisons, 
 
 and a plan of separate treatment of a partially reformatory character, 
 
 and not in association with the older offenders, 
 
 Juvenile was being tried out, but the "movement" was not 
 
 Adults. yet a law. In 1901 it was decided to surrender 
 
 a portion of the convict prison of Borstal for the 
 
 detention of juvenile adults (J. e., those between 16 and 21). A 
 
 reformatory plan was proposed, the fundamental principles of the 
 
 new treatment to be: (a) strict classification; (b) firm and exact 
 
 discipline; (c) hard work; (d) organized supervision on discharge. 
 
 In the same year an association of visitors of London prisons was 
 
 formed for the supervision after discharge of young Borstal prisoners. 
 
 Meanwhile the special treatment of juvenile adults was being tested 
 
 at Bedford and other prisons with eminent success. 
 
 The prison commission was all the more concerned with the pro- 
 vision for more adequate reformatory treatment of young offenders 
 there being at the time no reformatory in England for such juveniles 
 because the prison committee appointed by parliament in 1894 had 
 come to the conclusion that the age when the majority of criminals 
 are made lies between 16 and 21. It appeared to the committee that 
 the most determined effort should be made to lay hold of these in- 
 cipient criminals, and to prevent them by strong restraint and rational 
 treatment from recruiting the habitual class. Short sentences had 
 proved neither a deterrent nor a remedy. 
 
 In the following chapter, upon Borstal institutions, I have outlined 
 in detail the present status of the treatment of juvenile adults, and 
 so give the matter no further direct attention here. 
 
 Just at the beginning of the century a census of convicts was taken 
 in English prisons, which showed that no less than 56 per cent had 
 been previously convicted five times or more. A 
 The public inquiry in 1894 had recommended severer 
 
 Habitual corrective measures. In 1908 a law, entitled the 
 Criminal. prevention of crime act, was passed which not 
 only provided for the reformatory treatment of 
 juvenile adults, but also and most strikingly for the preventive 
 detention of habitual criminals after the sentence for which they 
 should be imprisoned had been served. In other words, England 
 has given the courts power to declare a man who has been persist- 
 ently leading a dishonest and criminal life to be an habitual criminal; 
 and where a person is so proved, a subsidiary sentence may be passed, 
 ordering that on the termination of the sentence of penal servitude 
 not less than three years he may be kept for a further period not 
 exceeding ten nor less than five years in a state of "preventive de- 
 tention."
 
 
 : 
 -- 
 
 : 
 _ 
 
 . 
 
 :
 
 SEPARATE CONFINEMENT. 
 
 155 
 
 The question of placing the said habitual criminal under an in- 
 determinate sentence was considered in parliament, and was opposed 
 by the majority, for in England still the feeling is uppermost that 
 the courts should set the limits quite definitely within which the 
 sentence is to be served. So the present maximum of ten years was 
 a compromise. In announcing the new departure, Sir Evelyn 
 Ruggles-Brise stated that he believed that there is no analogy to the 
 preventive detention act in present European law. 
 
 The preventive detention prison is now practically completed, 
 being located at Camp Hill, next to Paikhurst Prison, Newport, 
 Isle of Wight. My visit to this prison was of special interest to me, 
 because the surveyor of English prisons, Major Rodgers, was the 
 builder, and had embodied into the prison for the first time in the 
 history of the English prison system, certain American features that 
 in England are still very new. I refer particularly to the group system 
 of cell houses, containing approximately 30 cells each, and being 
 practically a cottage system construction within prison walls. Also 
 as to the common dining room the prison commissioners have sanc- 
 tioned an innovation, for so far as I know there are no common 
 mess halls in other English prisons, and, still further, I found a com- 
 mon lounging room, or reading room, where the men may gather, 
 in each cottage. .In short, this prison is to be not a severe penal 
 institution, but a place of segregation, where society places humanely 
 away its persistent offenders, and where strict discipline and safe 
 custody will prevail, while admitting of certain indulgences and 
 privileges, earned by industry and good conduct. 
 
 More and more the feeling grows in England and elsewhere that 
 the weeding-out of the habitual offender will reduce considerably 
 the amount of crime, the deeds and their cost to society of habitual 
 criminals being far greater in number and importance than those 
 of the occasional offender. Reverting again to the governmental 
 inquiry into prison administration held in 1894, we find figures there 
 adduced to snow that though of every 100 of those who go to prison 
 for the first time, 70 per cent do not return again, yet of those con- 
 victed a second, third, fourth and fifth time, there returned to prison 
 respectively 48, 64, 71 and 79 per cent. 
 
 In the matters pretaining to the daily routine life of the prisoner 
 a considerable amelioration has taken place in both local and convict 
 prisons during the last decade. As mentioned 
 Separate above, the separate cellular confinement has been 
 Confine- a fundamental principle in English penology, 
 ment. Evolved early in the last century for the purpose 
 
 of preventing moral contamination through the 
 promiscuous association of prisoners, it became largely solitary con- 
 finement with the breaks in the fearful monotony made possible, 
 only through the visits of prison officials. In 1857 the provision 
 for eighteen months of separate confinement for each convict was 
 embodied in the penal servitude acts. Later, after repeated experi- 
 ments, the period of separate confinement was reduced to nine months.
 
 156 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 By the prison act of 1898 the sentences of local prisoners up to two 
 years, which had been passed prior to that in cellular confinement, 
 might henceforth be passed, under certain conditions, in association 
 so far as labor was concerned. The separate confinement of convict 
 prisoners was later reduced to six months. In 1904 provision was 
 made in convict prisons for a new classification of prisoners, whereby 
 there should be three classes of convicts, the star class (those never 
 before convicted), the intermediate class and the habitual class. Fur- 
 thermore, those convicts having particularly long sentences had their 
 conditions of life ameliorated. From 19051019101116 period of separate 
 confinement had been for the first offender in convict prisons, three 
 months; for the intermediate class, six months; for the recidivist or 
 habitual, nine months. These terms had been served in local prisons, 
 after which the convicts were transferred to convict prisons, where the 
 work was carried on largely in association. 
 
 In 1910, partly as a result of a general agitation on the question 
 of separate confinement, stimulated to some extent by the publication 
 and staging of Galsworthy's "Justice," Secretary Churchill caused 
 the periods of separate confinement to be very sensibly reduced, so 
 that at present the first offenders and intermediates among those 
 sentenced to penal servitude pass the first month in separate confine- 
 ment, and the recidivists pass three months in separate confinement. 
 
 This question of separate confinement save for exercise periods 
 has in general but an academic interest for the American penologist. 
 The separate confinement plan as maintained until recently in England 
 and still in Belgium, Holland and Germany, among other European 
 countries, was long ago abolished from American prisons. No 
 American prison so far as I know pursues this system now. Indeed, 
 we have in our county jails and many a municipal institution swung 
 disgracefully to the other extreme, and allow to unconvicted prisoners 
 the freedom of corridors and "bullpens" and promiscuous associa- 
 tion with their fellows that has brought down upon this country the 
 just criticism of all the civilized world of penology. It is also an 
 academic question with us what mental and physical results attend 
 the long separate confinement. Suffice it for our consideration at 
 present that England has abolished the long terms that caused such 
 criticism, often replete with terrible citations of experiences endured. 
 
 It is also within the last decade that the treadwheels and the crank 
 have been abolished in English prisons, that futile and debasing 
 exercise forced upon the prisoner to keep him occupied, or as a punish- 
 ment. As late as 1895, 39 treadwheels and 29 cranks were in opera- 
 tion. By 1901, only 13 treadwheels and 5 cranks had remained. 
 The prison commissioners in that year stated that strict separation 
 and some onerous- task, such as picking oakum, had taken the place 
 of the treadwheels. The treadwheel used to be the hard labor of 
 the first twenty-eight days of the prisoner's sentence, a humane way, 
 orsooth, of inculcating kindly feelings in the prisoner's heart toward 
 the state that placed him upon the wheel.
 
 PRISON LABOR. 
 
 '57 
 
 During the decade, also, corporal punishment decreased nearly 
 every year in the number of instances. The law still allows cor- 
 poral punishment, but now only for assault cases 
 Punish- upon officers of the prison. The governor him- 
 
 ments. self may not direct the punishment, but it must 
 
 be sanctioned and ordered by the board of visitors 
 of the prison, and shall not take effect until after the sanction of the 
 secretary of state. It was felt by the prison governors with whom I 
 talked that for the exceptional cases of aggravated offenses the cat 
 is a salutary punishment. In the year 1910-1911 there were 19 cases 
 of corporal punishment in local prisons, and four cases in convict 
 prisons. The total number of offenses committed in prison for which 
 some form of punishment was administered was, in 1910-1911, in 
 the local prisons 24,630 males, 1,205 females. In the convict pri- 
 sons, 1,358 males, 29 females. The forms of punishments were 
 as follows: 
 
 LOCAL PRISONS CONVICT PRISONS 
 
 Males Females Males Females 
 
 Irons or handcuffs 180 28 98 
 
 Close confinement in special cells 133 154 30 21 
 
 Corporal punishment 19 4 
 
 Close confinement in ordinary cells I 7>955 846 1,674 41 
 
 Dietary punishment 1 7^S ^94 '.632 39 
 
 Loss of stage or privilege 101837 450 1,681 48 
 
 Total persons punished ! 9575 1,218 1,358 29 
 
 Nature of offenses: 
 
 Violence 423 28 603 7 
 
 Escapes and attempts to escape 2 3 
 
 Idleness 12,393 53 *39 
 
 Other breaches of regulations 11,812 1,124 1,732 46 
 
 Total offenses 24,630 1,205 2,577 53 
 
 The industrial problem in prisons is closely related to the punish- 
 ment problem. The reader will note that idleness or "sojering" 
 on the work caused the largest number of punisn- 
 Prison ments. The American who is familiar with the 
 
 Labor. great industrial development of many of our 
 
 prisons will feel that the English prisons are 
 securing a small output indeed for the number of men that they have. 
 It should be remembered, however, that the president of the prison 
 commission does not desire the possible financial return from the 
 labor of prisoners to wield an important influence in the shaping of 
 prison administration, and that furthermore, until recently a con- 
 siderable part of each prisoner's term has been spent in separate 
 confinement, each prisoner occupying a cell to himself, and that
 
 158 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 labor in consequence hadjto*be fitted to the capacity of the prisoner, 
 the cell and the motive power, which in general is foot or hand rather 
 than machinery. In short, the industrial capacity of European 
 prisons, except the few most modern ones that have introduced 
 power machinery and also work in association, seemed to me pitifully 
 small. 
 
 Yet during the decade, the output of the prisons has considerably 
 increased. In 1900 the cellular system of confinement of prisoners 
 in local prisons was still in general use, up to two years for those 
 who had sentences of that length. While the total value of the labor 
 of all the prisoners of local and convict prisons in 1899-1900 was 
 estimated by the comptroller of industries to be 200,000 pounds, the 
 earnings were imputed earnings, that is, largely the estimated value 
 of work performed in manufactures, farms, and buildings, and in- 
 cluding domestic service. The situation in English prisons was well 
 shown in the report of the prison commissioners for 1907, in which 
 they call emphatic attention to the difficulty of obtaining a market 
 for prison labor, the government departments of the general post- 
 office and the admiralty being practically the only departments to 
 take the products of prison labor, it being optional with govern- 
 ment departments to take such products. And the report continues: 
 "That we should be obliged to rely entirely upon the good will and 
 consideration of other public departments for the furnishing of indus- 
 trial employment for prisoners is of course a very precarious position 
 upon which to rely for the performance of what theoretically is 
 regarded as the first duty of a prison authority. Should orders from 
 these government departments the general post-office and the 
 admiralty be reduced, as the experience of the year seems to suggest 
 that they may be done in the future, we shall be confronted with a 
 very serious problem. 
 
 In 1908 the difficulty still continued. According to the 1911 report, 
 the financial statements regarding expenses of maintenance and the 
 earnings of prisoners were as shown below. It should be remembered 
 that work in English prisons is generally less extensive than in cor- 
 responding American institutions, with less high tension. Contract 
 labor or state account did not appear in any significant amount in 
 the prisons I visited. 
 
 Cost: Local prisons Convict prisons 
 
 Staff. 274,506 i ii 73,866 12 .. 
 
 Maintenance 144,622 4 .. 43,8oi 17 4 
 
 Other expenses, exclusive of new 
 
 buildings 101,001 7 4 10,818 .. 10 
 
 Total for year 520,129 .. 4 128,486 10 2 
 
 Total annual charge per prisoner. ... 30 .. 4 40 14 9
 
 PRISON INDUSTRIES. 
 
 159 
 
 Deductions: 
 
 Value of labor (measured), exclusive 
 
 of employment in the service of the LoCAL PRI8ON8 ^"Vicr P*N 8 
 person.. 128,530 12 8 56,857 2 ii 
 
 Incidental receipts 3.083 14 .. 1,228 10 4 
 
 Total deductions 131,614 6 8 58,085 13 3 
 
 Net cost, after above deductions 388,515 6 7 70,400 16 ii 
 
 Net annual charge per prisoner 18109 22 6 5 
 
 In short, the net annual per capita cost, exclusive of imputed or 
 estimated earnings, was in 1910-1911, for the local prisons $90.06 
 and for the convict prisons $108.59. But ' l ' s to De noted that "as 
 the result of the work upon which prisoners are employed is principally 
 for the government, only a^small portion of the amount is actually 
 received in cash." The sums "earned" under each branch were: 
 
 Manufacturing department 122,470 
 
 Farm 6,362 
 
 Prison building department 58,309 
 
 Admiralty building department 5*804 
 
 Service of the prison 63,877 
 
 In the statement it is to be observed, for the purpose of proper 
 comparison with earnings of American prisons, that an item of 
 63,877, or $310,825 was imputed earnings for domestic service in 
 the prisons, an item that is, so far as I know, not generally estimated 
 in the per capita earnings of American prisons. Only in the convict 
 prisons, especially at Portland, are industries maintained on a scale 
 similar to that of many American prisons. In Holloway, Penton- 
 ville, and Wormwood Scrubbs many prisoners were employed either 
 in their cells or while seated in the corridors, at hand labor, such as 
 oakum teasing, bag making, or at sewing. Small shops were running 
 at Wormwood Scrubbs. Parkhurst Prison, on the Isle of Wight, 
 is largely a prison for the incapacitated, with a large percentage of 
 old persons, sick and feeble-minded prisoners. It is found that with 
 the extension of associated labor, the work done is better in quality 
 and greater in quantity than that done in the cells. 
 
 At Holloway prison I found the bulk of the women (it being a 
 women's prison) engaged in needle work, and in the laundry. One 
 trade, bead-portiere making, was carried on for 
 Prison the outside market. The women were also em- 
 
 Industries, ployed at mattress making and pillow making. 
 The inmate's uniforms are coarse in quality, but 
 of a pleasant brown shade, and^the English custom of wearing a 
 neat, small cap extends even to the prisoners. Of course the prisoners 
 are also utilized at domestic service.
 
 160 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Pentonville prison is the historic first modern prison and was 
 built on the Pennsylvania radial plan in 1840. To-day it impresses 
 one as cheerless and old, and is reminiscent of Sing Sing, both as 
 to age and crowded buildings added from time to time in a limited 
 area. Pentonville receives largely a low-willed and dissolute idle 
 class from the poorer parts of London, with whom it is claimed little 
 can be accomplished industrially. Little work, relatively, can be 
 done, in proportion to the large average population of the prisons 
 The estimated value of the services of a daily average of 1,067 ma l e 
 prisoners was in 1910-1911, 11,504, or a little over ten pounds or 
 fifty dollars per prisoner, about fourteen cents a day. The principal 
 occupations are sack making, coir picking, oakum picking, tailoring, 
 cotton sorting, mailbag making; many inmates are also used in 
 domestic service in the prisons. 
 
 Wormwood Scrubbs is also a local prison in London, much more 
 modern than Pentonville and built upon the cellblock plan more 
 familiar to Americans, although with outside cells instead of inside 
 cells. The principal activities are much the same as at Penton- 
 ville, save that a number of shops furnish employment for picked 
 groups. There were, out of a daily average of 1,022 prisoners in 
 the manufacturing trades, a daily average for instance of 21 basket 
 makers, 27 book-binders, 57 carpenters, 41 mat makers, etc. The 
 proportion of those industrially employed at Portland prison was as 
 follows. Of a total of 671, in manufactures 108; in building opera- 
 tions, 270; for the admiralty (carpenters, excavators, laborers, plate- 
 layers, quarrymen, riggers, etc.), 148; service of the prison, 103; 
 non-effective, 42. 
 
 Four types of prisons are under the prison commission, as follows: 
 MALES FEMALES TOTAL 
 
 1910-11 1909-10 1910-11 1909-10 1910-11 1909-10 
 
 Local prisons 14*596 16,026 2,386 2,495 16,982 18,521 
 
 Convict prisons 3^95 3>69 114 120 3,309 3>i89 
 
 Borstal institutions 508 208 27 8 535 216 
 
 State inebriate reform- 
 atories . . . ; 24 30 54 62 78 92 
 
 Convict prisons correspond in general to our state prisons, and 
 receive those committed to penal servitude, the minimum term being 
 three years. Local prisons are for those com- 
 The mitted for shorter periods than three years. To 
 
 Prison the Borstal institutions, three in number, are corn- 
 
 Population, mitted persons between the ages of 16 and 23, 
 who are not first offenders and who are physically 
 and mentally able to profit by the strenuous reformatory treatment 
 there given. The state inebriate reformatories are institutions of 
 the nature designated by the title.
 
 Portland Prison. England. Portion Erected in I&4Q 
 
 Portland Prison. England. Block Erected in 1909
 
 DETAILS OF DAILY LIFE. 161 
 
 The total commitments to the above institutions for the years 1909- 
 10 and 1910-11 were as follows: 
 
 1910-11 i poo- 10 
 
 Sentenced to penal servitude 926 1,115 
 
 Sentenced to imprisonment 166,608 178,963 
 
 Sentenced to detention in Borstal institutions 530 284 
 
 Imprisoned as debtors or on civil process l?437 18,841 
 
 Imprisoned in default of sureties 894 1,062 
 
 186,395 200,265 
 
 This decrease of 13,870 in the total number of prisoners over 1909- 
 10 resulted in the lowest percentage (464.8 per 100,000 inhabitants) 
 reached by the prisons, except in one year, in the last thirty years, 
 and leads the present commissioners to believe that crime is actually 
 decreasing in England. I comment in the next chapter upon the 
 decrease in juvenile criminality. 
 
 Let us now summarize briefly certain fractures of the treatment 
 of the prisoner during his term. English prison discipline is strict. 
 The surroundings of the prisoner are severe but humane. English 
 prisons are not ornate; many of them are old and show frequent 
 renovations. Persons with less than twenty-eight days' sentence 
 serve their entire period, except for exercise, in cellular confinement. 
 The cells in the local prisons are of sufficient size to enable cellular 
 work to be carried on in them, having the following measurements: 
 13 x 7 x 9 feet, or 819 cubic feet. Of course "living" cells should 
 be larger, perhaps, than night cells, but the convict prison cells of 
 England are also spacious, measuring 10 x 7 x 9, or 630 cubic feet. 
 When we consider that it has been until recently necessary frequently 
 to put two men into a Sing Sing cell that measures approximately 
 200 cubic feet, we can see what separate cells for separate prisoners 
 mean in England. 
 
 English prisoners find in their cells a certain amount of fixed fur- 
 niture, such as the wooden table, the hinged bed board or iron bed, 
 the cast-iron corner shelves, and the table. There 
 Details are no water closets in the cells, the bucket system, 
 
 of long since discarded in our modern prisons, being 
 
 Daily still in vogue. Nor did I find running water in 
 
 Life. the cells. I was constantly impressed with the 
 
 seeming fact that English prisons cannot get 
 away from the idea that uncomfortable and traditional severity must 
 be preserved in cell fixtures. Only recently apparently has it been 
 allowed the prisoner to have even the photographs of a few "respec- 
 table" friends in his cell. To the American eye the fixed bathtubs, 
 even though admitting of cleaning after each prisoner's bath, seem
 
 162 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 ultra-conservative, although the Englishman, I fancy, feels that our 
 showers are not sufficiently cleansing. 
 
 As regards cell windows, noteworthy changes are occurring, in 
 order to give the prisoner a chance to see the sky and to have more 
 direct air. The opaque glass and the small dungeon-like apertures 
 are giving way, at a considerable cost, to larger panes, sliding panes 
 for ventilation, and clear glass, alternations being made at a cost of 
 from $4.0 to $50 a window. The cell doors are of wood, often sheathed 
 with sheet iron. All doors open inward. The older cell floors are 
 of stone flags, the newer floors being laid of concrete. 
 
 The English prisoner can envy his American brother as regards 
 illumination, for instead of the electric light in each cell, the older 
 prisons still have the naked gas jet, in a gas box outside the cell, the 
 box often serving for two cells. The jets are being rapidly fitted with 
 thirty-candle-power incandescent mantles, which increase the power 
 of the light very much. "The reasons why electric light has not 
 been more largely adopted," states the surveyor of English prisons, 
 Major Rodgers, "are that in existing prisons there was a ready-made 
 gas service, and also that the cost of electricity compared to gas has 
 invariably worked out higher. Now that metallic filament lamps are 
 on the market the price of the light may be such as to allow of its 
 successful competition with gas." 
 
 The English prisoners finds that a temperature of about 60 degrees 
 Fahrenheit is maintained in the cells in winter. The ventilation in 
 the older cells is by forced draught through high chimneys. New 
 prisons are introducing hot water heating, and ventilation through 
 mechanical means as well as by the sliding panes in the windows, as 
 above referred to. 
 
 If the prisoner is sent to an older prison, that edifice is probably 
 on the radial plan, that is, consisting of cellblocks built from a central 
 building or rotunda; the newer prisons, like Wormwood Scrubbs, 
 are built upon the separate cellblock plan. The newest prison, as 
 above mentioned, at Camp Hill approaches the cottage. The local 
 prisons have from 100 to 1,400 cells. Until the Camp Hill prison 
 was undertaken, the latest entirely new prisons built in England were 
 two local prisons in the 8o's of the iQth century. In the new Camp Hill 
 prison it is estimated that the cost of prison construction, through the 
 employment of prison labor at making and laying concrete blocks, 
 may be reduced about 40 to 60 per cent. "As the prisoners can do 
 all the work, from mixing the concrete and casting the blocks, the 
 placing them in the wall," states Major Rodgers, "the cost of the 
 walling is that of the cement and aggregate only, and as the latter is 
 frequently found on the estate its cost (bar possibly running a crusher) 
 is eliminated. Moreover, the use of large blocks of uniform sizes 
 goes far toward remedying the most aggravating factor in prison work, 
 namely, slowness, for the speed with which concrete block walls 
 rise when compared with brick and especially with stone is con- 
 siderable."
 
 DISCHARGED PRISONERS. 163 
 
 The prisoner's dietary is far less than the customary diet in 
 the United States. 
 
 Grade A, for first week. 
 
 Breakfast: bread, 8 oz., gruel, I pint. 
 
 Dinner: varies between bread, 8 oz., and porridge, one pint; bread, 
 
 8 oz., and potatoes, 8 oz.; and bread, 8., oz and suet pudding, 8 oz. 
 Supper: bread, 8 oz., and gruel, I pint. 
 
 After the first week, the prisoner receives Grade B diet, which 
 adds to the dinner on Sunday and Thursday 4 oz. of cooked meat, 
 and on other days soup or beans or potatoes. Those imprisoned 
 beyond four months receive a more abundant diet. 
 
 A further classification occurs in regard to first offenders, who 
 are placed in the star class, and removed from the more frequent 
 offenders. Each prisoner has a cell to himself. A strict prison rule 
 provides that two prisoners shall not at any time be confined in the 
 same cell, and that if ever the crowded condition of the prison re- 
 quires it, three or more prisoners must occupy the same cell. In no 
 prison on the continent or in England or Scotland did I see more 
 than one prisoner in a cell. 
 
 Turning to the problem of the discharged prisoner, let us note that 
 in the case of the men discharged from local and from convict prisons 
 there is no parole, such as the Prison Association of New York 
 administers in the case of reformatory and state prison released men. 
 For many years a number of societies have aided discharged prison- 
 ers, but only as these men have been willing to apply to the societies 
 for aid. The number helped has been remarkably large, for there 
 were during the year 1907-1908, 44,561. That the aid extended was 
 in many instances but temporary and inadequate, there is little doubt, 
 and with the increasing concern felt by the prison commission in 
 the problem of the released prisoner, it was natural that in the year 
 1910-1911 an organization, called the central association for the aid 
 of discharged convicts, should have been established. The latest 
 report of the prison commissioners speaks of the society thus: 
 
 "The present system of aiding and controlling discharged convicts has 
 
 proved in various ways inadequate and defective. The state has hitherto 
 
 made no special provision for the purpose. A number 
 
 Discharged of philanthropic societies, working independently of each 
 
 Prisoners. other, with no effective authority over the convict, have 
 
 for many years done their best to fulfill the important 
 
 function of after-care. The state has been content to hand over to these bodies 
 the gratuity which a convict can earn under the progressive stage system, and 
 has trusted that this gratuity, judiciously handled by the society to which the 
 convict went on discharge, would furnish the funds and the leverage to help a 
 prisoner to make a fresh start. The societies have received from the Govern- 
 ment nothing beyond this gratuity in cash, and there has been no cooperation 
 between them and the official authority for any general plan of relief of dis- 
 :harged prisoners. The societies in many cases have been able to do no more
 
 164 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 than pay out the gratuity, either in bulk or by instalments. The natural 
 desire of the convict has been to get the whole of the money which he considers 
 he has earned as soon as possible, and free himself from a form of control 
 additional to the police supervision prescribed by law. The amount of the 
 gratuities themselves has been considerably reduced. In old days, when sen- 
 tences were much longer than at present, larger gratuities were earned, and 
 this provision may then have been more nearly adequate; but the reduction in 
 1891 of the minimum period of penal servitude to three years has greatly affected 
 the amount of gratuity earnable. The maximum gratuity which the law allows 
 is 6; but this takes six years to earn, and half the sentences are for three years 
 only, in which period a gratuity of only aos. on the average is earnable. 
 
 " It is obvious that the power of the societies to influence the prisoner for his 
 good has stood upon a very weak foundation, and any success which they have 
 achieved in humane endeavor has been due to personal service and enthusiasm 
 unsupported by extraneous power. 
 
 "On the other hand, in complete detachment from this body of philanthropic 
 effort, there has existed the strong control and supervision of the police in what 
 is commonly called the 'ticket-of-leave' system. The police have discharged 
 their duties as well as they possibly can, and have done their best not to hamper 
 any discharged prisoner in his efforts to find employment or to rehabilitate 
 himself. But a system which maintains a complete divorce between philan- 
 thropic service and authoritative state control must be regarded as imperfect. 
 
 "When, in the early part of 'last year, the secretary of state drew the atten- 
 tion of the directors of convict prisons to the very large proportion of convicts 
 who failed to regain their position in the world of labor, and returned 
 time after time to crime and punishment, and asked that proposals should be 
 made with the object of reducing this recidivism, the directors proposed that 
 a central agency for the aid of prisoners on discharge should be instituted. 
 The essence of the new reform is the combination in one hand, and under one 
 directing authority, of all the influences, whether of force or friendship, which 
 can be used to guide and aid the prisoner on discharge. The directors pro- 
 posed that all the agencies at present engaged in this sphere of philanthropic 
 endeavor should be coordinated to each other and to a central body; that this 
 central body should be supported by a contribution from the state and clothed 
 with the necessary authority. By this means earnest personal effort would not 
 in the last resort be unsupported by power, nor would the supervision which 
 the law requires be forced to operate independently of the agencies of moral 
 and religious endeavor. 
 
 "Negotiations which the directors were authorized by the secretary of state 
 to enter into with all the societies concerned have now been brought to a suc- 
 cessful conclusion. A new association has been formed called the 'central 
 association for the aid of discharged convicts.' This body will combine for 
 the common purpose of aiding prisoners on discharge from penal servitude all 
 or nearly all those societies which have hitherto been operating independently 
 at convict prisons. The following societies have already agreed to cooperate 
 with the official authority in forming the general council of the association: 
 the Royal Society for the Aid of Discharged Prisoners, the Church Army Dis- 
 charged Prisoners' Aid Society, the Salvation Army Discharged Prisoners' Aid 
 Society, the Catholic Discharged Prisoners' Aid Society, the United Syna- 
 gogue Discharged Prisoners' Aid Society, and the Borstal Association.
 
 Convict Prison. 'Peterhead. Scotland 
 
 
 'If \ 
 
 One " Cottage." Preventive Detention Prison. Camp Hill. England
 
 DISCHARGED PRISONERS. 165 
 
 "From the ist April next persons discharged from penal servitude will come 
 under the cognizance and control of the central body. Representatives of the 
 different societies will be admitted to the convict prisons if they so desire, and 
 this will enable them to divide the ground up fairly as between the different 
 agencies, and to make a special study of each individual case which will be 
 assigned to their care in ample time to deal with it on the release of the prisoner. 
 On discharge from prison the convict will keep in touch with the society to 
 which he belongs, and it is proposed, except in unsuitable cases, to make arrange- 
 ments which will suspend altogether the supervision of the police as prescribed 
 by the prevention of crimes act, 1871, so long as the convict keeps straight and 
 obeys the conditions imposed upon him by the central association, working 
 through the particular society. If he afterwards misbehaves, or in the opinion 
 of the authorities charged with his care is not sincere in his efforts to abstain 
 from criminal courses, he may be returned to police control under the full 
 strictness of the present arrangements. But so long as he honestly endeavors 
 to regain his position under the guidance and with the aid of those who have 
 no other thought but to work for his welfare, he will be entirely freed from direct 
 contact with the police or from anything likely to obtrude his past upon the 
 notice of his neighbors or employers. The funds of the various associations 
 and portions of the government grant will as heretofore be available for the 
 purposes of maintenance and aid. 
 
