LlbKAKY
LIBRARY. 1
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
SANTA BARBARA
PRESENTED BY
DR. ANNA B. LEFLER
IN MEMORY OF HER SISTER
GRACE LEFLER
LANCELOT ANDREWES
First Published . . . October
Second Edition, Revised rynf
Printed by MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, Edinburgh
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LANCELOT ANDREWES
BY
ROBERT L. OTTLEY, D.D.
CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH
HON. FELLOW OF PEMBROKE COLLEGE, OXFORD
WITH PORTRAIT
SECOND EDITION, REVISED
METHUEN & CO.
36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
LONDON
'' In the time of trouble He shall hide me in His tabernacle ;
yea, in the secret place of His dwelling shall He
hide me, and set me up upon a rock
of stone." Ps. xxvii. 5
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att^ untoearietr cljatitg
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CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. BIRTH, EDUCATION, AND FIEST YEARS IN LONDON . 1
II. THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH . . 24
III. ANDREWES AT THE COURT OF JAMES I. ... 40
IV. THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 55
V. PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH ... 72
VI. FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS ... 92
VII. ANDREWES THE PRELATE 108
VIII. BISHOP ANDREWES AS A PREACHER .... 123
IX. THE THEOLOGICAL POSITION OF BISHOP ANDREWES
PART I. , . 150
PART II "... 166
X. THE DEVOTIONS 177
XI. A CONCLUDING SURVEY 194
APPENDIX A. SPECIMENS OF THE POSITIVE TEACHING
OF BISHOP ANDREWES ON POINTS IN DISPUTE
BETWEEN ENGLAND AND BOMB .... 203
APPENDIX B. BISHOP WREN'S INSCRIPTION FOR BISHOP
ANDREWES' TOMB 207
APPENDIX C. LIST OF BISHOP ANDREWES' WORKS . 209
APPENDIX D. LITERARY HISTORY OF THE DEVOTIONS . 212
PREFACE
THE name of bishop Andrewes is so reverently
cherished by English Churchmen, that many will
probably feel a sense of disappointment in reading
the story of his career. The fact is, that he owes his
great reputation more to his gift of preaching and to
the depth and beauty of his devotional life, than to
the part he played in the history of the Church or
in public affairs. The sphere in which he moved
was but little suited to his temperament. His great
literary capacity was spent in controversial encounters
which were scarcely worthy of his genius. Indeed,
the published work of Andrewes, like other products
of English theology, is occasional in character, and
the controversy with Bellarmine and Du Perron is
important chiefly as throwing light on the bishop's
conception of the office and mission of the English
Church. It may be said that his life has an enduring
interest, as showing the course followed, and the aims
pursued, by a loyal son of the Church in a perplexed
and troubled age. The controversial works of Andrewes
display to us a man of high intellectual gifts, profound
learning, lively humour, and broad sympathies. But
the Sermons and Devotions reveal a higher order of
qualities, a pure and tender heart, a deep spiritual
vii
viii PEEFACE
insight, and an austere sanctity, which is concealed
for the most part under a veil of masculine reserve.
Such a character will repay study at a time when
very different ideals are popular. In regard to one
subject particularly, the controversy \^th Eome, there
is much to be learned from the breadth of view, the
true sense of moral proportion, which distinguishes
bishop Audrewes' treatment.
The memoir by Isaacson, and other notices that
bear upon the bishop's life, have been carefully collected
by Mr. Bliss in the concluding volume of Andrewes'
works published in the Library of Anglo-Catholic
Theology. 1
Mr. Eussell's Memoirs of the Life and Works of
Lancelot Andrewes (1860) supply a large and some-
what diffuse collection of materials. There are one
or two papers of interest in the Bodleian Library,
notably the letter to Heinsius describing Casaubon's
death.
To the Eev. E. B. Kackham I am indebted for kind
trouble in revising proofs, and also for a valuable note
on the Devotions (Appendix D).
E. L. 0.
Ascension Day, 1894.
1 The references are in all cases to this edition. The Minor Works,
Life, etc., is generally referred to shortly as " Bliss."
BISHOP ANDBEWES
. :
CHAPTER I
BIRTH, EDUCATION, AND FIRST YEARS IN LONDON
LANCELOT ANDREWES was born in 1555, and died in
1626. He survived by rather more than a year the
accession of Charles I., but his career may be said,
roughly speaking, to cover the critical period that
intervenes between the opening of Elizabeth's reign
and the death of James I.
It is difficult to describe concisely any epoch of
history which marks a transition from era to era, nor
need the task be attempted here. It is enough to
remember that Andrewes lived in days of vast and
significant change social, intellectual, and religious.
At the time of his birth, England had reached her
lowest point of internal disorder and humiliation.
The reign of Mary had closed in failure and
disaster.
" Never woman meant so well
And fared so ill in this disastrous world." 1
She left her people sullen and dispirited. The
1 Tennyson, Queen Mary, act v. sc. 2.
2 BISHOP ANDREWES
political and religious independence of the nation
was threatened by the implacable hostility of Spain;
the resources of the country seemed to be exhausted,
and its government discredited.
At the death of James (1625) the situation
presented a complete contrast. Thanks to the strong
and temperate energy of Elizabeth's administration,
the nation was now inspired by something like unity of
purpose and sentiment ; the Eeformation movement
had triumphed ; the passion for public liberty was
rising to its height, and the Commons stood on the verge
of their resolute struggle with the absolutism of the
Crown. The active intrigues of the counter-Keforma-
tion had at last ceased to be formidable. The day of
England's weakness and fear seemed to be over ; she
had entered for good and for evil on the chequered
career of a great modern state a career that was to
entail such high and varied duties, such heavy
sacrifices, and such splendid achievements. But the
social revolution that passed over England during
these seventy eventful years is scarcely less remark-
able than the change in the political situation. It
might be fitly described in the eloquent language of an
Oxford historian: 1 " The paths trodden by the footsteps
of ages were broken up : old things were passing away,
and the faith and life of ten centuries were dissolving
like a dream. Chivalry was dying : the abbey and the
castle were soon together to crumble into ruins ; and
all the forms, desires, beliefs, convictions of the old
world were passing away never to return. ... In
the fabric of habit which they had so laboriously
built up for themselves, mankind were to remain no
1 Professor Froude.
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 3
longer." This passage, indeed, reminds us that long
before the accession of Elizabeth the causes had been
silently at work that were destined to produce this
momentous change in the ideas and prospects of
nations and individual men. But at the close of
James' reign the old world had finally vanished and
the new era had begun. In England the very
aspect of the country seemed to have undergone a
kind of transformation. The age of feudalism, with
its baronial castles and soldierly nobility, had dis-
appeared ; in its stead had risen a new England an
England adorned with stately manor houses and
thriving homesteads. The spirit of mercantile and
manufacturing enterprise was awake, and was already
producing widely-felt economic results. The general
standard of comfort was higher ; there was greater
diffusion of wealth, more leisure, and consequently
more cultivation. Most striking fact of all the
closing years of Elizabeth's reign had witnessed the
birth of a new literary impulse. Shakespeare, Bacon,
Spenser, and Hooker had risen to celebrity, one of
them at least being included in the circle of Andrewes'
intimate friends.
But throughout the period the most powerful force
making for change in men's habits of thought and
life though not perhaps the most obvious at the
time was the reformation in religion. In an age
of transition, " Eeligion naturally became the battle-
field of the old and new state of things." 1 The
Reformation opened fundamental questions which lay
at the very root of individual beliefs, social develop-
ment, and national policy; it introduced endless
1 Creighton, Age of Elizabeth, p. 2.
4 BISHOP ANDEEWES
possibilities of internal conflict, of collision between
different states and different orders of men in
the same state. In England, especially, we see the
results of the change in religion exhibited on a large
scale. The impressive but dimly understood forms of
mediaeval worship had given place to the dignified
simplicity of the Anglican rite. The Bible had become
the people's book, and was slowly moulding the
religious thought and even the language of common
men. The free and boisterous merriment of the
Tudor period was gradually giving way before the
restrained serious temper and moral enthusiasm of
Puritan England.
Such were the more obvious symptoms of the new
order of things which since the close of the fifteenth
century had gradually become established in England.
The generation to which Andrewes belonged was one
which had enjoyed the benefits of strong and settled
government; which had grown up in habits of
industry, and had come to realise the true worth of
knowledge, the importance and interest of the pursuits
of peace art, commerce, and manufacture. With
a rising spirit of independence, however, and a new
sense of the value of liberty, was combined a temper
of loyalty to the great queen, which lived on in the
form of an almost superstitious reverence for monarchy.
Majesty was sacred, and was held to be invested with
a divine right. But what had hitherto been a pre-
judice, or an informal inference drawn from the
current conceptions of sovereignty, became under
James I. a distinct theory of absolutism. It would
be unreasonable to expect that the churchmen of the
Stuart period should be altogether exempt from the
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 5
prevalent ideas of their age on this subject ; and, as
we shall see, there were deeper reasons for the
exaggerated deference which they paid to the principle
of monarchical government. At any rate, Andre wes
grew to manhood in an atmosphere of submissive
loyalty, and this became a factor in his career, and
determined his special field of work.
Politically speaking, England under Elizabeth
enjoyed immunity from actual invasion, and the
benefits of stable government. But in the sphere of
opinion her reign was a period of great confusion,
unsettlement, and conflict between new and old habits
of thought. It was a condition of things in which
leaders were needed in every sphere, in none more
urgently than that of religion. It is as a religious
leader that Andrewes engages our interest and
attention. After Eichard Hooker, 1 he is the most
conspicuous ecclesiastical writer of his day ; and it
may be claimed for him that of his contemporaries
he alone was qualified to meet the peculiar difficulties
with which the English Church found herself con-
fronted at the close of Elizabeth's reign. If the
work of the Eeformation was to endure and to be
developed ; if the Church was to hold her own against
the steady pressure of Calvinism and the pertinacious
vehemence of the Eoman attack, she must find
defenders competent to render an adequate account
of her anomalous position, and to base her claims on
a coherent theory. First in Jewel and Hooker, and
later in Lancelot Andrewes, the English Church
happily found what she needed. In the ensuing
sketch no attempt will be made to give a complete
1 Hooker was born in 1553, and died in 1600.
6 BISHOP ANDREWES
biography of Andrewes a task for which materials,
especially letters, are very deficient. We shall study
his career simply with a view to estimating in some
degree his importance as a religious leader.
Lancelot Andrewes, the eldest of a family of
thirteen, was born in Thames Street, in the parish
of All-Hallows, Barking, in 1 5 5 5. l His father, Thomas
Andrewes, was a member of the commercial or middle
class which the policy of Elizabeth did so much to
encourage. He had led a seafaring life, and in his
later years became one of the masters of the Trinity
House. English seamen were already famous for their
restless hardihood and love of adventure; we know
what an important part was played by men of the
stamp of Drake and Howard in the fierce struggle
with Spain which culminated in the destruction of the
Armada in 1588. The mariners of that age were
distinguished by a strange mixture of unscrupulous
daring and religious fervour. As a class they seem to
have been passionately devoted to the cause of national
liberty, and to the new order of religious beliefs. More-
over, the persecutions of Mary's reign had taught men
to value their hardly-won privileges, while the sense
of national dangers had developed a new seriousness
and intensity in the average English character. The
parents of Lancelot Andrewes are said to have been
"honest and religious," and very careful of the
education of their children. At an early age, probably
at the suggestion and with the aid of Sir Francis
Walsingham, who was on friendly terms with the
1 The exact day of his birth is unknown. The Andrewes family
was connected with Suffolk, but very little seems to be known of its
history.
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 7
Andrewes family, and resided near them, Lancelot
was sent to the Coopers' Free school of Katcliffe, in
Stepney parish, the master of which, Ward, soon
discovered the boy's passion for study, and " obtained
of his parents that he should not be a prentice." This
discerning kindness was never forgotten by Andrewes.
Before long he was transferred to the care of Eichard
Mulcaster, first master of the newly-founded Merchant
Taylors' school. Here he made rapid progress ; his
diligence was extraordinary ; early and late he was at
his studies ; he used to rise at four ; he would work
while others were at play, and indeed had to be
compelled to take his part in the school games.
Mulcaster seems to have been an educationalist of
original ideas. He taught the boys Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin; and was careful also to train them in
music and dramatic art. " Yeerly he presented sum
playes to the court in which his scholers were (the)
only actors, . . . and by that meane taught them
good behaviour and audacitye." 1 Possibly the founda-
tion was thus laid of Andrewes' gift as a preacher.
Throughout his life he was much attached to his old
school, sometimes attending the annual dinner and
election. For Mulcaster he ever retained an affec-
tionate regard, treated him always with marked
respect and generosity, and after his death " caused
his picture to be set over his study door." 2 It was
characteristic of him that he never forgot those to
whom he felt that he owed a lasting obligation.
When he became bishop of Winchester, he gave a
1 Whitelock, Liber famdicus (Camden Society).
2 "Whereas," says Buckeridge (Funeral Sermon), "in all the rest of
the house you could scantly see a picture."
8 BISHOP ANDREWES
living to Ward's son ; and to Mulcaster's son he left
a legacy.
In 1571, at the age of sixteen, he was sent to
Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, as the holder of the first
of some Greek scholarships recently founded by Dr.
Thomas Watts, archdeacon of Middlesex. 1
Andrewes entered the University of Cambridge at
a time when the struggle between the Church and
Puritanism was at its height. Whitgift (master of
Trinity 1567-77) had lately become vice-chancellor
(1570), and was an inflexible supporter of the queen's
policy enforcement at all hazards of the prescribed
discipline of the Church. Cambridge had already
become the centre of a determined movement of
resistance. The Puritan party had entrenched itself
firmly in the university, and could enlist the services
of zealous, able, and determined men. Of this party,
Thomas Cartwright, fellow of Trinity, was the
acknowledged leader. He had been placed in a
position of dignity and wide influence by his election
to the Lady Margaret professorship in 1569, and he
used the professorial chair as a vantage ground from
which to assail with fierce determination the whole
system of the English Church. His influence was
now nearly at its height, and the effect of his vigorous
preaching and lecturing had already become visible
in a general unsettlement of the university. Young
fellows of colleges and undergraduates crowded to
hear him, and eagerly caught at suggestions of in-
1 About the same time he seems to have been nominated a scholar
of Jesus College, Oxford, by the founder, Hugh Price, but apparently
he did not visit the university before he became an (incorporated)
M.A. of Oxford in 1581.
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 9
subordination to authority. To some, and to Whitgift
especially, Cartwright's conduct appeared a public
danger, at a time when the power of Spain was so
formidable. The one hope of Church and country lay
in general agreement to sink differences on unessential
points ; ecclesiastical uniformity seemed to be a safe-
guard of national unity ; the intolerance which de-
nounced episcopacy and the use of the surplice as
abominations equally heinous was a scandal and a
positive source of peril. Accordingly, complaints
began to reach the chancellor (Cecil, afterwards
Lord Burghley) of the disturbance raised by
Cartwright in the university. The danger was
depicted in exaggerated terms. One head of a
house assured the chancellor that the aim of the
Puritans was " to overthrow all ecclesiastical and
civill governance that now is, and to ordeyne and
institute a newly founded pollicie." Grindal, arch-
bishop of York, wrote to Cecil in a similar strain.
The chancellor was roused ; he wrote to Whitgift, as
the head of Cartwright's house, directing him to take
prompt measures against the offenders. It would
seem that Whitgift himself, after long alliance with
the rising party, had now begun to realise the disas-
trous effects of their agitation, and as a man of wider
sympathies he was disgusted by their rigidity, their
narrow vehemence, and ill-proportioned zeal.
It is clear, indeed, from contemporary accounts, that
Calvinism was at this time not only a force making
for political disorder, but that it was also inflicting
deep and serious injury on the welfare of Cambridge
as a place of learning. The quiet and dignified
repose of academic life disappeared; the time that
10
should have been devoted to study was wasted in
exciting theological disputes. Dr. Caius, the accom-
plished master of the college that bears his name,
complains in 1567: " Young men now-a-days be so
negligent that they care for nothing." In consequence
of the general relaxation of discipline, which was the
more perilous in view of the extreme youthfulness
of the undergraduates, there was a great deal of
insubordination, often tacitly encouraged by Calvinistic
seniors. The students became generally extravagant
and dissipated in their habits; they despised academic
dress ; occasionally even the square cap and surplice
in chapel were discarded. Perhaps the general de-
moralisation had not reached its lowest point at the
time when Andrewes matriculated. But things were
bad enough. We find complaints of the rudeness and
pugnacity of the undergraduates, their open conflicts
with the townsmen, their insolence to strangers,
their contempt of authority. Cambridge was fast
degenerating into a "storehouse for a staple of
prodigall, wastfull, ryotous, unlerned, and insufficient
persons." 1
It is curious that the first effects of Puritanism
should have differed so widely from the permanent
impress which it was destined to leave on the national
character. At this time it was clearly a disintegrat-
ing force which must be reckoned with, and under
Whitgift's drastic regime we see a systematic effort
made on the part of the university authorities to
enforce order and conformity. Whitgift was, in fact,
the chief promoter first at Cambridge, afterwards at
1 See Mullinger's History of the University of Cavibridge, from which
the above account is mainly derived.
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 11
Lambeth of a policy which eventually led to a final
rupture between Puritanism and the State. His
exertions secured in the Elizabethan statutes of the
university a new and formidable preponderance of
influence for the heads of colleges. But this legisla-
tion only aggravated the division between parties ;
it produced a split between the younger regents
imbued with the new teaching, and jealous for their
rights and the older men, who were convinced of the
necessity of strengthening authority by an accumula-
tion of the powers of the university in the hands of
the Heads. The struggle was at its height in 1570,
and on the eve of Andrewes' admission (September
1571), Whitgift had triumphed: Cartwright was
deprived of his professorship and fellowship, quitted
Cambridge, and retired to Geneva. It was not until
twenty years later that he reappeared and preached
in Cambridge, by which time Andrewes himself
was master of Pembroke. Meanwhile, Cartwright's
departure was hailed with a sense of relief, as
likely to promote the interests both of learning and
discipline.
Lancelot Andrewes entered Pembroke Hall as a
scholar, and rose to be its Head. A large proportion
of his fellow-students were of the same social rank as
himself. According to the arrangements of the time,
he would find himself lodged in a simple room shared
by two, or possibly three, other students. At this
time colleges were overcrowded ; residence in lodgings
was rare ; and the number of students was constantly
increasing. The conditions of life were thus extremely
uncomfortable and unfavourable, as we might think, to
systematic study or quiet thought. Andrewes, not being
12 BISHOP ANDREWES
one of the poorer scholars, 1 would be exempt from
menial duties ; but he probably underwent, during his
first term, the rude and sometimes cruel process of
" salting," and in any case he would have to wait till
he was fellow before he could secure a room entirely
to himself,
He appears, however, to have set himself courageously
to make the best of these unpromising conditions.
His passion was for study, and he had, perhaps,
undue distaste for the pastimes 2 which were usual
at that time. "He never," says his biographer
Isaacson, "loved or used any games or ordinary
recreation, either within doors, as cards, dice, tables,
chess, or the like ; or abroad, as butts, quoits, bowls, or
any such." His chief college friend seems to have
been Thomas Dove, his contemporary at school and
college, who became bishop of Peterborough in 1600.
What seems to have distinguished Andrewes was a
quiet, contemplative delight in nature ; his favourite
recreation was walking either alone or with a friend.
" He would often profess that to observe the grass,
herbs, corn, trees, cattle, earth, waters, heavens, any
of the creatures, and to contemplate their natures,
orders, virtues, uses, etc., was ever to him the greatest
mirth, content, and recreation that could be ; and this
he held to his dying day." 3 Once a year, before
1 His parents ' ' left him a sufficient patrimony and inheritance,
which is descended to his heir " (Buckeridge, Funeral Sermon}.
2 "The usual pastimes (including those prohibited) were archery,
quoits, football (reciprocaiio pilae), bull and bear baitings, and especi-
ally dramatic performances. Latin plays were a recognised diversion ;
those in English, except by special allowance, were not " (Mullinger,
p. 486).
3 Isaacson, Life, p. vi,
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 13
Easter, he visited his home, making the journey on
foot ; but his stay was limited to a month, and was
devoted to hard study. " Against the time he should
come up, his father, directed by letters from his son,
before he came, prepared one that should read to him,
and be his guide in the attaining of some language
or art which he had not attained before. So that
within a few years he had laid the foundations of all
arts and sciences, and had gotten skill in most of the
modern languages." 1
Andrewes was by temperament early drawn to
the study which absorbed, sometimes with disastrous
results, the most promising intellects of his day the
science of theology. But until he took his degree he
would conform to the regular curriculum, elementary
mathematics and astronomy, which were studied in
antiquated text-books ; cosmography, on which the
recognised authorities were Plato's Timaeus, Strabo,
and Pliny ; rhetoric and logic, the latter subject being
regarded as of primary importance. The traditional
treatment of logic was at this time being largely
modified by the influence of Peter Eamus, whose
tragic death in the massacre of S. Bartholomew
(August 1572) was one of the exciting and thrilling
events of Andrewes' undergraduate life. This regular
course would, in the case of an inquiring student, be
supplemented by some study of ethics, physics, and
metaphysics ; but theology was the science of most
engrossing interest to the abler men. In this subject
also there were standard text-books, but already
the Summa and the Sentences had been super-
seded by Calvin's Institutes, the Commonplaces of
1 Isaacson, p. v.
14 BISHOP ANDREWES
Musculus, the writings of Beza and other lights of
protestantism.
After taking his B.A. degree, Andrewes was in
1576 elected fellow of his college as the result of an
examination, in those days a rare event. His un-
successful competitor was his friend and schoolfellow,
Thomas Dove. His election enabled Andrewes to
follow his real bent, and to devote himself systematic-
ally to theology.
At a time when Hebrew and even Greek were
deplorably neglected, Andrewes had, by his unremit-
ting diligence, become a student proficient, for those
days, in both languages. He applied himself with
ardour to the study of Scripture. We hear of his
joining a small group of senior men who held weekly
meetings for prayer and Bible-reading. To each member
of the company was assigned a definite department of
study bearing on the subject selected: one busied
himself with the text, another with exegesis, another
with the doctrinal import of the passage. These
exercises seem to have borne good fruit, and helped
to foster a common tone of thought and habit of
mind among the younger seniors. It is noticeable
that one member of the group, Chaderton, afterwards
became the first master of Emmanuel college. At
this time also Andrewes found scope for his love of
teaching, being appointed in 1578 "catechist" of his
college. Catechising was at this time a recognised,
and much honoured method of religious instruction.
It was the ordinary duty of young clergymen in their
first pastoral cure. With a view probably to training
men for this important branch of their work, Andrewes
instituted catechetical lectures in his college-chapel,
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 15
delivered on Saturdays and Sundays in the afternoon.
Something in his matter or manner seems to have
made these lectures very attractive. They were soon
crowded, not only by residents, but by young curates
from the country. The substance of the lectures was
published after Andrewes' death (in 1630), under
the title, A Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine, which,
supplemented by another series, The Moral Law
Expounded (first published in 1642), 1 forms a system-
atic exposition of the Decalogue.
After his ordination (1580), Andrewes was led by
circumstances into a line of reading which he made
peculiarly his own. Moral theology seems to have
had special attractions for him, and his diligence in
this department was stimulated by the fact that he
was now engaged in the cure of souls. "He was,"
says HarriDgton, " a man deeply seen in all cases of
conscience, and he was much sought to in that
respect." In an age of noisy controversy, his quiet,
unobtrusive goodness and devout temper won him the
confidence and reverence of earnest inquirers, and of
those troubled in mind or conscience. The result was
that Andrewes became closely engaged in the work of
spiritual direction, and soon gained the reputation of
being a profound casuist. 2
A curious anecdote is preserved, which throws light
1 "It seems probable that his sermons on the Temptation of Christ in
the Wilderness and on the Lord's Prayer, originally published respect-
ively in 1592 and 1611, were taken from the notes of his hearers on
these occasions" (Bliss, Andrewes' Minor Works, Life, etc., p. vi. ).
2 We may notice that his exercise for the degree of B.D. (1585) was
a "Thesis de Usuris" ; and in 1591 he wrote a theological treatise
("Determinatio"), "On the Lawfulness of an Oath" (Opuscula, pp.
95, 117).
16 BISHOP ANDREWES
on Andrewes' method, and the variety of demands made
on his time. A stout alderman, we are told, who was
wont to fall asleep in church at the afternoon service,
and was consequently "preached at" as a reprobate, was
so troubled in his mind that he consulted Andrewes.
Andrewes said "it was an ill habit of body, not of
mind," and advised the alderman to dine lightly on
Sundays. In spite of this advice, he again slept in
sermon time, and was vigorously denounced by the
preacher. "He comes again to Mr. Andrewes with
tears in his eyes, to be resolved, who then told him
to make his usual hearty meal and take out his
full sleep before going to S. Mary's." This plan suc-
ceeded, but "Mr. Andrewes was extremely spoken
against for offering to assoyle or excuse a sleeper in
sermon time. But he had learning and wit enough to
defend himself." x
Such was the career to which the diligent and
earnest young student devoted himself, but meanwhile
we cannot doubt that he was a keenly interested
observer of the theological struggle that had so greatly
disturbed and hindered the higher studies of the
university. In the actual struggle, however, he took
no part. By this time the repressive action of the
authorities was beginning to tell, and was producing
consequences not less disastrous than those provoked
by the fanaticism of the Puritans. Insistance on con-
formity, which was the weapon of the Church party,
was driving extremists on both sides to retaliatory
measures. The founding of Emmanuel college in
1584 marks a defiant recrudescence of Puritan zeal. 2
1 Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, vol. i. pp. 262, 263.
1 See a description of the college in Lewis' Life of Bishop Hall,
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 17
Emmanuel was intended to be a training school for the
ministry, but a ministry of the Genevan pattern. From
the date of its first foundation, the society was dis-
tinguished by an entire disregard of the ordinary usage
and discipline of the Church. The college " used its
own form of religious service, discarded surplices and
hoods, was careless even of the cap and gown, and had
suppers on Fridays." The sacrament was administered
with gross neglect and irreverence, the recipients being
seated during the communion, and behaving as if pre-
sent at an ordinary meal. Andrewes must have been
disgusted and repelled by such a display of Puritan
temper and methods, especially when, as sometimes was
the case, dogmatic rigidity was combined with an in-
consistent laxity in practice. There was little chance
that the attempts which were occasionally made to win
him over would be successful. " They (the Emmanuel
Puritans) had a great mind to draw in to them this
learned young man, who (if they could make [him]
strong) they knew would be a great honour to them.
They carried themselves antiently with great severity
and strictness. They preached up the strict keeping
and observing of the Lord's Day, made it damnation
to break it, and that 'twas less sin to kill a man. Yet
these hypocrites did bowl in a private green at other
colleges every Sunday after sermon. And one at the
college (a loving friend to Mr. Andrewes), to satisfy him,
lent him one day the key of the private back door to
the bowling-green, where he discovered these zealous
preachers with their gowns off earnest at play ; but
they were strangely surprised to see the entry of one
who was not of the brotherhood." 1 Meanwhile, though
1 Anecdotes, vol. i. p. 262.
2
18 BISHOP ANDREWES
Puritanism of this type was dominant, another re-
actionary party was rising into notice. In numbers it
was as yet insignificant, but it was animated by a
spirit of implacable hostility to the English Church.
The revived Komanism had been driven by the harsh
penal measures of the government into open disaffec-
tion, and was now become a standing danger to the
Throne, if not to the Church. Shortly before Andrewes
entered the university, the English college had been
founded by William Allen at Douai (1568). In less
than nine years the community numbered nearly two
hundred students ; it was removed to Eheims in 1578 ;
and in 1580, fathers Parsons and Campion led the
first Jesuit mission into England. It is needless to
trace in detail the course of the counter-Reformation.
It is enough to say that at Cambridge the movement
found its sympathisers, if not its open partisans. The
dominant Calvinism was not left unchallenged ; and the
rising display of catholic feeling was enough to keep the
Puritan party on the alert.
Naturally, Andrewes, as a patristic student and
casuist, was suspected of leanings towards Catholicism,
and his career was doubtless watched from different
sides with conflicting emotions. It does not, however,
appear that his somewhat unpopular views hindered his
advance. It is true that he had some difficulty in
obtaining the D.D. degree, which was refused him on
his first application. The date of his actually taking
the degree is uncertain ; he probably applied for it in
connection with his appointment as master of his
college (1589). 1 But his own amiable and devout
1 His exercises were (1) "Concio ad clerum" in Prov. xi. 25,
translated and published in 1646 under the title, Sacrilege a Snare.
BIRTH AKD EDUCATION 19
character won him many friends and allies, while
his solid learning made him a formidable antagonist.
Whitgift, at least, was able to measure his worth,
and some time after his succession to the primacy
appointed Andrewes to be one of his chaplains (about
1586).
This event, and the preferment which followed,
loosened to some extent the ties which bound Andrewes
to Cambridge, and brought him on to a more public stage.
He broke his residence in 1586 by a tour in the north
in the company of the earl of Huntingdon, president
of the North, during which he found scope for his
preaching powers, and used the opportunity not with-
out success for privately reconciling recusant priests
and others to the English Church. This was the
beginning of a wider and more varied activity. Through
the influence of Sir Francis Walsingham, who had
interested himself in Andrewes from his boyhood, and
was anxious, in spite of some disagreement with his
views, to find a conspicuous sphere for his abilities, he
was appointed in 1588 to the vicarage of S. Giles',
Cripplegate. In the following year he was assigned a
prebendal stall at Southwell ; and shortly afterwards
(May 1589) the stall of S. Pancras in S. Paul's
Cathedral. It happened that this stall was that of
confessioner or penitentiary; 1 and, while Andrewes held
the office, he not only lectured regularly on some portion
(2) " Theologica Determinatio de Decimis," translated and published in
1647 ; see Bliss, p. viii.
1 "Thomas Kempe, bishop of London, founded a chantry in 5 Edward
IV. for one priest who should be confessor to the bishop of London ;
from the time of the endowment of this chantry, and its annexation to
the stall of S. Pancras, the prebendary, on admission to this stall, was
admitted also to the office of penitentiary " (Bliss, p. vii.).
20 BISHOP ANDREWES
of Scripture, 1 but he endeavoured to turn to good
account the traditions of the stall. It was his custom
at stated times in Lent to walk in one of the aisles of
the cathedral for the purpose of giving spiritual counsel
and comfort to any who might seek it. This perhaps
unpopular 2 determination to revive the neglected but
important functions of his office is highly honourable
to Andrewes. The work was, however, in itself con-
genial to him, and there was something about him that
could not fail to command confidence and esteem. At a
time when self-seeking, luxury, and ambition were com-
mon among the more dignified clergy, men were touched
and attracted by the simplicity of the laborious and
ascetic life which had now become habitual to Andrewes. 3
During his tenure of the canonry in S. Paul's (1591),
he, together with the dean, Nowell, was appointed by
the archbishop to visit and confer with John Udall,
who was lying under sentence of death for a seditious
libel on the queen and the bishops. After " many dis-
courses " with Andrewes, Udall still persisted in his
opinions, but was touched by the forbearance and
gentleness of his visitor. He told him " the oftener
he came the welcomer he should be," but he refused to
make the required submission ; and eventually, though
1 "He lectured on Gen. i.-iv. three times every week during term
time, some of the later ones being delivered at S. Giles', Cripplegate.
These lectures were published in 1657, with the title Apospasmatia
Sacra" (Bliss, p. Ixxvii.).
2 The office of penitentiary was ' ' a place notoriously abused in
time of popery by their tyranny and superstition, but now of late by a
contrary extreme too much forgotten and neglected. " (Harrington, who
implies that the cry of "Popery" was sometimes raised against
Andrewes' conduct. )
3 He suffered from overwork, and at one time "became so infirm that
his friends despaired of his life " (Isaacson).
BIKTH AND EDUCATION 21
reprieved at Whitgift's request, died in prison. During
the same year, Andrewes took part in a similar mission
to the fanatical Henry Barrow, 1 but with equal want
of success.
In August 1589, on the death of William Fulke,
Andrewes was recalled to Cambridge as master of his
college. He cannot have resided continuously during
his tenure of this office (1589-1605), but he found
time for the work of practical administration, and his
career at Pembroke was marked by a public-spirited
disregard of his own personal interests. "He ever
spent more upon it than he received by it." In fact,
he found his society in debt, and left it with a reserve
fund of 1000.
Little more needs to be said of Andrewes' Cambridge
life. It was not till 1596 that the school of thought
to which he belonged made its power felt. In the
year 1595, distinct signs appeared in Cambridge of a
revolt against the Calvinist theology. William Barrett,
a fellow of Caius College, in a Latin sermon preached
for the degree of B.D., had handled severely the
prevailing doctrines as to assurance and the inde-
fectibility of faith. The dominant party was alarmed
and indignant, and the regius professor of divinity,
Dr. Whitaker, a man of great learning and zeal, drew
up nine theses which he presented to the primate,
and which became famous as the Lambeth articles.
A reluctant retractation of his opinions was forced
from Barrett, who, within a short time, quitted the
university and became a Eomanist. Meanwhile, a
higher authority, Peter Baro, who for twenty years
had been Lady Margaret professor, gave his sanction
1 For Andrewes' view of the Independents, see Sermons, vol. iv. p. 12.
22 BISHOP ANDEEWES
to the reactionary movement, and even ventured, in a
sermon at S. Mary's, to pass some criticisms on the
nine articles. He was cited before the Heads of
colleges to answer for his temerity, but the proceed-
ings failed, chiefly, it is thought, owing to the fact
that Andrewes and other influential men, such as
Overall, who succeeded Whitaker in the professor-
ship, were known to be in sympathy with Baro's
views. The incident is important, as being one of
several symptoms of a reaction against a system
which was fast becoming a tyranny. Andrewes' own
opinion of the Lambeth articles was set down in a
paper afterwards published. It must have required
some courage in one of the archbishop's chaplains to
dispute his theology. In this paper, as might have
been anticipated in the case of so reverent and devout
a mind, there is little positive contribution to the
subject. Andrewes begins by expressing a sense of
the greatness of the mystery under discussion : he
declares that since his ordination he had carefully
refrained from disputing upon these speculative points. 1
While acknowledging his general agreement with
Whitgift, he advises that silence should be enjoined on
both sides. What follows is a temperate and free
criticism of the articles, sufficiently strong, as we
might think, coming from such a man, to deter the
archbishop from further proceedings. But Whitgift
1 "Ego certe, ingenue fateor, secutus sum Augustini consilium ;
mysteria haec quae aperire non possum, clausa miratus sum, et
proinde, per hos sedecim annos, ex quo presbyter sum factus, me
neque publice neque privatim vel disputasse de eis vel pro concione
tractasse ; etiam nunc quoque malle de eis audire quani dicere . . .
Suaderem, si fieri possit, ut indiceretur utrinque sileutium " (Pattern
<if' Catechistical Doctrine, etc., p. 294, Oxford).
BIRTH AND EDUCATION 23
had already discovered that he was acting in opposi-
tion to the queen's wish, and indeed it was sufficiently
evident that the religious mind of the country was
disinclined to go further in a Calvinistic direction.
The dislike of excessive definition, which Andrewes
expresses so forcibly in his anti-Eoman treatises, was
a rooted characteristic of his mind. In connection
with such a subject as the divine decrees and man's
relation to them, exact formulation of doctrine would
seem to him specially disastrous in tendency. Whit-
gift appears to have resisted strong pressure when he
contented himself with giving Baro a caution to keep
silence on the disputed points; 1 and in taking no
further step, he may be thought to have deferred to
Andrewes' advice.
1 To the same period, apparently, belongs the Censure of the Censure
upon Barrett, which is concerned with the doctrine of Assurance. It
is on the whole warmly in favour of Barrett, and supports his conten-
tion that " no man ought to be absolutely secure as to his salvation"
by quotations from the fathers some of which almost in terms
anticipate what Barrett had actually said. The authenticity of this
paper is questioned by Mr. Russell, Memoirs of the Life and Works of
Bishop Andrewes, ch. iv., but not on sufficient grounds.
CHAPTER II
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH
LANCELOT ANDREWES had now advanced on to a wider
stage. His appointment to be one of Queen Elizabeth's
chaplains (about 1586) 1 introduced him into the life
of the court, and brought him into close relations with
those who were responsible for the guidance of the
English Church during that critical tune.
The task to which Elizabeth had devoted herself,
the consolidation of the English Church, was one
forced upon her not by any strong convictions of her
own, but mainly by the pressure of political difficulties.
This is obviously true of her struggle with the papists.
The twenty years intervening between the foundation
of the Douai Seminary and the destruction of the
Armada had completed the rupture between England
and Rome. The Bull of Pius V., deposing Elizabeth
and absolving her subjects from allegiance (February
1570), left the English government no alternative
but to wage uncompromising war with the secret and
declared foes of religious and civil liberty. The events
of those twenty years the Bull of 1570, the massacre
of August 1572, the Jesuit mission in 1580, which
was part of an organised revivalist movement insti-
1 His first sermon before the queen was preached probably on Ash
Wednesday, 1590.
H
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH 25
gated by Gregory XIII., the schemes of the Guises to
bring about a rising in Scotland, the assassination of
the Prince of Orange in 1584, the repeated conspir-
acies against Elizabeth's life combined to produce in
England not only a passionate feeling of loyalty to
the queen, but a firm conviction in thoughtful minds
that Eome was a perfectly unscrupulous enemy of
national independence, and was ready to attempt
anything in the prosecution of her aims. 1 Indeed,
the political history of Elizabeth's reign justifies in a
measure the intense moral aversion to the Eomish
system that meets us in the Church writers of the
period, and explains, partially at least, the violence of
the Puritan reaction. The English Church, with its
retention of episcopacy and ancient liturgical forms,
was hateful to the Puritan party, as holding to a
system tainted by popish leaven. At the same time,
the bishops appeared to be little more than govern-
ment officers, enforcing by legal powers a conformity
which was odious to multitudes of earnest men, and
which seemed opposed by its very nature to the
essential spirit of religion.
The appointment of Whitgift to the primacy (1583)
marks the point at which the principles of resolute
government, with its natural consequences, were put
in force. There was, as we have seen, a political
danger in the distracted state of religious parties, at a
time when Spain, backed by the power of Eome, was
threatening the country. 2 But there was also a reli-
1 "Attendite ad transfugas illos, Romani Lupi emissaries, professes
et regni et religionis hostes, tubas et faces et flabella seditionura, per
triginta jam annos " (Conv. Serm. Opusc. Posthuma, p. 47).
2 Cp. Wakeman, The Church and the Puritans, p. 50.
26 BISHOP ANDREWES
gious question of immense importance involved. Was
the English Church to sink under pressure to the level
of a presbyterian sect, or was she to retain episcopacy
as a pledge of her continuity with the pre-Reformation
Church ? From 1580 onwards, the Puritan party,
which now included the most able and intellectual
among the younger clergy, made a systematic effort to
secure the enforcement of the Calvinistic discipline.
Their weapons were mainly two : internal organisation
of the disaffected clergy, and representations to
Parliament, with which throughout the struggle they
maintained close connections. In the first of these
objects they were thwarted by the energy and vigilance
of the primate ; in the second, by the personal influence
of the queen, which kept in check the puritanical
leanings of the House of Commons. There was a
third weapon that employed by irreconcileables, who
regarded the Church system as incompatible with the
sacred rights of conscience namely, a series of libellous
attacks upon the bishops. This weapon was used with
such unscrupulous violence that it produced a reaction.
