LlbKAKY LIBRARY. 1 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA PRESENTED BY DR. ANNA B. LEFLER IN MEMORY OF HER SISTER GRACE LEFLER LANCELOT ANDREWES First Published . . . October Second Edition, Revised rynf Printed by MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, Edinburgh Cjee heer a iShadoXT/rvm thatjetti \phofe alertous cctorje through tha Rcrizon. rum Left Ae dmmfocf cffur dull Hemifihare , ^AU one oreatrEye, all drcrm'd m one matTkilfe . W It? Ic rare induftrivuj Sffule led htjjret tfteuyhtvz Thrmyh Learnings Univer/e, arut^vamty.'fciujht Rfomjir her /Jnuiau Self; watt, at leryth vay home.: mith. an holy strength. -<*t^? . Sutumcn Hall. ,63 f jnatcht krfelr htnce to Heavn;JiUd a Imgkt place Mulsl theft, immortal Fires, and m the face Of her great MAKER/ixt a fLumy eye, When Jhll she read* true. pure Dfvinitie . jind nowyaraue AffKt hath detmd. tcjTmd^ Intv tfttj tejje ajrpfaranfc. Ifv?u think^j ftfy Tu tut a dead face.^rt dedi href bequeaA iA cm t/ifjolbmiy leouej (-fe, LANCELOT ANDREWES BY ROBERT L. OTTLEY, D.D. CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH HON. FELLOW OF PEMBROKE COLLEGE, OXFORD WITH PORTRAIT SECOND EDITION, REVISED METHUEN & CO. 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. LONDON '' In the time of trouble He shall hide me in His tabernacle ; yea, in the secret place of His dwelling shall He hide me, and set me up upon a rock of stone." Ps. xxvii. 5 tljt $temor2 of a Staler farljase life of Jjifcaett aelf-rottseccatiott att^ untoearietr cljatitg toaa inspiretr bg trehotion to t!jc Catlrolii: anir |Eotljer of faints, ia ook is CONTENTS CHAP. PAGE I. BIRTH, EDUCATION, AND FIEST YEARS IN LONDON . 1 II. THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH . . 24 III. ANDREWES AT THE COURT OF JAMES I. ... 40 IV. THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 55 V. PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH ... 72 VI. FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS ... 92 VII. ANDREWES THE PRELATE 108 VIII. BISHOP ANDREWES AS A PREACHER .... 123 IX. THE THEOLOGICAL POSITION OF BISHOP ANDREWES PART I. , . 150 PART II "... 166 X. THE DEVOTIONS 177 XI. A CONCLUDING SURVEY 194 APPENDIX A. SPECIMENS OF THE POSITIVE TEACHING OF BISHOP ANDREWES ON POINTS IN DISPUTE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND BOMB .... 203 APPENDIX B. BISHOP WREN'S INSCRIPTION FOR BISHOP ANDREWES' TOMB 207 APPENDIX C. LIST OF BISHOP ANDREWES' WORKS . 209 APPENDIX D. LITERARY HISTORY OF THE DEVOTIONS . 212 PREFACE THE name of bishop Andrewes is so reverently cherished by English Churchmen, that many will probably feel a sense of disappointment in reading the story of his career. The fact is, that he owes his great reputation more to his gift of preaching and to the depth and beauty of his devotional life, than to the part he played in the history of the Church or in public affairs. The sphere in which he moved was but little suited to his temperament. His great literary capacity was spent in controversial encounters which were scarcely worthy of his genius. Indeed, the published work of Andrewes, like other products of English theology, is occasional in character, and the controversy with Bellarmine and Du Perron is important chiefly as throwing light on the bishop's conception of the office and mission of the English Church. It may be said that his life has an enduring interest, as showing the course followed, and the aims pursued, by a loyal son of the Church in a perplexed and troubled age. The controversial works of Andrewes display to us a man of high intellectual gifts, profound learning, lively humour, and broad sympathies. But the Sermons and Devotions reveal a higher order of qualities, a pure and tender heart, a deep spiritual vii viii PEEFACE insight, and an austere sanctity, which is concealed for the most part under a veil of masculine reserve. Such a character will repay study at a time when very different ideals are popular. In regard to one subject particularly, the controversy \^th Eome, there is much to be learned from the breadth of view, the true sense of moral proportion, which distinguishes bishop Audrewes' treatment. The memoir by Isaacson, and other notices that bear upon the bishop's life, have been carefully collected by Mr. Bliss in the concluding volume of Andrewes' works published in the Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology. 1 Mr. Eussell's Memoirs of the Life and Works of Lancelot Andrewes (1860) supply a large and some- what diffuse collection of materials. There are one or two papers of interest in the Bodleian Library, notably the letter to Heinsius describing Casaubon's death. To the Eev. E. B. Kackham I am indebted for kind trouble in revising proofs, and also for a valuable note on the Devotions (Appendix D). E. L. 0. Ascension Day, 1894. 