THE WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK COMPILED FROM PARLIAMENTARY AND OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS; SHEWING THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN IN ITS SUGAR COLONIES, ^•c. 4c- ^c. BY SIR WILLIAM YOUNG, BART. F. R. S. M. P. SIC VOS NON VOBIS, MELLIFICATIS APES. LONDON: PniNTED FOR RICHARD PHILLIPS, 6, BRIDGE STREET, BLACKFRIARS; BY B. M'MILLAN, BOW STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1807. * .-^ .- ■ " -I' v.* «.^. . •* V 151 Br, /.-- TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL TEMPLE, VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE COMMITTEE OF HIS !\!AJESTy's PKIVY CorSriL FOR TRADE AND PLANTATIONS. MY DEAR LORD, THE hioli oHicial situation wliicli «ives to your Lordship a superintendance of the Commer- cial Interests of these Kingdoms, suggests the ex- pediency and advantage of addressing to vou the following Dissertations on the Trade of the British Sugar Colonies. The propriety of this Dedication, however ge- nerally acknowledged, will be best appreciated by those who, in the exercise of your oilicial or par- liamentary duties, have witnessed the indiistrv of your inquiries, the extent of your information, and the enlightened policy of your measures, for the advancement of British Manufacture and Com- merce, and the enlarging and strengthening those foundations of revenue and naval power. ' IV DEDICATION. The encouragement given to tlie Fisheries of NewfouncUand, and the regulation of Intercourse and Trade between the British Plantations and America, are in example of that discrimination of the real interests of this Country, in its commer- cial relations, however intricate or remote, which distinguished your services to the public, during the last Sessions of Parliament; and which more particularly induce me to offer further matter for your consideration, respecting the West India Co- lonies and their trade. The coincidence of circumstances is too grati- fying for me to neglect, which justifies the official propriety of this Address, and at the same time allows me to put on record the sincere affection and esteem, resulting from a long and happy in- timacy witli those qualifications which ensure at- tachment and regard from all who have the happi- ness of your acquaintance, and ever from MY DEAR LORD, Your most faithful Friend and Servant, W. YOUNG. PREFACE. A DISTANT province of empire can only be wisely and well governed, in proportion as the interests and condition of the people, and the resources of the country, are known and understood. When all the circumstances which are requisite for the giving a beneficent and prudential direction to the measures of Govern- ment are exhibited truly, and without reserve, the colonies de- pendent on a mother-country, such as Great Britain, will be assured of a just and liberal dispensation of power and protection: in proportion as Government is acquainted with their wants and necessities, those wants will be relieved ; in the degree that their industry is shewn to be zealous and productive, it will be encou- raged ; on exposition of undue burthens and checks on that indus- try, they will be removed ; and on default shewn of safety and defence, it will be supplied. « It is with confidence in the wisdom of the Legislature, and in the enlightened policy of the Executive Government of Great Britain, that I shall presume to make known the state and con- dition of its Sugar Colonies ; and intimate grievances, actual, b "tI pkeface. or in just apprehension, from schemes of uijurious regulation and law, which have been instituted in Parliament ; and on other points which have been agitated, and are 3'et intended, by pow- • €rful parties in the State, who set up their ow n narrow and mis- taken interests of trade, in competition with the safety and sub- sistence of a people. If it be urged by mercantile bodies, of great and alarming influence in the national councils, that the very life and food of our colonists should be confided exclusively to their speculations of impracticable adventure, surely the fallacies and mischief of the scheme should be exposed : if it is a declared purpose of the Legislature to withdraw from the colonies an ordinary resource of industry and labour, and if, in the necessary result of such mea- sure, the very tenure of freehold property on the plantations will be chano-ed, and shaken to the very foundation ; — surely a re- spectful remonstrance from the proprietary whose rightful pos- sessions are so endangered, will be urged with effect:— if, further, the produce of those plantations at this time, and for several years past, has been declining in value to the owner, and new burthens and imposts have progressi\ ely kept pace with, and aggravated, the depreciation, — surely relief may be solicited and given. Lastly, if the piotection afforded hath been found par- tial and incompetent, w hether of the colonies, or of their commu- nication with the mother-country ; and the entire produce of the -Windward and Leeward Islands hath, for successive seasons, PKEFACE. Vii been under embargo, and debarred a passage to tbe markets of Great Britain ; — surely a representation of all that, under these circumstances, is felt or feared by the British Colonists, should, in earnest but respectful terms, be made known to those, %vho are enabled to quiet their alarms, and to redress their grievances. It is but due to the high and patriotic character of the persons who administer the Executive Power of the Sovereign State, to pre- sume, that a clear and just exposition of such matter^ requiring relief, prevention, or active reform, will be receivcLi with ij\ uuc and regard, if set forth in terms which shew it to be ma;le, as it professes to be, with views 'of benefit to the empire at large, from an improved condition of its distant provinces. Addressing such men as I have in view, it cannot be neces- sary to expatiate on the topics of national advantage, as impli- cated in the prosperity of every branch of industry and property throughout the realm. , • It will appear, from official documents inserted in this work, how largely the Sugar Colonists contribute to the wealth and power of Great Britain ; but they can only so far contribute^ as for themsehes they are rich and safe : they are tenants within the paramount manor of the State ; and their rents will be considq rable, and punctual in the payment, according to their means ; and those means will and must depend on the conduct of the au- thority to which they are in vassalage: — on collections -with mt exaction ; on forbearance from officious interference wiiii their . b2 >m PRErACE. labourers, and process of culture ; on the insurance and security of their homesteads ; on the keeping open and protecting their roads to market ; on the liberal grant of repairs in occasional dis- aster and distress ; and on all other kindnesses and regulations ■which the stewards of their Lord and Sovereign may devise for the benefit of his estate, and for the comforts of his people. I propose in this Compilation to shew what the " West India Estate" is to Great Britain, and what the condition of its tenan- try : engaging in this task, I shall briefly explain the circum- stances which seem to have imposed it on me as a work of duty, and which may allow me to make such plea for its publi- cation. For eight years past, a regular and progressive depi'eciation of the staple articles of sugar and rum, and a consequent dimi- nution of income, hath come home " to the business and bosom" of every planter, in the annual accounts tendered by his mer- chant. For a while, the embarrassment and loss of private for- tunes were kept within each circle of family and friends, as sub- jects of reibrm and relief, by an economy of present resources, or by an anticipation of those in future : in the latter and more frequent instance, the maintenance of domestic establishments and subsistence, however temporary, was shortened by a failure of the very means assumed in expectancy : but even the most timely and close reform in every expence of life, and the most rigid management, could not long avail to defray yearly increasing PREFACE. IX charges from yearly decreasing means ; and the aggregate of dis- tress hatli finally burst forth, as a general and public calamity. Brief but clear and able statements of the wretched and oppressed condition of the Sugar Colonies, and of their just claims on the mother-c-ountry for attention and relief, were, some time past, circulated in print by Mr. Simon Taylor, of Jamaica, and since, by Mr. Ilibbert, of London, and b}- other respectable indi\iduals, who, from the heights of commercial eminence, ob- serving ail that passed within the extent-ive pale of their dealings and business, saw the West India interest in decline, and verging to ruin, and became its generous and public advocates. The accredited Agents of the Islands presented frequent me- morials to the Ministers of the Crown, successively representing the many subjects of oppression and grievance under which their constituent colonies suffered, and by them prayed redress. The Legislatures of the several Islands luu e, at different pe- riods, by their committees, set forth the exigencies of their state, and particularly in 1803-4, the Council and Assembly of Jamaica published a Report, exhibiting that great island as a scene of general disti'ess, and foreclosure of property. The numerous body of West India Planters and Merchants resident in London, have, at several public meetings, expressed the like opinions and fears of actual or impending ruin. At a most numerous and respectable Assembly held in March last, the Lord Penryhn presiding in the chair, various matters then pend- 3t raEFACE. ing in Parliament, relative to a partial abolition of the slave trade, to additional duties proposed on sugar, and to restricting the supply of provisions and lumber from Anserica, were discussed at large ; and the general state and condition of the Sugar Colonies was clearly shown to form so urgent a case, that relief could no longer be delayed ; and that measures of immediate efltect were indis- pensable, not merely for the interests, but for the safety and existence, of the West Indies, as yet valuable and productive dependencies of the British Empire. The general impression of this numerous meeting was, that an ignorance of their actual situation could alone account for the neglect it had hitherto expe- rienced : it was not conceived to be possible, that a wise and be- neficent Government, if duly apprised of so much distress and injury resulting from financial or other measures, should not re- peal or rectify what was oppressive and wrong : and it was the unanimous opinion of those present, that " a clear and full expo- sition of their case" was what they owed to themselves, to their fellow West Indians, and to their country ! It was then, in the first instance, resolved, " that a repre- sentation of the distressed condition of the Sugar Colonies, and especially from the exorbitant and yet accumulating imposts on their produce, should be made to IMinistcrs, and to Parliament :" and a select committee was appointed lo prepare the same. I was named to be a member of this committee ; but i-esiding at a considerable distance from the place of its meetings, and having PREFACE. XI much business at the time in Parliament, I could not attend : yet strongly impressed with the subject under their consideration, as explained at the general meeting, it was at no time out of my mind ; and I devoted every leisure hour to the selecting and ar- ranging such Parliamentary Documents of the West India Trade and Kevenue, as might be useful for the general purpose. Per- haps no one possessed a more complete series of Parliamentary and other Otlicial Papers relative to the matters under considera- tion, than I had then before me. A\ hen I first took my seat in the House of Commons, now more than twenty-two 3'ears past, I carefully observed the course and succession of parliamentary business, with the view of chalk- ino- out some line of industry, rather than of talent, in which I might quality myself to be humbly useful to my country ; and I selected the Poor Laws, the British Fisheries, and the Commerce of the kingdom, as the leading subjects on -which my attention was to be fixed, and iry attendance given on every Committee. From that time (June 1784) I kept a Common-place Book, in vhich 1 entered, under distinct heads, whatever occurred on these matters in debate, or I could collect from the Statute Book, and other reading ; and at the same time I carefully arranged, and preserved, every document returned to Parlia- ment ; and some which were not printed by order of the House, I copied in the Journal Office. When, in 179^5 ^ Committee was selected to inquire into the xii ' PREFACE. means " of accommodating the Thames, and Port of London, to the increased and increasing Trade of the Kingdom," I was ap- pointed Chairman of that Committee ; and, as such, had an im- mediate correspondence with the Custom-house in every quarter, which brought before me the whole commerce of the kingdom, actual and past : and for eight weeks (I might say much of the night as well as day) I was incessantly engaged in the hearing and examining evidence, or in arranging the commercial materials for the voluminous Report soon after printed by order of the House of Commons ; under the representations of which, origi- nated the distinction of passage and port, the clearance of the Thames, and the system of London Docks, of whatever descrip- tion, since erected. I have thought proper thus far to shew the premises on which my work, has been raised, with the view of engaging a confidence in the foundation " of that earnest plea to the public considera- tion and regard zrhich, on the part of the British Colonies, I have to prefer." If aught from me, — if any part of the superstructure which I may rear on this foundation, shall appear to be weak or unsound, I huniljly point out a retreat to the basement floor, as where the judgment of the reader may safely rest. I have, however, en- deavoured to add what might be of service and effect ; and in the use of my original materials, I have studied method, and so to arrange a series of Tables in Account, as to keep each head PREFACE. XIU of inquiry distinct, and yet connect the whole, as matter for ge- neral inference and decision. Where estimate has appeared necessary, I have studied a ge- neral accuracy, rather than the nicely attending to fractions, which might load and perplex more than elucidate the results, which I seek to simplify and enforce : but I trust that no essential error will appear in any computation, or such as to affect the inferences I draw, or the general argument of my text. As the matter opened to my consideration, I have inserted comments on the several articles of commercial entry ; and on the important subjects of the Intercourse of America with the West Indies, and on the Navigation Acts, and Shipping Interest of Great Britain, I have discoursed more at large. These will again, and soon, be matters of legislative dehberation ; and the ar- gument on one side having been intruded on the public, and yet continuing in the form of printed memorials and representations by Ship-owners and others, I have thought it proper that the ar- gument should not remain ex-part c ; but the subject be fully and fairly discussed, before error and prejudice had taken root. The latter Chapters of this Miscellany will treat of the Naval and Military Defence of the West Indies, the mortaUty of troops, and the regulation of limited service, as applicable to regiments on that station : the first of these Essays, touching the safety of pro- perty and people throughout the Colonies, comes within the imme- diate scope and design of this work : should other topics appear xiv . PREFACE. less releva-nt, I rest my apology on the interest of each subject, and on the intentions of service to the British Soldiery which have directed me in the investigation. Having tor my own use, or for purposes of merely private communication, gradually made up, and finally completed this Compilation; on inquiry, I was informed, that, from whatever caase, " no General Report from the West India Committee in London was read}^, or likely soon to be presented:" whenever such Report appeared, its character and authority would ensure an attention from the public, which could in no degree be preju- diced by any anticipation of the subject from a private pen ; and meanwhile, I have been induced to suppose, that the present publication might be timely and useful. CONTENTS. TAOE CHAP. I. 1 On the African Slave Trade. Introduction — ^Tables of Population in the West Indies, 3 — Returns of Trade on the Coasts of Africa, 4 — Imports of Slaves to the West Indies, 5 — Trade from Liverpool, Bristol, and London, 8 — Disposal of Slaves in the West Indies, 10 — Slave Trade to Foreign Colonies prohibited by Act of Parlia« ment, 1806, 12 — Probable and general Abolition of the Slave Trade, 13. , CHAP. II. 14 On the Cultivation, Produce, Progressive Improvement, or Decline, severally, of the British Sugar Colonies. SECT. I. JAMAICA, 15 Assortment of Plantations, 15 — Exports at different Periods, 1773 to 1805 — Tables of Produce comparative with Total from the West Indies, 16 — Pro- bable Increase in Jamaica. SECT. II. — WINDWARD AND LEEWARD ISLANDS, 18 Barbadoes, Produce, &c. Antigua, St. Christopher's, 19 — Grenada, 20 — Dominica, Trinidad, 21 — St. Vincent's, 22 — Tobago, 23 — General Results. SECT. III. — VALUATION OF BRITISH PROPERTY VESTED IN THE BRITISH SUGAR COLONIES, &C. 24 CHAP. III. 27 General Produce and Export fro/n the British Sugar Colonies. - \. Introduction — Exports of the Four Staple Articles, 1789 and 1805, 28 — Exports separately, from 1773 to 1803: Table 1. Sugar, 29 — 2. Rum, 30 —3. Coffee, 32—4'. Cotton, 33— Miscellaneous Articles, 3 i. c2 xvl ■ CONTENTS. CHAP. IV. 35 British Shipping employed in the TVest India Trade. Introduction — Comparative Tables of Sliipping, London and Out-ports, for 1787 and 1804, 36 — Numbers, Tonnage, and Dimension, of Ships at different Periods — Irish Shipping in the Trade — Differences of Inward and Outward Bound, 37 — General Recapitulation, 38. CHAP. V. 30 ' Imports of Colonial Produce to Great Britain and Ireland. SECT. I. — SUGAR. 