The libels themselves were not only furious in their
foul and unmeasured invective, but were felt to be
symptoms of political disaffection. Bishop Cooper of
Winchester, himself unsparingly attacked by the
libellers, in his Admonition to the People of England,
betrays the fears of grave and sober men. " If this
outragious spirit of boldenesse be not stopped speedily,
I feare he will prove himselfe to bee not only mar-
prelate, but mar-prince, mar-state, mar-lawe, mar-
magistrate, and all together, until he bring it to an
anabaptisticall equalitie and communitie." x
1 Moore, History of the Reformation, p. 293,
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH 27
To the period when these disorders had reached
their height belongs Bacon's Advertisement touching
the Controversies of the Church of England? It is
valuable as the judgment of one who stood apart from
the contest, and could estimate better than the bishops,
who were absorbed in the invidious work of repression,
the real lesson of the Mar-prelate libels. It was
intended to be a word " spoken in season," to warn
the Church of her dangers, and guide her into a wiser
course. Bacon appears "in the character, so often
wanted, but so seldom welcome, of a peacemaker who
has to remonstrate against the conduct of both sides." 2
What Bacon censures in the defensive pamphlets of
churchmen is the tendency to underrate the religious
needs and principles which might be discerned beneath
the scurrility of the libels ; and also the spirit of panic
which had found expression even in Cooper's Admoni-
tion. We shall see that Andrewes' own view of the
struggle was almost identical with Bacon's. To him
it appeared that the main duty of the Church was an
internal reformation. Meanwhile the immediate effect
of the troubles was twofold. On the one hand, the
Church was vindicated from the charge of intolerance.
It was clear that the Puritan party aimed at nothing
less than forcing presbyterianism on the country.
Cartwright, indeed, confessed as much. " I deny that
upon repentance there ought to follow any pardon of
death. . . . Heretics ought to be put to death now. If
this be bloody and extreme, I am contented to be so
counted with the Holy Ghost." A sober historian goes
1 Apparently it was intended for circulation in manuscript. It was
written in 1589, and first printed in 1640.
2 Bacon's Works, Ellis & Spedding, vol. viii. p. 73.
28 BISHOP ANDREWES
so far as to say, " With the despotism of a Hildebrand,
Cartwright combined the cruelty of a Torquemada.
Not only was presbyterianism to be established as the
one legal form of church government, but all other
forms, episcopalian and separatist, were to be ruth-
lessly put down." l
Another consequence of the attack on the hierarchy
was that it led to a new and truer view of episcopacy.
"The early Elizabethan churchmen regarded episco-
pacy mainly as a safeguard against disintegration,"
says Mr. Moore. 2 They defended the church system
on Erastian grounds, as if the will of the sovereign
were the real fountainhead of ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
Systematic vindication of episcopacy on scriptural
and historical grounds is a feature of the later years
of the sixteenth century. Bishop Bancroft, in 1589,
boldly preached at Paul's Cross on the divine right
of bishops, and lifted the controversy to a higher
level. In 1591 appeared Saravia's De diversis minis-
trorum gradibus ; in 1593, bishop Thomas Bilson's
Perpetual Government of Christ's Church.
Andrewes, unlike Hooker, took little direct part in
the controversy with the Puritans. There are but
few allusions in his sermons to the main points in
1 Green, Short History, p. 456 ; cp. Moore, p. 289. "They aimed
at nothing less than what they afterwards carried : not a mere change
in this or that point, but a substitution of an entirely new idea of the
Church for that on which the Reformation in England had been
based. Toleration was then on all sides not merely unacknowledged,
but condemned. The demand of the Puritan was that nothing should
be allowed but Puritanism" (Church, Masters in English Theology,
p. 88). On the other hand, Beesly, Queen Elizabeth, p. 228, calls
Whitgift ' ' an Inquisitor as strenuous and merciless as Torquemada. "
2 History of the Reformation, p. 295 ; cp. Perry, English Churcli,
History, 2nd Period, p. 342,
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH 29
dispute. " He looked," says dean Church, " for pro-
ducing his effect on the tone and course of religious
thought in England, not by arguing, but by presenting
uncontroversially the reasonableness and the attrac-
tions of a larger, freer, nobler, more generous . . .
system of teaching." l There is, however, a passage of
a sermon preached at S. Giles', Cripplegate (January 9,
1592), "On the Worshipping of Imaginations," in
which he dismisses the presbyterian theory with scant
respect. "And this (episcopal government), till of
late, was thought the form of fellowship, and never
other imagined. But not long since some have fancied
another, that should consist of lay elders, pastors, and
doctors, and whether of deacons, too, is not fully agreed
yet. Which device is pressed now upon our Church,
not as a form of more convenience than that it hath,
but as one absolutely necessary, and of our Saviour
Christ's own only institution, which maketh it the less
sufferable." 2 He points naturally to the early evidence
of episcopal government, but for the most part con-
tents himself with exposing the pretension of the
Puritan view to a scriptural foundation.
This subject he treats in a more formal and argu-
mentative manner in his letters to du Moulin. There
was nothing to be gained by systematic discussion
with the English Puritans on subjects connected with
church government. The differences were too radical,
the fundamental principles too much in dispute, to
make controversy a hopeful task. Andrewes, indeed,
only now and then, by a satirical touch, shows his
sense of the prevalence and influence of Puritan ideas.
1 Masters in English Theology, p. 94.
3 Sermons, vol. v. p. 64.
30 BISHOP ANDREWES
Thus he alludes to the passion for sermons : " Hearing
of the word is growing into such request, as it hath
got the start of all the rest of the parts of God's
service. . . . This way our age is affected, now is
the world of sermons. For proof whereof, as if all
godliness were in the hearing of sermons, take this
very place, the house of God which now you see
meetly well replenished ; come at any other parts of
the service of God (parts, I say, of the service of God
no less than this), you shall find it in a manner
desolate. And not here only, but go any whither
else ye shall find even the like." *
Men of the stamp of Andrewes, however, men of
really spiritual character, capable of appreciating the
deepest moral needs and yearnings of their age, in
spite of the fact that they were sometimes expressed
in such questionable and revolutionary shapes, were
keenly alive to the dangers of the Church. For the
most part, energy of character, moral enthusiasm, pure
zeal for religion, were to be found on the Puritan side.
The Church was too much immersed in the disci-
plinary struggle to cultivate her own spiritual life or
to reform her abuses. 2 The standard of spirituality
was low ; the clergy were many of them self-seeking,
ignorant, sordid, idle, worldly, supinely enjoying the
endowments and privileges of the established system.
The Puritan attack was, after all, dictated by "a
consciousness of moral superiority," 3 and the " hatred
of a professional religion." Indeed, it may be said
1 Sermon on S. James i. 22 [vol. v. pp. 186, 187] ; cp. Hooker,
Bk. v. cc. 21, 22.
2 Cf. Church, Masters in English Theology, etc., pp. 98, 99.
3 Wakeman, The Church and the Puritans, p. 56.
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH 31
that the curse of the English Church at this time was
indifferentism ; the zealots were to be found in the
ranks of her enemies. Logic, system, definite purpose,
strong character, readiness of resource, earnestness
and enthusiasm, these were to be found in one or
other of the hostile camps. The Church of England
held as yet somewhat loosely and with hesitation
to the via media. She seemed to be the natural
refuge for the lukewarm, the indolent, and the tem-
porising spirits among the clergy. The cautious and
tentative attitude forced upon her by the circum-
stances of the time was one that repressed ardour
while it invited attack. A minimum of ceremonial
was all that could be insisted on from a clergy so
largely disaffected. The leading principles, indeed, of
the Eeformation movement in the English Church
were already clear : the appeal to antiquity, the
retention of the ancient orders, the claim to hold
what was admittedly catholic in doctrine. But
the demoralising and depressing effect of the recent
convulsions was already apparent, in the low standard
and disorganised condition of the clergy ; nor were
there as yet among the bishops men who could
be regarded as spiritual leaders. Many were in
sympathy with the views and practices they were
required to repress ; some of them were half-hearted,
willing to conform, but not at all anxious to insist on
conformity. They did not at present sufficiently
comprehend the merits of the system they were
upholding. The main function of the Church as it
must have appeared to a conscientious nonconformist
of that day, was the enforcement of law and the
repression of zeal. It was clear that " in the England
32 BISHOP ANDREWES
of Elizabeth there was little room for the manifesta-
tion of any religious enthusiasm whatsoever." l
We have evidence that Andrewes was deeply
impressed with a sense of the Church's shortcomings,
in his Latin sermon preached in S. Paul's at the
opening of Convocation, February 20 1593. 2 It is
penetrated by a tone of indignant sorrow at the lax
and corrupt state of clerical discipline, and the dis-
orders which were turning " our Sion into Babel."
He reproves the self - seeking temper which was
passively indifferent to the perils and distresses of
the Church. He describes the clergy as sitting still,
half asleep, lukewarm, tongue-tied, while the tares of
strange and portentous error are being sown broadcast,
and have reached in some cases their full growth
unheeded.
He dwells with outspoken sternness on the notorious
deficiencies of the men admitted to Holy Orders, and
the selfish impoverishment of benefices by their
holders. Taking as his text Acts xx. 28, "Take
heed to yourselves," etc., Andrewes tells the assembled
clergy that they certainly obey the precept. " You
do, indeed, take heed to yourselves ; who denies
it ? It is the common report that you so do. You
take heed verily to the enriching of your sons and
daughters. You are so careful for your heirs that
you forget your successors." The sermon is full of
epigrams, which lose by translation : " Hodie tnulti
episcopi malunt esse morosi guam bene morati . . .
Maforem fere rationem habemus nummorum quam
morum." " At the present day," he declares, " it is re-
1 Wakeman, ut sup. p. 49.
2 Opusc. Posthuma, p. 29 foil.
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH 33
ported of us that we are more concerned with shearing
than shepherding the sheep." ]
It is important to notice what Andrewes conceived
to be the pressing needs of the Church at the time
when this sermon was preached. They may be
reckoned as three :
First, definite doctrinal teaching. * Take heed to
yourselves and to the doctrine," is his message. The
teaching office, he insists, belongs specially to the
bishops. " To you," he tells them, belongs primarily
and chiefly, " the care of doctrine. It is your deposit ;
to you has been committed the duty of charging men
that they teach no other doctrine ; of restraining them
if they do so." The office of preaching has been
degraded by abuse ; ignorance, folly, and fanaticism
have usurped the pulpit, and turned the Church into
a very barber's shop. 2 Andrewes accordingly insists
on the need of wise selection, elaborate pains, and
right division of subjects (opdoro/jieiv) in teaching.
His own example best illustrates the tone and method
of preaching which he commends. Prompt attention,
he urges, should be directed to doctrine ; otherwise,
there will soon be no authoritative doctrine left to be
attended to.
Next, he pleads for a higher standard of personal
life among the clergy. He plays on the word
" episcopi " ; the word may be taken actively or
passively : actively, the clergy are " overseers " ; in
the passive sense they are " gazed upon," 3 they are
1 " Ut fisco potius quam Christo consulatur, attonsioni gregis potius
quam attention}. "
2 "Ecclesia in tonstrinam versa est. v
3 ' ' Episcopi estis active, id est, inspec tores ; passive, id est, spectacnla. "
3
34 BISHOP ANDBEWES
"spectacles to men"; all eyes are fixed on them.
Laxity, vice, self - indulgence, levity in them are
bewailed in Sion, and cause exultation in Ascalon.
He mentions definite kinds of misdemeanour which
seem to have been common among the clergy. A
prophet, he declares, might well say to the clergy
what the satirist said to his fellow- citizens
"Quaerenda pecunia primum,
Virtus post nummos." 1
"With us it is something if the Church enjoys, I
say not the second or third, but even the last place,
in our thoughts." He points to the lawlessness, reck-
lessness, profanity, and atheism which had resulted
from the relaxation of the old beliefs and discipline
of the Church; the confusions within the Church
herself, the ceaseless intrigues of Eome, the fanaticism
of the sectaries, the irreverence and frowardness of
the common people : in worship, " no kneeling, no
sign of reverence while the prayers are going on ; the
same gestures and behaviour in church service as in
the playhouse."
Thirdly, he rebukes the want of a true pastoral
spirit in the clergy. How eager they are in pursuing
their own private interests ; how remiss and slack in
care for the flock, how narrow-minded and short-
sighted in their estimate of the sphere of labour
committed to them ! He speaks even in a menacing
tone of the certain results of continued neglect : " If
you attend not to the flock, the flock will attend to
you. An unnatural state of things, portentous indeed,
that this should come to pass : but you have already
experienced it to some extent; 2 while you are neglect-
1 Horat. Episf. i. 1. 53. a In the Mar-Prelate libels.
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND UNDER ELIZABETH 35
ful of the people, be sure that the people has its eye
on you."
One passage of significant warning is not without
present importance : " I am sure you have observed
that this establishment (status) and order of ours
derives its prestige and effectiveness from the con-
sciences of men, and unless it be vouchsafed us to
commend it to them in the sight of God, and to win
for it some inward reverence in them, ... in vain
will any law favour or defend us. ... If our doctrine
is a derision and our life a scandal, it may be that not
in a moment, not in the twinkling of an eye, but
gradually, your church establishment will grow old,
decay, and tend to vanish away, because of the weak-
ness and unprofitableness thereof." 1
We are struck by the very similar tone of the
following passage from Bacon's Advertisement:
" Concerning the occasion of controversies, it cannot
be denied but that the imperfections in the con-
versation and government of those which have chief
place in the Church, have ever been principal causes
and motives of schisms and divisions. For, whilst the
bishops and governors of the Church continue full of
knowledge and good works ; whilst they feed the
flock, indeed ; whilst they deal with the secular states
in all liberty and resolution, according to the majesty
of their calling, and the precious care of souls imposed
upon them ; so long the Church is situate as it were
upon a hill ; no man maketh question of it, or seeketh
to depart from it. But when these virtues in the
fathers and leaders of the Church have lost their
light, and that they wax worldly, lovers of themselves,
1 Opusc. Posthuma, p. 39 ; cp. Strype, Whitgift, ii. p. 142.
36 BISHOP ANDREWES
and pleasers of men, then men begin to grope for the
Church as in the dark ; they are in doubt whether
they be the successors of the apostles or of the
Pharisees ; yea, howsoever they sit in Moses' chair, yet
they can never speak tanquam auctoritatem hdbentes,
as having authority, because they have lost their
reputation in the consciences of men, by declining
their steps from the way which they trace out to
others." ] It is interesting to observe that Andre wes
and Bacon were at one in their sense of the real
peril that threatened the Church the violent reaction
of outraged conscience.
The closing years of Elizabeth's reign were marked
by a decided advance towards a more settled state
of things. The work of Parker and Whitgift was
beginning to tell; there was a growing advance
towards uniformity ; and the efforts of the bishops
had enforced a sober standard of discipline and
doctrine, which imperceptibly exercised an educational
effect on the rising generation. Time and firm policy
had practically established the English liturgy in the
affections of the people. A school of thought had
arisen at Cambridge moulded by the teaching of Baro,
and preferring the Fathers and Schoolmen to the
works of Calvin. Of this school Andrewes was at
Queen Elizabeth's death the most prominent repre-
sentative, a fact of which the queen herself was
probably sensible. She received Andrewes with
marked favour, and enjoyed his sermons. 2 She
bestowed on him a stall at Westminster in 1597, and
1 Works, Ellis & Spedding, vol. viii. p. 80.
2 His first sermon before the court, on Ps. Ixxviii. 34, was preached
on Ash Wednesday, 1590.
four years later raised him to the deanery. More
than once during this period he was offered a bishopric,
but with noble independence declined the promotion,
on the ground of unwillingness to accept the inevitable
condition, namely, alienation for the benefit of the
crown of a part of the revenues of the see. 1 It had been
Elizabeth's policy systematically to leave sees vacant,
in order to enjoy the revenues. Parker had raised
his voice in vain ; but Andrewes' conduct was prob-
ably a more effectual protest. He held the deanery
five years a period marked by only two important
events. On March 24, 1603, Elizabeth died, and
was buried in the abbey. As dean, Andrewes
preached the funeral sermon. He also assisted at the
coronation of her successor on July 25 this being
the first occasion when the Anglican rite was used. 2
The only other incident of note was the meeting
probably in the deanery of the Westminster Com-
mittee for preparing the Authorised Version of James I.
To Andrewes' company was assigned the translation
of the Pentateuch and of the historical books, Joshua
to 2 Kings. He seems during this time to have
drawn close the bonds of connection between the
abbey and the school, 3 and himself took a warm and
practical interest in the studies and discipline of the
boys. 4 When he vacated the deanery, " he left it ...
a place truly exemplarily collegiate in all respects
1 Perry, English Church History, 2nd Period, pp. 272, 322. lu his
Funeral Sermon, bishop Buckeridge says : " If it please you I will make
his answer for him, Nolo cpiscopari ; and I will not be made a bishop,
because I will not alienate bishop's lands."
2 See Stanley, History of Westminster Abbey, pp. 88, 180, who
notices the changes in ritual.
3 Ibid. p. 486. 4 See below, p. 03,
38 BISHOP ANDREWES
both within and without, free from debts and arrear-
ages, from encroachments and evil customs ; the
school-boys, in the four years he stayed there, being
much improved, not by his care and oversight only,
but by his own personal and other labours also
with them." l
Such was the position of Andrewes at the opening
of the seventeenth century. He had qualified himself,
so far as diligence, learning, and experience went, for
a leadership from which his studious habits and retir-
ing nature caused him to recoil. It was natural that
Elizabeth's successor should look to him as one
exceptionally fitted, by his gifts of learning and char-
acter, to assist in repelling the attacks by which the
Church and Throne were soon to be assailed.
In one of his sermons, preached before the queen
(1594), occurs a passage which gives Andrewes' own
view of Elizabeth's work for the Church. It contains
something deeper than a courtly compliment: it is
the utterance of a thoughtful mind and a full heart.
He says of Elizabeth that she, " like Zerubbabel, first
by princely magnanimity laid the corner-stone in a
troublesome time ; and since, by heroical constancy,
through many both alluring proffers and threatening
dangers, hath brought forth the head stone also with
the prophet's acclamation, ' Grace, grace unto it.' . . .
No terrors, no enticement, no care of her safety hath
removed her from her steadfastness ; but with a fixed
1 Isaacson, p. xviii. "Among the Westminster scholars at this time
were Hacket, the biographer of archbishop Williams, and Brian
Duppa, afterwards bishop of Chichester, who learned Hebrew from
Andrewes" (Bliss). George Herbert also entered the school before
the dean's removal.
eye, with straight steps, with a resolute mind, hath
entered herself, and brought us into Zoar. It is a
little one, but therein our souls shall live ; and we
are in safety, all the cities of the plain being in com-
bustion round about us." 1 The queen's policy of
repression failed indeed to accomplish all that its
supporters hoped and intended. It left to the English
Church a legacy of trouble, fear, and weakness; it
roused a spirit of implacable animosity to the Anglican
system, and left behind it bitter memories which were
destined to bear fruit in the next century. One
thing only it had accomplished. It had handed on
unimpaired to a wiser and calmer generation of
churchmen the essential framework of ecclesiastical
order and tradition by which the continuity of the
English Church was to be secured. 2
1 Lent Sermon, no. IV. vol. ii. p. 76.
2 Of. Wakeman, The Church and the Puritam, p. 55. For a full
account of the Puritan position, see Bishop Paget's Introduction to
Hooker's Eccl. Polity, bk. v., and the Rev. R. Bayne's edition of
bk. v., Introd. pp. xlix-cvi.
ANDREWES AT THE COURT OF JAMES I
THE condition, prospects, and policy of the English
Church under the first of the Stuarts are not by any
means pleasing to contemplate. The most notable
feature of the time is the close alliance between the
Church and the monarchy. This alliance involved
the linking of the Church's fortunes to a system of
arbitrary government, of which the rising spirit of
English liberty was ere long to make short and
decisive work. Within fifty years both monarchy and
Church were involved in a common catastrophe. It
is worth while, as explaining the position of men like
Andrewes, to examine a little more closely the nature
of this fateful union.
To James the maintenance of the church system
in England was a point of political and personal
expediency. In the institution of episcopacy, which
was menaced by Puritanism, he saw the chief safeguard
of his throne. His eyes were opened to the real
tendency of the presbyterian claim by the Hampton
Court Conference in January 1604 a conference in
which Andrewes took part. The suggestion of the
Puritan, Dr. Reynolds, that the prophesyings might
be revived under due regulation by a council of
AT THE COURT OF JAMES I 41
presbyters assisting the bishop, excited James' fears
and roused his temper. He summarily broke up the
conference, and thenceforth attached himself entirely
to the Church cause. To him "no bishop, no king,"
was henceforth an axiom of government. His practical
experience of the presbyterian system had taught him
to see in it instinctively the enemy of absolutism. 1
The bishops on their part, headed by Whitgift,
were encouraged by the apparent success of the system
of compulsion. They welcomed, no doubt with undue
effusiveness, a monarch who regarded the cause of their
order as identical with his own ; but they believed
sincerely enough that the only hope of the Church lay
in the enforcement of uniformity. It is this belief that
justifies the theologians of this period in their mistaken
and excessive deference to royalty. In preaching the
doctrine of divine right and the duty of submission,
they felt that they were strengthening their own
position as champions of historical Christianity. By
the Reformation, it has been said, " the principle of
authority had been most widely shaken," 2 and the
exaggerated idea of monarchical rights was a substitute
for the religious authority of the pope. The personal
weaknesses of the Stuarts discredited that authority
and rendered it odious to their subjects, but the appeal
to the crown appeared at the time the natural safe-
guard of church order and discipline. Something, too,
must be allowed for the new position in which the
1 Cp. Green, Short History, p. 467. Hallam's account (Constitu-
tional History, ch. vi.) of the conference is unduly prejudiced. He
speaks of the "abject baseness of the bishops, mixed, according to the
custom of servile natures, with insolence towards their opponents."
2 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 83.
42 BISHOP ANDREWES
bishops found themselves at court. Elizabeth had
snubbed them, and ordered them about like servants.
Under James they were raised to a position of dignity ;
they were the equals of statesmen and courtiers ; they
were trusted advisers of the crown. We must also
recollect that many of the bishops must have genuinely
admired the attainments of the new monarch. His
scholarship was respectable ; his knowledge of affairs
considerable ; he was a conversationalist of repute ; to
crown all, he was an author. He talked well, and
listened well. Indeed, his was the only court where
"the profession of learned men was in any degree
appreciated." He "loved speculative discourse upon
moral and political subjects." * Casaubon found him
"greater than report an excellent monarch, who is
really more instructed than most people give him credit
for." 2 On the sober mind of Bishop Hall he pro-
duced the same impression : " A king higher than
other princes by the head and shoulders, who in
learning and knowledge exceedeth all his one hundred
and five predecessors." 3
Thus, on the whole, there is much to explain and
palliate the servility of the bishops ; it is easy to
censure their failure to comprehend or sympathise
with the growing popular movement. But they do
1 Pattison, Life of Casaiibon, pp. 295, 314.
2 lUd. pp. 320, 321. Casaubon gives an account of his being present
early in 1611 at court (prandeiiti affui) ; the king was examining the
notes attached to the Douay version, which had lately appeared, all
supper time with Andrewes, Montague, and another prelate (Bliss,
p. Ixxx.). Andrewes seems to have been greatly attached to the
king ; e.g. in Ep. I ad P. Molin. he says the king has just recovered
from an illness, ' ' sed respexit nos Deus ; atque ilium nobis, ac in illo
nos nobis reddidit."
8 Lewis, Life of Bishop Hall, p. 168.
AT THE COURT OF JAMES I 43
not appear to have been more blind than their con-
temporaries. " It needed a prophet to tell that this close
alliance between episcopacy and monarchy, between
episcopal discipline and arbitrary government, was the
beginning of a rift between the Church and the people." l
The policy of the bishops was already fixed and
traditional when Andrewes appeared at the court of
King James. For him it would only have attractions
as a sphere in which learning met with a genuine and
appreciative welcome. Theological discussion was
indeed the passion of the age, and Andrewes was
marked out by circumstances as the foremost English
theologian of his day. Happily, his character was
one capable of standing the ordeal of a life at court.
His habitual attendance on the king never robbed him
of his quiet simplicity, his gentleness, his independence,
his large devotion to learning.
We have already noticed that Andrewes was a
member of the conference at Hampton Court. He
took no part in the discussion, beyond pointing out to
the king some patristic authority for the use of the
cross in baptism ; but he was, as a matter of course,
appointed to serve on the commission for carrying
into effect the main point conceded to the Puritans
the new translation of the Bible. Within two years
his reluctance to accept a bishopric was overcome:
he accepted the see of Chichester, and was con-
secrated November 3, 1605, in the chapel at Lambeth
by the archbishop (Bancroft) and four assistant bishops.
At the same time the dignity of Lord Almoner was
conferred on him, together with certain privileges that
greatly augmented the value of the office. His eleva-
1 Wakeuian, p. 74.
44 BISHOP ANDREWES
tion terminated his connection with Pembroke Hall,
of which he resigned the mastership on November 5,
after about sixteen years' tenure.
At this point some description is needed of the new
sphere in which Andrewes was now called to move.
The materials for a sketch of James I. are ample;
indeed, there are few monarchs of whose peculiarities
of character and policy we have such minute informa-
tion. The situation of James resembled that of
Elizabeth specially in one particular, namely, that he
had been placed by force of circumstances at the head
of the protestant powers of Europe, and was therefore
a conspicuous object of Eoman controversial hostility.
He had been brought up in the reformed doctrines,
but his experience in Scotland of the stubborn and
violent temper of presbyterianism had taught him to
suspect, and finally to abhor, that system. " Take
heed, my son, to such Puritans," he writes in Basilikon
Doron, " very pests in the Church and commonweal,
whom no deserts can oblige, neither oaths or promises
bind, breathing nothing but seditions and calumnies,
aspiring without measure, railing without reason, and
making their own imaginations (without any warrant
of the Word) the square of their conscience." l What
James either could not or would not understand was
that in England, at any rate, Puritanism was allied
with genuine zeal for the liberties of the people. The
majority of the House of Commons and the surviving
ministers of the queen were men of Puritan sym-
pathies. The king was, in fact, never really in touch
with his subjects. He soon betrayed the mingled levity,
coarseness, vanity, pedantry, and indiscretion of his
1 Aikiu, Memoirs of tlie Court of King James I. vol. i. p. 36.
AT THE COURT OF JAMES I 45
character. It was noted that in his very first con-
versation with the French ambassador he talked freely
of his matrimonial projects for his children, and
sneered at Elizabeth. His chief passion was for
amusement, and to hunting especially he devoted many
weeks in the year. The court soon became notorious
for its senseless idleness and profusion. Large sums
were squandered on festivities, revels, and masques, in
which the queen with her ladies took prominent and
undignified part. Low and brutal sports, such as
cockfighting, which Elizabeth had prohibited were
revived.
In a letter of the time we have a clever sketch of
the arts most likely to win royal favour. " He (the
king) doth wondrously covet learned discourse. He
doth admire good fashion in clothes, and pray you
to give good heed hereunto. The king is nicely heed-
ful of such points, and dwelleth on good looks and
handsome accoutrements .... In your discourse
you must not dwell too long on any one subject,
and touch but lightly on religion. Do not yourself
say ' this is good or bad,' but ' if it were your
majesty's good opinion I myself should think so and
so.' . . . Find out a clue to guide you to the heart
and most delightful subject of his mind. I will
advise one thing : the roan jennet whereon the king
rideth every day must not be forgotten to be praised,
etc." x We can readily understand the ease with which
adventurers like Carr and Villiers, with their graceful
manners, handsome faces, and obsequious tongues,
secured the king's favour. But it was not only the
promotion of favourites that scandalised serious men of
1 Court and Times of King James I. vol. i. p. 327.
46 BISHOP ANDREWES
affairs. An utter dissoluteness was the prevailing
feature of the court. " I will now in good sooth
declare to you," writes Sir J. Harrington to a friend,
" to you that will not blab that the gunpowder fright
is got out of all our heads, and we are going on here-
abouts as if the devil was contriving that every man
should blow himself up by wild riot, excess, and
devastation of time and temperance." 1 An incongruous
sphere as we might suppose for a devout prelate of
ascetic life and retiring habits. And yet even
Andrewes would occasionally find himself at home
in a court which could display a widely different
side. The king was a professed patron of learning. 2
Before his accession he had corresponded with Casaubon,
and had assured him that, " besides the care of the
Church, it was his fixed resolve to encourage letters
and learned men, as he considered them the strength
and ornament of kingdoms." 3 But he devoted special
attention to theology. He was " so fond of divinity
that he cared very little to attend to any literary
subject." 4 He read controversial treatises and
pamphlets of the day; he went out of his way to
meddle in theological disputes, notably when he sent
deputies to the Synod of Dort in 1618; he was
interested in the question of a possible reunion of
Christendom. Theology was, in fact, the passion of
the age, in Europe generally, and not least in
England. "The only reading," writes Casaubon, 5
" which flourishes here is theology. The educated
' Aikin, vol. i. p. 281. 2 Pattison, Life of Casaubon, p. 295.
3 Ibid. p. 299. 4 Ibid. p. 323.
B Ibid. p. 324. . G. T. Voss writes to Andrewes (June 1623) in dis-
paraging terms of his own studies (history, rhetoric, and chronology) ;
AT THE COURT OF JAMES I 47
men in this part of the world contemn everything
which does not bear upon theology."
It was this common interest in theology that
naturally drew together the king and the leading
churchmen. Andrewes, doubtless, felt the attraction.
He knew too well what learning meant to regard the
king as a first-hand authority in sacred science, but
he would feel the admiration for James that a student
generally has for a versatile man of affairs who not
only makes some pretension to learning, but is also
qualified by experience to pass shrewd judgments on
men and things. It is only fair to remember this
when we censure the excessive adulation that was
customary in those days. 1 In fact, the fault of the
clergy was due partly to a habit contracted during the
late reign, partly to a genuine admiration of the
king's qualities, partly to a sincere belief that majesty
was sacred, 2 and that to royalty belonged a right divine.
We can well conceive how perilous such a sphere
would be to faithful churchmen ; how readily some at
least among them might learn to acquiesce in vice,
folly, and worldliness of tone ; how quickly they might
lose any power of independent judgment. It is to be
feared that there was some justice in a remark of
Donne's : " The divines of these times are become mere
"hoc studium multum abest a sacrorum studiorum dignitate." In
these days, he adds, "veneranda autiquitaa vix ullos sui invenit
amatores atque adeo solida eruditio non modo despicatui sed etiam
odio est " (Ep. xxxvii.).
1 Laymen were sometimes disgusted by the courtly address of
bishops. " A main cause of all the misery and mischief in our land
is the fearfullest of all flattery of our prelates and clergy " (Court and
Times of King James I. vol. ii. p. 392).
2 The title " Sacred Majesty " is applied to Elizabeth in Sermon II.
on, Repentance (vol. i. p. 324).
48 BISHOP ANDREWES
advocates, as though religion were a temporal inherit-
ance ; . . . and herein are they likest advocates,
that though they be fed by the way with dignities
and other recompenses, yet that for which they
plead is none of theirs. They write for religion
without it." 1
Such was the condition of the court in which
Andre wes was called to play his part. He was hence-
forth in constant attendance on the king; and for
about eighteen years preached regularly in the royal
chapel, at least two or three times a year. It is some
testimony to the existence of higher interests even in
a worldly and corrupt court, that Andrewes was so
acceptable as a preacher. " For seventeen years it was
he who every Christmas Day expounded to the court
of England the doctrine of the Incarnation; for
eighteen, on Easter Day, that of the Eesurrection ; for
fifteen, on Whitsunday, that of the Holy Spirit ; for
fourteen, in Lent, that of self-denial" 2 His influence
over James was not without effect, at least on the
king's outward deportment. James was totally
lacking in dignity ; he habitually swore ; his wit
was tasteless and sometimes coarse ; he resented
contradiction ; his manners were awkward and un-
gracious : but the serene simplicity and gravity of
Andrewes is said to have kept him in restraint. The
bishop's presence acted, in fact, as a check on the
levity and indecencies of the court. In a sphere
where churchmen were competing for notice and
preferment, he remained unambitious, unobtrusive,
unworldly : " going in and out as he did among the
1 Aikin, vol. i. p. 422.
2 Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. Andrewes.
AT THE COURT OF JAMES I 49
frivolous and grasping courtiers who gathered round
the king, he seemed to live in a peculiar atmosphere
of holiness. . . . His life was a devotional testimony
against the Eoman dogmatism on the one side, and
the Puritan dogmatism on the other." 1 So far as
was consistent with his public duties, it was noticed
that Andrewes avoided the court ; he shrank from the
inconsistency of being at once the preacher of an
austere religion, and a competitor for preferments and
the honours of worldly station. One anecdote reveals
his power of withstanding the corrupting influence of
such a life. On one occasion, we are told, the king
turned to Andrewes and Neale (bishop of Durham) as
they stood behind his chair : " My lords, cannot I
take my subjects' money when I want it without all
this formality of Parliament ? " " God forbid, sir, but
you should," was Neale's ready reply ; " you are the
breath of our nostrils." Andrewes was silent, but on
being pressed said quietly : " Sir, I think it is lawful
for you to take my brother Neale's money, because he
offers it." 2
We must be content with a rapid sketch of
Andrewes' public career. In 1609 he was translated
to Ely, and held that see for nine years ; but so marked
was his influence, that it was confidently expected he
would have been elevated to the primacy in succession
to Bancroft (1610). Nine years later (1618) he
was moved to Winchester, and appointed dean of the
Chapel Eoyal, which post he held until his death in
1626. 3
1 Gardiner, History of England, vol. ii. p. 120.
2 This anecdote is recorded in Waller's Life; see Bliss, p. xii.
3 In this office he was immediately succeeded by Laud.
4
60 BISHOP ANDREWES
Throughout his public life Andrewes was neces-
sarily immersed in a wearisome round of secular
business and engagements at court. In 1616 he
became a privy councillor of England, and in 1617
of Scotland ; but it was remarked that he spoke
little at the Board, and would " meddle little in
civil and temporal affairs, being out of his profession
and element." l He would say when he came to the
council table, " Is there anything to be done to-day
for the Church ? " If they answered " Yea," then he
said, " I will stay ; " if " No," then he said, " I will be
gone." He had not Laud's talent for the exercise of
power. But he conscientiously discharged duties he
could not escape ; attended the king on his progresses,
and was present at functions of state, such as the
creation of the Prince of Wales. 2 He sat on various
commissions, not always concerned with ecclesiastical
matters, and occasionally in the High Commission
Court. With purely political affairs he concerned
himself little, but in 1617 we find him signing a
joint letter to the king on the retrenchment of
his expenses. In 1621 he was one of the peers
who waited on the disgraced chancellor (Bacon)
to ascertain his acknowledgment of the confession
lodged in his name with the House of Lords, and
a few days later was present at the delivery of
the great seal to Williams, dean of Westminster.
We know nothing of Andrewes' inner thoughts of
Bacon's fall ; but to the public shock and scandal
must have been added the pain which only an
1 Buckeridge, Fuiieral Sermon.
2 Such a "creation" took place twice in Andrewes' lifetime: iu
1610 (Prince Henry), and in 1618 (Prince Charles).
AT THE COURT OP JAMES I 51
intimate friend of Bacon and a sincere admirer of
his genius could experience. In February 1623 he
served on a commission of grievances, and on July 20
of the same year was present at the ceremony of the
king's solemn assent to the articles of the Spanish
match l a treaty which so soon fell to the ground.
Whatever may have been the line publicly adopted by
the bishops, there is no doubt they were much con-
cerned as to the projected alliance of Prince Charles
with the Spanish princess. This is clear from the
well-known statement of Matthew Wren (afterwards
bishop of Ely), who in 1623 returned with Charles
and Buckingham from Spain, having accompanied
them as chaplain to the prince. Wren's account is
as follows. He had recently returned to London,
when he received a sudden and urgent request from
bishop Andrewes to attend at Winchester House. On
obeying the summons, he found Andrewes, and with
him Laud (now bishop of S. David's) and Neale of
Durham in anxious deliberation. The bishops were
anxious to hear from Wren what treatment the Church
might expect at the hands of Charles. They asked
"how the prince's heart stands to the Church of
England, that when God brings him to the crown
we may know what to hope for." Wren replied : " I
know my master's learning is not equal to his father's ;
yet I know his judgment to be very right ; and as for
his affections in those particulars which your lord-
ships have pointed at, for upholding the doctrine and
discipline and right estate of the Church, I have more
confidence of him than of his father." Some discussion
followed, during which Andrewes kept silence ; but at
1 See below, p. 83.
62 BISHOP ANDREWES
last, addressing Wren, he said : " Well, doctor, God send
you may be a true prophet concerning your master's
inclinations in these particulars which we are glad to
hear from you. I am sure I shall be a true prophet.
I shall be in my grave, and so shall you, my lord of
Durham. But, my lord of S. David's, and you, doctor,
will live to see that day that your master will be put
to it, upon his head and his crown, without he will
forsake the support of the Church." J
The breaking off of the negotiations with Spain
was welcomed by the nation as a timely deliverance ;
the narrative of Wren shows that even the king's
adherents were apprehensive of the effect on the
English Church of alliance with the foremost Eoman
Catholic power of Europe. When, in 1624, the
Spanish policy of the king finally collapsed, new
measures were adopted to check the growing boldness
of the Eomanists. Andrewes was a member of the
royal commission for banishing Jesuits and seminary
priests, and he probably shared in the general
irritation and alarm that was felt at the startling
aggressions of the papist faction. The appointment
of this commission was the expiring effort of a
repressive policy which had never been consistently
applied, and for the failure of which the king alone is
responsible.
His high station inflicted on Andrewes irksome
personal duties to the king. Besides attending him
on his progresses and at the opening of parliament,
he was present when the king visited Cambridge in
1615, and accompanied him to Scotland in 1617.
He was at the king's side at Royston during a short
1 Wren, Farentalia, p. 45.
AT THE COURT OF JAMES I 53
illness in 1619, but was prevented by ill-health from
giving him the sacrament on his death-bed. On one
important occasion, when the relations between king
and parliament were becoming greatly strained,
Audrewes preached before the Lords in Westminster
Abbey (January 30, 1621), the Commons attending a
sermon in the Temple Church. His sermon was an
earnest and practical one on Psalm Ixxxii. 1, but he
made no allusion to the critical state of public affairs.
We may regard his silence as a tacit protest against
the growing tendency of churchmen to engage in
politics and serve in secular offices, which brought
such odium on Williams, l and afterwards on Laud.
In another chapter will be found a brief account
of the purely ecclesiastical affairs in which Andrewes
took part. The present chapter will have given
some idea of the sphere in which Andrewes was
called to move, and in which his simplicity and holi-
ness must have often been severely put to the test.
There is ground for satisfaction that he was not
called to succeed Archbishop Bancroft in the primacy
at the close of 1610. The bishops seem to
have been generally anxious that he should be
appointed, but the king had already promised his
former minister, the earl of Dunbar, to raise Abbot
to the vacant throne. Abbot had been chaplain and
adviser to the earl, and was personally known to the
king. He had only recently been translated from
1 It is fair to say that Williams filled his office respectably, and used
his patronage liberally and wisely ; but the lawyers as a body naturally
regarded the precedent as dangerous and inconvenient, and the
appointment excited a natural suspicion and jealousy of the growing
influence of the clergy.
54 BISHOP ANDREWES
Lichfield to London (January 1610). In many ways
the appointment was unfortunate, but we may well
doubt whether Andrewes, great as were his qualifica-
tions, possessed the necessary force of character,
independence of mind, and power of statesmanship
to guide the Church safely through the anxious and
critical times that were impending. It is most
probable that the energetic and restless spirit of
Laud would have given him a dangerous ascendancy
over Andrewes, and precipitated the collision between
people and monarch, which was to involve his own
ruin.
CHAPTEE IV
THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY
THE period between 1605 and 1610 is that of
Andrewes' greatest literary activity, and the occasion
of his controversial work is such as needs a separate
treatment.
The policy of King James towards the Eoman
Catholics had commended itself to no class among his
subjects. He had given hopes, before his accession, of
improvement in their position, which under the recus-
ancy laws of Elizabeth had become scarcely tolerable.
Eoman Catholics were heavily fined for non-attendance
at church, and to be present at Mass was punishable
with death. On his accession (1603) James promised
some of the leading Eomanists that the fines should
be no longer exacted. They were accordingly re-
mitted, and the penal laws enforced only against
priests. The natural consequence was that the
number of recusants largely increased. James was
frightened, and within nine months of the remission of
the fines issued an order for the banishment of priests ;
and presently confirmed by statute all the penal laws
of Elizabeth, though without apparently intending to
bring them into active operation. In February 1605,
however, he took further action ; the recusancy fines
55
56 BISHOP ANDREWES
were enforced, and it would seem that this step,
coupled with a proclamation for the banishment of
priests, drove the Romanists to desperation. The
gunpowder plot was set on foot, and was ripe for
execution in November 1605. This attempt may be
regarded as the culminating effort of the papists to
reconquer England for the papacy by violent means.