1 The references are in all cases to this edition. The Minor Works, Life, etc., is generally referred to shortly as " Bliss." BISHOP ANDBEWES . : CHAPTER I BIRTH, EDUCATION, AND FIRST YEARS IN LONDON LANCELOT ANDREWES was born in 1555, and died in 1626. He survived by rather more than a year the accession of Charles I., but his career may be said, roughly speaking, to cover the critical period that intervenes between the opening of Elizabeth's reign and the death of James I. It is difficult to describe concisely any epoch of history which marks a transition from era to era, nor need the task be attempted here. It is enough to remember that Andrewes lived in days of vast and significant change social, intellectual, and religious. At the time of his birth, England had reached her lowest point of internal disorder and humiliation. The reign of Mary had closed in failure and disaster. " Never woman meant so well And fared so ill in this disastrous world." 1 She left her people sullen and dispirited. The 1 Tennyson, Queen Mary, act v. sc. 2. 2 BISHOP ANDREWES political and religious independence of the nation was threatened by the implacable hostility of Spain; the resources of the country seemed to be exhausted, and its government discredited. At the death of James (1625) the situation presented a complete contrast. Thanks to the strong and temperate energy of Elizabeth's administration, the nation was now inspired by something like unity of purpose and sentiment ; the Eeformation movement had triumphed ; the passion for public liberty was rising to its height, and the Commons stood on the verge of their resolute struggle with the absolutism of the Crown. The active intrigues of the counter-Keforma- tion had at last ceased to be formidable. The day of England's weakness and fear seemed to be over ; she had entered for good and for evil on the chequered career of a great modern state a career that was to entail such high and varied duties, such heavy sacrifices, and such splendid achievements. But the social revolution that passed over England during these seventy eventful years is scarcely less remark- able than the change in the political situation. It might be fitly described in the eloquent language of an Oxford historian: 1 " The paths trodden by the footsteps of ages were broken up : old things were passing away, and the faith and life of ten centuries were dissolving like a dream. Chivalry was dying : the abbey and the castle were soon together to crumble into ruins ; and all the forms, desires, beliefs, convictions of the old world were passing away never to return. ... In the fabric of habit which they had so laboriously built up for themselves, mankind were to remain no 1 Professor Froude. BIRTH AND EDUCATION 3 longer." This passage, indeed, reminds us that long before the accession of Elizabeth the causes had been silently at work that were destined to produce this momentous change in the ideas and prospects of nations and individual men. But at the close of James' reign the old world had finally vanished and the new era had begun. In England the very aspect of the country seemed to have undergone a kind of transformation. The age of feudalism, with its baronial castles and soldierly nobility, had dis- appeared ; in its stead had risen a new England an England adorned with stately manor houses and thriving homesteads. The spirit of mercantile and manufacturing enterprise was awake, and was already producing widely-felt economic results. The general standard of comfort was higher ; there was greater diffusion of wealth, more leisure, and consequently more cultivation. Most striking fact of all the closing years of Elizabeth's reign had witnessed the birth of a new literary impulse. Shakespeare, Bacon, Spenser, and Hooker had risen to celebrity, one of them at least being included in the circle of Andrewes' intimate friends. But throughout the period the most powerful force making for change in men's habits of thought and life though not perhaps the most obvious at the time was the reformation in religion. In an age of transition, " Eeligion naturally became the battle- field of the old and new state of things." 1 The Reformation opened fundamental questions which lay at the very root of individual beliefs, social develop- ment, and national policy; it introduced endless 1 Creighton, Age of Elizabeth, p. 2. 4 BISHOP ANDEEWES possibilities of internal conflict, of collision between different states and different orders of men in the same state. In England, especially, we see the results of the change in religion exhibited on a large scale. The impressive but dimly understood forms of mediaeval worship had given place to the dignified simplicity of the Anglican rite. The Bible had become the people's book, and was slowly moulding the religious thought and even the language of common men. The free and boisterous merriment of the Tudor period was gradually giving way before the restrained serious temper and moral enthusiasm of Puritan England. Such were the more obvious symptoms of the new order of things which since the close of the fifteenth century had gradually become established in England. The generation to which Andrewes belonged was one which had enjoyed the benefits of strong and settled government; which had grown up in habits of industry, and had come to realise the true worth of knowledge, the importance and interest of the pursuits of peace art, commerce, and manufacture. With a rising spirit of independence, however, and a new sense of the value of liberty, was combined a temper of loyalty to the great queen, which lived on in the form of an almost superstitious