 "The Association will furnish periodical reports as to the success, or other- 
 wise, of this new departure. Experience up-to-date justifies us in taking a 
 hopeful view as to what may be effected by well-organized machinery acting 
 under central direction in the way of rehabilitation, even where bad antece- 
 dents and a long record of crime would seem to discourage, if not to render 
 useless, any effort, however earnest and well-directed. 
 
 "There has been considerable discussion during the year whether it might 
 not be desirable to create an analogous confederation of all discharged prisoners' 
 aid societies operating in local prispns. Our chairman has presented a scheme 
 for the consideration of the central committee of discharged prisoners' aid 
 societies with this object. It is not proposed that there should be a further 
 subvention from public funds than at present, but a change in the method of 
 distribution, involving the abolition of the gratuity system. Opinion varies 
 as to the value of the gratuity system in local prisons. Our chaplain-inspector 
 who has had a large experience is in favor of abolition. At the present stage 
 we are not in a position to approach the secretary of state on the subject, but 
 whither there be any change in the financial arrangements or not, it is most 
 desirable that there should be a greater cohesion than at present among all 
 those different societies operating at different prisons, and often employing 
 different methods. It will be desirable also to introduce a system of periodical 
 conferences, gradually reaching a greater sdiJantt' among all those engaged 
 in this work, and with that a greater facility of communication, resulting in 
 mutual sympathy and aid. If it should be possible to arrive at any common 
 agreement as to the best methods to pursue, the secretary of state will be duly 
 informed." 
 
 Let us turn finally for a moment to the state inebriate reformatories. 
 The treatment of drunkenness is in New York one of our crucial 
 problems, and our proposed colony for inebriates is to be an expensive 
 institution, at least in its establishment. What can England tell us
 
 i66 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 as to the reformation of inebriates who have been committed by 
 courts to the state inebriate reformatories, of which there are two ? 
 
 Since 1898 fifteen inebriate reformatories have been established 
 
 of which only two (Aylesbury and Warwick) are state institutions. 
 
 Three of the reformatories were shortly aban- 
 
 Inebriety. doned, and now twelve are in regular work. The 
 
 total accommodation for inmates is 196 beds for 
 
 males and 1,121 for females. The total commitments of males from 
 
 1898 to 1908 inclusive were: Males, 484; females, 2,548; Total, 3,032. 
 
 Commitments are under two sections of the inebriates act. Under 
 section one may be committed as habitual drunkard one who is con- 
 victed on indictment of an offense punishable with imprisonment or 
 penal servitude. In 10 years only 443 persons were thus committed. 
 Under section two the number committed in ten years was 2,589, 
 "ridiculously small" says the official report of Dr. Branthwaite, in- 
 spector under the inebriates act, "in comparison with what it might 
 and should have been. This is mainly due to a controversy over 
 the maintenance question." 
 
 The mental conditions of those committed have been carefully 
 studied with the resulting classification as follows: 
 
 1. Insane persons who since admission to reformatories have been 
 
 certified and sent to asylums 63 
 
 2. Very defective persons who, after admission to reformatories, 
 
 are found to be more or less congenitally imbecile, or degen- 
 erate or epileptic 377 
 
 3. Defective persons who are eccentric, silly, dull, senile, or sub- 
 
 ject to periodical paroxysms of ungovernable temper 1*487 
 
 4. Of average mental capacity on admission or after six months 
 
 detention 1,105 
 
 Total admissions 
 
 In short, the insane and very defective were approximately fifteen 
 per cent of the commitments, the defective fifty per cent, and those 
 of average mental capacity 35 per cent. 
 
 Quoting from Dr. Branthwaite's report to the international prison 
 
 congress of 1910, we find that "the promoters of the inebriates' act 
 
 of 1898 had two purposes in mind reform when 
 
 Can possible, and when this should prove impossible, 
 
 Inebriates detention of 'irreformables' for the benefit of 
 
 be the community. ... It has been found that 
 
 Reformed? the majority of persons included in groups i, 2 
 
 and 3 of the above classification are more or less 
 
 unable to exercise the will power which is necessary to enable a 
 
 victim to throw off his fetters a struggle which in some cases has 
 
 to be sustained through a long life in order to maintain sobriety when 
 
 it has been attained. From 10 to 15 per cent of class 3 recover a 
 
 fair amount of mental stability after long continued detention and
 
 DISCHARGED PRISONERS. i 167 
 
 treatment. But with the exception of this 10 or 15 per cent, all 
 persons in these three classes are too mentally impaired to appre- 
 ciate that they are inebriates or that there is any necessity for amend- 
 ment. So our probability of producing good results has been limited 
 to inmates in class 4 those of average mental capacity in addition 
 to the 10 or 15 per cent of class 3 above referred to. This estimate, 
 based on scientific ground, has been amply confirmed by practical 
 experience during the last ten years, efforts to reform the mentally 
 defective have proved valueless, and all the persons who have done 
 well have been those gifted with the possessjon of a fairly well-bal- 
 anced mind. Only about forty per cent of all cases sent to reform- 
 atories have been possibly reformable, and of this number about 
 half have done reasonably well. . . . From a reform standpoint, 
 therefore, the experiment has been successful, not so much in the 
 actual number of reformations that have been produced, as in demon- 
 strating the possibility of reform even in bad cases, and the certainty 
 of being able to produce a large number of good results under more 
 favorable conditions. 
 
 "Considered from the second standpoint the benefit to the com- 
 munity resulting from the segregation of irreformable inebriates 
 there is no doubt as to the success of the act. Our ten years' ex- 
 perience has taught us the advantage of removing such persons from 
 the streets, the peace resulting from this action, and the safety to 
 the public. The public has a right to claim protection from the un- 
 pleasant effects of inebriates that have their freedom, and detention 
 is therefore justifiable, apart from any question of reformation. A 
 recent official inquiry into the working of the acts in England has been 
 held with a view of deciding whether or not they have served their 
 purpose. The verdict is a favorable one; the departmental commit- 
 tee has recommended amendment of the acts to enable not only con- 
 tinuance but also extension of the work." 
 
 The space limits of my report make further consideration at this 
 time of the English prison system impossible. I have tried to out- 
 line some of the principal features; the American penologist may 
 judge from the citations given above as to what extent we may learn 
 from our English cousins, and to what extent we have been fortunate 
 in forging ahead. Yet that has not been the purpose of these chapters. 
 Neither England nor the United States has uttered the last word in 
 the domain of penology. So long as our jail system exists we must 
 hang our heads in shame whenever we undergo the inspection of 
 foreign visitors or our own. So long as English prisons continue 
 mainly prisons and make little progress toward the general adoption 
 of reformatory prisons and the modern facilities so generally recog- 
 nized in the United States as a fundamental part of prison admin- 
 istration and prisoners' rehabilitation, we Americans will continue to 
 to feel, probably, that we have in some respects worked out more 
 successfully some advanced ideas in prison science.
 
 THE BORSTAL SYSTEM 
 
 BORSTAL is the English Elmira. Elmira reformatory was opened 
 in 1 876, and its administration was modelled largely on the classi- 
 ficationsystemthenexistingin English and Irish prisons. Borstal 
 in England was established after gradual experiments since 1902, and 
 was certainly largely influenced by American reformatory methods, 
 although some recent English and continental writers on the Borstal 
 system largely ignore the fact. fc 
 
 Borstal is not so much a separate institution as a system. Borstal 
 
 as a location is the village of Borstal, on the hills above Rochester 
 
 in the southeast of England, near the sea. Bor- 
 
 What Borstal stal as a system is found at the Borstal institu- 
 
 Is. tions of Borstal, in Feltham (in the valley of the 
 
 Thames), in Aylesbury (for girls), and in a wing 
 
 of Canterbury prison (for unsatisfactory cases). 
 
 The Borstal system is the last word in England in the treatment 
 of young convicted persons between 16 and 23 years of age. There 
 is also a "modified Borstal" treatment, maintained in local prisons 
 for young persons called "juvenile adults," who receive thus a semi- 
 reformatory course of physical and industrial education that inci- 
 dentally is quite superior to the attention paid in American local or 
 county or even in many state prisons to young prisoners, in distinc- 
 tion to older prisoners. 
 
 In 1908 the prevention of crimes act was passed, several clauses 
 of which dealt with the reformation of young offenders, as follows: 
 
 "l. Where a person is convicted on indictment for an offence for 
 which he is liable to be sent to penal servitude, or imprisonment, and it 
 appears to the court (a) that the person is not less than 16 not more 
 than 21 years of age, and (b) that, by reason of his criminal habits or 
 tendencies, or association with persons of bad character, it is expedient 
 that he should be subject to detention for such a term and under such 
 instruction and discipline as appears most conductive to his reformation 
 and the repression of crime,itshallbelawfulforthecourt,inlieuof passing 
 a sentence of penal servitude or imprisonment, to pass a sentence of 
 detention under penal discipline in a Borstal institution for a term of 
 not less than I year, and not more than 3 years, and for the purpose 
 of tbis act, the secretary of state may establish Borstal institutions, that 
 is to say, places where young offenders may be given, while under 
 detention, industrial training and instruction." 
 
 This act also gives power to the prison commissioners to discharge on license 
 such offenders as they think fitted for conditional liberty; but no license can 
 be granted till the offender has served at least 6 months of his sentence, every 
 offender, whether released on "license" or serving his complete sentence, re- 
 
 168
 
 Ordinary Cell, Borstal Institution, Borstal, England 
 
 Type of Cell Block, with Outside Cells. Borstal. England
 
 WHAT BORSTAL Is. 
 
 169 
 
 mainin<i after Im discharge under the supervision of the prison commissioners 
 
 for 6 month*.; but the commissioners may release him from such supervision. 
 
 Another part of this act provides that young offenders sentenced to Borstal 
 
 ;u in must be of good physical and mental health, and further provides 
 
 that young men up to the age of 23 may now be admitted to Borstal treatment. 
 
 Let us analyze the Borstal system, drawing a parallel column with 
 the Elmira system. The principal features are the following. 
 
 COMPARATIVE TABLE. 
 Elmira (U. S. A.) and Borstal (England). 
 
 ELMIRA. 
 
 Ages, 16-30. 
 
 Sentence. Indeterminate, averaging 
 about 15 months, but not to exceed 
 the maximum that could be imposed 
 by law, were a definite sentence to 
 be imposed. 
 
 Class of offenders. Felons. 
 
 Classification. Three grades, pro- 
 motion to be gained by inmates. 
 
 Privileges. First grade. 
 Special table. 
 Iktter food. 
 Inmate officers chosen from this 
 
 grade. 
 
 More freedom of conversation. 
 Designation on uniform. 
 
 I supervision. 
 Etc. 
 
 Punishments. 
 
 Reduction to third grade. 
 If incorrigible, transferred to state 
 prison. 
 
 Industries. Varied and educational. 
 
 Farming. 
 
 Promotion. In not less than six 
 months after entrance. 
 
 Parole. Gained by inmate through 
 marks in not less than one year. 
 
 Parole Board. Board of managers. 
 
 Organization to whom paroled. In 
 New York City, Prison Association. 
 
 Period of Parole. Six months mini- 
 mum; maximum, the maximum 
 sentence. 
 
 Power to Return Delinquent? Yes. 
 
 BORSTAL. 
 
 Ages, 16-23. 
 
 Sentence. Not less than one year nor 
 more than three. 
 
 Class of offenders. Felons and misde- 
 meanants. 
 
 Classification. Three grades, pro- 
 motion to be gained by inmate. 
 
 Privileges. Special grade. 
 Special dress. 
 Better diet. 
 Works without supervision, even 
 
 outside walls. 
 Evening recreation in gymnasium or 
 
 library. 
 
 Saturdays, football or cricket. 
 Etc. 
 
 Punishments. 
 
 Re'duction to penal grade. 
 If incorrigible, sent to Canterbury 
 prison. 
 
 Industries. Varied and educational. 
 
 Farming. 
 
 Promotion. In not less than six 
 months after entrance. 
 
 License. May be gained by inmate 
 at any time after six months on 
 vote of special board. 
 
 Institution Board. Consisting of gov- 
 ernor, deputy governor, chaplain, 
 medical officer and chief warder. 
 
 Organiiation to whom paroled. Bor- 
 stal Association, London. 
 
 Period of Parole. Until maximum 
 sentence and then six months 
 if necessary. 
 
 Power to return Delinquent? Yes.
 
 170 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 The above is but a partial list of similar or somewhat differing 
 regulations. To the American penologist, the Borstal system is 
 interesting not because it is a novelty, for it is not, but because of 
 the divergent lines upon which it has developed from those of 
 Elmira. 
 
 The day's work is arranged to prepare lads for a full day's work 
 on their release, and is as follows: 
 
 5.30. Milk and a biscuit. The lad makes his bed and cleans his cell. 
 
 6.10. Gymnastics or drill. 
 
 7.00. Breakfast, consisting of porridge, bread and margarine. (Lads in 
 
 the special grade have the addition of tea or coffee.) 
 
 7.40. Work in the open or in workshops. The working parties consist of 
 to blacksmiths, bricklayers, carpenders, farm hands, gardeners, laborers, 
 11.45. painters, bakers, bootmakers, cleaners, cooks, laundrymen and tailors. 
 Farm hands learn milking, care of farm stock, hedging, ditching, 
 thatching and ploughing. 
 11.45. General parade. 
 
 12.00. Dinner, consisting of bread, potatoes, meat or soup or suet pudding, 
 i.oo to 5.30. Work as above. 
 
 5.30. Tea, consisting of bread, cocoa, milk and cheese. 
 6.10. Chapel, with short addresses by the officers in turn or by visitors. 
 
 Opportunity is taken to read out letters from old boys. 
 6.30. Those who have not reached the special grade attend evening classes 
 
 or read in their cells until 8. 
 8.30. Lights out. 
 
 Let us now note some of the differences. Elmira receives felons 
 only; Borstal both felons and misdemeanants. (Apropos of this 
 fact, I call attention to unsuccessful efforts during 
 Differences. many recent years in New York to secure a state 
 reformatory for misdemeanants.) Elmira receives 
 men between the ages of 16 and 30 years; Borstal is limited 
 fortunately to the reception of males between 16 and 23 years old. 
 Elmira, originally planned to be a relatively small institution, now 
 has not infrequently a population of 1500. Borstal had a popula- 
 tion last summer of approximately 400. Elmira's population is 
 heterogeneous; Borstal's homogeneous. Elmira's population is 
 housed in several great cellblocks. Borstal is lodging its men in 
 four small cellhouses for 100 inmates each. Elmira has the inside 
 cellblock system. Borstal has the outside cellroom system. Elmira is 
 mainly industrial. Borstal is to a considerable extent agricultural. 
 
 This comparison is not intended to be derogatory to the Elmira 
 reformatory. In my opinion it is but natural that a very recent in- 
 stitution like Borstal should avoid certain conditions now inevitable 
 at Elmira, such as a great congregate population, great cellblocks and 
 a subordinating of the farm and extramural work to industrial work. 
 
 In one further respect does Borstal differ from Elmira. The 
 American reformatory receives all males between 16 and 30 years of 
 age whom the judges commit to Elmira as felons without a previous
 
 WHAT BORSTAL Is. 171 
 
 conviction for felony. But from the English reformatory (called 
 Borstal institution to distinguish it from the English "reforma- 
 tories," our juvenile reform schools) are debarred certain classes of 
 young fellows, those who are first offenders and therefore should not 
 be thrown in with more hardened offenders, and those who are physic- 
 ally unable to undergo the steady and strenuous life of the Borstal 
 system. 
 
 Two important points are here emphasized. We Americans strive 
 to erect reformatories for first offenders, to keep them out of jails, 
 the plague spots of our American prison system. The English law 
 works to force the first offender (juvenile adult) into jail (i. e., a local 
 prison) because the English local prison is a decent institution, and 
 because within each local prison the J. A.'s (juvenile adults) receive 
 a special treatment modelled on the Borstal plan, as will be described 
 elsewhere. For misdemeanants short-sentenced to a local prison for 
 a few weeks the modified Borstal system appears helpful and the 
 entire segregation of youths from older offenders is a blessing. 
 
 But in barring from the benefits of the Borstal institution the physic- 
 ally unfit offender, I believe the law has perhaps not been wise. 
 Certainly we Americans are coming to believe that about the first 
 step in the reformation of delinquents is to get them into good physical 
 condition. This belief found expression among English penologists 
 whom I met last summer. Probably Borstal institutions will become 
 soon makers of strong bodies out of weak bodies also. 
 
 I visited Borstal on Monday, August 14. Borstal is situated about 
 forty miles southeast of London, and about three miles from Rochester, 
 on a hill from which the view sweeps the country for miles. A 
 quarter of a mile from the institution is old Fort Borstal, which 
 temporarily was being used as a prison. Borstal itself was once a 
 convict prison. 
 
 The institution is walled, and the enclosure is rather limited. 
 Obviously this is one way of preventing too many buildings from going 
 up, for the yard is already fairly full. The main impressions the 
 American visitor receives are that a useful, economical and rather 
 plain set of buildings in uniform style are being erected, and that 
 there is an air of business-like activity about the inmates, though 
 without the rather nonchalant or jovial and often precocious air 
 frequently noted in American reformatories. I am tempted to desig- 
 nate the Borstal spirit as sober or even sombre, in comparison with 
 the markedly resilient spirit of Elmira. Yet again this must not be 
 regarded as necessarily a criticism, for by their fruits shall prisons be 
 known, and we are yet to study the results of the Borstal system. 
 
 Skilled workmen act as instructors to the boys, who show marked 
 interest in the trades. Some of the occupations are 
 
 bricklaying, plastering, glazing, painting, carpentering, filling, black- 
 smithing, tinsmithing, shoemaking, fanning in its various branches, 
 including the care and breeding of stock, milking, ploughing and garden- 
 ing; also in the service of the prison, which comprises cooking, cleaning, 
 washing, mending and knitting.
 
 172 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 The educational and industrial activities meeting the eye of the 
 American visitor remind him strongly of our own reformatory 
 methods. There are parade and gymnasium, chapel service and 
 classes, games and sports days full of varied and useful activities. 
 
 While the first buildings in the reorganization of Borstal were 
 built by contract labor, as for instance a block containing 100 cells, 
 a bathhouse and a gymnasium, later buildings were built by the boys. 
 "There is very little of the old Borstal of convict days left now," 
 states the governor's report for 1911. "All the old cellblocks, except 
 one half of one of them, have been pulled down and three large 
 halls, each holding one hundred lads, put in their places. The 
 fourth and last is just being started, and by this time next year will, 
 I hope, be occupied. It is being built on a different plan, there being 
 classrooms and dining-rooms below, and dormitories above. It is 
 meant for the special grade only." 
 
 Two important questions remain to be answered, (i) What does 
 Borstal cost ? (2) What are the reformatory results of Borstal ? 
 
 I append the statement of the governor as to the employment of 
 inmates for the fiscal year ending March 31, 1911. To gain the 
 equivalent in American money multiply the pound by $4. 86 J. In the 
 estimate of the value of inmates' labor as $38,141.60, we find the 
 following: 
 
 Average grand total working 346 
 
 Of whom 
 
 In manufactures 46 
 
 On farms 42 
 
 In buildings 168 
 
 In service 80 
 
 Non-effective 10 
 
 The average per diem earnings in each branch are as follows: 
 
 In manufacturers $. 159 
 
 On farms 207 
 
 In buildings 402 
 
 In service 260 
 
 Turning now to the cost of the Borstal institution at Borstal for 
 the fiscal year 1910-1911, we find the following statement: 
 
 Pay and allowance of officers, including uniforms, etc., and s d 
 
 fine fund 7760 9 o 
 
 Maintenance: 
 
 Victualling 2821 13 10 
 
 Medicines, etc 4 1 *6 2 
 
 Lighting, water, etc 908 I I 
 
 Clothing, bedding furniture 1555 3 3 
 
 I3 8 7 3 4 
 or $63,682.15
 
 Borstal Institution, Borstal. England. 
 
 Carpentry, Borstal Institution. Borstal. England.
 
 WHAT BORSTAL Is 
 
 Per capita per diem cost g 50* 
 
 Per capita annual cost 184.05 
 
 '73 
 
 I do not find that the earnings of the boys arc more than "imputed" 
 earnings. That is, the institution profits to the extent of the indus- 
 tnousness of the inmates in the several branches, but the per. capita 
 per annum cost seems to be $ 184, including the boys' labor. In- 
 deed, the report of the prison commissioners for 1910-1911 (vol. i, 
 page 89, footnote) states that "as the work on which prisoners are 
 employed is principally for the government, only a small portion of 
 the amount is actually received in cash." 
 
 For the Borstal institutions (Borstal and Feltham) the expenses for 
 the year were as follows: 
 
 Staff.. $51,165.52 
 
 Maintenance 35493 45 
 
 ( >tlur expenses exclusive of cost of new buildings, etc 14,666.00 
 
 Total for year $101,324. 97 
 
 Annual charge per prisoner 253 . 3 1 
 
 Deduct value of labor (measured), exclusive of employment in 
 
 : vice of prison ^359^7 5 
 
 Deduct incidental receipts 157 .60 
 
 $36,125.10 
 
 Net cost (after deduction). . ..5 $65,200 oo 
 
 Net annual charge per prisoner '62.75 
 
 The net per capita annual cost for 1910-1911 in the local prisons, 
 after deducting the estimated or imputed value of labor, was $90.18, 
 as compared with 5162.75 in the Borstal institutions. 
 
 idently England is ready to expend considerable sums on the 
 maintenance of Borstal institutions, approximating the net cost per 
 inmate at Elmira reformatory. Considering the greater purchasing 
 power of the equivalent amount of English money, England is liberal 
 indeed in its Borstal experiments. 
 
 What are the results of the Borstal training ? Nothing is more 
 
 difficult than to estimate the results of a new undertaking, especially 
 
 the reformation of men. The prison commission 
 
 Results. entertains strong hopes of the Borstal treatment, 
 
 and of the "modified Borstal" system in the local 
 
 prisons. That the health and moral calibre of the Borstal inmates 
 
 improve during imprisonment there seems no doubt. As to parole
 
 '74 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 results, we read in the last report of the Borstal association (parole 
 agents in London) that 
 
 "Of 212 lads committed to the care of the association and in their charge 
 during the year 
 
 174 are at present satisfactory; that is, 82 per cent. 
 2 are on hand. 
 2 are dead. 
 18 are at present unsatisfactory, irregular at work through their own fault. 
 
 I is lost sight of. 
 
 15 have been reconvicted. All but one of these threw up the work that was 
 found for them. 
 
 212 Total. 
 
 "The help given by the association to these lads is summarized as follows: 
 
 
 Total. 
 
 Satis- 
 factory. 
 
 Un- 
 satis- 
 factory. 
 
 Recon- 
 victed. 
 
 On 
 hand 
 or dead. 
 
 Lost 
 sight 
 of. 
 
 Work found for 
 
 IQ7 
 
 I<CO 
 
 18 
 
 1C 
 
 
 I 
 
 Less done for 
 
 Q 
 
 Q 
 
 
 
 
 
 Could not be helped. 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 Did not need help. . 
 
 A 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 
 
 On hand 2; dead 2. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 212 
 
 174. 
 
 18 
 
 1C 
 
 4. 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 "In nearly every case a complete outfit was supplied, and in the majority 
 of cases wages were at first supplemented and clothes renewed or tools supplied. 
 "Of the 212 mentioned 
 
 118 came from homes apparently respectable. 
 50 had no homes. 
 
 1 8 came from homes apparently indifferent. 
 26 came from bad homes or surroundings." 
 
 More significant is the analysis of results in the case of 221 lads 
 on parole to the Borstal association between August 18, 1909, when 
 the Borstal act came into force, and the end of July, 1910. Every 
 boy on the list below had been "in the open" for seven months and 
 some for eighteen months. 
 
 " 133, or 70 per cent, satisfactory. 
 
 17 are believed to be satisfactory, but have not reported recently, many 
 
 being at sea. 
 36 unsatisfactory. 
 3 1 reconvicted. 
 2 on hand. 
 2 dead. 
 
 221
 
 THE BORSTAL ASSOCIATION. 175 
 
 These parole statistics seem to approximate those for Elmira men 
 paroled to New York city. Six years of statistics (1906-1911) 
 kept by the Prison Association show that 69 per cent of the paroled 
 men pass satisfactorily their parole period which averages about 
 seven months. 
 
 What are the results of the Borstal treatment on the boys before 
 they leave the institution ? Not so good as would be the case were 
 the boys held longer. Those boys with the shortest sentences are 
 the least interested and the most disturbing element at Borstal. In 
 this respect Elmira reformatory with its indeterminate sentence is 
 far better off. The length of sentences in the case of 393 boys sent 
 to Borstal in 1910-1911 were as follows: 
 
 3 y ears ........................................ 77 
 
 Over 2 years ................................... I 
 
 2 years ........................................ 165 
 
 2 1 months ..................................... I 
 
 18 months ..................................... 91 
 
 1 7 months ............................. . ....... I 
 
 16 months ..................................... I 
 
 1 5 months ........ . ............................ 1 
 
 1 2 months ..................................... 3 
 
 9 months ..................................... I 
 
 393 
 
 In short, 150 of these boys were given sentences of under two years, 
 and of those discharged during the year, about one-third were dis- 
 charged before the expiration of the sentence. 
 
 The Borstal association is a prisoners' aid society, founded by Sir 
 
 Evelyn Ruggles-Brise, chairman of the prison commission. This 
 
 society embodies the belief of Sir Evelyn that the 
 
 The Borstal corner stone of any system for dealing with juvenile 
 
 Association adults must be a well organized after-care associa- 
 
 tion, which will be in possession of sufficient funds 
 
 to give the needful assistance. The society has been founded under 
 
 the patronage of some of the best known and most distinguished 
 
 persons in English public life. The president is the home secretary, 
 
 and among the patrons are the archbishop of Canterbury, the prime 
 
 minister, the bishop of London, and the lord chief justice of England. 
 
 The treasurer's statement for the year ending March 31, 1911, 
 
 shows : 
 
 Receipts: 
 
 Subscriptions and donations ......... $3997 
 
 Government grants ......... 4*379 
 
 Refunds ...... - 6l 
 
 Balance from last account ....... &53
 
 176 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Expenditures: 
 
 Relief. 3,272 
 
 Salaries 3,345 
 
 Office and traveling expenses 2,7 15 
 
 American prisoners' aid societies doing parole work will look with 
 approval and perhaps some envy upon the instructions given by the 
 home secretary to the police throughout England, asking them to 
 receive any Borstal boy that comes to them stating that he is out of 
 resources, and to communicate at once with the Borstal association 
 at London. "This is useful," the association reports, "in case a 
 boy leaves a country job suddenly or is unexpectedly laid off from 
 his ship." In short, England is developing a state-wide system of 
 parole supervision by a private society a system that the Prison 
 Association would gladly develop in New York state if means were 
 at hand. 
 
 The Borstal institution at Aylesbury for girls is still in a very ex- 
 perimental stage. Up to March, 1911, 57 girls had been received at 
 Aylesbury and only 27 girls had been discharged since August i, 
 1909, of whom 
 
 4 decided to stay at the reformatory. 
 II were doing well. 
 3 were feeble-minded. 
 6 were unsatisfactory. 
 
 1 at home. 
 
 2 recently discharged. 
 
 The Aylesbury treatment embodies much outdoor work, drilling 
 and gardening, as well as sewing. The girls are classified, and the 
 special grade brings special privileges with it. The after-care of 
 the girls presents the complicated moral problems familiar to American 
 reformatories. Thus far, a number of the girls have been placed 
 in training homes for domestic service. 
 
 This is the only women's reformatory in England. 
 As for the results of the "modified Borstal" system in the local 
 prisons, "excellent results continue to follow this system, that applies 
 so far as practicable to short sentences over a 
 Modified Borstal month that personal care and individualization, 
 Treatment which is the underlying principle of the full 
 Borstal system. The results for 1910-11 were 
 as follows : 
 
 "Treated under modified Borstal system 1810 
 
 Of these, sentenced to four months or over 470 
 
 Discharged from collecting centers 651 
 
 Doing well 56 % 
 
 No unfavorable report received 26 % 
 
 Reconvicted 8 % 
 
 Doing indifferently ,, , , 9 %
 
 
 Building Operations. Borstal. England 
 
 Types of Buildings. Borstal. England
 
 MODIFIED BORSTAL TREATMENT. 177 
 
 Discharged from other prisons, after sentences of less than four months 
 
 and over one month 1364 
 
 Doini; well 36% 
 
 No unfavorable report received 44% 
 
 Reconvicted 10 % 
 
 Doing indifferently g% 
 
 Such statistics, while interesting, are not very conclusive, for the 
 period under observation is far too short. To be of value the careers 
 of the "modified Borstal" graduates should be subject to investi- 
 gation after one year or two years from time of release. 
 