Since the death of Philip II. of Spain (1598), the
war with English independence had entered on a new
and less dangerous phase. There was an invasion, it
has been truly said, " not of force, but of opinion."
The newly-founded order of Jesuits endeavoured to
gain their objects by a war of books and pamphlets.
This method had been already dexterously used by
Parsons, who in 1594 published, under a pseudonym,
a treatise on the succession to the English crown, the
aim of which was " to show the extreme uncertainty
of the succession, and to perplex men's minds by
multiplying the number of competitors." 1
The gunpowder plot, while it produced a strong
an ti- catholic reaction in England, and probably put
an end to the policy of violence, roused an army
of Roman Catholic pamphleteers on the Continent.
These writers made it their foremost object to excite
sympathy for the conspirators, and especially for Henry
Garnet, who had been tried and executed for his share
in the plot, May 3, 1606. The Romanist partisans
abroad industriously represented Garnet as a martyr,
who had suffered death in defence of the sanctity of
the confessional. The real degree of his complicity is
not very clear, but the result of his trial (March 1606)
was a foregone conclusion. To most Englishmen it
1 Hallam, Constitutional History, ch. vi. vol. i. p. 285, note.
THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 57
presented itself as * an opportunity which had at last
been gained of striking a blow against that impalpable
system which seemed to meet them at every turn, and
which was the more terrible to the imagination
because it contained elements with which the sword
and the axe were found to be incapable of dealing." l
There can be no doubt that Garnet gained knowledge
of the details of the plot under seal of confession, but
the Government shrank from taking their stand " on
the moral principle that no religious duty, real or
supposed, can excuse a man who allows a crime to be
committed which he might have prevented." Garnet
was with some difficulty convicted, and he persisted
to the last in his denial " that he had had any know-
ledge of the plot except in confession, though he
acknowledged that before that he had had a general
and confused knowledge from Catesby." 2 He did not
deny that he had prayed for the success of the enter-
prise. Such were the facts, supported by the supposed
miracle of "Garnet's straw," on which Eoman con-
troversialists based their contention that Garnet
was a martyr.
But the subsequent steps taken by the English
government raised a new issue. After the detection
of the plot, an oath of allegiance was imposed in
England, expressly repudiating the tenet that princes
excommunicated by the pope might be deposed or
murdered by their subjects. The arch-priest, George
Blackwell, deemed it permissible for English Eoman
Catholics to take this oath. But at this point Eome
1 Gardiner, History of England, vol. i. pp. 277-282.
2 "In all probability." says Professor Gardiner, "tins is the exact
truth ;" cp. Bright, History of England, 2nd Period, p. 591.
58
interfered. In a breve issued September 1606, the
pope Paul V. condemned the taking of the oath, thus
making the position of English Romanists one of
perplexing difficulty. Blackwell even ventured to
disregard the breve as a forgery. A year later the
pope issued a second breve, peremptorily confirming
the former document, and censuring those who had
disregarded it. At the same time Cardinal Bellar-
mine wrote to Blackwell (September 28, 1607),
complaining of his conduct, and stating the view of
the Roman curia. " Most certain it is that in whatso-
ever words the oath is conceived by the adversaries of
the faith in that kingdom, it tends to this end, that
the authority of the head of the Church in England
may be transferred from the successor of S. Peter
to the successor of King Henry VIII." Blackwell
is rebuked for his failure in moral courage,
"whether it be owing to the suddenness of his
apprehension, the bitterness of his persecution, or
the imbecility of his age." He is finally exhorted
to " gladden the Church which he has made heavy,
and to merit not only pardon at God's hands, but
a crown."
To the contention of Bellarmine that the oath of
allegiance was in itself unlawful, King James himself
replied in his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance. 1
Bellarmine's answer was put forth under an assumed
name, Responsio Matthaei Torti ad librum inscription,
Triplici, etc. (1608). The king replied by a reissue
of his former pamphlet, adding to it a Premonition
1 Full title, Triplici nodo Triplex Cuneus ; or, An Apologie for the
Oath of Allegiance against the two breves of pope Paulris Quintus and the
late letter of cardinal Bellarmine to G. Blackwell the arch-priest,
THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 59
to all most mighty Monarchs, Kings, Free, Princes, and
States of Christendom, in which he diverges from
the main point in dispute to the question of Garnet's
complicity. 1 At the same time Andrewes was directed
to prepare a more solid answer to Bellarmine.
Chamberlain writes on October 21, 1608, to Carleton:
"They say that the bishop of Chichester is appointed
to answer Bellarmine about the oath of allegiance,
which task I doubt how he will undertake and
perform, being so contrary to his disposition and
course to meddle with controversies." The king was
very urgent, and tempted Andrewes with troublesome
suggestions. In March 1609 the book is reported
by Carleton to be done, and " much hearkened after."
By June it was in the press. "The bishop of
Chichester's book is in the press, whereof I have seen
part, and it is a worthy work ; only the brevity breeds
obscurity, and puts the reader to some of that pains
which was taken by the writer." 2
Before the end of the year the book appeared, with
the title Tortura Torti ; but Andrewes' uncongenial 3
task was not yet finished. Bellarmine published in
his own name a somewhat lame reply to the king's
1 The Premonition is also interesting as containing James' confession
of faith. He calls himself a "Catholic Christian." He accepts the
three creeds, and first four councils, and the fathers of the Christian
Church. "Whatever the fathers for the first 500 years did with an
unanime consent agree upon to be believed as a necessary point of
salvation, I either will believe it also or at least will be humbly silent,
not taking upon me to condemn the same." In judging of patristic
opinions he follows S. Augustine, and makes Scripture the standard
( Works of King James I. p. 301).
2 Carleton to Edmondes, June 8, 1609.
" Scias me */ I* <pv<rtius xa.} l vpoa.ipi<r;us pacis semper sludiosum
fuisse" (Andrewes' Ep. 1 ad P. Molin. s. fin.).
60 BISHOP ANDREWES
Premonition, An Apology * for the Responsio Torti. In
this book he avowed the authorship of the former
work; and Andrewes lost no time in setting to work
to write another elaborate reply to the cardinal,
which was published at the end of 1610, after having
been submitted to Casaubon, who had lately arrived
in England. This work, together with the reply to
cardinal Perron, may be regarded as embodying
Andrewes' final and deliberate judgment on the
questions at issue between England and Rome. This
will form the subject of study in another chapter.
Our present task will be to review the general line
of defence which Andrewes adopts in Tortura Torti
against the main contentions of his Eoman antagonist,
especially in regard to three points 1. The oath of
allegiance and the royal supremacy. 2. The papal claim
to depose sovereigns, and to release from oaths. 3,
The circumstances of the conspiracy.
1. The purport of the oath was industriously mis-
represented by Bellarmine. It was declared to be an
invasion of the spiritual authority of the pontiff.
Andrewes, on the contrary side, maintains that there
is a wide distinction between an oath of supremacy
and an oath of allegiance. These two species of oath
Bellarmine confused. The oath of allegiance was
defensible as a protective and precautionary measure.
The king, says Andrewes, claims the right of protecting
himself against insidious and unscrupulous foes. He
1 Andrewes did not think much of this Apology. "The bishop of
Ely is set to reply to cardinal Bellarmine's Answer to the king's book,
whereof I perceive he makes no great account, but thinks that either
the man is much crazed from what he was, or else that he did it with
a contemptuous negligence " (Chamberlain to "Wlmvood, February 13,
1610).
THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 61
assumes no spiritual primacy. The very title
of the oath shows it to be a necessary measure
of self-defence against traitors ; its aim is merely
the detection of disloyal and disaffected subjects.
There is no claim on the king's part to be
"supreme governor of the Church." The matter
of the supremacy is, in fact, untouched by the
oath. A question, however, is raised by the contention
of Bellarmine himself, who insists that the oath
necessarily infringes the divine rights of the pontiff. 1
What, then, is the nature what are the limits of
the royal supremacy over the Church ? Andrewes
appeals in answer to Scripture and to history. He
points to the position of Charlemagne as illustrating
the independence of papal control rightfully claimed
by sovereigns; but after all, the scriptural ground is
the strongest; the New Testament expressly enjoins
obedience to civil authority, and the limits of royal
control over the Church are illustrated by what is
recorded of Jewish kings in the Old Testament.
There kings are frequently described as regulating
ecclesiastical affairs, initiating reforms in the Church,
deposing unworthy high priests, destroying emblems
of idolatry, publicly renewing the covenant between
Jehovah and His people. Nor are any of these
actions regarded as usurpations of spiritual power
or invasions of the priestly functions. Scripture,
1 The oath ran : " I, A. B. , do truly and sincerely acknowledge, profess,
testify, and declare in my conscience before God and the world, that
our sovereign lord, King James, is lawful and rightful king of this
realm . . . and that the pope, neither of himself nor by any authority
of the Church or See of Rome, . . . hath any power or authority to
depose the king ... or to discharge any of his subjects of their allegiance
and obedience to his majesty, etc."
68 BISHOP ANDREWES
in fact, gives us ample warrant for assigning to
princes a certain regulative jurisdiction over the Church
and the hierarchy. But although this is no newly-
founded claim on behalf of the monarch, it needs to
be guarded against the perverse misconceptions of con-
troversial opponents. Eightly understood, the royal
supremacy involves (1) no claim to impose new articles
of faith or modes of worship, (2) no right to exercise
sacerdotal functions, or touch sacred things; (3) but only
the right to order the external affairs of the Church as
we see them ordered by godly kings in the Jewish Church,
and by Christian monarchs like Charlemagne, who was
styled by the Council of Mainz verae reliyionis rector. 1
2. The next point raised is that of the pope's
claim to exercise deposing power ; and when we take
into account what this claim really involved, and its
" fatal bearing on the primary conditions of human
society," 2 we can understand the tone of indignation
and scorn that pervades the Tortura Torti, underlying
the brilliancy of wit and readiness in retort, which
give vivacity and brightness to the treatment of a
wearisome subject. According to Bellarmine, the
deposing power of the pontiff is an "universally
acknowledged fact" (inter omnes convenit). Popes
may lawfully depose heretical kings, and absolve their
subjects from allegiance. Andrewes makes short work
of the " universally admitted fact." He advises Tortus
to use the phrase more cautiously in future. In the
present instance, he shows that the " fact " is not one
on which even the Jesuits themselves are agreed.
The papal epistles which support the tenet are in
1 See Tortura Torti, esp. pp. 466-469.
* Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 92.
THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 63
some cases, at least, admittedly spurious ; a and the
canons of thirteenth century councils cannot avail to
prove an immemorial doctrine of the Catholic Church.
At the best they arrogate for the pontiff, but cannot
confer, this pretended power. 2 It is abundantly clear
that the deposing power is, at any rate, not de fide.
Andrewes takes a different line, but an effective one,
when he appeals (the idea is characteristic of the
thinkers of that age) to the law of nature. " This,"
he says, " is a theological certainty and agreed on by
all, that Christ did not come to invert or displace the
order either of nature or of society ; rather He came
to give His sanction to it nay, to add sanctity to it.
He does not loose the bonds of nature." 3 The claim
of kings to allegiance is, in fact, like the parental
right an element in the natural order of the world.
A king does not forfeit this right even by infidelity, 4
still less by excommunication. Theodosius, when
under the censure of Ambrose, did not thereby forfeit
his claim on the obedience of his subjects. If
Bellarmine's theory be correct, a heretical king would
be worse off even than a heathen.
But Bellarmine is not even consistent. He denies
that James is to be called a Christian at all, yet he
contends that the pope is not Judex regum save in
so far as they are Christian. 5 The pope, therefore,
says Andrewes, has no right to take cognisance of
1 Tort. p. 197.
2 Ibid. p. 251. " Arrogatur hie quidem pontifici jus, non datur ; et
praesumitur quod fucrat ante in praxi, non decernitur."
3 Ibid. p. 54. 4 Cp. Sermons, vol. iv. p. 57.
5 James had urged the same point : either the king's cause was
alienum ab illius (Papae) foro ; or non alienum, in which latter case
he ought to have been warned before being deposed (Tort. p. 109).
64 BISHOP ANDREWES
James* supposed offences. Even granting that he
has the right, the proper penalty would be, not
deprivation of kingly rights and possessions, but
excommunication. Tortus is reminded of Bernard's
injunction to pope Eugenius: "Your power relates
to crimes, not to possessions." 1 This confusion of
spiritual jurisdiction with secular or material power,
in fact, reduces a Christian king's position to an
absurdity. " The king will be in worse case than his
meanest subject. The heir [to the throne] who has
never sinned is punished. The power entrusted to the
pontiff for edification is used for destruction." 2 Thus
the pope, who claims to be Peter's successor, ignores
the charge, " Feed My sheep ;" he prefers to act on the
injunction, " Arise, Peter, kill and eat." 3 Andrewes,
in fact, treats the deposing power (which in this
case involved active connivance at plots against the
king's life) with raillery. Bellarmine's contention is
not worth serious argument. It cannot be consistently
defended. " When any complaint is made of the pontiffs
action as judge, we are told he is a shepherd tending
his flock and protecting them from poisonous pastures.
The cardinal suddenly transforms the pontiff from a
judge into a shepherd, in order that he may accom-
plish as pastor what he was unable rightfully to
perform as judge." 4 In any case the right of excom-
1 Bern, de Consid. i. 6. "In criminibus, non in possessionibus
potestas vestra."
2 Tort. p. 57.
3 " Potestas qua reges sirnnl de throno simul de vita dejicitis nihil ad
pastoralem. Laniorum ilia potestas, non pastoruin est " (p. 108).
4 Tort. p. 111. "Pontificem subito de judice transmutat in
pastorem ; ut quod facere non potuit ut judex, saltern faciat ut
pastor."
THE ROMAN CONTROVEESY 65
munication involves no right of deposition; " a spiritual
ruler cannot impose other than spiritual penalties." L
The bishop then turns to the pope's absolving
power his right to dispense with oaths and to release
subjects from allegiance to their lawful monarch.
Bellarmine had contended that our Lord's charge to
S. Peter involved the papal right to absolve not only
from sins, but from penalties, censures, oaths, and
vows, when it may be expedient for the glory of God
and the good of souls. 2 Andrewes replies that no
power can release men from moral duty or obligation.
They cannot be absolved from the moral duty of
allegiance, which is implied in the act of taking an
oath of allegiance. 3 To release from the bondage of
sin is indeed to use the keys of the kingdom of
heaven ; to loose the bond of law is to have recourse
to the keys of hell. Indeed, says Andrewes, this is
the reason why Jesuits are hated even by the secular
clergy of their own communion, that by their doctrine
of equivocation they relax the very bonds of human
society. " This power," he says, " ought not to be
called the absolving power ; it is rather a method of
dissolving all things, even the very fabric of the
world." 4 No one can be dispensed from the laws of
nature or of God, and the law of allegiance is a law
of God implied in the fifth commandment, and having
even the higher sanction of being an evangelic law :
" Be ye subject to the king as supreme, for this is the
1 "Haeresis causa spiritualis; excommunicatio poena spiritualis.
Plectere vult, cum spiritualis rector sit, crimen spirituale ? Plectat
vero sed poena spiritual! ; sistat ibi modo " (p. 249).
2 Tort. p. 66. 3 Ibid. p. 67.
4 Ibid. p. 68. See a passage of most outspoken severity in Sermons,
vol. iii. pp. 254, 255.
&
68 BISHOP ANDREWES
will of God " (1 Pet. ii. 13-15). To set this precept
aside is to put Paul V. on a level with Peter the
apostle. The Church cannot loose where she does not
bind. Laxet nodos ecdesia quos ipsa nexuit. 1
In general, therefore, oaths cannot be remitted
except when, like Herod's vow, they are rash
(temeraria). An oath to commit sin is not binding.
Indeed, " the swearer is bound not to keep it," says
Aquinas. Thus the pontiff ought to have released
the gunpowder conspirators from their oath. 2 Finally,
the writer points out that the very nature of the oath
(being assertory not promissory) made it one that could
not be dispensed with. 8
3. With regard to the circumstances of the con-
spiracy, Andrewes complains of Bellarmine's vague
expression that he " deplores " the event. What does
this mean ? Possibly Bellarmine " deplores " its ill-
success, just as Sixtus V., speaking of the death of
Henry III. of France, called it a " providential and
memorable deed." 4 If the Eoman curia "execrates
conspiracies," why are the accomplices of the plot,
G[reenway] and G[erard], welcomed at Borne ? Why
is Garnet glorified as a martyr ? Why is the fiction
of Garnet's straw so assiduously cherished and cir-
culated ? Bellarmine had called Garnet " a man of
incomparable sanctity of life." He suffered only for
refusing to reveal what his conscience forbade to reveal.
Andrewes answers that he was a man of notoriously bad
1 Tort. p. 70.
2 Cp. Andrewes' Speech in the Slar Chamber concerning Vows.
3 A. quotes Aquinas (Sumtna, 2. 2; 89; 9). "Materia juramenti
assertorii quod est de praeterito vel praesenti in quandam necessitatem
jam transiit et immutabilis facta est" (p. 81).
* Tort. p. 96.
67
habits. 1 And as to the plot, he did know from many
quarters what was intended. Even were it admitted
that he only knew under seal of confession what was
intended, there were several courses open to him. He
could have divulged enough to avert so great a crime
without mentioning names. He might have given
private information to the pope. He might have
urged the person confessing to abandon the crime
and induce others to do so, under threat of divulging
the plot if the penitent refused compliance. He
might have warned those whose lives were imperilled.
He did none of these things ; his sentence therefore
was just. 2 As a fact, however, Garnet confessed to
having sinned by concealment of his knowledge. 3
The plot is indeed excused, on the ground that the
Romanists were driven to desperation by the harsh
measures of the king. 4 " He would have been safe,"
it was contended, " if he had granted to the Eomanists
liberty of worship." To this Andre wes replies by
pointing to the case of Henry III. of France. Henry
had granted freedom to his catholic subjects, but that
did not protect him from assassination. In England,
moreover, the measures taken against recusants were
rendered necessary by the fact that conspiracies (e.g.
1 "Bacchum certe magis redolebat quam Apollinem" (p. 272).
2 Cp. pp. 272, 355-357, 361.
3 Pp. 350, 351. Cp. Responsio, p. 436 : ' ' Quam facile factu hoc, viam in-
ire de re sine personis revelanda, nee ullo cum periculo suo, si in Gametto
bonamens. . . . si non confectam remquamdetectammaluisset." It is
also important to observe that the question whether intended crimes
communicated to a priest in confession should be revealed, was one
by no means finally settled in the negative. Andrewes cites various
authorities who were in favour of a contrary view e.g. Alex, of Hales,
and others (Tort. pp. 356, 357).
4 Tort. p. 98.
68
that of Watson and Clarke) had been formed in the
very first year of the king's reign ; and further, in the
enforcement of the penal laws, the king's lenity had
been most conspicuous. 1
Andrewes points out a circumstance which is now
historically clear, namely, that it was the policy of the
pope that had actually driven the English Romanists
to desperation. The crime of recusancy is to be
traced to the bull of Pius V. deposing Elizabeth
(1570). Before that date the term "recusant" was
unknown to the law, and those who declined to
conform were few. The papal bull turned men first
into recusants, then into traitors. This had been
urged by Coke in Garnet's trial. " Truly most miser-
able and dangerous was the state of Eomish recusants
in respect to this bull ; for either they must be hanged
for treason in resisting their lawful sovereign, or
cursed by the pope for yielding due obedience to her
majesty." 2 The expectation of its being issued
encouraged the rebellion in the North (1569). 3 The
laws subsequently enforced were directed, not against
a particular form of religious belief, but against dis-
loyalty, concealing itself beneath the mask of religion. 4
Nor was there any display of undue severity under
James. Blackwell, for instance, had only been impri-
soned, 5 when harsher measures might have been adopted.
We may notice, in concluding, that a good deal
is said in the Tortura Torti in defence of James'
action, which bears on points of Anglican theology.
James had been compared by Bellarmine to Julian ;
1 Tort. p. 201. 2 Criminal Trials, ap. Russell, p. 208.
8 Tort. p. 154. Cp. Green, Short History, p. 382.
4 Ibid. p. 155. 5 Ibid. p. 159.
THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 69
but Andrewes insists that not only is he no apostate ;
he is not even heretical. He is a catholic church-
man, and adheres to the catholic faith. The name
Catholic is not the peculiar prerogative of Kome.
Nor is it opposed to "heretic," a term of which the
proper contradictory is " orthodox." l
The theological questions, however, which are raised
in the Tortura will meet us in another connection.
On a survey of the whole book, the most interesting
points are two (1) The appeal to history for the
settlement of the question of papal claims ; (2) The
appeal to great moral considerations with which
Andrewes confronts the Romanist appeal to the
authority of the Church. There are parts of the
Tortura which, no doubt, are somewhat disfigured by
the controversial tone ; but we must remember that
the questions in dispute, though obsolete now, were
then of vital interest, and the provocation which
inspired an English writer in his treatment of the
subject was such as we can scarcely measure now-a-
days. Allowance must also be made for the haste
and pressure under which Andrewes' work was com-
piled. The book is to be regarded as a large pamphlet
witty, pungent, learned, and skilful in retort ; but
it has an enduring value in so far as Andrewes, by
the breadth of his treatment, lifts to a higher level
the serious subject in dispute the relation of the
civil to the spiritual power. On this point professor
Gardiner makes an interesting remark : " As far as
they were builders of systems, the men of the seven-
teenth century failed. . . . Yet it would be wrong to
pour upon these systems the contempt with which they
1 Tvrt. pp. 368-374,
70 BISHOP ANDREWES
sometimes meet. . . . There was that in them which
would live the belief in the paramount claims of duty ;
the faith in a divine order in political, in social, and
in domestic life, which has stamped itself indelibly on
the English mind." x Andrewes was not only capable
of meeting his opponents on the ground of historical
knowledge and controversial skill ; he had an incom-
parably deeper sense than they of the supremacy of
moral over merely technical considerations. Behind
the claims of Rome, and overshadowing them, stood
the New Testament. The pretended traditions of the
Roman Church were confronted with the acknowledged
laws of Christ's kingdom. 2
We may conclude this chapter by quoting a pas-
sage which, as giving Andrewes' own impression of the
gunpowder plot, is worth recording. On the first
anniversary (November 5, 1606) he preached before
the king at Whitehall, and dwelt on the circum-
stances that had made the plot so revolting to the
religious and moral sense of Englishmen. He speaks
of it as an " abomination of desolation standing in the
holy place." " Undertaken with a holy oath ; bound
with the holy sacrament (that must needs be in a
holy place) ; warranted for a holy act, tending to the
advancement of a holy religion, and by holy persons
called by a most holy name, the name of Jesus. That
these holy religious persons, even the chief of all
religious persons (the Jesuits), gave not only absolu-
tion, but resolution, that all this was well done ; that
it was by them justified as lawful, sanctified as
meritorious, and should have been glorified (but it
1 History of England, vol. iii. p. 240.
2 See esp. Sermon VII. on the Gunpowder Plot (vol. iv, p. 336 foil.).
THE ROMAN CONTROVERSY 71
wants glorifying because the event failed ; that is the
grief ; if it had not, glorified) long ere this and canon-
ised, as a very good and holy act, and we had had
orations out of the conclave in commendation of it
[this is the pitch of all]. . . . This shrining it, such an
abomination, setting it in the holy place, so ugly and
odious ; making such a treason as this, a religious,
missal, sacramental treason, hallowing it with orison,
oath, and eucharist ; this passeth all the rest." J
These words contain the justification of some
passages in the Tortura that seem exaggerated and
over vehement in tone. What to the world seemed no
more than a pressing political peril, was by Andrewes
chiefly regarded in its religious light as a portentous
example of hypocrisy.
1 VoL iv. pp. 213, 214
CHAPTER V
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH
As we have noticed, Andrewes had none of that
aptitude for business and love of management which
to Laud was so congenial. There were, however,
occasions which brought him out, and no sketch of his
life would be complete without some special refer-
ence to the more critical incidents of his tranquil
career.
Perhaps the most important social event which
occurred while Andrewes was bishop of Ely was the
affair of the Essex divorce in 1613. This was one of
those rare occasions which test the weak places of
character, and sometimes mark the turning-point of
a life. Unfortunately, we know so little of the
motives which determined the bishop's conduct, and
of the way in which the case presented itself to his
mind, that it is impossible to give a satisfactory
account of the proceeding. It is difficult to explain
what seems on the surface to be an unhappy lapse in
a blameless and beautiful career. The difficulty is
increased by the fact that no record remains to show
that Andrewes felt distress or compunction at the
part he had played. Yet we might have been led to
expect this by the conduct of Laud under somewhat
72
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 73
similar circumstances. 1 We are forced to the con-
clusion that there are some circumstances in the case
unknown to us, which seemed to Andrewes sufficient
to justify the course he eventually took. The facts of
the case may be briefly recalled.
The earl of Essex had been married in 1606, at
the age of fourteen, to the younger daughter of the
earl of Suffolk. During her husband's prolonged
absence abroad, Lady Essex had attracted the notice
of the king's favourite, Eobert Carr ; and, soon after
the earl's return, according probably to an arrange-
ment already made with Carr, she applied for a
divorce. The king displayed unseemly eagerness on
behalf of the countess. A commission was appointed
for the trial of the case, consisting of the primate
(Abbot), bishops King, Andrewes, and Neale, and six
laymen, three of whom were legal dignitaries. From
the first, Abbot was dissatisfied with the statements of
Lady Essex, and resolutely opposed her application
for a divorce. He would have preferred that even at
this stage there should be a reconciliation between
the parties. After sitting for some time, the com-
mission found itself divided in opinion. The
archbishop appealed to the king to release him from
a position which was intolerable to his rigid con-
scientiousness. Ultimately, James, under the combined
influence of Carr and the family of Lady Essex,
resolved to add to the commission two bishops on
whom he could rely as supporting his view of the
case Buckeridge of Rochester, and Bilson of
Winchester. At the final meeting of the commission
1 See the references in Laud's Diary to his share in bringing about
the marriage of the earl of Devonshire with the divorced Lady Rich.
74 BISHOP ANDREWES
(September 25, 1613), seven members voted for the
divorce ; five, headed by the archbishop, dissented.
By express command of the king, no reasons were
given beyond the one originally pleaded by the
countess : latens et incurdbile impedimentum.
On this disgraceful case, as it appears to us, public
opinion was strongly expressed : the courage and
uprightness of Abbot gave him a transient popularity.
Bilson came in for a main share of the ridicule and
opprobrium. But how are we to estimate the course
adopted by Andrewes ? Before the sittings of the
commission he had pronounced decisively, and even
vehemently, against the divorce ; but soon after taking
his seat he changed his view. It was noted that, in
spite of his deep knowledge of canon law, he remained
silent during the whole course of the proceedings.
No utterance that might have explained his conduct
is recorded. It would seem, in default of further
light on the subject, that he was unable to resist
the pressure of the king. He may have feared
that the countess, if her design was thwarted,
would make some attempt on her husband's life.
But this suggestion does not avail to palliate
the sacrifice of an obvious religious duty to ex-
pediency.
Perhaps the most equitable view of Andrewes'
conduct is that of professor Gardiner. " Against such
a man," he says, " it is impossible to receive anything
short of direct evidence ; and it is better to suppose
that he was by some process of reasoning, with which
we are unacquainted, satisfied with the evidence
adduced, though he must have felt that there was
that in the conduct of Lady Essex which prevented
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 75
him from regarding the result of the trial with any
degree of satisfaction." l It is only too probable, as
Mr. Eussell points out, 2 that the conduct of the
episcopal assessors in this case " tended to confirm in
their disaffection to the Church such of the laity as were
inclined to be Puritans, and was a great stumbling-
block in the way of the more thoughtless and irreligious
of the courtiers."
The next prominent event in which Andrewes
figures took place in 1617, when, together with Laud,
now dean of Gloucester, and Hall, dean of Worcester,
he accompanied the king on his long-projected visit
to Scotland, the real aim of which was to force upon
the Scotch the English ecclesiastical system. Epis-
copacy had been already established. In October
1610, Andrewes had, after some hesitation, assisted
at the consecration of three prelates, Spottiswoode,
Hamilton, and Lamb. He had, indeed, felt uneasy
as to the previous ordination of the three divines,
which had been performed by presbyterians. It
is not quite certain whether Bancroft insisted that
ordination by presbyters was in case of necessity
lawful, or whether he held episcopal consecration to
1 Gardiner, History of England, vol. ii. p. 174. Dean Church takes a
more decided view : "In those troubled days, when men were reaping
the penalties of the sin of many generations, and when the rebound
from superstitious submission to the pope had created the superstitious
faith in the divine right of kings as the only counterpoise to it,
there seemed to be a fate which, in the course of a churchman's life,
exacted at one time or other the tribute of some unworthy compliance
with the caprice or the passions of power ; and the superstition must
have been a strong one which could exact it from such a man as
Andrewes to such a man as James" (Masters in English Theology,
pp. 69, 70).
2 Life of Bishop Andrewes, p. 380.
76 BISHOP ANDREWES
include the minor orders. 1 At any rate, Andrewes was
satisfied with the archbishop's view, and took part in
the consecration. The king now desired to introduce
into Scotland the Anglican rite, and the jurisdiction
of the High Commission Court. After some prepara-
tions in 1616, which betrayed his purpose and drew
an expostulation from the Scotch prelates, James
arrived at Edinburgh on May 16, 1617, and on the
following day divine service was held after the
Anglican fashion in Holyrood Chapel. Not satisfied
with this display, James ordered that all bishops,
nobles, and privy councillors should receive the
sacrament kneeling on Whitsunday. 2 The order
was only partially successful, but was repeated with
more effect. On June 17 the king opened the
Scottish parliament with one of his offensive speeches.
He referred to his countrymen as " a barbarous
people." He advised them to adopt the good customs
of their southern neighbours. The parliament deeply
resented the tone of this address, and proved refractory.
The act which was first proposed was withdrawn, but
only to make way for a high-handed declaration of
the absolute right of the crown in matters of church
government. The clergy were required to assent to
five articles insisting on the practice of kneeling at
communion, episcopal confirmation, observance of
great festivals, private baptism, and communion of
the sick.
James returned to England bent on enforcing these
articles, and left them to be discussed at an assembly
1 See Heylin, quoted in Bliss, Andrewes' Minor Works, Life, etc., p. xi.
8 This practice apparently had not as yet received the support of
any party in the Scottish Church.
PUBLIC LIFE-LAST YEAES AND DEATH 77
which was summoned to meet at S. Andrews. At
this meeting the consideration of four of the articles
was postponed. In a subsequent meeting, however,
held at Perth (August 1618), the articles were
accepted by a large majority, and finally enforced.
Throughout these proceedings, while the clergy as a
body were recalcitrant, and only yielded to threats,
the laity were not averse to change. " The powerful
aristocracy, the lawyers, and part at least of the
growing middle class, had been alienated by the harsh
and intolerant spirit of the clerical assemblies now
silenced." 1
We can hardly think that men like Andrewes and
Hall were in sympathy with the harsh coercive policy
of the king, whatever may have been the case with
Laud. Andrewes preached one of his beautiful
sermons 2 on the Holy Spirit before the court on
Whitsunday, and possibly makes some reference to
the task which the king had set himself, when he
dwells on the guilt of assuming the ministry without
a commission received. He also speaks strongly of
the necessity of studying the usage of the ancient
Church. In the ancient fathers and lights of the
Church, he says, " the scent of this ointment was
fresh and the temper true ; on whose writings it lieth
thick, and we thence strike it off and gather it safely.''
The keynote of the sermon is " Unction, Mission,
Submission," as the essentials of a duly-ordained
1 Gardiner, iii. 220. " On the other hand, it is fair to remember that
Scotland owed to the boldness of the clergy much of its immunity
from popish plots and civil despotism " (Russell, Life of Andrewes
p. 157).
2 On S. Luke iv. 18, 19 (vol. iii. p. 280).
78 BISHOP ANDREWES
ministry. We are led to think that in regard to the
king's policy in this and other matters, Andrewes fell
back on a maxim which meets us more than once
in his writings Aliud est quod docemus ; aliud quod
sustinemus.
Another noticeable occurrence in Andrewes' career
was the misfortune that befell archbishop Abbot in
October 1621.
The archbishop was fond of hunting, and once, when
pursuing this pastime in the park of his friend, Lord
Zouch, in aiming at a buck with a cross-bow, he struck
a gamekeeper, who died of tho wound. The incident
was startling and without precedent. By common
law the archbishop had incurred the forfeiture of all
his goods to the king; but James, indulgent to his
favourite sport, remarked, on hearing of the mishap,
that " an angel might have miscarried in that sort,"
and followed up the observation by sending a con-
solatory letter to the primate. In canon law, how-
ever and this was an age in which Canonists and
Schoolmen were still diligently studied the case was
a serious one. The archbishop was ipso facto irregular,
and suspended from all ecclesiastical functions until
restored by some ecclesiastical superior. The lord
keeper (Williams) was probably sincere in raising
difficulties. " I wish with all my heart," he wrote
to Buckingham, " his majestic would be as merciful as
ever he was in all his life ; but yet I hold it my duty
to let his majestic know by your lordship that his
majestic is fallen upon a matter of great advice and
deliberation. To add affliction to the afflicted, as no
doubt he is in mynde, is against the king's nature ;
to leave virum sanguinum, or a man of blood, primate
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 79
and patriarke of all his churches, is a thinge that
soundeth very harshe in the old councells and canons
of the Church. The papists will not fail to descant
upon the one and the other. I leave the knot to his
majestie's deepe wisdom to advise and resolve upon."
It was, in fact, a perplexing case, and is even said to
have been debated by the doctors of the Sorbonne,
who voted it to amount to a full irregularity. Further,
Abbot's morose disposition had done little to con-
ciliate his episcopal brethren. 1 Andrewes was sum-
moned to the commission, consisting of six bishops
and four laymen, to which the archbishop's case was
referred. On the question of irregularity, Andrewes
voted with the laymen in favour of the primate. All
were agreed that restitution might be granted by
the king. Finally, the archbishop was " assoiled " by
letters under the great seal, and released from
canonical disabilities. Fuller points out that " the
party whom the archbishop suspected his greatest foe
proved his most firm and effectual friend." Andrewes
had little in common with Abbot, and differed from
him widely in feeling and policy. But on this
occasion he used all his influence on the archbishop's
behalf. "Brethren," he said to the other bishops
who were pressing the severe view, "be not too
busy to condemn any for uncanonicals according
to the strictness thereof, lest we render ourselves
in the same condition. Besides, we all know
1 "He was painful, stout, severe against bad manners, of a grave
and a voluble eloquence, very hospitable, fervent against the Roman
Church, and no less so against the Anninians. ... He was wont to dis-
sent from the king as often as any man at the council board " (Hacket,
Life of Williams, p. 68).
80 BISHOP ANDREWES
canones qui dicunt lapsos post actam poenitentiam ad
dericatum non esse restituendos, de rigore loquuntur
disciplinae, non injiciunt desperationem indulgentiae." l
Andrewes' conduct seems to have been dictated, not,
as Heylin has suggested, by any fears of Williams'
succeeding to the primacy, but by the goodness of his
own heart. It is noticeable that he took a view
which the more scrupulous mind of Laud was unable
to follow. Both he and Williams implored the king
that they might not wound their consciences by
accepting consecration 2 at Abbot's hands, a request
to which the king yielded. We are struck by the
Christian sense and magna'niinous simplicity of
Andrewes' conduct. It was characteristic of him
that he always found a rigorist policy uncongenial.
The bishop's position involved him in other
encounters besides those with Eoman controversialists.
Two of his speeches in the Star Chamber are preserved
one, delivered in 1619, relating to the case of
John Traske, who had been teaching for some time a
curious system of revived Judaism. 3 The speech of
Andrewes is rather a heavy piece of artillery to bring
to bear on a pitiful fanaticism. Traske was severely
dealt with, but finally recanted. The other speech,
" concerning vows," relates to the case of the countess
of Shrewsbury, 4 who had obstinately refused to make
any answer to the lords of the Council respecting the
1 Fuller, x. 5 and 16.
2 Laud was bishop-elect of S. David's, Williams elect of Lincoln.
8 Whether Traske was ordained or not, is uncertain. He taught the
strict observance of the Jewish Sabbath, abstinence from swine's flesh,
etc., and even claimed to bestow the gift of the Holy Ghost j see
Bliss, Andrewes' Minor Works, Life, etc. , p. 81.
4 Ibid. p. 95.
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 81
marriage of her niece, Lady Arabella Stuart, and had
in the last resort alleged that she had a vow upon her.
These speeches are marked by the same conscientious
thoroughness and pointed exactness which appear in
the sermons. The last mentioned of the two displays
the strong sense of moral proportion that is character-
istic of Andrewes' controversial writings. He quotes
Amos v. 24, " Let judgment run down like water, and
righteousness like a mighty stream," and then applies
the text to the conduct of the countess. " You stop
the course of justice," he says ; " with this vow of yours
it cannot ' run.' Let justice have her course, and
let that be the breaking-off of your vow. If you will
needs have it a vow, let it be but the Nazarite's vow,
but for a time ; let it expire, it is more than time it
so did." 1
In 1622 the bishop's health began to show
symptoms of failing. He preached in that year
before the court (August 5), but not with his former
vigour. " His voice," writes Chamberlain, " grows very
low, but otherwise he did extraordinary well, and like
himself. I dined with him that day, and could not
leave him till half an hour after five o'clock. The
weather was so very hot, and he so faint and wet,
that he was fain to go to bed for some little time
after he came out of the pulpit." 2 He recovered,
however, soon enough to permit of his welcoming
the king at Farnham later in the same month.
James had once before paid the bishop a passing
visit (August 1620); but on this later occasion he
made a stay of several days, and was magnificently
entertained, at a cost to Andrewes of some 3000.
1 Op. cit. p. 105. 2 Chamberlain to Carleton, August 10, 1622,
82 BISHOP ANDREWES
During the next year (1623) the bishop took his
usual part in affairs. One matter in which he was
concerned throws light on the relations then existing
between Eome and England. On March 30, we find
the bishop, together with the archbishop and three
other prelates, sitting on a commission appointed to deal
with the case of Antony de Dominis, archbishop of
Spalato, in the state of Venice. This ecclesiastic had
come to England in 1616, having left Italy in conse-
quence of a personal grievance against the pope Paul
V. He had made overtures to the English ambassador
at Venice as to the possibility of his joining the
English Church. In England he was not unnaturally
welcomed by the bishops, and was entertained at
Lambeth. A contribution of 600 was raised for his
maintenance by agreement among the bishops. He
was flattered and made much of, and was even allowed
to take part in ecclesiastical functions. 1 But his
restless and avaricious temper led him into intrigue.
He made overtures to the Koman curia without the
king's knowledge, and received an offer of a large
sum if he would return to the communion he had
abandoned. It was the discovery of these secret
negotiations that led to the appointment of a com-
mission. Ultimately, de Dominis was ordered in the
king's name to leave the kingdom within twenty
days, and never to return. Probably Andrewes never
trusted this specious convert, whose impressionable
1 E.g., a consecration of bishops, December 14, 1617. Bacon record?
the anecdote : ' The lord bishop Andrewes was asked at the first
corning over of the archbishop whether he were a Protestant or no 1
He answered, ' Truly I know not, but I think he is a Detestant ' (that
was of most of the opinions of Rome) " (Bliss, p. liv. ; cf. Perry,
English Church History, vol. ii. p. 401).
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 83
but unstable character made his adhesion rather a
source of weakness than strength to the English
Church.