40 Imports of Sugar — General Observations on the increased Imports and Depre- ciation of that Article, 40 — Table of Duties, Drawbacks, and Bounties, from 1770 to 1806, 42 — Duties of Four and an Half per Cent. 44 — Mer- cantile Charges on Import distinctively in Times of War and Peace, 45 — Different Nett Proceeds, per Detail of Sugars sold at the same Price in 1795 and 1805, 47 — Table of Prices, Charges, and Proceeds, of Sugar in ilifferent Years, from 1791 to 1806, 48 — Freight, Insurance, Duties, Com- mission, and Invoice, of Stores considered in Detail, 49 — General Depre- ciation and progressive Loss of Income to the Planter, 50 — Produce of Re- fined Sugar from Muscovado, and Grocers '-hall Table of Price and Sale, 52 — Question of Duty ad Valorem, 5'i — Table for Entry of Gazette Ave- rages of Price, 54 — Imports, Exports, Home Consumption, and Revenue from Sugar, on a Medium of Three Years ending 1773, 55 — The same, 1787; the same, 1805, 56 — General Observations on Export, 57 — East India Imports of Sugar, 58 — Recapitulation of Sugar Trade at different Periods, 60 — Average of Imports, Exports, Home Consumption, and Re- venue, for Great Britain and Ireland, 1804-5, 61 — Distribution of Value imported in Trade, and to Revenue, 62. SECT. II.— RUM, 64 Introduction, and Estimate of Rum produced in the Islands — Distribution to the Island Consumption, to America, and to Great Britain, 64 — Brandies preferred to Rum in Contracts for the Navy, and the Consequences, 65 — Prices and Sales of Rum at different Periods, 66— Mercantile Charges, 67 CONTENTS. xvii PACK — The great Proportion of Rum from Jamaica, and Cause explained, 68— Table of Imports to London from different Islands, G8 — Imports, Exports, Home Consinnption, and Revenue from Rum, on a Medium of Three Years, ending 1773; the same, 1787; the same, 180.5, 6'9 — Avcrai^e Im- port, 8cc. the last Three Years to Great Britain and Ireland, Customs and Excise, 70 — Distribution of Proceeds to Trade, Revenue, and Planter, 71 — Depreciation of the Article of Rum the Effect of Excessive Duties, 72. SECT. III. COFFEE, 73 General Introduction — Produce of the British Islands severally, 1787, 74 Coffee exported from Jamaica, 1768 to 1805; and from Dominica, 75 Imports of Coffee to Great Britain and Ireland, Exports, Home Consump- tion, and Revenue, 75 — Duties, Sic. 76. SECT. IV. COTTON, AND OTHER ARTICLES, 77 Imports of Cotton to Great Britain and Ireland, from 1793 to ISO*, 77 General Observations on Culture and Growth, 78 — Average Imports for Three Years — Depreciation, 1806, 78 — Miscellaneous Articles imported from the West Indies — Tables of Price, Duty, and Value — Imports of the same to Ireland. SECT. V. GENERAL RESULTS, AKD SUMMARY OF IMPORTS FROM THE WEST INDIES, SO Introduction — British Monopoly under the Navigation Acts, 80 — Recapitu- lation of Prices — Imports, Exports, and Home Consumption, in separate Tables, 85 — Value of West India Imports, and Revenue on each Article, 86 — Distribution of Proceeds and Value, &c. 87 — Comparative Imports and Siiipping, 1788 and 1804 — General Imports to Great Britain from all Parts, compared with Imports from tlie West Indies, 88 — Import Trade concluded. . '' CHAP. VI. go • Export Trade of Great Britain to its Sugar Colonies. SECT. I. GENERAL INTRODUCTION, ~ 90 Exports of Corn limited, 92 — Estimate of Freight, 93. SECT. II. OUTWARD SHIPPING, 94 Data of Valuation 01 Exports, 95 — City Table of Prices, 96. xvIH CONTENTS. fAGE SECT. III. — EXPORTS OF BRITISH PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURE, 97 SECT. IV. EXPORTS OF IRISH PRODUCE AND MANljFACTURE, 98 SECT. V. — EXPORTS OF FOREIGN ARTICLES, 99 SECT. VI. — SUMMARY OF EXPORT TRADE, 100 General Export to all Parts — Re-export of West India Articles, 101 — Con- clusion of Export Trade, i03. CHAP. VII. 104 On the Export Trade of Great Britain to its Sugar Colonies, and how Jar exclusive, and secured by Laiv. Conditions of Trade from America, 1 06 — Interesting Discussion of the Sub- ject by Lords Liverpool and Auckland, lOG — Result, 112. CHAP. VIII. 113 On the Intercourse of the British JVest Indies ivith America, and in particular with the British Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. General View of the Subject — Disadvantages in the Intercourse of the West Indies with the Northern Provinces of America, 1 1 i — Actual Trade between the Sugar Colonies and the British Continental Settlements, 1788, 117 — Improved and increased Commerce to 1803, 120 — Newfoundland Fishery, 121— Nova Scotia, &c. 122— Return Trade from the West Indies, 123. CHAP. IX. 124 On the Intercourse and Trade of the United States of America with the British IFest Indies. Trade between the West Indies and America previous to the War of ]774', 124 — 'V,\b\ 197 — M-ip and Tracks of Ships' Course, 198 — On Convoys, 199 — Occa- XX CONTENTS. PAGE sional and frequent Supplies to the West Indies most useful and necessary — Causes of the Uncertainty and Delay of Convoys, 200 — Importance of Punctuality in the First Outward-bound Autumnal Convoy, 202 — Re- gulations of Convoy proposed, 203 — Use, in Warfare, to be derived from frequent Convoys, 204 — Armed Schooners recommended, 205. CHAP. XIII. 206 On the Military Defence of the JFest Indies. Introduction, 206 — Description of the Charibbee Islands, 207 — Naval De- fence uncertain, Military required, 208 — Fortresses necessary for Controul equally as for Defence, 209 — Garrisons of Regular Troops required, 209 — Of the Militia in the Islands, 212 — Force severally required, 213 — West India Regiments, or Black Corps, 211' — Ranger Corps embodied from Slaves (n the Plantations, 215 — A Proportion of British Regulars indis- pensable, 216. CHAP. XIV. 217 On the Mortality of European Troops in the JFest Indies, and the Means of Prevention or Remedy to be suggested. Estimate of Deaths and Casualties in View of the Recruiting Service — Further View of the Subject, 217 — Tables of Mortality of Troops in the West Indies, 218 — Results, 219 — Tables of Mortality in diflerent Seasons of the Year, 220 — Salubrity of the different Islands, 222 — Extraordinary Morta- lity in Tobago, Grenada, and St. Lucia, 222, 223 — Difference of Health from Difference of Station in the same Island, 221 — Reforms and Regu- lations proposed. CHAP. XV. 232 Observations on Limited Military Service, as applicable to Troops serving in the IVest Indies. CHAP. XVI. 246 In times of JVar, the Transport Service an Essential Resource to the Shipping Interest of Great Britain. APPENDIX. Comparative Returns of Ships built in the Ports of Great Britain at different Periods, THE WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK, CHAP. I. The African Slave Trade. TTAVING, in the Preface to this Miscellany, explained the nature of the compilation, and of the materials from which It lias been formed, the order of its arrangement, the 'authorities on which it rests, and the purpose of its publication ; I would leave it as a book of reference, without any introductory remarks, or comments, further than are necessary for the connecting, or explanation of, the contents. Some articles in this Common-place Book may require to be treated of more at length ; but generally, and in all cases where ,2 Vr'EST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. a. regular and suitable arrangement of the materials may lead to a just and necessary inference, and " the subject speak for itself," I shall avoid any interference with the judgment of the reader, by introducing any argument or opinions of my own. On the subject of the slave trade, first in question, the fol- lowing series of tables will give a full and clear understanding of its progress, actual extent, and probable decline. The moral and political questions affecting this most important and interesting subject, are, from frequent and late discussions, so familiar to the public mind ; and, from a sense of public duty, myself have taken so leading a part in those discussions, that I cannot consider any further opinions or argument on these general topics, coming from me, as either necessary or proper on the present occasion. I proceed then to an immediate entry of the tables exhibiting the trade for African slaves carried on with the sugar colonies, taking as my premises, the return of population in the West Indies, reported by the Committee of Privy Council in 1788. MEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 3 Population of the British JFest Indian Isles, 1/87. Report Privy Council, I7S8. Edwards's 1805*. Hist. & Ret. H.C. &c. European White People. Free People of Colour. Slaves. White People. People of Colour. Slaves. 23,000 16,127 2590 1912 1514 1300 1200 996 1236 1450 1397 4093 2229 1230 1908 140 260 180 1125 445 300 1050 256,000 64,405 37,808 20,435 8420 10,000 9000 23,926 14,967 11,853 10,539 28,000 15,000 3000 1800 1300 1000 1300 1100 1594 1600 900 2261 9000 2130 1300 198 150 250 220 800 2822 450 700 3275 280,000 60,000 36,000 26,000 8000 Barbadoes, St. Kitt's, Nevis, Montserrat, Tortola, &c. &c. 9500 9000 20,000 22,083 16,500 14,883 19,709 Dominica, St. Vincent's, .... XobafTO. Trimtlad. Total, 49,762 10,569 465,276 58,955 21,967 524,205 N. B. The negro population, or number of slaves on each island, is no criterion of its produce and value ; inferior lands and soil will require more labour, and give less returns. * The table for 1787 is official; that for 1805 is founded on actual returns from Dominica, St. Vincent's, and Tobago, on Col. Draper's Report for Tri- nidad, &c. and for the rest, on estimates by Mr. Edwards, Mr. M'Kinnen, &c. and from general information. For Jamaica, the refugees from St. Domingo, white and mulatto, account severally for the increase in each class. b2 4 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Estimate. — In Jamaica, &c. one-half hogshead sugar per acre] two-thirds per negro. Dominica, the same. Grenada, three-fourths hogsh. per negro and acre. Antigua, one-third hogsh. per acre, and one-half per negro. ' • ■ St. Kitt's, one hogsh. per acre ; one-half per negro. St. Vincent's, one hogsh. nnd one-fourth per acre and per negro. Tobago, one hogsh. per acre and per negro, &c. &c. Slave T?-ade, Coast of jlfrica. Keport Privy Council, 1788. • From nvhat parts of Africa, by all Nations. 1788. The Gambia, Isles Delos, and vicinities, Sierra Leone to Cape Mount, Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, Cape Palmas to Apollonia, Gold Coast, Quita and Papoe, Whydah, Porto Novo, Epea, and Bedagrie, Lagos and Benin, New and Old Calabar, and Camerons, Gaben, Loango, Melimba, and Cape Benda, Majumba, Arp.boin, and Mitsoules, Loango, ^t. Paul's, and Benguela, Slaves. 74,200 Price of each on Coast of Africa. 700 7 ^ l.WO J- ....16 2000 3 3000 1000 ?....15 10,000 1000 ^....a 4500 ? .,..15 3500 3500 ....14 21,500 ....IS 14,000 1 1000 S....10 7000 J ■WT.ST-INDI A rOAIl\IO\-PLACE BOOK. 5 1788. Of the above 74,200 slaves, it was estimated that British traders took from Africa - - 36,000 slaves. French, --------- 18,000 Dutch, ^ 4000 Danes, - - - ------- 2000 Portuguese, ------- - 12,000 American, ---- 2200 74,200 in the period of sixteen years, to 1805. The course of this trade has much changed : the French retain little or none ; the Americans have taken it up : the British trade has rather, in the same period, increased. Imports of Slaves to British JFest Indies, comparative in the Years 1787 - - and 1802. 1767. Medium of Four Years, from Report of Privy Council. 1S03. Medium of Two Years, from Return to H.C. Ap. 5, 1805. Imports. Re-Exports. Retained.j Imports. Exports. Retained. Jamaica, Barbadoes, ... Antigua, St. Kin's, Nevis, &c. ... Tortola, Dominica, Grenada St. Vintcnt's, Tobago, 10,451 367 76.S 658 544 J2(* 6'203 258:5 182:: 1 40(1 Bahamas, Trini.lad, To conquered colonies, 24,919 Total slave trade, , 3619 5 100 102 4960 170 300 6831 362 668 556 54-4 120 1243 2413 152.5 ] 400 92.'^5 15,862 24,9)9 9256 i,S62 7662 1050 434 971 228 438 550 1097 1510 172 14,142 25'i3 4516 7164 2402 28 100 124 259 34 2 5260 1022 334. 847 238 179 516 1095 1540 172 2949 11,193 2230 297 4483 7164. .'8,355 5212 23,137 6 -WEST-IXDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. From the above returns it appears, that the slave trade by British traders has, in fifteen years, from 1787 to 1803, in- creased in Africans imported, to the number of 3436 slaves ; and, deducting the supply to the conquered colonies, Demerara, Su- rinam, &c. has decreased in the number of slaves to British islands, 3728. It further appears, " that subtracting Bahama, made in 1791 a free port, and become a mere depot of trade to foreign settle- ments ; and further subtracting Trinidad, ceded to the British Crown by the Treaty of Peace, 1802," the ancient British sugar colonies, in the latter period, 1802-3, Slaves. Imported less slaves from Africa, . _ - - - 10,271 Re-exported fewer slaves to foreign settlements, - 6307 Retained fewer slaves for cultivation, &c. - - - 4699 Total supply of slaves, 1787, retained for cultivation, 15,862 Total supply of slaves, 1802, retained for cultiva- tion, including for Trinidada 4483 slaves, - 15,97-5 I have preferred the comparing returns made by the Privy Council, on an average of four years, to 1787, with the returns, 1802-3 ; because to the period of 1787, the aboUtion of the slave trade had not been so far agitated, as to have any influence on the trade. With other views of the subject, and especially as to the re-export of slaves m foreign or British ships, with re- ference to a future article of trade with the Spanish Main, west-indijv common-place book. 7 I will now insert the returns made to the House of Commons by the Inspector-General, j\Ir. Irving, for the years 1787 and 1788: when first, after the peace of 1783, Grenada, Dominica, and St.\^incent's, had recovered a full credit to re-people their plan- tations, ravaged by the hurricane of 1780; and when Grenada had commenced its valuable export trade to the Caraccas and the Spanish Main, and which I shall have further occasion to notice. Dominica was the slave-factor for Guadaloupe, and the French, &c. &c. i , An Account of the Number of Ships, with their Tonnage, ivhich have entered, in the Years 1787 and 1788, in the several British JVest India Islands from Africa, iviih the number of Negroes which tuere Imported on board the same in each Year; together with the Number of Negroes ivhich tvere Exported, distinguishing each Island, and whether Exported in Foreign or British Ships. Return House of Commons, March 18, l/yO. Arrivals from 1 Africa. Negroes Exported. Countries. o 1 c c o Total Num- ber of Ne- groes im- ported. o „ 5 To the States of America. Total Num- ber ex j^orted. Ne[,'roes re- tained for Cultivation. Jamaica, 16 2696 5682 1659 92 29 1780 3902 Barbadoes, .. 7 831 713 85 S5 028 Antigua, 5 388 562 77 25 ](:2 460 St. Kitt's, .... 5 6ir, 1095 185 l>-5 910 Nevis, .... :::::::: Montserrat, .. Tortola, 2 273 1 43 Dominica, .... 25 3640 5709 1655 233 130 201S 3691 St.Vip.cent's, 12 1767 3361 660 C6(' 2701 ■Greriada, .... 13 1943 3713 257 279 536 3177 Bahamas, .... ... 1 Total, IT 7, S5 1 12,1831 20,978l ii^Ti, ICll 184 5366 15,469 8 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Return House of Commons, March 18, 1790, continued. Arrivals from Africa. Negroes Exported. Countries. o « a • a o Tot,il Num- ber of Ne- groes im- ported. To Foreign West Indies in Foreign Bottoms. To Foreign West Indies in British Bottoms. 2 «■ H o Total Num- ber ex- ported. Negroes re- tained for Cultivation. Jamaica, 20 3862 6131 239,1 66 10 2467 3664 Barbatloes, .... 8 801 1099 356 6 362 737 Antigua, 3 311 570 63 63 507 St. Kitt's, .... • ••• 300 300 Nevis, .... Montserrat, .. •■.. Tortola, 2 83 143 ■•><*••> Dominica, .... 24 4275 6383 3404 1249 4653 1730 St. Vincent's, 10 1975 2522 670 €70 1852 Grenada, .... 30 4484 7436 945 1598 2543 4893 Bahamas, .... 1 130 211 Total, 1788, 98 i 15,921 24,495 6740 4302 16 11,058 13,483 S/iips Cleared Out from Great Britain for the Slave Trade on the Coast i of Africa, under Limitations, by Acts passed 1 789- 1799, ^c. Per Return House of Commons, Ap. 5, 1805. Lon ion. Bristol. Liverpool. Total. Each Ship. Ships. Sla\'es Shi^s. Slaves Sliips., Slaves Ships. Slaves. Medium allowed. allowed. allowed. Slaves. 1787 26 22 73 121 36,000 494 1795 14 5149 6 2402 59 n,647 79 25,198 317 1796 8 2593 1 393 94 29,425 103 32,411 315 1797 12 4225 2 801 90 29,958 104 34,984 336 ' 1798 8 2650 3 1433 149 53,051 160 57,104 356 1799 17 5582 5 2529 134 47,517 156 55,628 356 1800 10 223 1 3 717 120 31,844 133 34,722 261 1801 23 634- 2 586 122 30,913 147 37,846 259 1 802 30 90 1 1 J 704 122 31,371 155 41,086 266 1803 15 3H 1 6 1 355 83 29,954 99 24,925 253 1804 IS 5001 3 798 126 31,090 147 36,899 244 10 years 4n,4'i5 10,718 _-j^_^ 323,770 380,89," — :•"•• .y WEST-INDIA COMIMON-PLACE BOOK, 9 During the above periods, this table shows the greatest pos- sible extent of the slave trade, as allowed by law; and supposing the whole numbers to be procured and taken from Africa, then for the years 1803-3, there will be freighted, average number, on board each ship, 260 slaves ; which number will be carried in mind, for reference to the following table of arrivals in the West Indies, and the mortality in passage thereon to be computed. From the above table it appears, That Bristol has of itself nearly abandoned the slave trade : That London, to the year 1798, was abandoning the trade ; but that soon after, the consignees of the conquered colonies of Demerara, &c. began to speculate on extending those great con- tinental settlements, and carried the same into effect, by the an- nual transport and supply to these foreign provinces, of 5336 African slaves in 1801, and of a much larger number in the pre- ceding years ; as we may justly infer from the sudden increase, and extraordinary extent, of the slave trade in the years 1798 and 1799*. Lastly, it appears, That Liverpool, from 1787 to 1804, has more than doubled its share of the slave trade, and actually pos- sesses six-sevenths of the whole trade, as carried on by British traders. * The policy of these settlements will be the subject of furtlier discussion. 