reverence for monarchy. Majesty was sacred, and was held to be invested with a divine right. But what had hitherto been a pre- judice, or an informal inference drawn from the current conceptions of sovereignty, became under James I. a distinct theory of absolutism. It would be unreasonable to expect that the churchmen of the Stuart period should be altogether exempt from the BIRTH AND EDUCATION 5 prevalent ideas of their age on this subject ; and, as we shall see, there were deeper reasons for the exaggerated deference which they paid to the principle of monarchical government. At any rate, Andre wes grew to manhood in an atmosphere of submissive loyalty, and this became a factor in his career, and determined his special field of work. Politically speaking, England under Elizabeth enjoyed immunity from actual invasion, and the benefits of stable government. But in the sphere of opinion her reign was a period of great confusion, unsettlement, and conflict between new and old habits of thought. It was a condition of things in which leaders were needed in every sphere, in none more urgently than that of religion. It is as a religious leader that Andrewes engages our interest and attention. After Eichard Hooker, 1 he is the most conspicuous ecclesiastical writer of his day ; and it may be claimed for him that of his contemporaries he alone was qualified to meet the peculiar difficulties with which the English Church found herself con- fronted at the close of Elizabeth's reign. If the work of the Eeformation was to endure and to be developed ; if the Church was to hold her own against the steady pressure of Calvinism and the pertinacious vehemence of the Eoman attack, she must find defenders competent to render an adequate account of her anomalous position, and to base her claims on a coherent theory. First in Jewel and Hooker, and later in Lancelot Andrewes, the English Church happily found what she needed. In the ensuing sketch no attempt will be made to give a complete 1 Hooker was born in 1553, and died in 1600. 6 BISHOP ANDREWES biography of Andrewes a task for which materials, especially letters, are very deficient. We shall study his career simply with a view to estimating in some degree his importance as a religious leader. Lancelot Andrewes, the eldest of a family of thirteen, was born in Thames Street, in the parish of All-Hallows, Barking, in 1 5 5 5. l His father, Thomas Andrewes, was a member of the commercial or middle class which the policy of Elizabeth did so much to encourage. He had led a seafaring life, and in his later years became one of the masters of the Trinity House. English seamen were already famous for their restless hardihood and love of adventure; we know what an important part was played by men of the stamp of Drake and Howard in the fierce struggle with Spain which culminated in the destruction of the Armada in 1588. The mariners of that age were distinguished by a strange mixture of unscrupulous daring and religious fervour. As a class they seem to have been passionately devoted to the cause of national liberty, and to the new order of religious beliefs. More- over, the persecutions of Mary's reign had taught men to value their hardly-won privileges, while the sense of national dangers had developed a new seriousness and intensity in the average English character. The parents of Lancelot Andrewes are said to have been "honest and religious," and very careful of the education of their children. At an early age, probably at the suggestion and with the aid of Sir Francis Walsingham, who was on friendly terms with the 1 The exact day of his birth is unknown. The Andrewes family was connected with Suffolk, but very little seems to be known of its history. BIRTH AND EDUCATION 7 Andrewes family, and resided near them, Lancelot was sent to the Coopers' Free school of Katcliffe, in Stepney parish, the master of which, Ward, soon discovered the boy's passion for study, and " obtained of his parents that he should not be a prentice." This discerning kindness was never forgotten by Andrewes. Before long he was transferred to the care of Eichard Mulcaster, first master of the newly-founded Merchant Taylors' school. Here he made rapid progress ; his diligence was extraordinary ; early and late he was at his studies ; he used to rise at four ; he would work while others were at play, and indeed had to be compelled to take his part in the school games. Mulcaster seems to have been an educationalist of original ideas. He taught the boys Hebrew, Greek, and Latin; and was careful also to train them in music and dramatic art. " Yeerly he presented sum playes to the court in which his scholers were (the) only actors, . . . and by that meane taught them good behaviour and audacitye." 1 Possibly the founda- tion was thus laid of Andrewes' gift as a preacher. Throughout his life he was much attached to his old school, sometimes attending the annual dinner and election. For Mulcaster he ever retained an affec- tionate regard, treated him always with marked respect and generosity, and after his death " caused his picture to be set over his study door." 2 It was characteristic of him that he never forgot those to whom he felt that he owed a lasting obligation. When he became bishop of Winchester, he gave a 1 Whitelock, Liber famdicus (Camden Society). 