1623 was a year of great public anxiety as to the
probable issue of the king's negotiations with Spain. In
July, Andre wes took part in the ceremony already alluded
to the swearing of the king to the articles of the
projected Spanish match. It fell to the bishop's lot
to administer the oath, which the king took on his
knees in the presence of the ambassadors. It was in
the autumn of this year that the interview between
Andrewes, Neale, Laud, and Matthew Wren took place,
of which an account has been already given. 1 During
1624 he appears to have been less able to discharge
his public duties, and in the course of the year he
became very much out of health. He suffered from
severe pain in his left side, and complete loss of
appetite. A brief interval of restored vigour followed ;
but early in 1625 a fresh attack of illness prevented
him from attending the king in his last sickness, and
gratifying James' wish to receive the sacrament at his
hands. The death of the king, which took place on
Mid Lent Sunday, March 27, 1625, could not fail to
affect Andrewes' position at court. Charles' accession
brought Laud at once to the front, who, however,
in spite of his independent spirit, and the fact
that he was virtually the leading spirit of the Church,
showed an evident desire to maintain close connections
with Andrewes. A few days after James' death, we
find him consulting the bishop, and evidently setting
much store by his view of affairs. In June the two
prelates met near Bromley, at the country seat of
1 See p. 51.
84 BISHOP ANDREWES
bishop Buckeridge, and within a few months of
Andrewes' death they served together on various
commissions.
But Andrewes felt that his work was over. He
took his part in business of state with increasing
difficulty, and in November 1625 was again lying on
a sick-bed. He writes to secretary Con way a pathetic
letter on the subject of an office in his own gift that
of confessor to the royal household. He pleads that
the present occupant of the place, who is incapacitated
by ill-health, may continue to hold the office till his
death. 1 " I beseech your lordship," he continues,
" to bear with me, and to support this very imperfect
manner of writing, who hath been under the hand of
God sick of an ague these seven weeks, for the most
part forced to keep my bed, where your letter found
me." On December 8 he excuses himself from obey-
ing an order of Council, and asks for respite. " My
lords, I would my body were to my mind, and wish
with all my heart that for the present state of my
health I were as able to perform this service as I shall
ever be found willing to obey and to execute any of
his majesty's commands, or your lordship's letters, to
the uttermost of my endeavours. But at this present,
God hath laid upon me the ague, the stone, and the
gout all at once."
There is, however, one other matter of political
importance in which Andrewes was concerned. At
the beginning of 1626 we find him taking part
in an inquiry into complaints which the House of
Commons had preferred against Eichard Montague,
1 It would seem that Andrewes' patronage was threatened with
invasion, under sanction of the king.
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 85
rector of Stamford Elvers, who, in 1624, had
scandalised Puritan feeling by his tract, " A New
Gag for an Old Goose," written in answer to a Jesuit
pamphlet attacking the English Church, entitled " A
New Gag for an Old Gospel."
This book provoked a protest from two Ipswich
ministers, Samuel Ward and John Yates, to whom
the writer replied by addressing an appeal to the king
(Appello Caesarem, a Just Appeal from Two Unjust In-
formers). The case was brought under the notice of
the House of Commons before the close of the late reign.
The main offence of Montague in the eyes of the
Commons was that he had made admissions in favour
of the Eoman Church, while claiming an equal catho-
licity for the Church of England. "Although," he
said, " this present Eoman Church hath departed in
no small degree, not only in regard of purity of manners
and discipline, but also in regard of uncorruptness in
doctrine, from that antient Church whence it arose
and was derived, yet it hath ever stood firm upon the
same foundation of doctrine and of the sacraments
instituted by God, and recognises and keeps communion
with the antient and undoubted Church of Christ.
Wherefore it cannot be another and a different Church
from that, however unlike it in many respects." l Such
language ran counter to the prejudices of the popular
theology which was so strongly represented in the
House of Commons. The case was, however, left to
be dealt with as an ecclesiastical offence, and the
archbishop (Abbot) was asked to admonish the offender ;
but Montague relied on the favour of the king, who,
1 Quoted by Russell, Life of Andrewes, p. 516 ; cp. Wakeraan, The
Church and the Puritans, p. 113 foil.
86 BISHOP ANDREWES
naturally regarded with approval a line of argument
which experience had shown to be so effective in deal-
ing with the Eoman controversialists. The new reign
had scarcely opened before the Commons renewed the
attack. A parliamentary committee was appointed
to examine Montague's opinions ; he was further
charged with having committed a breach of privilege,
in publishing a second work while the inquiry into
the first was still pending. At this point King
Charles unwisely interfered, and claimed the cognisance
of Montague's offence as a chaplain of his own. In
this course he was supported by Laud and other pro-
minent churchmen, who indignantly resented the claim
of parliament to decide a matter which involved points
of doctrine. They were, moreover, genuinely anxious
to leave defenders of the Anglican position, like
Montague, a free hand. " We have some cause," so
they had written to Buckingham in the preceding
year, " to doubt this may breed a great backwardness
in able men to write in the defence of the Church of
England against either home or foreign adversaries, if
they shall see him (Mr. Montague) sink in fortune,
reputation, or health, upon his book occasion." l The
king resolved to refer the matter to a small commission
of bishops, and to follow their guidance. The bishops
met at Winchester House, probably owing to Andrewes'
infirm state, and reported (January 16, 1626) as follows :
" Mr. Montague in his book hath not affirmed any-
thing to be the doctrine of the Church of England
but that which in our opinion is the doctrine of the
Church of England, or agreeable thereunto. And for
the preservation of the peace of the Church, we, in
1 Collier, Ecd. Hist. vol. viii. p. 5.
PUBLIC LIFE-LAST YEARS AND DEATH 87
humility, do conceive that his majesty shall do most
graciously to prohibit all parties, members of the
Church of England, any further controversy of those
questions, by public preaching or writing or any other
way, to the disturbance of the peace of the Church, for
the time to come." x
In this letter we can detect the influence of
Andrewes, and the suggestion made is characteristic of
him; but unhappily this summary treatment of the
case was not calculated to conciliate the Commons, nor
did the matter rest at this point. The king's final
response to the complaints of parliament was the
elevation of Montague to the bishopric of Chichester
(1628). This act of defiance was probably suggested
by Laud, and was destined to bear bitter fruit ; but
before the promotion took place, Andrewes had been
removed from the scene. On February 2nd of this
year (1626), he was able to take official part in the
coronation of Charles, and this seems to have been his
last attendance at a public ceremony. The lustre of
the coronation was dimmed by presages and omens of
impending disaster. The dean (Williams) was in dis-
grace, and Laud, as a prebendary of Westminster, was
appointed to take his place. The king appeared in
white satin instead of the usual robe of purple. " The
left wing of the dove was broken on the sceptre staff."
The text of the sermon, preached by the bishop of
Carlisle, was " as if for a funeral sermon, ' I will give
thee a crown of life,' and a slight shock of earthquake
was felt during the ceremony." 2 It would be interest-
ing to know the impression of the event left on
1 Russell, Life, etc., p. 512.
a Stanley, Memorials of Westminster Abbey, p. 89 f 11.
88 BISHOP ANDREWES
Andrewes' mind. Laud had already had forebodings
of " a cloud arising and threatening the Church of
England." We naturally wonder whether at this late
hour of his life, Andrewes recognised the mistake that
the English Church had made in leaning so heavily
on a system of government which had outlived the
sympathies of the English people, and had brought
both Church and Throne into disrepute and odium.
We cannot claim for Andrewes that he possessed the
firmness of character that might have made him a
wise upholder and counsellor of royalty in the crisis
of its fate. We seem to see in him an increasing
tendency to compliance with the arbitrary will, and
even the caprices of the sovereign. Occasions were
constantly arising when a man of stronger mould
might have spoken a courageous word in season;
might have made a timely protest against evils, the
pressure of which on the people was rapidly becoming
intolerable. The gentleness of Andrewes too often
degenerates into weakness, or at least the temper of
indulgence ; and we must acknowledge that in his
degree he shares the responsibility of the knot of time-
servers, flatterers, and worldlings who surrounded the
throne, and hindered the intrusion into the royal
presence of unpalatable facts national discontent,
the grievances of outraged conscience, and the rising
passion and righteous jealousy for liberty and law.
Andrewes must have fallen ill again shortly after
the date of the coronation, for in May he is described
in a letter of Mede's as being " very ill, and hath long
been sick." There are but few notices of the last few
months. Isaacson tells us that "of his death he
seemed to presage himself a year before he died ; "
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 89
and in a previous illness at Downham, in 1612, "he
seemed to be prepared for his dissolution, saying often-
times in that sickness, It must come once, and why
not here ? " The death of his two brothers, Thomas and
Nicholas, which took place shortly before his own,
deeply affected him. " He took that as a certain sign
and prognostic and warning of his own death, and
from that time till the hour of his dissolution he
spent all his time in prayer; and his Prayer-Book,
when he was private, was seldom seen out of his
hands ; and in the time of his fever and last sickness,
besides the often prayers which were read to him, in
which he repeated all the parts of the Confession and
other petitions with an audible voice, as long as his
strength endured, he did as was well observed by cer-
tain tokens in him continually pray to himself, though
he seemed otherwise to rest or slumber ; and when he
could pray no longer voce with his voice, yet oculis et
manibus by lifting up his eyes and hands he prayed
still ; and when both voice and eyes and hands failed
in their office, then corde with his heart he still
prayed, until it pleased God to receive his blessed
soul to Himself." * Isaacson describes him as giving
vent to " restless groans, sighs, cries, and tears ; his
hands labouring, his eyes lifted up, and his heart beat-
ing and panting to see the living God, even to the last
of his breath." The end came on Monday, September
25, 1626, about four o'clock in the morning, at
Winchester House, South wark. On November 11
he was interred with great solemnity in the parish
church of S. Saviour ; the funeral being arranged
and conducted by the officers of the Heralds' College,
1 Buckeridge, Funeral Sermon.
90 BISHOP ANDREWES
the bishop of Durham being chief mourner, and several
of Andrewes' nephews being present. The epitaph l on
his tomb was written by bishop Wren, formerly his
chaplain, to whom the bishop had been a constant
benefactor. In 1830, during some alterations to the
church, the bishop's tomb was opened, and the coffin
discovered in a good state of preservation. It was
removed, and replaced in the tomb which was newly
erected in the Lady chapel behind the altar screen.
The obituary sermon was preached by bishop
Buckeridge of Rochester, on the words, " To do good and
to distribute forget not, etc." (Heb. xiii. 16). A fort-
night later died Nicholas Felton, bishop of Ely. Each
prelate was distinguished by being made the subject
of an elegy composed by the youthful Milton, who
had recently gone up to Cambridge, and had not as
yet developed the strong anti-ecclesiastical opinions of
his mature life. Two lines of the boyish production
on Andrewes' death are worth quoting, as embodying
what was probably the common impression in his old
university as to the bishop's career that it was
above all else a life of unsparing toil. The departed
soul is met by a heavenly band, and thus addressed
" Nate, veni, et patrii felix cape gaudia regni ;
Semper abhinc duro, nate, labore vaca." 2
Andrewes himself could not have desired a more
terse summary of his long career. In his third
sermon on the Passion, he speaks of the lesson taught
by our Lord's word, Consummatum est : the duty of
not fainting " though the time seem long and never
so tedious." " Glory and rest," he continues, " are two
1 See Appendix B.
8 Another elegy speaks of him as "that rare industrious soul."
PUBLIC LIFE LAST YEARS AND DEATH 91
things that meet not here in our world. The glorious
life hath not the most quiet, and the quiet life is for
the most part inglorious. He that will have glory
must make account to be despised oft and broken of
his rest. Here, then, they meet not ; there our hope
is, they shall even both meet together, and glory and
rest kiss each the other ; so the prophet calleth it a
glorious rest." Andrewes' toils were for the most part
not of his own choosing ; but he was resolved that He
alone who had appointed him his work should take the
burden from his shoulders, and so answer his nightly
prayer, " To my weariness vouchsafe Thou rest."
There is a reference to Andrewes' tomb in some beauti-
ful lines of Isaac Williams (The Cathedral, p. 183)
" Still praying in thy sleep
With lifted hands and face supine !
Meet attitude of calm and reverence deep,
Keeping thy marble watch in hallowed shrine.
" Thus in thy Church's need,
Enshrined in ancient liturgies,
Thy spirit shall keep watch and with us plead,
While from our secret cells thy prayers arise.
" Still downward to decay
Our Church is hastening more and more ;
But what else need we but with thee to pray
That God may yet her treasures lost restore 2 " a
Nearly sixty years have passed since the writing of
the last verse, which reflects the depression of a devout
spirit in troubled and dark days. That the words
could not be truthfully written now may well lead us
to the belief that Andrewes' constant prayer for the
English Church has been answered.
1 " For the British Church, That what is wanting in her may be sup-
plied, that what remains iu her may be strengthened " (The Devotions),
CHAPTER VI
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS
ANDREWES was one of the few English theologians
whose name was known and respected by foreign
scholars. The age of the Stuarts was not one in
which English theologians visited in person the uni-
versities of the Continent. There seems to have been,
after the return of the Marian exiles, a disposition
to withdraw from the intimate connections that had
been formed between English churchmen and the
lights of foreign protestantism. But though con-
tinental scholars did not have many opportunities of
welcoming English students, it was not uncommon for
them to visit England, and they were almost certain
to enjoy, sooner or later, a warm reception at the
English court the only court, it has been observed,
" where the profession of learned men was in any
degree appreciated." l
Judged by the standard of those days, Andrewes
was a prominent man of learning ; the least that can
fairly be said of him is, that he was well qualified to
judge of learning when he met with it. His own
1 Pattison, Life of Casaubon, p. 296.
92
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS 93
habits had always been those of an indefatigable
student. He allowed nothing to interfere with regular
hours of reading. He refused to see visitors before
noon (the dinner hour). When he was intruded upon,
he would say " he was afraid he was no true scholar
who came to see him before noon." For languages
he had an astonishing aptitude, and is said to have
had a competent knowledge of fifteen tongues. It is,
of course, probable that his knowledge was overrated
in days when competent critics were scarce, and we
cannot forbear to smile at the verdict of his contem-
poraries. " The world," says Fuller, " wanted learning
to know how learned he was ; so skilled in all
(especially Oriental) languages, that some conceived
he might, if then living, almost have served as an
interpreter - general in the confusion of tongues."
According to Hacket, he was " of such a growth in
all kind of learning, that very able clerks were of a
low stature to him : Colossus inter icunculas." l
The most solid testimony, however, to the range and
depth of Andrewes' attainments, is the respect and
veneration with which Casaubon especially, and some
other foreign scholars, regarded him. His classical
learning was considerable. He was once charged by a
Jesuit pamphleteer with having obtained a bishopric
by reading Terence and Plautus a charge against
which his friend Casaubon, in his Epistle to Fronto
Ducaeus, perhaps with needless vehemence defends
him. " In the last thirty years he has rarely had
Plautus in his hands, Terence never once. Whatever
traces of ancient learning are to be found in his
1 " Scientia magna, raemoria major, judicium maximum, industria
infinite, " is the verdict of Buckeridge (Funeral Sermon).
94 BISHOP ANDREWES
writings are to be set down to his excellent memory." 1
The fact is, that a divine of that period had no
ambition to display his classical attainments. The
absorbing problems of the time were theological, and
on this ground appeal could only be made to the writers
of Christian antiquity. Of the Fathers, Canonists,
and Schoolmen, Andrewes had a deep and accurate
knowledge. These had been his main subject of study
during his Cambridge life. But he took an enthusiastic
interest in many other departments of learning. His
intellectual sympathies were broader, perhaps, than those
of any Englishman of his day. He was one of the learned
antiquarian circle of which Selden and Camden were
distinguished ornaments, and was at one time a member
of their society. 2 He had the rare courage to express
approval of Selden's History of Tythes, an historical
inquiry which roused passionate hostility among the
dignified clergy, who even induced the king to forbid
Selden any right of reply to his critics, and to pro-
hibit the sale of the book. 3 But perhaps even
more honourable to him was his friendship with
Bacon, with whose aspiring genius and patient toil
in observation his own love of nature gave him a
genuine sympathy. 4
Andrewes, then, was a man of learning himself, and
had a gift for kindling the love of learning in others.
As a young fellow of Pembroke Hall, and afterwards
1 The authors most frequently alluded to or quoted in the
Responsio are Terence, Plautus, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Juvenal,
Lucan, Homer, and Demosthenes.
2 See his letter to Hartwell, Bliss, p. xli.
3 Gardiner, History of England, vol. iii. pp. 255, 256 ; Aikin, vol. ii.
p. 270 ; Pattison, Life of Casaubon, p. 326.
4 See the passage from Isaacson, quoted p. 12.
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTION 95
as dean of Westminster, his passion for teaching found
ample opportunities. Hacket, an old Westminster
boy, used to tell his patron Williams " how strict that
excellent man (Andrewes) was to charge our masters
that they should give us lessons out of none but the
most classical authors ; that he did often supply the
place both of head schoolmaster and usher for the
space of an whole week together, and gave us not an
hour of loitering time from morning to night. How
he caused our exercises in prose and verse to be
brought to him to examine our style and proficiency.
That he never walked to Chiswick for his recreation
without a brace of this young fry, and in that
wayfaring leisure had a singular dexterity to fill
those narrow vessels with a funnel." Occasionally the
dean would send for the elder scholars, sometimes as
often as three times a week, and would keep them from
eight in the evening to eleven, teaching them Greek and
the elements of Hebrew, and " all this he did without
any compulsion of correction ; nay, I never heard him
utter so much as a word of austerity among us." 1 At
a later time his position enabled him to become a
generous patron of learning. He befriended rising
scholars, and encouraged their studies by his munifi-
cence. Bishop Wren speaks gratefully of Andrewes'
interest in him at Pembroke. Laud, Peter Blois,
Nicholas Fuller, Roger Fenton, Cosin, and others, were
indebted to him. He sent the Oriental scholar, William
Bedwell, afterwards one of the translators of the Bible,
to Leyden at his own cost to study Arabic, and after-
wards gave him a living. 2 To John Boys, the learned
1 Hacket, Life of Williams (ed. 1693), p. 45.
2 Casaubon, in introducing Bedwell to Heinsius, says : " His only cause
96 BISHOP ANDREWES
student of the Vulgate, he assigned a stall at Ely. 1
His generosity to foreigners was unequalled. Casaubon
was his attached friend and sincere admirer; Voss,
Junius, Cliiver, Du Moulin, Grotius corresponded with
him, and in some instances were indebted to his
bounty.
For the history of Andrewes' tender and beautiful
friendship with Casaubon, we have ample materials.
Their intimacy lasted without break for the last four
years of the great French scholar's life. Casaubon
reached England in October 1610, shortly after the
assassination of his patron, Henry IV. He had
already been fascinated by the unusual spectacle of
a Church which, in its controversy with Rome,
resolutely carried its appeal to the fountain-head of
church antiquity. He accordingly accepted the
invitation of archbishop Bancroft, who had offered
him a prebendal stall at Canterbury, and eagerly
availed himself of the opportunity thus offered to
study more intimately the system and theory of the
English Church.
Casaubon, on his arrival, was kindly welcomed by
Overall, dean of S. Paul's, and was before long sum-
moned to court, where he met Andrewes. He was at
once attracted to the bishop, not only by his erudition
and personal charm, but also by the sense of common
sympathies and tastes. As early as October 26, he
notes in his diary a prolonged visit to " the most wise
for undertaking this journey is the exhortation of the bishop of Ely
(nv -X0.1U Eliensis), who is anxious to spare no expense in forwarding
the interests of learning."
1 It was under Andrewes' direction that Boys compiled the Veteris
interprets cum Beza cotlatio, published 1655 (Bliss).
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS 97
and learned bishop of Ely;" and adds, " I acknowledged
his extraordinary courtesy and kindness towards me."
From that day forwards the diary constantly refers to
Andrewes his learning, his acuteness, his goodness,
his courtesy. 1 " He is a man," he writes to his friend
de Thou, " whom if you knew you would take to
exceedingly ; we spend whole days in talk of literature
sacred, especially and no words can express what
true piety, what uprightness of judgment, I find in
him." " I am attracted to the man," he says to
Heinsius, " by his profound learning, and am charmed
by a graciousness of manner not common in one so
highly placed."
Soon after Casaubon's arrival (November 1610), the
bishop submitted to him the Responsio, which was
approaching completion, and adopted some of the great
scholar's suggestions. " He did not overlook my notes,"
says Casaubon ; " nay, he rated them at more than their
worth." Casaubon's mature impression of Andrewes'
work is given in a letter to bishop Montague (November
21, 1610), which it is worth while to quote:
" I have read, and am daily reading, a work in
which sincere piety, combined with varied learning, so
contends for mastery with a captivating elegance of style,
that I find it difficult to say what is to be selected for
praise and admiration. Unhappy cardinal ! thus in
effete old age to have encountered an antagonist who,
in range of genius, in depth of erudition, in faculty of
expression, is at the very zenith of his powers, and in
1 E.g. Dec. 1610. "Apud episcopum Eliensem pransus totum fere
diem cum illo egi. doctum ! humanum virum ! " Another
entry in 1611 says, "0 Domine, quantae doctrinae, quantae
humanitatis hospitem sum nactus ! "
7
98 BISHOP ANDREWES
all qualities requisite for this kind of controversy is so
vastly superior to his rival Certainly, if the cardinal
retains a spark of modesty, he will not, I think, ever
venture to enter the lists with this adversary; assuredly
he will find that he is impar congressus Achilli. Pray
let his majesty know that I have dealt in this affair as
becomes a truth-loving and candid scholar ; for, though
I esteem the bishop of Ely so highly, and have such an
immense admiration for him, I have read all that he
has written, and carefully weighed it, as though I owed
no favour to the writer. . . . Would, my lord, that our
Gallican theologians would imitate the bishop of Ely.
I dare to affirm that they would reap a most plentiful
reward of their moderation."
But Casaubon himself was soon immersed in the
waves of controversy. At the king's wish he undertook
his Epistle to Fronto Ducaeus?- in which he examines
at length the history of the plot of 1605. In this
letter he takes occasion to vindicate Andrewes warmly
against the attacks of Eudaemon Johannes (the Jesuit
1'Heureux). 2 Shortly after the letter was finished (July
1611), Andrewes carried Casaubon off to his manor
at Downham, in Ely diocese, where he was usually
engaged in pastoral work for three months during the
summer. For about six weeks Casaubon stayed with
the bishop, and greatly enjoyed his experience of English
country life and manners. He accompanied the bishop
in his progress through the diocese, 3 and was par-
ticularly impressed by the simplicity and dignity of the
1 Epist. 730.
2 He refers to the bishop as one "de cuius alta doctriua in omni
genere disciplinarum quicqiiid dixero minus erit."
3 On one occasion, crossing a ford near AVisbeach, the bishop's life
was in danger.
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS 99
English services. In the following year (August 1612),
the bishop writes to Casaubon, now busy with the
Exercitationes in Baronium, begging him to pay another
visit to Downham, which he says is so much cooler
than London, as a proof of this declaring that he is
suffering from a fever contracted in consequence of
" an evening chill." In this letter he begs Casaubon
not to spend too much time on chronological
minutiae, but to devote his attention to more
important matters; he urges him not to be dis-
tracted by the attacks of petty controversial litera-
ture from his great task of dealing with Baronius,
and " shedding a true light on sacred history." " Suffer
not yourself to be distracted even for a moment; spurn
them out of your way like barking dogs, and pass
them by ; pursue the course you have entered on with
the favour of God and men." After mentioning his
own correspondence with du Moulin, and his weari-
ness of controversy, he ends by again pressing Casaubon
to come and see the Stourbridge fair nundinas tota
Anglia celeberrimas ; tries to tempt him with a MS.
(S. Matthaei exemplar hebraicum quod hie asservatur in
libliotheca Corp. Christi) ; implores him to come if only
for a few days ; he shall return to town when he pleases.
A little later (September 8, 1612) we find him, in
another letter, repeating his injunction to Casaubon not
to be drawn aside from his purpose. Let him in a
single preface crush Puteanus 1 and all the other
assailants ; let him spend all his efforts, all his diligence
and learning, on a work of real value to the Church.
" I am sure," he says, " I shall find infinite pleasure in
reading what you write; though old, I shall learn much.
1 Erycius Puteanus, author of Stricturae in Casaubonum.
100 BISHOP ANDREWES
I shall owe to you the reminiscence of many things I
have forgotten, the knowledge of many which I have
overlooked."
On several occasions in 1613 the friends were
together. In April, Casaubon introduced Grotius to
Andrewes.
On May 1, 1614, Casaubon's son Meric was con-
firmed by Andrewes, and with his father received the
sacrament at the bishop's hands. Two months later,
Andrewes attended the death-bed of his friend, an
occasion of which he writes an account to Heinsius.
After courteously offering hospitality to him during
his projected visit to England, he tells him the circum-
stances of Casaubon's death. "He died on Friday,
July 1 (old style). That morning he received the Holy
Eucharist at my hands, having begged this favour of me
three days previously. After receiving, he asked that
the NuncDimittis might be repeated, following the recita-
tion with a low voice, not without effort. Nothing
escaped him but what was religious, pious, worthy of a
Christian man, and of Casaubon, not even while he was
in greatest agony. Next he gave his blessing to his
children and his whole household. Then he composed
himself to sleep, and thenceforward said but little, and
that unwillingly. About four hours later he rendered
to God a spirit which, I doubt not, found acceptance,
a spirit always devoted to the cause of truth and peace.
Stop the mouth of that pestilent Jesuit, 1 who does not
scruple even after Casaubon's death to lie, as if he had
wavered in the faith. He (Casaubon) never at any time
wavered. He died in the faith in which he was born
1 Heribert Rosweyd, who had circulated a rumour that Casaubon had
promised to rejoin the Roman Church.
and brought up. For ten days before his death -he. had
said farewell to human affairs, had signed his will, and
gave himself wholly up to God, and to heaven. . , . He
is buried at Westminster before the chapel where our
kings' monuments are visited." Such was the fitting
close to a friendship of more than usual tenderness. 1
Other distinguished men to whom Andrewes showed
kindness, were F. Junius and George Doublet, both kins-
men of G. T. Voss. He entertained them hospitably
at Farnham in 1 6 2 1. Gerard Voss, at this time director
of the theological college at Leyden, was a scholar of the
bishop's own mould ; a man with a rooted distaste for
controversy, and so moderate in views and temper as to
become suspected of heterodoxy by the vehement con-
troversalists of his university. His kinsman, F. Junius,
came to England in 1620, his special line of study being
Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic philology. Voss writes with
great gratitude to the bishop (Oct. 25, 1621): "I have
often heard from Junius ; no letter but speaks in high
terms of his happiness in beiog acquainted with you
a man endowed with so many gifts, so kindly disposed
towards him, so concerned for his welfare, that he can
only speak of your regard for him as paternal. It is,
moreover, a delight to me to hear from him and G.
Doublet of your very kind disposition towards me.
To me your regard is preferable to gold. . . . The
habit of beneficence is with you a second nature." 2
Again (Sept. 13, 1622) he writes: "Junius con-
1 Casaubon, in one passage of his diary, says: "Reddat illi (Eliensi)
Deus suam erga me 0/XavfywT/av." It is interesting to note that
Andrewes in his devotions makes special mention of "foreigners," a
circumstance possibly suggested by his ntimate connection with
Casaubon.
8 Voss, Epist. xx.
102 BISHOP ANDREWES
tinues to speak of your fatherly love to him. "We
can only acknowledge a debt which we cannot repay.
God will reward you. I can only say
Serus in caelum venias diuque
Laetus intersis populo Britanno." 1
In the following year (June 9, 1623), Voss writes to
condole with Andrewes on the premature death of Philip
Cliiver the geographer, and commends to the bishop's
kindness the grandmother of Cliiver's children, 2 who was
an Englishwoman by birth. Other scholars with whom
the bishop was on friendly terms were Daniel Heinsius, 3
to whom he wrote the account of Casaubon's last hours ;
Erpenius (Van Erpe), professor of Oriental literature at
Leyden, whom he endeavoured by the offer of an annual
stipend to attract to England as a teacher of Oriental
literature ; and Grotius, who in 1613 came to England
on a mission, partly political, partly religious, and was
introduced to Andrewes by Casaubon. On one occasion
Andrewes entertained Grotius at supper, his visitor
astonishing the other guests by his flow of conversation :
" my lord of Ely sitting still at the supper all the while
and wondering what a man he had there, who, not being
in the place or company before, could overwhelm them
so with talk for so long a time." 4 In 1 6 1 7 some corre-
spondence passed between Overall and Grotius, which
shows the anxiety of Grotius to obtain Andrewes' opinion
of his work, De impcrio summarmn potestatum in sacra, 5
1 Epist. xxvi. a Epist. xxxvii.
5 Professor of Latin (1602) and Greek (1605) at Leyden.
4 Abbot to Winwood, June 1, 1613 {Anecdotes of Distinguished
Persons, vol. i. p. 269).
* " Ad rev. Episcopum Eliensem scribo, rogo utlibrum de jure imperii
legat et emendet, conscio etiam rege. " The book was not published till
1647. Some account of it is given inRussell, Lifeof 'Andrewes,^. 438foll.
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS 103
Andrewes seems never to have found time to study the
book carefully ; but his impression, as reported by
Overall, was that the conclusions of Grotius involved a
dangerous extension of the power of the State in the
spiritual sphere. 1
There are other names contained in the list of
Andrewes' friends which are of special interest. With
Bacon he must have often been brought in contact by
the official duties of his station, for Bacon was solicitor-
general in 1607, attorney - general in 1613, and
became chancellor in the very year of Andrewes'
translation to Winchester (1618). In 1621, as we
have already noticed, Andrewes was one of the peers
whose painful duty it was to wait on Bacon after
his disgrace, and obtain from him the oral acknow-
ledgment of his written confession. In his hearing
the fallen chancellor had made the admission of his
guilt : " My lords, it is my act, my hand, my heart. I
beseech your lordships be merciful to a broken reed."
But the friendship had dated from Bacon's student
days. As early as 1605 Bacon describes Andrewes
as his " inquisitor," 2 an expression which is explained
in a letter of later date addressed to Andrewes him-
self. In sending the MS. of the Cogitata et visa to
the bishop, Bacon writes as follows : " If your lordship
be so good now as when you were the good dean of
Westminster, my request to you is that not by pricks,
but by notes, you would mark unto me whatsoever
shall seem unto you either not current in the stile,
or harsh to credit or opinion, or inconvenient for the
1 See Bliss, p. xciii.
2 In a letter to Toby Matthew ; see Works, Ellis & Spedding, vol.
x. p. 256.
104 BISHOP ANDREWES
person of the writer; for no man can be judge and
party ; and when our minds judge by reflexion on
ourselves, they are more subject to error." 1 It is
most probable that Andrewes had performed a similar
service in the case of the Advancement of Learning,
while he was still dean. In 1608 we find Bacon
jotting down a list of prominent persons who might
be counted upon as patrons of scientific research and
experiment, among them being "W. Raleigh, arch-
bishop Bancroft, " being single and glorious [fond of
fame]," and bishop Andrewes, " being single, rych,
sickly, a professor to some experiments." 2 To
Andrewes also is addressed the "Epistle dedicatory"
(probably written in 1622) prefixed to Bacon's
fragment, Advertisement touching an Holy War" a
dialogiie dealing with the speculative question as to
the duty of fighting for the Christian faith appar-
ently written in view of the projected alliance with
Spain. Possibly Bacon had formed an idea that this
unpopular alliance might be utilised for a new crusade
against the Turks. One of the characters which he
intended to introduce was in all probability suggested
by the career of Andrewes " Eusebius, a moderate
divine." " This work," he writes, " because I was ever
an enemy to flattering dedications, I have dedicated
to your lordship, in respect of our ancient and private
acquaintance, and because amongst the men of our
times I hold you in especial reverence. Your lord-
ship's loving friend, FR ST. ALBAN."*
1 Works, vol. x. p. 256.
2 Commentaries Solutus ; see F. Bacon, by E. A. Abbot, p. 161,
note.
3 ' ' The question naturally presents itself in regard to a friend of bishop
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS 105
It is enough, as illustrating Andrewes' relations with
Hooker, to quote in extenso his letter to a friend, 1 dated
November 7, 1600, five days after Hooker's death:
" Salutem in Christo. I cannot choose but write,
though you do not. I never failed since I last saw
you, but daily prayed for him till this very instant
you sent this heavy news. I have hitherto prayed
serva nobis hunc ; now must I, da ndbis alium. Alas,
for our great loss ! and when I say ours, though I
mean yours and mine, yet much more the common :
with the less sense they have of so great a damage,
the more sad we need to bewail them and ourselves,
who know his works and his worth to be such as
behind him he hath not (that I know) left any near
him. And whether I shall live to know any near
him, I am in great doubt, that I care not how many
and myself had redeemed his longer life to have done
good in a better subject than he had in hand, though
that were very good. Good brother, have a care to
deal with his executrix or executor, or (him that is
like to have a great stroke in it) his father-in-law,
that there be special care and regard for preserving
such papers as he left, besides the three last books
expected. By preserving, I mean, that not only they
Andrewes, What was Bacon as regards religion ? And the answer, it
seems to me, can admit of no doubt. . . . His religion was the discrimi-
nating and intelligent Church of England religion of Hooker and
Andrewes, which had gone back to something deeper and nobler in
Christianity than the popular Calvinism of the earlier Reformation ;
and, though sternly hostile to the system of the papacy both on religious
and political grounds, attempted to judge it with knowledge and
justice" (Church, Bacon, pp. 174, 175).
1 To Dr. Henry Parry (Bliss, p. xl.). The actual extent of Andrewes'
intimacy with Hooker is uncertain.
106 BISHOP ANDREWES
be not embezzled, and come to nothing, but that they
come not into great hands, who will only have use of
them quatenus et quousque,, and suppress the rest, or
unhappily all ; but rather into the hands of some of
them that unfeignedly wished him well, though of the
meaner sort ; who may upon good assurance (very
good assurance) be trusted with them ; for it is a pity
they should admit any limitation. Do this, and do it
mature,; it had been more than time long since to
have been about it, if I had sooner known it. If my
word or letter would do any good to Mr. Churchman, 1
it should not want. But what cannot yourself or
Mr. Sandys do therein ? For Mr. Cranmer is away,
happy in that he shall gain a week or two before he
know of it. Almighty God, comfort us over him !
whose taking away I trust I shall no longer live, than
with grief I remember ; therefore with grief because
with inward and most just honour I ever honoured
him since I knew him. Your assured poor loving
friend, L. ANDREWES."
There is one other notable name in the circle of
Andrewes' friends that of George Herbert. Herbert
entered Westminster school about a year before
Andrewes vacated the deanery, and very possibly, as
a thoughtful boy of fourteen, would come in contact
with the learned and saintly dean. The fact is
interesting, and opens an attractive field for conjec-
ture, 2 but it is not certain that the two actually
became acquainted at this time. Walton, in his
memoir of Herbert, seems to imply that he was in-
1 Hooker's father-in-law.
2 See The Life of George Herbert (S.P.C.K., 1893), pp. 33-35.
FRIENDSHIPS AND LITERARY CONNECTIONS 107
troduced to Andrewes at Cambridge on the occasion of
one of the king's visits (probably in 1615), when the
bishop accompanied his master. The meeting, what-
ever be its date, led to an intimate friendship and
correspondence between the bishop and the brilliant
Cambridge scholar. Herbert writes with filial affec-
tion to the bishop, apparently after paying him a
visit at Farnham, and shortly after his own appoint-
ment as public orator. Walton, referring to the
intimacy between the friends, mentions " a modest
debate" which took place between them on one
occasion on the subject of predestination and
sanctity of life ; " of both which the orator did, not
long after, send the bishop some safe and useful
aphorisms in a long letter written in Greek, which
was so remarkable for the language and the matter,
that, after the reading of it, the bishop put it into his
bosom, and did often show it to scholars, both of this
and foreign nations ; but did always return it back to
the place where he first lodged it, and continued it
so, near his heart, till the last day of his life." l
Herbert only survived Andrewes by about seven years.
An epigram on the bishop, written by the poet, remains
to show his gratitude for what he evidently felt to be
one of the greatest spiritual blessings of his life.
It is scarcely necessary to say more of Andrewes'
friendships. We must remember that he was in
constant communication with such men as Overall,
Cosin, Hall, and Laud ; but there are no specially
interesting memorials of his connection with these
and other of his contemporaries, and in our brief
sketch an allusion to them must suffice.
1 Walton, George Herbert's Remains, pp. 25, 20.
CHAPTER VII
ANDKEWES THE PRELATE
WE know little of the distinctively episcopal work of
bishop Andrewes. His few extant letters make no
special mention of pastoral duties, and the standard
by which a bishop's work was measured in those
days was not that of our own time. It was the
personality of the bishop that impressed his contem-
poraries. " This is that Andrewes," exclaims Hacket,
" the ointment of whose name is sweeter than all
spices. . . . Indeed, he was the most apostolical and
primitive-like divine, in my opinion, that wore a
rochet in his age ; of a most venerable gravity, and
yet most sweet in all commerce ; the most devout
that ever I saw when he appeared before God ; full
of alms and charity, of which none knew but his
Father in secret. In the pulpit an Homer among
preachers. ... I am transported even as in a
rapture to make this digression, for who could come
near the shrine of such a saint and not offer up a
few grains of glory upon it ? " *
It is strange, considering the position of dignity
which Andrewes held, that he should have made so
few enemies. There was something that disarmed
1 Life of Williams, p. 45.
108
THE PRELATE 109
hostility and commanded reverence, in his simplicity,
his ascetic habits, his unaffected kindliness, his bound-
less generosity, his serene cheerfulness, and keen sense
of humour. The impression he made was always the
same. Hacket calls him a saint, John Chamberlain
(a gentleman and scholar, whose letters give us a
vivid picture of James' court) refers to him as " the
good bishop," and speaks in glowing terms of his
" extraordinary kindness," his " wonderful memory "
for places and persons ; Bacon holds him in " especial
reverence ; " bishop Hall speaks of him as " the re-
nowned bishop of Winchester, the late admirable,
that oracle of our present times, incomparably
learned." Casaubon can find no words sufficiently
strong to express his admiration and affection ; Voss
is overcome with gratitude for Andrewes' generosity
to his kinsman ; George Herbert declares that it had
been since boyhood his fixed resolve to attain to that
" whiteness of soul " which he revered in the bishop.
Indeed, underneath the courtliness and kindliness of
an honoured prelate there lay qualities, honourable
in any age, but in those days conspicuously rare.
Among the crowd of bishops and clergy who were
influenced by the Arminian theology, there were many
time-servers, sycophants, and self-seekers. In the life
of a man like Andrewes, so devoted to his calling, so
retiring in manner, so simple in his tastes, the osten-
tatious, worldly temper felt itself rebuked. It was
noted that, while his hospitality was generous and
overflowing, so that he was said to have "kept
Christmas all the year," his own manner of life was
abstemious and austere ; he obeyed the disciplinary
rules of the Church, and was careful to observe
110 BISHOP ANDEEWES
strictly the Lenten, Embertide, and other fasts. He
felt instinctively that if the church system was to
win the affections and confidence of the nation, it
must display its power to consecrate and exalt
character. The primitive Church was his guide,
not only in her doctrine, but in the type of life,
thought, and discipline which she commended to
her children ; and it is a redeeming feature of
James' court that a character so unworldly, so
gentle, so high in aims, so independent, should
have commanded a genuine admiration and re-
spect.
Of the aims of Andrewes' episcopate, we can form
some estimate from the articles submitted to church-
wardens and others before the bishop's primary visit-
ation of the "Winchester diocese. In these we are
struck by his care for essentials ; his regard for the
cleanliness, order, and decency of churches and their
furniture ; for the proper and regular administration
of the sacraments ; for the due oversight of the sick
and poor ; above all, for the morals of the people.
The bishop is particularly concerned about the char-
acter of the clergy. " Whether doth your minister
resort to any taverns or alehouses, or doth he board
or lodge in any such place ? Doth he use any base
or servile labour, drinking, riot, dice, cards, tables, or
any other unlawful games ? Is he contentious, a
hunter, hawker, swearer, dancer, usurer, suspected of
incontinence, or hath given any evil example of
life ? " l One question is characteristic of the times :
"Whether doth your minister in his sermons, four
1 Visitation Articles, No. XXIX. In 1625 is added, " Is he one
that plies not his study ? "
THE PEELATE 111
times a year at least, teach and declare the king's
majesty's power within his realms to be the highest
power under God, to whom all within the same owe
most loyalty and obedience, and that all foreign
power is justly taken away ? " The standard of
discipline required is a high one : the churchwardens
are directed to fine those who are absent from church
without good cause, and " about the midst of divine
service " they are to " walk out of the church and see
who are abroad in any alehouse, or elsewhere absent
or evil employed," and to present such delinquents to
the ordinary. The minister is to keep a note of
persons excommunicated, and once every six months
to " denounce them which have not received their
absolution on some Sunday in service time, that
others may be admonished to refrain from their
company."