10 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK, Arrivals from Africa, and Slaves Imported into the West Indies, 1802, 1803. Return House of Comnionsj Aprils, 1805. ; 1801-2. War. 1802-3. Peace. Ships. Slaves Imported. Slaves Exported. Slaves Retained. Slaves Imported. Slaves Exported. Slaves Retained. Jamaica, 32 4 3 5 1 4 5 5 1 18 11 8933 684 578 1187 226 603 981 1082 172 4695 2845 2712 158 "l75 65 2279 6221 684 578 1029 51 603 981 1082 172 4630 56Q 6391 1395 289 755 238 649 497 2098 1112 4336 2200 2092 56 200 189 442 67 4 2181 4389 Barbadoes, 1339 89 St. Kitt's, NeviSj •.•.*< 566 238 207 Dominica, St. Vincent's, .... Grenada, Tobago, ,- Trinidad, Bahamas, 430 2098 1108 4336 19 1 ^ fDemerara, .... |,J -jSurinam, <1^ ^St. Lucie, &c. 90 13 8 2 21,986 5336 1549 279 5389 16,597 5336 1549 279 78 19,960 5232 14,730 122 29,160 5389 23,771 78 19,960 5232 14,730 From the former table, may be compwted in each ship from Africa, ----__-_-_-- slaves 260 By the above table on arrivals, each ship ----- 245 Loss on passage, five per cent, as less on arrivals, - - - 15 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PtACE BOOK. -^ 11 In reference to the former tables, ships m the trade were, 1802, 15.5 1802, ships arrived in the British West Indies, - - - 122 Kemain ships to account for, as in direct trade to foreign settlements, ------------- 33 S3 ships, carrying each 245 slaves, will carry direct to fo- reign colonies, ----------- 8085 To British West Indies, 21,986 To conquered colonies, ---------- 7l64 180.2, total trade arrived, -------■.- 37,235 From the two returns of total slave trade, and of arrivals, it appears that, on the peace in 1802, the trade greatly de- creased; and in 1804, in war, again recovered — a matter of cu* rious speculation ! tSlave Trade to Foreign Colonies hy British Traders. During the last war, and especially in the years from 1798 to 1800, the slave trade (per table, p. 8) appears to have been greatly extended, and which is to be attributed to the then speculations of settling the vast and rich plains of Demerara ; which province, on the return to Dutch sovereignty by the treaty of 1802, car- ried with it a vested British capital of many millions, and the means of increased produce to supply Europe with sugar, portcnd- c2 12 WliST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. ing rivalship and ruin in the foreign market, to the ancient Brl- tish colonies. Britisli policy hath at length awakened to the mischief, and by an act of the Legislature, passed May 18, 1806, Hmited the supply to conquered colonies, and prohibited the trade in African slaves to foreign settlements. The portion of the foreign slave trade, by this act abolished, Avas at different periods, on a medium ave- Tage of years, as follows :. . ■ 1787. The iVfrican trade, by the British, was for slaves, 36,000 Of this number the British colonies retained - 15,862 Supplied to foreign settlements, - _ _ - 20,138 1803. The African trade by the British, M'as for slaves, 36,621 Of which the British colonies retained - - 15,973 Supplied to foreign settlements, - . - - 20,658 Details of foreign trade abolished, on estimate from 1802. Per slaves direct to foreign settlements from Africa, 8085 Per slaves re-exported from British islands, - 5389 Per slaves to conquered colonies,* - - - - - 7164 20,658 * As continental colonies must be given up on the return of peace, I comprise them as foreign : my reasons for so considering them, will be given in a future Chapter of this Miscellany. / VEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACi: BOOK. 13 General AboVuion of the Slave Trade. Since passing the act in INIay 1806, prohibiting the trade in African slaves to foreign settlements: — June 10, 180G, a re- solution passed the House of Commons, by a majority of ninety-nine to fifteen, " by which Parliament declared the slave trade to be founded on principles contrary to those of justice, humanity, and sound policy, and engaged to institute mea- sures for the total abolition of the same ;" and the vote was trans- mitted to the Lords for their concurrence ; which concurrence was soon after given by a majority of forty-one to twenty ; and the same day an address to the King was moved and carried, praying his Majesty to negotiate with foreign powers, for their co-operation in a total abolition of the trade to Africa for slaves. I venture on this subject no further comment, than to state an opinion, founded on long experience, of the perseverance of the abolitionists, and on a knowledge of the temper of Parlia- ment now coinciding with the policy of the Executive Govern- ment ; — and on these premises, my opinion is formed and decided, " that the trade for slaves from Africa will shortly, by act of the British Legislature, be wholly prohibited," and that the colonists cannot too early take precautions for obviating any mischief in the islands, to be apprehended from the measure." m CHAP. II. On the Cultivation, Produce, jjvogressive Improvement, or De- cline, severally, of the British Sugar Colonies. SECT. T. JAMAICA. The purpose of this chapter is, from a view of the present and probable produce of each island, to suggest an estimate of the extent of markets required in Europe for an adequate reception and sale. If the market is over-stocked, tire article will be de- preciated, and if the price of the article does not compensate the labour of the production, it will no longer be produced to the same amount, but diminish to the quantity which may secure a competition in the buyers, and through which price and labour may again find their level. The cultivation and produce of any country, which are beyond, and more than commensurate with, the ordinary consumption, and means of disposal to advantage, may be artificially kept up for a short period, but must in course fall off, and droop to the standard of consumption and sale. From the Report of the Committee of Legislature in Ja- maica, December 20, 1799j there were then, Acres. In coftee plantations, --------- 15,343 In sugar plantations, --_____- 105,232 In provision grounds, --------- 7771 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 15 These are the only plantations enumerated by acres in this report. '}dr. Bryan Edwards, in 179-, states there were then worked by negroes, Negroes. Sugar plantations, - - - 767, - - - - 140,000 Coffee plantations, - - 607, - - - - 21,000 Breeding pens, and pastures, 1017, - - - - 31,000 On pimento and cotton plantations, and negroes in towns, - -- 58,000 250,000 Since Mr. Edwards wrote, the cofFee plantations have in- creased tenfold in produce, and greatly, of course, in number ; and the negroes in 1805, in Jamaica, may be taken at 280,000. Jamaica is an island of so great importance, that it is matter of interest to consider its produce distinctively. Exports from Jamaica. ' ' Report House of Commons, May 5, I8O6. Rep. House of Com. 1 785 1773. To Great Americi. Britain. bry.ui Edwards. H. C. ISOb". 1787. To Great Ametica. Britain. 1805. To Great Britain. Sugar, hogsh. 13cwt. of 1121b. *Rum, punch, of 110 gallons, Melasses, gallons, CofFee, cwt Indigo, lbs Cotton, lbs. Pimento, lb-;.! 93,400 17,280 4140 36,S4 131,100 401,400 i.i7,iro 2400 8700 .'5700 2863 300 8800 15,200 64,000 1 8, 1 4.) 2316 3716 27,623 1,905,000 609,794 700 3000 4100 2676 130,000 18,000 1000 665G 189,161 35,000 2,300,000 2,257,045 * Jamaica, laying deep in the Bay of Mexico, to westward, does not supply the American colonies mr t to tlie north-east, and who in those latitudes use most of rum, proportionally w ith the Windward Islands. IS WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Produce of Jamaica, comparative with the total Produce of the British West Indies. Return to House of Commons, May 6, 1S06, of Imports to Great Britain of Coffee an5 Sugar. Coffee. Sugar. Cvvt. Hogsh, l:icwt. of 112 lb. Years. Jamaica. Other Islands. Total Coffee. Jamaica. Other Islands. Total Sugar. 1793 28,928 61,619 90,547 80,300 83,200 163,500 1794. 35,307 101,034 136,341 89,800 73,500 163,300 1795 42,169 80,101 122,270 83,200 45,100 128,300 1796 33,870 68,357 102,227 83,400 47,800 131,200 1797 58,741 42,851 101,592 80,030 41,044 121,074 1798 70,823 74,029 145,042 83,350 67,350 150,700 1799 82,527 40,539 123,066 95,000 98,000 193,000 1800 106,223 66,251 172,474 110,300 67,530 177,830 1801 121,368 64,460 185,828 143,200 79,9.50 223,150 1802 155,661 59,323 214,984 144,100 117,350 261,450 1803 117,936 34,674 152,610 125,000 87,300 212,300 1801. 1805 176,531 189,161 No return. No return. 120,000 109,00C 239,000 132,000 92,700 224,700 From the above table appear the following results : First, That Jamaica alone, returns above one-half of the suo-ar produced by the whole of the British colonies. Secondly, That Jamaica produces above three-fourths of the total coffee. Thirdly, (and it is the most important result in views of this compilation), That Jamaica is yet a growing and improving co- lony, and that, its cultivation appearing progressive, and especi- ally of coffee, a further increase of produce may yet be expected, and a further market in Europe become necessary, and to be pro- vided. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. lY Jamaica exports, and sends to Great Britain yearly, about 20,000 puncheons of rum, being about two-thirds of the total rum freighted home from the British colonies. On the above table relating to sugar imported to Great Bri- tain, and from Jamaica in proportion to the importation from all the other British West Indies, it is to be noticed, that from 1795 to 1798, a more than ordinary disproportion occurs, by a falling off in the produce of the Windward Isles, occasioned by ravage of the plantations in Grenada from insurrection, and in St. Vin- cent's by the Charaibs. For six years to 1798, Jamaica returned a steady average of about 84,000 hogsheads of sugar. The very high prices of sugar in the European market for four years preceding, and highest in 1798, excited speculations of extending the sugar plantations in Jamaica and other islands ; and this, aided with the new and more productive Bourbon cane, accounts for the increase of sugar from Jamaica, progressive, to 1803 ; whilst (with the exception of St. Vincent's and Grenada, and above all, Tobago, if British) , the Windward Islands, hav- ing no extra, spare, and fertile lands, to do the same, yet in some degree profited, by planting the superior species of cane. 18 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. SECT. II. WINDWARD AND LEEWARD ISLANDS. The islands in detail are briefly adverted to, with a view to speculation on the probable future increase, or failure, of produce, and relative market in Europe to be provided. Hogik. Barbadoes. To 1736, returned on yearly average of sugar, 22,769 To 1761, on average crops, - - - 25,000 To 1787, only 12,211 To 1805, only - - - - . - - 9554 Barbadoes further produces a considerable quantity of cotton, and has in itself, and for its white inhabitants (more numerous, of the poorer sort than in other West India islands), a resource, from the culture of provisions, and raising stock for the supply of shipping, and other islands ; and being the most to windward, and the first port of arrival from Europe, it has a further resource in a greater share of trade. But as to produce for the European market, it has greatly decreased ; and as the decrease has been constant and progressive, it is to be apprehended that the cause is of certain and continued effect ; namely, diminished and di- minishing fertility ; if not from exhausted soil, yet from the country being over-cleared and deprived of woods, and therewith deprived of moisture under their shade and covert, to form reser- V'KST-IXDIA COiMMON-PLACE BOOK. 19 voirs for rivulets; and deprived too of the attraction to clouds and rain, \\ Inch, in the tropical climates, are indispensable to fertility, and which the wooded hills of islands less cleared, constantly af- ford, and are in example of. Tliis remark applies to the Leeward Islands generallj^ with some exception for St. Christopher's, and applies especially to Ant/iiua. "o" In Antigua, the drought for three years in four, stints, if not destroys, the sugar-cane ; a fourth year of unusual rains produces a large and extraordinary crop. Mr. ]5ryan Edwards, in his History of the West Indies, states Antigua, in the years 1770, 1773, and 1778, to have exported no sugar whatever. This statement must certainly admit of qualification. Hogsh. In 1779> Antigua exported sugar, ----- 3382 1782, produced, --------- l6,200 1783, produced, - - . 390O 1787, produced and exported ----- 19,500 1792, four years' average, only ----- 3900 I cannot estimate the average of sugar yearly produced by Antigua, at more than 9000 hogsheads of 13 cwt. at the King's beam, and this average, I have reason to think, is decreasing. In brief, St. Christophers, with its brimstone hill to attract d2 20 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. clouds, and its superior saccharine soil, may keep up, though not extend, its present average produce. But speaking of Barbadoes to windward, and the Leeward Islands generally, an increase of produce is not to be expected, but rather a diminution : the sugar market will not be over-stocked from that quarter. We come now to islands of a different description. Grenada is a fertile island, well wooded in the interior and on the heights, well watered, and with promise of increased cul- tivation and produce. If this hitherto has not taken effect, it is to be attributed rather to political than to natural causes ; and as these may not again so fatally operate, we may presume on a future increase of produce from Grenada. The expectation, however, leads not to any great extent, the island having been long and almost fully settled, — by the French to 1763, and from its surrender to Great Britain in that year, by an accession of Bri- tish planters. Many families of the ancient French settlers are yet remaining on their properties in the island. I recur in each case to the essential staple of sugar, as grounds of estimate. Grenada produced in 1763, - - - - 11,000 hogsh, 1776, - - - - 16,000 1787, - - . - 13,500 The hurricane in 1780, the insurrection in 1795, and per- WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 21 haps other circumstances, have operated as an impediment to progressive cultivation and produce, which a view of this rich country seems to promise ; but these, I doubt not, may be ob- viated, and Grenada export 20,000 hogsheads of sugar: it fur- ther, with its Grenadines, sends home 2,000,000 lbs. of cotton, besides coffee, &c. Dominica, previous to its cession to the British Crown in 1763, was deemed a neutral island, but was, in fact, occupied and settled by many French intruders, and who, to the number of about 800, were permitted to remain, 343 Frenchmen then be- coming lessees, and holding 10,541 acres of thp British Crown. These lessees were gpnprally engaged m coffee plantations, which, in 178'7, returned 18,149 cwt. of coffee, and which have been since extended to the produce of 40,000 cwt. and may be further so in this great island to a considerable amount. The country ia so rugged, and the soil generally (but with exceptions) so unfit or sugar, that although 94,346 acres were sold and apportioned, on Dominica coming under British Sovereignty, it has , not, in thirty years, reached to the average produce of above 6OOO hoghsheads of sugar yearly ; nor, probably, will it do more; spe- culations in new sugar plantations being too expensive, for trial ou soils comparatively poor and infructuous. Trinidada is a vast, and in parts a rich country, which, if 22 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. fully settled, might produce a quantity of sugar equal to that of all the other AVindward and Leeward Islands. Since coming under British Sovereignty, it has imported 4500 African slaves yearly, and already returns 12,000 hogsheads of sugar. But if the trade for African slaves should in another year be prohibited, as the concurrent vote of the two Houses of Parlia- ment, at the close of the last session, renders most probable, then, and in such case, the settlement of Trinidad will not only be checked in its progress, but its actual plantations must decline with the decrease of negro labourers : for, whatever may be the computation of births and of family increase in ancient and long settled colonies, the decrease of negroes in Trinidad, having no fresh supplies, is to be expected, and indeed morally certain, from the more than ordinary casualties and mortality in all neviy- cleared countries of the AVest Indies, and from the disproportions of sex, and irregular and undomestic habits, of newly-imported Africans, precluding a natural recovery and supply of popu- lation. St. Vincent's was only partially cultivated on a few leeward bays, by French intruders, pre\ious to 1763, when it ceased to be a neutral island, and was annexed to the British Crown. The French settlers adAerted to, in 1764, grew Tobacco, ----- 12,000 andoulles. Cocoa, ------- 7900 cwt. Coffee, 14,700 cwt. WEST-INDIA COMMOX-PLACE BOOK. 23 On its cession to the British Crown, the windward moiety of the country of St. Vincent's was held by the black Charaibs, about 6000 people, of African origin arid stock ; and this portion of country was confirmed to them by solemn treaty in the year 1772. I'he black Charaibs, savage, perfidious, attached to the French, and ever ready to attack the English, at different times ravaged their settlements; till finally, in 1797, it Mas found necessary, on their then subjugation, to expel them wholly from the island ; and they were transported to Ruatan. St. Vincent's, one of the most beautiful and fertile islands in the known world, has a soil suited to the producing sugar of the best quality, and with above twenty small rivers turning water- mills, is in every respect calculated for the manufacture. Its produce was in 1800, l6",518 heavy hogsheads, and in 1801, 17,908 hogsheads of sugar. On the final settlement of the Charaib lands, I doubt not of the produce annually exceeding 25,000 hogsheads : and a further market to this excess will be required. Tobago is, of all others, perhaps the Island which admits of the most improvement. It is cultivable liiroughout, and is scarcely above a third cultivated. The soil is deep and rich, the hills covered with woods ; and there is a river from the hills, run- ning to the sea through every valley. Frequent capture in war, 24 WEST-IXDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. and repeated cession to the French on peace, have been great im- pediments to the entire settlement of Tobago by British subjects. The fertility and advantages, from latitude and situation, belong- ing to this island, are so great, however, that Tobago must ere long be covered with plantations and people. Even in its present state of partial cultivation, it last year (1805) produced 15,327 hogsheads of sugar. I think Tobago, fully settled, may produce yearly 25,000 hogsheads of sugar, besides valuable returns of long-wool cotton, and of fustic and hard woods from its hills, &c. &c. The sugar market is then to expect a proportion of in- flux from Trinidad, from Tobago, from St. Vincent's, from Gre- nada, and above all, from Jamaica. sect; III. VALUATION OF BRITISH PROPERTY VESTED IN THE BRITISH SUGAR COLONIES. Report Privy Council, 1788. Patented Estates, as taxed per Acre. Negroes. 