 As yet only about half the "juvenile adults" between 16 and 21 
 years of age are sentenced for over one month. The modified and 
 the full Borstal systems do not apply to young persons sentenced to 
 one month or less. Of 1506 females, moreover, over 1200 were 
 sentenced to a month or under. The prison commission feels that 
 the time has now come for a strong step forward in dealing with the 
 futility and harmfulness of repeated short sentences in the case of 
 young and trivial offenders. Yet, comparing the statistics of juve- 
 nile crime in England for nearly a score of years, there has been 
 since 1893 a diminution of over 40 per cent in the convictions of per- 
 sons between the ages of 16 and 21. In the summer of 1910 the sec- 
 retary of state announced in parliament that it was his intention to 
 introduce legislation at an early date: 
 
 "(l) To secure a certain period of time to every person of fixed abode for 
 payment of fine. 
 
 (2) To provide, if possible, alternatives of imprisonment in the case of young 
 offenders between the ages of 16 and 21, either by 
 
 (a) disciplinary correction outside the prisons or 
 
 (b) the creation of a system of disciplinary probation for dealing with minor 
 offences and mere rowdyism, without recourse to imprisonment, the object 
 being to ensure that no youth should go to prison unless shown to be incorrigible, 
 or to have committed some serious offense." 
 
 Most striking of all seems the statement of the prison commis- 
 sioners that carefully studied statistics show that the mass of crime 
 in Kngland is being committed by men who are gradually advancing 
 from one age category to another, and having a diminished number 
 to takf their places. "Ten years ago 32 per cent of offenders con- 
 \uttd on indictment were first offenders; now that number is only 
 2$ per cent of the total so convicted. If it be true that the mass of 
 crime is confined to recidivists, arid not to the spread of crime in 
 the community generally, then England, by gradually drying up the 
 source, is diminishing crime. In fact, the number of persons received 
 into prisons on convictions, 464.8 per 100,000, is tne lowest point 
 reached, except for 1900-1, for 30 years." 
 
 Even though there has probably been an increased use of the pro- 
 bation act, resulting in many young offenders being dealt with in 
 ways other than imprisonment, there is no doubt in the mind of the
 
 178 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Howard association of England, that serious crime in England has 
 diminished. As regards the significant reduction in the number of 
 boy prisoners, the Howard association attributes the "wholesale 
 reduction " not so much to the effect of the Borstal system, good as 
 it is, as to the increasing habit of the magistrates of not committing 
 boys and girls to prison for trivial offenses. Of special significance 
 is the statement of the association that the probation act of 1908 
 has fallen practically into desuetude as relating to young offenders. 
 Hence, boys either go free or to prison.
 
 THE TRAMP PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES' 
 
 WHAT we in the United States need to do first with the tramp 
 problem is to wake up. We have dealt with it too long as we 
 do with a dfsagreeable visit to the dentist, that ought to be 
 paid but is not. 
 
 We have a rural tramp problem and a city vagrancy problem. 
 Let us first take up the general question. Tramps don't tramp very 
 much; they ride. The railroads are the best and the worst friends 
 of the tramps; best, because, as Josiah Flynt has said, they enable 
 the man who begs from you on the streets of New York on Monday 
 to accost you on the streets of Chicago on Saturday; worst, because 
 the railroads are the severest prosecutors of the tramps. 
 
 The tramp problem is both easy and hard to understand. Easy, 
 because it is easy to understand what makes tramps; hard, because 
 it is hard to know how to deal with the products of the causes, or 
 with the causes themselves. Because it is easy to get rid of an 
 individual tramp, and so hard to handle rationally a group of tramps, 
 the almost overpowering tendencies of individuals and communities 
 are to do as the man did with the dead cat : throw it into his neighbor's 
 yard, from which it in turn progressed through other yards until it 
 arrived again in the yard of the original neighbor. 
 
 There is much unclear thinking about tramps. The bulk of people 
 probably do not know what they mean when they talk about tramps. 
 Some of them have learned about tramps from funny papers;some from 
 the stranger in the street; some from having their summer cottages 
 robbed or burned; some from being boards of managers of hospitals 
 that give costly free treatment to worthless outcasts. Charitable 
 societies, missions, city lodging houses, courts and prisons have all 
 dealt with, and often do deal with the "hobo" with relative unintel- 
 ligence. When the solution of a problem is hard and costly and 
 perhaps useless in the end, it is apt to be side-tracked. Thus with 
 the related problems of inebriety and vagrancy. 
 
 Yet in the census of 1904 it was shown that drunkenness ranked 
 first among the causes of commitment to penal institutions in the 
 United States, and that vagrancy ranked second. Between them 
 they caused forty-three per cent of the commitments in the year 1904. 
 That is a pretty costly price to pay for neglect to solve, if possible, 
 the problems of drink and voluntary idleness. 
 
 I do not wish to lead the readers of this journal again through the 
 array of the well-known or widely announced facts and opinions regard- 
 
 1 Article by O. F. Lewi*, general secretary of The Prison Auociation, in AnnaU of American 
 Academy of Social and Political Science, March 1911. 
 
 79
 
 i8o THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 ing the extent, the costliness and the futility of vagrancy and the tramp 
 evil. Since we are a nation of newspaper readers, it must be familiar 
 to us that the railroads report that in the aggregate they lose at least 
 $25,000,000 a year through railroad vagrancy; that there are perhaps 
 a half million tramps in the United States; that their paths lead like 
 cow tracks all over their rich pastures, the states of the Union; that 
 they are a most unproductive and most disagreeable group; that they 
 cost charitable and correctional institutions and organizations millions 
 a year to take care of them; that they corrupt the young and rob the 
 older; that they disseminate disease, perpetrate and encourage crime, 
 maintain indecent standards of living, and are altogether unlovely. 
 
 I would point out, first, some movements toward a reduction of 
 vagrancy, and secondly, some vitally necessary things that have not 
 yet been undertaken. First and foremost, we must deal with the tramp 
 evil along broad and national lines, not by federal laws, but with the 
 keen sense of the national character of the problem. Our methods 
 must be tested, not primarily by the question whether they will rid 
 the particular community of tramps, but whether they will, when 
 adopted in general by other communities, tend to successfully reduce 
 vagrancy and its attendant evils. 
 
 First then, I cite the agitation for farm colonies for tramps and 
 vagrants. New York state has established a board of managers of 
 such a compulsory farm colony, "for the detention, humane discipline, 
 instruction and reformation of male adults committed thereto as 
 tramps and vagrants." This is an experiment, brought to its present 
 stage by a strong group of social workers in New York who have 
 become sick and tired of the palliative and trivial treatment of the 
 tramp evil in the past. The colony will have not less than five hundred 
 acres; will be probably from fifty to one hundred miles from New 
 York city; will receive persons on indeterminate sentences of a maxi- 
 mum of eighteen months unless since arriving at the age of sixteen 
 they have been committed to a penal institution. The colony will 
 probably be largely upon the cottage plan, and will maintain a system 
 of marks and merits, privileges and deprivations, and a system of 
 parole. 
 
 What will be the result ? Prophecy is dangerous. It is believed 
 that the best weapon with which to fight vagrancy is compulsory 
 work, just as there is nothing like water after all with which to fight 
 a large fire, although chemicals may do with small blazes. Wherever 
 work is announced at workhouses, jails, almshouses and other 
 institutions and organizations, the attendance of the loafing vagrant 
 falls off. Wherever in cities the mendicancy squads are active and 
 persistent, the city is relieved of the influx of the panhandler and the 
 whining, shuffling man who has work to go to on Monday. 
 
 The farm colony will combine compulsory work with a long enough 
 term of imprisonment (even under restricted liberty) to make the 
 predatory vagrant careful about traveling through the state or seeming 
 to be for a considerable time without employment. And I would 
 say here that the law expressly states that the colony is not meant for
 
 Building by Inmate Labor, Borstal Institution. Borstal. England 
 
 Instruction in Seamanship. Borstal Institution. Borstal. England
 
 THE TRAMP PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES. 181 
 
 'reputable workmen, temporarily out of work and seeking employ- 
 ment." The courts will be instructed by the board of managers of 
 the colony when it is ready to receive inmates, that the colony is 
 meant not for those tramps who can be readily swung back into 
 industrial life and self-support, but for those "customers," as the 
 Germans call them, who nave purposely and persistently defied the 
 efforts of the law and the customs of the community. 
 
 Hence it is reasonable to expect that the total number of vagrants 
 in the state will be reduced. But, says the inhabitant of New Jersey, 
 you are simply throwing the tramps into New Jersey and Connecticut. 
 True; but the advice of New York is that both New Jersey and Con- 
 necticut establish farm colonies. Then, in two ways, the deterrent 
 influence of the colony will be more or less potent. For those who 
 pass through the colony the idea of giving another year or more to 
 the service of the state at hard work, if again convicted of vagrancy, 
 will not be agreeable. For those who have shunned the colony by 
 staying in another state the deterrent effect of the New York colony 
 is obvious. 
 
 In short, the farm colony is simply typical of what in general the 
 method must be of counteracting vagrancy. The tramp is the most 
 volatile of all dependents or delinquents. Pages of proof can be 
 presented of this fact, and perhaps most striking of all would be the 
 facts gathered from juvenile institutions. 
 
 Will the colonies reform the shiftless, work-shy tramp ? Probably 
 not to any great extent. In individual cases, yes. But I am firmly 
 of the opinion that to reduce vagrancy we need to employ strong and 
 persistent corrective measures. I have this last summer visited the 
 leading labor colonies of Belgium, Holland and Germany. Every- 
 where the testimony is the same, although some of the colonies have been 
 in existence nearly one hundred years. The foreign vagrant, in four 
 cases out of five, is a repeater, not permanently reclaimable. The 
 great service rendered by foreign compulsory labor colonies is to act 
 as a segregating center for the half-efficient and intentionally idle, 
 and as a deterrent for those who can foresee that a life of vagrancy will 
 mean frequent compulsory segregation in the colonies. The Euro- 
 pean countries would not think of giving up the forced labor colonies, 
 but they do not make claims that they are reformatories. We must 
 not allow ourselves in this country to hail the new farm colonies as 
 reformatories or as strong factors in the elimination of the tramp, 
 for I have no belief at all that the tramp can be eliminated so long 
 as the world takes summer vacations, and rich people follow their 
 bent and go to Florida in the winter, and so long as Cook's tourc find 
 a justification for being. The tramp has the same desires, but not 
 the same means. Being without means, he tramps, or, as I have 
 already said, he rides. 
 
 Which leads me to the second point. We must kenJ our best 
 energies to the reduction of railway trespass. I believe no one wishes 
 this reduction so much as the railways themselves, for they are the 
 sufferers. Where the individual community suffers somewhat, the
 
 1 82 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 long trunk line suffers greviously. Apart from the hundreds of 
 thousands of dollars lost by our great railways, the lives of trainmen 
 are frequently imperilled. A never-ceasing state of warfare exists 
 between the trainmen in general and the tramps in general, although 
 exceptions to the "state of war" exist of course. 
 
 What are the results of railway trespass ? First, the loss to the 
 railroads in property destroyed, stations burned, obstructions placed 
 on tracks, signals tampered with, lives lost, persons injured, and, 
 indeed, the not infrequent suits that are brought by tramps themselves 
 for injuries sustained while riding or while walking on the railroad. 
 
 Then also the cost to the community. Railroads will literally 
 "dump" a group of tramps upon a village or a town. The village 
 reasons with justice that the railroad gives, therefore let the railroad 
 take away, and is frequently known to load the tramps upon the next 
 freight. Or the justice of the peace or the police court judge suspends 
 sentence on condition that the tramp betake himself to the next 
 settlement, where the next judge may still further pass along, or send 
 to the local jail. 
 
 How can railway vagrancy be reduced ? By making the cost cf 
 maintenance of vagrants and tramps in correctional institutions a state 
 charge. Just as long as the local authorities have to stand the expense 
 of imprisonment of tramps and vagrants, just so long will the passing- 
 on system continue. Railroad detectives may work twenty-four hours 
 a day, only to have the local court release or speed the parting plague 
 during the twenty-fifth hour, because the town cannot afford to stand 
 the expense. 
 
 This movement requires legislative action. Such action must be 
 propelled by a strong force. I believe that a national vagrancy 
 committee is a necessary organization. The railroads should be 
 large factors in supporting it financially. Their gain in the reduction 
 of railway vagrancy would be the communities' gain. Therefore the 
 communities should uphold the railroads in fighting vagrancy and 
 not look upon their efforts as another example of the persecutions 
 of a soulless group of corporations. 
 
 In the third place, almshouses should not be used as the abode or 
 resting-up place for able-bodied works hys. In the absence of "tramp 
 houses" with work tests one cannot blame the timid farmer's wife 
 from quickly bolting the door and shouting through the crack of the 
 door to the rural tramp, to go to the poorhouse over night. That 
 raisestwo questions. First, will thecommunity establish atramphouse 
 with work test ? Secondly, does not the farmer's wife run a real 
 danger in refusing the tramp food or shelter ? Answering the second 
 question first, I would say that the testimony of tramps with whom 
 I have talked is that the tramp, if not sustaining violence, is not very 
 liable to wreak any physical revenge for not receiving aid. It is a 
 battle of wits. The tramp is generally lying as to his need. He has 
 little admiration for the gullible housekeeper. If refused, he says 
 to himself: "She didn't fall for my yarn." I have lived several years 
 in the suburbs of New York on a farm, and commuted to my work
 
 THE TRAMP PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES. 183 
 
 in New York. We have refused many tramps, or offered them work, 
 and we have never suffered any physical harm. 
 
 Furthermore, the more violence that there might be, the stronger 
 is the argument for bringing about a change in the present nuisance. 
 We do know, from newspaper articles, of the physical violence 
 occasionally wreaked upon defenseless women. The best way to 
 overcome that danger is to deter the assailants from being in the coun- 
 try at all. And here the "tramp house" with work test attached 
 will be a potent local remedy. The state of Massachusetts in 1905 
 passed a drastic tramp law, providing, that able-bodied vagrants, 
 whenever lodged by a community, shall be required to render reason- 
 able work in return for food and lodging, which shall be adequate. 
 
 The result in one year was as follows: 
 
 In 1905, 89 almshouses lodged 23,341 vagrants. 
 In 1906, 6 1 almshouses lodged 7,900 vagrants. 
 In 1905, 17 towns lodged 2,711 vagrants. 
 In 1906, 17 towns lodged 254 vagrants. 
 
 Bringing history down to date, we find the comparative absence 
 of tramps at present to be the result of the rigid enforcement of the 
 tramp law. "It is the opinion of tramp officer Barrett that most of 
 the tramps who formerly infested Massachusetts in large numbers 
 cross over the state as quickly as they can from Connecticut or New 
 York to New Hampshire or Vermont. The state can readily be 
 crossed at almost any point in a day's travel over the roads. Rather 
 than take a chance of a term in a Massachusetts jail, the real tramps 
 hurry across the state to a point where the law is not so thoroughly 
 enforced." 1 
 
 The Massachusetts law further provides that if tramps are to be 
 lodged at all, they shall not be lodged in the almshouses in association 
 with the paupers. In short, the laws of the Bay State are well calcu- 
 lated to make it disagreeable to be a tramp, and the burden of my 
 argument in this paper is that that is the point of view we must adopt 
 in general. 
 
 Is this uncharitable ? In no sense. What are the facts ? The 
 tramp is of no use even to the moralist, for he has other horrible 
 examples from which he can draw his lessons and examples, fie is 
 not useful to the labor agitator, for the honest unemployed are suffi- 
 ciently numerous without the tramp. He is not useful to the charitable 
 societies as cases, or to the hospitals. lie is not useful to the prisons, 
 for he is the least susceptible of reformation. To whom is he useful ? 
 Not even to himself, for he is a miserable outcast. Then why should 
 we encourage his vice to get the better of his will by being indifferent 
 to the tramp problem ? If we are not to be indifferent, we can use but 
 one of two methods, gentle persuasion and charitable help, or rigorous 
 prosecution and drastic treatment. The gentle persuasion and the 
 charitable help are in my opinion generally failures; if they are not, 
 
 The Review, February, 1911.
 
 184 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 why have we not reduced vagrancy ? Any one will be apt to say 
 today that vagrancy is more widespread than five years ago. Gentle 
 persuasion and charitable help are useful in individual cases, and the 
 spirit of charity toward the fallen and the outcast should never cease 
 out of the land, but we must interpret what we mean by the spirit 
 of charity. To my mind real chanty in the problem of the tramp evil 
 means the reduction to the least possible point of bread lines, free 
 meals and lodgings given by missions, charity societies and prison 
 associations, and the elimination of private or public lodging houses 
 which give free lodging and meals without work tests, or their reor- 
 ganization into work-test lodging houses. In short, charity in the 
 cases of vagrancy means cutting ofF every chance for the individual 
 vagrant to find an excuse to continue his life of workshyness and 
 parasitism. 
 
 This sounds perhaps harsh and hostile, and so it would be, did not 
 my recommendations carry with them provision for constructive 
 assistance to the vagrant, which I shall shortly mention. I cannot 
 too strongly emphasize, however, the folly of looking with tolerance 
 and even pity upon the gradual descent of the vagrant into entire 
 uselessness, instead of performing a major operation upon him, if 
 necessarily early, an operation which while it will hurt and be drastic, 
 will not endanger life or even reasonable comfort, and will make him 
 literally "sit up and take notice" that life is not one wild ride from 
 city to city and one long series of idle days and debauched nights. 
 
 Returning now to our deterrent forces for the reduction of vagrancy, 
 I would put next the great desirability, and even necessity, of having 
 certain state officials to arrest and prosecute vagrants. The graphically 
 designated "tramp officer" is such a one. The state constabulary of 
 Pennsylvania are such. We must protect the rural communities from 
 the vicious wanderers of the highway. The village constable is no 
 person to prosecute tramps. In the first place, it is not his business 
 to be a patrolman, and secondly, the farmer who calls him in has to 
 pay fees for the arrest that he makes, if the laws of other sections of 
 the country are the same as those prevailing in the town in which my 
 small farm is located. A mounted constabulary is a great desidera- 
 tum. Foreign countries have such, and the vagrants and the beggars 
 shun them. 
 
 In the next place, persistent effort should be made in all states to do 
 away so far as possible by law with the short sentence and the idle jail. 
 This is not easy. New York has for years sought to establish reason- 
 able industries in the county penitentiaries, but those institutions 
 are under county management, which means often stupid political 
 indifference. So long as counties maintain winter resorts for idle 
 tramps, they can obtain a houseful without publishing any prospect- 
 uses. How ridiculous that the very persons who moan and burst 
 into denunciations about the burdens of tramps, are the very ones 
 often that show immovable indifference to the jail or penitentiary 
 problem as a penological question, or as anything except a plum for 
 the spoils system.
 
 THE TRAMP PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES. 185 
 
 I have outlined certain reasons for the continuance of the tramp 
 evil in the country. In the city which is not a subject for special dis- 
 cussion in this series on Rural Life, the lodging houses, the complacent 
 five-cent charity-monger on the street, the "rescue-and-advertised 
 results" missions, the municipal lodging houses without work tests, 
 the woodyard without other industrial features, and the lack of 
 cooperative efforts to deal with the vagrancy question on a large 
 scale and with differentiation of function, are some reasons why we 
 see fully as many vagrants now as we did some years ago. 
 
 What shall we do? Orgamzt the national vagrancy committee. 
 Get funds enough and a general secretary of sufficient caliber to 
 engineer a number of movements along the lines mentioned above. 
 The vagrancy business at present is often nobody's business. Its 
 ramifications are so many and so far reaching that the charity worker 
 naturally spends his energy on problems more local, nearer home. 
 If there is one problem that should be dealt with on a national basis, 
 it is the tramp problem. 
 
 In some states the problem has been forced to the front. New 
 York is fortunate in the group of social workers on public boards and 
 in private organizations who have urged successfully in recent years 
 not alone the tramp colony for habitual tramps and vagrants, but 
 also the establishment of a farm colony for inebriates by the city of 
 New York, and the removal of the city reformatory for misdemeanants 
 from New York city into the country. To catch the tramp young; 
 to cure him if possible of his drink habit; to impress upon him in a 
 tramp colony that tramping is a thing the "state of New York does 
 not intend longer to ignore; such are some of the recent moves in the 
 Empire State. 
 
 But, along constructive instead of deterrent lines, a national va- 
 grancy committee must make active studies. Inevitably there must 
 be developed in our country some comprehensive form of free employ- 
 ment bureaus, which will eliminate the excuse of vagrants that, being 
 down and out, there is no ready chance for them to get employment 
 a-jum. To the statement that charitable societies already try to 
 "bring the jobless man and the manlcss job" together, the answer 
 may be made that the general effort to find employment for the 
 unemployed should^be in appearance or in actuality a charitable ~~~+* 
 effort. 
 
 In connection with the development of free employment agencies 
 there should be lodgings at freauent intervals, that is, in contiguous 
 cities and communities where tne unemployed may eat and sleep, in 
 return for u-ork done. Never can we conscientiously prosecute the 
 intentially idle vagrant at all points until we establish the means of 
 temporary employment for him that will remove the plausible excuse 
 that he cannot find employment. 
 
 The "way-ticket" plan, adapted from the German identification 
 card, will be probably long in coming into the United States. It is 
 still repugnant to the great majority of citizens to consider being 
 tabbed or "mugged" and numbered. Such measures have been
 
 1 86 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 advocated, but their realization is far off. We cannot expect to control 
 the progress from city to city of the unemployed seeker for a job, as 
 is done in Germany. What we can do is to follow the general lead of 
 Massachusetts, and make the entertainment of the vagrant condi- 
 tional uppn separating such entertainment from that given to paupers, 
 and injreturn for work. 
 
 Along sanitary lines, we can do something by cleaning up the low 
 lodging houses, where the poorest and the most shiftless of the unemploy- 
 ed sleep and "hang out." Slowly the rules and regulations for common 
 lodging houses are being improved in may cities. New York city 
 has recently put in force a rather drastic series of rules and regulations 
 for the government of common lodging houses, after having received 
 the suggested rules in 1907 from two of the large charitable societies 
 of the city, which had compiled them from the experience of many 
 American and foreign cities. 
 
 A very tangible method of reducing vagrancy to some extent is 
 rigorously to prosecute begging on the streets or in public places. 
 Abroad, the courts make a careful distinction between begging in 
 localities where poor relief is obtainable and in places where it cannot 
 readily be obtained. In our large cities, poor relief for the homeless 
 is accessible, and there should be no toleration of the street mendicant. 
 New York city has suffered for several years from an increased 
 amount of mendicancy, due to the removal in 1906 of the mendicancy 
 squad that had under Mr. Forbes rendered such excellent service 
 to the city under the general control of the Charity Organization 
 Society. The street mendicant perverts the charitable impulse 
 without which society cannot maintain its philanthropic work. In 
 the country the beggar has a ground for his story of need, unless there 
 be in the neighborhood a place where he can find shelter and food 
 and work. 
 
 As I have said before, I shall not attempt to indicate the causes of 
 vagrancy. They are in general the same as the causes of poverty 
 plus, often, the strong desire to wander. The very most effective check 
 on vagrancy is the proper kind of education of the young during the 
 years from ten to twenty. The schools, the home, the church must all 
 do their part in preparing the youth for a reasonable, honest and 
 efficient life. Child labor, illness, mental defectiveness, congestion 
 of population, truancy, orphanage, inefficiency, low wages, overwork, 
 industrial accidents, diseases of occupation, the temptations of crime 
 seasonal and irregular trades all these causes and many more, 
 operate to produce the youthful tramp. When such influences gain 
 posession, the railroad is ready at hand to bear the boy from h'"s 
 hated surroundings to the wide, wide world beyond the horizon 
 a horizon often of dismal walls, and sooty chimneys, and slovenly 
 backyards. 
 
 Yes, we need a national committee to take up soberly and com- 
 prehensively the treatment of the problems of vagrancy. For nearly 
 a half century, responsible persons in our country have intermittently 
 emphasized the growing seriousness of the vagrancy problem. The
 
 Outdoor Work, Borstal Institution. Borstal. England 
 
 Cricket. Borstal Institution, Borstal. England
 
 THE TRAMP PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES. 187 
 
 so-called larger social movements are well under way. We have our 
 consumers' leagues, our national child labor committee, our national 
 committee for the study and prevention of tuberculosis, our national 
 housing committee, our national association of charity organization 
 societies, and even our national prisoners' aid association. There 
 remain for comprehensive national treatment the two leading causes 
 of commitment to penal institutions inebriety and vagrancy. The 
 two offenses against society frequently overlap. Should not the next 
 step, or one of the next steps, be the establishment of a national move- 
 ment to reduce one or both of these great social evils ? t
 
 umttg-ODtt? 
 
 12 fH0tt!lj0 lEn&ittg Srr*mb*r 31, 19 11 
 
 STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILITIES AT DATE OF DECEMBER 
 
 30, 1911 
 
 SCHEDULE "A" 
 
 ASSETS 
 Cash: 
 
 Treasurer's Fund: 
 
 Mechanics & Metals National 
 
 Bank $3,357 46 
 
 Endowment Funds on deposit 
 subject to transfer to U. S. 
 
 Trust Co 59 44 
 
 $3,416 90 
 General Secretary's Funds: 
 
 Bank of the Metropolis $19 63 
 
 Petty cash 109 83 
 
 129 46 
 Endowment Fund: 
 
 U. S. Trust Co 226 69 
 
 Reserve Fund: 
 New York Life Insurance & Trust Co .... 3, oio 43 
 
 Mary H. Brush Fund: 
 Union Trust Co 534 85 
 
 Total cash $7*318 33 
 
 Real estate (at cost) : 
 
 House and lot, 135 East I5th St 22,500 oo 
 
 Due from Napanoch reformatory ! 25 oo 
 
 Interest accrued or due: 
 
 Investments 658 96 
 
 Total assets $30,502 29 
 
 1 88
 
 TREASURER'S REPORT. 189 
 
 LIABILITIES 
 
 Accounts payable $42 1 62 
 
 Various Funds: 
 
 Endowment Fund $66,053 63 
 
 Less amount invested 65*767 50 
 
 Uninvested $286 13 
 
 Reserve Fund 3,010 43 
 
 Mary H. Brush Fund 3.034 85 
 
 Less amount invested 2,500 oo 
 
 Uninvested 534 85 
 
 Russell Sage Foundation 81 94 
 
 393 35 
 Special donations for relief (see Schedule " E ") . . $66 1 83 
 
 Funds held in trust for I. Lipschitz 8 oo 
 
 66983 
 
 Capital at date of December 31, 1910 $25,633 92 
 
 Loss for year ending December 30, 191 1 136 43 
 
 Capital at date of December 30, 1911. 2 5.497 49 
 
 Total liabilities $30,502 29 
 
 RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES FOR THE 12 MONTHS ENDING 
 DECEMBER 30, 191 1 
 
 SCHEDULE " B " 
 
 CURRENT FUNDS 
 
 Balance, December 31, 1910: 
 
 In Mechanics and Metals National Bank $44&7 94 
 
 Of which endowments afterward transferred 1.15* oo 
 
 In general secretary's hands 
 
 *3593 06 
 
 INCOME 
 
 Donations: 
 
 General $20,431 28 
 
 Special 1,558 19 
 
 Relief 618 oo 
 
 Library 75 oo 
 
 $22,682 47 
 Interest: 
 
 Investments S'.r-U 37 
 
 Bank balances 377 62 
 
 *,I3 99
 
 igo THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Reformatories: 
 
 New York State, Elmira $1,300 oo 
 
 Napanoch 300 oo 
 
 $1,600 oo 
 
 Terrace Garden entertainment 390 oo 
 
 Funds held in trust 364 oo 
 
 Transferred from Reserve Fund (net) 290 oo 
 
 Rents in 1910 136 50 
 
 Refunds 55 oo 
 
 $27,649 96 
 
 $31,243 02 
 
 EXPENDITURES 
 
 Special donations for relief $896 36 
 
 Funds held in trust 538 62 
 
 Terrace Garden entertainment 450 97 
 
 O. F. Lewis, European trip 400 oo 
 
 Russell Sage Foundation 194 58 
 
 D. E. Kimball, vacation 150 oo 
 
 Exchange on cheques 7 23 
 
 General secretary: # 2 >37 7 
 
 Salaries $7,686 75 
 
 Printing and stationery ^875 30 
 
 Postage !>633 40 
 
 Transportation, hotels and carfares, 473 02 
 
 Telegrams, telephone and messen- 
 ger 275 39 
 
 Office supplies 173 70 
 
 Library 162 56 
 
 Newspapers and periodicals 139 77 
 
 Sundries 49 66 
 
 Express and cartage 19 99 
 
 Furniture and fixtures 17 38 
 
 Conference membership and organ- 
 izations 17 oo 
 
 Photos and films 1412 
 
 Publicity 13 99 
 
 House: I2 >552 03 
 
 Salaries $434 oo 
 
 Repairs 422 44 
 
 Supplies 242 40 
 
 Light 228 10 
 
 Fuel 178 25 
 
 Insurance 136 25 
 
 Labor 98 75 
 
 Water 27 30 
 
 Express and cartage 35 
 
 Sundries 3 oo 
 
 Transportation and carfares ...... 80 
 
 J.774 79
 
 TREASURER'S REPORT 191 
 
 Parole bureau: 
 
 Salaries ........................ $4,336 90 
 
 Transportation, agents' expenses 
 
 and carfares .................. 374 14 
 
 Sundries ....................... 27 87 
 
 Labor ..................... .... 12 50 
 
 Express and cartage ............. i oo 
 
 Probation bureau: 
 
 Salaries ........................ $3,217 88 
 
 Transportation and agents' ex- 
 
 penses ....................... 162 28 
 
 3,380 1 6 
 Relief: 1 
 
 Food and meals ................. $973 05 
 
 Rent .......................... 854 12 
 
 Sundries ....................... 299 OO 
 
 Labor for and by applicants ...... 103 67 
 
 Clothing ....................... loo 95 
 
 Medical and surgical ............ 80 75 
 
 Transportation and carfares ...... 76 01 
 
 Tools .......................... 56 25 
 
 Mrs. S. J. Atwood, employment 
 
 agency ....................... 50 20 
 
 Pensions ....................... 18 oo 
 
 Agency fees ................... 13 oo 
 
 Coal ........................... 12 oo 
 
 Loans ......................... ii 85 
 
 Laundry ....................... ' 10 10 
 
 $2,658 95 
 
 $27,756 10 
 
 $3,486 92 
 
 Balance, December 30, 1911: 
 
 In Mechanics and Metals National 
 
 Bank ................ $3.46 90 
 
 Of which, endowment funds, sub- 
 ject to transfer to U. S. Trust Co. 59 44 
 
 *3.3$7 46 
 In general secretary's hands: 
 
 Bank of the Metropolis ...... $19 63 
 
 Petty cash ............ ,. . 109 83 
 
 129 46 
 
 $3,486 91 
 
 See also firrt item under eiprndilurrt, p. 190
 
 192 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 
 Ui 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 13 -0 
 
 - E 
 
 i 5s 
 
 Q 
 
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 TREASURER'S REPORT. 
 