In the articles of 1625, special inquiry is made as
to the ministry of reconciliation. " And if any man
confess his secret and hidden sins, being sick or whole,
to the minister for the unburthening of his conscience
and receiving such spiritual consolation ; doth, or hath
the said minister at any time revealed and made
known to any person whatsoever, any crime or
offence so committed to his trust and secrecy,
contrary to the 1 1 3th canon ? " l Questions are
also asked as to the observance of Sunday, behaviour
in church, catechising of children, and the remarriage
of divorced persons. In 1625 there is an inquiry
as to recusants and scandalous persons who have
left the parish, and afterwards returned. " Have they
1 Article XVI. (1625). This point is noticeable in connection with
the bishop's opinion of the case of Henry Garnet ; see p. 67.
112 BISHOP ANDREWES
done any penance ? and what penance ? " Persons
who have omitted their penance or any part of it are
to be presented.
These extracts illustrate the general aims of the
bishop. He gave particular attention to the raising of
the standard of life and learning among his clergy. He
used to make careful inquiries before bestowing patron-
age. He would send for a likely man, and with thought-
ful kindness defray the travelling and other incidental
expenses of one whom he had decided to promote.
He was noted for his special abhorrence of simony :
he refused to admit men to livings " whom he sus-
pected to be simoniacally preferred," and on this
account he was content to suffer on several occasions
" by suits of law." l Of the various occasions on which
he ordained there seems to be no account beyond the
bare record of the fact.
As is well known, Andrewes, like Laud, had a
natural predilection for ritual and outward dignity in
worship, though he was too wise to enforce it on
others. His visitation articles show that he was
satisfied if church ministrations were carried on with
reverence and decency. In his own chapel he observed
a higher standard. The celebrated account of Prynne, 2
which is illustrated by a plan of Andrewes' private
chapel, describes the altar as furnished with two
candlesticks and tapers, and a cushion for the service-
1 Cp. Buckeridge, Funeral Sermon (vol. v. p. 296) ; see also
Andrewes' sermon at the Spital on 1 Tim. vi. 17-19 (vol. v. p. 42),
in which he speaks of simony as the "sin of sins."
2 Canterbury's Doome, pp. 121-125. Among Laud's papers which
fell into the hands of the parliament was one endorsed "1623,
Chappell and furniture as it icas in use by the Right Reverend Father
in God, Lancelot Lord Bishop, then of Winton,"
THE PRELATE 113
book ; there was a canister for wafers, a basin for the
oblations, a tricanale or pot with three pipes for the
" water of mixture " ; a credence, a basin and ewer
" for the polluted priests and prelates to wash in
before consecration, and a towel to wipe their un-
hallowed fingers " ; there was also a censer, and a
navicula for the frankincense. The bishop's seat at
the west end was graced with a canopy ; and the
remaining " Eomish furniture " of the chapel com-
prised five copes, two altar cloths, and a cloth to lay
over the chalice wrought with coloured silk called
the aire. The chalice was engraved with a represent-
ation of Christ with the lost sheep on His shoulders,
and on the cover was represented the star of the
Magi. Isaacson, speaking from personal knowledge,
assures us that " the souls of many that obiter came
thither in time of divine service, were very much
elevated, and they stirred up to the like reverend
deportment. Yea, some that had been there were so
taken with it that they desired to end their days
in the bishop of Ely's chapel." 1 The primitive
dignity of Andrewes' manner in celebrating the Holy
Eucharist is noticed with appreciation by Casaubon. 2
He also gives an account of a service in Ely cathedral
on August 5, 1611, the anniversary of the Gowrie
conspiracy. The bishop was met at the west door
by the chapter ; there was a procession, during which
psalms were sung by the choir ; matins followed, with
a sermon from the bishop, and a celebration of the
Eucharist.
The impressive form for the consecration of a
church, which was drawn up by the bishop, and
1 Bliss, p. xiii. 2 Ibid. p. Ixxxvi.
8
114 BISHOP ANDREWES
used in 1620 at the consecration of a chapel near
Southampton, was adopted afterwards by Laud, and
seems to have been regarded as a model of what such
services should be. It is an instance of the independent
fearlessness with which Andrewes " threw himself, as
an ancient bishop would have done, on his inherent
episcopal authority," l to supply a need unprovided for
in the English Prayer-Book.
Such was Andrewes in the fulfilment of the more
solemn and public functions of his office. It remains
to notice two qualities which heighten the impression
we have already formed of his character : his tolerance
and his munificence.
The standard of tolerance 2 necessarily varies in
different periods. In the age of Elizabeth it was a
virtue just beginning to appear, and finding noble
expression in the literature of her reign in the
poetry of Spenser and Shakespeare, in the prose of
Hooker and Bacon. If we contrast the tone of
Andrewes with that of the preceding generation of
churchmen, we shall be struck by the gentleness and
the conciliatory spirit of the bishop's utterances, even
in speaking of Puritanism. " The Puritans," he says
in the Responsio, " have no religion peculiar to them-
selves, but only a particular form of discipline. They
are excessively devoted to their own idea of regimen r
but in their doctrine generally are sufficiently ortho-
dox. I am aware that there are some among them
of schismatic temper; as regards external form of
1 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 99. See Pattern of
Catechistical Doctrine and other Minor Works, p. 307 foil.
2 As to the case of Legatt the Arian, see note at the end of the
chapter.
THE PRELATE 115
government they are Puritans, but not as regards
religion, which is and can be one and the same, even
where the external form of governance is not ident-
ical." l " In other things apart from matters of
discipline they are right-minded enough, except when
they chance to be affected by the dogmas of some
strange sect." 2
The same trait appears in his correspondence with
the French protestant, Peter du Moulin a man
towards whom the bishop felt no special attraction. 3
In 1618 he was drawn into a gentle controversy with
du Moulin, who had denied the divine institution of
episcopacy, and had written to Andrewes informing
him that King James had censured certain points in
his book, De la vocation des pasteurs* Three letters
addressed to du Moulin by Andrewes are extant. In
the first of these he complains of the inopportuneness
of statements about the English Church contained in
du Moulin's book. " We are troubled by men who
regard episcopacy as a human invention. Your book
has given these disturbers of our peace a new handle
against us. How I wish," he says, " that you had
let our church affairs alone. You might have
directed your shafts elsewhere." In this first letter
Andrewes states very succinctly the patristic authority
1 Jtesponsio, pp. 161, 162. 2 Ibid. p. 486
3 "Du Moulin is a man I see through ; if I judge him aright, he
is anxious for pre-eminence (vult api<rnviiv nai vvrt!po%oi ipfiivai >.>,&/>).
He has the influence of a siren with the king " (Andrewes to Casaubon,
August 23, 1612).
4 Andrewes complains of the title. "Novitia et sunt pastoris (hoc
quideni sensxi) et wcationis nomina ; nee nisi postremi hujus saeculi,
ac nee illius integri. Nam quis, quaeso, veterum sic locutus est
unquam ? " Ep. 1 ad P. Molin (Opusc. p. 187 ; ed. Bliss).
116 BISHOP ANDREWES
for the apostolic origin of episcopacy, claiming for
it divine right and scriptural sanction, and indeed
the dignity of a divine gift. "May God," he says,
" bestow on you the regimen and order He has
bestowed on us." He demurs, however, to the
suggestion that a right belief on this point is an
article of faith (caput fidei). Those things which are
of divine right are not necessarily articles of faith.
These are points relating to the agenda, not the
credenda the practice, not the faith of the
Church.
To this du Moulin replies, deprecating the conse-
quences of a too rigid theory of episcopacy. " To
maintain these would be to consign all our churches
to perdition, and especially to pass sentence of
damnation on my own flock."
In a second letter Audrewes notices that du Moulin
seems strongly inclined to the apostolic (Anglican)
system of church order. Du Moulin had admitted
in his letter that episcopacy was received in the " apos-
tolic " age, but had erased the word and substituted
" sub-apostolic " (apostolorum proximo). " That all
antiquity," the bishop continues, "is on our side,
you do not deny ; whether more deference should be
paid to a particular church now-a-days than to all
antiquity, I leave to your judgment. ... It is not
enough for us that our church polity should not be
despised as vicious or faulty. We maintain that our
regimen approximates most nearly to the custom of
the primitive, or, as you allow, of the sub-apostolic,
Church, though you had written, and we contend for,
the name apostolic. Yet it follows not, if our regimen
be of divine right, that therefore there is no salvation
THE PRELATE 117
without it, or that a church cannot stand. He must
be blind who does not see churches standing without
it. He must be made of iron who refuses them
salvation. We are not of iron mould. ... It is
not utter condemnation of a thing to prefer a better.
Something may be lacking which is of divine right
in external regimen, yet without loss of salvation.
We do not condemn your church, because we would
recall it to another form of governance which we have
adopted one which the whole of antiquity preferred." 1
In a third more elaborate epistle du Moulin
explains himself more fully. He notices that the
bishop's tone appears somewhat vehement (paulo
commotior). As regards the main point, he maintains
his thesis. What is apostolic is not necessarily
divine e.g. the order of deaconesses ; the directions
as to prophecy in 1 Cor. xiv. ; or the apostolic
ordinances of Acts xv. 20. It is generally held that
the pre-eminence of some bishops in the first age of
the Church was enjoyed by them not as bishops, but
as evangelists. But du Moulin waives this point.
He rather insists that to accept Andrewes' view is to
" unchurch " the body to which he belongs. He ends
by eagerly vindicating the title of his book. In his
final reply, Andrewes declares his intention of being
more explicit. Du Moulin's main thesis, 2 though true,
was not opportunely disseminated. " I deny that
what is true ought in its entirety to be published by
any and every man, at any and every time. It may
be lawful, but not expedient to do so." As regards
1 Cp. Concio in discessu Palatini (Opusc. Posthuma, p. 92).
2 I.e. the fact that "bishop" and "presbyter" were originally
convertible terms.
118 BISHOP ANDREWES
the question of order, Andrewes again insists that
bishops and presbyters are distinct orders of clergy.
Their functions are different ; the imposition of hands
is different ; the orders were distinguished in their proto-
type the apostles and the seventy-two. He shows
the irrelevance of the instances which du Moulin had
cited of apostolic ordinances which were not divine.
The main point of interest, however, is the bishop's
attitude towards a presbyterian community. He
speaks with gentleness of the protestant churches.
" Something is lacking, I said, in your churches which
is of divine right ; but I said this was due not to any
fault of yours, but to the misfortune of the times.
Your country had not kings so well disposed in the
reform of the Church as our Britain ; when God gives
you better days this also that is lacking will perhaps
be supplied." " If only the hardened and obstinate
heart be absent, there will be no heresy. But even
if there be heresy (in matters touching discipline), it
will not be found among the 'damnable heresies'
(aijoeorets a-TroXe/a?) of which S. Peter speaks." l
" Please to pray for me," he concludes, " that what-
ever span of life remains for me, it may be well spent
rather than long in duration. ... I pray for all
blessings on you, and this especially, that venerable
antiquity may have more weight with you than any
man's modern institution."
One point remains in which Andrewes worthily
fulfilled the ideal of a Christian prelate, namely, his
splendid munificence : a noble readiness to seek out
the promise of ability and to encourage learning was
"the characteristic virtue of his time." 2 In this
1 Opusc. p. 212. a Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 66.
THE PRELATE 119
Andrewes was specially conspicuous. His charities
were boundless, and were enlarged as his income
increased. He remembered with special affection
those to whom he himself owed his own education or
advancement. He gave a living to the son of his
first schoolmaster (Ward). He not only assisted
Mulcaster with sums of money, but also bequeathed
a legacy to his son. He took pains to discover the
kindred of Dr. Watts, 1 and assisted in his college
career the only one of his descendants that he could
discover. To his college he left money for the
foundation of two fellowships, a number of his best
books, and a valuable gift of plate, "as a poore
memoriall," he says in his will, "of my dutie and
thankful remembrance of that good lady (the foundress
of Pembroke) by whose bountie I was so long
maintained at my booke there." To his university
he was deeply attached, nor did he forget his connec-
tion with Oxford "never coming near them (the
universities) after he was bishop, but that he sent
to be distributed among poor scholars sometimes
100, and over 50 at the least." 2 On one of his
visits to Cambridge with the king, being present at
the philosophy act, he sent at his departure to four
of the disputants forty pieces of gold, to be divided
equally among them.
But it was in his secret charities that bishop
Andrewes' example was so gracious and so worthy of
his position. He was as generous in lending as in
giving, and steadily refused to take interest on his loans.
Poverty in every form appealed to him. " Large sums
1 On whose foundation he had entered Pembroke, p. 8.
2 Isaacson,
120 BISHOP ANDREWES
he bestowed yearly and of tener in clothing the poor and
naked, in relieving the sick and needy, in succouring
families in time of infection, besides his alms to poor
housekeepers at his gate ; insomuch that his private
alms in his last six years, beside those public,
amounted to the sum of 1300 and upwards." 1 He
often made a point of bestowing his charities secretly
under other names, a habit which laid him open to
misconstruction. A private letter, written after his
death, says : " My lord of Winchester, they say, died
not worth 12,000, which makes many change their
uncharitable conceit of him they had formerly, finding
that he gave much to the poor and prisons in
London and other good uses, the author not being
known till now he is dead." 2
His will displayed the same thoughtful compassion
for the helpless and friendless classes of society :
widows, orphans, prisoners, servants, and the aged
poor. He made a special provision for those who had
led a seafaring life ; for " wives of one husband,"
" poor orphan apprentices," " poor prisoners," " maid-
servants of honest report, and who had served one
master or mistress seven years ; " nor was he forgetful
of his own servants. Of his generous kindness to
foreigners we have already spoken ; and there was
yet another class who were special objects of his
beneficence promising young men at the universities
needing assistance ; " his chaplains and friends re-
ceiving a charge from him to certify him what hopeful
and towardly young wit they met with at any time,
and these till he could better provide for them, were
1 Isaacson.
8 Mede ; see Birch, Charles I. (i. 153),
THE PKELATE 121
sure to taste of his bounty and goodness for their
better encouragement." 1 It was also part of his
public spirit and his unselfish desire to serve the
Church, that he expended large sums on the improve-
ment or redemption of estates belonging to the
bishoprics successively held by him. It was not
without ample warrant that it was said of him after
his death : " He was like the ark of God ; all places
where it rested were blessed by the presence of God
in it ; so, wheresoever he came and lived, they all
tasted and were bettered by his providence and
goodness." -
" Magnificence " is a virtue which has a real place
in ethics. We naturally associate the idea with a
great and splendid position ; but Christianity has
taught us where " magnificence " should look for its
objects " When thou makest a feast, call the poor,
the maimed, the lame, the blind : and thou shalt be
blessed ; for they cannot recompense thee." 3 The
magnificence of a great prelate is displayed not so
much in the sumptuous entertainment of royalty, as
in the discriminating love which finds fitting objects
of its bounty in the helpless, the lowly, and the
forgotten.
Note. There is some question as to the share
Andrewes took in the matter of Legatt's execution
(1612). I do not think Mr. Pattison's statement, that
Andrewes " was one of the knot of bishops who planned
and deliberately carried through the wanton execu-
tion of Legatt" (Life of Casaubon, p. 331), justifiable.
Gardiner (ii. 120) says nothing of Andrewes' connection
1 Isaacson. 2 Buckericlge, Funeral Sermon (vol. v. p. 293).
3 St. Luke xiv. 13, 14,
122 BISHOP ANDREWES
with this affair, for which the king and archbishop Abbot
were primarily responsible. It is possible that Andrewes
was present at the conference between the king and
Legatt. Legatt was ultimately brought before the
Consistory court of London, handed over to the secular
arm, and burned March 18, 1612. The most that can
be said is that Andrewes may have taken part in some
stage of the proceedings, but there is no proof that he
was in any way responsible for the shocking penalty
inflicted. Mr. Pattison gives no authority for his state-
ment, nor can I discover any. On the case of Legatt,
see Perry, English Church History, 2nd Period, p. 338.
CHAPTER VIII
BISHOP ANDREWES AS A PREACHER
IT was as a preacher that bishop Andrewes was most
widely known and admired by his contemporaries.
The controversial atmosphere in which he was obliged
to live and work was quite uncongenial to his
temperament. His was one of those devout and
contemplative minds which finds its satisfaction rather
in reverent study of Christian mysteries, than in
polemical defence of them. He did not find himself
at home in the field of apologetics. Even his contro-
versial works display more of the temper of a loyal
Englishman, who felt that the safety and liberty of his
king and country were at stake, than of the theological
champion. He believed simply and devoutly in the
power of truth to work its own way; he preferred
to combat the various forms of error that prevailed
in his day, not by polemical statements, but by the
clear, luminous, and positive exhibition of Christian
truth. He was unwilling to enter, beyond what was
absolutely necessary, into the strife of tongues. " He
looked for producing his effect on the tone and course
of religious thought in England, not by arguing, but
by presenting uncontroversially the reasonableness
and the attractions of a larger, freer, nobler, more
123
124 BISHOP ANDKEWES
generous may I say, more imaginative ? system of
teaching." . . . He conceived that the task for which
he was best fitted " was to spend his life and gifts
in presenting continually in the pulpit the counter-
attraction of a purer and nobler pattern of faith, a
religion with vaster prospects and wider sympathies ;
which claimed kindred with all that was ancient,
and all that was universal in Christianity; which
looked above the controversies and misunderstandings
of the hour, to the larger thought and livelier
faith and sanctified genius of those in whom the
Church of Christ has recognised her most venerated
teachers." 1
It is a consequence of this habit of mind that the
main characteristic of Andrewes' method was gentleness.
One of the sermons that seems most to have impressed
his hearers was based on the text, " Thou didst lead
Thy people like sheep by the hand of Moses and
Aaron." 2 He enlarges with touching beauty on the
words populus tuus: " Populus, so unruly a rout as
Moses and Aaron would disdain once to touch them ;
but when tuus is added, it will make any of them not
only to touch them, but to take them by the hand . . .
for tuus nothing is too good." He applies this line of
thought to his own time and countrymen. He speaks
in glowing terms of the dignity the privilege of
kingship and priesthood : " Over such a flock, so
highly prized, so dearly beloved, and so dearly bought,
it may well beseem any to be a guide Moses with
all his learning ; Aaron with all his eloquence ; yea,
even ' kings to be their foster-fathers, and queens to be
1 Church, Masters in English Theology, pp. 94, 97.
2 No. 2 of the Lent series.
AS A PREACHER 125
their nurses.' No leading, no leader too good for
them."
This tone in a zealous upholder of divine right
is most welcome. There is in Andre wes' references
to the common people a compassionate tenderness, a
gracious considerateness and respect, which more than
any other trait appeals to our modern sympathies.
An instinctive abhorrence of violent, harsh, coercive
methods; faith in the attractive and winning power
of truth clearly presented ; a vivid sense of the
heightening of human relationships which Christianity
has introduced; the motherhood of the Church, the
sonship and brotherhood of man, the paternal regard
and right of control that belongs to true kingship all
these are genuine elements in Andrewes' view of man-
kind, and give us a clue to his influence. He has
the true heart of a priest ; his thoughts about men
are sober, yet hopeful ; he does not expect too much,
nor aim at too little. " These two defects," he says,
speaking of the commonalty, " do mainly enforce the
necessity of a leader. For they that want sight, as
blind men, and they that want strength, as little
children, stir not without great peril, except they have
one to lead them. And both these wants are in sheep,
and in the people too." This spirit of considerateness
(eTTieticeta) which distinguishes Andrewes from other
prominent churchmen of his time, was one main secret
of his laborious industry as a teacher. In his exposi-
tion of the fifth commandment; 1 he lays down the
duties and qualifications of the teaching office. " In
the manner of his teaching," he says that a
teacher must, " first, clear parables and dark speeches ;
1 Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine, p. 190.
126 BISHOP ANDREWES
secondly, proceed in method and order; thirdly,
teach as bis hearers are able to learn (John xvi. 12)."
This last point would require a careful consideration
of the capacities and needs of the hearers. Andrewes'
own work was mainly the systematic instruction of an
educated and well-informed audience; but here, too, he
remembered that he was dealing with frail and
tempted human beings, each having his own trials,
needs, and secret longings for the life of goodness.
" The tidings," he tells them, " of the gospel are as
well for Lydia the purple seller, as for Simon the
tanner ; for the Areopagite, the judge at Athens, as
for the jailor at Philippi ; for the elect lady, as for
widow Dorcas ; for the lord treasurer of Ethiopia, as
for the beggar at the Beautiful gate of the temple ;
for the household of Csesar, as for the household of
Stephanas : yea, and if he will, for King Agrippa too
. , . as, indeed, I know none so rich but needs these
tidings ; all to feel the want of them in their spirits ;
no dicis quid dives sum ; as few sparks of the Pharisee
as may be, in them that will be interested in it." l
He takes that impartial view of men, which is so
needful for those who would do them good. He has
a deep feeling for their common needs and aspirations.
On his sermons, accordingly, most of which were
preached before the English court, the bishop spent
unsparing pains ; they show traces of the most careful
meditation and minute study of Scripture. 2 This
industry in preparation, aided by a memory of wonder-
1 Sermons, vol. iii. pp. 290, 291.
* He used to say that if he had preached twice on one day he had
prated once ; and is said to have made three revisions of his " solemn
sermons."
AS A PREACHER 127
ful retentiveness, gives to his sermons their leading
characteristic : not, as we might have expected, a
laboured or artificial tone, but fulness; fulness of
matter copiousness of ideas richness and versatility
in treatment. It is this quality that makes the
sermons hard but fascinating reading. They seem to
"get so much out of the text." They impress the
reader not by a sustained chain of reasoning, but by
the wealth of biblical illustration and patristic comment
with which they enforce and give substance and clear-
ness to a leading thought. A discerning critic has
laid stress on this point. " The bishop," he says, " has
everything in his head at once, not in the sense in
which a puzzle-headed person may be said to have,
who has every idea confused in his mind, because he
has no one idea clear, but like a man who is at once
clear-headed and manifold, if we may be allowed the
word, in his ideas, who can do more than apprehend
one point keenly, or many points dimly-r-can appre-
hend, that is to say, many keenly. ... He pursues,
rather than is carried on ty, his subject, and maintains
the vigour of his style by perpetually renewing, rather
than by sustaining it." 1
The style of Andrewes' sermons is thus peculiar to
himself. One who had tried to imitate his style
confessed his failure : " I had almost marred my own
natural trot by endeavouring to imitate his artificial
amble." 2 It contrasts strangely with the ample and
stately flow of diction that characterises Hooker;
with the grace and dignity of some great modern
preachers. To us who are accustomed to a flowing
1 Dr. Mozley in British Critic, vol. xxxi. p. 173.
3 Bishop Felton ; see Fuller's Worthies, vol. ii. p. 358.
128 BISHOP ANDREWES
style the Xe|t? elpopivri the sermons seem at first
sight like skeleton or outline discourses. There must
have been, of course, something in Andrewes' delivery
that gave his preaching such incomparable attractive-
ness, and that made up for its defects of form ; but at
a first glance the sermons seem to belong more naturally
to that " world of sermon notes " from which his
earliest editors selected them, 1 than to a collection of
finished discourses. The condensation and apparent
fragmentariness, however, which we find at first some-
what repellent, gives wonderful freshness, strength, and
terseness to the sermons. Indeed, the style, with all
its apparent inelegance, often reminds us, by its incisive
antithetic treatment of Christian facts, of the sermons
of S. Leo. Thus (speaking with his usual high and
reverent language of the Holy Eucharist) Andrewes
says :
" It is most kindly to take part with Him in that
which He took part in with us, and that to no other
end, but that He might make the receiving of it by
us a means whereby He might ' dwell in us, and we
in Him ' ; He taking our flesh and we receiving His
Spirit ; by His flesh which He took of us receiving His
Spirit which He imparteth to us ; that as He by ours
became consors humanae naturae, so we by His might
become consortes divinae naturae " 2 (2 Pet. i. 4.), etc.
Or again (on the Incarnation) :
" This, why God ? But why this Person the Son ?
Behold, ' Adam would ' have ' become one of Us,' the
fault ; behold, one of Us will become Adam, is the
1 See the Epistle Dedicatory of Laud and Buckeridge prefixed to
rol. i. of the Oxford edition.
3 Vol. i. p. 16.
AS A PREACHER 129
satisfaction. Which of Us would he have become ?
Sicut Dii scientes, ' the Person of knowledge.' He
therefore shall become Adam ; a Son shall be given.
Desire of knowledge, our attainder : He in ' whom
all the treasures of knowledge,' our restoring. Flesh
would have been the Word, as wise as the Word the
cause of our ruin ; meet then the ' Word become flesh,'
that so our ruin repaired. ... A meet person to
make a Mediator of God and man, as symbolising with
either, God and man ; a meet person to make an union ;
ex utroque unum, seeing He was unum ex utroque ; a
meet person to cease hostility, as having taken pledges
of both heaven and earth the chief nature in heaven,
and the chief on earth, etc." l
So far as it is possible, an attempt will now be made
to analyse the impression which bishop Andrewes' preach-
ing makes upon the reader, and to indicate the main
points which give the sermons their permanent value.
I. We may notice, first, the bishop's excellences as
an expositor of Scripture. His method is to " divide "
his text, and to deal with it exhaustively. It was a
main object with him to explain the text. Conse-
quently, " he seems always on his guard, either against
losing sight of his text himself, or allowing his hearer
to do so ; and so he takes it about with him wherever
he goes, and for convenience' sake divides and parcels
it, that he may only have a little of it to hold in his
hand at once." 2 In fact, he never allows himself to let
go of the text. This was a fixed principle with him.
Thus, in preaching on S. Luke iv. 18, 19, our Lord's
first sermon, he points out that Christ " took a text,
1 Vol. i. pp. 22, 23 ; cp. vol. i. pp. 89, 91.
2 Dr. Mozley in British Critic, vol. xxxi. p. 175.
9
130 BISHOP ANDEEWES
to teach us thereby to do the like. To keep us within ;
not to fly out, or preach much, either without or
besides the book." l This exactly describes his own
practice. All his illustrations, and they are almost
entirely drawn from Scripture itself, are made to bear
on the central thought of the text. Thus in his first
sermon on the Nativity the main thought is contained
in one word, apprehendit " He laid hold of [took on
Him] the seed of Abraham." With wonderful vivid-
ness the import of the word is insisted on : a flight
and a hot pursuit. " When man fell, He did all ; made
after him presently with Ubi es ? Sought to reclaim
him, ' What have you done ? Why have you done so ? '
. . . gave not over His pursuit though it were long
and laborious, and He full weary ; though it cast Him
into a ' sweat,' a ' sweat of blood ' . . . followed His
pursuit through danger, distress yea, through death
itself. Followed and so followed, as nothing made
Him leave following till He overtook." 2 This main
idea is illustrated by reference to "all those other
' apprehendings ' or seizures of the persons of men,
by which God layeth hold on them and bringeth
them back from error to truth, and from sin to
grace " : by S. Peter's deliverance from peril when
Christ " caught him by the hand " ; by Lot's rescue
when the angels " plucked him out of Sodom." The
train of thought leads on naturally to the concluding
point the duty of a "mutual and reciprocal appre-
hension" a laying hold of Christ by man in the
word and sacraments. The general result is that the
central image of the sermon, that of " laying hold," is
indelibly impressed on the hearer's mind.
1 Vol. iii. p. 280. 2 Vol. i. pp. 6, 7, 9.
AS A PEEACHER 131
It is part also of his conscientious care as an ex-
positor, that Andrewes prefers the traditional exegesis of
Scripture ; in his explanation of a text he systematically
follows the fathers. " The ancient fathers," he says,
" thought it meet that they that would take upon them
to interpret ' the apostles' doctrine ' should put in
sureties that their senses they gave were no other
than the Church in former time hath acknowledged.
It is true the apostles, indeed, spake from the Spirit,
and every affection of theirs was an oracle ; but that,
I take it, was their peculiar privilege. But all that
are after them speak not by revelation, but by labouring
in the word and learning ; are not to utter their own
fancies, and to desire to be believed upon their bare
word; . . . but only on condition that the sense they
now give is not a feigned sense, as S. Peter termeth
it, but such an one as hath been before given by our
fathers and forerunners in the Christian faith . . .
which one course, if it were straitly holden, would
rid our Church of many fond imaginations which
now are stamped daily, because every man upon his
own single bond is trusted to deliver the meaning
of any scripture, which is many times nought else but
his own imagination. This is the disease of our
age." 1
His first editors draw attention to other merits
of his preaching, especially his singular clearness in
doctrinal statements. His early work as catechist at
Pembroke Hall had impressed him with the importance
of exact and lucid statement when it was his business
to instruct, as well as to edify, his hearers. What
strikes us perhaps most forcibly is his felicity in
1 Vol. v. p. 57 (of the Worshipping of Imaginations),
132 BISHOP ANDREW ES
linking exact statements of doctrine to scriptural
imagery. One instance will suffice.
"Thrice was the Holy Ghost sent, and in three
forms : (1) of a dove ; (2) of breath ; (3) of cloven
tongues. From the Father, as a dove ; from the Son,
as breath ; from both, as cloven tongues the very
cleft showing they came from two. At Christ's
baptism the Father sent Him from heaven 'in shape
of a dove.' So from the Father He proceedeth.
After, at His rising here, Christ by ' a breath ' sends
Him into the apostles. So from the Son He pro-
ceedeth. After, being received up into the glory of
His Father, He together with the Father the
Father and He both sent Him this day down, ' in
tongues of fire.' So from both He proceedeth. ' Pro-
ceeding from the Father' totidem verlis (John xv. 26),
and proceeding here from the Son, ad oculum, ' really.'
Not in words only ; we may believe our eyes, we see
Him so to proceed. Enough to clear the point, a
Patre Filiogiie" l
We here touch upon another merit of Andrewes,
one which he seems to owe to his profound know-
ledge of the Bible. He has caught from Scripture
some measure of " the spirit of revelation " ; a deep
and strong sense of the range and comprehen-
siveness of Christian truth; a perception of the
bearing of one department of truth on another, of
the relations that subsist between different doctrines,
above all, of their moral claim and elevating influence
on men. He is imbued with the thought of the
1 Sermon IX. on the Holy Ghost (vol. iii. p. 264). Another fine
example is the exposition of S. John i. 14 (Sermon VI. 'on the Nativity,
vol. i. p. 87 foil.) ; see also Sermon VII. on the Nativity (vol. i. p. 108).
AS A PREACHER 133
greatness of the Christian heritage. " I want time,"
he cries, " to tell of the benefit which the prophet
calleth the ' harvest ' or booty of His Nativity. That
it is in a word, if the tree be ours, the fruit is ; if He
be ours, His birth is ours, His life is ours, His death
is ours, His satisfaction, His merit all He did, all He
suffered is ours. Further, all that the Father hath is
His, He is heir of all ; then, all that is ours too. S. Paul
hath cast up our account : having given Him, there is
nothing but He will give us with Him ; so that by
this deed we have title to all that His Father or He
is worth." l
Andrewes, indeed, often displays, in other passages
as in this, the true catholicity of spirit which corre-
sponds to the solemn greatness of the Christian
revelation, and the immeasurable range of Scripture.
His aim is ever to bring out the full content of dogma ;
to exhibit its bearings on life; to give reality and
vividness to men's apprehension of it. In this
respect there is affinity, both in the structure and tone
of his sermons, between him and the Father whom
he so often quotes S. Chrysostom. There is the
same tendency to a 'running commentary,' each
verse of a passage being expounded in its order ; 2
the same lucidity ; the same insistance on practical
aspects of known truth, and avoidance of speculation
on the "secret things" of the Most High. 3 Points
" that are necessary," he says, " He hath made plain ;
those that are not plain, not necessary. What better
1 Vol. i. p. 28.
2 See especially the scries on the Resurrection, no. XIV. (vol.
iii. p. 3).
3 Cp. Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 96.
134 BISHOP ANDREWES
proof than this here [the Incarnation as part of the
mystery of godliness] ? This here a mystery, a great
one religion hath no greater yet manifest and
in confesso with all Christians." 1 He speaks with
severe irony of the " tossing " of divine decrees, " this
sounding the depth of His judgments with our line and
lead, too much presumed upon by some in these days
of ours. . . . S. Paul, looking down into it, ran back
and cried, ' the depth ! ' the profound depth ! not
to be searched, past our fathoming or finding out.
Yet are there in the world that make but a shallow
of this great deep ; they have sounded it to the bottom.
God's secret decrees they have them at their fingers'
ends, and can tell you the number and the order of
them, just with 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. Men that sure must
have been in God's cabinet, above the third heaven,
where S. Paul never came." 2 This sacred dread of
intrusion into what is dark or obscure in revelation,
is characteristic of Andrewes : he shrank as sensitively
from the over-articulated faith of the Eoman text-
books, as from the hard and confident dogmatism of
the Calvinist. 3 To him the revealed doctrine of the
Church, the whole cycle of which the Nativity and
the Passion are the centre, is infinitely great and
august ; is " infinitely wronged " by an over-familiar
treatment, or an inquisitive temper, more intent on
rounding off a system, than on presenting the faith
in its true proportion.
As an expositor, then, Andrewes will repay a close
and attentive study. He is strong in his method;
1 Vol. i. p. 35. 2 Vol. iii. p. 32.
3 See especially his treatment of the words, "My God, my God"
(vol. ii. p. 124).
AS A PREACHER 135
in his reverence for antiquity ; in his lucidity and
exactness ; in his reverent sense of the due proportions
and mutual relations of the different parts of Christian
doctrine.
II. There is, however, another order of qualities
apparent in bishop Andrewes' preaching which to the
ordinary reader prove more attractive ; his mind has
another side, one which may be called poetic or
imaginative. The clear and firm grasp of his subject,
the wide knowledge of Scripture, the varied erudition
which he displays all these impress a theological
student of his sermons ; but what is most likely to
captivate a general reader is the playful and tender
sweetness, the undercurrent of warm feeling, the
delicate and restrained humour which is not afraid to
smile even when touching subjects in themselves
venerable and affecting.
As instances of this trait, we may take the sermon
on the words, " Mercy and Truth shall meet ; Eight-
eousness and Peace shall kiss one another, etc." ; l and
with even more confidence the exquisite exposition
of S. John xx. 11-17, "But Mary stood by the
sepulchre weeping, etc." 2 The first of these dis-
courses mainly owes its beauty to the poetic personi-
fication of the four "parties" who are described as
meeting together. " They meet," says Andrewes, " at a
birth " " the birth of Truth, Veritas orta" The recon-
ciling effects of this birth are described with quaint
beauty. One specimen will give a good idea of the
whole treatment.
" With Eighteousness it works two ways : first,
1 Series on the Nativity, no. XL (vol. i. p. 175).
8 Vol. iii. p. 3.
136 BISHOP ANDREWES
' down she looks.' Whether it was that she missed
Truth, to see what was become of her, and not finding
her in heaven, cast down her eye to the earth ; but
there, when she beheld Verbum caro factum, ' the Word
flesh,' the truth freshly sprung there where it had
been a strange plant long time before aspexit and
respexit, she looked and looked again at it. For a
sight it was to draw the eye. . . . Before Eighteous-
ness had no prospect, no window open this way. She
turned away her face, shut her eyes, clapped to the
casement, would not abide so much as to look hither
at us, a sort of forlorn sinners ; not vouchsafe us once
the cast of her eye. The case is now altered : upon
this sight she is not only content in some sort to
condescend to do it, but she breaks a window through
to do it. And then, and ever since this orta est, she
looks upon the earth with a good aspect. . . . But
then, within a verse after, not only ' down she looks,'
but ' down she comes.' . . . And coming, she doth two
things: (1) meets first; for upon the view of this
birth they all ran first and ' kissed the Son ' ; (2) and
that done, Truth ran to Mercy and embraced her ; and
Eighteousness to Peace and ' kissed ' her. They that
had been so long parted, and stood out in difference,
now meet and are made friends ; howsoever before
removed, in ortu Veritatis obviaverunt sibi ; howsoever
before estranged, now osculatae sunt." l
In the three sermons on Mary Magdalene at the
sepulchre, there is beauty of another order, a poetic
loveliness of thought and expression ; an exquisite
moral beauty in the application. Two passages will
give a good idea of the whole.
1 Vol. i. pp. 187, 188.
AS A PREACHER 137
" We are now at the angels' part, their appearing
in this verse (John xx. 12). ... In the grave
she saw them ; and angels in a grave is a strange
sight, a sight never seen before ; not till Christ's body
had been there, never till this day. For a grave is
no place for angels, one would think, for worms rather ;
blessed angels, not but in a blessed place. For since
Christ lay there, that place is blessed. There was
a voice heard from heaven, ' Blessed be the dead,'
' Precious the death,' ' Glorious the memory/ now
of ' them that die in the Lord.' And even this, that
the angels disdained not now to come thither and to
sit there, is an auspicium of a great change to ensue
in the state of that place. Quid gloriosius angelo ?
quid vilius vermiculo ? saith Augustine. Qui fuit
vermiculorum locus, est et angelorum. ' That which
was the place for worms is become a place for
angels.' "
He proceeds to speak of their habit, " in white."
" It seems to be their Easter-Day colour, for at this
feast they all do their service in it. ... Heaven
mourned on Good Friday, the eclipse made all then in
black. Easter Day it rejoiceth, heaven and angels
all in white." " In white," and " sitting." " As the
colour of joy, so the situation of rest." ... On this
thought he enlarges with great beauty, and concludes
this part of the exposition as follows :
(1) " Yet before we leave them, to learn somewhat
of the angels ; specially of the angel that sat at
the feet. That between them there was no striving
for places. He that sat ' at the feet ' as well content
with his place as he that sat ' at the head.' We to be
so by their example. For with us, both the angels
138 BISHOP ANDREWES
would have been ' at the head,' never an one ' at the
feet.' With us none would be at the feet by his
goodwill, head angels all. (2) Again, from them both.
That inasmuch as the head ever stands for the
beginning, and the feet for the end, that we be careful
that our beginnings only be not glorious Oh, an
angel at the head in any wise ! but that we look to
the feet there be another there too. Ne turpiter atrum
desinat, 1 ' that it end not in a black angel/ that began
in a white." 2
It is difficult to refrain from further quotations;
with one more, however, we must be content. Thus
on, " If thou hast taken Him away, tell me where
thou hast laid Him," he says, " Him ? Which Him ?
Her affections seem so to transport her as she says
no man knows what. To one, a mere stranger, . . .
she talks of one thrice under the term of ' Him ' : ' If
thou hast taken Him away, tell me where thou hast
laid Him, and I will fetch Him ; ' Him, Him, and Him,
and never names Him, or tells who He is. This is
soloecismus amoris, an irregular speech, but love's own
dialect. 'Him' is enough with love; who knows
not who that is ? It supposes everybody, all the
world bound to take notice of Him whom we look for,
only by saying 'Him,' though we never tell His
name, nor say a word more." 3 In a similar vein he
comments on ego tollam, " I will take Him away,"
which, he says, " seems rather the speech of a porter,
or of some lusty strong fellow at least, than of a silly
weak woman."
Other examples might be given of a style that some-
times surprises us by its sustained charm, as, for in-
1 Horat. A. P. init. 2 Vol. iii. pp. 9-11. Vol. iii. p. 19.
AS A PREACHER 139
stance, the sermon on S. John xx. 2 2 : 1 " He breathed
on them, and said unto them, Eeceive the Holy Ghost."