1,860,000 106,470 69,277 43,726 30,000 38,400 25,000 100,000 25,000 89,000 280,000 60,000 36,000 26,000 8000 9500 9000 22,083 15,000 20,000 19,709 14,883 Barbadoes Antigua, St. Kitt's, Nevisj .« •..*•. Montserrat, Virgin Isles. Dominica, St. Vintent's Grenada, Tobatro 28,000 Negroes each 2,414,873 560,375 28,018,7501. WEST-IN^DIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 25 In the preceding table, the vakie of negroes is taken at the low- est rate. The extent of patented land admits not of any accu- rate computation of medium value per acre. Much may be un- cultivated, much scarcely cultivable. Besides which, islands and soils not only vary, as productive of the staple articles in quan- tity, but likewise in quality ; inasmuch as 5 cwt. of sugar from St. Vincent's, is equal in value to 6 cwt. from Tobago. Without, therefore, any attempt of new appraisement, I take the valuation, as estimated in the Report of the Privy Council, in 1788. Value of 560,375 negroes, at 51 each, - £. 28,018,750 Value in lands, buildings, and stock, double that of negroes, -----__. 56,037,500 Value in towns, stores, and shippmg, - - - 2,500,000 . ^.86,556,000 Mr. Bryan Edwards, in 1792, valued the capital vested in Jamaica alone, at then £. 39,000,000 Income gives other premises of valuation as follow : On produce and net income of - - - - ^T. 6,944,142 At twelve years' purchase, -_---___ 13 £. 83,332,970 26 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. The income on which this valuation is grounded, having from depreciation of produce been diminished, the estimate of capital may in this respect be too high ; but having become yearly more uncertain, and the very property more precarious, from war ami other circumstances, at this period peculiarly af- fecting the colonies, the number of years' purchase allowed in the official report further seems over-rated : in fact, many estates have been sold at ten, and even at eight years' purchase. The speculative purchaser may then, for some very few years, receive twelve per cent. ; but a season will shortly come of hurri- cane, insurrection, epidemic disease among his negroes, or ravage by war, and a single such probable contingency will at once and for ever reduce the computation of large interest for his purchase- money. The West India hereditary landholder who by himself, or family, has shared in the losses incident to the nature of his property in every course of years, does not (I will venture, on experience, to assert) receive four per cent, on the capital laid out in original settlement, adding sums of money since expended in occasionally restoring his estates. The planters of Grenada and St. Vincent's have twice in six- teen years lost or paid a full third of the principal value of their estates ; — first, in the year 1780, by purchasing a restoration of property from hurricane ; and secondly, in 1795, from the ra- vages of insurrection by the Charaibs in St. Vincent's, and of rebellion by the negroes in Grenada. 27 CHAP. III. General Produce and Export from the British Sugar Colonies. The bringing together and in one view, the whole export from the British islands in the West Indies, is a proper preface to the details of import to the mother-country, shewing the extent to which it enforces its system of colonial monopoly, and how far it relaxes, and especially in the article of rum. From the follow- ing tables, the further and important result of gradual and pro- gressive cultivation and produce, and of coffee in particular, to an extraordinary amount, vvill cnggf>«<^ \x\ the growing value of the colonies, the good policy of a fostering care and liberal go- vernment by the mother-country. To the year 1805, a yearly export of about 6000 hogsheads of sugar was allowed direct from the islands to the United States of America. In the Intercourse Bill, passed this sessions of Parliament, sugar is expunged from the list of enumerated articles allowed to this trade. Great Bri- tain may lose more in the event, by such over-cautious provision of law, than the value of duties on 6000 hogsheads of sugar. E3 28 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Tahle of IFest India Exports: general and comparative of Four Staple u4rticles. Return to House of Commons, 1806. Sugar. Hogshead 13 Cvvt. Average, 1805. 1789. 1799. 1805. By Negroes. Rum. P. 110 gal. Cotton. Cvvt. Coffee. Cwt. Jamaica, .... Barbadoes. 75,000 9100 12,500 11,000 4000 3150 6100 5450 6400 15,000 5800 94,500 11,400 8300 9900 3850 2595 S105 5200 12,120 12,000 8800 4500 126,000 9000 3200 8000 2400 2000 2500 4600 17,200 14,000 15,327 12,000 260,000 62,500 36,000 26,000 9000 9000 8500 22,083 15,000 21,000 14,883 19,709 463,675 62,000 6000 2500 6200 1000 800 1200 2000 7000 6000 9000 7000 35,002 23,628 1533 2965 251 1286 1260 9704 11,724 28,750 8000 189>161 Antigua, .... St. Kitt's. .. iVIontserrat. Tortola, &c. Dominica, .. St.Vincent's, Grenada, .. Tobago, .... Trinidad- .. 24,381 784 9654 153,680 Total, .. 176,270 216,227 107,700 1,240,000 224,000 In 1805 the crops of the Leeward Islands were particularly low ; but certain islands, in process of time, over-cleared, and deprived of woods, have therewith lost> in a great degree, their attraction of clouds and rain ; and moisture, together ;yith heat^ being required to generate produce, these islands from year to year have become, and must become, less fertile and productive. The wooded and rive red islands, on the other hand, greatly increase in produce ; and of these the principal are, Jamaica, St. Vincent's, Tobago, and Grenada. M'EST-INDIA COMMON-PLACK BOOK. 29 Antio'.ia varies from 2500 hoosheads to 18,000 ho2;.shcads. St. Kitt's, - - 8000 - - - - 17,000 Barbadoes, - - 6000 - - - - 13,000 Whilst Grenada, St. Vincent's, and Tobago, vary only as from 12,000 hogsheads to 16,000 hogsheads average. General Export and Disposal of the Four Staple Articles of Produce of ike British Sugar Colonies. Froifl Return to Order of House of Commons, May 5, 1806. I. SUGAR. To United To liritish St.ites of Colonies in Anierica. America. Cwt. Cwt. 1773 49,088 2226 1787 20,127 8320 1793 . 9336 5106 1791. 37,606 4615 1795 67,84-5 3320 1796 100,033 7332 1797 54,867 3893 1798 47,172 4..>08 1799 106,679 993 . 1800 90,800 10,660 1801 46,865 10,366 1802 50,2.18 11,397 1803 113,4 1-7 13,906 To Great Britain and Ireland. Cwt. 1,730,571 1,926,791 2,115,308 2,099,700 (,672,774 '709,219 .,577,921 1,963,922 2,511.858 2,312,53, '2,;)02,737 3. ,4. !,711 2,7 >9, 126 'lotal Cwt. Total Hogs, cads, 1 -3 Cwt. 1,781,885 1,955,238 2,129,750 2,141,921 1,743,939 1,816,584 1,636,GS 2,015,602 2,628,470 2,4 13,99 2,959,958 3,463,366 2,886,4 7; 140,754. 154,066 Averages. (2 years, 164,900 >3 years, 136,200 >3 years, 181,000 [3 years, 238,700 The progressive increase of cultivation and produce of sugar, from 1773, for twenty years, is to be attributed to the further 30 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. settlement of the ceded islands, Grenada, St. Vincent's, and Do- munca. The falling off from 1795 to 1797, was the consequence of the ravage of St. Vincent's by tlie Charaibs, and Grenada by rebel- lion ; those islands for three years returning no crop. The progressive improvement and increase of crop, from 1798 to 1804, may be attributed in great part to the general adoption of the more productive Bourbon cane, and the incentive it held out to new plantations. But further, in 1803, Trinidada was added to the su^ar colonies, returning 12,000 hogsheads of sugar. Four Staple Articles of West India Produce. Return to House of Commons, May 5, 1606. II. RUM. Total Puncheons ut 110 Gallons. 1773 1787 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 To United States of America. Gallons. 3,869,800 1,575,10,5 536,353 2,265,177 2,106,883 3,267,280 2,1 97,450 1,972,985 3,201,209 2,761,384 3,638,021 3,925,595 4,198,154 'Jo British Colonies in America. Gallons. 26,000 777,360 613,898 525,720 204,965 307,124 486,706 384,953 664,258 186,449 569,691 584,673 792,474 To Great Britain and Ireland. Gallons. 2,124,731 2,309,244 3,756,800 2,806,623 1,861,886 1,993,350 1,595,008 3,866,138 2,404,982 3,283,392 3,940,859 4,166,113 3,790,868 Total Gal- lons. 6,020,531 4,860,709 54,700 44,300 j!l^ Averages, years, 47,500 3 years, 48,100 4,907,05 5,597,520 4,173,734 5,567,754 4,279,164 6,224,076i 1 6,-270,449 ! [ 3 years, 56,900 6,231,225 8,U8,571 8,677,381 8,781,496 3 years, 77,500 Proportion to Sugar Hogsheads. 140,754. 154,066 164,900 136,200 181,000 238,700 AVEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 31 Adopting the general, though loose antl uncertain estimate, of rum being made in quantity and proportion of one puncheon of rum to two hogsheads of sugar, a full third of rum remains to account for above the amount exported. Rum is an article of home consumption in the islands, and for garrisons, shipping, and tlip inhabitants at large ; and the export, by demand from America, or other quarters, falling off, the home consumption, from glut and cheapness of the article re- tained, will be greater among the negroes in the island : but in this view of the subject, a diminution of the export of rum is not only a detriment to the planter, by loss of money, but in corrup- tion of his white servants and negro slaves. Further, the export, especially to America, is indispensable to the planter, rum being his medium of payment for the necessaries of American provisions and lumber : but of this fUrther, in its place. 32 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE tOOK. Export of Four Staple j4rticles of JVest India Produce. Rciurn to House of Commons, May 5, 1806. m. COFFF.F.. io United To British 'I'o Great ' ■Vutal Cwt, States of Colonics in Britain and America. America. Ireland. ] Cwi. Cvvt. Cwt. 1787* 3155 537 30,298 33,990 1793 866 603 90,547 92,016 1791 4586 80 136,341 141,007 1795 22,331 99 122,370 144,800 1796 21,828 514 71,744 94,086 1797 13,538 427 100,982 114,947 1798 19,421 802 144,852 165,075 1799 8093 1130 123,036 132,259 1800 7125 775 172,474 180,374 1801 12,596 935 185,828 199,359 1802 14,907 257 214,984 230,158 1803 19,916 1353 152,614 173,883 1804 No return. Ditto. No return. Ditto. 232,809 245,439 1805 From the year 1795, the Increased amount of coffee taken off by the United States of America, may, in part, have been for assortment of cargo, in their further trade with Europe. * In 1787, from Dominica, 18,990 cwt. Grenada, 8812 Jamaica, 6395 All others, 634 To Great Britain, &c 34,831 cwt. Bryan Edwards's History of the JVest Indies, vol. i. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 33 I am inclined, however, to consider the consumption of coffee in America to be great and increasing. To the Americans it is an article of breakfast and beverage, procured so near, and so readily and cheaply, that it must naturally have a preference in common use over teas from the East Indies. Great Britain and Ireland together not yearly consuming more than 10,000 cwt. of coffee, the American, with other fo- jeign markets, is accordingly to be encouraged. Export of Four Staple Articles of JVest India Produce, Return to House of Commons, May 5, 1800. IV. COTTON. To United States of America. 1787 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804* lbs. 2250 To British Colonies in America. 74,369 49,282 47,400 86,817 59,400 31,800 12,350 3000 lbs. 500 8690 6304 1600 1550 12,850 18,250 750 4274 500 14,950 3250 To Great Britain and Ireland. Total lbs. lbs. 9,427,765' 9,164,893j 8,392,502! 11,624,613 1 8,805,463 6,818,486 7,891,582 7,464,731 10,575,275 11,248,164 8,781,941 5,647,365 20,529,878 9,430,515 9,173,583 8,473,173 1,675,495 8,854,413 6,918,153 7,909,832 7,529,881 0,611,349 1,261,014 8,799,891 5,650,615 * Return to House of Commons, March 8, 18C' 34 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Observation on the variations of produce and export of cot- ton, will occur in the further details of this article in trade. The growth and produce of cotton do not appear to have increased in the last sixteen years. , The sugar colonies, besides the above four staple articles, produced and exported to Great Britain in 1804 (per Return to House of Commons, March 8, 1805), Ginger, - - - - 3377 cwt. Pimento, - - 3,240,606 lbs. Indigo, - - - - ,54,397 lbs. Woods: Fustic, ... - 3333 ton. Lignum vitae, - . - 667 ton. Logwood, &c. - - 9358 ton. Mahogany, ... 3545 ton. Nicoragua, - - - - 890 ton. And melasses, cocoa, castor-oil, arrow-root, turmeric, &c. to no great amount or value, as will appear by further tables of detail. 35 ^ ' CHAP. IV. British S/iipping employed in the West India Trade. The Navigation acts, and particular restrictions on British ships navigated according to law, if freighted with colonial pro- duce, will form several and distinct articles of consideration in the course of this compilation. The present short chapter will merely, from the arrangement of the official documents, shew the extent of British shipping employed in the West India trade ; and its progressive increase not only in the number, but in the additional tonnage and dimension, of ships. On this head, however, it may be proper to direct the reader's attention to the average size of the ships, and to the nature ot their voyage, with a comparative view of other branches of British shipping and navigation. The West India ships will appear to be of a size suited to the employment of seamen in the hue of practice and knowledge of their business, which may best fit them for future service in ships of war ; whilst yet the dimensions of the shipping are not such as to require the largest oak timber, and deprive the public dock- yards in any degree of that resource which, it is feared, is yearly diminisliing, and more difficult to procure. p2 36 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. The navigation from five to eight weeks, or five months out and home, has the advantage over more distant voyages, by re- turning the crews at certain periods within the year, for national service, if eventually so required : at the same time carrying the seamen through various climates in so short a period, and in so frequent succession, enures their habits, and fits them to bear the fatigues of duty in every quarter of the globe. . . -^ '' Comparative Return for the Years 1787, per Report to Privy Council, 1788; and for 1804, per Return to House of Commons, March 8, 1805. Shipping Inwards. 1787. 1804. Sliips. Ships. . Tons. ships.. Tons. For Oreat Britain, to IjOndon. 252 V 253 70 70,418 49,585 12,022 326 188 84 104,312 Liverpool, .... Bristol, 143 71 39 52,009 17,932 , ; Lancaster, Port Glasgow 7 & Greenock,! 575 132,025 598 29 18 5 174,253 6526 Cork 2403 Belfast 752 From British West Indies, 638 183,934 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. sr Comparative Tonnage, and Size of Ships, in the JVest India Trade, at different Periods. 1787. 1804. Results, 1804-5. 15 CO - & _ (J 11 1 U d 2; 3! S. « '1= O •o s = § 115 London, Out-ports, Scotland, 252 253 70 70,418 49,585 12,022 279 197 170 326 188 84 104,312 52,009 17,932 324 277 242 74 D. 65 14 33,894| 47 2424 80 5910 72 575 132,025 598 174,253 23 42,228 • ••••• //^if /nc/m Shipping to Great Britain and Ireland, Inward, 1804. Return to House of Commons, March 8, 1805. Irish Trade "with the West Indies. Dublin, Cork, Belfast, Waterford, &c. Inward. ships. Irish, 12 British,! 7 Irish, 10 British, 8 Irish, .... Irish, .... Ships. 29 18 3 9 52 Tons. 6526 2403 610 142 9781 Tons each. 224 134 203 71 Outward. Irish, 1 British, 10 Irish, 25 British,95 Irish, 5 British, 1 Ships. 27 120 6 153 The greater number of ships clearing outward from Ireland fo the West Indies, is to be attributed to British ships (vid, S& '■ WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Cork especially) calling, on their passage to the sugar colonies, for their assortment of butter, salted beef, pork, &c. Recapitulation of Shipping Inward in 1804, Jrom the Sugar Colonies. Ships. Tons. Seamen. Medium Tons each. firpaf T^ritain. ■■•■••■■■■■••• 598 52 174,253 9781 13,256 840 288 Treland. .......