2 "Whereas," says Buckeridge (Funeral Sermon), "in all the rest of the house you could scantly see a picture." 8 BISHOP ANDREWES living to Ward's son ; and to Mulcaster's son he left a legacy. In 1571, at the age of sixteen, he was sent to Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, as the holder of the first of some Greek scholarships recently founded by Dr. Thomas Watts, archdeacon of Middlesex. 1 Andrewes entered the University of Cambridge at a time when the struggle between the Church and Puritanism was at its height. Whitgift (master of Trinity 1567-77) had lately become vice-chancellor (1570), and was an inflexible supporter of the queen's policy enforcement at all hazards of the prescribed discipline of the Church. Cambridge had already become the centre of a determined movement of resistance. The Puritan party had entrenched itself firmly in the university, and could enlist the services of zealous, able, and determined men. Of this party, Thomas Cartwright, fellow of Trinity, was the acknowledged leader. He had been placed in a position of dignity and wide influence by his election to the Lady Margaret professorship in 1569, and he used the professorial chair as a vantage ground from which to assail with fierce determination the whole system of the English Church. His influence was now nearly at its height, and the effect of his vigorous preaching and lecturing had already become visible in a general unsettlement of the university. Young fellows of colleges and undergraduates crowded to hear him, and eagerly caught at suggestions of in- 1 About the same time he seems to have been nominated a scholar of Jesus College, Oxford, by the founder, Hugh Price, but apparently he did not visit the university before he became an (incorporated) M.A. of Oxford in 1581. BIRTH AND EDUCATION 9 subordination to authority. To some, and to Whitgift especially, Cartwright's conduct appeared a public danger, at a time when the power of Spain was so formidable. The one hope of Church and country lay in general agreement to sink differences on unessential points ; ecclesiastical uniformity seemed to be a safe- guard of national unity ; the intolerance which de- nounced episcopacy and the use of the surplice as abominations equally heinous was a scandal and a positive source of peril. Accordingly, complaints began to reach the chancellor (Cecil, afterwards Lord Burghley) of the disturbance raised by Cartwright in the university. The danger was depicted in exaggerated terms. One head of a house assured the chancellor that the aim of the Puritans was " to overthrow all ecclesiastical and civill governance that now is, and to ordeyne and institute a newly founded pollicie." Grindal, arch- bishop of York, wrote to Cecil in a similar strain. The chancellor was roused ; he wrote to Whitgift, as the head of Cartwright's house, directing him to take prompt measures against the offenders. It would seem that Whitgift himself, after long alliance with the rising party, had now begun to realise the disas- trous effects of their agitation, and as a man of wider sympathies he was disgusted by their rigidity, their narrow vehemence, and ill-proportioned zeal. It is clear, indeed, from contemporary accounts, that Calvinism was at this time not only a force making for political disorder, but that it was also inflicting deep and serious injury on the welfare of Cambridge as a place of learning. The quiet and dignified repose of academic life disappeared; the time that 10 should have been devoted to study was wasted in exciting theological disputes. Dr. Caius, the accom- plished master of the college that bears his name, complains in 1567: " Young men now-a-days be so negligent that they care for nothing." In consequence of the general relaxation of discipline, which was the more perilous in view of the extreme youthfulness of the undergraduates, there was a great deal of insubordination, often tacitly encouraged by Calvinistic seniors. The students became generally extravagant and dissipated in their habits; they despised academic dress ; occasionally even the square cap and surplice in chapel were discarded. Perhaps the general de- moralisation had not reached its lowest point at the time when Andrewes matriculated. But things were bad enough. We find complaints of the rudeness and pugnacity of the undergraduates, their open conflicts with the townsmen, their insolence to strangers, their contempt of authority. Cambridge was fast degenerating into a "storehouse for a staple of prodigall, wastfull, ryotous, unlerned, and insufficient persons." 