The same trait appears also in single images of great
beauty, as when the prophecies of the coming Messiah
are compared to beacons. " For look, how many ecces
in the Scriptures, so many beacons. . . . This ecce here
[' Behold, I bring you good tidings of great joy '] to the
last Ecce concipies of the Blessed Virgin ; that to Esay's
Ecce concipiet virgo ; that to David's Ecce de fructu
ventris tui ; that to Abraham's Ecce in semine tuo ; and
so up till ye come to semen mulieris. There they first
begin, and take light one from another till they come
to the Ecce natus est hodie the ecce of all ecces, the last
and highest of them all, etc." 2
With this may be compared the striking passage in
Sermon IV. on Repentance and Fasting, where the duty
of " turning to God " is illustrated from the analogy of
nature : " Once a year, all things turn. And that once
is now at this time, for now at this season is the turn-
ing of the year, etc." 3 The same imaginative vein is
illustrated in the comment on Mary Magdalene's belief
that Christ was " the Gardener," 4 a thought on which
Andrewes enlarges with a loving play of fancy, notic-
ing how " in very deed a kind of resurrection . . . was
wrought in her ; revived, as it were, and raised from
a dead and drooping to a lively and cheerful estate.
The Gardener had done His part ; made her all green
on the sudden." 5 Of the heightened imaginative faculty
which is sometimes the fruit of devout meditation, the
three sermons on the Passion are good examples. One
of them (on Lam. i. 12) was admired by bishop Home
1 Vol. iii. p. 261. 2 Vol i. p. 72. 8 Vol. i. p. 357.
* Vol. iii. pp. 15, 16. 6 Vol. iii. p. 21.
140 BISHOP ANDREWES
as " the highest wrought discourse extant " on the
Passion. The third sermon is wonderful as a descrip-
tion of our Lord's sufferings, and is crowned by an
exquisite image. " For sure, if ever aught were truly
said of our Saviour, this was : that being spread and
laid wide open on the cross, He is liber charitatis
wherein he that runneth may read, Sic dilexit . . .
love all over, from one end to the other. Every
stripe as a letter, every nail as a capital letter. His
livores as black letters, His bleeding wounds as so
many rubrics, to show upon record His love toward
us." !
Of lively wit and pungent irony there is abundance
in the sermons, and much of that refining and play
upon words which was the habit of the time. Thus,
speaking of the " mystery of godliness," Andrewes
observes : " In our godliness now-a-days we go very
mystically to work, indeed ; we keep it under a veil,
and nothing manifest but opera carnis." 2 So, refer-
ring to a common cry about fasting, he says : " Now, in
place of ' Be not like hypocrites,' is come a fear of ' Be
not like papists.' And not to fast is made a supcr-
sedeas to all popery, as if that alone were enough to
make us truly reformed. This is all our fear now." 3
Again, " The stream of our times tends all to this,
to make religion nothing but an auricular profession,
a matter of ease, a mere sedentary thing, and ourselves
merely passive in it : sit still and hear a sermon and two
anthems, and be saved ; as if by the act of the choir,
or of the preacher, we should so be. ... And we do
nothing ourselves . . . without so much as anything
1 Vol. ii. p. 180. 2 Vol. i. p. 42 ; cp. vol. iv. p. 373 f.
Vol. i. p. 403
AS A PREACHER 141
done by us ... not so much as this, of calling on the
name of the Lord." 1
Here, again, is a description of the rich : 2 " And sure
if the rich will glory, they must glory with S. Paul,
for they are in all, and in more, and greater than the
apostle ever was. He was ' in perils of water,' they
in peril both of water and fire ; he was ' in peril of
robbers,' they in peril of rovers by sea and robbers
by land ; he 'in peril of his own nation/ they are in
peril of our own nation and of other nations, both
removed as the Moor and Spaniard, and near home as
the Dunkirker ; he ' in peril of strangers/ they not of
strangers only, but of their own households, their servants
and factors ; he ' in peril of the sea/ they both of
the tempest at the sea and the publican on land ; he
'in peril of the wilderness/ that is, of wild beasts,
they not only of the wild beast called the sycophant,
but of the tame beast, too, called the flatterer ; he in
danger ' of false brethren/ and so are they in peril of
certain false brethren called wilful bankrupts, and of
certain other called deceitful lawyers : for the one
their debts, for the other their estates and deeds can
have no certainty." 3
We notice, indeed, that those qualities reappear in
Andrewes' sermons which caused him to be so esteemed
and admired in society. To his habitual gravity, dignity,
and self-respect was added a simplicity, brightness,
gentleness, and humour which enabled him to say sharp
and severe things without wounding his hearers, and
1 Vol. iii. p. 319. " Vol. v. p. 22.
3 Andrewes' readiness to play on words is illustrated by his treatment
of the word /mmcraweZ (vol. i. p. 145 f.), or of Paradetus (vol. iii. p. 178).
but it is a common habit with him.
142 BISHOP ANDREWES
which took the sting out of his reproofs. Men of
another stamp are perhaps likely to do more to raise
the tone of society in their day ; but men of Andrewes'
mould do a great deal towards leavening it, and
keeping it wholesome and uncorrupt.
There are, of course, instances in which this lively
fancy passes the bounds of strict decorum and good
taste. A notable example occurs in the Easter Day
sermon for 1611. Addressing the king, Andrewes
tells him that he is not merely " head stone of the
corner," caput anguli, but caput trianguli, a king with
three kingdoms. " Since your sitting in the seat of
this kingdom," he continues," some there were, builders
one would have taken them to be if he had seen them
with their tools in their hands, as if they had been to
have laid some foundation ; where their meaning was,
to undermine and to cast down foundations and all ;
yea, to have made a right stone of you, and blown
you up among the stones, you and yours without
any more ado, etc." 1 There are passages of the same
kind in other sermons, but they are so scarce as to
be insignificant blemishes in Andrewes' unique style.
III. A third characteristic of Andrewes' preaching
is animation, life, vividness. This is partly the result
of the profusion of his ideas. " Bishop Andrewes,"
says Dr. Mozley, " hardly comes under the criticism,
Quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus. Whatever faults
he may have, that is not one : he never sleeps ; he is
always on the move in one direction or another.
Incessant aim and activity is the pervading charac-
teristic of his sermons ; his shortnesses, quaintnesses, his
multiplied divisions, his texts, wielded with such
1 Vol. ii. p. 291.
AS A PKEACHER 143
dexterity and ever at hand, ever, as it were, on service
all keep up the stirring and business-like character
of the scene ; all are at work . . . occupying themselves
like bees in their hive. " Et munire favos d daedala
fingere tecta" 1 It is somewhat misleading to point
to any one example of a pervading quality ; but a
conspicuous instance may be found in the sermon on
the sign of Jonas (the twelfth of the series on the
Eesurrection). 2 The same vividness is secured some-
times by terse and picturesque bits of description ; 3
often by means of a paraphrase, or use of the oratio
recta. Thus, when he is enforcing the duty of seeking
God, he well describes the half-heartedness of many :
" So loosely, so slightly, so slenderly they did it :
as if that they sought were as good lost as found.
So sought the party that said, In lectulo quaesivi quern
diligit anima (Cant. iii. 1), that lay in bed and
sought. . . . Such is our seeking for the most part.
Some idle question cast, some table-talk moved, some
Quid est veritas, and go our way all, by the way, in
transcursu, etc." 4
So, speaking of Noli me tangere, he expands our
Lord's injunction : " Why, you that would so fain take
and carry Me being dead, go take and carry Me now
alive ; that is, carry news that I am alive, and you
shall better please Me with this ego tollam a great
deal; it shall be a better carrying, ego tollam in a
1 British Critic, vol. xxxi. p. 202. 2 Vol. ii. p. 383.
3 E.g. that of the hypocrite's fast (vol. i. p. 409) : " So he can set his
countenance well, have the clouds in his forehead, his eyes somewhat
hollow, certain wrinkles in his cheek, carry his head like a bulrush,
and look like leaven all is well. As for any inward accomplishment,
he never takes thought for any."
4 Vol. i. p. 312.
144 BISHOP ANDREWES
better sense than ever was that. Stand not here, then,
touching Me ; go and touch them." 1
So again on S. John xvi. 7 :
" ' I tell you the truth,' as much to say, You are in
an error all the while ; ' your hearts be full of sorrow,'
because your heads are full of error. You conceive
of My stay as beneficial to you, but falsely. ... It is
so far from that as impediet, ' it will hinder you/ turn
to your loss. . . . Seeing, then, ye shall be losers by My
stay and gainers by My going, be not for My stay,
My stay will deprive you of Him : non veniet. Be not
against My going, My absence will procure you Him :
Mittam. I love you not so evil as to stay with you
for your hurt. Be not you grieved, be not against
that which is for your good," 2 and so on.
Paradoxical, indeed, as it may seem, the perpetual
use of quotations, and especially of single words from
the Vulgate, adds to the force and vivacity of
Andrewes' preaching. It must be remembered that
the sermons were preached before a learned monarch ;
and in educated circles the Vulgate would be not
uncommonly used for the purpose of quotation. 3 Dr.
Mozley happily remarks that Andrewes' method of
carrying forward, as it were, a single word or phrase
is "a kind of shorthand," "a kind of algebraical
method of denoting things," by which the necessity of
tedious repetition is frequently avoided, and an import-
ant point retained in the memory of the hearers.
Thus, in the first sermon on Eepentance (Ps. Ixxviii. 34,
" Cum occideret eos, quaerebant Eum "), there is not a
single page on which one, at least, of the two key-
1 Vol. iii. p. 45. 8 Vol. iii. p. 165.
3 Cp. Dr. Mozley, British Critic, vol. xxxi. p. 174.
AS A PREACHER 145
words, quaerebant or occideret, fails to appear. " He is
never tired of using the same word ; it meets us again
and again in every shape and connection, and pierces
and perforates the whole sermon. . . . It is the peculiar
office of a deep and vigorous mind to wield this power,
to make its ideas irresistible by the unremitting force of
their position as ideas." l A hearer would be fascinated
by the interest of watching for the reappearance of
the key-word, wondering in what combination it
might meet him again. He could not fail to be im-
pressed with the importance of an often-repeated idea.
IV. And this brings us to the last and most striking
merit of Andrewes' preaching its reality. Eeality
alone is the secret of effectiveness. His hearers well
knew that underneath the many solid and brilliant
qualities of the scholar and divine lay concealed the
austerity and purity of a saintly life. No attentive
reader of the sermons can escape the conviction that
he is in contact with a character of genuine and rare
spirituality ; he catches glimpses of a true and loving
heart ; the tones he hears are those of a single-minded
sincerity. A disciplined life lies in the background
and gives substantial weight to the utterance. There
is a peculiar devotion, a genuine unction, apparent in
Andrewes' treatment of the great Christian mysteries
the Nativity, the Passion, the Sacraments of Grace.
Everywhere we recognise the touch of one who not
only knows, but loves ; who has real enthusiasm for
what he teaches, and belief in the capacity of his
hearers ; who at once understands and feels the truth
that he expounds. 2 He believed, as we have seen
1 im. p. 193.
2 See, for instance, vol. i. p. 92 ; ii. pp. 154- 157 ; iii. p. 148.
10
146 BISHOP ANDREWES
in the power of truth positively presented. Preach-
ing before the court, as he usually did, on three
of the great Christian festivals, he aimed at teaching
in a form at once scriptural and dogmatic, the great
fact commemorated by the Church on the particular
day ; it was not his main object to exhort those who
were educated enough to see the practical bearings of
the doctrine which was being impressed on them. He
usually contents himself with an earnest and moving
appeal to his hearers to celebrate the festival and
appropriate the gift it commemorates by partaking of
the blessed Sacrament. But in dealing with practical
subjects, such as that of fasting, or the obligations of
the rich, the element of exhortation and passionate
appeal is more prominent. One of the most remarkable
of his sermons for this and other reasons, is the Spital
sermon (preached in 1588), on 1 Tim. vi. 171:
" Charge them that are rich, etc." In this we are
struck by an outspoken boldness and directness of
censure and appeal which is much less prominent in
the court sermons. The following passage illustrates
the general tone of the discourse :
Speaking of the charges made against the English
Church by papists, Andrewes says : " One of them
saith that our religion hath comforted your force
attractive so much, and made it so strong, that nothing
can be wrung from you. Another, he saith that our
religion hath brought a hardness into the bowels of
our professors that they pity little, and the cramp or
chiragra into their hands that they give less. Another,
that our preaching hath bred you minds full of
Solomon's horse-leeches, that cry ' Bring in, bring in,'
and nothing else. All of them say that your good
AS A PREACHER 147
works come so from you, as if indeed your religion
were to be saved by faith only. Thus through you,
and through want of your doing good, the gospel of
Christ is evil spoken of among them that are without.
They say, we call not to you for them; that we
preach not this point, that we leave them out of our
charges. Libero animam meam, ' I deliver here mine
own soul.' I do now call for them, I have done it
elsewhere ere now. Here I call for them now, I take
witness, I call you to record, I call heaven to record ;
Domine scis quiet dixi, scis quia locutus sum, scis quia
clamavi, ' Lord, Thou knowest I have spoken for them,
I have called for them, I have cried for them,' I have
made them a part of my charge, and the most earnest
and vehement part of my charge, even the charge of
doing good.
" Unto you, therefore, that be rich, be it spoken :
Hear your charge, I pray you. There is no avoiding,
you must needs seal this fruit of well-doing, you must
needs do it. For having wealth and wherewithal to
' do good,' if you do it not inprimis, talk not of faith,
for you have no faith in you ; if you have wherewith to
show it and show it not, S. James saith you have none
to show. Nor tell me not of your religion ; there is no
religion in you : ' pure religion is this,' as to very good
purpose was showed yesterday, ' to visit the fatherless
and widows ' ; and you never learned other religion
of us." 1
In preaching, Andrewes set before himself a clear
and definite aim. He wished to inform and instruct,
and it is as models of instruction that many of his
1 This passage is followed by an allusiou to the social problems of
London ul the time, which is full of interest ; see vol. v. p. 43 foil.
148 BISHOP ANDEEWES
sermons are most valuable. Thus it is not necessary
to speak particularly of the political sermons preached
on November 5 or on August 5 (which commemorated
the king's escape from the mysterious Gowrie con-
spiracy). 1 In them we could hardly look for the same
qualities that make the great doctrinal discourses so
important. And of these, didactic skill is not the only
merit. Andrewes' editors hit the right note when they
find the secret of his power in the combination of rare
learning with exalted goodness. The preacher brought
with him into the heart of a corrupt court an atmo-
sphere of unworldliness ; the vulgar scene of intrigue,
of place-hunting, of sycophancy, of extravagant display
and frivolous pleasure-seeking, was hushed and tran-
quillised on those few occasions in the year when
Andrewes appeared in the pulpit of the royal chapel.
It is worth while to refer in this connection to an
interesting notice of Andrewes' preaching contained
in a tract of Sir John Harrington. 2 He points to
two special characteristics of the sermons : first, " their
tendency to raise a joint reverence to God and the
Prince, to the spiritual and civil magistrate, by uniting
and not severing them ; the other, to lead to amend-
ment of life, and good works, the fruits of true repent-
1 The sermons on the Gkinpowder Plot, nos. II., III., VII., are good
specimens. The sermons on the Gowrie Conspiracy are concerned with
the subject of sovereign power, its original source, its inherent sacred-
ness, etc. ; see vol. iv. of the Oxford edition. In vol. v. Sermon XII.
(preached before King James and the queen's brother, the king of
Denmark), the circumstances of the Gowrie conspiracy are described.
Andrewes' account is not consistent with a passage in the Eesponsio
(p. 417), where he says that no attempt was made on the king's life in
Scotland.
2 A Brief View of the State of the ChurcJi of England, London, 1653
(Bliss, p. xxxvii.).
AS A PREACHER 149
ance." An example of the first kind, he adds, is to
be found in the second sermon of the Lent series (on
Ps. Ixxvii. 20), "which sermon (though courtiers' ears
are commonly so open, as it goes in at one ear and out
at the other), yet it left an aculeus behind in many of
all sorts." x Of the second kind " I might say all his
sermons are, but I will mention but his last, that I
heard the fifth of last November" (Sermon II. on
the Gunpowder Treason, preached in 1607); "and I
never saw his majesty more sweetly affected with any
sermon than that."
Here we have evidence as to the effect produced
by Andrewes on the average members of his courtly
audience, but he was not deceived by the popularity
of his preaching. He speaks on one occasion of
sermon-hypocrites, who say, " let us go hear the
word ; " but either attend not, " or at the best it is
but as ' they that hear a song of one that hath a
pleasing voice,' and no more comes of the sermon
than of the song." 2 But he knew that he had a
message to deliver ; and the world in which he moved
felt itself constrained to pause and listen. The pene-
trating force of purity and single-mindedness made
its way. In short, it might justly be said of him that
"his word was with power," because it was felt by
his hearers to be the utterance of a saint.
1 Harrington particularly notes its effect on one Henry Noell,
' one of the greatest gallants of those times."
8 Vol. i. p. 407.
CHAPTEE IX
THE THEOLOGICAL POSITION OF BISHOP ANDKEWES
PART I
THE work of Andrewes and of the so-called Arminian
school in the English Church cannot be fairly
estimated without some review of the historical con-
ditions which made the first quarter of the seventeenth
century a period of stress and confusion both in politics
and in theology. The Eeformation was a progressive
movement, and remained as yet in its earlier stages.
It is misleading, in fact, to speak of the hasty provisional
measures of the Elizabethan reformers as a "settle-
ment." Their work had rather been the cautious,
tentative, and partial application of principles, the full
significance of which could only be appreciated in
process of time, in an atmosphere of greater calmness,
and by minds of wider grasp and more historical
insight than the movement in its beginnings could
produce. Hooker's death in 1600 may be said to
mark the date at which the main elements of the new
situation had become apparent. Hooker's great work
had been to exhibit the leading idea of the Eeforma-
tion movement, and the foundation truths to which it
had appealed. He had vindicated for the actual
160
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 151
system of the English Church " the rights of Christian
and religious reason," 1 and had exhibited the complex
nature of the ultimate authority on which a religious
system must necessarily rest, if it is to appeal to the
whole of human nature. The work was an indis-
pensable one, to which the genius of Hooker had
proved equal. The Puritan attack, of which he
had borne the brunt, had for the moment spent its
force. It was destined to triumph on the political
field; but as a religious system Puritanism was, in
principle at least, excluded. Its strength lay in the
logical simplicity of its guiding principles, and in a
rigid moral and intellectual consistency. But the
Hampton Court conference of 1604 finally silenced
its direct claim to recognition ; in deep disatisfaction,
its champions were biding their time.
At the beginning of the seventeenth century, however,
another antagonist appeared upon the scene. The
Eoman Church had recovered her spirit after the shocks
she had suffered during the past century. She stood
forward once more, strong in her compact organisation,
her imperious claims, her systematised theology, to do
battle for herself. She could command the devotion, the
zeal, the fanaticism of countless champions, and the
services of a powerful religious order armed with new
weapons. 2 More than this, she found apologists, able,
learned, zealous capable of meeting the English
Church on her chosen ground of appeal to antiquity,
and confident of effecting her overthrow. Nor was
the Eoman Church ashamed to use less honourable
weapons: the unscrupulous audacity and skill in political
1 Masters in English Theology, p. 105.
2 The foundation of the Jesuit order dates from 1540-1543,
152 BISHOP ANDREWES
intrigue of adherents who were fired by something of the
martyr spirit, and would do and dare anything in her
cause. Eome, indeed, was strong exactly where England
was weak. A formulated theology, an irresistible
central authority, a firm hold on the affections and
devotion of her children all these were wanting in
the English Church. The Eeformation had not as yet
made good its position, or formally and historically
justified itself. Vehement as the language of the
earlier Eeformers is their self-defence appears weak,
because illogical. From the Eomanist, as well as
from the Puritan, point of view, the Church adopted
an unintelligible position: she clung to the old,
yet sought a place for the new ; she had cast off
an usurped authority, yet insisted upon the
royal supremacy ; she seemed to embarrass herself
needlessly by maintaining the continuity of the
mediaeval system, yet held out the hand of fellow-
ship to foreign protestantism. She owed her
independence mainly to a resolute tenacity of
purpose on the part of two monarchs who were
troubled by no scruples, and were but cold friends
to religion. She had as yet scarcely made up her
mind on some of the most burning questions of
the age.
By the time that Andrewes entered the controversial
field (1610), the needs of the English Church were
becoming sufficiently clear. An answer could no
longer be delayed to the charges of the Eomanist. It
was time to put on a reasonable and positive basis the
real aims of the Church in boldly breaking with the
papal system ; to determine the true nature of the
authority which she claimed to exercise over her
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 153
children ; to vindicate her from the charge of a rash
and indefensible act of schism ; to elucidate her first
principles ; to show what were the issues at stake in
the British Eeformation, and the greatness of the
objects in view. It fell to Andrewes to attempt
this important work. Averse as he was to polemical
conflict, he could not be spared the strain and anxiety
of an uncongenial task. There was no one equally
qualified to aid James in resisting the fierce assault
that was made by the Eomanists upon his religious
principles, and even upon his title to the throne.
And it is not too much to say that Andrewes was
the one churchman of his day best equipped for the
constructive and defensive work that was now so
urgently required. As to learning, he could meet
the Eoman controversialists on more than equal terms.
His knowledge was more exact, more comprehensive,
above all, more discriminating, than theirs. More-
over, he was imbued with some measure of the rising
spirit of historical and inductive inquiry, in which
the Puritans were so conspicuously deficient. Further,
Andrewes was more equitable in temper and judg-
ment than they. Where they passionately appealed
to & priori principles, and drew rigorous inferences,
Andrewes could reason with measured and calm
deliberateness, with capacity to take broad views of
things, to make necessary distinctions. He could
afford to recognise what was true and admirable in
the system he attacked ; what was loose, weak, and
incoherent in the position he defended. Whether,
in fact, we judge him from his sermons or his contro-
versial writings, Andrewes strikes us as a man capable
indeed of strong resentment and indignation against
154 BISHOP ANDREWES
sophistry in argument and falsification of evidence, 1
but habitually moderate and equitable in his judg-
ments. As a student of history, he had learned to
see in the English Church only one more " anomaly
among anomalies amid universal anomaly." 2 We
discern in him a quality which may be regarded as
a traditional element in the English character, and
which to some seems a point of weakness, namely,
readiness to be content with a system that falls very
far short of logical completeness, consistency, and
finality. "For in religion," says dean Church in
his admirable sketch of Andrewes, " which means
man's blindness and weakness as well as his hope, it
does not do to be ambitious or to claim great things
for men or for systems." 3 There was very much
in the condition of his Church which to a man of
Andrewes' temperament must have been most dis-
tressing, perplexing, and even alarming ; but it was
not worse than what he could observe in more
imposing systems elsewhere, and in other ages of
the Church's history. Practical difficulties and con-
fusions afforded no just pretext for abandoning the
defence of principles which in themselves were true,
though they had been at times so distorted in their
application to actual facts, and so obscured by the mis-
takes and short-sighted wilfulness of their exponents.
The Responsio and the Answer to Cardinal Perron
contain what is, perhaps, the nearest approach to a
positive statement of belief on the most important
points of difference between England and Eome. It
1 On the moral corruptions of Rome, sec a strong passage in Sermons,
vol. v. p. 42 ; and Concio in disc. Palat. (Opusc. Posthuma, pp. 91, 92).
2 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 108, * Ibid. p. 110.
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 155
is fair to remember, however, that in form the
Responsio is unsystematic. The bishop follows Bellar-
mine through each turn of a desultory and shifting
attack. The objection or the cavil answered in one
part of the book crops up again in another chapter.
The old misstatements appear in a new guise, and have
to be exposed. Mr. Pattison has said that at this
period of the controversy with Rome, " Catholic
literature had become a system of fraud and im-
posture." 1 The Jesuit pamphleteer relied on
" unscrupulous misrepresentation " and distortion of
facts. Even the graver writers, in spite of the
outward impressiveness of their work, were entirely
wanting in the faculty of historical criticism. Baronius
knew little of either Hebrew or Greek; 2 he cited
apocryphal or disputable documents as of equal value
with those that were authentic. Bellarmine used any
weapon that would serve a controversial purpose ; his
authorities were often valueless or were irrelevantly
employed. 3 But to answer such writers was a thank-
less task, chiefly because the general literary judgment
of the age was as yet unqualified to distinguish good
evidence from bad, apparent victory from real
At first sight the controversial writings of Andrewes
give the impression of being magnified pamphlets,
1 Life of Casaubon, p. 354. Casaubon himself, speaking of the Jesuit
1'Heureux (Eudaemon Johannes), author of Parallelus Torti et
Tortoris, says: "Rationibus caltimnias opposuit, argumentis convicia,
tloctrinae stupendae detestandam maledicentiam " (Bliss, p. Ixxxi. ).
2 The Annales of Baronius were completed between 1588-1593.
3 Thus in Tortura Torti, Andrewes convicts him of quoting in support
of some thesis ail epistle to Damasus from the Second General Council,
which he had in his Rccoynitio himself admitted to be spurious ; see
Tort. p. 197,
156 BISHOP ANDREWES
rather than formal treatises. They bristle with clever
points, epigrams, home-thrusts, retorts, banter. This,
however, is less markedly the case with the Eesponsio
than with the Tortura. In the Eesponsio positive
principles emerge. We are not lost in the smoke of
the fray ; we can appreciate the strength of the
writer's position. He is not anxious merely to make
points ; he has a cause to defend. He is giving an answer,
not merely warding off an assault. The tone is not
merely protestant, like that of the earlier Eeformation
literature ; it is apologetic, constructive, and catholic.
The book opens with a few personal references.
Andrewes remarks on the feeble and spiritless style of
Bellarmine's Apology. Clearly he is past his fighting
days. 1 His work is wanting in vigour, method,
cohesion; it is time some other champion should
appear on the field up to bearing the burden and
heat of conflict. This work consists merely of a few
baskets full of fragments from the cardinal's former
controversial treatises. He evades the topic which
after all is of primary importance that which con-
cerns the release of subjects from their allegiance,
and the claim to depose monarchs from their
thrones. He turns his back on this crucial subject, and
takes refuge in the commonplaces of Eomish divinity. 2
As a matter of fact, Bellarmine seems to have
abandoned, from whatever motives, the defence of a
cause which he felt was weak. It was impossible to
deny that practically the cause of James was " the
common cause of kings." 3 But he confines himself to
1 "Cum Bellarminus bello et armis minus jam sit idonens " (p. 2).
a "De regibus a pontifice deponendis iSi ypu" (p. 3).
* Eesponsio, eh. ii.
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 157
raising the question whether James and the Church
which he represented had any claims to be considered
catholic. He denies emphatically that a man can be
called " Catholic " who rejects transubstantiation, the
temporal claims of the papacy, and the invocation of
saints. Here, then, was a definite issue, and on both
sides it was recognised that the appeal must lie
to antiquity. Bellarmine's thesis was supported by
cardinal Perron, who in correspondence with Casaubon
refused to acknowledge James' right to the name
" Catholic." l Andrewes, on his part, accepts the
implied challenge ; and, so far as his wide historical
survey can be said to have unity of aim, it is fairly
accurate to describe his anti-Boman treatises as a
systematic defence of the catholicity of the English
Church. The Eeformation movement had avowedly
been based on an appeal to the teaching of the primitive
Church. Andrewes is falling back on the early stand-
point when he insists that the Roman system is not
the true embodiment of what is catholic. " Much
detriment," he says, " has the catholic faith suffered at
your hands ; much filth has it contracted, much from
which it is no disgrace to us that we revolt. . . . This
filth has lately, in some parts of the world, been washed
1 The subsequent history of this correspondence is briefly as follows :
Casaubon wrote an answer to Perron, dictated by James (November
9, 1611). After an interval of eight years appeared Perron's Eeplique
a la Eesponse du Serenissime Roy de la Grand JBretagne (a Paris, 1620),
some time after the writer's death. Andrewes' Answer is a reply
in outline to two portions of Perron's work (bk. i. c. 18 ; bk. v. c.
20). Perron's main point was the institution of a comparison between
the church of S. Augustine and of the four Councils on the one
hand, and the Church of his own day on the other. Which, he
asked, bore the closest resemblance to the primitive type England
or Rome ?
158 BISHOP ANDREWES
off, and the form which the faith originally possessed
has been restored. To this faith we cling as reformed ;
not to your deformation of it." l The same contention
is vigorously put forward in a passage of the Tortura : z
" Our religion," says Andrewes, " you miscall
modern sectarian opinions. I tell you if they are
modern, they are not ours ; our appeal is to antiquity
yea, even to the most extreme antiquity. We do
not innovate ; it may be we renovate what was cus-
tomary with those same ancients, but with you has
disappeared in novelties. Nor have you a right to
throw Gregory in our teeth as if we failed to give him
due reverence ; as if we did not cordially embrace all
that his writings contain of the sense of old councils
and Fathers. It is in your eyes that Gregory the
Great is small. The seventh Gregory suits your
interest better than the first. . . . Subjection to Eome,
dependence on Eome this is the sum of your religion."
But to state the issue in this polemical form was
not enough. Andrewes saw that the claims of the
English Church must be based on something more
stable than protests and negations. Her main weak-
ness was the lack of moral authority, of prestige, of
something venerable enough to supply the place of the
authority, hitherto so mighty and so far-reaching as a
social force the authority of the Eoman See. So far
as a mere coercive force (vis coactiva 3 ) was required to
hold the Church together as an institution the
Crown with its existing executive powers supplied the
1 Responsio, p. 159. Cp. p. 466 : "At sunt indiesque plures futuri
sunt Catholic! absque hac ' Eomani ' additione."
2 P. 96.
3 See the sermon on giving his due to Caesar (vol. v. p. 127 foil.).
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 159
need. Doubtless the idea of the divine right was
greatly exaggerated by the seventeenth century divines,
but in default of any other sanction they were practic-
ally forced to appeal to it ; and as regards Andrewes,
we cannot fail to notice a wide practical difference
between his view of the supremacy and that of Laud.
Andrewes had no liking for compulsion ; he trusted
mainly to the power of persuasion to win and control
the unruly and excited spirits about him. In one of
his sermons he draws a beautiful picture of the true
prince who " leads " his people, and does not " drag "
them. 1 His tendency is to see in government a moral,
rather than a material force. " Our guiding must be
mild and gentle, else it is not duwisti, but traxisti ,
drawing and driving and no leading; . . . rather
by an inward and sweet influence to be led than
by an outward extreme violence to be forced
forward." " The rulers have their lesson . . .
heavenly and divine had those hands need be, which
are to be the hands and to work the work of
God." Laud represents another method, that of legal
coercion. He " would never convince an opponent if
he could suppress him." 2 To him uniformity seemed
an object directly attainable by legal enactment : to
Andrewes, an ideal to be gradually approached.
Andrewes was incapable of the high-handedness and
contempt for hostile prejudices which Laud displayed
as dean of Gloucester, for instance, and in later years
as primate. He was always for forcing matters to a
crisis : Andrewes was in favour of gentle and gradual
advance. Both had the same aims in view, but
1 Sermon II. of the Lent series (vol. ii. p. 16 foil. ).
2 Wakeman, The Church and the Puritans, p. 100.
160 BISHOP ANDREWES
Andrewes had more faith than Laud in the effect of
patient and continuous presentment of truth on the
minds of men ; he trusted to the educational influence,
which indeed was already very marked, of the reformed
liturgy and the open Bible. He had, in fact, more
belief in human nature than Laud, and it was an evil
day for the Church when his presence was withdrawn.
It was not, therefore, coercive jurisdiction that
seemed to be the present need of the English Church,
but a moral authority that might subdue, win, and
overawe the restless temper of the age ; that might
enlist the sympathies, loyalty, and reverence of men,
and awaken in them once more the old instincts of
devotion and the neglected faculty of worship.
Andrewes found what he wanted in the primitive
Church ; he pointed men for guidance to the historic
body the catholic society which, under such
widely different conditions, and amid so much con-
fusion and defacement, still preserved in England,
as elsewhere, the tokens of apostolic descent the
doctrine, discipline, and regimen which had been trans-
mitted from the first age of Christendom. Accord-
ingly he falls back on the idea of " church authority " ;
but at this point we notice a limitation of that
vague phrase which is of the utmost importance.
Andrewes seems, not indeed explicitly, but at any rate
in effect, to distinguish between different degrees of
authority. The Roman theory, since its formulation at
Trent, 1 appeared to put everything on a level. It was
as much the duty of a Catholic to believe in tran-
substantiation and in the pope's deposing power, as in
1 Responsio, p. 17 : " Fides haec verc Tildentina est ; vere Christiana
lion est."
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 161
the existence of the Church or the power of the keys.
Andrewes spends much pains in drawing distinctions
between what is certainly and clearly de fide,, as being
matter of revelation, and what is probable and matter
of opinion. He would fix the attention of men, not,
as the Puritan did, on the inscrutable mysteries of
God's eternal counsel, nor, as the Eomanist did, on
points of doctrine possibly edifying, but in any case of
secondary importance. He preferred to dwell on the
august certainties of the Christian creed ; on what is
known and revealed as the true object of man's
faith, reverence, contemplation, and hope. 1
" Blessed be God that among divers other mysteries
about which there are so many mists and clouds of
controversies raised in all ages, and even in this of
ours, hath yet left us some clear and without con-
troversy, manifest and yet great, ... so great as no
question to be made about them. Withal to reform
our judgments in this point. For a false conceit is
crept into the minds of men, to think the points of
religion that be manifest to be certain petty points,
scarce worth the hearing. Those, yea those be great,
and none but those, that have great disputes about
them. It is not so. ... Those that are necessary
He hath made plain ; those that are not plain, not
necessary. ... A way of peace, then, there shall be,
whereof all parts shall agree, even in the midst of a
world of controversies. That there need not such ado
in complaining, if men did not delight rather to be
treading mazes than to walk in the paths of peace." 2
This significant passage is important, as indicating
1 Cp. Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 97.
2 Sermon on the Nativity, III. (vol. i. p. 35).
11
162 BISHOP ANDREWES
the point of view from which Andrewes approaches
his detailed criticism of Bellarmine. Judged by the
standard of truths which have primary authority,
tested by the Vincentian canon, 1 the prominent
theses of the Roman controversialist assume com-
paratively small proportions. Thus transubstantiation
is " a new doctrine," unheard-of for centuries ; not,
therefore, defide. The primacy of the Roman see, as
interpreted by modern popes and exemplified in the
claim to depose princes, is new ; it is not, therefore,
de fide. Transubstantiation was not held " always " ;
the Roman primacy not " everywhere." The same
standard is applied to other Romish doctrines. " The
practice of invocation of saints," says Bellarmine,
"is a mark of catholicity." Andrewes examines the
cardinal's authorities ; convicts him of misquotation,
and of using passages of disputable authenticity ;
finally dismisses his contention as " not proven." The
adoration of relics, again, was a thing unknown to the
primitive Christians. There was a tendency to it,
which the Fathers are found to have expressly dis-
countenanced ; accordingly the practice is not catholic.
The belief in seven sacraments was for centuries
unknown to the Church. It is, therefore, no necessary
test of catholicity. 2
What Andrewes claimed for the English Church is
1 "Quod semper et ubique et ab omnibus creditum est, hoc vere
Catholicum."
2 "Per annos plus mille ne numerus quid em septenarius sacra-
mentorum auditus est " (Eesponsio, p. 72). Obs. In his reply to
Perron (p. 25), Andrewes qualifies this statement : " We deny not but
that the title of sacrament hath sometimes been given by the Fathers
unto all these five, in a larger signification . . . The whole matter is
a Xoya/ta^/a. If the thing were agreed upon, we should not strive
for the name."
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 163
clear from these illustrations. He bases her title to
catholicity on the simple fact that her faith is that of
the primitive Church. She believes neither less nor
more than the Fathers to whom she makes her appeal.
It is the same with points of usage. In the primitive
Church, public prayers in an unknown tongue, the
denial of the cup to the laity, image-worship, invocation
of saints, solitary masses, the papal right of deposing
kings all these were unknown. The English Church
accordingly rejects them; nay, she believes that for
five hundred years no Church or individual held the
special tenets which are distinctive of the Eoman
Church. In short, where England dissents from
Eome, Eome parts from antiquity. 1 "Those many
things," says Andrewes, " which are laid down in the
creeds and the canons of the four councils are
enough for us to hold ; the points we reject are not of
faith." 2 It may be noticed that the limitations of
the appeal to " antiquity " are more precisely defined
in a passage of one of Andrewes' sermons (on Isa.
Ixii. 5) : " One canon reduced to writing by God Him-
self, two testaments, three creeds, four general councils,
five centuries, and the series of Fathers in that period
the three centuries, that is, before Constantine, and two
after, determine the boundary of our faith." 3
In all this line of argument it is implied that
the English Church appeals to authority, but the
authority is that of the undivided Church. The name
Protestant, which Bellarmine casts in Andrewes' teeth
1 " In quo nos a vobis, vos a patribus dissentitis " (Eesponsio, p. 70).
2 Ibid. p. 69. Cp. p. 26 : " Nobis enim non tarn articulosa fides
quam vestris hominibus, qui ad theses singulas crepant, Est de fide."
3 Concio habita in discessu Palatini (Opusc. Posthuma, p. 91).
164 BISHOP ANDREWES
as " unheard-of for fifteen hundred years," is defended
by him on grounds of temporary convenience. It
denotes a certain temporary attitude, not a positive
creed. It is intended to last only so long as the
Eoman abuses are unreformed. 1 In the English
Church, religion is reformed, not formed anew. " We
are renovators, not innovators," says Andrewes. "Our
faith is the ancient catholic faith contained in the
two testaments, the three creeds, the four councils,
only restored to its proper lustre." This brings us to
the point at which Andrewes' defence of the English
Church may be shortly summarised.
He represents the Church as holding the position
of an appellant. "For a long while have we been
making our appeal to a council, but to a council duly
summoned ; a council in which business is conducted
in the same manner and order as in the first famous
four ; wherein there is liberty of voting ; wherein pre-
judice is not set in place of judgment ; wherein he sits
not as judge, who should be treated as defendant ;
wherein there are no titular or unreal (factitii)
bishops ; wherein the number is reduced of those
Italian prelates who, by the quantity of their votes,
outweigh all the other bishops of Europe put together." 2
The English Church thus awaits the decision of a
lawful and free council ; but meanwhile her position
is not such as to cut her off from Catholicism. She
has preserved the apostolic succession ; 8 she main-
1 "Nee enim protestationis illius vis alia, neque diutius vim habitura
quam tantisper dum ilia instaurentur apud vos quae sic temporum
vitio hominum incuria abierunt in abusum " (Responsio, p. 26).
2 Ibid. p. 216. Cp. pp. 450, 451 : "Date legitimos arbitros in loco
ibero, aequis legibus ; nee erit ulla in nobis mora."
* Ibid. p. 227.
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 165
tains the faith of the universal Church, not of Calvin ; 1
she accepts the authority of the Church, " the pillar of
the truth " a pillar which hangs not in mid air, but has
its basis and foundation in Scripture. 2 The voice of the
ancient Church is her guide. As to other points, " what
is sound she retains; what is old she restores; what newly
emanates from Eome or Trent she refuses to accept as
catholic." 8 Her eucharistic doctrine is primitive:
" Withdraw your doctrine of transubstantiation, and we
shall soon cease to contend about the sacrifice." * The
Church of England retains, in fact, the full heritage of
catholic belief and practice; and when Andre wes speaks
of her authority, he means the moral authority of a
society that has retained at least the essential traditions
of the catholic body unbroken. Thus, in speaking of a
practical point (the Church's observance of Lent), he
says : " Hath she no interest in us, no power over us ? ...
Is she in worse case than the synagogue ? No, indeed.
If Eechab might enjoin his sons, she may hers. She is
our mother; she hath the power of a mother over
us, and a mother hath power to give laws to her
children. . . . This is sure: 'No man hath God
to his Father that hath not the Church for his
mother.' ... He that grieves her, angers Him. And
he cannot but grieve her that little sets by her
wholesome orders. The apostle, we see S. Paul by
name, though he had been in the third heaven yet he
deferred to ... the ' Church's custom/ and rests in
it. We must learn to do the like." 5
i
'Tarn non Calvinum quam neque Papam serjuimur, ubi a patrum
vestigiis Lie vel ille discedit" (Respmisio, p. 21).
a Ibid. pp. 208, 209, 347, 450, 457. * Ibid. p. 163.