•■■■■■■>■••••■•■ •••■■•••*•! 192 Total British West Indies, .,.. From conquered colonies, .... 650 82 184,034 13,746 14,096 1500 General total, 732 197,780 15,596 «•••••*« 39 CHAP. V. Imports of Colonial Produce to Great Britain and Ireland. The important considerations of relative produce and sale, with which I introduced a former chapter, will acquire force as we proceed in examining the details of import from the AVest Indies to Great Britain ; and the yearly impoverished condition of those who furnish so large a contribution to the commerce, na- vigation, and revenue of the mother-country. Private interest can alone support a public interest, in matters of trade. If the individuals engaged have a losing concern, the State will soon share in the loss, and finally be involved in the bankruptcy. ,.:,.-.- Let British statesmen attend to this sure and fatal result ; and consider how far colonial produce may require relief from the too heavy imposts, which may discourage the consumption and sale in the home market, or in the alternative fall on the vender ; and in either case, distressing the colonist must check his industry, and diminish the imports, on which so much of British wealth and power will be found to depend. These remarks apply more especially to the gi*eat staple article of sugar. 40 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. SECT. I. IMPORTS OF SUGAR. On this head, I shall have occasion to dwell at a length pro- portionate to its importance, and to the materials of proof which I have been enabled to collect and arrange, in clear direction to the inference, " of the charges on sugar being more and heavier than the article pan altogether bear." Should this continue to be the case, the cultivation must ne- cessarily decline, or the commodity find its way in a direct course to other markets, where it is not surcharged with the like impo- sitions, of whatever description. To this alternative the power of Great Britain will oppose the assertion of its colonial monopoly ; but the power whicli cannot be resisted, may at times be evaded. It may be urged, that the contraband of so bulky an article as sugar is difficult ; but then, under prevention of freely exporting their produce, the planters may transport themselves ; — as some have already done, with their implements of husbandry and ne- groes, to Demerara and other provinces of South America, Now these provinces, with all their settlements made by the means of British property, and by British planters, must again pass over to the dominion of a foreign power : on every principle of sound policy, Great Britain cannot, and should not, retain these countries on the return of peace. Great continental colonies are neither suited to the extent of British population, nor to the na- WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 41 ture of its power; which being of a naval description, can better commantl, or defend, islands and maritime posts ; where inland regulation or force is little required. We can neither spare peo- ple for their cultivation, nor soldiers for their defence ; nor can we well afford the charge and expence of either. The investment of capital yearly proceeding to, and locked up in, distant and extensive territories, would divert too much of our commercial resources from more active and useful circulation ; and the scheme of power necessary for their good order and controul, would be corruptive of the habits of our people, and of the principles of our government. HaAdng thus briefly intimated the decided opinion which I entertain on this important subject, I refrain from the further discussion. Reverting to the imports of sugar, I must consider the de- cUne as probable, from the immediate and progressive distress of the planter, continuing to work for returns inadequate to his la- bour, rather than from any general schemes of migration, or of other resource. He will struggle for a while to procure the means of subsistence, and of satisfaction to his creditors and consignees : he Avill be supported for a time by the latter, through liberality or from interest ; — shooting forth another arrow, to follow and re- cover the arrow lost, till the quiver is exhausted, or the archer prudentially desists from further attempt. From the following documents it will appear, that on the ave- rage of six years for each period, and for the like quantity of pro- 42 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. duce, thp West Indian received in nett income, above 50 per cent, less to 1805, than he received to 1796 ; meanwhile the tax on his produce has been doubled, and the revenue to Great Bri- tain accruing from its Colonies, hath proportionally increased. The business cannot long continue on such terms of partner- ship between Government and any description of its subjects : the planter may for a time struggle to maintain liis share, but must ultimately fail ; and, losing its arfive partner, the State will have the dead and unprofitable stock on hand, of islands poorly culti- vated, and of works and manufacture in decay. This is no ex- travagant speculation : let the reader examine the tables of pro- duce, charges, and sale, contained in this chapter ; observe the results, and compute the consequences ! Sugar Imported to Great Britain and Ireland. Duties on Sugar, &c. per Cwt. Drawbacks &Bountie Sugar, Mus- cavado. s on Export, per Cwt. Imposed. Duties. Price at Market. Price of Duty paid. Not exceeding PriceEx-duty Bounty on Lump. Bounty on Refined. s. d. 1. d. /. d. X, s. s. s. 1770 6 3 6 7 37 39 35 40 22 21 25 25 40 1771 32 5 38 1781 11 8 62 6 50 10 45 20 25 3.6 1786 12 4 52 39 8 58 20 20 34 1794 15 77 62 60 18 18 31 1797 17 6 81 63 6 62 16 16 27 1798 19 4 86 &B 8 64 14 14 24 1799 20 75 55 66 12 12 20 1803 24 67 40 68 10 10 17 1804. 26 6 80 53 6 70 8 8 13 1805 27 30 76 72 53 45 1806* 70 & above. Viik AB,s, 43 Geo. HI. cap. 11, 45 Geo. HI. cap. 93„ * The additional 3/. when it exceeds 50/. per cwt. ex-duty. WEST-INDIA COMMON-rLACi: BOOK. 43 The duty laid, of 3s. in 1806, takes 50 per cwt. as a maxi- mum. 51s. pays Is. ; 52$. pays 2s. ; and 53s. pays 3s. ; — so that the planter loses by fall of price, and does not gain by rise of price, at least to the amount of that 3s. The bounties are computed on 112 lb. of raw sugar making 60 lb. of refined. By chemical process and observation, 1 cwt. (of 112 lbs.) of raw sugar gives, boiled and manufactured, &c. Refined lump, or loaves, --____- 56 lb. Bastard, or ground, ---------22 Melasses, ------------ 29 . Scum and loss, -__--------5 1121b. At the same time that, from duties yearly imposed, the charge on sugar has become excessive on the planter and vender (for it will shortly appear that the consumer does not pay the duty, the price not advancing proportionally), — the freight, and other incidental charges, on sugar imported, have been increased within the last eight years to a degree which, operating with the duty, has diminished the income and fortune of every West In- dia landholder, at least one-third. Besides the duty on sugar of 27s. with loss per tare, and duty attaching on over-weight, 3s. on 12 lb. per hogshead deficient, or Kg 44 AVEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 3d. per hundred weight, making 27s. 3c?. per hundred weight on sugars to 505, price extra-duty ; there is four and a half per cent, duty on produce, ad valorem, laid in Barbadoes, Antigua, and the Leeward Islands, equaUing l5. A907 11,140 ? 132,526/. 62 AVEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE COOK. Average of Hogsheads to Great Britain and Ireland. Import. Export. Consumed. Nett Revenue. Great Britain, Ireland, Hoe:sh. 246,650 11,232 Hogsh. 106,550 92 Hogsh. 140,100 11,140 £■ 2,422,669 182,526 257,882 106,642 151,240 2,605,195 Average quantity imported, 257,882 hogsheads, containing 3,352,495 cwt. Average quantity consumed, 151,240 hogsheads, containing 1,966,146 cwt. _ . , Exclusive of, and previous to, any income to the proprietor, the quantity consumed pays to /^. the Briti.sh revenue, - - _ - _ _ 2,605,195 Gross import pays to insurer, at 2s. per cwt. - 335,250 To ship-owner, freight, at 9s. per cwt. - 1,508,622 To merchant-factor, at 2s. lOd. per cwt. - 476,000 To dock and port-charges, at lOd. per cwt. 138,750 British produce and manufacture, for return of plantation stores, at 12s. per cwt. 1,999>448 Value of sugar imported to British Government and trade, ;C- 7,063,265 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 63 SECT. II. RUM. TRADE IN DETAIL. The quantity oirum manufactured on the West India planta- tions in proportion to sugar, varies in different situations from different soils, and in different islands. The soil the most saccha- rine, and suited to give richness and consistency to the pith of the sugar-cane, renders it, from boiling, less liable to faeces ; that is, to throw off less scum from the copper, and drip less melasses in the curing-house. The more saccharine and suitable to sugar the soil and temperature of the island, the less then comparatively are the materials on which to draw the distillery of rum. Mr. Bryan Edwards, in his History, states the rum made in Jamaica to be nearly 130 puncheons, of 110 gallons Jamaica proof, to 200 hogsheads of sugar ; that is, rum in proportion as 13 to 20. In the saccharine islands of St. Vincent's and St. Kitt's the rum may be estimated as only 8 to 20, and the other Leeward and Windward Islands as under 10 to 20, with the exception of Tobago, which returns in proportion as Jamaica. On the mIioIc, I should compute the puncheons of rum at nearly half of the hogsheads of sugar ; that is, for the British West Indies at 120,000 puncheons — distributed in export, or island consump- tion, as follows : WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Average ill 1802 and 1803: Puncheons. To the United States of America, - - 37,000 To the British American colonies, - - 6250 To the shipping in the West India seas and fisheries, 10,000 To garrison and island consumption, - 30,750 To Great Britain and Ireland, - - - 36,000 120,000 The export of rum to America will be duly brought to ac- count, with its returns of provisions and lumber for island use, under a distinct head, of American Trade and Intercourse, in this compilation. The American market for rum is indispensable to the West India planter, under the comparative distaste and discourage- ragement of rum as an article of British consumption. The dis- taste of the mass of the English people comes from disuse ; and disuse principally from the preference hitherto given to foreign brandies for the supply of the Army and Navy. In 1805 the British Admiralty, by contract, purchased 625,100 gallons of brandy, and only 250,000 gallons of rum. If, in national policy, as well as in justice to its colonial and mercantile interests, the British Government would exclusively purchase rum for the supply of the soldiers and sailors, then, with WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 65 the habits and growing taste of so numerous a class, the Uking and use would spread to every AiUage and house ; the import of rum to Great Britain would proportionally and yearly increase ; the return per export of British produce and manufactures to the West Indies, would nra gicat mensure supersede the necessities of intercourse and tmde between America and the islands; and also put a stop to the national disputes arising in consequence; and in every view of national interest, the mother-country would be amply repaid for the protection and preference given in the sale of this article of colonial commerce. The preference given to foreign brandies in the contracts for the British Navy, has arisen from the comparative cheapiaess : but what appears gained in this respect, is at the expence of the British ship-owner, merchant, and planter. The cheapness of brandies, as arising from under-freight, &c. will appear from the following estimates. ■ -^ Comparative Charges on Brandy and Rum. BRANDY. Freight from Charente on a puncheon of 120 gal- , Ions, ---- -;r. 2 110 Insurance, at 3§ per cent, on 21/. per puncheon, 14 11 Loss per guage, two gallons leakage, - - - 7 Charges at the London Docks, - .- - - - 1 10 £^^ 14 9 Per gallon, £.0 H 66 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. RUM. Freight lOd per gallon, on 108 residue of 120 ,j. .,,j, r gallons, .^<,,.,,^\ ,^ - - -,j^f^;., - - - £.4> 10 Primage, pier-rage, and trade, - - -;**-, ^ 14 Insurance, at seven guineas per cent, on 18/. - 1 6 6 Loss per guage on 12 gallons leakage, at 3s. 6d. 2 2 "■•-•' ;r. 7 19 10 Per gallon*, ^^.016 The duties, 13s. 6d. on brandies, and lis. 2^d on rum, per gallon, are not brought to account in sale to Government, being returned, or not paid. "• ^ • ' ' '" '" .. 1 ■ Sales of Rum. In 1794, a puncheon netted - - ;^. 9 10 1796, — - - - 17 5 1797, — - - - 21 5 1798, — - - - 14 18 1799, — - - - 10 15 1803, — - - - 20 1 The Jamaica superior proof, as 110 to 82, or 11 to 8, sells proportionally dearer, and saves so much on freight, though not on duties ; being guaged in strength of spirit, Jamaica at 4s. 6d. Leeward Islands at 3s. 9d. * In this estimate, the charge of mercantile commission, &c. is not included. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Rum is sold ordinarily before the mast, and ex-duties : 67 Charffe. Per Gallon. Per Puncheon. S. s. J. £■ s. At 3j-. 6d. netts 2 1 6 8 5 4 — 2 2 11 4 6 — 2 2 6 13 15 5 — 2 3 16 10 5 6 — 2 3 6 19 5 6 — 2 4 22 Charges, ex-dutj, lis. 2§c?. " -■ Freio-ht, - - - _..>,• ^ -• •- J_^ Os. lOd Insurance, - - ■- ' - ■• — •_ -' -.■ - 3 Commission, &c. «Scc. - - - - - 9 .( j Docks, &c. - - - - - 7 - .- - 2 :r oi; _ , Of the rum imported to Great Britain, much the greater pro- portion comes from Jamaica ; nearly as three-fourths, or three from Jamaica to one from all the other islands. This proportion will appear from the following table of rum imported to London in 1799. The excess of Jamaica import to Great Britain, may in part accrue from Jamaica raising provisions, 6cc. and not so neces- sarily dealing w ith America ; and from its laying further to the eastward, and not so advantageously dealing with the northern fisheries, and provinces to the west, which consume the greater proportion of rum. k2 68 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. But the preference given to the Jamaica rum in England, is chiefly to be attributed " to its higher distillery and spirit/' — Query. Why do not other islands follow this example of distillery? Imports in 1799' Jamaica, , Barbadoes, Antigua, and Leeward Islands, Dominica, &Windward Islands, Tobago, Trinidad, , -„ To London, Total Punch. 17,279 ^ 6609 23,886 Of rum exported from the West Indies, Jamaica supplies, for the British market, three fourths ; for America, only one-fifth. At different periods rum has been imported to Great Britain as folloM's ; — observing, however, that in the two first periods, and before the Smuggling Acts, in 1786 and 1788, contra- band was so prevalent, that the import was probably a third more than brought to account. First Period, ending 1773. Import. Export. Home Con- sumption. Duties on Home Consumption, 7s. 1771 1772 1773 Gallons. 2,611,469 2,086,725 2,124,731 Gallons. 1,311,130 543,076 828,358 Gallons. 1,300,339 1,543,739 1,293,373 Average of 3 years. Do. puncheons, of 7 110 gallons, 5 2,275,308 20,650 894,188 8100 1,379,150 12,450 482,002/. WEST-INDIA COMMON-rL.ACE BOOK. 69 Second Period, ending 1787. Import. Kxport. Home Con- sumption. Duties ou Home Consumption, 'Ij \J. 1785 1786 1787 Gallons. 1,587,981 1,751,093 2,309,244 1,882,440 17,040 Gallons. 392,145 399,334 1,467,990 753,158 6800 Gallons. 1,195,886 1,351,759 841,254 1,129,282 10,240 • - Average of 3 yean. Do. puncheons, of 7 110 gallons, 3 230,281/. ii :-.'i...n'j Third Period, ending 1804. ' ■ ^ import. Export. Home Coii I sumption. t Duties on Home Con- sumpt'oi., Uj. 2iJ. 1802 1803 1804"* Gallons. 4,765,273 4,049,276 2,785,316 Gallons. ' Gallons. 1,336,179,3,429,094 ti80,2 13 3,369,063 1,160,8461,644,470 • :-■'. 1 Average of 3 years. Do. puncheons, of? 110 gallons, 3 3,846,523 35,000 1,059,269 2,807,243 9700 25,300 1,543,993/. Average of Three Periods of Import, from Returns to House of Commons. Import. Export. Home Con- sumption. Duties on Home Consumption. "H gallons puncheons 2,273,808 20,650 894,088 8100 1,379,150 12,450 482,002/. 1787^ 1804 ^ gallons puncheons 1,882,440 17,040 753,1. CS 6800 1,129,282 10,240 230,381/. gallons puncheons 3,886,522 3 J, 000 1,059,26;) 9700 2,807,243 2-,,S00 1,543,993/. * The home consumption of rum decreasing. 70 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOR. Imports of Rum to Ireland. Import. Export. Home Con- sumption. Duties on Home Consumption. 1802 1803 1804 Gallons. 374,139 296,996 163,466 Gallons. 118,597 72,982 96,866 Gallons. 255,542 224,014 66,600 Average gallons. Do. puncheons, 7 of 110 galls. S 244,800 2200 96,158 900 148,642 1300 81,765/. Average of Three Years to Great Britain and Ireland, ending 1 804. Import. Export. Home Con- sumption. Duties on Home Consumption. Value Ex- iTotal Value, Duty, is. i 15s. 1\d. Great Britain, .... Ireland Gallons. 3,866,523 244,800 Gallons. 1,059,269 96.158 Gallons. 2,807,243 1 4S.fi4.9 1,543,993 81,765 773,309 2,317,302 48,860 130,625 Total gallons, .... Ditto puncheons. 4,111,323 37,'"00 1,155,449'2,955,885 10,420' 26,780 1,625,758 828,1692,447,927 Value of gross import, ;f. 828,169 Customs and Excise on home consumption, 1,625,758 Total value, I. IMimi It appears from every official document and returns of the import of rum, that Great Britain can or will take off but a cer- tain proportion of that colonial manufacture and produce. In 1792-3, when the American intercourse with the islands was limited to British shipping. Great Britain took off only MEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 71 3,7-^5,800 gallons of rum, when the whole trade was at her com- mand In 1804, Great Britain (13 years after) took off, on an ave- rage of three years, nearly the same quantity, 3,866,523 gallons ; and this M'as a decrease from the import of the two preceding years. . . . Distribution of Gross Proceeds of a Puncheon of liO Gallons, at 3s. 6d. per Gallon before the Mast : 145. 