 '93 
 
 CONDITION OP THE VARIOUS FUNDS AT DECEMBER 30, 1911. 
 SCHEDULE " D " 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE ENDOWMENT FUND 
 
 Balance at credit of fund, December 3 1, 1910 ................. $32,166 24 
 
 Received from donors ...................................... 33.^5 
 
 Received from United States Trust Co., interest (transferred 
 
 below) ............................................... 22526 
 
 Received from United States Trust Co., interest (not trans- 
 
 ferred) ................................................. "39 
 
 566,278 89 
 Transferred to treasurer's fund .............................. 225 26 
 
 Balance at date of December 30, 1911: 
 On deposit in United States Trust Co .......... $226 69 
 
 On deposit in Mechanics and Metals National 
 
 Bank 59 44 
 
 Invested (per Schedule "C"). .. 65,767 50 
 
 $66,053 63 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE RESERVE FUND 
 
 Balance at credit of fund, December 31, 19 10 ................. $3 2 55 5 
 
 Received from New York Life Insurance & Trust Co., interest 
 
 (transferred below) .................................... 49 37 
 
 Received from New York Life Insurance & Trust Co., interest 
 
 (not transferred) ....................................... 44 93 
 
 $3,349 80 
 Transferred to treasurer's fund ................ $1,790 oo 
 
 Transferred to treasurer's fund, interest ........ 49 37 
 
 *'.839 37 
 Transferred from Treasurer's fund ............ 1,500 oo 
 
 - 339 37 
 
 Balance at date of December 30, 1911, on deposit in New York 
 Life Insurance & Trust Co ..................... $3,010 43 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE MARY H. BRUSH FUND 
 
 Balance at credit of fund, December 31, 1910 ............ $3,058 36 
 
 Received from Union Trust Co., interest (transferred below).. 44 63 
 
 Received from Union Trust Co., interest (not transferred).. .. 34 85 
 
 *3,37 84 
 
 Transferred to treasurer's fund, interest ..... $58 36 
 
 Interest ............................ 44 63 
 
 3
 
 IQ4 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Balance at date of December 30, 1911: 
 
 On deposit in the Union Trust Co $534 &5 
 
 Invested, per Schedule "C" 2,500 oo 
 
 #3,34 8 5 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION FUND 
 
 Balance at credit of fund, December 31, 1910 $276 52 
 
 Expenditures 194 58 
 
 Balance at credit of fund, December 30, 1911 $8 1 94 
 
 We hereby certify that we have examined the books, accounts and vouchers 
 of the Prison Association of New York for the fiscal year ending December 30, 
 1911, and that the above statement is correct. 
 
 TOWNSFND, DlX AND YALE, 
 
 Accountants
 
 i t'r }J;i t nut ii. 
 
 (EontribultottB of $500 or More at (Onr Stair. 
 
 Barbey, Mrs. Henry I. 
 
 Benjamin, Mrs. Eastburn. 
 
 Billings, Frederick. 
 
 Brewster, Robert B. 
 
 Brown, M. Bayard. 
 
 Clarke, F. Ambrose. 
 
 Dodge, Cleveland H. 
 
 Gold, Cornelius B. 
 
 Harkness, E. S. 
 
 Harrah, Charles J. 
 
 James, Arthur Curtis. 
 
 James, Mrs. D. Willis. 
 
 Lewisohn, The Misses Alice & Irene. 
 
 " M. G. S." 
 
 McHarg, Henry K. 
 Phipps, Henry. 
 Pyne, Percy R. 
 Rhinelander, Miss Serena. 
 Rockefeller, John D. 
 Sage, Mrs. Dean. 
 Schiff, Jacob H. 
 Schiff, Mortimer L. 
 Scott, William H. 
 Stetson, Francis Lynde. 
 Stewart, Lispenard. 
 Thome, Samuel. 
 Tiffany, L. C. 
 Wocrishoffer. Mrs. Anna. 
 
 9$
 
 Hifr 
 
 Sg CCnntrtbutt0na of #100 at it* 
 
 Agnew, A. G. 
 * Archer, George B. 
 Astor, Mrs. John Jacob. 
 Baker, George F. 
 Barhydt, Mrs. P. Hackley. 
 Billings, Mrs. Frederick. 
 Bishop, David Wolfe. 
 Bliss, Miss Catherine A. 
 Bowdoin, George S. 
 Bowen, Mrs. Harry S. 
 Brown, Alexander H. 
 Brown, James. 
 Brownell, Miss Matilda A. 
 Bruce, Miss Sarah E. 
 Bull, H. K. 
 " C. C." 
 " C P S " 
 Caldwell, Samuel B. 
 Carnegie, Andrew 
 Carnegie, Mrs. T. M. 
 Caswell, John. 
 Chapman, Mrs. John J. 
 Chisolm, B. Ogden. 
 Chisolm, W. E. 
 Choate, Joseph H. 
 Clark, Edward Severin. 
 Clark, Mrs. Stephen C. 
 Cooper, James Fennimore. 
 Conger, A. B. 
 Connor, W. E. 
 Corning, H. K. 
 Crimmins, John D. 
 Cromwell, James W. 
 Crosby, William B. 
 Cutting, R. Fulton. 
 De Forest, Henry W. 
 Dickie, E. P. 
 Dodge, D. Stuart. 
 Du Bois, Miss Katharine. 
 Duncan, William B. 
 Ehret, George. 
 Einstein, Edward. 
 Emmons, Arthur B. 
 Fraser, George S. 
 Frazier, Mrs. Clara D. 
 Gerry, Elbridge T. 
 Gerry, Peter G. 
 Gilman, William G. 
 Gilman, Winthrop S. 
 Gould, Edwin. 
 Gould, Miss Helen M. 
 Grace Church. 
 Hadden, Alexander M. 
 
 * Deceased. 
 
 Haggin, J. B. 
 Halkett, Baroness S. 
 Hall, Mrs. Bolton. 
 Hill, Frederick T. 
 Hearn, James A. and Son. 
 Howland, Joseph. 
 Howland, Mrs. Joseph. 
 Howland, Meredith. 
 Hyde, Mrs. Clarence M. 
 Jackson, Samuel Macauley. 
 Jameson, E. C. 
 Johnson, Arthur G. 
 Johnson Gilbert H. 
 Johnson, James W. 
 Jones, James H. 
 Juilliard, Mrs. A. D. 
 Keene, James R. 
 Keteltas, Miss Alice. 
 Kunhardt, W. B. 
 " L. B. G." 
 
 Langdon, Woodbury G. 
 Lawrence, Mrs. Samuel. 
 Lenox, Miss. 
 Livingston, Johnston. 
 Livingston, Miss Julia. 
 Lorillard, Pierre. 
 Low, William G. 
 McClymonds, Mrs. L. K. 
 McCurdy, Richard A. 
 McLanahan, Mrs. C. L. 
 McLane, Allen. 
 Marshall, Louis. 
 Mead, J. H. 
 
 Minturn, Mrs. Robert B. 
 Moore, Mrs. W. H. 
 Morgan, Mrs. David P. 
 Morgan, George D. 
 Murtland, Samuel. 
 National Humane Alliance. 
 O'Connor, Thomas H. 
 Olmsted, Mrs. C. L. 
 Olyphant, R. M. 
 Osborn, William Church. 
 Parrish, Daniel. 
 Peabody, George Foster. 
 Penfold, Miss Josephine. 
 Perkins, George W. 
 Peters, E. D. 
 Pratt, Herbert L. 
 Pullen, John A. 
 Rand, George C. 
 Reed, Latham, G. * 
 Rhinelander, W. C. 
 
 196
 
 LIFE MEMBERS. 
 
 Robh, J. Hampdcn. Thomas. Scth E. 
 
 St. Thomas Church. Thorne, Jonathan. 
 
 Sam-. Dean. Trevor. Mrs. J. B. 
 
 Sage, William H. Van Dyke. Henry I. 
 
 Swnpno, Joseph. Van Gerbig. Mrs. B. 
 
 Schennerhorn, P. Augustus. Van Ingcn. E. H. 
 
 If, Miss Grace. Van Rensselaer. Alexander. 
 
 Seaman. Lloyd. Warburg. Felix. 
 
 Sellew. T. G. Ward. George C. 
 
 Shaw. Mrs. Francis George. Ward. J. Seely. 
 
 Shi-afe, Mrs. Mary. Webb. William Seward. 
 
 Shipman. C. H. Westinghouse. Church. Kerr ft Cb. 
 
 Slayback. John D. Wcston, R. W. 
 
 Sloane. Samuel. Whitney. H. P. 
 
 Smith, Eugene. White, Alfred T. 
 
 SjH-noer, Mrs. Catherine. White. Mrs. Joseph M. 
 
 Stillman, Miss Charlotte R. Wilson. Mrs. H. S. 
 
 Stillman. Mrs. T. S. Wood. I. Walter. 
 
 Stokt-s. Anson Phclps. Wood. William. 
 
 Stone, Miss Annie. Woodin, W. H. 
 
 Strong. Miss Alice E. Zabriskie. Mrs. George. 
 TarlicH, H. S. 
 
 tiff ffirmbrrB. 
 
 '97 
 
 Vy (Contribution* of $50 at (Onr etmr. 
 
 A Friend. Ferguson, Mrs. Farquhar. 
 
 Adler, Felix. Field, B. H. 
 
 Andrews, Constant A. Foster, James Jr. 
 
 Arnold. Edward W. C. Fraser. Airs. George S. 
 
 Astor, W. W. Frost, Aaron V. 
 
 Bi-lmont, August. Gallatin, Mrs. A. H. 
 
 Bigelow, Mrs. Lucius H. Gallatin. Albert. 
 
 Bliss, Cornelius N. Geer. Mrs. Walter. 
 
 Bliss, Ernest C. Gilman. Arthur. 
 
 Bliss, Mrs. Robert W. Gray. Horace. 
 
 Booth, W. A. Hacklt-y. Mrs. C. B. 
 
 Borg, Simon. Hall, \lrs. John. 
 
 Brown, Stewart. Halliday, E. C. 
 
 Bulkley. Mrs. Edwin M. Halliday. Mrs. B. C. 
 
 Campljcll, Mrs. Henry G. Halsted. Miss A. B. 
 
 Chisolm. Mrs. William E. Harkness. Mrs. Stephen V. 
 
 Coffin, Edmund. Havemeyer, J. C. 
 
 Coleman, N. T. Hawley.'john S. 
 
 Colgate. William. Healy. A. Augustus. 
 
 Corse, Israel. Heinsheimcr, Alfred M. 
 
 Cotter, Mrs. Charles Henry. Hem-ken. Mrs. Albert G. 
 
 Coxe, Mrs. Da vies. Herrick, E. 
 
 Crane, Albert. Holden. James C. 
 
 Cronman, W. A., and Brother Horne, James. 
 
 Cutting. R. Bayard. Hublwrd. Thomas H. 
 
 " Crown." Hunt. Thomas. 
 
 Dean, Miss E. A. Huntington. Henry. 
 
 Dinsmore. Mrs. W. B. Hurd. R. M. 
 
 Dodge. William E. Jr. Hutdunion, Jt>hn Willwm. 
 
 Douglas. lames. Hyde. Fmlcrick E. 
 
 Duncan. Miss Amy L. Irvin. Riclianl. \ 
 
 Ellis. William D. lardine. IXnlky. 
 
 Engs, P. W. lup. Mrs. Morris K. 
 
 Evans, Hartman K. Johnson, Alexander S.
 
 198 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Jones, Edward. 
 Jones, James J. 
 Kidder, Mrs. A. M. 
 Kissam, Samuel H. 
 Landon, Francis G. 
 Langton, John. 
 Leffingwell, R. C. 
 Le Roy, J. R. 
 Lichtenstadter, Samuel. 
 Lobenstine, William C. 
 Lockwood, Homer N. 
 Lowery, J. S. 
 Lydig, David. 
 McMillian, Emerson. 
 Maghee, Mrs. S. P. 
 Maxwell, Mrs. Robert. 
 Metcalf , Brothers & Co. 
 Milbank, Mrs. Joseph. 
 Moore, W. H. H. 
 Moore & Schley. 
 Morgan, Miss C. L. 
 Morgan, Mr. & Mrs. J. P. Jr. 
 Morris, Henry Lewis. 
 Mortimer, Mrs. W. Y. 
 Mott, William F. 
 Nelson, Mrs. Charles N. 
 Neustadter, Henry. 
 Olyphant, David. 
 Osborne, Thomas W. 
 Parish, Henry. 
 Parish, Miss Susan D. 
 Parks, Leighton. 
 Parsons, Mrs. Edwin. 
 Pearl, Mrs. Frederick W. 
 Phelps, Mrs. William W. 
 Philbin, Eugene A. 
 Potter, Howard. 
 Prosser, Thomas. 
 Raht, Charles. 
 Ray, Robert. 
 Richard, Miss Elvine. 
 Risley, G. H. 
 Robbins, George A. 
 Roberts, Miss Elizabeth W. 
 Robertson, R. H. 
 Root, Charles. 
 Rothschild, Brothers & Co. 
 
 Roland, Thomas F. 
 
 Satterlee, Mr. and Mrs. Herbert L. 
 
 Schenck, Frederick B. 
 
 Schermerhorn, W. C. 
 
 Scott, George S. 
 
 See, Alonzo B. 
 
 Seillierre, Baroness. 
 
 Seligman, Isaac N. 
 
 Sheldon, James O. 
 
 Sherman, Austin. 
 
 Sherman, B. B. 
 
 Sicher, D. F. 
 
 Simpson, John W. 
 
 Sloane, Mr. and Mrs. William D. 
 
 Smith, Cornelius. 
 
 Speyer, Leo. 
 
 Steers, James R. 
 
 Stevens, Frederick K. 
 
 Stewart, John. 
 
 Stokes, J. G. Phelps. 
 
 Stokes, Oliver E. P. 
 
 Stone, Miss Ellen J. 
 
 Sutton, James F. 
 
 Talbot, Charles W. 
 
 Taylor, Lloyd. 
 
 Terry, I. L. 
 
 Thompson, Mrs. Frederick F. 
 
 Trumbull, Frank. 
 
 Tucker, Allen. 
 
 Tucker, Samuel A. 
 
 Van Nest, Abram. 
 
 Van Norden, Warner. 
 
 Van Winkle, Miss M. D. 
 
 Virgin, S. H. 
 
 Van Wagenen, Bleecker. 
 
 Walker, W. 
 
 Ward, A. 
 
 Watson, Mrs. James S. 
 
 Wetmore, Samuel. 
 
 White, John J. 
 
 Willard, Mrs. Laura. 
 
 Winthrop, Mrs. E. V. S. 
 
 Winthrop, Egerton L. 
 
 Wood, W. H. S. 
 
 Woolsey, Mr. and Mrs. E. J. 
 
 Wurts-Dundas, Ralph. 
 
 Zabriskie, Andrew C.
 
 (Cnntriiwtiira' tint 
 tiff tyar Enbtng Urrrmlirr 31, 1911. 
 
 (EonlrihuttouB prrrrftrft bg namr onlg art for Ihr Ointrral jFum\ (Other rontrt- 
 
 hutiuttH arr murkrft <u fullnuiP: < far (Crnturg JFunb. E tar En&avmrnt 
 
 Juno. & far &prr<al JFtmo. 
 
 Abbott, Lyrnan 
 
 Achclis, Fritz 
 
 Achelis, John 
 
 Acker, Henry 
 
 Ackerman, Ernest R 
 
 Adams, C. J 
 
 Adams, Mrs. C. Thayer. . . . 
 
 Adams, Daniel C 
 
 Adler, Felix 
 
 Adler, Felix 
 
 Adler, Isaac 
 
 Adler, Jacob & Co 
 
 Adriance, H. E 
 
 Agnew, A. G 
 
 Aikman, Walter M 
 
 Aldrich, Mrs. James Her- 
 man 
 
 Aldrich, Mrs. Richard 
 
 Aldrich, Mrs. Sherwood .... 
 Alexander, Mrs. Andrew J. . 
 Alexander, Mrs. Charles B. . 
 
 Alexander, George 
 
 Allen, Mrs. Paul 
 
 Alley, James C 
 
 Alley, Miss M. Ida 
 
 Alsop, Reese F 
 
 Altmayer, Mrs. A. E 
 
 Amerman, Miss M. F 
 
 Amos, Waldo Adams 
 
 Anderson, A. J. C 
 
 Andrews, Constant A 
 
 Andrews, George W 
 
 Ansbacher. Mrs. L. A 
 
 Anthony, E. G 
 
 Appel, S. &Co 
 
 Arkay Rubber Co 
 
 Arkenburgh, Mrs. E. J 
 
 Armstrong, Russell 
 
 Arnold, Edward W. C 
 
 Arnold. Mrs. Glover C 
 
 Arnstein, Mrs. Eugene 
 
 Arnstein, Mrs. Leo 
 
 Arthur, Miss L. Louise 
 
 Ashforth, Mrs. Frida 
 
 Asiel, Miss Estclle 
 
 Astor, Mrs. John Jacob. . . . 
 Atterbury, Mrs. L. B 
 
 $ 5 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 S 10 oo 
 
 2 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 50 
 
 8 oo 
 
 I OO 
 10 00 
 
 S 50 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 I OO 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 S i oo 
 5 oo 
 i oo 
 10 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 1 00 
 
 3 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 2 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 50 oo 
 
 1 OO 
 S 2 00 
 
 2 OO 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 10 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 
 10 OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 100 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Atterbury, T. T 
 
 Atterbury, Miss Mary S 
 
 Auchincloss, Mrs. E. S 
 
 Auchincloss, Mrs. E. S S 
 
 Auchincloss, Mrs. E. S. Jr. . 
 
 Auchincloss. John W 
 
 Auerbach, Joseph S S 
 
 Auchmuty, Mrs. R. T 
 
 Austen, Mrs. Valle 
 
 Austin, Mr. & Mrs. Francis 
 
 B 
 
 Austin, Nichols & Co 
 
 Ayres, Mrs. Charles G 
 
 B 
 
 Babcock, H. D S 
 
 Babcock, Miss Maria 
 
 Backus, Charles D 
 
 Bacon, Daniel 
 
 Bacon, Mrs. F. McN. Jr.. . . 
 
 Baerwald, Mrs. Paul S 
 
 Bailey, Mrs. Theodoras. . . . 
 
 Baird, Miss Jeanette 
 
 Baird, John S S 
 
 Baker, George F 
 
 Bakewell, Allan C 
 
 Baldwin, Samuel W 
 
 Baldwin, Miss Theodora.. . . 
 
 Baldwin. W. D 
 
 Balfe, Harry 
 
 Balfour, Williamson & Co. . 
 
 Ballard, Mrs. Edward L 
 
 Ballard, Stephen, Rubber 
 
 Co 
 
 Ballctto, A 
 
 Bamliergcr, Alfred H 
 
 Bamberger, Harry 
 
 Bangs, Dr. L. Bolton 
 
 Bangs, Miss Lois A 
 
 Banks, Tames Lenox 
 
 Banks, Mrs. James Lenox... 
 
 Banks, Lenox 
 
 Barber & Co 
 
 Barbour, Robert 
 
 Barclay, Mrs. Tomes L 
 
 Barclay, Mrs. Sackett M . . . 
 
 Barker, Mrs. F S 
 
 Barker, Mrs. P. D 
 
 $25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 20 OO 
 2O OO 
 15 00 
 
 25 oo 
 
 20 OO 
 
 25 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 I OO 
 
 10 OO 
 
 I OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 I 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 1 00 
 
 2 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 3 oo 
 
 2 00 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 3 oo 
 
 199
 
 200 
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST. 
 
 Barker, Miss M. C 5 
 
 Barlow, Mrs. Charles 
 
 Barnes, A. V 
 
 Barnes, Charles B S 
 
 Barnes, Edward W 
 
 Barnes, Mrs. H. W 
 
 Barnes, Reon 
 
 Barnes, Richard S 
 
 Barnett, Maurice 
 
 Barnum, Miss Laura C 
 
 Barnum, Mrs. W. M S 
 
 Barrett, Charles E 
 
 Bartlet, Mrs. H. P 
 
 Bartow, Nevett S 
 
 Bates, Alexander C 
 
 Bates, Mrs. B. F 
 
 Bates, Mrs. Harry O 
 
 Bat jer, Henry 
 
 Batjer & Co 
 
 Battershall, W. W 
 
 Battey, Trull & Co 
 
 Battie, Miss Annie L S 
 
 Battin, Mrs. Sylvester S. . . . 
 
 Battle, George Gordon 
 
 Bayer, Edwin S 
 
 Baylies, Mrs. N. E 
 
 Baylis, Miss Mary. ........ 
 
 Baylis, William 
 
 Beach, E. J. & Co 
 
 Beach, Warren C 
 
 Beadleston, Miss Edith S 
 
 Beall, Mrs. L. L. S 
 
 Beard, Curtis J 
 
 Beard, Mrs. William H 
 
 Beatty, A. Chester 
 
 Bechstein, Augustus E 
 
 Beck, B. J 
 
 Beckhard, Martin 
 
 Beddall, Mrs. Edward F 
 
 Bedford, Fred T 
 
 Beebe, Mrs. C. E 
 
 Beebe, Mrs. C. E S 
 
 Beeckman, Miss Martha C. . 
 
 Beekman, John N 
 
 Beer, Mrs. G. L 
 
 Beer, Mrs. Julius 
 
 Behr, Edward 
 
 Behr, Herman, & Co 
 
 Beinhauer, Mrs. F 
 
 Belais, David 
 
 Belknap, W. E 
 
 Beller, A 
 
 Beller, Mrs. A 
 
 Beller, William F 
 
 Belloni, Mrs. Louis J 
 
 Belloni, Miss Sadie H 
 
 Belmont, August & Co. ... 
 
 Bement, Miss Harriet 
 
 Bendheim, A. D 
 
 Bendheim, Henry 
 
 Benedict, Mrs. Coleman. . . . 
 
 Benedict, Edward 
 
 Benedict, Eliot S S 
 
 ; i oo Benedict, Miss Lydia 
 
 3 oo Benjamin, Mrs. Eastburn. . . 
 
 5 oo Benjamin, Eugene S 
 
 i oo Benjamin, Mrs. J. J 
 
 i oo Benjamin, Morris W 
 
 10 oo Benkard, Mrs. J. Philip. . . . 
 
 5 oo Bennett, William R 
 
 10 oo Benson, Miss Mary A 
 
 10 oo Bentley, Mrs. John 
 
 10 oo Bentley, Miss Meta E 
 
 20 oo Benton, Andrew A 
 
 i oo Benzer, F 
 
 5 oo Benziger, Louis G S 
 
 i oo Berringer, Jacob 
 
 1 oo Betts, Edward H 
 
 5 oo Bewer, Julius A 
 
 5 oo Bier, Mrs. Sylvan 
 
 10 oo Bigelow, Lucius H 
 
 10 oo Bigelow, Mrs. L. H 
 
 5 oo Billings, Charles M 
 
 5 oo Billings, Miss Elizabeth .... 
 
 2 oo Billings, Mrs. Frederick .... 
 
 i oo Billings, Mrs. Frederick . . . . S 
 
 5 oo Billings, Frederick 
 
 5 oo Bing. Alexander M 
 
 10 oo Bingham, Theodore A 
 
 5 oo Bippart, Achille 
 
 1 oo Birckhead, Hugh 
 
 5 oo Bird, Mrs. Stafford 
 
 5 oo Bischofsheimer, H. S 
 
 5 oo Bishop, David Wolfe 
 
 2 oo Blair, B. F 
 
 2 oo Blair, Mrs. D. C 
 
 20 oo Blair & Co 
 
 10 oo Blakeman, Mrs. Birdseye... 
 
 25 oo Blandy, Mrs. Graham F. . . . 
 
 3 oo Bliss, Miss Catherine A. ... C 
 10 oo Bliss, Ernest C 
 
 5 oo Bliss, William H 
 
 10 oo Bloch, Adolph 
 
 1 50 Blood, Samuel S 
 
 2 oo Blumenthal, George 
 
 2 oo Boardman, Miss R. C 
 
 15 oo Bodenheimer, Henry 
 
 10 oo Boettger, Henry W 
 
 5 oo Bogart, Charles W 
 
 2 oo Bogart, John B 
 
 5 oo Bogert, Miss Isabel 
 
 5 oo Bolton, R. W 
 
 10 oo Bonbright, Irving W 
 
 5 oo Bond, Mrs. A. H 
 
 2 oo Bond, John M 
 
 2 ' oo Bonner, G. T 
 
 5 oo Bookman, Mrs. Jacob 
 
 5 oo Booraem, J. V. V 
 
 2 oo Borden, Alfred 
 
 25 oo Borg, Simon, & Co 
 
 2 oo Boskowitz, Adolph 
 
 10 oo Bourne, Miss Emily H 
 
 10 oo Bowdoin, George S C 
 
 i oo Bowers, O. H 
 
 5 oo Bowne, Mrs. Robert S 
 
 3 oo Boynton, Mrs. Theodore V. . 
 
 3 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 I OO 
 I OO 
 
 00 
 
 1 OO 
 
 2 OO 
 I OO 
 I OO 
 I OO 
 
 5 oo 
 25 oo 
 15 oo 
 
 I 00 
 I 00 
 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 15 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 9 97 
 
 1 OO 
 IOO OO 
 
 2 00 
 
 15 oo 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IOO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 20 OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 10 00 
 
 3 oo 
 
 20 oo 
 
 10 00 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 250 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 00 
 I 00
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST. 
 