4 Ibid. pp. 250, 251. B Sermons, vol. i. p. 391.
166 BISHOP ANDREWES
The difficulties of this position in the seventeenth
century were not identical with those that confront
us now. The conditions of the Eoman controversy
have altered ; but we are only concerned here to
describe what Andrewes' theory was, and how in the
appeal to the primitive Church he found what satis-
fied him. In one form or another, the question which
reappears in every stage of this barren and unprogress-
ive dispute is that of authority its real nature and
its limits. So far as the problem presented itself to
Andrewes, he found no insuperable difficulty in the
conception of an authoritative tradition, preserved in
the belief and practice of an organised body, making
a claim on men both historic and moral: historic,
because in essential points the Church is in the seven-
teenth century what she was in the first ; moral, in
making an appeal to reason, conscience, and will ;
stimulating and educating, not impairing or crushing,
these faculties in the individual.
PART II
From the subject of authority Andrewes passes to
another aspect of the controversy with Eome, and
proceeds to consider the question of coercive jurisdic-
tion. We have seen that in a period of confusion,
such as that which necessarily followed the bold and
startling experiment of the Eeformation, the jurisdic-
tion hitherto exercised by the papacy would naturally
tend to fall into the hands of the^jovereign, aided by
his executive officers, civil and ecclesiastical. A large
portion of the Eesponsio is devoted to a positive
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 167
defence of the royal supremacy, and in connection
with this contains a bold criticism of the papal claims.
The first of these two subjects would have interest for
Andrewes as a churchman ; the latter would touch
him as a patriotic Englishman, living in days when
theories, destructive of all monarchical government,
were not only widely disseminated and sanctioned by
popes, but were sometimes acted upon with terrible
determination and effect. In the religious wars and
assassinations of the period, " we see the real
character of theories put forth by great and popular
champions of Eome, and their fatal bearing on the
primary conditions of human society." 1
It has been observed with truth, that in relation to
the best form of secular government the Church is,
"so to speak, frankly opportunist." 2 In the nine-
teenth century it is impossible to share those super-
stitious ideas of the divine right of monarchs which
were natural and almost universal in the seventeenth.
In times of upheaval and revolution, men turn instinct-
ively to any institution which, in fact, remains stable
and unshaken. When the barbarians were pouring into
the Eoman Empire in the fifth century, the eyes of
civilised mankind turned to the Church; in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when the moral
authority of the Church had been " strained till it
broke," 8 the sovereign power naturally appeared to
be the only safeguard of the existing order, social
and religious, the only institution invested with the
requisite force, material and moral, to hold together
1 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 91.
8 W. H. J. Campion, Lux Mundi, p. 440.
8 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 83.
168 BISHOP ANDREWES
the fabric of society. In England, especially, the tend-
ency to appeal to the crown would be almost irresist-
ible. In Jaines the English Church found a patron for
whom it might be fairly claimed, that his attachment
to her cause was due not merely to self-interest, but
in some measure also to intelligent sympathy, and
a shrewd appreciation of her peculiar power and
influence. The Eesponsio, accordingly, contains a
spirited defence of the supremacy, on grounds which
are open to historical tests. Andrewes claims for the
crown a visitatorial power the right to keep all
persons and estates to their proper duties and func-
tions ; but in so doing he puts forward a claim
fortified by centuries of prescription, and only disputed
by the papacy in comparatively recent times.
We may notice that Andrewes concerns himself
with only one aspect of the supremacy. He does not
consider its bearing on the independence of national
churches, or on the comparative rights of laity and
spiritualty. He confines himself to dealing with
Bellarmine's contention that the Act of Supremacy
involved an invasion by the secular power of purely
spiritual functions. On this point Andrewes' method
is more important than his conclusions. He appeals
to history. He brushes aside the calumnies which had
been industriously circulated by Eoman pamphleteers
e.g. the assertion that the supremacy was an article
of faith. It is at most, he says, a right opinion
(opOr) Sofa). It was not " invented by Henry VIII."
It might more accurately be ascribed to Moses, who
claimed superiority over Aaron. 1 The supremacy in
1 Cp. Sermon II. of the Lent series (vol. ii. p. 16) ; and No. VII. of
the occasional series (vol. v, p. 141).
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 169
the sense attached to the word by the English Church
was, as a matter of fact, exercised by Jewish kings, by
Christian emperors, and notably by former kings of
England. 1 The sense of the whole community, the
deliberate judgment of the old universities, and of all
learned persons, discovered no novelty in this tenet. 2
All recognised the rightful authority of the monarch
to regulate the external affairs of the Church. 3 In a
sense the king is Pastor Ucclesiae, when he summons
councils, confirms canons, corrects abuses, demands an
account of his stewardship even from a pontiff. 4 He
is " above the Church," in the sense of being its
guardian and nursing father, and so far priests are
inferior to kings. Tertullian describes even a heathen
emperor as " solo Deo minor." 5 It scarcely needs to
be observed that this theory rests entirely on the
presumption that the monarch is, if not Christian, at
least well disposed to the Church, and anxious to
befriend and protect her. Few in Andrewes' day
could have been expected to forecast the modern
conditions which weaken or exclude this conception
of monarchy. We may notice, too, the consistency of
Andrewes : he does not shrink from maintaining that
Anselm, Becket, and even Hugh of Lincoln, were
worthy of blame in so far as they resisted the lawful
claims of the sovereign. 6 They would have done
better to follow S. Paul's example, who, standing at
Caesar's tribunal, insists that there "he ought to be
judged" (Acts xxv. 10). If Bellarmine denies the
1 fiespomrio, p. 27. 2 Ibid. p. 32. 3 Ibid. p. 444.
4 Andrewes is speaking of Jewish precedents ; see the passage,
pp. 446, 447.
8 Ibid. p. 97. 6 Ibid. p. 201.
170 BISHOP ANDREWES
obligation of submission to lawful kingly authority,
he withstands Paul the apostle in order to gratify
Paul the pope. 1
Into the merits of Andrewes' argument it is not
my purpose to enter. The problems that beset the
whole question of the relations between Church and
State scarcely existed for him ; the modern complica-
tions of the subject were far distant and unforeseen.
We have no right to find fault with him for not
anticipating the conditions of a modern democratic
State. His defence of the royal supremacy was one
which the great majority of sensible men in his age
would have accepted. The Reformation, which had
vindicated the independence of the national Church, had
been the means of restoring to the monarch, as well
as to the hierarchy, functions hitherto usurped by an
intruding authority. Incidentally, Andrewes meets
other charges against the English Church which had
already become fashionable in the Roman controversy,
e.g., those based on the character of the reformers,
who were described as men " deformed by every kind
of vice." 2 Here, again, Andrewes appeals with suc-
cess to historical parallels. It was Jehu, a violent
and bloodthirsty warrior, who purged Israel of Baal-
worship ; the heathen Cyrus who procured the restora-
tion of the temple and its sacrifices. Again and
again the Divine providence has used, or overruled,
the crimes, mistakes, and imperfections of human
instruments.
But an apology is not Andrewes' main object. He
is more concerned to carry the war into the hostile
camp, by setting forth clearly the positive ground of
1 Responaio, p. 423. a Ibid. p. 43 foil.
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 171
that resistance to Roman pretensions which in those
days seemed to be the plain duty of every Englishman
who cared for the welfare of his country. He accord-
ingly proceeds to examine the papal theory of the
relation between Church and State. Bellarmine's
view was that the State is not united to the Church
by the moral link of goodwill, but by the bond of sub-
jection and dependence. The Church should control
the State " as the spirit controls the flesh." l On this
assumption the temporal claim of the Roman see is
based. Like Salmoneus, 2 the pope launches his
thunderbolts against kingdoms, and claims that " the
priesthood is exempt from all jurisdiction of princes." 3
Andrewes goes to the root of the assumption itself,
which is made to rest on the commission to S. Peter.
On that, the whole fabric of pretension is reared.
Andrewes dismisses as a figment, as a mere fantasy,
the idea of Peter's "supremacy" over the other apostles;
of an " ordinary power " which he could transmit, as
opposed to the " extraordinary apostolic powers " in-
herited by the papacy. He draws an effective contrast
between the behaviour of popes and that of S. Peter.
Paul V. presents his foot to be kissed by royal legates ;
Peter repels the centurion who would have done him
homage, saying, " I also am a man." 4 The pope claims
that kings are subjects to the Roman see ; S. Peter
bids his readers " submit to every ordinance of man
for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king as
supreme." The pope claims that princes are " sheep
of the papal flock " ; the charge to Peter is, " Feed
not thy, but My sheep." 5 In short, the Roman
1 Responsio, p. 82. * JEncid, vi. 585. ' Responsio, p. 81.
4 Ibid. pp. 86, 87, 296, 298. 5 Ibid. pp. 17, 18 ; cp. p. 112.
172 BISHOP ANDREWES
theory contradicts Scripture ; it is in harmony neither
with the doctrine of S. Paul nor the practice of S.
Peter, to whom the keys were never given " that he
might build up the Church on the ruins of the State." l
Further, it is opposed to the teaching of the ancient
Church. " Certainly the Fathers exalt the priesthood ;
but with what intent ? Is it that they may lower the
dignity of Csesar ? Nay, but that they may stir them-
selves up the better to perform their own duty." 2
We need not follow Andrewes further in detail over
the familiar ground which has to be occupied so
often during the tedious progress of the Eoman
controversy.
But the Eesponsio is not devoted to mere disputation.
It contains a heavy indictment .of the papacy, which
remains to-day, as then, unanswered. " The world,"
says Andrewes, " has long since learned who is the real
disturber of catholic unity and peace." " It has learned
that the Koman pontiff recks not how many he may
sever from the Church even if it be the whole of
the East so that his own pride may be gratified, and
there may be occasion for the kissing of his feet." 3
It is he who has set kingdom against kingdom, and
nation against nation ; and who has inflicted untold
miseries on his own country. Does not Petrarch
describe Italy as if in his own time it were a very
throne of Satan ? 4 It is the pontiff who shares the
guilt of the ancient Donatists, by narrowing down the
catholic fold to a single spot ; 5 he who makes resist-
ance to his own pretensions a heresy ; 6 he who would
1 "Ut aedificaret ecclesiam in ruinis reipublicae."
3 Xesponsio, p. 118. 8 Ibid. p. 90. * Ibid. p. 154.
8 Ibid. p. 159. Ibid. p. 175.
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 173
make a spiritual primacy the pretext for an earthly
tyranny ; l he who arrogates a title which the great
Gregory called " profane " that of " universal bishop," 2
and who loves to style himself " servant," but to be
addressed by his fellow-men as "lord." It is he, in
short, who by his interference with the relations
between a king and his people " dissolves the natural
ties of innate fidelity, and claims a power to dispense
with laws which are the bond of nature and of
society." 3 It is only a logical step beyond this, when
Andrewes, with his exalted ideas of the divine right
of monarchy, defends the view that the pope is
Antichrist himself, and favours the assertion of
Irenseus that the number of the beast represents the
word AaTeivos*
In all this line of thought, Andrewes is chiefly con-
cerned to defend the privileges of a Christian and
catholic prince against a usurping power. He there-
fore reserves his sternest and most vehement language
for the policy which the Eoman Church had followed
in England since the accession of Elizabeth its
tortuous intrigues, its connivance at detestable treason.
He reaffirms a good deal that he had said in the
Tortura as to the degree of complicity in the powder
plot that must be attributed to the pope, and the
excuses openly put forward on behalf of the con-
spirators. Of the sanctity of the seal of confession he
speaks as such a man would with grave reserve,
with a due sense of the proportion of things, and with
1 Hespmsio, p. 299. * Ibid. p. 386. 8 Ibid, p. 465.
4 Ibid. p. 405 f. Several chapters are devoted to a discussion of
the king's interpretation of the Apocalypse, but they are not
interesting.
174 BISHOP ANDREWES
a firm conviction that an ecclesiastical rule cannot
in the last resort be incompatible with fundamental
moral obligations. 1 When Garnet is represented as a
martyr, " religion is made a pretext for rebellion."
The ground, then, of resistance to the papacy was,
in the main, political. But, incidentally, the Respoiisio
touches on the practical corruptions which made re-
union with Eome impossible : the cult of the Blessed
Virgin, as it appears, for instance, in Bonaventura's
Psalter to the Virgin; 2 the denial of the cup to the
laity ; the exclusion of the vulgar tongues from the
liturgy ; the system of indulgences ; 3 jubilees, instituted
" that the threshold of the apostles might be trodden,
but never trodden without cost;" 4 the baptism of
bells; relic worship, etc. This had been the line
adopted by the first reformers, who found themselves
face to face with an immense practical system, deeply
corrupt in many details, yet sheltering itself behind
the authority of the primitive Church, as if all that
was Eoman was ipso facto catholic.
The remoteness of the circumstances makes it
unnecessary to go at greater length into this polemical
discussion. It is important, however, to remark that
Andrewes was keenly alive to the difficulties and
practical anomalies of the system in which he lived
and worked. " There are some things," he tells du
Moulin, " which we teach not, but have to endure ;
which we cannot be rid of, but must bear. He who
1 See Responsio, pp. 437-439.
3 Op. the Answer to Perron, v. 20, especially pp. 75-80 ; and see
Casaubon's diary quoted by Bliss, p. Ixxx.
8 Indulgences : "Inter turpilucria pontificum, inter gravamina
nationum " (p. 395).
4 P. 396.
HIS THEOLOGICAL POSITION 175
tolerates does not necessarily approve." l In the
same spirit he quotes Augustine, " Aliud est quod
docemus ; almd quod sustinemus." 2 In the Devotions
he prays for " the British Church the supply of what
is wanting in it ; the strengthening of the things that
remain and are ready to die." He was conscious, as
S. Bernard was in his day, as a good man must be
in any age of Church history, that the order of things
in which he is called to play his part is marred
by the shortcomings and imperfections that attend
on human life, and all that it produces. He does
not shrink from facing the facts as they are. But
he prefers dispensing with a complete and consistent
theory to denying the work of the Holy Ghost. It
is a line of thought and action which has applications
beyond the limits of the Eoman question. 3
On the more thoughtful observers of his day,
Andrewes' work left the impression that it would
have an important effect on the future course of
religious controversy. " I persuade myself," writes
Harrington, " that whensoever it shall please God
to give the king means, with consent of his
confederate princes, to make that great peace
which his blessed word, Beati pacifici, seemeth
to promise I mean the ending of this great
schism in the Church of God, procured as much
by ambition as superstition this reverend prelate
will be found one of the ablest, not of England
1 Ep. iii. ad P. Molin. Cp. Ep. i. s. fin.
2 C. Faust, xx. 21.
3 He speaks of things "male abolitas, publicam i|o / aeXayn'/v et
privatam auricularem " (Notes on the Book of Common Prayer.
Bliss, Minor Works, Life, etc., p. 151).
176 BISHOP ANDREWES
only, but of Europe, to set the course for composing
the controversies." * It scarcely seems probable that
this forecast will be literally realised. But it is safe
to assert that the best hope of reunion between the
Churches of England and Eome lies in the cultivation
on both sides of such a spirit of candour in dealing
with history, of openness in acknowledging faults and
shortcomings, of zeal for moral principles and religious
truth, as we find in the controversial writings of
bishop Andrewes.
1 Bliss, p. xxxviii.
CHAPTER X
THE DEVOTIONS*
IN Andrewes' best known and best loved work, the
Manual of Private Devotions, we find what invariably
commands attention and interest the secret of a
good life. We learn what were the deepest springs
of thought and action, what the surest source of
strength and comfort, to one whose lot was cast in
slippery places and troubled times, and whose work
had to be done amid the stir of controversy and the
manifold distractions of a public career. Behind the
outward life of absorbing controversy, of court attend-
ances, of necessary public engagements, exacting social
duties and official business, was concealed the hidden
life of worship, self-discipline, and self -consecration.
We are conscious, as we open the Devotions, of passing
into a sanctuary where Andrewes found refuge from
the pressure of anxieties that weighed heavily on the
heart of an English churchman in those days. There
was very much in the existing state of Christendom,
and especially of the English Church, that must have
1 For a careful account of the most important MSS. and editions
of the Devotions, see Canon F. E. Brightman's edition of the Preces
Privatae, Introduction (Methnen). Also the Minor Works, Life, etc.,
of Bishop Andrewes (Bliss), p. Ixxiii. foil., and Appendix D (below).
12
178 BISHOP ANDREWES
filled a devout and gentle spirit with profound dis-
tress. The great political disasters that impended over
the Throne and the Church were already darkening
the horizon ; the state of the court and of society
was such as might well dishearten and dismay one
in whose view the fortunes of Church and monarchy
seemed to be providentially united. But there was
a refuge. Andrewes' life owes its chief characteristics,
its unfailing serenity, its calm evenness, its laborious
industry, to the fact that "his life was a life of
prayer." " A great part of five hours every day " he
spent upon his knees. 1
The loving care expended by the bishop on his
Devotions, which were not apparently compiled with
any view to publication, show that he regarded the
act of prayer as " the proper end and object " the
noblest exercise of the faculty of speech. 2 In
literary composition he is said to have been somewhat
slow and hesitating. 3 His sermons are more like full
notes for a preacher's use than written discourses.
But in his prayers, and especially in his thanksgivings,
there is something of that continuous flow and poetical
structure which we miss in his other writings ; there
is what corresponds to the Latin word oratio, a diffuse-
ness and fulness which in other cases he does not
allow himself.
The devotional works of Andrewes include a Manual
of directions for the sick, which was first edited in
1 Buckeridge, Funeral Sermon: "Vita eius vita orationis, etc.*
* Dr. Mozley in British Critic, vol. xxxi. p. 191.
3 "Lente et cunctanter ad scribendum [accessit]. Hnius sive
tarditatis, sive morae non ingenii hebetudo aliqua sed cautio nimia
et pensitatio in causa fuit " (Ep. Pedin. ad Opusfula).
THE DEVOTIONS 179
1648 by Richard Drake, who states that it was
" conceived and used " by the bishop in his ordinary
visitation of the sick as vicar of S. Giles', Cripplegate.
It is remarkable for its very practical aim and spirit.
The sick need to have the way of repentance taught
them simply and systematically. Repentance is not
" a matter any common man can skill of well enough " ;
but one " wherein we need the counsel and direction
of such as are professed that way." l In their peni-
tential spirit, these beautiful and simple devotions,
like the Private Prayers, reflect the tone of the Prayer-
Book, and indeed largely consist of passages from
the Psalter. It is characteristic of the bishop's
conscientious thoroughness, ' that he should have
compiled with his own hand a book to assist him
in duties which some might have regarded as a very
subordinate part of his work, but which to him were
sacred and worthy of his best thought and pains.
The Private Devotions were first carefully translated
and published by Drake a few months after the
Manual for the sick. The edition was prepared from
a transcript, but the far more complete original 2 has
only lately been edited. It is this copy which Drake
describes as " happy in the glorious deformity thereof,
being slubbered with his pious hands, and watered
with his penitential tears." It appears to have
been given by Andrewes, shortly before his death,
to Laud, then bishop of Bath and Wells ; while he
1 A quotation from one of Andrewes' sermons in Drake's preface.
2 See Canon Medd's account of it. Its main characteristic, as com-
pared with the transcript, is the number of passages from the Hebrew.
This original MS. is in the possession of the Rev. Canon R. G.
Livingstone, formerly of Pembroke College, Oxford.
180 BISHOP ANDREWES
was in health, and " was in private," the book was
seldom seen out of his hands. 1 It may be said,
therefore, to disclose to us the bishop's inmost self:
" the highest frames of thought and feeling in a
mind of wide range, and a soul of the keenest self-
knowledge and the strongest sympathies." 2 We have
also something more, namely, an expression in a
representative book of the true tone and character
which the English Church aims at forming in her
children : largeness of sympathy, self-restraint, sober-
ness, fervour, the spirit of " continuous but not unhope-
ful penitence." 3 The book brings us into the most
intimate contact with one who, besides being a great
scholar and a great prelate, a favoured courtier, a
highly - placed dignitary, was one who " wholly
spent himself and his studies and estate in these
sacrifices in prayer and the praise of God, and com-
passion and works of charity as if he had minded
nothing else all his life long but this, to offer himself,
his soul and body, a contrite and a broken heart, a
pitiful and compassionate heart, and a thankful and
grateful heart " * to his Creator.
Andrewes' Devotions impress us chiefly, as the
Sermons do, by the character and temper which they
reveal ; but they are also instructive, and have an
educational value, as forms of prayer.
I. In the first place, they are admirable examples
of the value of method, system, and order in private
prayer. All the several parts of prayer are repre-
1 Buckeridge, Funeral Sermon.
* Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 101.
3 This is a striking expression used by Abp. Alexander (of Armagh).
* Buckeridge, Funeral Sermon (Andrewes' Sermons, vol. v. p. 288).
o
THE DEVOTIONS 181
sented : confession, petition for grace, profession of
faith, intercession, praise. The short introduction to
each day's devotions consists of a brief memorial of
the great works of creation that belong to the day :
on Sunday, the creation of the light is commemorated ;
on Friday, the making of man ; on Saturday, the rest
of the Creator. With this is generally combined a
thanksgiving for some one of the blessings of revela-
tion and redemption. Thus the sanctity of time
itself, and of its natural divisions, is recognised. The
thought of the harmony between the natural and
spiritual world in other words, the sacramental idea
of the universe kindles and elevates the mind of the
worshipper ; helps him to feel his kinship with all
created things, the blessedness and mystery of the
gift of life, the priestly or representative relation in
which man, as man, stands to the rest of God's works.
' ' Blessed art Thou, Lord,
Who broughtest forth of the earth wild beasts, cattle,
and all the reptiles,
for food, clothing, help ;
and madest man after Thine image, to rule the earth,
and blessedst him.
The fore-counsel, fashioning hand,
breath of life, image of God,
appointment over the works,
charge to the angels concerning him,
Paradise.
Heart, reins, eyes, ears, tongue, hands, feet,
life, sense, reason, spirit, free will,
memory, conscience,
the revelation of God, writing of the law,
oracles of prophets, music of psalms,
instruction of proverbs, experience of histories,
worship of sacrifices." 1
1 Sixth day, Introduction (Dr. Newman's translation).
182 BISHOP ANDREWES
Dr. Mozley draws attention to the poetical vein
apparent in these introductions, which gives them the
character of primitive hymns, full of joyous and free
delight in nature as the handiwork of God, reflect-
ing in its beauty and harmony the attributes of its
Maker
"There are the depths, and the sea as on an heap,
lakes, rivers, springs,
earth, continent and isles,
mountains, hills, and valleys ;
glebe, meadows, glades,
green pasture, corn, and hay
herbs and flowers
for food, enjoyment, medicine;
fruit trees bearing
wine, oil, and spices,
and trees for wood ;
and things beneath the earth,
stones, metals, minerals, coal,
blood and fire and vapour of smoke." 1
These and similar introductions, contemplating
nature as a harmonious and ordered cosmos, suggest
the thought of a due and seemly order in devotion ;
when man has found his true centre, and is engaged
in the highest function of his reasonable soul worship,
his approach to God should display the marks of all
the processes of nature ; a fixed succession, a sober and
regulated movement. As he lies prostrate before the
eternal beauty and holiness, his first impulse is to
make confession acknowledgment of his misery,
frailty, and wretchedness. The appeal in Andrewes'
confessions is usually, as in the psalms, that of a
creature appealing first to creative power and com-
passion, then to redemptive love.
1 Third day, Introduction ; cp. Mozley, British Critic, vol. xxxi. p. 189.
THE DEVOTIONS 183
"0 remember what my substance is,
the work of Thine hands,
the likeness of Thy countenance,
the cost of Thy blood,
a name from Thy Name,
a sheep of Thy pasture,
a son of the covenant.
Despise not Thou the work of Thine own hands.
Hast Thou made for nought
Thine own image and likeness ?
for nought, if Thou destroy it"
Again
"But now, Lord, Thou art our Father j
we are clay, all Thy handiwork.
Be not wroth very sore,
nor remember iniquity for ever." 2
But man is a creature redeemed ; and so the lowliest
confession of frailty gives place to the passionate,
appealing cry of a soul which the love of God has
visited and redeemed.
"Set not, O Lord, set not my misdeeds before Thee,
nor my life in the light of Thy countenance,
but pardon the iniquity of Thy servant,
according to Thy great mercy;
as Thou hast been merciful to him from a child,
even so now." 3
The confession is followed by prayer for grace,
generally an exquisite adaptation of passages from
Scripture the beatitudes (Fifth day), for instance;
the fruits and gifts of the Spirit (Sixth day); the
decalogue paraphrased or summarised (First and
Second day). And petition is followed in its turn
by profession of faith a recital of the great truths
of the faith, generally in the form of a rhythmical
1 First day. 2 Fourth day. 8 Second day.
184 BISHOP ANDREWES
expansion of the Apostles' creed, set forth in its
relation to the needs and hopes of man. An instance of
this is to be found in the Devotions for the Fourth day
"In Jesus, salvation,
in Christ, anointing ;
in the only begotten Son, sonship ;
in the Lord, a master's treatment ;
in His conception and birth,
the cleansing of our unclean conception and birth ;
in His sufferings, which \ve owed,
that we might not pay ;
in His cross, the curse of the law removed ;
in His death, the sting of death ;
in His burial, eternal destruction in the tomb ;
in His descent, whither we ought,
that we might not go ;
in His resurrection, as the first-fruits of them that sleep ;
in His ascent, to prepare a place for us ;
in His sitting, to appear and intercede ;
in His return, to take unto Him His own ;
in His judgment, to render to each
according to his works."
Then follows, as the fitting exercise of the reconciled,
grace-endowed, believing soul, the intercession for
others, with its wonderful minuteness and fulness, its
large-hearted survey of the Church and the world, its
presentation of the needs of individuals, of classes,
of nations. And finally comes the outburst of praise
and exultation at the thought of God's greatness,
awfulness, and goodness towards man.
"Blessed be the glory of the Lord
ont of His place,
for His Godhead, His mysteriousness,
His height, His sovereignty, His almightiness,
His eternity, His providence. 1
1 First day.
THE DEVOTIONS 185
Glory be to Thee, Lord, glory to Thee . , .
for all Thy divine perfections in them.
For Thine incomprehensible and
unimaginable goodness ;
and Thy pity towards sinners . . .
and towards me of all sinners
far the most unworthy." 1
II. The orderliness and systematic arrangement of
Andrewes' Devotions is the outcome of a patient
spiritual discipline a severe self-repression, due no
doubt in part to an English reserve and dread of
display. If, however, we penetrate deeper, we seem to
find a clue to many features of Andrewes' character
in the depth and reality of his penitence. Penitence
is often the unsuspected secret of joyousness, simplicity,
evenness of mind, the childlike spirit, and thoughtful
tenderness for others. No one who uses the Devotions
can fail to be struck by their penitential tone. In
the Latin Devotions, the authenticity of which, however,
is questionable, this is specially marked ; these De-
votions are almost exclusively a manual of penitence ;
they consist mainly of acts of deprecation, of pleading,
of confession, considerations as to the aggravations of
sin, and profound acts of self-abasement at the thought
of defects in penitence. In his Notes on the Book of
Common Prayer 2 is contained a commentary on the
general confession, which illustrates the habit of the
bishop's mind
Most merciful Father mercy itself.
we have left undone not done at all.
we have done done nothing but.
1 Third day. * See Minor Works, Life, etc., p. 141 foil.
1S6 BISHOP ANDREWES
there is no health no hope of health.
miterable offenders yea, most miserable.
that be penitent that desire to be penitent, wish
they were, would be glad if they
were so, fear they are not enough,
are sorry that they are no more.
So in an act of confession which is included in the Latin
Devotions, 1 and is probably to be traced to Andrewes
" I do in a sort repent : I fear me not sufficiently. I would that it
were more ; I should rejoice were it more ; I grieve that it is no more.
For I wish that I could more, and grieve that I can no more. I con-
fess that my very grief is to be lamented, and I grieve that it is thus
to be lamented. ... Do Thou, Lord, give me the power ; if Thou
wilt, Thou canst : Thou canst turn even the hard rock into a pool. Give
tears : give a fountain of waters to my head. . . . Give me, Lord,
this grace. None were more welcome to me ; neither riches, nor all
the good things of this world were to be coveted in comparison of
tears ; tears such as Thou didst give David of old, or Jeremiah, S.
Peter, or S. Mary Magdalene. At least, give me a dropping eye ; let
me not altogether be a flint. . . . But if I cannot gain this much,
woe is me ! like a pumice, like very lime, fervent in cold water ;
careless of my state where I least ought to be so ; without feeling ;
mourning enough when there is no occasion : cold, arid, dead, where
there is the greatest."
In the (authentic) Greek Devotions there is the
same deep consciousness of sin
"Hear, Lord, and have mercy upon me.
Lord, be Thou my helper ;
turn my heaviness into joy,
my dreamings into earnestness,
my falls into clearings of myself,
my guilt, my offence, into indignation,
my sin into fear,
my transgression into vehement desire,
my unrighteousness into strictness,
my pollution into revenge." 2
Similarly, in the evening prayers we find a series
1 See the advertisement to Part II. in Dr. Newman's edition, and
Minor Works, Life, etc., p. Ixxiii. 2 Third day, Confession,
THE DEVOTIONS 187
of short, piercing cries as of an agonising soul, the
general effect of which is best seen in the original
croi
rj/j-aprov, Kvpic, croi, ^/xaprov Setva <rot,
ea, ea, </>eu, <f>fv, ai T^S TaAai7ra)/3ia9.
/icravow, olfioij fieravoai' <f>fi<rai /xov, Kvpte,
/xeravoio, otju,oi, //.erai/ow,
T(3 /xov dyLACTavoiyra).
t(r^(. $icrai /tov, Kvpie,
tcr^i. ' EAeiycrov fie. 1
The same passionate and vivid energy shows itself
in the Devotions that is so striking in the Sermons ;
the same undercurrent of emotion that seems to
break out now and then and appear on the surface,
surprising us by its intensity and depth. We seem
almost to hear in such a passage as that just quoted,
the cry of distress that is wrung from a soul intensely
conscious of its need and misery. It may be said, in
fact, that the dominant note in Andrewes' prayers is
that of contrition. Nor is the penitence only per-
sonal. It is part of Andrewes' sense of responsibility
as a member of a great Church and nation that he makes
his acts of penitence inclusive of others. Thus he prays
"Turn us, O Lord, to Thee,
and so shall we be turned.
Turn us from all our ungodliness.
Lord, to us confusion of face,
and to our rulers
who have sinned against Thee.
Lord, in all things is Thy righteousness,
unto all Thy righteousness ;
let then Thine anger and Thy fury be turned away,
and cause Thy face to shine
upon Thy servant." 8
1 Medd, p. 171. a Fifth day.
188 BISHOP ANDKEWES
In fact, we find the same tendency as in the
Hebrew psalmists to interchange the singular with
the plural : " help me " with " help us " ; eTTlcrrpetyov
e/te with Bel^ov rj/jiiv TO e\eo? crov. 1
III. The intercessions are peculiarly valuable as
models ; they borrow largely and freely from the
ancient liturgies, and they have something of their
majestic richness and fulness of detail. What is
most striking is the width of sympathy and interest,
the large-heartedness displayed in them. " There is
no class of men, no condition, no relation of life, no
necessity or emergency of it, which does not at one
time or another rise up before his memory and
claim his intercession ; none for which he does not
see a place in the order of God's world, and find a
refuge under the shadow of His wing." 2 He casts his
eyes over the varied needs and perils of civilised
society ; the different classes of which it is composed,
from the highest to the lowest ; the different estates
and conditions of men, their mutual relations of
dependence or service ; the great divisions of Christen-
dom ; above all, the down-trodden, oppressed, forgotten
individuals who are apt to be overlooked in a com-
prehensive survey of the mass. He pleads for all who
"from stress of engagements . . .
on sufficient reasons fail to call upon Thee ;
for all who have no intercessor in their own behalf;
for all who at present are in agony
of extreme necessity or deep affliction." 3
Perhaps the most beautiful and tender passage in
the entire manual is the following :
1 Sixth day. 2 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 104.
8 Second day.
THE DEVOTIONS 189
"Remember, Lord,
infants, children, the grown, the young,
the middle-aged, the old,
hungry, thirsty, naked, sick,
prisoners, foreigners, friendless, unburied,
all in extreme age and weakness,
possessed with devils and tempted to suicide,
troubled by unclean spirits,
the hopeless, the sick in soul or body, the weak-hearted,
all in prison and chains, all under sentence of death ;
orphans, widows, foreigners, travellers, voyagers,
women with child, women who give suck,
all in bitter servitude, or mines, or galleys,
or in loneliness." 1
We can hardly fail to notice the tenderness and
thoughtfulness that twice prays for foreigners, and
twice for those in prison ; that surveys the great mass
of suffering humanity with the keen eye of pastoral
compassion, and commends all sorts and conditions
of men to their Creator with trustful faith. Indeed,
no one can habitually use the Devotions without having
his sense of responsibility deepened his sense of being
a debtor to classes with whom his work does not neces-
sarily bring him into personal contact ; his duty to plead
" for those who have place in the court,
for parliament and judicature,
army and police,
commons and their leaders,
fanners, graziers, fishers, merchants,
traders, and mechanics,
down to mean workmen and the poor;
for the rising generation ;
for the good nurture of all the royal family,
of the young ones of the nobility ;
for all in universities, in inns of court,
in schools in town or country,
in apprenticeships." 2
1 First day. 3 Second day.
190 BISHOP ANDBEWES
These illustrations show us that intercessory prayer
is a habit which practically educates a man in sym-
pathy, and broadens his interests, without impairing his
imagination or his apprehension of particular needs
and conditions. For deep insight into human life,
few petitions are more striking than the prayer
"for thankfulness and sobriety in all
who are hearty, healthy, prosperous, quiet
men and women." 1
Few, again, are more generous than the supplication
"for those who hate me without cause ;
Borne, too, even on account of truth and righteousness."*
Few more comprehensive than that for
"good seasons, wholesome weather,
full crops, plenteous fruits,
health of body, peaceful times,
mild government, kind laws,
wise councils, equal judgments,
loyal obedience, vigorous justice,
fertility in resources, fruitfulness in begetting,
ease in bearing, happiness in offspring,
careful nurture, sound training." 2
Indeed, apart from the beauty and poetic form of these
intercessions, which are so happily reproduced in Dr.
Newman's translation, they are models of the true
sacerdotal spirit, to which all that touches man, or
throws light on the mystery of his being and destiny,
is precious and interesting ; which recognises its obliga-
tion to plead on behalf of "all the race of men,"
yevov? rjfterepov aTrai/ro?. 3
1 Second day. * Third day. ' Second day.
THE DEVOTIONS 191
IV. The daily prayers for each day of the week end
with an act of praise, and here the spirit of worship
reaches its height ; the language of prayer culminates
in passages of " rhythmical flow and music," " bursts of
adoration and eucharistic triumph," 1 in which Andrewes'
essentially poetic way of regarding the mysteries of
faith finds a glowing and beautiful expression. 2 We
have noticed in the Sermons Andrewes' studious
endeavour to bring out the actual content of
revealed doctrines ; his unwillingness to dwell on
points of speculative divinity. In the Devotions, his
theology, with its firm outlines, its clear proportions,
its breadth, its freedom, is translated into the language
of worship. The world of controversy and the actual
forlorn condition of the Church is forgotten, and
the bishop surrenders himself to the thought of the
greatness and awfulness of what he defends and loves,
the creed of the Holy Catholic Church. " For confusion
they shall rejoice in their portion " 3 such might be
the motto of the thanksgivings with which the Devo-
tions day by day conclude. For Andrewes it is the
highest aspiration to have his place in the Church
"In the Holy Catholic Church
to have my own calling, and holiness, and portion,
and a fellowship
of her sacred rites and prayers,
fastings and groans,
vigils, tears, and sufferings,
for assurance of remission of sins,
for hope of resurrection and translation
to eternal life." 4
1 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 104.
8 Cp. Mozley, British Critic, vol. xxxi. p. 190 folL
1 Isa. Ixi. 7i 4 First day, Profession,
192 BISHOP ANDREWES
He is penetrated by the thought of the grace and
glory of his calling. He blesses the watchful pro-
vidence which has guided and guarded his footsteps
"from childhood, youth, and hitherto,
even unto age."
He gives thanks for the gift of repentance, " the
power of the thrice-holy keys, and the mysteries in
the Church " ; for the marvels of redemptive love ;
the actual work of God in the world, the "ever-
memorable converse of His saints," " the overwhelm-
ing conversion of all lands to the obedience of faith,"
for the unspeakable glory of God manifested in His
servants in every age
"For the all-honourable senate of the Patriarchs,
the ever-venerable band of the Prophets,
the all-glorious college of the Apostles,
the Evangelists,
the all-illustrious army of the Martyrs,
the Confessors,
the assembly of Doctors,
the Ascetics,
the beauty of Virgins ;
for Infants, the delight of the world ;
for their faith, their hope,
their labours, their truth,
their blood, their zeal,
their diligence, their tears,
their purity, their beauty." 1
It is sometimes said that the English temperament
is defective in the capacity for joy : of Andrewes
this would not be true. One grace at least in
which his Devotions are conspicuous, is that of self-
forgetful joy. He would not allow himself to be
1 Seventh day.
THE DEVOTIONS 193
depressed either by his weak health, or by the lone-
liness of a celibate life. The actual distresses of
the Church fade from his thoughts as he gazes up
steadfastly into heaven. What God is and what He
has wrought is enough to banish gloom and fear,
misgiving and despondency
"Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men,
and He will dwell with them ;
and they shall be His people,
and God Himself shall be with them,
and shall wipe away all tears from their eyes.
And there shall be no more death ;
neither crying, neither pain any more,
for the former things are passed away. " *
With these words the devotions of the week close.
They are the inspired expression of those emotions
of exultation, adoration, and awe which Divine
revelation awakens in a saintly heart. As regards
Andrewes, these outbursts of feeling are enough to
show " how real and deeply held his theology was " ;
they also explain "that persuasiveness of conviction
which has as much to do as intellectual force and
breadth in making men listen to their teachers, and
accept their words." 2
It was once said of him that he was "Doctor
Andrewes " in the schools, " Bishop Andrewes " in the
pulpit, but in his chamber " Saint Andrewes." The
true source of his effectiveness in teaching and in
witnessing for his Master was the sustained and
systematic life of prayer. What he said and taught
touched the hearts and consciences of men, because to
him prayer was the most important duty, and the
purest delight of human life.
1 Seventh day (close). 2 Church, Masters in English Theology, p. 105
13
CHAPTER XI
A CONCLUDING SURVEY
WE have finished our survey of Andrewes' life and
literary work ; but, in order to establish his right to
be considered a leader of religion, it remains to show
that he did much more than supply a temporary
need and meet a particular emergency. The question
arises, whether he can claim to have represented
any great and permanent principles of true religious
thought.
Apart from the significant appeal to history in which
Andrewes is a pioneer, and which was pregnant with
consequences so far-reaching, the value of his work
appears to lie chiefly in two characteristics of his
teaching.
First, there is his clear sense of the " proportion of
faith." When the English Church is criticised for her
lack of authority, and it is asserted that " it is impossible
for an unlearned man to find out from the Church of
England what he is to believe," it is usually implied
that on points in dispute between different bodies of
Christians she speaks with an uncertain voice ; that
she does not know her own mind ; and that her
representative divines give conflicting testimony.
But it is seldom adequately acknowledged, although
194
A CONCLUDING SURVEY 195
the fact is patent, that the English Church draws a
distinct line in her teaching between truths of funda-
mental or primary importance, and those which are of
secondary rank. She distinguishes, in fact, between
degrees of authority. The great doctrines contained
in the creeds, and expanded in the first five articles,
stand on a level of their own; they are of plenary
authority, because they are of first importance. On
these truths the teaching voice of the English Church
is identical with that of the Church universal; on
these she pronounces without the faintest hesitation
or desire for compromise. The authority for them is
the continuous tradition of a witnessing body, which
has been one and the same throughout the ages.
There is no conflict of testimony, no "diametrically
opposite" doctrine as to the truth of our Lord's
Divinity, the judgment to come, the existence of
the Holy Catholic Church, the availing power of
Christ's work " for us and for our salvation." It is
in regard to points of secondary importance that the
weight of Church authority is perceptibly smaller.