1 It is curious that the first effects of Puritanism should have differed so widely from the permanent impress which it was destined to leave on the national character. At this time it was clearly a disintegrat- ing force which must be reckoned with, and under Whitgift's drastic regime we see a systematic effort made on the part of the university authorities to enforce order and conformity. Whitgift was, in fact, the chief promoter first at Cambridge, afterwards at 1 See Mullinger's History of the University of Cavibridge, from which the above account is mainly derived. BIRTH AND EDUCATION 11 Lambeth of a policy which eventually led to a final rupture between Puritanism and the State. His exertions secured in the Elizabethan statutes of the university a new and formidable preponderance of influence for the heads of colleges. But this legisla- tion only aggravated the division between parties ; it produced a split between the younger regents imbued with the new teaching, and jealous for their rights and the older men, who were convinced of the necessity of strengthening authority by an accumula- tion of the powers of the university in the hands of the Heads. The struggle was at its height in 1570, and on the eve of Andrewes' admission (September 1571), Whitgift had triumphed: Cartwright was deprived of his professorship and fellowship, quitted Cambridge, and retired to Geneva. It was not until twenty years later that he reappeared and preached in Cambridge, by which time Andrewes himself was master of Pembroke. Meanwhile, Cartwright's departure was hailed with a sense of relief, as likely to promote the interests both of learning and discipline. Lancelot Andrewes entered Pembroke Hall as a scholar, and rose to be its Head. A large proportion of his fellow-students were of the same social rank as himself. According to the arrangements of the time, he would find himself lodged in a simple room shared by two, or possibly three, other students. At this time colleges were overcrowded ; residence in lodgings was rare ; and the number of students was constantly increasing. The conditions of life were thus extremely uncomfortable and unfavourable, as we might think, to systematic study or quiet thought. Andrewes, not being 12 BISHOP ANDREWES one of the poorer scholars, 1 would be exempt from menial duties ; but he probably underwent, during his first term, the rude and sometimes cruel process of " salting," and in any case he would have to wait till he was fellow before he could secure a room entirely to himself, He appears, however, to have set himself courageously to make the best of these unpromising conditions. His passion was for study, and he had, perhaps, undue distaste for the pastimes 2 which were usual at that time. "He never," says his biographer Isaacson, "loved or used any games or ordinary recreation, either within doors, as cards, dice, tables, chess, or the like ; or abroad, as butts, quoits, bowls, or any such." His chief college friend seems to have been Thomas Dove, his contemporary at school and college, who became bishop of Peterborough in 1600. What seems to have distinguished Andrewes was a quiet, contemplative delight in nature ; his favourite recreation was walking either alone or with a friend. " He would often profess that to observe the grass, herbs, corn, trees, cattle, earth, waters, heavens, any of the creatures, and to contemplate their natures, orders, virtues, uses, etc., was ever to him the greatest mirth, content, and recreation that could be ; and this he held to his dying day." 3 Once a year, before 1 His parents ' ' left him a sufficient patrimony and inheritance, which is descended to his heir " (Buckeridge, Funeral Sermon}. 2 "The usual pastimes (including those prohibited) were archery, quoits, football (reciprocaiio pilae), bull and bear baitings, and especi- ally dramatic performances. Latin plays were a recognised diversion ; those in English, except by special allowance, were not " (Mullinger, p. 486). 3 Isaacson, Life, p. vi, BIRTH AND EDUCATION 13 Easter, he visited his home, making the journey on foot ; but his stay was limited to a month, and was devoted to hard study. " Against the time he should come up, his father, directed by letters from his son, before he came, prepared one that should read to him, and be his guide in the attaining of some language or art which he had not attained before. So that within a few years he had laid the foundations of all arts and sciences, and had gotten skill in most of the modern languages." 1 Andrewes was by temperament early drawn to the study which absorbed, sometimes with disastrous results, the most promising intellects of his day the science of theology. But until he took his degree he would conform to the regular curriculum, elementary mathematics and astronomy, which were studied in antiquated text-books ; cosmography, on which the recognised authorities were Plato's Timaeus, Strabo, and Pliny ; rhetoric and logic, the latter subject being regarded as of primary importance. The traditional treatment of logic was at this time being largely modified by the influence of Peter Eamus, whose tragic death in the massacre of S. Bartholomew (August 1572) was one of the exciting and thrilling events of Andrewes' undergraduate life. This regular course would, in the case of an inquiring student, be supplemented by some study of ethics, physics, and metaphysics ; but theology was the science of most engrossing interest to the abler men. In this subject also there were standard text-books, but already the Summa and the Sentences had been super- seded by Calvin's Institutes, the Commonplaces of 1 Isaacson, p. v. 14 BISHOP ANDREWES Musculus, the writings of Beza and other lights of protestantism. After taking his B.A. degree, Andrewes was in 1576 elected fellow of his college