 201 
 
 Braokett, George C $10 oo 
 
 Bradt-n, William 10 oo 
 
 Bradford, Mrs. W. H 20 oo 
 
 Bradley, E. L 5 OO 
 
 Braine, Mrs. Theodore 10 oo 
 
 Brand, Herman I oo 
 
 Brandies, Arthur D 2 oo 
 
 Braue, I. A 2 oo 
 
 Brazier, Miss Emma J 5 oo 
 
 Brennan, Mrs. Michael 3 oo 
 
 Brennei-ke, George 1 oo 
 
 Breslin. Miss Evelyn 3 oo 
 
 Brettell, George W 2 oo 
 
 Brewer, Mrs. George 
 
 Emerson 1500 
 
 Brewster, Robert S E i ,000 oo 
 
 Brickelmaier, J. B 5 oo 
 
 Bridgham, Miss Emily C. . . 5 oo 
 
 Bridgman, Mrs. C. De Witt. i oo 
 
 Bridgman, Oliver B I oo 
 
 Brinkerhoff, Alexander G. . . 5 oo 
 
 Bristol, John I. D 500 
 
 Brittain, William F 2 oo 
 
 Brokaw, George T S 200 oo 
 
 Brooks, Miss B. G 10 oo 
 
 Brooks, Thomas J 500 
 
 Browcr, William L 10 oo 
 
 Brown, Miss Elizabeth 5 oo 
 
 Brown, Mrs. F. Q 5 oo 
 
 Brown, Mrs. Frederick 5 oo 
 
 Tilden 5 oo 
 
 Brown, Mrs. George 
 
 Alexander I oo 
 
 Brown, Irving Swan 2 oo 
 
 Brown, Joseph E 10 oo 
 
 Brown, M. Bayard 250 oo 
 
 Brown, Miss Margery 5 oo 
 
 Brown, Robert 1 500 
 
 Brown, S. Seeley 10 oo 
 
 Brown, Miss Stewart i oo 
 
 Brown, Thomas R 500 
 
 Brown, William Adams 5 oo 
 
 Brown, Mrs. William 
 
 Reynolds 3 oo 
 
 Browne, H. B 3 oo 
 
 Browne, Louis L 200 
 
 Browne, T. Quincey Jr 5 oo 
 
 Brownell, Miss Matilda A. . 250 oo 
 
 Bruce, Miss Sarah E 100 oo 
 
 Brucker, Carl 10 oo 
 
 Brunswick, Mrs. Emanucl. . 7 oo 
 
 Brush, W. Franklin 5 oo 
 
 Bryce, Mrs. Lloyd S 10 oo 
 
 Bryce, Miss Mary T 5 oo 
 
 Brydges, Mrs. Ralph L I oo 
 
 Bucknall. Mrs. Henry 10 oo 
 
 Buckner, Thomas A 10 oo 
 
 Bulkley, Edwin M 25 oo 
 
 Bulklcy, Edwin M S 20 oo 
 
 Bulkley. Mrs. Edwin M 2$ oo 
 
 Bulkley. L. Duncan 10 oo 
 
 Bull. Alfred M I oo 
 
 Bollock, Mrs. C. A I oo 
 
 Bunker, William $10 oo 
 
 Burl >;ink, A. N 10 oo 
 
 Burdick. Miss A. Van E S 2 oo 
 
 Burlingham. Charles C 10 oo 
 
 Burnett, C. H 5 oo 
 
 Burnham, Mrs. L. S i oo 
 
 Burns, A. L 2 oo 
 
 Busch, Briton N 25 oo 
 
 Butler, Charles Stewart . . . . S 5 oo 
 
 Butler, Edward D i oo 
 
 Butler, Miss Emily 5 oo 
 
 Butler, Miss Harriet A 5 oo 
 
 Butler, Miss Helen C 5 oo 
 
 Butler. Howard Russell .... 3 oo 
 
 Butler. Willard Parker 5 oo 
 
 Butler, Mrs. William Allen.. 5 oo 
 
 Butler Bros 25 oo 
 
 Butterick, Miss Mary E 10 oo 
 
 Butterworth, Mrs. George F. 5 oo 
 
 Butterworth. William H. . . . 3 oo 
 
 Byrne, James 5 oo 
 
 Cady, E. E 5 oo 
 
 Cahen, I. J < < 
 
 Caiman, Mrs. Emma 5 oo 
 
 Calvary Church Arch- 
 deaconry Committee 15 oo 
 
 Cammann, Henry J 2 oo 
 
 Cammann, Mrs. Henry L. . . 5 oo 
 
 Cammann, Miss I. M 5 oo 
 
 Cammann, Miss K. L 5 oo 
 
 Camp, Elisha K I oo 
 
 Campbell, James R > OO 
 
 Campbell, R. M i oo 
 
 Campbell, William M 5 oo 
 
 Canda, Miss Angelina 2 oo 
 
 Canda, Mrs. Catherine E. . . 5 oo 
 
 Canda, Miss Emcline A .... S 2 oo 
 
 Canfield. Miss E lith C 2 50 
 
 Cannon, Miss Elizabeth .... > 
 
 Cannon. Mrs. Sylvanus T.. . 2 oo 
 
 Carey, Samuel 10 oo 
 
 Carlebach Mrs. E l oo 
 
 Carnegie, Andrew 100 oo 
 
 Carnegie, Mrs. T. M IOO OO 
 
 Carpenter. Mrs. Miles B 20 oo 
 
 Carrere & Hastings 25 oo 
 
 Carter, Mrs. A S 200 
 
 Carter, Ernest T 5 oo 
 
 Carter, Robert A 10 oo 
 
 Carter, Samuel T 10 oo 
 
 Carters' Ink Co 5 oo 
 
 Cary, Miss Kate 10 oo 
 
 Cary. Spencer C S 500 
 
 Case, Mrs. Clinton P 3 oo 
 
 Case. Mrs. George B to oo 
 
 Caw. Henry Phelpjs 10 oo 
 
 Castrce. Miss Louise 5 OO 
 
 Catlin &Co | 00 
 
 Cauldwcll, Mrs. Thomas W.. 
 
 Cauldwcll. Mrs. W. A 500 
 
 Century Co 2500
 
 202 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Chaff ee, Amasa Day ,$ 5 oo 
 
 Chandler, Porter R I oo 
 
 Chapin, Miss Jennie E 2 oo 
 
 Chapman, Miss Flora I oo 
 
 Chapman, Mrs. H. G 5 oo 
 
 Chapman, Miss I. M 10 oo 
 
 Chapman, Mrs. John Jay.. . 25 oo 
 
 Chapman, Miss Mary W . . . 3 oo 
 
 Chappell, F. H 5 oo 
 
 Charles & Co 5 oo 
 
 Chauncey, Miss Lucy 12 oo 
 
 Chesebrough, Robert A .... 5 oo 
 
 Chester, William F 5 oo 
 
 Child, Miss Ruth A 3 oo 
 
 Chisolm, B. Ogden 25 oo 
 
 Chisolm, George 25 oo 
 
 Chisolm, Mrs. William E . . . 50 oo 
 
 Choate, Joseph H 100 oo 
 
 Christ Church 25 oo 
 
 Christian, E. D 2 oo 
 
 Church, Charles T 5 oo 
 
 Church of the Covenant 
 
 Sunday School 10 oo 
 
 Clark, Miss Ella Mabel. ... 10 oo 
 
 Clark, F. Ambrose 100 oo 
 
 Clark, Mrs. Stephen C S 50 oo 
 
 Clark, W. Irving 10 oo 
 
 Clark, Walter H S 2 oo 
 
 Clarke, A. Keeney 5 oo 
 
 Clarke, E. A. S 2 oo 
 
 Clarke, Lewis L 10 oo 
 
 Clarke, Miss Madge S 10 oo 
 
 Clarkson, Banyer 10 oo 
 
 Clausen, G. U 10 oo 
 
 Clements, Mrs. Caroline D. . 5 oo 
 
 Cleveland, Mrs. Charles D.. 10 oo 
 
 Close, Miss Frances H 5 oo 
 
 Cluett, George B 25 oo 
 
 Clyde, George W 500 
 
 Clyde, William P 25 oo 
 
 Cochran, W. H S I oo 
 
 Coe, Henry C 10 oo 
 
 Coe, E. B 10 oo 
 
 Coffin, C. A 25 oo 
 
 Coffin & Co 5 oo 
 
 Coghill, Miss S. A 5 oo 
 
 Coit, John T 300 
 
 Cole, M. Douglas 5 oo 
 
 Coleman, Charles P i oo 
 
 Coleman, Miss Mary Emma. 2 oo 
 
 Coles, J. Ackerman i oo 
 
 Coley, William B 500 
 
 Colfax, Albert E i oo 
 
 Colgate, Gilbert 10 oo 
 
 Colgate, Miss Roberta 10 oo 
 
 Colgate, William 50 oo 
 
 Collins, Charles 20 oo 
 
 Collins, Miss Ellen 50 oo 
 
 Collins, Miss Mary 10 oo 
 
 Colman, Samuel 5 oo 
 
 Colt, Harris D. Jr 5 oo 
 
 Colt, Mrs. Stockton B i oo 
 
 Condit, Fillmore 5 oo 
 
 Condit, Frederick $300 
 
 Cone, John J 200 
 
 Conger, Henry C 10 oo 
 
 Conklin, Mrs. Katherine. ... 2 oo 
 
 Connell, E. T 20 oo 
 
 Connell, J. Harvey 5 oo 
 
 Connoly , Theodore i oo 
 
 Cook, Mrs. Charles T 5 oo 
 
 Coombe, T. Gorton 5 oo 
 
 Copp, Mrs. William A 10 oo 
 
 Cooper, J. Fenimore 15 oo 
 
 Cooper & Formaii 2 oo 
 
 Cornell, Edward 5 oo 
 
 Cornwell, Mrs. Charles i oo 
 
 Coster, Mrs. Charles Henry. 10 oo 
 
 Coster, Miss Helen S 10 oo 
 
 Cotte, Raymond 2 oo 
 
 Cox, Mrs. John J 10 oo 
 
 Coxe, Mrs. Davies 50 oo 
 
 Crampton. Edwin H 5 oo 
 
 Crane, Mrs. A. B 2 oo 
 
 Creutzborg, Mrs. Mary F. . . 5 oo 
 
 Crimmins, Mrs. Thomas 10 oo 
 
 Cromwell, Benjamin F i oo 
 
 Cromwell, Fred M 500 
 
 Cromwell, James W 100 oo 
 
 Crosby, Miss Mary R 5 oo 
 
 Grossman. Mrs. Charles S. . i oo 
 
 Crowell, Frank 5 oo 
 
 Crowell, Frank S 5 oo 
 
 Crowell, Mrs. J S 10 oo 
 
 Cummock, Mrs. Victor I ... 5 oo 
 
 Curiel, H 500 
 
 Curtis, Eugene J 500 
 
 Curtis, Mrs. F. K 2 oo 
 
 Curtis, Mrs. George 
 
 William 10 oo 
 
 Curtis, Warren 10 oo 
 
 Curtis, William E 500 
 
 Cutler, Mrs. Willard W I oo 
 
 Cutting, R. Bayard 50 oo 
 
 Cutting, Mrs. William 
 
 Bayard 20 oo 
 
 Daly, Eugene V S I oo 
 
 Daly, Joseph F i oo 
 
 Daly, Mrs. Marcus 25 oo 
 
 Daly, Mrs. William H 10 oo 
 
 Dana, Charles A 25 oo 
 
 Dana, Miss Janet P 2 oo 
 
 Danforth, Mrs. F. J 5 oo 
 
 Danforth, Mrs. George H. . . 10 oo 
 
 Daniels, William L 2 oo 
 
 Dards, Charles A S 5 oo 
 
 Darling, Mrs. William 3 oo 
 
 Darrach, Mrs. E. R 5 oo 
 
 Davenport, Julius B 5 oo 
 
 Davidge, Mrs. Mason C. . . . I oo 
 
 Davidson, Mrs. Morris 10 oo 
 
 Davis,' Miss H. Anna 10 oo 
 
 Davison, Miss Ella H 25 oo 
 
 Day, Mrs. Henry Mills 10 oo
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST. 
 
 203 
 
 Day, J $10 oo 
 
 Dayton, Ralph E 3 oo 
 
 Deas, Mrs. Helen L 5 oo 
 
 De Bear, Israel I oo 
 
 de Castro. Miss Nathalie. . . 5 oo 
 
 Decker, Charles A 1000 
 
 de Coppet, E. J 10 oo 
 
 de Coppet, Henry 25 oo 
 
 Dederer, Miss P. H 3 oo 
 
 de Forest, Henry W 25 oo 
 
 de Forest, Mrs. Henry VV. . . 10 oo 
 
 de Forest, Robert W 15 oo 
 
 de Forest, Mrs. S. K S 3 oo 
 
 de Gersdorff, Carl A 10 oo 
 
 de Gersdorff, George B 10 oo 
 
 de Graff, James W 10 oo 
 
 de Heredia, Carlos M 10 oo 
 
 Dehon, Miss M. H 25 oo 
 
 De Jonge, Louis 5 oo 
 
 De Klyn. B. F 25 oo 
 
 Delafield, John Ross 5 oo 
 
 Delafield, Mrs. John Ross.. . 5 oo 
 
 Delafield, Miss Julia L 10 oo 
 
 Delafield, M. L 25 oo 
 
 Delaney, J. M. & Co 5 oo 
 
 Delapena, Rudolph A 2 oo 
 
 Demuth, Mrs. Louis 5 oo 
 
 Dennison, C. M 2 oo 
 
 Denny, Miss Adeline L 25 oo 
 
 Denny, Miss Anna E 10 oo 
 
 . Depew, Frank 5 oo 
 
 de Peyster, Miss Augusta. . . 25 oo 
 
 de Peyster, Miss Frances G. 25 oo 
 
 de Rham, H. Casimer 5 oo 
 
 de Sola Bros. & Pardo 2 oo 
 
 Despard. Clement L 5 oo 
 
 Devoe, Frederick W 25 oo 
 
 Dewey, George E 10 oo 
 
 Dey, Anthony 10 oo 
 
 Dick, Mrs. I. Henry 5 oo 
 
 Dickinson, Mrs. Horace. ... 2 oo 
 
 Dickson, J. B 10 oo 
 
 Diedrich, Miss M. M 5 oo 
 
 Dillingham, Shepard 3 oo 
 
 Dinsmore, Mrs. W. B 10 oo 
 
 Dobbins, Edward L 2 oo 
 
 Dodd, Mrs. Frank H 500 
 
 Dodd, LeeW 500 
 
 Dodge, A. Douglas 10 oo 
 
 Dodge, Cleveland H 25 oo 
 
 Dodge, D. Stuart 25 oo 
 
 Dodge, Miss Elizabeth VV... 10 oo 
 
 Dodge, Francis E 10 oo 
 
 Dodge. Miss Grace H 25 oo 
 
 Doehlcr, H. H 10 oo 
 
 Doerr, Carl F I oo 
 
 Dominick. George F 5 oo 
 
 Dominick, M. W 10 oo 
 
 Donaldson, Mrs. Henry H.. 10 oo 
 
 Doob, Mrs. Moritz S 37 oo 
 
 Dotter, Charles T 5 oo 
 
 Doughty, Miss Harrette H.. 5 oo 
 
 Douglas, James 75 oo 
 
 Dowd. JohnJ $1000 
 
 Downing, Thomas H 5 oo 
 
 Draper, Miss Frances 2 oo 
 
 Draper, Mrs. Henry 10 oo 
 
 Draper, Mrs. William P 5 oo 
 
 Dreicer, James Huntington. 10 oo 
 
 Drew, Mrs. John 10 oo 
 
 Dreyfus, Mrs. Ella i oo 
 
 Drisler, Mrs. Herman 2 oo 
 
 Droste, Charles F 10 oo 
 
 Drummon, A. L i oo 
 
 Duane, Alexander 5 oo 
 
 Duane, James May S 10 oo 
 
 Duane, Mrs. William North. 2 oo 
 
 Du Bois, Mrs. Arthur 10 oo 
 
 Du Bois, C. D 10 oo 
 
 Du Bois, Mrs. E. C S 10 oo 
 
 Du Bois, Mrs. Eugene 5 oo 
 
 Dudley, Miss Fannie G . . . . S 2 oo 
 
 Dudley, William B 2 oo 
 
 Duer. Miss M. T 500 
 
 Duggin, Mrs. Charles 10 oo 
 
 Dun, R. G. & Co 25 oo 
 
 Duncan. Miss Grace Leigh.. i oo 
 
 Dunham. Mrs. Carroll 10 oo 
 
 Dunn, Miss C. P 5 oo 
 
 Durand, Mrs. Frederic S 15 oo 
 
 Dutton. E. P 10 oo 
 
 Duyal, Mrs. H. R 12 oo 
 
 Dwight, Mrs. M. E 5 oo 
 
 Dwight, Stanley 10 oo 
 
 Dyer, Mrs. F 200 
 
 Dyer, Mrs. George R 25 oo 
 
 E 
 
 Eagle, Clarence H 200 
 
 Earnes, John C I oo 
 
 Easteman, Miss Lucy P. ... 25 oo 
 Eastman, Mr. & Mrs 
 
 Lucius R. Ir 10 oo 
 
 Eder, James M 300 
 
 Edgar, Mrs. Adriana A 10 oo 
 
 Edmonds, Mrs. John Worth. 2 oo 
 
 Edwards, J. H 2 oo 
 
 Egbert, Mrs. James C 500 
 
 Ehret, George 25 OO 
 
 Eidlitz, Robert James 10 oo 
 
 Einstein, Wolff St Co 5 oo 
 
 Eiseman, Mrs. Samuel 5 oo 
 
 Eiscmann, G. F | OO 
 
 Eldert. Cornelius 5 oo 
 
 Eldridge. Frederick L 5 oo 
 
 EUlridgc, Mrs. Thomas P.. . 5 oo 
 
 Ellis, Mrs. W. R 500 
 
 Ellis, William D 5 oo 
 
 Ellsworth, J. M 10 oo 
 
 Ellsworth. Mrs. J. M 5 oo 
 
 Elmer. C. B S 5 oo 
 
 Ely, Smith E 27,500 oo 
 
 Emanucl, Miss Carolyn .... 2 oo 
 
 Emmet Devereaux 5 oo 
 
 Emmet, Miss Lydia P 2000 
 
 Emtnons, Arthur B 25 oo
 
 204 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Empire Ornamental Glass 
 
 Co 
 
 Erbsloh, Rudolph A 
 
 Erskine, Charles W 
 
 Estabrook, Arthur F 
 
 Estes, Webster C 
 
 Ewer, Edward 
 
 Ewing, Thomas Jr S 
 
 F. B. Q. Clothing Co 
 
 Faber, L. B 
 
 Fagnani, Charles P 
 
 Fallen, John J 
 
 Faris, William D 
 
 Fearey, Mrs. Morton L. . . . 
 
 Feiner, Benjamin F 
 
 Fell, Horace R S 
 
 Ferguson, Frederick W S 
 
 Field, Mrs. W. D. C 
 
 Field, Mrs. William H 
 
 Fincke, Mrs. B. C 
 
 Fink, Mrs. M. D 
 
 Firuski, Louis L 
 
 Fischer, William H 
 
 Fisher, C. Irving 
 
 Fisk, Pliny 
 
 Fisk, Wilbur C 
 
 Fiske, George P 
 
 Fitz-Simon, William 
 
 Flagg, Mrs. John L 
 
 Flatbush Automobile Co. ... 
 Fleischmann, Charles M . . . . 
 
 Flexner, Mrs. Simon 
 
 Flint, Austin 
 
 Floersheimer, Samuel S 
 
 Floyd, William 
 
 Flurscheim, Herman A 
 
 Fogg, Marion W 
 
 Foot, Sanford D 
 
 Foote, Charles S 
 
 Foote, Edward B. Jr 
 
 Foote, Mrs. Turner 
 
 Forbes, C. Van Gelder 
 
 Forbes, Mrs. J. M 
 
 Fosdick, C. L 
 
 Foster, F. E 
 
 Foster, Frederic de P 
 
 Foster, Giraud 
 
 Foster, J. Hegeman 
 
 Foulke, Mrs. Mabel P 
 
 Fowler, Miss E. A 
 
 Fowler, Miss Ruth D 
 
 Fox, Hugh F 
 
 Foxcroft, Frederick S 
 
 Francis Charles 
 
 Francis, Lewis 
 
 Francis, Mrs. Lewis W 
 
 Frank, Emil H 
 
 Frank, Mrs. Harry 
 
 Frank & Du Bois 
 
 Frankenbach, C. E 
 
 Frankfort, Maurice 
 
 i oo 
 5 oo 
 
 3 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 i oo 
 
 I OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 I OO 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 3 oo 
 3 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 1 oo 
 5 oo 
 3 oo 
 
 2 00 
 I OO 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 I OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 3 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 3 oo 
 10 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 I OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Franklin, Mrs. Emlen P. ... $ i oo 
 
 Fraser, Mrs. George S 10 oo 
 
 Fraser, Miss Jane K 10 oo 
 
 Frazee, Jeremiah S. ....... 10 oo 
 
 Frazier, Mrs. Clara D 100 oo 
 
 Freeland, Mrs. H. R 2 oo 
 
 Freeman, A S 5 oo 
 
 Freineld, George 5 oo 
 
 Frelinghuysen, Miss Lucy. .. 15 oo 
 
 French, Daniel C 500 
 
 Frenkel, Emil 3 oo 
 
 Frey, Joseph 3 oo 
 
 Frost, Aaron V 50 oo 
 
 Fuld, Gus 5 oo 
 
 Fuld, Sol 10 oo 
 
 Fuller, Mrs. C. D 5 oo 
 
 Fuller, Miss Dorothy 20 oo 
 
 Fuller, Mrs. G. A 2 oo 
 
 Punch, Edye & Co 25 oo 
 
 Furniss, Miss C 10 oo 
 
 Furniss, Miss S. R. C 10 oo 
 
 G 
 
 Gabrilowitsch, Mrs. Clara. . 25 oo 
 
 Gallatin, Mrs. Albert E . . . . 5 oo 
 
 Gallatin, Mrs. Albert H . . . . 60 oo 
 
 Galloway, Charles T i oo 
 
 Cans, Nathan 2 oo 
 
 Gardner, C. B I oo 
 
 Garrettson, Francis T 5 oo 
 
 Garrigues, W. A 10 oo 
 
 Garrison, Wilbert 10 oo 
 
 Gass, Frank 5 oo 
 
 Geer, Frederick M 2 oo 
 
 Geer, Marshall 2 oo 
 
 Geer, Mrs. Walter 50 oo 
 
 Gerli, Emanuel 5 oo 
 
 Gerrish, Frank Scott 5 oo 
 
 Gerry, Elbridge T 25 oo 
 
 Gerry, Peter G 100 oo 
 
 Gerstner, A. W 5 oo 
 
 Getzen-Danner, O. G 5 oo 
 
 Gibbs, Miss H. D 2 oo 
 
 Gibson, Mrs. Henry S 2 oo 
 
 Gilbert, Benjamin T i oo 
 
 Gilbert, Clinton 10 oo 
 
 Gillett, William K S 5 oo 
 
 Gillis, Frank Le G S 3 oo 
 
 Glass, Henry 5 oo 
 
 Glemby , Philip S 5 oo 
 
 Glogau, Mrs. Emile 5 oo 
 
 Goddard, Fred L 5 oo 
 
 Goddard, Ira 5 oo 
 
 Goddard, Mrs. R. H. 1 19 oo 
 
 Godfrey, Miss Alice E 2 oo 
 
 Gold, Cornelius B 50 oo 
 
 Goldenberg Bros. & Co 5 oo 
 
 Goldman, Mrs. Marcus 2 oo 
 
 Goldsmith, Harry B 5 oo 
 
 Goldsmith, Max S I oo 
 
 Gombers, Henry B 2 oo 
 
 Goodman, A. & Son 5 oo 
 
 Goodman, Edwin 5 oo
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST 
 
 205 
 
 Goodnow, Mrs. A. P $ 5 oo 
 
 Gooclsell, Mrs. Percy H. . . . 10 oo 
 
 Goodwin, lames J 25 oo 
 
 Gorham, Edwin S S 500 
 
 Gordon, Mrs. J. W 10 oo 
 
 Goss, Mrs. George A 5 oo 
 
 Gottheil. Mrs. P jj OG 
 
 Gould, Edwin 100 oo 
 
 Gould, Miss Helen M 100 oo 
 
 Grace, Mrs. Francis 5 oo 
 
 Grace Church 1 79 13 
 
 Graeme, Mrs. Joseph W. . . . 5 oo 
 
 Graham, John S I oo 
 
 Gratewick, W. H 25 oo 
 
 Gratz, William R. Import 
 
 Co S 2 oo 
 
 Grau, Louis i oo 
 
 Graves, Miss Ella M 2 oo 
 
 Gray, Mrs. Albert Z 3 oo 
 
 Gray, Henry G 500 
 
 Gray, Henry Taylor 5 oo 
 
 Gray, John Clinton 10 oo 
 
 Greeff & Co 25 oo 
 
 Green, Mrs. John E^ 25 oo 
 
 Green, William 5 oo 
 
 Greenbaum, Mrs. Samuel... 5 oo 
 
 Greene, J. Ashton 10 oo 
 
 Greene, J. W 4 oo 
 
 Greenough, John 10 oo 
 
 Greenwood, Miss Mary M . . 5 oo 
 
 Greer, David H S 25 oo 
 
 Gregory, Henry E 500 
 
 Griscom, Mrs. C. A 5 oo 
 
 Griswold, Lorenzo I oo 
 
 Grossmann, Mrs. Edward A. 5 oo 
 
 Grosvenor, Miss Rose P. ... 10 oo 
 
 Grunthal, Edwin A 3 oo 
 
 Gm-rnsey, Henry W 10 oo 
 
 Guinzberg, Richard A ' 2 oo 
 
 Guinzberg, Mrs. Victor 5 oo 
 
 Guiterman, P. L 2 50 
 
 Gurnee, A. C 10 oo 
 
 Gurnee, Mrs. Walter S 10 oo 
 
 Haas, Albert H 500 
 
 Hadden, Alexander M 10 oo 
 
 Hadden, Alexander M S 125 oo 
 
 Hadden, Mrs. Harold F. . . . 5 oo 
 
 Hadden, Mrs. Harold F S 5 oo 
 
 Hadley, Mrs*. C. L 2 oo 
 
 Hage, John D 5 oo 
 
 Hague, Miss Eleanor 2 oo 
 
 Hamcs, Charles D 20 oo 
 
 Haines, Mrs. Charles D. . . . 5 oo 
 
 Haines, Henry F 500 
 
 Haley. Seabury N 5 oo 
 
 Halkett, Baroness 100 oo 
 
 Hall, Mrs. P. C 200 
 
 Hall. Mrs. Henry B 5 oo 
 
 Hall. Miss Mary E I oo 
 
 Hall, Mrs. Valentine G 5 oo 
 
 Hall, William L 10 oo 
 
 Halsey, Mrs. E. D 
 
 Ham, James M 
 
 Hamersley, L. Gordon & 
 
 Miss Catherine L 
 
 Hammond, John R 
 
 Hampton, Walter E 
 
 Handschin, Miss Elise 
 
 Hard. A. W 
 
 Harden. Percival L 
 
 Hardenbergh, T. E 
 
 Hardenbergh. Mrs. T. E 
 
 Hardy, Mrs. Alpheus Sumner 
 
 Hare, J. Montgomery 
 
 Harkness, E. S 
 
 Harkness, L. V S 
 
 Harkness, Mrs. S. V 
 
 Harmon, Mrs. Frank D. . . . 
 Harmon, Mrs. William E. . . 
 Harper, Mrs. Joseph W . . . . 
 
 Harrah, Charles J 
 
 Harriman, Mrs. J. Arden. . . 
 Harris, Mrs. William H. . . . S 
 
 Harrison, Mrs. Mary L 
 
 Harrison, Mrs. William H. . 
 
 Hasbrouck, Mrs. F 
 
 Hasbrouck, Lawrence 
 
 Haskell. Mrs. J. Amory 
 
 Hasslacher, Jacob 
 
 Hatch, Mrs. Frederick H. . . 
 
 Hatters' Fur Exchange 
 
 Hawks. Miss Man- G 
 
 Hay, George T 
 
 Hay den. Mrs. Horace J . . . . 
 
 Hayes, Patrick 
 
 Haynes. Miss Louise de P. . . 
 
 Haynes, W. de F 
 
 Hazard. F. R 
 
 Head. Charles & Co 
 
 Healy, A. Augustus 
 
 Hearn, lames A., and Son. . C 
 Hearn. James A., and Son . . 
 Hcckschcr, Mrs. August. . . . 
 
 Heide, Henry 
 
 Heilncr, Percy B 
 
 Heilprin, Louis 
 
 Heimann. Julius 
 
 Heinemann. Herman 
 
 Hcinsheimer, Alfred M C 
 
 Hcintz, John C 
 
 Heiser. Miss Rosalie 
 
 Heissenbuttel. Frank H . . . . 
 Hcissenbuttel. Henry C . . . . 
 
 Heller, David S 
 
 Holler. Miss Eugenie M . . . . 
 
 Heller, Miss Louie R 
 
 Heller & Son 
 
 Heller. Hirsh. & Co 
 
 Helmer. George I 
 
 Hem ken, Mrs. Albert G. . . . 
 
 Hencken, Hancke 
 
 Hencken, Mrs. William P.. . 
 Henderson, Miss Mary W . . 
 Hcndricks, Mrs. Edgar 
 
 % 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 1 OO 
 
 2 00 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IOO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 50 00 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 1 OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 3 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 10 00 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 i Q 
 
 10 OO 
 
 IOO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 3 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 ] 00 
 
 IO OO 
 
 I 00 
 
 I 00 
 
 5 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 I 00 
 I 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 3 oo 
 
 i oo 
 
 50 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo
 
 2O6 
 
 THE" PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Hendrix, Miss Emma ' 
 
 Henriques, Mrs. C. A 
 
 Henry, Mrs. Howard H . . . . 
 
 Hentz, Henry 
 
 Hepburn, W. M 
 
 Herbert, Frederick D. .'.... 
 
 Hermann, Julius 
 
 Hermann, Julius S 
 
 Herrman, Arnold 
 
 Herrmann, Edward 
 
 Herrmann, M. C 
 
 Herzig, Joseph S 
 
 Herzog, Miss Caroline N . . . 
 
 Herzog, Oscar M 
 
 Hess, Edwin H 
 
 Hess, L 
 
 Hess, Simon 
 
 Hesse, Louis 
 
 Hewson, John H 
 
 Hey wood, Miss Edith 
 
 Higbie, James S 
 
 Higgins, Andrew Foster .... 
 
 Higgins, Arthur S 
 
 Hill, James A 
 
 Hill, Mrs. Oliver B 
 
 Hills, William S 
 
 Hinchman, Mrs. Joseph .... 
 
 Hine, Edward A 
 
 Hirsch, Mrs. Herman 
 
 Hirsch, Nathan S 
 
 Hitch, Mrs. F. D 
 
 Hochheimer, A 
 
 Hoe, Mrs. Richard M 
 
 Hoe, Mrs. Richard M S 
 
 Hoe, Mrs. Robert 
 
 Hoe, R., &Co 
 
 Hoffman,, Mrs. E. A 
 
 Hoffman, Emanuel & Son. . . 
 
 Hoffman, F. B 
 
 Hoffman, Joseph E 
 
 Hoffman, Miss Mary U . . . . 
 Hoffman, Miss Mary U . . . . S 
 
 Hoffman, Samuel V 
 
 Holbrook, Edward S 
 
 Holden, Mrs. E. B 
 
 Holly, Mrs. Augustus F . . . . 
 Holmes, Electric Protective 
 
 Co 
 
 Holt, Miss Constance B . . . . 
 