No man who has any measure of the historical sense
will pretend that there is the same degree of support
in Church tradition for any one view of the mode of
the eucharistic Presence, or of the exact state of the
departed, as there is for the doctrine of the incarnation,
or for the truth of the resurrection and judgment to
come. An Englishman's complaint against the Eoman
Church is that she is deficient in the true sense of
relative proportion between doctrines. Her formu-
lated system fails to reflect the plain fact that outside
the area of saving faith there are various points as
to which primary authority e.g. a definite conciliar
196 BISHOP ANDREWES
decree, or a precise statement of Scripture is lacking.
In this particular point Andrewes may be said to
fairly represent the mind of the English Church. He
draws a cautious distinction between what is certainly
de fide and what is matter of opinion ; between what
is a matter of Divine precept and what merely a pious
usage. Moreover, by the prominent position he
assigns in his preaching to the fundamental mysteries
of the catholic faith, he restores them to the true
place of honour they should occupy in Christian
thought and consciousness. On the other hand, he
deprecates the inquisitive temper that is ever asking
for authoritative decisions on points of speculation or
practice ; he protests against the tendency to invest
such decisions with undue significance. He feels that
revelation is very far from containing an answer to all
possible questions, even as to matters which might seem
& priori to belong to her sphere. The " over-articu-
lated" creed of Eome is based on the unwarranted
assumption that God has given us in His Church
what as a matter of fact He has withheld, namely,
authoritative guidance on all or most of the subjects
which are matters of inquiry or dispute among
religious men. It was the work of Andrewes and
no slight service it was to lead men back from the
maze of fruitless controversy to the revealed " paths
of peace " ; to insist on the infinite greatness and
.importance of what the Church decisively teaches
as to God's Being and His relations to mankind ; on
the power of clearly revealed truths to satisfy legitimate
cravings, and to educate spiritual character. What
he persistently deprecates is the readiness to multiply
definitions ; the temper, whether displayed by church-
A CONCLUDING SUKVEY 197
man or puritan, which intrudes into the secret things
of God, and for the sake of intellectual satisfaction
rounds off a system by unproved speculations or con-
fident dogmatism. Thus Andrewes may be said to
anticipate the practical teaching, though not, of course,
the logical method, of bishop Butler, in so far as he
recalls the religious mind of his day to the contem-
plation of fundamental verities ; dwells on the
limitations of human knowledge and capacity ; and
emphasises the fact that & priori ideas of what must
be contained in revelation are inevitably misleading. 1
He rebukes that spirit which is so common even
among devout people, and so often leads to restlessness,
dissatisfaction, and change of belief the impatience of
uncertainty, and the importunate cry for guidance and
assurance beyond the limit that is strictly necessary
for the discipline of will and character. It is needless
to enlarge on this point, which has been already
noticed in the sketch of the bishop's preaching (supra,
chap. viii. p. 1 3 2 foil.), to which the reader is referred.
Again, Andrewes' example seems to teach the import-
ance of avoiding needless exaggeration of our internal
differences and divisions. It is possible to make too
much of them, and so to play into the hands of the
controversialist, who triumphantly insists that the
Church of England is a house divided against itself,
and therefore "cannot stand." It is clear that this
oft-repeated comment requires considerable modifica-
tion, in view of the certain fact that the Church has not
only held her ground, but has displayed a constant
and vigorous tendency to become more consolidated in
1 Cp. the concluding remarks of Dr. Sanday, Hampton Lectures,
pp. 427, 428.
198 BISHOP ANDREWES
opinion, more tenacious of her catholic heritage, more
expansive in her activities. The language of Andrewes
about the puritans, to which reference has been
already made (p. 114), is highly instructive. It dis-
plays the bishop's uniform desire to make the most of
points of agreement. " In their doctrine," he declares,
" the puritans are sufficiently orthodox." He is
thinking of the maintenance of the catholic creed as
the chief article of a standing or falling Church. To
this, matters of discipline, and even of regimen, as he
implies, are relatively subordinate. What he seems
to find reassuring, even in the conflict of religious
opinions, is the sense that different parties in most
cases represent complementary aspects of truth. The
Eomanist represents these complementary aspects as
mutually exclusive. The terms "catholic" and
" Protestant," it is insisted, involve a contradiction in
terms. "A Church cannot be partly catholic and
partly protestant. If not wholly the former, it is
ipso facto utterly the latter." Andrewes anticipates
and repudiates this shallow misconception. He points
out the unpalatable fact that the same person may be
at once catholic and protestant. The term " catholic "
implies a creed and a discipline which the English
churchman professes and maintains. The term " pro-
testant " denotes a temporary attitude which he is
compelled to adopt that of one who appeals from the
verdict of a particular Church to the judgment of the
Church universal. The attitude will be abandoned so
soon as a lawful council shall have determined the
questions in dispute between different branches of the
Church. So, in regard to the present divisions of
the English Church, the principle which guided
A CONCLUDING SURVEY 199
Andrewes has an obvious application. One great
section of churchmen devotes itself, perhaps too exclu-
sively, to the defence of subjective aspects of religious
truth the doctrine of individual responsibility, justi-
fication, and personal conversion; the right of im-
mediate access to God in Christ. But the wider
" catholic " conception of the Christian faith forfeits
the name if it undervalues or ignores these distinct-
ively evangelical truths. The truly catholic mind is
that which most completely grasps the complementary
sides of truth : on the one hand, God's objective
work of saving grace, and the system of mediation
by which a way is divinely opened for the reunion
of man with God ; on the other hand, the subjective
process of salvation, the faith of man appropriating
God's gifts and responding to His revealed purpose.
If salvation be at once the result of Divine power,
and of a moral process or movement on man's part,
it is not to be a matter of astonishment or dismay
still less of reproach that different aspects of a
complex truth should be in danger of exaggeration,
according as differently constituted minds over-em-
phasise one particular point of view. But the history
of the English Church on the whole is reassuring,
as showing that where such divergencies of view can
be held in moderate restraint, the net result is a
continuous growth both of zeal in Christian activity
and of mutual charity and goodwill.
There are two features of the Eoman attack which
betray the weakness of the aggressive movement, and
surely warrant a steady persistence in the attitude of
protest. First, the refusal of the Romish Church to
make any acknowledgment of past fault or short-
200 BISHOP ANDREWES
coming. There is no more striking symptom than
this of the inherent falsity of the Komaii claim.
There is a correspondence between the intellectual
pretensions of that great Church and the moral temper
with which they are put forward for acceptance. In
that exclusive claim, that imperious self-assertion,
that unbending insistance on submission, that jealousy
of the rights of the individual conscience, we look in
vain for the tokens of the joint presence of love and
truth. 1
Secondly, we are repelled by Eome's use of un-
Christian weapons, ridicule, wilful misrepresentation,
insincerity in dealing with history, constant shifting of
the ground of attack, the cold and scoffing spirit of
haughty contempt. The Church of Kome has much
to teach us, both as to methods of Christian work and
the spirit of true self-sacrifice. We can ungrudgingly
admire her devotion, her courage, her zeal ; and it is a
comfort to believe that the bitter attacks of petty con-
troversialists do not necessarily represent the mind of
the great body of devout Eoman Catholics. But so
far as the Eoman Church takes public notice of the
great communities, Eastern and Western, which stand
aloof from her, there is something in her invariable
tone that wounds humility and offends gentleness ;
something in her pretensions that grates upon the ear
of sincere seekers after truth ; something in her claim
to authoritative power of guidance that does violence
to our knowledge of God's ways, and to the moral
constitution of man.
The relentless vehemence of the Eoman attack
on the English Church was not without its effect on
1 1 Cor. xiii. 6, > iyavn fwyx*ipn ry
A CONCLUDING SURVEY 201
waverers in bishop Andrewes' days as in our own.
But, while some gave way to the pressure, he seems
never to have felt any misgivings. With his wide
and accurate knowledge, his devout and holy temper,
his deep spiritual aspirations, he yet found himself
at home in the Church of his baptism. His example
shows that the character which she aims at forming
in her children is essentially akin to the spirit of the
ancient Church of Christ. The life of Lancelot
Andrewes is thus one for which we may thank God
and take courage.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
SPECIMENS OF THE POSITIVE TEACHING OF BISHOP
ANDREWES ON POINTS IN DISPUTE BETWEEN
ENGLAND AND ROME.
I. DOCTRINE OF THE HOLT EUCHARIST.
" As to the Keal Presence we are agreed ; our controversy is
as to the mode of it. The Presence we believe to be real,
as you do. As to the mode we define nothing rashly, nor
anxiously investigate, any more than in baptism we inquire
how Christ's blood washes us ; any more than in the Incar-
nation of Christ we ask how the human is united to the
divine nature in One Person."
(1) A Real Presence of Christ. "Nobis vobiscum de objecto
convenit; de modo, lis omnis est. . . . Modum nescimus,
praesentiam credimus. Praesentiam (inquam) credimus, nee
minus quam vos, veram. De modo praesentiae nil temere
definimus, addo, nee anxie inquirimus" (Responsio, p. 13;
op. Sermon VII. on the Resurrection, vol. ii. p. 302).
(2) A real change in the Elements. " Transmutari
elementa damus. Substantialem vero [transmutationem]
quaerimus, nee reperimus usquam " (Responsio, p. 262). We
allow " ut panis iam consecratus non sit panis quern natura
formavit; sed, quem benedictio consecravit, et consecrando
etiam immutavit" (ibid. p. 263).
203
204 APPENDIX A
(3) Adoration. We allow " Christum in eucharistia vere
praesentem, vere et adorandum " (ibid. p. 266).
(4) Mode of the Presence. " Ea conjunctio inter sacra-
mentum visibile, et rem sacramenti invisibilem, quae inter
humanitatem et divinitatem Christi, ubi, nisi Eutychen
sapere vultis, humanitas in divinitatem non transubstantiatur "
(ibid. p. 265).
(5) The Eucharistic Sacrifice. " The Eucharist ever was
and by us is considered both as a sacrament and as a sacri-
fice. . . . The sacrifice of Christ's death did succeed to the
sacrifices of the Old Testament. The sacrifice of Christ's
death is available for present, absent, living, dead yea, for
them that are yet unborn. . . . "We hold with S. Augustine
. . . quod huius sacrificii caro et sanguis ante adventum
Gliristi per victimas similitudinum promittebatur ; in
passione Christi per ipsam veritatem reddebatur ; post
adventum Christi (leg. ascensum) per sacramentum memoriae
celebratur" 1 (Answer to Perron's Reply, p. 20). Con-
sistently with this Andrewes defends the use of the term
altar (ibid). Christ is " a sacrifice so, to be slain ; a pro-
pitiatory sacrifice so, to be eaten " (Sermons, vol. ii. p. 296).
See a clear and exact passage, Sermons, vol. ii. p. 300 : " By
the same rules that theirs [the Jewish Passover] was, by the
same may ours be termed a sacrifice. In rigour of speech,
neither of them; for to speak after the exact manner of
divinity, there is but one only sacrifice, veri nominis, ' pro-
perly so called,' that is Christ's death. And that sacrifice
but once actually performed at His death, but ever before
represented in figure, from the beginning; and ever since
repeated in memory to the world's end. That only absolute,
all else relative to it, representative of it, operative by it.
. . . Hence it is that what names theirs carried, ours do the
like, and the Fathers make no scruple at it no more need
we, etc."
1 Aug. c. Faust, xx. c. 21.
APPENDIX A 205
II. THE INVOCATION OP SAINTS.
On this point Andrewes agrees with Origen, that our real
relations to the saints are among the "hidden things of
God." That the saints intercede for us is probable ; a
pious and well-founded hope. That they hear prayers is
not proved. We cannot invoke them, because we have
no command warranting us to do so. 1 We cannot build
on the apostrophes addressed to saints by the Fathers ;
"these are rhetorical outbursts, not theological definitions." 2
The catholics of old, having a good hope that the saints
interceded for them, prayed to God that the prayers of
saints might help them and be accepted on their behalf. 3
We may trust they will intercede for us without supplica-
tion from us; they ought not to be invoked or implored
to intercede. 4
III. THE DOCTRINE OP ABSOLUTION AND CONFESSION
is fully and explicitly taught in a sermon on S. John
xx. 23, preached before the court in 1600. See Sermons,
vol. v. p. 82 foil. [The sermon made considerable stir
at the time. See a letter from White to Sir R. Sydney,
quoted in Bliss, Minor Works, Life, etc., p. Ixii.].
IV. The following passages are important as bearing on
Andrewes' view of EPISCOPACY :
(1) From Ep. i. ad Pet. Molin. " Factum hoc [Apostolic
institution of episcopacy] : aut unica nobis litura obducendi
ecclesiasticae historiae scriptores. Quando autem facturn?
fjiera rrjv rov Swn/pos dvaA^i^iv, Eusebius. Post passionem
Domini statim, Hieronymus. A quibus factum? Ab
apostolis in episcopatum constitutes, Tertullianus.
1 "Id tantum audemus facere de quo praeceptum habemus" (Ee-
sponsio, p. 47).
2 Ibid. p. 55. * lUd. p. 60.
4 Ibid. p. 59; cp. Reply to Perron, v. 20 (Bliss, p. 59). "Whether
saints have particular knowledge of things below, and are set in
particular as presidents over them we meddle not with it. "
206 APPENDIX A
rS>v aTrooToXwi', Epiphanius. TT/DOS TOJV vmjptT&v TOV Kvptov,
Eusebius; ab apostolis ordinatum, Hieronymus. Constitutum
ab apostolis, Ambrosius. Numquis igitur neget lacobum,
Marcum, Linum, Clementem, apostoHco iure f uisse episcopos ?
An est apostolicum factum aliquod iure non apostolico ?
apostolico autem, i.e. (ut ego interpreter) divino. Nee
enim aliquid ab Apostolis factum, non dictante hoc iis
Spiritu Sancto et Divino. . . . Nee ullam [puto] uspiara
ecclesiae TroXiretav magis ad mentem Scripturae, magisve ex
more institutoque veteris ecclesiae quam quae viget hie apud
nos." (Opusc. Posthuma, pp. 186, 188).
(2) From Ep. ii. " Nee tamen si nostra divini iuris sit,
inde sequitur vel quod sine ea salus non sit, vel quod stare non
possit ecclesia. Caecus sit qui non videat stantes sine ea
ecclesias. Ferreus sit qui salutem eis neget. Nos non
sumus illi ferrei ; latum inter ista discrimen ponimus.
Potest abesse aliquid quod divini iuris sit (in exteriore
quidem regimine) ut tamen substet salus . . . Non est hoc
damnare rem, melius illi aliquid anteponere. Non est hoc
damnare vestram ecclesiam, ad formam aliam quae toti
antiquitati magis placuit, i.e. ad nostram revocare " (Opusc.
Posthuma, p. 191).
APPENDIX B 207
APPENDIX B.
BISHOP WREN'S INSCRIPTION FOR BISHOP ANDREWES'
TOMB
LECTOR.
Si Christianus es, siste :
morae pretium erit,
non nescire te, qui vir hie situs sit
ejusdem tecum catholicae ecclesiae membrum,
sub eadem felicis resurrectionis spe,
eandem d. lesu praestolans epiphaniam,
sacratissimus antistes, Lancelotus Andrewes,
Londini oriundus, educatus Cantabrigiae
aulae Pembroch. aluranorum, sociorum, praefectorum
unus, et nemini secundus.
Linguarum, artium, scientiarum,
humanorum, divinorum omnium
infinitus thesaurus, stupendum oraculum ;
orthodoxae Christi ecclesiae
dictis, scriptis, precibus, exemplo,
incomparabile propugnaculum :
reginae Elizabethae a sacris,
d. Pauli London, residentiarius,
d. Petri "Westmonast. decanus,
episcopus Cicestrensis, Eliensis, "Wmtonieusis,
regique lacobo turn ab eleemosynis,
turn ab utriusque regni consiliis,
decanus denique sacelli regii.
Idem ex
indefessa opera in studiis,
summa sapientia in rebus,
assidua pietate in Deum,
profusa largitate in egenos,
rara amoenitate in siios,
spectata probitate in omnes,
aeternum admirandus :
annorum pariter, et publicae famae satur,
sed bonorum passim omnium cum luctu denatus,
coelebs hinc migravit ad aureolam coelestem
anno
regis Cavoli ii. aetatis suae lxxi.
Christi mdcxxvi .
Tantum est, lector, quod te nioerentes poster!
nunc volebant, atque ut ex voto tuo valeas, dicto
SIT DEO GLORIA.
208 APPENDIX B
This epitaph was apparently inscribed on the back of the
canopy which formed part of the original tomb before its
reconstruction in 1830. The present inscription, derived
from Laud's diary, is as follows :
(At the head)
SEP 21 mo
DIE LUN.E l
HORA MATUTINA FERE QUARTA
LANCELOTUS ANDREWES
EPISCOPUS WINTONENSIS
MERITISSIMUM 2 LUMEN ORBIS
CHRISTIANI MORTUUS EST
(EPHEMERIS LAUDIANA)
ANNO DOMINI 1626
SUJE 71
(At the foot)
MONUMENTUM QUOAD HOC RESTITUTUM
ANNO 1703
ITERUM RESTITUTUM
ANNO 1810.
1 The date is given incorrectly in the MS. of the diary.
8 Probably the true reading is meritissim.ua.
APPENDIX C 209
APPENDIX
LIST OF BISHOP ANDREWES' WORKS, ARRANGED ACCORD-
ING TO DATE OF PUBLICATION, SEPARATELY OR IN
COLLECTED FORM.
I. Tortura Torti (1609).
II. Responsio ad Apologiam Card. Bellarmini (1610).
III. Articles of Visitation for the Diocese of Winchester
in 1619 and 1625 (1625).
IV. Opera Posthuma (1629).
This volume contains the following Sermons and Disserta-
tions :
(1) Concio ad clerum pro gradu doctoris.
(2) Ad clerum in synodo provincial!.
(3) Concio coram rege habita V Aug. 1606.
(4) Concio habita in discessu Palatini XIII April 1613.
(5) Theologica determinatio de lure iurando.
(6) Determinatio de Usuris.
(7) Determinatio de Decimis.
(8) Responsiones ad P. Molinaei epistolas tres una cum
Molinaei epistolis.
V. Two Answers to Cardinal Perron; together with a
Speech in the Star Chamber against Mr. Traske,
and another Concerning Vows in the Countess of
Shrewsbury's Case (1629).
VI. Ninety-six Sermons (1629).
These were first published in collected form in 1629.
VII. A Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine and the Moral
Law expounded.
First published in a collected form, 1642 ; enlarged in a later
edition, 1650.
14
210 APPENDIX C
VIII. A Manual of Directions for the Sick, edited by
Eichard Drake (1648).
IX. A Manual of Private Devotions, translated and edited
by Richard Drake (1648).
X. Form for the Consecration of a Church or Chapel
(1659).
XI. Judgment of the Lambeth Articles, and Censure of
the Censure on Barrett.
This work appeared first in the Appendix to Elis's Articulorum
xxxix. Eccl. Angl. defemio, 1660.
XII. Notes on the Book of Common Prayer.
Printed in Nicholls' Commentary on the Book of Common
Prayer, 1710.
XIII. A Discourse against Second Marriage after Divorce.
First printed by Bliss from a MS. in the British Museum,
1854.
XIV. Form for Consecrating Church Plate, and Form of
Induction.
First printed by Bliss, 1854.
The following works cannot be appropriately classed
as authentic works of Bishop Andrewes :
I. A Summarie View of the Government both of the
Old and ISTew Testament, whereby the Episcopall
Government of Christ's Church is vindicated, out
of the rude draughts of L. Andrewes, late Bishop
of Winchester (Oxford, 1641).
Milton, in The Reason of Church Government urged against
Prelates, book i. chap, v., remarks that "they be rude
draughts indeed, insomuch that it is a marvel to think
what his friends meant, to let come abroad such shallow
reasonings with the name of a man so much bruited for
learning."
APPENDIX C 211
II. A learned Discourse of Ceremonies retained and used
in Christian Churches.
Published with a Preface by Echv. Leigh in 1653, but of
questionable authenticity.
III. 'ATroo-Traoyxcma Sacra ; or, A Collection of Posthumous
and Orphan Lectures, delivered at S. Paul's and
S. GHes' his Church (1657).
This compilation appears to be based on some of Andrewes'
lectures and sermons in London, but "there does not
appear to be sufficient evidence to justify one in ascribing
these sermons, at least in their present form, to Bishop
Andrewes" (Bliss, Minor Works, Life, etc., p. Ixxvii.).
212 APPENDIX D
APPENDIX D
LITERARY HISTORY OF THE DEVOTIONS
As may have been gathered from the text, the PRECES
PRIVATAE of bishop Andrewes have had a remarkable his-
tory, notably in the fact that all except the very last of the
numerous editions of these prayers, which have exercised
such an influence upon Anglican devotion, have been printed
not from the original manuscript, which early disappeared
from sight and has only recently been recovered, but from
a copy or copies of it. The history has been very clearly
told by the Kev. P. G. Medd in his edition of 1892, but for
the sake of those readers who may not have his book in
their hands it shall be briefly retold.
As we now know, "a little before his death" bishop
Andrewes gave his manuscript book of private prayers to his
friend William Laud, then bishop of Bath and Wells. And
so, after Laud's execution in 1644, it may have passed with
his other books and papers into the hands of his executor,
Dr. Richard Baylie, president of S. John's College, Oxon.
There were others, however, who had been allowed by our
bishop to see this volume, as well as other private devotional
papers. Thus we find that his secretary, Samuel Wright, had
made a beautifully-written copy of the entire book, which
became of great importance, and still exists in the library
of Pembroke College, Cambridge. His amanuensis, Henry
Isaacson, seems to have made great use of the bishop's notes
in drawing up a manual of devotion for his " own private
use." Further, one of his chaplains, David Stokes, and
Kichard Drake, elected scholar of Pembroke Hall in 1625,
certainly saw the book and some of his papers, though
whether before or after his death we do not know.
APPENDIX D 213
Laud, who with bishop Buckeridge acted by royal
command as Andrewes' literary executor, did not publish
this book of prayers, either because the times were inex-
pedient ; or, as Mr. Drake seemed to think, because of the
language, " his Greek had been but a barbarian unto them
whose benefit was chiefly intended in all the publications of
his works " ; or most probably through fear of violating the
sanctity of the bishop's inner life. When Andrewes, however,
was once dead, the box of his body, as it were, being broken,
the odour of his devotion could no longer be restrained from
filling the Church. Within five years, in 1630, Henry
Isaacson, " considering that bonum quo communius eo melius"
published his private manual under the title of Institutiones
Piae. 1 Further, some copies of English translations of the
bishop's prayers came into the hands of Humphrey Moseley,
a bookseller, who felt constrained to publish them in 1647, 2
notwithstanding the unsuitability of the times, because
"there were divers manuscripts dispersed abroad, and the
Church might be deprived of this genuine edition." He did
not know who translated them, but "some of his [Andrewes']
learned friends informed me that they found them written
with his owne hand, from whence they had the happiness to
transcribe them " (preface).
The fragmentary character of these publications was the
incentive to a new edition in 1648 by Eichard Drake. Mr.
Drake, scholar and then fellow of Pembroke College, Cam-
bridge, had become rector of Eedwinter, and in 1662 was
appointed chancellor of Sarum, which post he held till his
death in 1681. Owing perhaps to his intimate friendship
with Samuel Wright, he had seen " the original manuscript,
happy in the glorious deformity thereof, being slubbered
with his pious hands and watered with his penitential
1 A useful reprint was edited by Rev. W. H. Hale in 1839 (Messrs.
Rivington).
2 In a tiny volume, entitled The Private Devotions of the Eight
Reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrewes, late Bishop of Winchester.
214 APPENDIX D
tears"; and after Andre wes' death, Mr. Wright, now registrar
of the bishop of Ely, had at some time given him his own
above-mentioned copy, 1 to be kept as a " precious treasure
and sacred relic." In 1648, then, as "the honour of this
renowned Bishop [seemed] eclipsed, by obtruding on the
world some broken parcels, miserably defaced by a careless
press, under the glorious name of Bishop Andrews," 2 Drake
published an English translation of Wright's copy. 3
Under the Commonwealth in 1654, Henry Isaacson died,
and Henry Seile, in publishing a fourth edition of the
Institution's Piae, claims that " the true Father and primary
Author of these devotions was the glory of this Church, the
great and eminent ANDREWS ; a person of such learning,
charmingness, and sanctity, that in aftertimes there will be
some to make it their wish, that they had lived in those
days when they might have seen
Doctor Andrews in the Schools,
Bishop Andrews in the Pulpit,
Saint Andrews in the Closet." 4
In 1668, David Stokes, now "D.D. and Fellow of Eaton
Colledge," wrote a manual called Verus CJiristianus, and in an
appendix printed a collection of prayers and meditations of
" the most Learned and Keverend Lord Bishop Andrews, that
singular Linguist, Incomparable Preacher and 6 $eoAdyos, in
his time 6 irdw," having " the more reason with all thank-
fulness to make Honorable mention of Him, because he was
pleased to make himself the cheifest Guide, and encourager
1 As is testified by this note on the second page of the manuscript :
Amicissimus metis Samuel Wright Lanceloto Wintoniensi Epo olim
a chartis, nunc autem Matthaeo Eliensi a Eegistris, pretiosum hoc
Kupfaim sud manu accurate descriptum dono dedit mihi
Ricardo Drake
3 Bliss, Minor Works, pp. 231, 233.
3 It was published, however, by the same publisher, Humphrey
Moseley.
4 Hale, p. xvi. As we have seen, the claim was an exaggerated one.
APPENDIX D 215
of my studies, and put me into the happiest Method, and
order of them." This collection of Greek and Latin pieces,
the origin of the later parts of our ordinary editions, seems
to have heen taken in part from various copies, but in part
also from the bishop's " own papers " and from his " Greek
papers " ; for instance, the caution to preachers out of Ful-
gentius was "found written with his own hand (in his
Hebrew Bible, in a little quarto sine punctis)"
It was only in 1675, that is, about fifty years after
Andrewes' death, that there appeared at last an edition of
his prayers complete and in the original language. 1 The
University of Oxford had the honour of printing it, the
editor being Dr. John Lamphire, and the Vice-Chancellor
giving his imprimatur. The edition consisted of a careful
reprint, with a Latin translation, of Samuel Wright's ms.
copy, lent by Dr. Drake, together with some Latin pieces
also communicated by him, and the collection in Dr. Stokes'
appendix. It has formed the basis of all subsequent editions
down to that of 1892, of which we need only mention the
English translation by Newman, which appeared as the
88th Tract for the Times, Lady Day 1890, and the excellent
reprint of 1853 by Dr. John Barrow in the Library of Anglo-
Catholic Theology. This last contained a third part printed
for the first time, and taken from a ms. book in the British
Museum (ms. harl. 6614), which claims but no doubt
wrongly to be " ex propria manu Lancelloti Andrews Win-
toniensis olim episcopi' } Mr. Bliss thought it a fair copy
1 "Rev. Patris LANG. ANDREWS Episc. Winton. PRECES Privatae
Graece et Latine. Oxonii, e Theatro Sheldoniano, MDCLXXV." Second
edition, 1829 : third, 1843. The reader's knowledge that Andrewes'
Devotions were in Greek has been assumed. "He penned them in
Greeke (says Humphrey Moseley), and in that language presented
them to his God ; the reason, it is not for me to determine, whether it
were for that the clearest evidences of our salvation are delivered to
us in that tongue, or whether amongst those fifteene he was master of,
he chose this language as the most copious to expresse the fulnesse of
his soule." There is a good deal of Hebrew intermixed with the Greek.
216 APPENDIX D
written for the bishop but left incomplete through his death
(Minor Works, p. Ixxv.).
The most interesting discovery, however, has been reserved
for our generation. A few years ago, the Rev. E. G.
Livingstone, fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford, purchased
at a sale a small book of 188 pages, bound in white vellum
and fastened with green silk ribbons, which proved to be
the original manuscript of bishop Andrewes himself. Not
only does it bear the traces of the ' slubbering of pious
hands and watering of penitential tears,' but it contains
this conclusive inscription in Laud's handwriting, as to the
authenticity of which there seems to be no question :
My reverend Friend
Bishop Andrews
gave me this Boolce
a little before his death
W: Bath
et Welles.
The manuscript itself was printed by the S.P.C.K. in
1892, and had for its careful and reverent editor the Rev.
Canon Medd.
We have then the good fortune to be able to obtain
and use a true and reliable copy of Lancelot Andrewes'
PRECES PRIVATAB, and not the least gain is to have restored
among the intercessions, in no less than five places, mention
of the departed, which had been suppressed by Wright in
his copy, and consequently was absent from all subsequent
editions. It will, however, be seen that this book does not
contain all that has appeared in the editions of 1675 and
1853, which shows, as is testified by allusions already quoted,
that the bishop had other nis. books or papers of devotion ;
but this manuscript, containing the daily and weekly prayers,
we may believe to have been that most often in his hands,
and its words most often on his lips and in his heart.
INDEX
ABBOT, Abp., 53, 73, 74, 85.
misfortune aud consequent
" irregularity " of, 78 foil.
Absolution and Confession
Andrewes on, 205 ; cp. 175 note.
Allegiance, the oath of, 57, 60, 61.
Allen, William, 18.
Ambrose, Abp. of Milan, 63.
Andrewes, Lancelot
his birth and parentage, 6.
education, 7.
at Cambridge, 8, 11 foil.
" catechist " of his college, 14.
master of Pembroke, 18.
vicar of S. Giles', Cripplegate, 18.
prebendary of Southwell, 19.
" penitentiary " at S. Paul's, 19.
on the "Lambeth articles," 22.
sermon to convocation, 32 foil.
dean of Westminster, 37, 95.
bp. of Chichester and lord
almoner, 43.
at the court of James I., 46 foil.,
148.
bp. of Ely, 49.
bp. of Winchester and dean of
Chapel Royal, 49.
his political career, 50 foil,
his Tortura Torti,^ 59-71.
serves on Essex divorce commis-
sion, 73.
sermon in Scotland, 77.
serves on Abbot commission, 79.
his speeches in the Star Chamber,
80.
failure of his health, 81, 84.
entertains James I. at Farnham,
81.
serves on Montague commission,
86.
Andrewes, Lancelot
last illness, 88.
death and funeral, 89, 90.
his friends and literary connec-
tions, 92 foil,
friendship with I. Casaubon,
96 foil.
his letters to Casaubon, 99.
to Dr. Parry on Hooker's death,
105.
his episcopal career and char-
acter, 108 foil.
visitation of his diocese, 110 foil,
furniture of his chapel, 112.
113.
his correspondence with P. du
Moulin, 115 foil,
his view of non - episcopal
churches, 116 foil,
his munificence, 119 foil,
his preaching, ch. viii. (pp. 123-
149).
theological position, ch. ix. (pp.
177-193).
the Ecsponsio ad Bellarminum,
155 foil,
the Manual of private devotions,
ch. x. (pp. 177-193).
the Manual of directions for the
sick, 178 foil,
his Notes on the BTc. of Common
Prayer, 185.
survey and appreciation of his
work, 194 foil,
his works, list of, 209 foil.
Andrewes, T., 6.
Anselm, Abp. of Canterbury, 169.
Aquinas, T., quoted, 66.
Arminian school, the, 150.
Augustine, quoted, 175.
217
218
INDEX
Authorised Version, the (1611),
37.
Authority in the English Church,
158 foil., 194 foil
Bacon, Lord, 3.
his Advertisement, etc., 27, 35.
his disgrace, 50, 103.
friendship with Andrewes, 103,
104.
his religious views, 105 note.
Bancroft, Abp., 28, 43, 49, 53, 75,
96, 104.
Baro, Peter, 21.
Baronius, Cardinal, 155.
Barrett, W., 21, 23 note.
BaiTOW, Henry, 21.
Bartholomew, massacre of S.,
13.
Basilikon Doron (James I.), 44.
Becket, Abp. of Canterbury, 169.
Bedwell, William, 95.
Bellarmine, Cardinal R.
letter to Blackwell, 58.
his Responsio Matthaei Torti,
58.
his Apology for the Responsio
Torti, 60, 156 foil.
Bernard, S., to Eugenius in., 64.
Bilson, Bp., 28, 73, 74.
Blackwell, George, 57, 58.
Blois, Peter, 95.
Bonaventura, Cardinal, 174.
Boys, John, 95.
Buckeridge, Bp., 73, 84.
quoted, 89, 121, 178.
Buckingham, Duke of, 51, 86.
Butler, Bp., 197.
Caius, Dr., 10.
Calvin, Institutes of, 13.
Calvinism at Cambridge, 9 foil.,
16 foil.
Cambridge University
state of, 9 foil.
college life in, 11.
visit of James I. to, 52.
Camden, Wm., 94.
Campion, the Jesuit Father, 18.
Carleton, letter to Edmoudcs,
59.
Cartwright, Thomas, 8 foil.
deprived of his professorship, 11.
his intolerance, 27.
Casaubon, Isaac, on James i., 42.
quoted, 46.
friendship with Andrewes, 60,
93, 96 foil., 97, 101.
death, 100.
on the Responsio, 97.
on Eudaemon Johannes, 155 note.
Epistle to Fronto Ducaeus, 98.
Exercitationes in Baronium, 99.
Casaubon, Meric, 100.
"Catholic," import of the name,
157, 198.
Cecil (Lord Burghley), 9.
Chaderton, 14.
Chamberlain, letter to Carleton, 59.
to Winwood, 60 note. See also
109.
Charlemagne, 61, 62.
Charles, Prince (afterwards King),
51, 83.
coronation of, 87.
Chrysostom, 133.
Church, the English, state of, under
Elizabeth, 30 foil.
Church, Dean
on Andrewes, 29, 75 note.
on Bacon's religious views, 105
note.
quoted, 154.
Cliiver, Philip, 96, 102.
Coke, quoted, 68.
Cooper, Bp., 27.
Cosin, Bp., 95.
Cranmer, George (pupil of Hooker),
106.
de Dominis, Antony, Abp. of
Spalato, 82.
Devotions, Andrewes' Manual of,
177 foil.
literary history of, appdx. D
(pp. 212-216).
Dort, Synod of (1618), 46.
Douai, English College at, 18,
24.
Doublet, George, 101.
Dove, Bp. T., 12, 14.
Drake, Sir F., 6.
INDEX
219
Drake, Richard, 179, 212 foil.
du Moulin, 29, 96 ; correspondence
with Andrewes, 115 foil.
Duppa, Bp. Brian, 38 note.
Elizabeth, Queen
her Church policy, 24 ; death of,
37.
Andrewes on, 38.
Emmanuel College, 16.
English Church, position, doctrine,
and authority of the, 164, 165.
Episcopacy, Andrewes on, 116,
foil., 205 foil.
Erpenius (Van Erpe), 102.
Essex divorce, the, 72 foil.
Eucharist, doctrine of the, 165,
203 foil.
Eudaemon Johannes (1'Heureux),
98, 155 note.
Eugenius in. , Pope, 64.
Felton, Bp., 90, 127.
Fenton, Roger, 95.
Fronde, Prof., quoted, 2.
Fulke, William, 21.
Fuller, Nicholas, 95.
Fuller, T., on Andrewes, 93.
Gardiner, Prof. S. R., quoted, 69, 74.
Garnet, Henry, 56, 57, 66, 174.
Gerard, 66.
Cowries, conspiracy of the, 113,
148 note.
Green, J. R., on Cartwright, 28.
Greenway, 66.
Gregory i., Pope, 173.
Gregory xin., Pope, 25.
Grindal, Abp., 9.
Grotius, H., connection with
Andrewes, 102.
Guises, the, 25.
" Gunpowder Plot," the, 56 foil.
Andrewes on, 66 foil., 70.
Racket, 38 note ; quoted, 95, 108.
Hall, Bp., on James I., 42. See
also 75.
Hamilton, Bp., 75.
Hampton Cc art Conference, 40, 43,
151.
Harrington, Sir J. , 20 note.
on the Court of James I. , 46.
on Andrewes' preaching, 148.
on Andrewes' controversial works,
175.
Heiusius, Daniel, 102.
Henry in., King of France
assassination of, 66, 67.
Herbert, George, 38 note.
his friendship with Andrewes,
106, 109.
Hooker, 3, 4, 5.
his work, 150, 151.
Andrewes on, 105.
Home, Bp., 139.
Howard, 6.
Hugh, Bp. of Lincoln, 169.
Huntingdon, Earl of, 19.
Irenaeus, 173.
James I., King, 1.
his Church policy, 40 foil.
view of the Puritans, 44.
character, 45 foil.
his alliance with Spain, 62.
policy towards Roman Catholics,
54 foil.
his Apology for the Oath of Al-
legiance, 58.
his Premonition, etc., 59.
policy in Scotland, 75, 76.
negotiations with Spain, 83.
death of, 83.
Jewel, Bp., 5.
Junius, F., 101.
Kempe, Bp. of London, 19 note.
King, Bp., 73.
Lamb, Bp., 75.
Laud, Abp., 50, 51, 54, 75, 80, 83,
86, 87, 95, 112, 114, 159, 179,216.
Legatt or Legate, Bartholomew,
case of, 121 note.
Livingstone, Canon R. G., 179
note, 216.
Mar-prelate libels, 26.
Mary, Queen, 1.
Montague, Richard
his pamphlets, 85.
220
INDEX
Montague, Richard
his opinions examined by House
of Commons, 86.
commission on his case, 86.
bp. of Chichester, 87.
letter from Casaubon, 97.
Mozley, J. B., on Andrewes'
preaching, 127, 129, 142, 144.
on the Devotions, 182.
Mulcaster, Richard, 7, 119.
Musctilus, Commonplaces of, 13.
Neale, Bp. of Durham, 49, 73.
Nowell, Dean, 20.
Orange, Prince of, 25.
Overall, Dean, 22, 96, 102.
Oxford, Andrewes' connection with,
8 note, 119.
Papal claims, the, Andrewes on,
167 foil.
Parker, Abp., 36, 37.
Parsons, the Jesuit Father, 18, 56.
Pattison, Rev. M.
quoted, 42, 155.
on case of Legatt, 121.
Paul v., Pope, 58, 171.
Perron, Cardinal, 60, 157.
Philip II., King of Spain, 56.
Pius v., Pope, 24.
Pope, deposing power of the, 62
foil.
absolving power, 65.
Price, Hugh, 8 note.
Prince of Wales, "creation" of, 50.
"Protestant," the name, 163, 164,
198.
Prynne, on Andrewes' chapel, 112,
113.
Puritanism, Andrewes on, 30, 114.
James I. on, 44.
defects of, 153.
Raleigh, W., 104.
Ramus, Peter, 13.
Recusancy, Recusant, 68.
Reynolds, Dr., 40.
Rome, the Church of, in seven-
teenth century, 151 foil,
primacy of, 162.
Rome
practical abuses in, 174.
defects, 195 foil.
Sacraments, seven, 162.
Saints, invocation of, 162, 205.
Sandys, E. (Hooker's pupil), 106.
Saravia, 28.
Scotland, the Church in, 75 foil.
Selden, History of Tythes, 94.
Shakespeare, 3, 114.
Shrewsbury, Countess of, 80.
Sixtus v., Pope, (66.
Spanish match, the, 83.
Spenser, 3, 114.
Spottiswoode, Bp., 75.
Supremacy, the royal, 1 68 foil.
Tertullian, quoted, 169.
Theodosius, the Emperor, 63.
Tolerance in Elizabeth's reign, 114.
Tortura Torti, the, contents, etc.,
60 foil.
Transubstantiation, 162.
Traske, John, case of, 80.
Tridentine creed, 160 note.
Udall, John, 20.
" Vincentian canon, the," 162.
Voss, Gerard, 101.
letter to Andrewes, 101.
Walsingham, Sir F., 6, 19.
"Walton, on G. Herbert, 107.
Ward, 7, 119.
Watson and Clarke, conspiracy of,
68.
Watts, Dr. Thomas, 8, 119.
Whitaker, Dr., 21, 22.
Whitgift, 'jp., 8, 9, 10, 19, 22.
appointed Primate, 25.
Williams, Bp., lord keeper, 53, 78,
87.
Williams, Isaac, lines on Andrewes,
91.
Wren, Bp. , at Pembroke College, 95.
his conversation with Andrewes,
51, 52.
epitaph on Andrewes' tomb, 90,
207.
L1BKAM
A 000544205 8