8^d. Gross Sales. Ex-diity, llx. 21(1. per gallon, or 110 gallons, Freight, lOil. ditto, — Insurance, 7 per cent. 3^. ditto, — Merchants' commission, &c. 5d. do. — The puncheon, value 40/. divided by 110 galls, at 4^ Remains tn pl^inf-pr, „, Total value of a puncheon of 1 10 gallons, at 14/. 84^^. Gallons. Punclieons. s. d.£. s. d. 11 2i56 12 11 10 4 11 8 3 1 5 5 2 10 4 1 13 4 13 Oi. 66 12 11 1 8 9 1 8 1 4 S-l- 14 Having in general terms noticed the excess of duties imposed on certain articles of colonial produce, as beyond any advance of price which the consumer will pay, and of course falling on the grower and vender, I have already exemplified the course and consequence of the suixharge in the case of sugar. In regard to rum, I am aware that a scheme of police is connected with that of revenue, in imposing high duties on spirituous liquors, 72 AVEST-INDIA COMMOK-PLACE BOOK. and that they should not be made too cheap to the common- alt}^, and the consumption thus be Increased, with prejudice to the general health and morals of the people. , . i. I shall therefore only contend for a fair and countervailing system of duties, protecting the article of rum (as the most whole- some at least of spirits) in its price and sale, m ith other articles of like description and use manufactured at home ; and with a pre- ference over gins and brandies from foreign parts. Rum is sold before the mast (1805-6) at a medium price of 3s. 6d. per gallon ; from which is to be deducted Is. lOd. for freight, insurance, and other charges, leaving only Is. 8d. to the planter, for the ex- pence of his husbandry and manufactui-e, for the interest of his capital, and for his private subsistence. The factor, or retailer, will not give a more adequate price, whilst, whatever it may be, he hath further to pay the excessive surcharge of excise and mstoms, 1 Is. 2^d. per gallon. The owner and \ender, then, shares the duty ; and in fact, within these few years, his nett receipts on a puncheon of rum of 110 gallons, has fallen from l6l. to 8/. ; and, as the prices of every article of plan- tation stores and work are yearly enhanced, must become lower, to his further distress, and final ruin, — if not relieved. \1'EST-INDIA COMMOX-PLACE BOOK. US SECT. III. COFFEE IMPOKTED FROM BRITISH WEST INDIES. Coftee comes not only from, the West Indies, but is imported from Turkey and the Levant; but tliis in greater proportion in former periods than at present. The West Indians, of late years, have not only greatly extended their plantations of coffee, but very much improved in the culture ; and the West India coffee- berry, in qualit}^ is now scarcely inferior to that of Moca : the colonial coffee has thus, in a great measure, superseded the im- port of foreign coffee. , .J. Coffee is produced, in a proportionate quantity and value, by less labour and fewer negroes, and will grow on soils ill suited to sugar. Hence it was originally preferred as an article of culture by French settlers in the West Indies, who were poor ; but not by British settlers, who of themselves, or from commercial con- nexion, were rich, or had credit and means to engage princi- pally in the cultivation and mannfarture of sugar. In the year 1787, the coffee exported from the British West Indies, was — 74 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. From Barbadoes, --------- none. Antigua and the Leeward Islands, - - none. Jamaica, -------- 6395 cwt. St. Vincent's, ------- 6"34 •'■'■'■'_■- Grenada, -------- 8812 Dominica, -.------ 18,149 ^ . 33,990cwt. It is here to be observed, that St. Vincent's, Grenada, and Dominica, were ceded to Great Britain in 1763, and the coffee plantations on those islands had all been made by French settlers. But St. Domingo, before the French Revolution, and in 1788, supplied Europe generally with West India coffee : in that year it exported 320,000 cwt. or 32 millions of pounds. On the French Revolution reaching to St. Domingo, many of the planters of that island emigrated, and successively resorted to Jamaica ; and there recommending themselves by their industry and experience in the culture of the coffee plant, were employed by the old planters, or engaged in it on their own account. This emigration continued from the year 1790, but in greater numbers from 1796 to 1800 ; and the coffee plant requiring four years to come to bearing and maturity, the export of Jamaica will appear proportionally increasing ; whilst, with the exception to Dominica keeping nearly to, or somewhat exceeding its for- mer export, coffee has had no growth in our other islands. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 75 . I - 6395 35,307 70,803 155,661 176,531 189,161 Coffee exported from Jamaica, in 1768, - - 4203 cwt. 1774, . 1788, ; •' ^ ' 1794, ' ' ■'• ' ■ '■ 1798, i , -' ' ' ■ ■ • • • ' 1802, .. . ■ : 1804, • • ., ■ 1^C)5, Jamaica is said to have plantations for 400,000 cwt. ;, , ■ .- In 1793, the total import of West India coffee was 90,547 cwt. ; of which Dominica, &c. 6I, 000 cwt. In 1803, 152,614 cwt. ; of which Dominica, 44,000 cwt. The great increased growth of coffee is in the island of Ja- maica : in Dominica the culture hath hkewise, in some degree, extended ; in the other British islands it seems to have given way to that of sugar : I advert particularly to Grenada and St. Vin- cent's, although Grenada yet grows some coffee, ,^ , ; . ,.., Ui Cq^ee Imported to Great Britain from British West hidies. Imported. Exported, or bond- ed for Export. Home Con- sumption. Duties on Home Consumption. Value. 1.802 ' 1803 1804 Cwt. 214,924 l,54,6i4 232,809 Cwt. 208,294 147,726 224,216 Cwt. 6630 6888 8593 ; ;;■-.' ;,; '. . 'i Average, Ireland, 200,782 2232 193,445 7337 2232 Total, 203,014 193,445 9569 94,383/. 1-218.084/. Home consumption duty 9/. 7/. 8^. per cwt. ; export, 6^. per cwt. In 1805; ex-duty, 6/, per cwt. 1-2 7G AVEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. From the result of the above table, coffee is to be considered rather as an article of trade and export, than of national consump- tion : teas have superseded its general use in England. Abroad, coffee is in general use ; it is the beverage of all persons in Tur- key ; of the nobility and middle ranks of life in France and Italy ; and the drink of all, to the very porters and postillions, in Ger- many ; and to the north the demand for coffee is increasing : it is, however, a plant of no difficult culture. It is said that plan- tations in Jamaica alone are made, or making, vv-hich may yearly return 400,000 cwt. and finally the European market may be over-loaded, and the article depreciated, and then its further cul- ture will be stopped. The duties on coffee are — for every hundred weight entered and warehoused, 6d. No draw-back on the export of this duty on entry. ^ •> ■ - ■ ^^ - ■ -- ■ -- Coffee taken out for home consumption, pays — Custom, per llx ----- 0*. 5d.^ Excise. _ -../.. 1 1 tordl.r^.ad. i per cwt. And 12^ per cent, on the above, 2^ J I have taken the medium price per cwt, in 1805, at 6L In 1806 it has fallen to 4/. 10s. per cwt. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 77 -1, SECT. IV. COTTON, AND OTHER ARTICLES. Cotton is imported into Great Britain from every quarter of the world ; it is the growth of the East Indies, Africa, tlie Levant, and the south of Europe, as well as of the West Indies. The West Indies, however, furnish to Great Britain much the greater proportion ; and it is the raw material that is of the first importance. In 1803 the export of cottons manufactured, was 6,3995709/. official value ; and real value, above ten milhons sterling. Cotton Imported from British West Indies to Great Britain. .r. ,, Return to House of Commons, March 6, 1806. Imported. lbs. 1793 9,164,893 1794 8,39'2,502 1795 11,675,495 1796 8,854,413 ". 1797 6,918,153 1798 7,909,832 1799 7,529,881 . 1800 10,611,349 1801 11,261,014 1802 8,799,891 1803* 5,650,615 1804t 20,529,878 Very little cotton-'wool exported. * To this period reported to House of Commons, April 1806. f To this period reported to House of Commons, March 8, 1805. 78 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. I scarcely know how to account for the extraordinary excess of cotton imported in 1804, as reported to the House of Com- mons, March 8, 1805. . . The cotton crop and returns are indeed, from natural causes, more varying in quality and quantity, and more precarious, than any other article of West India growth. It is particularly liable to ravage from vermin, and the chenille ; and at the very eve of crop it is often destroyed by Wight, blast, wet, or, the pod bursting, the flax is occasionally dispersed by the winds. One good crop in four years repays the planter ; the average should then be taken at four years. Average Import of Cotton from British West Indies, for Three Years, ending 1803. Import. Duty, 2d. Value, Is. \0J. Great Britain, Ireland, lbs. 10,224,085 248,333 10,472,418 85,302/. 1,047,242/. In 1806, cotton has suddenly fallen to 14rf. per lb. owing to the difficulties of the export, and sale of the article manufactured. The system of embargoes laid on British commodities through- out the Continent, and now enforced with the greatest prejudice to our trade and commerce, is too sensibly felt as a policy of the WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK, 79 €nemy, and seems unhappily, at this period, to have more than ordinary effect, and especially in regard to the article under con- sideration. Miscellaneous Articles Imported from British JVest Indies iii 1804-5. Return to House of Commonsj March 1805. Arrow-root, Cocoa, Ginger, Indigo, Castor-oil, Pimento, Tortoise-shell, .. Elephants' teeth. Turmeric, Melasses, Tamarinds, Woods: Fustic, Lignum vita:, .. Logwood, &c. Mahogany, .... Sundries, Bullion, lb. cwt. cwt. lb. lb. lb. lb. No. lb. cwt. cwt. ton ton ton ton Price. Duty. 22 10 42 27 25 Quaiuity. Value. £■ 38,982 2810 3684 62,347 3546 24,892 54,397 21,760 76,648 11,397 2,257,045 113,700 13,135 3448 45 1350 9241 231 309 536 1551 6104 3340 73,480 667 22,014 9358 254,566 4435 110,885 36,298 29,200 775,108 Nttt Reven. £. 992 37,784 3013 340 1912 38,063 1223 30 115 82 1942 2755 279 2797 12,170 3000 106,500 Of the above imports, Ireland received only Cocoa, ----- 149c'svt. Pimento, 16,439 lb. Fustic, 6 ton. IMahogany, --------- 439_ton. 8Q. W1-,ST-IXDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. SECT. V. SUMMARY AXD GENERAL RESULTS OF THE BRI- TISH IMPORT TRADE FROM THE SUGAR COLONIES. Proceeding to exhibit a summary of the quantities, value, and disposal, of the articles of produce above enumerated, I should here state, " that the import, direct and entire, is exclusively se- cured to the mothci -country hy a, system of laws, known gene- rally as the Navigation Acts." The partial supply of rum and molasses, tScc. to America, is a mere regulation and allowance in exception, and as a barter for articles of necessity and subsistence required in the plantations, which will be fully explained in the Ch?^pter on American Intercourse. ■ ,, This monopoly however does not, as some have supposed, constitute the primary principle of those laws, wliich, looking to their early scheme and provisions, from the time of Richard II and of Henry VII. down to the acts of Charles and William, seem to have been imagined and framed with a view to advan- tages from Navy, rather than fruni trade, and in many points to have surrendered advantages of trade, in favour to those of a shipping interest. Reserving the general principle of these laws for more appo- site discussion, in reference to the shipping interest of these king- doms, I will here merely remark, that the colonial monopoly was a distinct and important graft, first imposed on the ancient policy WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 81 and system of the Navigation Acts, during the Protectorate in 1651. Rapin, and other historians, generally attribute the enact- ment to Cromweir.s quarrel with the Dutch. In truth, th^ law which forbad all import in foreign ships, but articles of the growth and produce of the countries to which they belonged, was admirably calculated to annoy that maritime power, which hud no exports of its own, and had heretofore been carriers for others, and the world. All foreign traders were indeed excluded fiom intercourse with the British plantations ; but the Dutch were then the only traders. Lord Clarendon (vol. vi. p. 458) insinu- ates that a further purpose of Cromwell, was, by restrictmg their trade, to punish the colonies for their late loyalty to the unfortu- nate Charles ; and to ensure their future submission, by assuming an exclusiAC command over their supplies and very means of sub- sistence. Be this as it may, the system was in itself provident and ^vise ; and immediately on the Restoration, was adopted and enforced, from the just and politic motives of national interest. The 12th of Car. II. cap. 18, may be considered as the basis of all the navigation acts of the same reign ; of King William, of Anne, of George the First, and down to the manifest and regis- ter acts, of the '26th of the present King. Reciting in this place merely what is applicable to my present subject of imports from the colonies, by the 12th of Charles II. &c. and by the 7th antl 8th of William, cap. 22, and by con- M 82 WEST-INDFA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. firmatory statutes since, altering the provisions somewhat in form, but no ways in substance, it is enacted generally, " that no goods shall be imported into, or exported from, the planta- tions, but in British-built ships, and wholly owned by British sub- jects, and navigated by three-fourths sailors of the same ;" and by 7 til and 8lh of William III. cap. 22, sect. 19, " every ship or vessel saiUng from any port of England, &c. for the planta- tions, shall give a bond of 1000/. and other surety, that, in case such vessel shall lade any produce or commodities at such planta- tions, the same shall be brought to, unladen, and delivered at some port of England," &c. ... An enlarged and liberal policy hath occasionally suggested the wisdom of relaxing these restrictions on the conveyance and sale of colonial produce, with the view to an encouragement and extension of the plantations whence it came, and to the laying a foundation of future and increased resource for the commerce and shipping of Great Britain, from the growing prosperity and cultivation of its distant settlements. The 12th of George II. cap. 30, recites : " Whereas the planters of the sugar colonies are unable to improve and carry on their sugar trade on an equal footing with foreign sugar colonies, unless some advantage and relief be given by Great Britain, &:c. ;" and then enacts, " that British-built ships navigated ac- cording to law, on clearing out from any port in Great Britain for the plantations, under sureties and conditions, as expressed. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 83 may and shall receive a license to proceed and lade with sugars from the British plantations, and conve3- and deliver the same di- rect to any part ot" Europe south of Cape Finisterre ; or lo any country northward of the same, in the way touching at some port of Great Britain, and there exhihitinji, a manifest, duly at- tested by officers whence the ship came, of the amount and na- ture of the cargo, and of its being of sugars the produce of a British plantation." This original act of concession and encou- ragement to the sugar colonies, was m force until the year 1744, and then, and by successive acts, was renewed and continued, and lastly by the 4th of George 111. cap. 12, was in force to the year 1771. The revival of this License Act may not, on many accounts, be suitable to this present crisis of perplexed navigation and war- fare ; but I hope and trust it is reserved for better times, and to relieve and re-establish the distressed fortunes of the West India planter on the return of peace. Further, by order of His Majesty in Council, dated July 2, 1783, under provisions of an act passed the preceding month, " rum, melasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa-nuts, pimento, ginger, &c. might be exported direct to the United States of America, from the sugar colonies, in British ships, owned and navigated according to law." This resource to the colonies (with exception to a partial export of rum, melasses, ginger, and pimento) hath likewise been withdrawn. Adverting to the actual and existing conditions of the trade, m2 84 WEST-INblA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. to whatever extent the cultivation and produce of the colonies may arri\e, Great Britain with Ireland hath the monopoly, and exclusively holds the market, whether for home consumption, or as factor for re-export, and the supply and use of foreign coun- tries. In both these views, the advantage to the mother- country, derived from its West India colonies, is far beyond any estimate which I can here offer in detail. The summary which I shall now exhibit, of the profits to British tradesmen, mer- chants, and sliip-owners, and of the immediate revenue to Go- vernment, from a tax on the articles of import, will yet, I trust, be such, as to impress a just sense of the value of our trans-atlantio possessions ; and of the public interest and duty to foster and pro- tect the industry' and property, which so largely contribute to the imperial wealth and power of Great Britain. But this is not all. '^^I'hese enumerated articles form mere items in part of account, when we ta]■ articles f ditto ^ surcharge £- 5,746,353 Value surcharged in West Indies* T'l'piO'lit nf pvnort^- v^ltif* otip-fourtli. • ■■ Mercantile commis. &c. 2^ per cent, gross, Tn<;iir;inrp- a.t 4< ner cent, on p'ross. •■• ? 