 Holt, Henry 
 
 Holt, Mrs. L. Emmett 
 
 Holt, Philetus H 
 
 Holt, Robert S 
 
 Holter, Mrs. E. O 
 
 Homans, Howard P 
 
 Hopkins, Mr. & Mrs. J. A 
 
 H : 
 
 Hopkins, Mrs. Moses ...... 
 
 Hoppin, William W 
 
 Horsman, Edward I 
 
 Hosmer, Mrs. E. S 
 
 Howard, Mrs. E. W 
 
 Howe, Henry M 
 
 I 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 6 oo 
 
 OO 
 OO 
 
 OO 
 
 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 i 
 
 5 
 
 a 
 2 
 5 
 
 00 
 00 
 
 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 15 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 1 00 
 
 3 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 2 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 
 25 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 45 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 20 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 1 OO 
 
 11 00 
 
 20 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 50 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 20 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 I OO 
 
 25 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 Howe, J. Morgan 
 
 Howells, Miss G. I 
 
 Howells, Mrs. H. C 
 
 Howes, Reuben 
 
 Howland, Mrs. Joseph 
 
 Hoyt, Miss Gertrude L 
 
 Hoyt, John Sherman 
 
 Hoyt, Winfield S 
 
 Hubbard, Charles 
 
 Hubbard, Thomas H 
 
 Hubbell, A. B 
 
 Hubbell, JohnE 
 
 Hubert, Conrad 
 
 Hull, Mrs. George H. Jr.... 
 
 Hun, Marcus T 
 
 Hungerford, Richard S 
 
 Hunt, Arthur R 
 
 Hunt, Miss Ellen D 
 
 Hunter, Mrs. William R 
 
 Huntington, Mrs. C. R. . . . 
 
 Huntington, F. C 
 
 Huntington, Samuel V. V. . 
 
 Hunton, Logan A 
 
 Hunton, McG. D 
 
 Kurd, Wallace W 
 
 Hurley, John H 
 
 Huss, Henry H 
 
 Hussong, George C 
 
 Husted, A. N 
 
 Huyler, Mrs. Coulter 
 
 Hyde, Mrs. Clarence M . . . 
 
 Hyde, Edward 
 
 Hyde, Ralph M 
 
 Hyde, S. M 
 
 Hyde, Mrs. W. H 
 
 Hyman, Mrs. David 
 
 Ilgen, Ernest 
 
 Illoway, Henry 
 
 Ilsley, Mrs. John P . . . 
 Inslee, Miss Eliza. . . 
 Irving, Mrs. Gugy E . . 
 Irving, Miss H. C. . . . 
 
 Iselin, C. Oliver 
 
 Iselin, Oliver 
 
 Iselin, Mrs. William . . 
 
 Iselin, William E 
 
 Iselin, William, &Co. 
 
 Iserson, A. S 
 
 Isham. Samuel 
 
 Ives, William Jay 
 
 Ivison, Mrs. David B 
 
 Jackson, Mrs. Joseph C. . . 
 Jackson, Samuel Macauley. 
 
 Jackson, Mrs. W. H 
 
 Jacob, Lawrence 
 
 Jacobs, J. Randolph & Co. 
 
 James, Mrs. D. Willis 
 
 Jameson, E. C 
 
 Jenkins, A. B 
 
 $ 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 
 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 1 OO 
 
 50 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 5 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 1 00 
 
 2 00 
 2 OO 
 I OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IOO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 15 oo 
 
 2 00 
 
 I OO 
 
 I OO 
 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 7 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 6 oo 
 
 75 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IOO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 25 oo
 
 CONTRIBUTORS LIST. 
 
 207 
 
 enkins, Alfred W 
 
 ermain, Miss M. C 
 
 esup, Mrs. Morris K 
 
 ohnson, Arthur G 
 
 ohnson, Mr. and Mrs. Bur- 
 gess 
 
 ohnson, E. B 
 
 ohnson, G. M. T 
 
 ohnson, Gilbert H 
 
 ohnson, Isaac B 
 
 ohnson, James W 
 
 ohnston, D. V. R 
 
 ohnston, W. A 
 
 ohnston, William G 
 
 ohnstone, Mrs. F. U 
 
 ones, H. Bolton 
 
 'ones, Mrs. Mason 
 shaw 
 
 ones, Paul T 
 
 ones, W. S 
 
 oseph, Mrs. Laurens 
 
 udkins & McCormick Co . 
 
 udson, Henry I 
 
 uhring, William L 
 
 ungbluth, Karl 
 
 Ren- 
 
 Kane, John Innes 
 
 Kane, Mrs. John Innes 
 
 Karelson, Adolphus 
 
 Kastor, Adolph, & Bros. . . . 
 Kaufman, Mrs. Edward S. . 
 
 Kaufman, Mrs. L 
 
 Kaufmann, B 
 
 Kaufmann, Julius 
 
 Kayser, Julius 
 
 Keasbey, Robert A. Co 
 
 , Edward R 
 
 Kellogg, Mrs. Charles 
 
 Kellogg, Herbert S 
 
 Kelsey, C. H 
 
 Kempner, Mrs. Ida 
 
 Kendall. Mrs. Edward H... 
 
 Kendall, The Misses 
 
 Kenneth, Mrs. E 
 
 Kent, Miss Ruth 
 
 Kerr, Mrs. Louis S 
 
 Kerr, Robert C 
 
 Kerr. Walter 
 
 Keteltas, Miss Alice 
 
 Keyes, E. L 
 
 Keys, Miss Alice M 
 
 Keys, Mrs. Elizabeth H 
 
 Kidd, Mrs. James 
 
 Kiddc, Walter 
 
 Kidder, Mrs. A. M 
 
 Kidder, Edward H 
 
 Kilborne, C. T 
 
 Kimball, A. R 
 
 Kimball, Miss Alice 
 
 Kimball. Mrs. Paul W 
 
 King, Elliott H 
 
 King, Mr. and Mrs. Willard. 
 
 $ 5 oo 
 30 oo 
 50 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 2 OO 
 
 50 oo 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 IO 00 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 
 10 00 
 
 I OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 IO 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 1 00 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 IO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 2O OO 
 E 200 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 I 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Kingsland. Mrs. W. M $10 oo 
 
 Kirstein, Louis E 500 
 
 Kisam, S. H 20 oo 
 
 Kissel, Gtistav E 10 oo 
 
 Kittredge S. D 2 oo 
 
 Knauth, William 10 oo 
 
 Knauth, Nachod & Kuhne. . 20 oo 
 
 Knopf, Samuel '. . . . 5 oo 
 
 Knothe. A. C S 10 oo 
 
 Knox, H.H 500 
 
 Kobbe, George C i oo 
 
 Kornf eld, Alfred E 500 
 
 Koster, C. H i oo 
 
 Kouwcnhoven, Peter 10 oo 
 
 Krans, Mrs. Edward S 5 oo 
 
 Kraus, Samuel 10 oo 
 
 Krauskopf , David 5 oo 
 
 Kunhardt, W. B 2500 
 
 Kursheedt, Manuel A 5 oo 
 
 Kyle, John M 5 oo 
 
 Land, Mrs. Caroline L 5 oo 
 
 Land, Joseph F S 25 
 
 Landon, Mrs. Henry H 10 oo 
 
 Lane, Francis T. L 5 oo 
 
 Lane, Miss M. F 10 oo 
 
 Lane, Wolcott G 25 oo 
 
 Lanfears", Mrs. Sunday 
 
 School Class 5 oo 
 
 Langhaar, H. L 5 oo 
 
 Langton, John 50 oo 
 
 Lanman & Kemp 5 oo 
 
 Lascoff, J. L i oo 
 
 Lasher & Lathrop 5 oo 
 
 Lathers, Miss Agnes 10 oo 
 
 Lawrence, Miss Emma 
 
 McA i oo 
 
 Lawrence, Frank R 10 oo 
 
 Lawrence, John Burling. ... 25 oo 
 
 Lawrence, John L 500 
 
 Lawrence, Mrs. Samuel. ... 5 oo 
 
 Lawrence, Walter B S 10 oo 
 
 Lawrence, William W 20 oo 
 
 Leaman, Walter E 2 oo 
 
 Learned, C. M 2 oo 
 
 Lcask, Edwin M 2 oo 
 
 Lcdercr, Emanucl 2 oo 
 
 Lee, Mrs. G i oo 
 
 Lee, John Lorton 10 oo 
 
 Lee, Samuel 5 oo 
 
 Lee, William H. L 10 oo 
 
 Lceb, Alfred 5 oo 
 
 Leech. Mrs. John E 5 oo 
 
 LcfTingwell. R. C 50 OO 
 
 Lchmaier. James M 10 oo 
 
 Ixrland, Mrs. Charles H. . . . 15 oo 
 
 Lcmlcin, Asa S 200 
 
 Lenox Avenue Unitarian 
 
 Church 5 oo 
 
 Lenox Avenue Unitarian 
 
 Church, Social Service 
 
 Class 5 oo
 
 208 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Lenox Avenue Unitarian 
 
 Church, Womens' Alliance $ 5 oo 
 Lenox Avenue Unitarian 
 
 Church, Mrs. Wright's 
 
 Class 2 50 
 
 Lent, W. D 10 oo 
 
 Leonard, T. M 5 oo 
 
 Lesher, Mrs. S. R 5 oo 
 
 Lester, Miss Elizabeth 25 oo 
 
 Levy, Emil 2 oo 
 
 Levy, Ephraim B 500 
 
 Levy, Mr. and Mrs. Leo 2 oo 
 
 Levy, William 10 oo 
 
 Lewisohn, Adolph 5 oo 
 
 Lewisohn, Mrs. Albert 10 oo 
 
 Lewisohn, The Misses Alice 
 
 and Irene 250 oo 
 
 Lidgerwood, John M 50 
 
 Liebman, Mrs. Adolf S 16 oo 
 
 Liebman, Joseph 10 oo 
 
 Life, Mrs. S. J 5 oo 
 
 Lincoln, Lowell 5 oo 
 
 Lincoln, Mrs. Lowell 5 oo 
 
 Lindholm, Miss Emelie 2 oo 
 
 Lion Brewery, The 10 oo 
 
 Liscum, Mrs. Emerson H . . . i oo 
 
 Lissner, H., and Co 10 oo 
 
 Livingston, Miss Julia 10 oo 
 
 Locke, John M 300 
 
 Lockwood, Mrs. Frederick 
 
 W ; S 10 oo 
 
 Lockwood, Homer N 10 oo 
 
 Loeser, Mrs. Vincent 10 oo 
 
 Logan, Mrs. Walter S 5 oo 
 
 Logie, Robert 10 oo 
 
 Lohrke, Otto E 500 
 
 Loines, Mrs. Stephen 25 oo 
 
 Loomis, Sherman 10 oo 
 
 Lord, Mrs. George de Forest. 10 oo 
 
 Lord, James F S 10 oo 
 
 Lorentzen, Mrs. Carl C. . . . 5 oo 
 
 Lorsch, E. S 10 oo 
 
 Lorsch, Mrs. Henry S 3 oo 
 
 Loveland, John W 500 
 
 Lovell, Mrs. Franklyn H. Jr. 15 oo 
 
 Low, Seth 10 oo 
 
 Low, William G 25 oo 
 
 Low, Mrs. William G 10 oo 
 
 Lowell, Miss Carlotta R. . . . 25 oo 
 Ludington, Miss Mary 
 
 Louise S 10 oo 
 
 Ludlam, Mrs. Charles 
 
 Stewart S 2 50 
 
 Ludlam, George P 10 oo 
 
 Ludlow, Edward L 10 oo 
 
 Ludlow, William O 2 oo 
 
 Ludlum, Albert C 500 
 
 Lueders, George, & Co 5 oo 
 
 Lupton, Mr. and Mrs. F. M. 20 oo 
 
 Lusk, Mrs. Graham 5 oo 
 
 Lydig, David S 10 oo 
 
 Lyford, O. S $10 oo 
 
 Lyle, George W 5 oo 
 
 Lyman, Joseph 5 oo 
 
 Lynes, Miss Grace E 10 oo 
 
 Lyon, Charles O S 8 oo 
 
 M 
 
 McAfee, James R 5 oo 
 
 McBee, Silas S 10 oo 
 
 McCagg, Louis B 20 oo 
 
 McClain, J. F 5 oo 
 
 McClellan, Mrs. George B. . 10 oo 
 
 McClymonds, Mrs. L. K. . . 100 oo 
 
 McConnell, Frank W 5 oo 
 
 *McCook, John J 10 oo 
 
 McCord, William H 25 oo 
 
 McCrea, Nelson G 10 oo 
 
 McCreery, Mrs. James 10 oo 
 
 McCutcheon, James, & Co.. 10 oo 
 
 McEwan, Thomas Jr 2 oo 
 
 McGeoch, Arthur N 10 oo 
 
 McGovern, Mrs. James. . . . S 3 oo 
 
 Mclndoe, Walter J 1000 
 
 McKim, John A : . . 10 oo 
 
 McKim, Le Roy 10 oo 
 
 McKinney, Price S 120 oo 
 
 McLane, Mrs. Adelaide L 5 oo 
 
 McLane, Guy R 20 oo 
 
 McMillin, Emerson 50 oo 
 
 McQueen, D. P 20 oo 
 
 MacMartin, Malcom 10 oo 
 
 MacMurray, Mrs. H. V. A.. 5 oo 
 
 MacNeil, H. A 3 oo 
 
 Mack, Marc H 25 oo 
 
 Mackay, Henry S 10 oo 
 
 Maclaren & Gentles 10 oo 
 
 Macy, V. Everit 25 oo 
 
 Macy, William H. Jr 10 oo 
 
 Magee, James 5 oo 
 
 Mager, Mrs. F. Robert 10 oo 
 
 Main, William 5 oo 
 
 Major, Miss Maria T 10 oo 
 
 Manierre, Charles E 10 oo 
 
 Manning, W. F 10 oo 
 
 Mansfield, Howard 5 oo 
 
 Mantler, Ignatz 5 oo 
 
 March, The Misses E. G. 
 
 and V. A 2 oo 
 
 Marie, Mrs. S. S 5 oo 
 
 Marlor, Henry S 5 oo 
 
 Maron, Otto 5 oo 
 
 Marrow, I. L., & Co 2 oo 
 
 Martin, Alfred W 2 oo 
 
 Martin, Miss Florence C. . . 5 oo 
 
 Martin, John 5 oo 
 
 Martin, William V 5 oo 
 
 Martinez, Miguel R 5 oo 
 
 Marvin, D. M 5 oo 
 
 Marwick, James 25 oo 
 
 Marx, Joseph L 5 oo 
 
 Mason, Alfred 2 oo 
 
 * Deceased.
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST. 
 
 Massey, George $500 
 
 Master, Samuel C 100 
 
 Mathews, Charles T 5 oo 
 
 Mathewson, Mrs. Douglas. . i oo 
 
 Matzner, Mrs. A 100 
 
 Maurice, C. S 20 oo 
 
 Maurice, Miss Marian 5 oo 
 
 Maxwell, Mrs. Mary A 10 oo 
 
 Maxwell, Mrs. Mathilda.... 2 oo 
 
 Maynard, Miss Helen L. . . . 5 oo 
 
 Meade, Mrs. Rebecca P . . . . i oo 
 
 Meighan, Burton C i oo 
 
 Mcigs, Ferris J 1000 
 
 Mfigs, Mrs. Titus B 10 oo 
 
 Merriam, Miss Annie L. . . . 5 oo 
 
 Merrill, Mrs. Charles 20 oo 
 
 Meserole, Abraham 10 oo 
 
 Meserole, Mrs. Catherine 
 
 M i oo 
 
 Messer, William S 10 oo 
 
 Metcalf Bros., & Co 25 oo 
 
 Metropolitan Tobacco Co.. . 5 oo 
 
 Metzger, Mrs. Jacob 2 oo 
 
 Meyer, William & Co 10 oo 
 
 rs, Edwin L 500 
 
 Middlebrook, Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 William W 200 
 
 Middleton & Co 10 oo 
 
 Milhank, Mrs. Joseph 50 oo 
 
 Miles, Samuel A 5 oo 
 
 Miller, Mrs. Alexander 10 oo 
 
 MilK-r, Charles P 10 oo 
 
 Miller, Miss Dorothy I oo 
 
 Miller, George Macculloch.. S 5 oo 
 
 Millet. Mrs. E. C S 10 oo 
 
 Milligan, Charles 2 oo 
 
 Mills, Mrs. Mountfort M... 3 oo 
 Millspaugh, Dr. and Mrs. 
 
 Louis C 400 
 
 Minford, Miss Agnes A 5 oo 
 
 Minturn, Mrs. B. H 10 oo 
 
 Minturn, Mrs. John Wen- 
 dell 10 oo 
 
 Minturn, Mrs. Robert B.. . . 25 oo 
 
 Minturn, Robert Shaw 5 oo 
 
 Mitchell, lames B 5 oo 
 
 Miuhcll, Mrs. John M 10 oo 
 
 Mitehell, Mrs. Moncrieff 5 oo 
 
 Mitehcll, S. Roger 5 oo 
 
 Mitehell, Mrs. Sarah L 5 oo 
 
 MofTat, R. Burnham 10 oo 
 
 Molineux, Edward L 50 
 
 Molineux, Roland B 10 oo 
 
 M oiler, Edwin Clarence. ... 20 oo 
 
 M<>ntant, Alphonsc 5 oo 
 
 Monteath, Miss Sara 1 3 oo 
 
 Montgomery, Henry 6 5 oo 
 
 Montgomery, James M 10 oo 
 
 Montgomery, Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 John S S i oo 
 
 Moody, Harry A 10 oo 
 
 Moore, F. C 10 oo 
 
 Moore, Miss Faith 10 oo 
 
 Moore, Miss K. T 
 
 Moore, Paul 
 
 Morgan, Mrs. J. Pierrepont. 
 Morgan, Mr. and Mrs. J. 
 
 Pierrepont Jr 
 
 Morgan, Miss Mary P 
 
 Morgan, William Fellowes. . 
 Morgan Mrs. William 
 
 Fellowes 
 
 Morgenstern, Albert G 
 
 Morganstern, Mrs. Emma. . 
 
 Morganthau, M. L 
 
 Morningstar, Joseph 
 
 Morris, Mrs. John A 
 
 Morris, Mrs. William 
 
 Moses, Mrs. Emanuel 
 
 Moses, Mrs. Raphael J S 
 
 Mott, Lewis F 
 
 Mott, William F 
 
 Mott, J. L., The Iron Works. 
 
 Mount, Miss Adeline 
 
 Mount & Woodhull 
 
 Mueller, Charles F 
 
 Muller, Schall & Co 
 
 Munger, Harry C 
 
 Munn, Charles A 
 
 Munnich, Mrs. Adeline M . . 
 Munroe, Mrs. Chester C. . . . 
 Murray, Miss Catherine. . . . 
 Myers, Mrs. J. K 
 
 N 
 Naething, Mrs. Charles F. . . 
 
 Nathan, Mrs. Harmon 
 
 Neave, Mrs. Charles 
 
 Nelson, Mrs. Charles N . . . . 
 
 Nelson, George F 
 
 Neustadt, Mrs. S S 
 
 Neustadter, Mrs. Caroline. . 
 
 Nichols, Mrs. Acosta 
 
 Nichols, Mrs. Edward T 
 
 Nichols, Seth 
 
 Nichols, William H 
 
 Nichols, William W 
 
 Nicoll, James Craig 
 
 Nielson, S 
 
 North, Nelson L 
 
 Northrup, Mrs. William P.. 
 
 Norton, Mrs. Frank L 
 
 Norton, I. L 
 
 Not, Mrs. Edward 
 
 Noyes, Mrs. Henry D 
 
 Oakley, Mrs. Walton '. . 
 
 O'Connor, Thomas H 
 
 O'Conor, John Christopher. . 
 
 O'Dell. Daniel 
 
 Oelrichs & Co 
 
 Ogden, Mrs. Charles W 
 
 Ogdcn, Miss Mary L 
 
 Ogden & Wallace 
 
 209 
 
 $IO OO 
 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 50 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 
 15 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 3 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 2 00 
 
 3 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 20 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 2 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 50 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 35 oo 
 20 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 .xi 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 10 OO 
 IO 00 
 
 I 00 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 5 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 IO OO 
 10 00
 
 210 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Ogilvie, Mr. and Mrs. J. S. . $ 5 oo 
 
 Olcott, Dudley 25 oo 
 
 Olcott, Mrs. E. E 5 oo 
 
 Olcott, George M 25 oo 
 
 Oliphant, James H. & Co. . . 5 oo 
 
 Olmsted, Mrs. Charles Tyler. 15 oo 
 
 Olney, Mrs. Peter B i oo 
 
 Olyphant, F. M 5 oo 
 
 Olyphant, R. M 10 oo 
 
 O'Neill, Mrs. Hugh 10 oo 
 
 Oothout, Mrs. Ja'ne E 10 oo 
 
 Opdycke, Mrs. Emerson. ... 10 oo 
 
 Opdycke, William S 5 oo 
 
 Openhym, Mrs. Adolphe. ... 5 oo 
 
 Openhym, William & Sons. . 10 oo 
 
 Oppenheim, Mrs. Laurent . . 2 oo 
 
 Oppenheimer, Henry S 5 oo 
 
 Oppenheimer, Louis S 5 oo 
 
 Oppenheimer Bros., & Co.. . 10 oo 
 
 Orr, Alexander E 20 oo 
 
 Orth, Charles D 10 oo 
 
 Osborn, Mrs. George W. . . . i oo 
 
 Osborn, William Church 25 oo 
 
 Osborne, Dean C 10 oo 
 
 Osborne, Thomas Mott 5 oo 
 
 Osgood, Charles H 10 oo 
 
 Ostrom, Mrs. H. 1 5 oo 
 
 Otis, Miss Alia 5 oo 
 
 Otterson, Miss Lucy 5 oo 
 
 Ottley, James H 10 oo 
 
 Oudin, Mrs. Lucien 10 oo 
 
 Owens, William W. Jr S 5 oo 
 
 Page, Frederick P 5 oo 
 
 Paris, Mrs. Francis U S 20 oo 
 
 Parish, Edward C 500 
 
 Parish, Henry 50 oo 
 
 Parish, Miss Susan D 25 oo 
 
 Parker, Miss Alice G 10 oo 
 
 Parker, Mrs. Gordon 10 oo 
 
 Parker, Mrs. Neilson T S 2 oo 
 
 Parker, R. M 5 oo 
 
 Parkin, The Misses 10 oo 
 
 Parsons, Mrs. Charles 10 oo 
 
 Parsons, Mrs. Edwin 50 oo 
 
 Parsons, Mrs. Egerton i oo 
 
 Parsons, Mrs. F. T 10 oo 
 
 Parsons, John E 10 oo 
 
 Parsons, Mrs. John E 25 oo 
 
 Parsons, William B 5 oo 
 
 Passavant & Co 5 oo 
 
 Paterson, Mrs. Myra D . . . . 5 oo 
 
 Patterson, J. W 5 oo 
 
 Pattison, Miss S. S 10 oo 
 
 Pavenstedt, Adolph 20 oo 
 
 Pavenstedt, Hugo S 50 oo 
 
 Pavey, Frank D : . . 10 oo 
 
 Payne, Miss S. K 3 oo 
 
 Peabody, Mrs. F. F 25 oo 
 
 Peabody, George Russell 2 oo 
 
 Pearl, Mrs. Frederick W. . . . $50 oo 
 
 Pearson, Mrs. Frederick. . . . S 10 oo 
 
 Pearson, Miss Josephine S. . 3 oo 
 
 Peck, Miss Ellen W 5 oo 
 
 Peck, William E. & Co 5 oo 
 
 Peckham, Mrs. Wheeler H... 25 oo 
 
 Pederson, James 2 oo 
 
 Pegram, Edward Sanford. . . S 5 oo 
 
 Pegram, G. Lawrence 6 oo 
 
 Peierls, Siegfried 5 oo 
 
 Pell, Alfred Duane 10 oo 
 
 Pell, Mrs. H. H S 5 oo 
 
 Pell, James D 1000 
 
 Penfold, Miss Josephine. ... 25 oo 
 
 Pepper, C. H i oo 
 
 Perkins, Miss Dorothy 5 oo 
 
 Perkins, Mrs. E. H. Jr 10 oo 
 
 Perkins, Mrs. G. W 25 oo 
 
 Perkins, Mrs. Gilman H. . . . 2 oo 
 
 Perry, W. Herbert 2 oo 
 
 Peters, Miss Alice R 5 oo 
 
 Peters, E. B 5 oo 
 
 Peters, Mrs. W. R 5 oo 
 
 *Peters, William R 1000 
 
 Peterson, Mrs. Wilson 5 oo 
 
 Pfister & Vogel Leather Co. 5 oo 
 
 Phelps, Mrs. Charles 5 oo 
 
 Phelps, Mrs. Von R 25 oo 
 
 Phelps, Mrs. William W 50 oo 
 
 Philbrick, Edwin C 5 oo 
 
 Phipps, Miss Ada 5 oo 
 
 Phraney, Mrs. Francis S.. . . 10 oo 
 
 Pillot, Miss Clara 15 oo 
 
 Pinchot, Mr. and Mrs. Amos 
 
 R. E 10 oo 
 
 Pinchot, Mrs. James W . . . . 25 oo 
 
 Pinkerton, Allan 10 oo 
 
 Pitkin, Mrs. A. J 25 oo 
 
 Pitkin, William F 12 oo 
 
 Planten, John R 10 oo 
 
 Plaut, Albert 10 oo 
 
 Pohlmann, George 2 oo 
 
 Polk, Dr. and Mrs. William. 10 oo 
 
 Pollak, Mrs. G 3 oo 
 
 Pollak, Gustav 5 oo 
 
 Pomroy, Mrs. H. K 25 oo 
 
 Poor, Mrs. Charles L 5 oo 
 
 Poor, Mrs. James H 25 oo 
 
 Pope, Miss Elizabeth A. ... 5 oo 
 
 Pope, Miss Theodate 10 oo 
 
 Porter, Clarence 10 oo 
 
 Post, Abram S 5 oo 
 
 Post, Mrs. Carroll J. Jr . . . . 5 oo 
 
 Post, James H 25 oo 
 
 Potisky, Mrs. H. J 50 
 
 Potter, Miss Blanche 10 oo 
 
 Potts, Mrs. William B S 4 oo 
 
 Pouch, Alonzo B 500 
 
 Pouch, F. E 5 oo 
 
 Powell, Bradford S . I oo 
 
 Pratt, Mrs. Charles 10 oo 
 
 * Deceased.
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST. 
 
 211 
 
 Pratt, Herbert L 
 
 Pratt, S 
 
 Pn.slR.-y, Mrs. Stella S 
 
 Presbrey, Clifton H 
 
 Preston, Mrs. Sarah Fuller.. 
 Proudfit, Mrs. Alexander. . . 
 
 Pruyn, Mrs. Charles L 
 
 Pruyn, Mrs. Robert H 
 
 Pryor, Mrs. S. Morris 
 
 PuRh, Thomas 
 
 Pulitzer, Miss Constance. . . 
 Purrington, Miss Amelia J. . 
 Putnams', G. P., Sons 
 
 R. & G. Corset Co 
 
 Raff, Mrs. Norman C 
 
 Ramsey, William H 
 
 Ramsperger, Gustav 
 
 Randolph, Mrs. Theodore F. 
 
 Rapoport, Jacob & Co 
 
 Rathbone, Richard C 
 
 Raw Products Co 
 
 Raymond, R. W 
 
 Read, William A 
 
 Reckitts 
 
 Redmond, Miss C 
 
 Redmond, Miss Emily 
 
 Redmond, Mrs. Henry 
 
 Rees & Rees 
 
 Reese, Mrs. William H 
 
 Remington, H. W 
 
 Renard, Mrs. Fred O 
 
 Requa, Mrs. C. A 
 
 Reutter, Mrs. Robert 
 
 Rhoades, Miss I. H 
 
 Rhoades, Mrs. Lyman 
 
 Rhoades, Miss Nina 
 
 Rich, B. A 
 
 *Richard, Mrs. Auguste. . . . 
 
 Richard, Miss Elvine 
 
 Richards, E. G 
 
 Kit hards, Eben 
 
 Richards, Mrs. Eben 
 
 Richards & Heald 
 
 Richardson Brothers 
 
 RigKS George C 
 
 Rikcr, Samuel 
 
 Ripk-y, MissS. S 
 
 Risloy, G. H 
 
 . George L 
 
 Robbins, Mrs. Horace W. . . 
 