as the result of an examination, in those days a rare event. His un- successful competitor was his friend and schoolfellow, Thomas Dove. His election enabled Andrewes to follow his real bent, and to devote himself systematic- ally to theology. At a time when Hebrew and even Greek were deplorably neglected, Andrewes had, by his unremit- ting diligence, become a student proficient, for those days, in both languages. He applied himself with ardour to the study of Scripture. We hear of his joining a small group of senior men who held weekly meetings for prayer and Bible-reading. To each member of the company was assigned a definite department of study bearing on the subject selected: one busied himself with the text, another with exegesis, another with the doctrinal import of the passage. These exercises seem to have borne good fruit, and helped to foster a common tone of thought and habit of mind among the younger seniors. It is noticeable that one member of the group, Chaderton, afterwards became the first master of Emmanuel college. At this time also Andrewes found scope for his love of teaching, being appointed in 1578 "catechist" of his college. Catechising was at this time a recognised, and much honoured method of religious instruction. It was the ordinary duty of young clergymen in their first pastoral cure. With a view probably to training men for this important branch of their work, Andrewes instituted catechetical lectures in his college-chapel, BIRTH AND EDUCATION 15 delivered on Saturdays and Sundays in the afternoon. Something in his matter or manner seems to have made these lectures very attractive. They were soon crowded, not only by residents, but by young curates from the country. The substance of the lectures was published after Andrewes' death (in 1630), under the title, A Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine, which, supplemented by another series, The Moral Law Expounded (first published in 1642), 1 forms a system- atic exposition of the Decalogue. After his ordination (1580), Andrewes was led by circumstances into a line of reading which he made peculiarly his own. Moral theology seems to have had special attractions for him, and his diligence in this department was stimulated by the fact that he was now engaged in the cure of souls. "He was," says HarriDgton, " a man deeply seen in all cases of conscience, and he was much sought to in that respect." In an age of noisy controversy, his quiet, unobtrusive goodness and devout temper won him the confidence and reverence of earnest inquirers, and of those troubled in mind or conscience. The result was that Andrewes became closely engaged in the work of spiritual direction, and soon gained the reputation of being a profound casuist. 2 A curious anecdote is preserved, which throws light 1 "It seems probable that his sermons on the Temptation of Christ in the Wilderness and on the Lord's Prayer, originally published respect- ively in 1592 and 1611, were taken from the notes of his hearers on these occasions" (Bliss, Andrewes' Minor Works, Life, etc., p. vi. ). 2 We may notice that his exercise for the degree of B.D. (1585) was a "Thesis de Usuris" ; and in 1591 he wrote a theological treatise ("Determinatio"), "On the Lawfulness of an Oath" (Opuscula, pp. 95, 117). 16 BISHOP ANDREWES on Andrewes' method, and the variety of demands made on his time. A stout alderman, we are told, who was wont to fall asleep in church at the afternoon service, and was consequently "preached at" as a reprobate, was so troubled in his mind that he consulted Andrewes. Andrewes said "it was an ill habit of body, not of mind," and advised the alderman to dine lightly on Sundays. In spite of this advice, he again slept in sermon time, and was vigorously denounced by the preacher. "He comes again to Mr. Andrewes with tears in his eyes, to be resolved, who then told him to make his usual hearty meal and take out his full sleep before going to S. Mary's." This plan suc- ceeded, but "Mr. Andrewes was extremely spoken against for offering to assoyle or excuse a sleeper in sermon time. But he had learning and wit enough to defend himself." x Such was the career to which the diligent and earnest young student devoted himself, but meanwhile we cannot doubt that he was a keenly interested observer of the theological struggle that had so greatly disturbed and hindered the higher studies of the university. In the actual struggle, however, he took no part. By this time the repressive action of the authorities was beginning to tell, and was producing consequences not less disastrous than those provoked by the fanaticism of the Puritans. Insistance on con- formity, which was the weapon of the Church party, was driving extremists on both sides to retaliatory measures. The founding of Emmanuel college in 1584 marks a defiant recrudescence of Puritan zeal. 2 1 Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, vol. i. pp. 262, 263. 