2,307,688 Total value of exports, 8,054,041 In 1804, the total exports from Great Britain were — British produce and manufacture, 40,349,642 /. Of which, one-eighth to West Indies, 5,124,210^. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACL BOOK, 101 Detail ofGeyieral Export of Brilhh Produce and Maiiufacture in 1804. To foreign Europe, Ireland, ..„ British America, United States of America, Africa, East Indies, West Indies, Real Value. £■ 3,356,t66 2,074,767 9,696,259 1,191,M2 4,059,944 5,124,210 ■rot:il. 10,177,576 1,462,192 217,971 221,018 494,989 231,408 447,047 40,340,642 13,252,231 53,601,873 £■ 25,044,430 4,818,658 2,292,738 9,917,277 1,686,130 4,291,353 5,671,257 Exceeds East India export 1,064,000/, Of the export to foreign Europe, &c. ' the produce and ma- nufacture of the British sugar colonies supply to the amount of 13,991,397/. official value. Re-export from Great Britain of Colonial Produce, raw or manufactured. Return to House of Commons, April 29, ISOS. Sugar, raw, Sugar, refined, Rum, Coflee*, Pimento, Indigo, , Cotton wool, , Cottons manufactured. Tota 1803. Official Value. £■ 1,693,399 1,542,212 194,862 1,229,827 28,148 224,033 60,867 6,339,709 11,313,057 1804. Official Value. £• 809,599 1,084,256 335,920 1,851,247 36,594 307,716 31,131 7,797,574 1805. Official Value. £■ 881,787 1,113,725 246,846 2,416,458* 24,025 313,676 41,314 8,953,566 12,254,037 13,991,397 * Coffee is greatly over-valued; and this probably occurs from the scarcity and dearness of that article, at the period when the prices were originally entered, and which seem to have been continued on the books, and to the present time, rathe.r as comparative, than as actual and distinct heads of computation. 103 -WrsT-lNDIA COMMOxV-PLACE BOOK. 'i'he preceding table contains an exception to the general usage and rate of valuation in the Custom-house returns. It would lead me into a subject of too great extent, being no less than that of the whole commerce of Great Britain, to pursue my inquiries further into the general export trade, as connected with imports from the colonies, and of which in different shapes and channels it may avail itself, for gaining the balances of com- merce and exchange, indeahng with foreign Europe, and indeed the world. The direct exports to the plantations, of British produce and manufacture (taken alone, and exclusive of East India and other commodities), suggest ample and sufficient matter to justify the Legislature and Ministers of Great Britain, in rigidly and cauti- ously securing an exclusive trade, which circulates a larger por- tion of the fruits and works of national industry, than any other branch of commerce, or in any other channel whatever. But here a"-ain I must enforce the recollection, that these exports are to be repaid in value, and thei'efore, for their continu- ance and quantity, must depend on the wealth and prosperity of the countries to which they are freighted. If the colonial purchaser is impoverished, his custom will proportionally be of less value: his industry must be encouraged ; his property must be secured ; his profits must be competent, to enable him to deal largely, as required, and with advantage to the industry and property of those who tender the supply. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 103 In reference to the British sugar colonies, I would amend the? ancient apologue, and say, " it is not sufficient to spare the bird's' life ; but further, the bird must be cheered and fed, its plumaga be unplucked and unbroken, and its nest be undisturbed and sheltered, to ensure its lajnng a golden egg," 104 ■ ' ; .1 ; J i ' : • >.. CHAP. VII. On the Export Trade of Great Britain to its Sugar Colonies^ and Jiow far exclusive, and secured by Law. The results of colonial commerce which close the preced- ing Chapter, however impressive of its extent and value, furnish matter of estimate far beyond the mere sum of figures brought to account : the sagacious reader, who is at all conversant with these subjects, will observe and trace the connexion, bearing, and influence, of each enumerated article, on collateral branches of industry, and on the whole course of British trade. In treating of the imports from the West Indies, I have pre- •\iously observed, that the advantages derived to the mother- country from its trans- Atlantic settlements, are not to be mea- sured by any simple and unqualilied detail of commodities re- ceived or supplied : it is a trade which, in furnishing raw ma- terials, and taking manufactures in return, gives a vital spirit to every branch of art and industry throughout Great Britain and Ireland. If it were practicable to make out a distinct case, and w holly to separate the relative considerations of import and export, per- haps those of the latter branch of trade touch nearer on the feel- WEST-INDIA COMMON-PT.ACK BOOK. 105 ing and concern of the numerous tnulesmen, artizans, and occu- piers of land, who look no further than to the orders received for their manufactures and produce : as ahove all, in conmiercial matters, it is the aggregate of private interests, which forms the public mind, and gives a direction to national choice and pur- suits, and to a policy of Government coinciding with, or yielding to, the sense of the people, it maj'^ appear that the branch of colonial monopoly most at heart with Great Britain, and most tenaciously and rigidly insisted on, under provision of the Navi- gation Acts, is " its export trade to the plantations." But it is an error, however prevalent, and under whatever authority enter- tained, to suppose that the exclusive right to the mother-country, of furnishing supplies to the plantations, constitutes a direct and general provision of the Navigation Acts. This is not so ; it is by these acts only collaterally and so far guarded, as the entry and use of the ports in the plantations is restricted to shipping British built, and navigated according to law. It is indeed more directly favoured and protected by other statutes of regulation and revenue, prohibiting import into the colonies of foreign ma- nufactures and of certain enumerated articles of produce, however, in British ships ; and in other cases imposing heavy duties, which may, or may not, operate to a prohibition, according to the exi- gency of the demand. I shall have occasion to shew, that it hath been a former error of a most enlightened statesman, to conceive that the ex- p 106 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. elusive sup[)ly of British produce to the plantations was Avholly, and in every respect, protected b}' the Navigaiion Acts, or by any fixed and systematic code of laws whatever. As an excellent commentary and elucidation of this matter in question, 1 shall here insert the arguments of Mr. Eden and of Mr. Jenkinson (now Lords Liverpool and Auckland), as delivered in the House of Commons, February 7, 1785. The debate, however interest- ing, and on a most important subject, never having been noticed in any parliamentary report yet published, I trust the substance of these speeches, written from notes and memory the same even- ing, on my return from the House of Commons, and now copied from the original entry in my common-place book, will be ac- ceptable to the reader. On a motion directed by a previous committee, as usual for bills of trade, February 7, 1 785, the order of the day was for bringing in a bill " for confining for a time (to be limited) the trade from the United States of America to Newfoundland, to bread-flour and li\e-stock, to be imported in none but British ships navigated according to law, and being cleared out from some port of His Majesty's European dominions, and with licence for the same*." • " Mr. Eden objected to the title of the bill, and moved that the order be discharged. He contended, that pcrntission for ■II . I . I '» * Journals, vol. xl. p. 489. WEST-INDIA COMMOX-PLACr. BOOK. 107 enumerated articles of import, and not a resfriction to certain ar- ticles, was a distinction most essential, and required a revision and amendment of the description of bill to be brought in, under order of the House. He observed, that a law rcstricturt/ to cer- tain articles, implied a previous and existing latitude of trade be- tween the United States of America and Newfoundland ; and if with Newfoundland, then likewise with the British conlmental colonies remaining, and with the West India islands; introducing a principle the most dangerous, and repugnant to the system of our navigation laws, and subversive of their policy-, in providing and securing exclusive advantages of trade, and a monopoly to the mother-country, in commercial intercourse with its colonies. That the idea of a direct trade between other states and our colo- nies, even in British ships, and navigated according to law, was equally contrary to the letter of our navigation acts, and to the spirit of our colonial trade. That, to the hour of the acknow- ledged independenc}^ of the United States, their vessels, by posi- tive law, were obliged to produce, on entry into ports of Great Britain, or any of its colonies, certain dockets, certificates, and other Custom-house documents, shewing that such vessels had given bond, and performed all other legal conditions, at the place from which they had freighted, both as to cargo and destina- tion : that these regulations were, by statute 23 Geo. III. cap. 39, dispensed with, as to Great Britain, but still remained in force as to the colonies. That the independence of America by ■ p2 \ 108 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. treaty did not alter the question. That whatever novel relation America might appear in as to political consideration, in law and in Custom-house usage, America remained in the same relation as before, unless so far as statute was superadded to treaty, and warranted other procedure in those who looked not to treaties, but to the laws of the realm ; namely, our Custom-house officers. That this idea was not merely speculati\ e : that practice warranted the argument ; and no acts of the British Legislature having fol- lowed up the several, treaties M'hich settled the alienation and in- terchanges of sovereignty ; in Custom-house usage, Riga was not recognized as Russian ; Stettin, to be Prussian ; or Dunkirk, French. Vessels therefore laden in the ports of the United States, not producing dockets or instruments (which indeed they could not now have and produce), would not be admitted "entry to our colonial ports ; and in this the law was the more observable, as, from the contingency of the case, it was brought to tally with that system of colonial monopoly in favour of the mother-country, which was broken in upon by the title of the bill. That it was the title which was alone objectionable ; had it been permissorif, and not rcstrictori/, the argument would be done away ; for there was no objection in the present exigency, to hread and flour being admitted from the United States, into Newfoundland, in British ships navigated according to law." " Mr. Jenlsinson, in reply, contended, that the title of the bill was the only proper title: that restriction was necessary, and WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLAeE BOOK. 100 permission would be nugatory ; for that the facts, as well as ar- gument, were against what was alledged by the last speaker. As to fact, there was no commercial rule or law existing, by wliich the produce of Africa, or of America, might not be imported into our colonies in British ships navigated according to law : a re- striction, therefore, to the articles specified in the case of New- foundland, was the proper mode of preclusion in other respects, even on the positions urged in favour of a stricter monopoly of colonial trade : — that the reasoning on tlie actual state of things, and the supposition of dockets and certificates from America being yet required, was idle, and replete with absurd consequences : that the introduction of the clause relating thereto in the act of the 23d of the King, was nugatory ; for that American vessels "were undoubtedly admissible into our ports on a similar footing with other foreign ^'essels, from the date of the treaty which re- cognized the Americans to be independent states. That good reBr sons might be urged for the practice of not acknowledging in commercial relations, and by Custom-house usage, ev^ry inter- change of sovereignty as the work of treaty.; whilst it is consi- dered, that the relative importance of a produce, p>anufaoture, mart, or haven, may be much affected and altered, as belonging to a little kingdom or to a great one' ;• as. appendant to one domi- nion to the south, or another dominion to the north. In these points, a ch.inge may wholly do away the propriety of the place or province participating m immunities of conimei'ce granted t& no WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. the state it passes over to; and the British Legislature will weigh the consequences ere it so allows. Such considerations probably operate as to Riga, Stettin, and Dunkirk ; but these cases are no ways applicable to that of America : if deemed applicable, we must admit further, and the absurdity would occur, of American vessels being yet entitled to British draw-backs and bounties I But they are no ways applicable ; for the relation of a country torn and separated from the mother-country, cannot be deemed analogous to that of a territory transferred between foreign sove- reio-ns. That the treaty was not only all our own, but that the recognition of independence by any one act of the Legislature, was not only a direliction of future legislation, but a virtual abro- gation of all past acts touching America. If still insisted that the alienation of America is merely and exclusively a work of treaty, it might yet be urged that, in a commercial view, and in the true spirit, and by the very letter of ^he 14th and 15th Hen. VIIL cap. 4, the Americans are to att purposes of trade become aliens ; for, by that statute, a subject of England swear- ing fealty to a foreign prince, becomes a commercial alien, and shall pay alien duties, as by the Charta Mercatoria of Edward I. But all matter of casuistry apart, it is insisted, that as to the main matter in question, and actual and existing state of inter- course by trade between our colonies and America, 7io rule or law on our Statute-book whatever, precludes various produce and articles coming to our plantations from America in British ships WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Ill navigated according to law : that as to clauses in our navigation acts, touching the local growth and manufactures of the articles freighted, it may be observed that these clauses relate not to entry into our colonial ports, but only into those of England, Ii-eland, Guernsey, Jersey, and the town of Berwick upon Tweed : that the present bill is flic fint rcst)-ictor>j act! that were further ar- gument necessary to prove that no general system of exclusion enters into our commercial code, as far as regards intercourse be- tween Africa, America, and our colonies, we ha\e only to revert to our tax laws : goods and produce, under the general descrip- tion of foreign, have repeatedly been taxed on entry into our co- lonies, as well as home ports ; and the inference then is, that such entry was never forbidden, from the very conditions annexed to it ; for although occasionally, through weight of the impost, a virtual prohibition took place, yet that was the operation of the tax, and which might in sundry cases lose its prohibitory effect ; for an extraordinary contingency of wants might overcome tlie enhancement of price, and gain admission to the commodity. Con- sidering the American United States, therefore, in their true and actual relation of foreign trans- Atlantic states, our colonial com- merce in British ships is open to the??!, not needing permissions, but requiring such restrictions, as British policy shall impose." The House of Commons adopted the construction of the na- vigation laws, as expounded by j\Ir. Jenkinson, and a bill was 112 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. brought in, limiting the existing right of supplies from America for the British colonies, to certain enumerated articles. The above discussion in Parliament, conducted by two men perhaps the best qualified of any in this commercial country to de- liver just and sound opinions on a matter of commerce, is a pro- per and useful introduction to the subject which I have next in riew — of the intercourse and trade between America and the British susrav colonies. ' e •' ■ ■ , ■ Oil!'... 113 CHAP. viir. On the Intercourse of the British West Indies mth America^ and in particular with the British Provinces of Canada ^ Nova Scotia^ and Newfoundland. The islands generally described as the West Indies, ap- pear on the map as dependencies on the Continent of America ; and, in another point of view, are remarkable, as forming a chain of communication, stretching across and covering the great Gulph of Mexico, from the Floridas to the Spanish province of Cumana, and connecting and facihtating the intercourse between the northern and southern divisions of that vast Continent. In a third, and most important consideration to Great Britain, this link and line of islands opposes a frontier towards Europe, of easy and ready access, from the prevalence of the easterly or trade winds between the tropics, and exhibits a series of warehouses and depot for general traffic, whether to America, north or south, or westward within the Gulph, or wherever, within the ulterior circle of coasts, British merchandize may be acceptable, or Bri- tish enterprize reach. In these several relations, and under the distinct heads of a direct trade with tlie Continent for the service and use of tlie 114 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. British islands, and of a commerce to which these islands may serve as places of deposit and factory, we will now consider the subject of the American Intercpurse and Trade with the West Indies. It has before been stated, and is too obvious to argue further, that the greater facilities of communication will influence the choice of dealing between distant nations and countries ; and that • the proffered advantages of more cheap, speedy, and occasional supply, must ever induce those in the West Indies to seek what is necessary to their subsistence from America, rather than from Europe. ^- .