 Robbing, William H 
 
 Roberts, Charles L 
 
 Roberts, G. Theodore 
 
 Roberts, John E 
 
 Roberts, Mrs. M. L 
 
 Robertson, R. H 
 
 Robertson, William A 
 
 Robinson, Mrs. Douglas. . . . 
 Robinson, Eli K 
 
 $25 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 1 OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 3 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 2 OO 
 
 I 00 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 1 OO 
 20 00 
 
 2 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 I OO 
 10 00 
 10 00 
 
 25 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 1 OO 
 
 20 oo 
 
 2 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 1 OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 3 oo 
 
 10 00 
 10 00 
 
 20 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 20 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 2 00 
 
 50 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 50 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 Robinson, Henry J $10 oo 
 
 Robinson, Miss Julia E 5 oo 
 
 Robinson, Mrs. Kenneth D. 5 oo 
 
 Robinson, Mrs. Thomas D.. 5 oo 
 
 Rockefeller, John D 500 oo 
 
 Rockwood, George G i oo 
 
 Rodewald, Miss A. Leon- 
 tine 3 oo 
 
 Roe, Livingston i oo 
 
 Rogers, Miss Elizabeth F. . . 5 oo 
 
 Rogers, Francis 5 oo 
 
 Rogers, Mrs. H. H 10 oo 
 
 Rogers, Mrs. W. B 5 oo 
 
 Root, Charles T 50 oo 
 
 Rose, Henry R i oo 
 
 Rosenbaum, Selig 10 oo 
 
 Rosenbaum, Solomon G. . . . 10 oo 
 
 Rosenberg, Mrs. William ... i oo 
 
 Rosenfeld, Edward L 4 oo 
 
 Rosenthal, Miss M. Grace. . i oo 
 
 Ross, W. A. & Bro 10 oo 
 
 Rossbach, Jacob 10 oo 
 
 Rothbarth, Albert 10 oo 
 
 Rothschild, Mrs. Jacob 5 oo 
 
 Royce, James C i oo 
 
 Rusch Co 10 oo 
 
 Rushmore, J. D . 2 oo 
 
 Russell, Mrs. Elwood W 2 oo 
 
 Russell, Mrs. Howland 2 oo 
 
 Russell, James W 2 oo 
 
 Ruston, C. Jr i oo 
 
 St. Tames P. E. Church .... 25 oo 
 
 St. Michael's Church 6 oo 
 
 St. Thomas' Church 109 72 
 
 Sabin, Charles H 10 oo 
 
 Sabine, William T 10 oo 
 
 Sachs, Paul J 500 
 
 Sachs, Samuel 25 oo 
 
 Sachs, Mrs. Samuel 10 oo 
 
 Sackett, Henry W 500 
 
 Sage, Dean 200 oo 
 
 Sahler, Mrs. A. F 5 oo 
 
 Sahlcr, Miss Helen G 5 oo 
 
 Saks, Isadorc 10 oo 
 
 Salant, Aaron B 500 
 
 Samuel Bros 5 oo 
 
 Sanford. Edward T 5 oo 
 
 Sanger, Isaac 5 oo 
 
 Sard, Grange 10 oo 
 
 Satterthwaite, Mrs. Thomas 
 
 E 15 oo 
 
 Saul. Charles R $ OO 
 
 Saundcrs, Arthur C 5 oo 
 
 Sawyer, Dccatur M 10 oo 
 
 Sawyer, Mrs. H. E 3 oo 
 
 Sayre, Miss Mary Hall $ OO 
 
 Sayres. Gilbert y I oo 
 
 Schcnck, Frederick B 10 oo 
 
 Schenck, Miss Susan B 5 oo 
 
 Deceased.
 
 212 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Schermerhorn, F. Augustus. $25 oo 
 
 Schieffelin, Mrs. William H.. 5 oo 
 
 Schieffelin, Mrs. William J. . 15 oo 
 
 Schieffelin, Mrs. William J . . S 5 oo 
 
 Schieren, Mrs. Charles A. . . 5 oo 
 
 Schiff , Jacob H S 100 oo 
 
 Schmidt, F. Leopold 5 oo 
 
 Schneiwind, Heinrich Jr. ... 10 oo 
 
 Schramm, Frederick i oo 
 
 Schultheis, Henry 2 50 
 
 Schuyler, Miss Georgina. ... 5 oo 
 
 Schuyler, Miss Louisa 5 oo 
 
 Schwab, Miss Emily 5 oo 
 
 Schwartz, Louis F 10 oo 
 
 Schwarz, Henry E i oo 
 
 Schwarzenbach, Robert J. F. 2 oo 
 
 Scofield, Henry C 500 
 
 Scott, Donald 10 oo 
 
 Scott, George S 50 oo 
 
 Scott, Mrs. George S 10 oo 
 
 Scott, Miss Louise B 10 oo 
 
 Scott, Peter 5 oo 
 
 Scott, Walter 5 oo 
 
 Scoville, Miss Grace 100 oo 
 
 Scribner, Mrs. Arthur H.. . . 10 oo 
 
 Scribner, Mrs. I. Blair 20 oo 
 
 Seager, Henry R 500 
 
 Seaman, Lloyd C 100 oo 
 
 Sedgwick, Henry D 5 oo 
 
 See, A. B. Electric Elevator 
 
 Co 15 oo 
 
 Seeley, Mrs. Nathan 5 oo 
 
 Seeman, Daniel W 10 oo 
 
 Seibert, Charles L 200 
 
 Sigelstein & Dvorkin 2 oo 
 
 Seillierre, Baroness S 50 oo 
 
 Selden, A. K. Jr 2 oo 
 
 Seligman, Edwin R. A 5 oo 
 
 Seligman, George W 5 oo 
 
 Seligman, Isaac N 25 oo 
 
 Seligman, Joseph L 5 oo 
 
 Senior, Mrs. S. F 2 oo 
 
 Sergeant, Mrs. J. E S 5 oo 
 
 Shaw, Samuel T 5 oo 
 
 Sheldon, Edwin B 10 oo 
 
 Shelton, George G 10 oo 
 
 Shepard, Augustus D 10 oo 
 
 *Shepard, Edward M 10 oo 
 
 Shepard, Mrs. Elliot F 25 oo 
 
 Sherman, Mrs. Charles 
 
 Austin 10 oo 
 
 Sherman, Mrs. Charles E. . . 10 oo 
 Sherman, Mrs. Frederick 
 
 Deming 5 oo 
 
 Sherman, Frederick T 5 oo 
 
 Shillaber, William 10 oo 
 
 Sibley, Mrs. H. W 15 oo 
 
 Silberberg, H S 40 oo 
 
 Silberstein, Abraham 2 oo 
 
 Sills, J. Stanley 5 oo 
 
 Simmons, John S 5 oo 
 
 Simon, A. L. & Co $10 oo 
 
 Simon, Franklin 5 oo 
 
 Simpson, Mrs. W. R 2 oo 
 
 Skiddy, Mrs. W. W 10 oo 
 
 Skougard, Jens 25 oo 
 
 Slade, Mrs. A. M 2 oo 
 
 Slade, Francis Louis 5 oo 
 
 Slicer, Mrs. Thomas R 5 oo 
 
 Sloan, Miss Mary A 5 oo 
 
 Sloan, Mrs. William S 5 oo 
 
 Smidt, Thomas 5 oo 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Alfred 5 oo 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Andrew A 5 oo 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Andrew H 10 oo 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Arthur C 25 oo 
 
 Smith, Augustine C i oo 
 
 Smith, E. Munroe 4 59 
 
 Smith, Edwin F i oo 
 
 Smith, Eugene 25 oo 
 
 Smith, Miss Fanny R 5 oo 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Fitch W 5 oo 
 
 Smith, George C 10 oo 
 
 Smith, Howard C 10 oo 
 
 Smith, Pierre J 1500 
 
 Smith, William H 200 
 
 Smith, William V. R 5 oo 
 
 Smith, Mrs. W. Wheeler.. . . 10 oo 
 
 Smithers, Charles H i oo 
 
 Solomon, Elias L i oo 
 
 Soltmann, Edward G 10 oo 
 
 Soper, Frederick D i o oo 
 
 Speare, E. Ray 10 oo 
 
 Speir, Mrs. Louis Dean i oo 
 
 Spencer, Charles H 1000 
 
 Speranza, Gino C 1000 
 
 Sperry, W. M 1000 
 
 Speyer & Co 10 oo 
 
 Speyers, Mrs. James Bayard. 2 oo 
 
 Spool Cotton Co 25 oo 
 
 Spring, Miss Anna Riker ... 5 oo 
 
 Squire, George A 5 oo 
 
 Standish, Mrs. Myles 10 oo 
 
 Standish, Mrs. Myles S 10 oo 
 
 Starr, Louis Morris 10 oo 
 
 Stauffen, Mrs. E i oo 
 
 Stebbins, George L 3 oo 
 
 Stedman, Emory A i oo 
 
 Steele, Charles 10 oo 
 
 Steers, James R 10 oo 
 
 Stein, A 500 
 
 Stein, Miss Helen A 2 oo 
 
 Steinhardt, Henry 5 oo 
 
 Steinhardt, Irving D i oo 
 
 Steinway, Mrs. Frederick T.. 5 oo 
 Stephens, Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 John L 5 oo 
 
 Stern, Albert i oo 
 
 Stern, Benjamin 10 oo 
 
 Stetson, Francis Lynde C 200 oo 
 
 Stetson, Francis Lynde S 10 oo 
 
 Stetson, N 5 oo 
 
 * Deceased.
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST. 
 
 213 
 
 ns Mr-;. Byam K $15 oo 
 
 nson. Mrs. Richard W.. 10 oo 
 
 irt, Lispcnard 25 oo 
 
 Stewart, Lisjx.>nanl E 5000 oo 
 
 art, Mrs. Louis 10 oo 
 
 art, Mrs. P. H 10 oo 
 
 Stewart, W. R 10 oo 
 
 Stk'glitz, Leo 5 oo 
 
 Stillman, Miss Charlotte R.. 50 oo 
 
 Stimson, Henry L 10 oo 
 
 Stimson, L. A 10 oo 
 
 Stirt-s, Ernest M 10 oo 
 
 Stirn, L. & E 10 oo 
 
 Stokes, Anson Phelps 10 oo 
 
 Stone, Miss Anna 10 oo 
 
 Stone, Miss Ellen J 50 oo 
 
 Stone, Junius H 500 
 
 Stonham, Arthur S 75 oo 
 
 Storer, Albert H 5 oo 
 
 Storer, Mrs. Albert H 10 oo 
 
 Storey, Miss Lydia M 5 oo 
 
 Straight, Mrs. D. Willard.. . 25 oo 
 
 Strassberger, Reinhard W. . . 3 oo 
 
 Strauss, Albert 10 oo 
 
 Strauss, Nathan F 10 oo 
 
 Strong, Miss Alice E C 100 oo 
 
 Strong, George A 10 oo 
 
 Strong, Henry M 200 
 
 Strong, Mrs. J. R 5 oo 
 
 Strong, Selah B 500 
 
 Stroock, Louis S 5 oo 
 
 Sturgis, Miss Helen R I oo 
 
 Sturgis, Thomas 5 oo 
 
 Sullivan, Mrs. Arthur B. . . . S 2 oo 
 
 Sullivan, Mrs. Emily S 3 oo 
 
 Sullivan, Miss Isabella 10 oo 
 
 Sullivan, Mrs. James 4 oo 
 
 Sumner, Miss Emily D 5 oo 
 
 Susquehanna Silk Mills 10 oo 
 
 Sutro, Ludwig 2 oo 
 
 Swain, E. A 2 oo 
 
 Swrzey, Mrs. Christopher.. . 5 oo 
 
 Swift. A. J 25 oo 
 
 Swords, E. J 3 oo. 
 
 Tabcr, Miss Mary 3 oo 
 
 Tack, Theodore E 500 
 
 Taft. Mrs. Theodore M 5 oo 
 
 Talcott, Miss Anna M 5 oo 
 
 Talmadge, Mrs. Edward T. 
 
 H 5 oo 
 
 Tannenholz, Maurice I oo 
 
 Tapper, Thomas 10 oo 
 
 Tappin, G. L 5 oo 
 
 Tappin. John C 10 oo 
 
 Taves, Mrs. A. W S 5 oo 
 
 Taylor, Mrs. Alexander. ... 10 oo 
 
 Taylor, S. Frederick 15 oo 
 
 Thacher, Thomas 10 oo 
 
 Thacher, Mrs. Thomas D.. . 5 oo 
 
 Thayer, Reginald H 5 oo 
 
 Thiele E $ 
 
 Thomas. Edgar M S 
 
 Thompson, Mrs. C. L 
 
 Thompson, Mrs. Frederick 
 
 F 
 
 Thompson, Mrs. Joseph T. . 
 
 Thompson, Morris S 
 
 Thomson, George M 
 
 Thomson, John W 
 
 Thorne, Joel W 
 
 Thorne, Jonathan 
 
 Thorne, Samuel 
 
 Thorne, Mrs. William 
 
 Thorne, W. V. S 
 
 Tiebout, W. T 
 
 Tiemann, Mrs. Ella A 
 
 Tiffany & Co 
 
 Timpson, Mrs. James 
 
 Tinslcy, A. L 
 
 Titus, Henry 
 
 Todd, Mrs. Henry A 
 
 Todd. Mrs. Judson Scott. . . 
 
 Todd, W. Parsons 
 
 Todd, William R 
 
 Tompkins, Calvin 
 
 Tompkins, Hamilton B 
 
 Tompkins, Kilbourne 
 
 Tompkins, Mrs. William W. 
 
 Townsend, Arthur O 
 
 Townsend, Mrs. Howard R. . 
 
 Townsend, Isaac 
 
 Townsend, Dix & Yale 
 
 Tracy, Miss M. M 
 
 Tracy, Miss M. M S 
 
 Trask, Gustavus D 
 
 Tremper, Mrs. Clara A. F . . 
 Trinity Church of New 
 
 Rochelle, N. Y 
 
 Troescher, A. F 
 
 Trowbridge, James A 
 
 Tuck, Mrs. Henry 
 
 Tucker, Mrs. S. A 
 
 Tuckerman, Alfred 
 
 Tuckerman, Bayard 
 
 Tuckerman, Mrs. Bayard.. . 
 
 Tuckerman, Paul 
 
 Turnbull, Miss Hebn 
 
 Turnbull, Mrs. Ramsav .... 
 
 Turner, Mrs. Herbert B 
 
 Tuska, Mrs. M 
 
 Tuttle, George M 
 
 Tvrrel, B. H 
 
 Ullman, E. S 
 
 Ulman, Mrs. Morris S 
 
 Ulmann, Carl J 
 
 Underbill. Mrs. A. C 
 
 Underbill. Adna A 
 
 Underbill, W. P 
 
 United States Bung Mfg. Co 
 Upham, Mrs. E. K 
 
 10 oo 
 
 1 oo 
 
 2 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 25 oo 
 
 10 oo 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 OO 
 10 00 
 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 5 oo 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 2 OO 
 
 1 00 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 25 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 2 OO 
 
 25 oo 
 
 10 00 
 10 00 
 
 15 oo 
 
 I 00 
 
 5 oo 
 7 16 
 
 20 00 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 15 oo 
 
 IO OO 
 
 5 oo 
 
 10 00 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 5 
 
 IO OO 
 I 00 
 
 5 
 500 
 
 IO OO 
 
 2 OO 
 
 IO OO 
 
 * 50 
 
 5 oo 
 5 oo 
 
 2 00 
 10 OO
 
 214 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Van Beuren, Mrs. Frederick 
 
 T $10 oo 
 
 Van Beuren, Michael M. . . . 10 oo 
 
 Van Bokkelen, Mrs. L. M . . i oo 
 
 Van Brunt, J. R 5 oo 
 
 Van Buren, E. M i oo 
 
 Vanderbilt, John L 5 oo 
 
 Vanderpoel, Mrs. John A. . . 10 oo 
 
 Van Dyke, Mrs. Henry 5 oo 
 
 Van Gerbig, Mrs. B 25 oo 
 
 Van Hoorn, G 5 oo 
 
 Van Ingen, Mrs. E. H 10 oo 
 
 Van Nest, Mrs. Frank R . . . 5 oo 
 
 Van Raalte, Z 10 oo 
 
 Van Santvoord, Miss Anna 
 
 T 20 00 
 
 Van Winkle, Edgar B I oo 
 
 Van Winkle, Miss M. D. . . . 10 oo 
 
 Verdi, C. M. de S 5 oo 
 
 Verplanck, Mrs. W. E 5 oo 
 
 Verplanck, Mrs. W. G 10 oo 
 
 Vezin, Charles 5 oo 
 
 Villard, Mrs. Henry 20 oo 
 
 Villard, Oswald Garrison 10 oo 
 
 Voight, Bernhard H 5 oo 
 
 Von Lilienthal, A. W 5 oo 
 
 Voorhees, James D 2 oo 
 
 Vorhaus, Louis J 500 
 
 W 
 
 Wadhams, A. V S 5 oo 
 
 Wadsworth, W. A 25 oo 
 
 Waitzfelder, Albert 2 oo 
 
 Wakelee, Mrs. J. I 5 oo 
 
 Wakeman, Miss Elizabeth 
 
 K 10 oo 
 
 Wales, Mrs. Edward H 2 oo 
 
 Walker, Mrs. Emily S 10 oo 
 
 Walker, Frederick W 5 oo 
 
 Walker, H. L 500 
 
 Wanamaker, John 5 oo 
 
 Wandling, James L 5 oo 
 
 Warburg, Felix C 100 oo 
 
 Warburg, Mrs. Felix M 20 oo 
 
 Ward, Artemas 25 oo 
 
 Ward, Mrs. Charles H 5 oo 
 
 Ward, Mrs. George C 25 oo 
 
 Ward, Henry G 20 oo 
 
 Ward, J. Seeley 25 oo 
 
 Wardwell, Allen 10 oo 
 
 Ware, Mrs. Moses Weld 3 oo 
 
 Warren, Mrs. E. W 5 oo 
 
 Washburn, William 1 5 oo 
 
 Waters, Henry I oo 
 
 Watson, J. H 10 oo 
 
 Watson, Mrs. James S 25 oo 
 
 Watson, John J. Jr S 10 oo 
 
 Watts, Mrs. E. H. W. ..... S 2 oo 
 
 Wayland, John Elton 10 oo 
 
 Webb, J. Watson 10 oo 
 
 Weber, Adna F 2 oo 
 
 Weil, Isaac.. $ 5 oo 
 
 Weinman, J 100 
 
 Weinman, J S 2 60 
 
 Welling, W. Brenton 5 oo 
 
 Wellington, Miss E. R 15 oo 
 
 Wellman, Mrs. Francis L. . . 10 oo 
 
 Wells, Mrs. C. L 5 oo 
 
 Wells, Henry C 500 
 
 Wemple, Mrs. Susan J 5 oo 
 
 Wemple, W. Y 10 oo 
 
 Wenner, G. W 2 oo 
 
 Werbelowsky, Jacob H 5 oo 
 
 Wesendonck, M. A I oo 
 
 Wesley, Joseph J 500 
 
 West End Collegiate Church. 10 oo 
 
 Weston, Mrs. Theodore .... 5 oo 
 
 Wetmore, Miss Edith M 10 oo 
 
 Wetmore, Mrs. George P. . . 25 oo 
 
 Wheeler, Edward J 5 oo 
 
 Wheeler, Miss Emily M. . . . 10 oo 
 
 Wheeler, F. A 5 oo 
 
 Wheeler, H. W I oo 
 
 Wheeler, Miss Laura 10 oo 
 
 Wheeler, Miss Mariana 5 oo 
 
 Wheelock, William E 10 oo 
 
 White, Alexander M 10 oo 
 
 White, Alfred T 10 oo 
 
 White, Alfred T E 100 oo 
 
 White, Miss Caroline 10 oo 
 
 White, Miss Francis E 20 oo 
 
 White, Harold T 10 oo 
 
 White Miss Henrietta 5 oo 
 
 White, Miss Mary 2 oo 
 
 White, Miss May W 10 oo 
 
 White, William Augustus. . . 10 oo 
 
 White, Mrs. William P 2 oo 
 
 Whitehouse, Mrs. J. H 10 oo 
 
 Whitley , Thomas 5 oo 
 
 Whitlock, Miss M. G 10 oo 
 
 Whitman, Nathaniel 25 oo 
 
 Whitney, J. B 10 oo 
 
 Whitney, J. F. & Co 2 oo 
 
 Whittemore, Sidney 10 oo 
 
 Whittlesey, C. E 10 oo 
 
 Wicke, William 10 oo 
 
 Wiener, Mrs. Charles 5 oo 
 
 Wiggins, Theodore C 5 oo 
 
 Wilkinson, E. T 5 oo 
 
 Wilkinson, Thomas P i oo 
 
 Wilkinson Bros. & Co. ... 3 oo 
 
 Willcox, William G 10 oo 
 
 Willcox, Mrs. William G 10 oo 
 
 Willenborg, C. & Co 5 oo 
 
 Willets, John T 10 oo 
 
 Willets, Mrs. John T S 6 oo 
 
 Williams, Frank D 500 
 
 Williams, Mrs. I. T 5 oo 
 
 Williams, Mrs. T. S 25 oo 
 
 Willis, Mrs. Joseph G 6 oo 
 
 Wills, Charles T 500 
 
 Wilson, Mrs. H. L 10 oo 
 
 Wilson, Orme Jr 10 oo 
 
 Wineburgh, Michael 5 oo
 
 CONTRIBUTOR'S LIST. 
 
 215 
 
 Winthrop, Egerton L 
 
 $25 oo 
 
 Worrall. Petera B 
 
 $ 5 oo 
 
 Wise, Edward H 
 
 10 00 
 
 Wotherspoon, Henry H 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Wisner, Miss E. H 
 
 20 oo 
 
 Wright, L. A 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Wisner, Miss Josephine. . . . 
 
 15 oo 
 
 Wright, William J 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Witherbee, Mrs. F. S 
 
 15 oo 
 
 Wurzburger, Adolph 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Woerishoffer, Mrs. Anna. . . 
 
 25 oo 
 
 Wyckoff, Mrs. P. B 
 
 15 oo 
 
 Wolfe, S. Herbert 
 
 5 oo 
 
 
 
 Wolff, Mrs. Julius R 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Y 
 
 
 Wolff, Lewis S 
 
 10 oo 
 
 Young, Edwin A 
 
 I OO 
 
 Wolff, Louis 
 
 2 OO 
 
 Young, Thomas 
 
 6 oo 
 
 Wollman, Henry 
 
 I OO 
 
 
 
 Wood, Charles Morgan 
 
 25 oo 
 
 Z 
 
 
 Wood, Miss E. M 
 
 I OO 
 
 Zabriskie, Andrew C 
 
 10 OO 
 
 Wood, James 
 
 IO OO 
 
 Zabriskie, Mrs. C 
 
 IO OO 
 
 Wood, Miss Jessie C 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Zabriskie, George 
 
 S 5 oo 
 
 Woodhull, J. Clifford 
 
 IO OO 
 
 Zabriskie, Mrs. George 
 
 IO OO 
 
 Woolley, Mrs. J. V. S 
 
 I OO 
 
 Zabriskie, George Gray 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Work, J. Henry 
 
 10 OO 
 
 Ziegler, Mrs. Henry 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Wormser, Louis 
 
 IO OO 
 
 Zimmerman, Mrs. J. E 
 
 IO OO 
 
 AttfltujmowB 
 
 (TnntnbutiouB 
 
 
 I of $200 
 
 , . S $200 oo 
 
 B. B. S... 
 
 $ 5 oo 
 
 2 of 5O 
 
 IOO OO 
 
 C. B. S 
 
 IO OO 
 
 2 Of 25 
 
 50 oo 
 
 C. T. G 
 
 S i oo 
 
 I Of 
 
 . S 20 00 
 
 C. W. P 
 
 S 2 00 
 
 5 of 10 
 
 . S 50 oo 
 
 D. P. F 
 
 10 OO 
 
 3 of 10 
 
 30 oo 
 
 E. E. A 
 
 S 25 oo 
 
 I Of 
 
 7 oo 
 
 E. L. Y 
 
 S 2 00 
 
 3 of 5 
 
 15 oo 
 
 G. W. W 
 
 IO OO 
 
 3 of 5 
 
 . S 15 oo 
 
 J. H. A 
 
 5 oo 
 
 I Of 
 
 . S 4 44 
 
 L. B. H 
 
 S 10 oo 
 
 I Of 
 
 . S 3 oo 
 
 L. J. W 
 
 S 10 oo 
 
 2 Of 2 
 
 4 oo 
 
 M. A. P 
 
 S 2 OO 
 
 I Of 
 
 , . S 2 oo 
 
 M. H. C 
 
 IO OO 
 
 3 of I 
 
 3 oo 
 
 M. M.H 
 
 IO 00 
 
 4 of odd , 
 
 I 10 
 
 O. F. L 
 
 S i oo 
 
 " Cash " contributions: 
 
 
 O. P. J 
 
 2 OO 
 
 3 of $10 
 
 30 oo 
 
 S. F. H 
 
 5 oo 
 
 4 of 5 
 
 20 oo 
 
 W. W. A 
 
 10 OO 
 
 I Of... 
 
 . . S 5 oo 
 
 W. W. L 
 
 S 10 oo 
 
 5 of 2 
 
 10 00 
 
 X. Y. Z 
 
 S 6 oo 
 
 26 of i 
 
 26 oo 
 
 D. W. C. A 
 
 2 OO 
 
 I Of 
 
 .. S i oo 
 
 J. V. V. B 
 
 20 oo 
 
 2 of odd 
 
 in 
 
 Q. B. M. Z 
 
 15 oo 
 
 
 
 Q. B. M. Z 
 
 E 15 oo 
 
 T 
 
 \ oo 
 
 "A Client of Eugene Smith" . 
 
 2 OO 
 
 X 
 
 2 OO 
 
 A Friend 
 
 2<) 00 
 
 Mrs. L 
 
 . . S i oo 
 
 A Friend 
 
 25 oo 
 
 A. H 
 
 . . S i oo 
 
 A Friend 
 
 25 oo 
 
 A. Z 
 
 IO IO 
 
 A Friend 
 
 10 00 
 
 C. C 
 
 IOO OO 
 
 A Friend 
 
 5 oo 
 
 D. W 
 
 5 oo 
 
 A Friend 
 
 5 oo 
 
 E. W 
 
 .. S 3 oo 
 
 A Friend 
 
 5 oo 
 
 P. S 
 
 10 OO 
 
 A Friend 
 
 2 00 
 
 H.R 
 
 . . S s oo 
 
 A Little Sunday School in 
 
 
 L. R 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Newark 
 
 S 5 oo 
 
 M. L 
 
 12 50 
 
 A Self Supporting Woman . . 
 
 S i oo 
 
 W. C 
 
 2 OO 
 
 Baby Adele Alice. 
 
 S i oo 
 
 A. B. X 
 
 5 oo 
 
 East Orange 
 
 S 5 oo
 
 2i6 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 From a Sister 2 oo New Yorker S i oo 
 
 In Honor of St. Anthony . . . S i oo Sammy 5 oo 
 
 In Memory of A. H 10 oo Sympathizer S 3 oo 
 
 Lucille & Baby S 3 oo Three Friends 5 oo 
 
 Montclair S 5 oo X 4061 1840 i oo 
 
 New Haven, Conn S 3 oo
 
 DuiKii tniiii 0f 1 n t hit w. JRrciiHtta Hattrr. an& 
 (Other Srlpful Articles. 
 
 Adams, Mrs. C. T. 
 
 Bartlett, Mrs. P. G. 
 
 Baylies, Mrs. N. E. 
 
 Bayne, Miss C. L. 
 
 Benedict. G. W. 
 
 Benton, A. A. 
 
 Bigelow, A. 
 
 Butler, Charles Stewart. 
 
 Church of the Messiah. 
 
 Coombe, T. Gorton. 
 
 Crosby, Miss Eleanor. 
 
 Davis, C. 
 
 I3cnnisoru Mrs. E. F. 
 
 Dudley, Mrs. John L. 
 
 Durst & Rubin. 
 
 Dutton & Co., E. P. 
 
 Fackler, D. P. 
 
 Fountain, Miss L. E. 
 
 Frank, Mrs. L. E. 
 
 Goodkind, Miss M. 
 
 Gruening, Dr. Emil. 
 
 Guthrie, Mrs. C. S. 
 
 Hernsheim. Mrs. Joseph. 
 
 Hill. Mrs. Elizabeth L. 
 
 Holt. Mrs. L. E. 
 
 Hospital Book & Newspaper Soc. 
 
 Howson, Mrs. 
 
 Ingersoll. W. H. 
 
 Jones. W. Strother. 
 
 Kaufmann, S. Walter. 
 
 Kendall. Miss. 
 
 Kunhardt. W. B. 
 
 LcBoutillier, Thomas. 
 
 Leech. Mrs. J. E. 
 
 Leo, Miss. 
 
 Lloyd. A. T. 
 Loeser, G. C. 
 Ludlam, George P. 
 Madden, Mrs. 
 Mali, Mrs. P. 
 Miller, Mrs. A. 
 Miller, Mrs. W. L. 
 Moffat, Mrs. R. B. 
 Mommer, E. 
 Moran, Miss. 
 Mygatt, Mrs. L. C. 
 Neddlework, Guild. 
 Opdycke, Mrs. Emerson. 
 Parsons, William B. 
 Perry. Mrs. A. 
 Pohlmann, George. 
 Polk, Mrs. F. L. 
 Pollack. Miss L. 
 Preston, Thomas C. 
 Rachau, William H. 
 Rathacker, Miss Grace. 
 Sahler, Mrs. H. G. 
 Schartz, Mrs. 
 Schermerhorn, F. A. 
 Sigelstein & Dvorkin. 
 Siflcock, Mrs. John J. 
 Smith, Mrs. Eugene. 
 Spring, Miss Anna Riker. 
 Stanwood, Mrs. C. 
 Stebbins, Mrs. E. Vail. 
 Stimson. Thomas. 
 Tompkins, Mr. 
 Vail. Mrs. O. W. 
 Webster, Dr. George S. 
 Wolfson, Dr. A. M.
 
 CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS 
 
 AN ACT to incorporate the Prison Association of New York. Passed May 
 9, 1846, by a two-thirds vote. (As subsequently amended.) 
 