1 See a description of the college in Lewis' Life of Bishop Hall, BIRTH AND EDUCATION 17 Emmanuel was intended to be a training school for the ministry, but a ministry of the Genevan pattern. From the date of its first foundation, the society was dis- tinguished by an entire disregard of the ordinary usage and discipline of the Church. The college " used its own form of religious service, discarded surplices and hoods, was careless even of the cap and gown, and had suppers on Fridays." The sacrament was administered with gross neglect and irreverence, the recipients being seated during the communion, and behaving as if pre- sent at an ordinary meal. Andrewes must have been disgusted and repelled by such a display of Puritan temper and methods, especially when, as sometimes was the case, dogmatic rigidity was combined with an in- consistent laxity in practice. There was little chance that the attempts which were occasionally made to win him over would be successful. " They (the Emmanuel Puritans) had a great mind to draw in to them this learned young man, who (if they could make [him] strong) they knew would be a great honour to them. They carried themselves antiently with great severity and strictness. They preached up the strict keeping and observing of the Lord's Day, made it damnation to break it, and that 'twas less sin to kill a man. Yet these hypocrites did bowl in a private green at other colleges every Sunday after sermon. And one at the college (a loving friend to Mr. Andrewes), to satisfy him, lent him one day the key of the private back door to the bowling-green, where he discovered these zealous preachers with their gowns off earnest at play ; but they were strangely surprised to see the entry of one who was not of the brotherhood." 1 Meanwhile, though 1 Anecdotes, vol. i. p. 262. 2 18 BISHOP ANDREWES Puritanism of this type was dominant, another re- actionary party was rising into notice. In numbers it was as yet insignificant, but it was animated by a spirit of implacable hostility to the English Church. The revived Komanism had been driven by the harsh penal measures of the government into open disaffec- tion, and was now become a standing danger to the Throne, if not to the Church. Shortly before Andrewes entered the university, the English college had been founded by William Allen at Douai (1568). In less than nine years the community numbered nearly two hundred students ; it was removed to Eheims in 1578 ; and in 1580, fathers Parsons and Campion led the first Jesuit mission into England. It is needless to trace in detail the course of the counter-Reformation. It is enough to say that at Cambridge the movement found its sympathisers, if not its open partisans. The dominant Calvinism was not left unchallenged ; and the rising display of catholic feeling was enough to keep the Puritan party on the alert. Naturally, Andrewes, as a patristic student and casuist, was suspected of leanings towards Catholicism, and his career was doubtless watched from different sides with conflicting emotions. It does not, however, appear that his somewhat unpopular views hindered his advance. It is true that he had some difficulty in obtaining the D.D. degree, which was refused him on his first application. The date of his actually taking the degree is uncertain ; he probably applied for it in connection with his appointment as master of his college (1589). 1 But his own amiable and devout 1 His exercises were (1) "Concio ad clerum" in Prov. xi. 25, translated and published in 1646 under the title, Sacrilege a Snare. BIRTH AKD EDUCATION 19 character won him many friends and allies, while his solid learning made him a formidable antagonist. Whitgift, at least, was able to measure his worth, and some time after his succession to the primacy appointed Andrewes to be one of his chaplains (about 1586). This event, and the preferment which followed, loosened to some extent the ties which bound Andrewes to Cambridge, and brought him on to a more public stage. He broke his residence in 1586 by a tour in the north in the company of the earl of Huntingdon, president of the North, during which he found scope for his preaching powers, and used the opportunity not with- out success for privately reconciling recusant priests and others to the English Church. This was the beginning of a wider and more varied activity. Through the influence of Sir Francis Walsingham, who had interested himself in Andrewes from his boyhood, and was anxious, in spite of some disagreement with his views, to find a conspicuous sphere for his abilities, he was appointed in 1588 to the vicarage of S. Giles', Cripplegate. In the following year he was assigned a prebendal stall at Southwell ; and shortly afterwards (May 1589) the stall of S. Pancras in S. Paul's Cathedral. It happened that this stall was that of confessioner or penitentiary; 1 and, while Andrewes held the office, he not only lectured regularly on some portion (2) " Theologica Determinatio de Decimis," translated and published in 1647 ; see Bliss, p. viii. 1 "Thomas Kempe, bishop of London, founded a chantry in 5 Edward IV. for one priest who should be confessor to the bishop of London ; from the time of the endowment of this chantry, and its annexation to the stall of S. Pancras, the prebendary, on admission to this stall, was admitted also to the office of penitentiary " (Bliss, p. vii.). 20 BISHOP ANDREWES of Scripture, 1 but he endeavoured to turn to good account the traditions of the stall. It was his custom at stated times in Lent to walk in one of the aisles of the cathedral for the purpose of giving spiritual counsel and comfort to any who might seek it. This perhaps unpopular 2 determination to revive the neglected but important functions of his office is highly honourable to Andrewes. The work was, however, in itself con- genial to him, and there was something about him that could not fail to command confidence and esteem. At a time when self-seeking, luxury, and ambition were com- mon among the more dignified clergy, men were touched and attracted by the simplicity of the laborious and ascetic life which had now become habitual to Andrewes. 3 During his tenure of the canonry in S. Paul's (1591), he, together with the dean, Nowell, was appointed by the archbishop to visit and confer with John Udall, who was lying under sentence of death for a seditious libel on the queen and the bishops. After " many dis- courses " with Andrewes, Udall still persisted in his opinions, but was touched by the forbearance and gentleness of his visitor. He told him " the oftener he came the welcomer he should be," but he refused to make the required submission ; and eventually, though 1 "He lectured on Gen. i.-iv. three times every week during term time, some of the later ones being delivered at S. Giles', Cripplegate. These lectures were published in 1657, with the title Apospasmatia Sacra" (Bliss, p. Ixxvii.). 2 The office of penitentiary was ' ' a place notoriously abused in time of popery by their tyranny and superstition, but now of late by a contrary extreme too much forgotten and neglected. " (Harrington, who implies that the cry of "Popery" was sometimes raised against Andrewes' conduct. ) 3 He suffered from overwork, and at one time "became so infirm that his friends despaired of his life " (Isaacson). BIKTH AND EDUCATION 21 reprieved at Whitgift's request, died in prison. During the same year, Andrewes took part in a similar mission to the fanatical Henry Barrow, 1 but with equal want of success. In August 1589, on the death of William Fulke, Andrewes was recalled to Cambridge as master of his college. He cannot have resided continuously during his tenure of this office (1589-1605), but he found time for the work of practical administration, and his career at Pembroke was marked by a public-spirited disregard of his own personal interests. "He ever spent more upon it than he received by it." In fact, he found his society in debt, and left it with a reserve fund of 1000. Little more needs to be said of Andrewes' Cambridge life. It was not till 1596 that the school of thought to which he belonged made its power felt. In the year 1595, distinct signs appeared in Cambridge of a revolt against the Calvinist theology. William Barrett, a fellow of Caius College, in a Latin sermon preached for the degree of B.D., had handled severely the prevailing doctrines as to assurance and the inde- fectibility of faith. The dominant party was alarmed and indignant, and the regius professor of divinity, Dr. Whitaker, a man of great learning and zeal, drew up nine theses which he presented to the primate, and which became famous as the Lambeth articles. A reluctant retractation of his opinions was forced from Barrett, who, within a short time, quitted the university and became a Eomanist. Meanwhile, a higher authority, Peter Baro, who for twenty years had been Lady Margaret professor, gave his sanction 1 For Andrewes' view of the Independents, see Sermons, vol. iv. p. 12. 22 BISHOP ANDEEWES to the reactionary movement, and even ventured, in a sermon at S. Mary's, to pass some criticisms on the nine articles. He was cited before the Heads of colleges to answer for his temerity, but the proceed- ings failed, chiefly, it is thought, owing to the fact that Andrewes and other influential men, such as Overall, who succeeded Whitaker in the professor- ship, were known to be in sympathy with Baro's views. The incident is important, as being one of several symptoms of a reaction against a system which was fast becoming a tyranny. Andrewes' own opinion of the Lambeth articles was set down in a paper afterwards published. It must have required some courage in one of the archbishop's chaplains to dispute his theology. In this paper, as might have been anticipated in the case of so reverent and devout a mind, there is little positive contribution to the subject. Andrewes begins by expressing a sense of the greatness of the mystery under discussion : he declares that since his ordination he had carefully refrained from disputing upon these speculative points. 1 While acknowledging his general agreement with Whitgift, he advises that silence should be enjoined on both sides. What follows is a temperate and free criticism of the articles, sufficiently strong, as we might think, coming from such a man, to deter the archbishop from further proceedings. But Whitgift 1 "Ego certe, ingenue fateor, secutus sum Augustini consilium ; mysteria haec quae aperire non possum, clausa miratus sum, et proinde, per hos sedecim annos, ex quo presbyter sum factus, me neque publice neque privatim vel disputasse de eis vel pro concione tractasse ; etiam nunc quoque malle de eis audire quani dicere . . . Suaderem, si fieri possit, ut indiceretur utrinque sileutium " (Pattern