 The People of the State of New York, represented in Senate and Assembly, 
 do enact as follows: 
 
 I. All such persons as are now and hereafter shall become members to 
 the said association pursuant to the constitution thereof, shall and are hereby 
 constituted a body corporate by the name of The Prison Association of New 
 York, and by that name have the powers that by the third title, of the eighteenth 
 chapter, of the first part of the Revised Statutes, are declared to belong to every 
 corporation, and shall be capable of purchasing, holding and conveying, any 
 estate, real or personal, for the use of said corporation, provided that such 
 real estate shall never exceed the yearly value of ten thousand dollars, nor be 
 applied to any other purpose than those for which the corporation is formed. 
 
 2. The estate and concerns of said corporation shall be managed and 
 conducted by its executive committee, in conformity to the constitution of the 
 said corporation; and the following articles that now form the constitution of 
 the association shall continue ,to be the fundamental laws and constitution 
 thereof, subject to alterations in the mode therein prescribed. 
 
 Artirl* 3firat. 
 The objects of the association shall be: 
 
 1. The amelioration of the condition of prisoners, whether detained for trial, 
 or finally convicted, or as witnesses. 
 
 2. The improvement of prison discipline and the government of prisons, 
 whether for cities, counties or states. 
 
 3. The support and encouragement of reformed convicts after their dis- 
 charge, by affording them the means of obtaining an honest livelihood, and 
 sustaining them in their efforts at reform. 
 
 Arttrl* 
 
 The officers of the society shall be a president, vice-presidents, a recording 
 secretary, a corresponding secretary, and a treasurer, and there shall be the 
 following standing committees, viz.: a finance committee, a committee on 
 detentions, a committee on prison discipline, a committee on discharged con- 
 victs and an executive committee. The number of the executive committee 
 shall consist of not more than thirty-five, of whom not more than ten shall 
 be officers of the society, and not more than twenty-five shall be persons other 
 than officers. 
 
 Artirl* SHftrH. 
 
 The officers named in the preceding article shall be ex-officio members of 
 the executive committee, who shall choose one of their number to be chairman 
 thereof. 
 
 218
 
 CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS. 219 
 
 Arttrlr JFourth. 
 
 The executive committee shall meet once in each month, and keep regular 
 minutes of their proceedings. They shall have a general superintendence and 
 direction of the affairs of the society, and shall annually report to the society 
 all their proceedings, and such other matters as shall be likely to advance the 
 ends of the association. 
 
 Arttrlr JFtftlj. 
 
 The society shall meet annually in the city of New York, at such time and 
 place as the executive committee shall appoint, and at such other times as the 
 president, or in his absence, one of the vice-presidents, shall designate. 
 
 Arttrlr *i vth. 
 
 Any person contributing annually to the funds of the association not less than 
 five dollars shall, owing to such contribution, be a member thereof. A con- 
 tribution of five hundred dollars shall constitute a life patron; a contribution 
 of one hundred dollars shall constitute an honorary member of the association 
 for life, and a contribution of fifty dollars shall constitute a member of the 
 association for life. Honorary and corresponding members may, from time 
 to time, be appointed by the executive committee. 
 
 
 
 Arttrlr *r nrttlh. 
 
 A female department shall be formed, consisting of such females as shall 
 be selected by the executive committee, who shall have charge of the interest 
 and welfare of prisoners of their sex, under such regulations as the executive 
 committee shall adopt. 
 
 Arttrlr tg!n% 
 
 The officers of the association shall be chosen annually at the annual meeting, 
 at which time such persons may be elected honorary members as shall have 
 rendered essential service to the cause of prison discipline. 
 
 Arttrlr Ninth. 
 
 Any society having the same objects in view may become auxiliary to this 
 association by contributing to its funds and cooperating with it. 
 
 Arttrlr crntb. 
 
 The executive committee shall have power to add to any of the standing com - 
 mittees such persons as, in their opinion, may be likely to promote the objects 
 of the society, and shall have power to fill any vacancy which may occur in 
 any of the offices of the association, intermediate the annual meetings. 
 
 Arttrlr Elrnrnlh. 
 
 This constitution may be amended by a vote of the majority of the society 
 at any meeting thereof, provided notice of the amendment has been given at 
 the next preceding meeting. 
 
 The officers elected for the current year, under the constitution, shall con- 
 tinue to be the officers thereof until others shall be duly chosen in their places. 
 
 And it is hereby further enacted that no manager of said society shall receive 
 compensation for his services.
 
 22O THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 3. The said executive committee shall have power to establish a work- 
 house in the county of New York, and in their discretion, to receive and take 
 into the said workhouse all such persons as shall be taken up and committed 
 as vagrants or disorderly persons in said city as the Court of General Sessions 
 of the Peace, or the Court of Special Sessions, or the Court of Oyer and Ter- 
 miner, in said county, or any police magistrate, or the commissioner of the 
 almshouse may deem proper objects, and the said executive committee shall 
 have the same powers to keep, detain, employ and govern the said persons 
 as are now by law conferred on the keepers of the bridewell or penitentiary in 
 said city. 
 
 4. The said executive committee may, from time to time, make by-laws, 
 ordinances and regulations, relative to the management and disposition of the 
 estate and concerns of said association, and the management, government, 
 instruction, discipline and employment, of the persons so as aforesaid committed 
 to the said workhouse, not contrary to law, as they may deem proper, and may 
 appoint such officers, agents and servants as they may deem necessary to trans- 
 act the business of the said association, and may designate their duties. And 
 the said executive committee shall make an annual report to the Legislature 
 and to the corporation of the city of New York, of the number of persons 
 received by them into the said workhouse, the disposition which shall be made 
 of them by instructing or employing them therein, the receipts and expendir 
 tures of said executive committee, and generally all such facts and particulars 
 as may exhibit the operations of the said association. 
 
 5. The said executive committee shall have power, during the minority 
 of any of the persons so committed to the said workhouse, to bind out the 
 said persons so being minors, as aforesaid, as apprentices or servants, with their 
 consent during their minority, to such persons and at such places, to learn such 
 proper trades and employments as in their judgment will be most conducive 
 to their reformation and amendment and future benefit and advantage of such 
 persons. 
 
 6. The said executive committee by such committees as they shall from 
 time to time appoint, shall have power, and it shall be their duty to visit, inspect 
 and examine, all the prisons in the State, and annually report to the Legisla- 
 ture their state and condition, and all such other things in regard to them as 
 may enable the Legislature to perfect their government and discipline. And 
 to enable them to execute the powers and perform the duties hereby granted 
 and imposed, they shall possess all the powers and authority that by the twenty- 
 fourth section, of title first, chapter third, part fourth of the Revised Statutes 
 are invested in inspectors of county prisons and the duties of the keepers of 
 each prison that they may examine shall be the same in relation to them, as 
 in the section aforesaid, are imposed on the keepers of such prisons in relation 
 to the inspectors thereof; provided, that no such examination or inspection of 
 any prison shall be made until an order for that purpose to be granted by the 
 chancellor of this State, or one of the judges of the Supreme Court or by a vice- 
 chancellor or circuit judge, or by the first judge of the county in which the prison 
 to be examined shall be situate shall first have been had and obtained, which 
 order shall specify the name of the prison to be examined, the names of the 
 persons, members of the said association, by whom the examination is to be 
 made, and the time within which the same must be concluded.
 
 I. There shall be a stated meeting of the executive committee on the third 
 Thursday of each month, and special meetings shall be held on the requisition 
 of the chairman or any three members of the executive committee. The call 
 for a special meeting shall, in all cases, state the business to be transacted at 
 said meeting. 
 
 II. At every meeting of the executive committee five members shall be 
 necessary to constitute a quorum. 
 
 III. The order of business at the annual meeting shall be as follows: 
 
 1. Election of chairman and secretary. 
 
 2. 1 he reading of the minutes of the last meeting. 
 
 3. Report of committee on nominations. 
 
 4. Election of officers. 
 
 5. Report of corresponding secretary on the work of the year. 
 
 6. Annual report of the treasurer. 
 
 IV. The order of business at exery other stated meeting shall be as follows: 
 
 1. The reading and approval of the minutes of the last preceding meeting. 
 
 2. Report of treasurer. 
 
 3. Reports from standing committees. 
 
 4. Report from the corresponding secretary. 
 
 5. Reports from special committees. 
 
 6. Report from the general agent. 
 
 7. Miscellaneous business. 
 
 At a special meeting no other business shall be transacted than that for 
 which the said meeting was called. 
 
 V. The chairman shall appoint all standing and special committees and 
 decide all questions of order, subject to an appeal; and the rules of order shall 
 be those embodied in Cushing's Manual, so far as they arc applicable. 
 
 VI. The recording secretary of the association shall be the secretary of the 
 executive committee; and it shall be his duty to keep the minutes of the pro- 
 ceedings of said committee, to record them in a book provided for that purpose, 
 and to give due notice of all meetings of the committee. 
 
 VII. The corresponding secretary shall conduct the correspondence of the 
 executive committee and of each of the standing committees; and shall act as 
 the general financial agent of the association, and shall report at each stated 
 meeting of the committee. 
 
 VIII. The treasurer shall have charge of the funds of the association, and 
 shall give such security as the executive committee may require. His duties 
 are more fully defined in by-law X. 
 
 IX. There shall be six standing committees, namely, on finance, detentions, 
 discharged convicts, law, house, and library.
 
 222 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 X. The committee on finance shall be charged with the duty of raising and 
 caring for the funds. 
 
 The funds of the association shall be divided into three parts to be known 
 as: 
 
 1. The endowment fund. 
 
 2. The reserve fund. 
 
 3. The general fund. 
 
 The Endowment Fund. The endowment fund shall consist of such con- 
 tributions as shall be given with the restriction that the income only shall be 
 used for the purpose of the association, and all legacies. 
 
 The Reserve Fund. The reserve fund shall consist of such sums as may be 
 set aside from the general fund from time to time by the executive committee 
 for investment. Whenever any part of the reserve fund shall be appropriated 
 by the executive committee, such sum shall be immediately transferred to the 
 general fund. The endowment and reserve funds shall be under the immediate 
 direction and control of the committee on finance, and all investments of these 
 funds shall be ordered by the committee. The treasurer of the association 
 shall be a member and act as the treasurer of the committee on finance, and 
 shall be responsible for the safe-keeping of the sureties of the endowment and 
 reserve funds. 
 
 Any uninvested balance of the endowment and reserve funds shall be kept 
 each in separate trust companies in the name of the association, subject to check 
 of the treasurer, and shall, whenever possible, bear interest. All income from 
 the endowment and reserve funds may be transferred to the general fund as 
 soon as received. 
 
 No part of the reserve fund shall be used for any purpose except by reso- 
 lution of the executive committee, and whenever any part shall be appropriated 
 by the executive committee it shall immediately be transferred to the general 
 fund. 
 
 The General Fund. The term "general fund" shall cover all receipts of 
 the association not constituting a special fund or specified for the endowment 
 fund, the intention being that all the income, except legacies, including dona- 
 tions for general purposes, and income from endowment and reserve funds, 
 shall be credited to the general fund to which the authorized disbursements 
 of each activity of the association shall be charged at the close of the fiscal year. 
 
 The treasurer shall notify the corresponding secretary at once of all transfers 
 of income from the endowment and reserve funds to the general fund. 
 
 The treasurer shall notify the corresponding secretary, immediately on 
 receipt by him of any sum for the account of the association, that such receipt 
 may be entered at once to the credit of the proper account'on the books of the 
 association. 
 
 The corresponding secretary shall be the general disbursing agent of the 
 association, the object of the provision being to keep in the central offices of 
 the association all receipts for payments by him for the association of any kind, 
 nature or description, and to have in the central offices immediate record of all 
 his disbursements. This provision shall not apply to the endowment and reserve 
 funds. 
 
 All donations received by the corresponding secretary shall be entered by 
 him upon the proper books of the association and then deposited in such bank
 
 CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS. 223 
 
 as directed by the treasurer to the credit of the association. Whenever the 
 executive committee shall make an appropriation out of either the reserve or 
 general fund, the corresponding secretary shall send to the treasurer a copy of 
 the resolution making the appropriation, certified by the recording secretary, 
 which certified copy shall be the treasurer's authority for transferring the 
 appropriated amount to the corresponding secretary. 
 
 The treasurer shall keep an account covering the general fund in the name 
 of the association, subject to his check as treasurer in such bank as may be 
 selected by him and approved by the committee on finance. Such account shall 
 be separate and distinct from those accounts opened for the uninvested balance 
 of the endowment and reserve funds. 
 
 The corresponding secretary shall keep a bank account in the name of the 
 association, subject to his check as corresponding secretary for current dis- 
 bursements, and shall deposit to the credit of said bank account all moneys 
 he may receive from the treasurer drawn from the general fund. 
 
 The committee on finance shall audit and report upon accounts of the treas- 
 urer and of the corresponding secretary. 
 
 At each regular meeting of the executive committee the treasurer shall make 
 a detailed statement of the receipts and disbursements for the preceding calendar 
 month. He shall make a statement showing investments and the receipts and 
 disbursements of the endowment and reserve funds; he shall make, at the annual 
 meeting of the association, a detailed statement of receipts and disbursements 
 for the fiscal year. 
 
 XI. It shall be the duty of the committee on detentions: 
 
 1. To inquire, as far as may be practicable or necessary, into the causes of 
 commitment of persons in the prisons or houses of detention in the cities of 
 New York and in Brooklyn, and to adopt proper measures for procuring the 
 discharge or providing for the defense of such as shall appear to be entitled 
 thereto. 
 
 2. To visit frequently the prisons under their charge, and to endeavor to 
 improve both the physical and moral condition of the prisoners in all suitable 
 and practicable ways. 
 
 XII. It shall be the duty of the committee on discharged convicts: 
 
 1. To correspond with prison agents or superintendents relative to the 
 character and trades of prisoners, and to ascertain, previous to the discharge 
 of each prisoner, his feelings, views and capabilities, with a view of making the 
 best arrangements for his future employment. 
 
 2. To keep a record of all persons who will employ discharged prisoners 
 and of their several occupations; to procure such employment for prisoners 
 and applying therefor as seems best adapted to the capacity of each; to hold 
 correspondence with employers; to keep a record of the conduct and prospects 
 of those for whom places have been obtained, that they may be sustained and 
 encouraged with the idea that a continued friendly interest is felt for them. 
 
 3. To secure suitable boarding places for discharged prisoners, where they 
 will not be exposed to corrupting influences, taking care not to have more than 
 one in a place, where it can be avoided. 
 
 4. To see that the prisoners are provided with suitable clothing, of a kind 
 that will not attract particular attention. 
 
 5. To consider the internal organization of the management of prisons, and 
 the physical and moral influences to be exerted on the prisoners during their
 
 224 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 confinement; to report upon their health, reformation, upon convict labor, 
 administration and internal police, on the comparative merits of different 
 prison systems, and on the visitation of prisons and houses of reformation. 
 
 XIII. It shall be the duty of the committee on law to examine and report 
 from time to time upon the penal legislation of the State, with their suggestions 
 for the amendment thereto, to consider questions relating thereto which are 
 under discussion in the press or the Legislature, including pending bills, and 
 report their views and conclusions upon them; also to care for the law business 
 of the association. 
 
 XIV. It shall be the duty of the committee on house to care for the mainte- 
 nance of the real estate of the association. 
 
 XV. It shall be the duty of the committee on library to see that it is properly 
 housed and catalogued and to take steps for its increase. 
 
 XVI. One or more agents may be appointed by the executive committee to 
 assist the standing committees in their duties. 
 
 XVII. The president, chairman of the executive committee, and correspond- 
 ing secretary shall be members, ex officio, of all the standing committees. 
 
 XVIII. No alteration shall be made in these by-laws except upon notice 
 of the proposed amendment given at a previous meeting of the executive com- 
 mittee.
 
 Page. 
 
 American Institute of Criminal 
 
 Law and Criminology 60 
 
 American Piison Association. .49, 61 
 
 Amersfoort, Holland 75 
 
 Anhalt, Germany 75 
 
 Antwerp, Belgium 74, 75 
 
 Moor, Holland 75 
 
 Avereest, Holland 75 
 
 Aylesbury, Borstal Institution. 
 
 England 168, 1 76 
 
 Baden Baden, Germany 75 
 
 Barrows, Dr. S. J 74 
 
 Beggar Colonies 
 
 Belgium 70-101 
 
 Holland 79-85, 102-1 1 1 
 
 Germany 79-85. 112-140 
 
 Berlin, Germany 75, 115 
 
 Bielefeld, Germany 75 
 
 population 134 
 
 voluntary labor colony 133 
 
 Wilhelmsdorf 133 
 
 Big Brother^ 61 
 
 Bonds, issue of long-term 14 
 
 Borstal Institution, England, 
 
 152, 154, 160, 161 
 
 Borstal Association 175-176 
 
 comparison with Elmira. . . . 169-170 
 
 cost 172-173 
 
 daily routine 170 
 
 differences 170-171 
 
 modified Borstal treatment. 176-178 
 
 occupations 171-173 
 
 results 173-175 
 
 what Borstal is 168 
 
 Branthwaitc, Dr 166 
 
 Brauweiler, Germany 75, 125-132 
 
 conduct 127 
 
 earnings 131-132 
 
 finances 1 26 
 
 history. 125 
 
 industries 126-131 
 
 inmates and population 127 
 
 results 132 
 
 routine 128 
 
 Carnegie Institute, Cold Spring 
 Harbor, N. Y 51 
 
 P | . 
 Carlisle. Rev. Wilson and Victor 
 
 W 106-107 
 
 Carton de Wiart, Madame 77 
 
 Century Fund 67 
 
 Clinton Prison, see State Prisons 
 
 Collins, Cornelius V 56 
 
 Conferences and Meetings .... 60, 61 
 
 Constitution and By-Laws 218-224 
 
 Contents, Table of 5-6 
 
 Contributors 199-217 
 
 Cooperation 13 
 
 Courts 
 
 Special Sessions 27 
 
 General Sessions 29-31 
 
 Magistrates 27 
 
 of Appeals 27, 28 
 
 probation in 27 
 
 Grain, Judge T. C. F 36 
 
 Crefeld, Germany 75 
 
 Crime, seriousness of problem 4 
 
 Dangerous Weapons, law regard- 
 ing 59 
 
 Defective Delinquents 13 
 
 committee on 61 
 
 Delinquents, Feeble-minded, 
 
 i4.47-5i.6l, 72 
 
 Dresselhuis, H. C 76 
 
 Edinburgh, Scotland t 75 
 
 Elmira Reformatory 15, 56 
 
 compared with Borstal 169-170 
 
 parole 15-38 
 
 Sage Foundation, Study of .... 60 
 
 Ely, Smith n, 6a 
 
 Farm Colonies 39~46 
 
 Board of Inebriety 13 
 
 State Industrial Farm Colony.. 13 
 
 Farms, prison 39~46 
 
 in New York 40-46 
 
 in other states 39. 40 
 
 Farrcll, Miss Elizabeth 61 
 
 Fetter, Prof. P. A 141 
 
 Finances 12,61-62, 188-194 
 
 Fiscal Supervisor 14 
 
 Foster. Judge Warren W 36 
 
 Gibbons. James S 76 
 
 Giddings, Professor F. H 4 
 
 [-225]
 
 226 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Glasgow, Scotland 75 
 
 Goddard, Dr. H. H., on feeble- 
 mindedness 47-48, 6 1 
 
 Great Meadow Prison, see State 
 Prisons 
 
 Haarlem, Holland 74, 75 
 
 The Hague, Holland 74, 75 
 
 Hart, Dr. Hastings G 61 
 
 Hart's Island, see N. Y. City 
 Reformatory for Misdemeanants 
 
 Holloway Prison, England 159 
 
 Hondus, Mr., director of Veen- 
 
 huizen 1 1 1 
 
 Honorary Corresponding Mem- 
 bers 7<>-77 
 
 Honorary Life Members 196 
 
 Hoogstraeten, Belgium 86-87 
 
 House of Refuge, study of feeble- 
 minded in 48 
 
 Howard Association, England. ... 178 
 
 Isle of Wight 75 
 
 Industry, State Agricultural and 
 
 Industrial School at 40 
 
 Inebriety ' 
 
 Board of 13, 41 , 42 
 
 treatment of 59 
 
 treatment of, in England, 
 
 100, 165-167 
 
 International Congress on Ques- 
 tions Relating to Discharged 
 Prisoners and Morally Aban- 
 doned Children. 74 
 
 International Prison Congress 63 
 
 Inverness, Scotland 75 
 
 Jails, county .44-45 
 
 boys in 44~45 
 
 Jukes Family 50-51 
 
 Kellerhals, Otto 142-146 
 
 Kelly, Edmond . . . . 141 
 
 Krohne, Dr. E 76 
 
 Labor Colonies 
 
 centralized control 80 
 
 compulsory 79-132, 141-146 
 
 conduct 84 
 
 deterrent 83 
 
 inmates 81 
 
 inmates' labor 84 
 
 no politics 81 
 
 not reformatories 82 
 
 voluntary 133-140 
 
 Labor Colonies Page. 
 
 acreage 135 
 
 admissionsand discharges, 138-139 
 
 ages 137 
 
 . a justification 140 
 
 not a solution 139 
 
 population 134, 136 
 
 purposes I34~i35 
 
 what is accomplished 135 
 
 Legislation 14, 59 
 
 Lewis, O. F 1 79 
 
 Life Members . . . 197-198 
 
 Life Patrons 195 
 
 London, England 75 
 
 McMahon, John D . . 54 
 
 McNeill, Sir John 104 
 
 Mendicancy and Vagrancy 75-85 
 
 Merxplas, Belgium 75, 79-101 
 
 canteen .' 96 
 
 classification 95 
 
 cost 94-95 
 
 daily program 99 
 
 dietary 97~99 
 
 earnings of colonists , . 93-94 
 
 finances 92-93 
 
 food 97 
 
 guards 100-101 
 
 nature of colony 88 
 
 not penal colony 91 
 
 occupations 91-92 
 
 penal code 86 
 
 population 89-90 
 
 punishments 100 
 
 segregation 87 
 
 Mulqueen, Judge J. F 36 
 
 Napanoch Reformatory 15, 56 
 
 parole 1 5-38 
 
 National Conference of Charities 
 
 and Correction 49, 61 
 
 New Institutions 13 
 
 New York City 
 
 Conference of Charities and 
 
 Correction 60 
 
 correctional institutions 12, 13 
 
 prison, see Tombs 
 Reformatory for Misdemean- 
 ants 13.37, 43 
 
 study of 13, 14 
 
 New York State Reformatory for 
 Women, Bedford, study of 
 f eeble-mindedness in 48
 
 INDEX. 
 
 227 
 
 i . 
 
 Ommerschanz 103-105 
 
 O'Sullivan, Judge Thomas C 36 
 
 Osborn, William Church 54 
 
 '-.IT, Dr. Gco. M 48-49 
 
 .hurst Prison, England, 
 
 155. 159. 162 
 
 Parole Bureau 12, 15-38 
 
 Penal Codes 
 
 Belgium 86-87 
 
 Germany 113 
 
 *nd 102 
 
 Penitentiaries 
 
 boys in 44-45 
 
 county 14, 44-45 
 
 prison labor in 58 
 
 Penitentiary 
 
 Blackwell's Island 57 
 
 Onondaga County 58 
 
 Pentonville Prison, England.. 100, 159 
 
 flu-ad Prison, Scotland 75 
 
 Police Commissioner 21 
 
 Portland Prison, England 152 
 
 Preface 3 
 
 Prins, Adolph 77 
 
 Prison Association of New York 
 
 officers 7 
 
 staff. . 9 
 
 standing committees 8 
 
 Prison Labor 52-58 
 
 in county penitentiaries 59 
 
 in New York 53~58 
 
 in New York city 57 
 
 in other states 52-53 
 
 tigation of 54~58 
 
 national committee on 14 
 
 Prisoners 
 
 assistance to families of 14 
 
 assistance to released or dis- 
 charged 14 
 
 employment of 20 
 
 tment of discharged, in Eng- 
 land 163-165 
 
 Prisons, English 
 Borstal institutions and methods, 
 
 168-178 
 compared with American sys- 
 
 tcm 152 
 
 cost I58-IS9 
 
 daily routine 161-162 
 
 Prisons, English ; 
 
 dietary 163 
 
 list-barged prisoners 163-165 
 
 habitual criminals 154 
 
 inebriate reformatories 165-167 
 
 juvenile adults 154 
 
 labor and industries 157-160 
 
 population 160-161 
 
 prison act of 1898 153 
 
 punishments 157 
 
 separate confinement 155 
 
 system 151 
 
 Probation 27-38 
 
 and civil service 27 
 
 by board of inebriety 41 
 
 in counties 28 
 
 in court of general sessions. . .29-31 
 
 in New York state 27 
 
 in other states 28, 29 
 
 Probation Bureau of Prison As- 
 sociation 12. 15-38 
 
 Relief Work of Prison Associa- 
 tion 15-38 
 
 Riviere, Louis 106 
 
 Rodgers, Major 155. 162 
 
 Rosalsky, Judge Otto A 36 
 
 Rosenfeld, Dr. Ernest 77 
 
 Ruggles-Brise, Sir Evelyn, 76, 151, 175 
 Rummelsburg, Berlin 
 
 a city workhouse 115 
 
 daily routine 123 
 
 earnings and gratuities 121-122 
 
 occupations 119-121 
 
 population 1 16, 1 1 7, 1 23 
 
 results 1 24 
 
 sentences 116 
 
 statistics 119-121 
 
 Salary Classification Commission. 22 
 
 Scott, Joseph F 56 
 
 Scott, Walter George 76 
 
 Sing Sing Prison, see State Prisons 
 
 Smith, Eugene 63 
 
 Spf5*ffl Sessions, Gourt of 27 
 
 Stammer, George 77 
 
 State Board of Charities 13 
 
 State Board of Magistrates 49 
 
 State Charities Aid Association,.. 14 
 State Commission on Prisons. ... 12 
 State Conference of Charities and 
 Correction 14. 49
 
 228 
 
 THE PRISON ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Page. 
 
 State Custodial Asylum for Feeble- 
 minded Male Delinquents 14 
 
 State Industrial Farm Colony, . . . 
 
 41, 78, 79, 180, 181 
 State Prisons 
 
 Clinton 17, 55 
 
 Comstock 40 
 
 Great Meadow 55 
 
 Investigation of 12, 14, 54-58 
 
 Letter to prisoners in 18 
 
 Parole 15-38 
 
 Sing Sing 23, 54-56, 59, 160 
 
 Wingdale 40, 41 , 56, 59-60 
 
 State Probation Commission 14 
 
 proposed State probation and 
 
 parole commission. ... 14, 31, 59 
 State Reformatory for Misde- 
 meanants 14, 43-45 
 
 bill failed to pass 59 
 
 State Training School for Girls, 14, 57 
 
 Statistics of Crime 63-73 
 
 Swann, Judge Edward 36 
 
 Szilagyi, Arthur 77 
 
 Tombs, Trie 13 
 
 f eeble-mindedness in 48-49 
 
 Prison' Association and 32-34 
 
 violators of parole in 21 
 
 Tramps, see Vagrancy 
 
 Treasurer's Report 188-194 
 
 Vagrancy 
 
 Departmental Committee's re- 
 port 147-148 
 
 in England 147-150 
 
 in foreign countries 79-178 
 
 in United States 
 
 begging 186 
 
 commitments 179 
 
 costs should be State's 182 
 
 education a preventive meas- 
 ure 186 
 
 idleness in jail 184 
 
 lodgings 185, 186 
 
 national problem 1 80 
 
 national vagrancy committee. 185 
 
 railway trespass 181 
 
 short sentences 184 
 
 State officials 184 
 
 use of almshouses 182 
 
 Royal Commission's report, 148-149 
 
 Vagrants Page, 
 
 commitment to almshouses and 
 
 county jails 59 
 
 English classification of 149-150 
 
 Vambery, Dr. R 77 
 
 Van Kennen, George E 54 
 
 Veenhuizen, Holland 75, 102-1 1 1 
 
 buildings 107 
 
 escapes no 
 
 food and earnings no 
 
 history 103-107 
 
 industries 108-1 10 
 
 old methods 109 
 
 penal code 102 
 
 population 104-107 
 
 punishments 1 10-1 1 1 
 
 results in 
 
 Ver Loren van Themaat, H. B. . . 76 
 Vineland, New Jersey, State School 
 
 for Feeble-minded 50 
 
 Vlissingen, A. Fentener van 76 
 
 Von Hippel, Dr 111-114 
 
 Wade, Frank E. 
 
 address 44~46 
 
 report on Onondaga Peniten- 
 tiary 58 
 
 Whitin, E. Stagg 53 
 
 Whitney, Patrick A 43 
 
 Williams, Sergeant Grant 21 
 
 Willinck, H. G 104-105 
 
 Wilson, Dr. Albert 107 
 
 Wines, Dr. E. C 74 
 
 Wingdale, see State Prisons 
 
 Witzwil 141-146 
 
 acreage 141 
 
 as model to New York 146 
 
 equipment 145 
 
 inmates 145 
 
 industries 143-144 
 
 methods 142 
 
 successful penal farm 141 
 
 valuation 142 
 
 Workhouses, foreign 
 
 German compulsory 1 12-132 
 
 Brauweiler 125-132 
 
 Rummelsburg 1 15-124 
 
 Wormwood Scrubbs, England, 
 
 152, 159, 160, 162 
 Wortel, Belgium 86, 87

 
 &3&SERSSSS**"*"'* 
 
 B