<',,;,:•;; r 'h^ ■"- '-■- ^ But admitting these circumstances to operate as an influence of Nature, and paramount in force and effect over any political I'egulation or authority ; yet a further question occurs, relative to the Northern Continent of America, as divided into British pro- vinces and independent states. .) .„..,.....,. It has been contended, that whatever is required for the use of the British islands, should be furnished in preference, or indeed exclusively, by the Canadas, Nova Scotia, or Newfoundland. - On this point, the means of providing the articles required, and the comparative expedition and facilities of conveyance, recur for consideration, in hke manner as on the alternative of supply from Europe, or from America at large. The obstructions and inconveniences to commerce between the West Indies and more northern provinces of America, are WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 115 those of Nature; and will, and must operate in creating a preference from islands to the west and south, of dealing with those coun- tries w hich ofter a readier access and intercourse. Jamaica would never, by choice, apply to New Brunswick, for what it might pro- cure from Philadelphia. IMoreover, to the disadvantages of longer and more perilous navigation may be added, the occasional difficulties of trading at all seasons with the Canadas at least, under embargoes from frost and climate in the higher latitudes. But impediments or inconveniences of navigation apart, the British provinces of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland (excepting the latter, as a fishery) are not in a state of population and set- tlement, or generally in a condition of country, to furnish the articles required. In the debates of the House of Commons, July 1806, on the subject of the American intercourse, it was strongly contended by an able and intelligent Member, who had lately presided at the Board of Trade, " that the British conti- nental provinces could, and would, supply all the provisions and lumber required by the sugar colonies, if their trade was not checked by the competition allowed to the United States." I am under no necessity of arguing the matter then at issue ; tho assertion, or supposition, will be, on inference, completely re-, futed by an official document, rendering an account of all that the British provinces in question did, and therefore could^ supply, q2 116 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PI.ACE BOOK. and actually did require for their own use and necessities, in the year 1788, when the whole trade to the West Indies was re- stricted to British shipping navigated according to law ; when fo- reign America could not trade with the British islands in vessels of the country ; and when the Canadas, Nova Scotia, and New- foundland, had every advantage in trade over the circuitous com- merce via the United States, as carried on by the mother- country. I ■ The reader will pay attention to the items of account exhi- bited in the following table. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACf, BOOK. 117 jin Account of the Number of Ships, and their Tonnage, which have been employed in the Trade between the British Islands in the fVest Indies and the British Colonies in America, in the Year 1788, spe- cifying the Articles Imported from these Islands to the British Colo- nies in America, and the Quantity of Fish Exported to the JVfst In- dies from Newfoundland; presented to the House of Commons, March 18, 179O. From West Indies to British Provinces. To West Indies. ships, in- wards. Tons. Measure. Quantily. Fish, Barrels. Fish, Quintals. 153 14,009 Indian corn, bushels lb cwt cwt lb lb cwt logs .... tons .... number barrels gallons dozen.. barrels barrels lb bushels gallons number number lb 335 6767 121 cwt. Iqr, ISlb. 794cwt. 101b. 1470 582 9285cwt. Iqr. 21b. 51 «l ^55 227 53,944 12 770 281 10,000 93,328 493,844 150 25,500 2250 803i 22, 1 9ft Chocolate, Cocoa. Coffee* ■•■•■...• ■• • Ginger Pimento. Mahoi^anv. Lignum vit3e, Hides, Melasses, Pine-aooles. Pitch and tar, Bread-flour. Salt*, Rum, Shooks, hogsheads. Staves, • Cotton wool, Supposing tlie item of 281 barrels of tlour imported to the British continental provinces from the West Indies, to be a mere * From the Bahama salt-pits, probably for the fisheries of Newfoundland. lis W'F.ST-IN'DrA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. casually, and reserve of ships' provisions; yet, from this com- mercial return, it appears that, in 1788, the Canadas and Nova Scotia, under every advantage of trade and navigation, furnished no bread-flour to the West Indies ; they could not even furnish the neiahbourino- fisheries of Newfoundland ; or wherefore else was Mr. Jenkinson's Act (the 25th Geo. III. cap. l) passed, to admit the import of flour from the United States as a resource of necessity to the people of Newfoundland ? The export of 25,500 staves from the West Indies, was pro- bably for the package of Newfoundland fish ; and this shews that even lumber was not furnished at the time by Nova Scotia, in quantities sufficient for sparing a full supply even to the gi'eat island in its vicinity, and much less to the West Indies. These northern provinces have, indeed, since become more peopled, settled, and cleared of woods ; and timber has been thence ex- ported in considerable quantities, as will appear from subsequent returns. But when we come to inspect the tables of actual sup- ply furnished to the sugar colonies by the great countries, now the United States, and observe how small a proportion, in any one year, the largest export of lumber from the British provinces bears to the total of m hat Mtis required, and supplied to the sugar colo- nies ; Me cannot prudentially — we could not, even as unfeeling and usurious brokers for the mother-country, restrict our West India planters to so scanty a resource and means of procuring an article which is indispensable for the package of their produce, •\VEST-INDIA COMIMON-PLACK COOK. 115 and its transport to the markc4s of J^'noland. Jiut, to insist that the colonists and their negroes in our islands, should be dependent for their provisions exclusively on the ]5ritish provinces in Ame- rica, would be to lay a direct embargo on their subsistence, and to endanger not merely trade and produce, but the very root and stock of all — the maintenance and safety of our people throughout the islands ! • On the medium often years, from 1793 to 1803, the supply to the British West Indies from the United States, was annually 164,680 barrels, each 196 lb. of bread flour ; and, in the same period, the average supply from the British provinces was only 1570 barrels ; whilst the supply of flour from Great'Britain is limited by statute to 3200 tons, or 32,000 barrels, of 2 cwt. leaving a deficiency of this article of life, of 131,110 barrels, to be supplied by the United States, supposing even Great Britain henceforward to supply its complement, and to have sent no flour to the West Indies for years past : but the British supply takep apart, as supposed at all times, the deficiency, if left to Canada and Nova Scotia, is of 163,110 barrels oi bread, wanting for the us.ual and annual consumption of planters, British officers and soldiers.) in the West Indies ! On a view of this statement, which will be explained and con- firmed by official documents, no benevolent man, no considerate statesman, no friend to his country and its colonies, will require 120 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. that they should depend for provisions, that is, for food and life, on supplies to be furnished exclusively by and from the British provinces in America. An Account of the Quantity of Provisions and Lumber Imported inld the British IVest Indies (exclusive of Conquered Colonies) from the British Continental Colonies, Return to House of Commons, May 5, I8O6. 1773. 1788. 1793. 1797. 1800. 1803. Corn, bushels, barrels, 2cwt. barrels, quintals, .... barrels, barrels, feet, 330 4907 4107 57 78,013 61,700 9137 • ••« 22,196 803 • >•• • ••• • ••• 171 1656 20 99,570 24,827 349 3,618,200 324 2,929,150 151,060 847 1589 27,576 9949 241 511,390 39 464,200 41,350 919 320 68 61,258 14,105 181 1,039,895 424,650 173,385 1518 Flourandmeal, Rice, 1374. 26 Fish, dry, Fish, pickled. Beef and pork. Pine boards, .. 127,628 23,865 922 2.223,179 Scantling & timber, Shingles, Staves, tons, 186 number, .... number, .... 915,544 235,788 The last year of the above return, to 5th January, 1803, waa a year of armistice ; and the consequences of a free and open na- vigation, as no longer obstructed by the enemy, surcharged with war freights and insurance, or restricted, from apprehensions of the impress service, are obvious in the increased exports of lum- ber and of fish: of other provisions there were comparatively no cargoes at any time. Fish is an article from Newfoundland, which has, and should WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 121 ha^•e, every encouragement ghen by die mother-country, for its production and trade. In the spring of this year (1806), a bounty has been proposed by GoTcrnment, of two shilUngs, on every quintal of (ish imported into the West Indies from New- foundland ; and a duty of two shillings, per contra, on fish from the United States, to be levied in the dift'erent islands. In times of peace, the premium and counter-duty may ope- rate advantageously, by securing a preference to British fish ; but under the present circumstances of the war, I doubt of the efiicacy and use of the measure. In fact, nuich of the fish which goes to the West Indies, freighted in vessels of the United States, hath been caught on the banks by our own fisher- men, and sold at sea to the Americans, as mere factors and neu- tral carriers, to avoid danger from the enemy, in going further southward for the disposal of the cargo themselves. In this cas^ the duty to be paid will be required as an abatement on the in- termediate bargain ; and what is received by one part of the Newfoundland traders in the islands, will be refunded by others selling on the banks. Comparing the entries in 1800 and 1803, an absolute decline of the fishery is not to be presumed in the former period of war ; but rather that a moiety of t/ie catch ox fish has been bartered and conveyed as I have described. The regulation, howe\er, of premium and counter-duty, will have its good effect in competition, on return of peace ; can Iraxc no bad II 122 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. effect in the interval ; and is altogether a measure of good policy and future use. ... . In regard to lumber, the price of freiglit on each article is so heavy in proportion to the intrinsic value of the article itself, that any surcharge on the former must greatly operate in re- duction of the trade ; and in times of war it -will seek relief by passing to neutral bottoms. In times of peace, it appears from the returns of 1793 and 1803, that a large proportion of planks and fir may be exported from the Northern British Pro- vinces; but the quantity of oak-staves is at all times too small, in proportion to the sum required, and supplied from other quarters, to be taken as of ronsequenre in the estimate. It is not alone the apprehension of a more partial and scanty assortment of supplies from the northern countries, which may induce the West Indian to prefer dealing with those of the United States, if free so to do. The less numerous and (for numbers) the less wealthy population of Nova Scotia, &c. sug- gest other reasons for preferring to deal with those who, for home consumption, may require, and take a greater quantity of. West India produce in return; meaning especially rw/w, which is the ge- neral medium of traffic, and to be considered as the money with which the sugar colonist pays for the American stores required for his estate. The West India interest must, in this view of the case, be consulted, implicated as it is with the nieaos of cultiva- tion, and the national resource from the plantations. WEST-INDIA COMMON'-PLACE BOOK. 133 Exports from the British Sugar Colonies to the British Provinces in America, Canada, X^ova Scotia, and Newfoundland. Return to House of Commons, May 5, 1S06, Rum. Sugar. CufTee. Cotton. Gallons. Cwt. Cm. lb. 1787 777,360 9019 546 1500 1793 613,898 5106 603 8690 1794 525,720 4615 80 6304 1795 204.,965 3320 99 1600 1796 307,124 7332 514 1550 1797 486,706 3893 427 12,850 1798 384,953 4508 802 18,250 1799 664,258 9933 1130 750 1800 186,449 10,660 775 4274. 1801 569,691 10,366 935 500 1802 584,673 11,397 257 14,950 1803 792,474 13,906 1353 3250 Tbe above returns may be referred to in a comparative view, on the taking into consideration the next branch of West India trade, namely, that with the United States of America, and which, as a matter in controversy, not less important to the mo- ther-country than to its West India colonies, I shall discourse of more at large in the ensuing chapters. r2 124 CHAP. IX. On the Intercourse and Trade of the United States of America with the British West Indies. THE vast extent of America, from Penobscot to the bor- ders of Florida, slanting from lat. 45, long. 67, to the Savan- nah, kit. 32, long. 80, and offering above one thousand miles of coast, with commodious harbours, and mouths of navigable rivers, for the convenience of trade, and concentrating the pro- ductions of the interior countr}^ was, previous to the year 1775, an immense province of the British empire ; and torn from its so- vereignty by revolutionary wars, concluding in the recognition of its independence in 1803, now constitutes a federation of countries and governments, under the title of " the United States of America." Whilst the people of this vast tract of continent w-ere British subjects, they shared in the full rights and privileges of the mother-country; their vessels, by the 14th Car. II. cap. 11, were recognized as English-built; and they had free a,ccess to the British West Indies, for the supplying from Ame- rican produce, whatever might be required in the islands for sub- sistence and use, with exception to manufactures, and to certain enumerated articles, held in reserve by the mother-country. WEST-INDIA COMMOy-PLACF. ROOK. 1Q5 The variety of productions, and convenient assortment of cargoes, from countries extending so videl^ north and south, and their facihty of intercourse at all seasons, and in different tracts and channels, with the West Indies, may be presumed to have vested principally, if not exclusiveh', in the Americans (then subjects of Great Britain), whatever trade there was with the sugar colonies, of a description which required to be frcruient and occasional, from the perishable nature of the article, and the exigency of its use and consumption : we may infer, that previous to the revolution and hostilities ^^ hich commenced in 1774, America furnished to the British islands, eill, or nearly all, the prothions wanted, and other immediate necessaries of life and industry. Having then before us a correct return, with the amount of the enumerated articles supplied for the three \cars, to 1773 inclusive, we may assume that for provisions at least, it is nearly a full and complete account of all the supplies which our sugar colonies required at the time. Allowing for a greater or less proportion of each commodity to be required, on estimate of probable change in the population or circumstances of our West India settlements, down to the present a^ra, we may, from an enumeration of American sup- plies in 1773, compute the extent of trade in various and distinct articles, Avhich may be assumed and insisted on by Great Bri- tain, as within the policy and system of monopoly in commerce 126 WEST-IXDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK, with its colonies ; or, which may be humanely and prudentially relinquished, in deference to the wants and necessities of its people, and for the advancement of the general interest, by ren- dering the resources of subsistence and industry safe and sure , throughout all the dependencies of empire. The very interesting document to which I refer, has been preserved in the Reports of the Privy Council in 1784, and re- printed June 9th, 1806, by order of the House of Commons. AVEST-IXDIA COMMOX-PLACE COOK. 127 An Account of the Total Import from North America into the British West India LUmds, in the Years 1771, 1772, and 1773, taken from an Official Account signed by Mr. Stanley, Secretary to the Com- missioners of the CxLstoms in London, dated 15 th March, 1775. For Tluree Years, ending 5th January, 1774. N. B. Divide by three, &c. for the Yearly Supply. Boards and timber, Shingles, Staves, Hoops, Corn, Pease and beans, ... Bread and flour, .., Ditto ditto, , Rice, Ditto, Fish, Ditto, Ditto, Ditto, Beef and pork, .... PouUry, Sheep and hogs, ....jnumber Oxen, Iniiinb: Horses, 'number Oil, barrels Tar and pitch, barrels Masts, 'number Spars, number Shook casks, number Soap and candles, ..'boxes Ox-bows and yokes, number House frames, ^number Iron, 'tons feet, . number number number bushels bushels barrels kegs ... barrels tierces hogsh. barrels quintal kegs ... barrels dozen . Fium United States. Frum Cana- da and Nova Scotia. 6,"i67,695 59,586,194 57,998,661 4,712,005 1,204,389 64,006 396,329 13,099 39,912 21,777 51,344 47,686 21,500 3304 44,782 2739 13,815 3647 7130 3189 17,024 157 3074 53,857 20,475 1540 620 399i 232,040 185,000 27,3; 16,250 24 101 991 From New- foundland. 449 646 2958 609 270 10 28 139 30 40 2000 9000 2307 202 11,764 24 118 141 Rum. Sugar. Puncheons, 1 20 Gallons. Sugar, Hogsh. I y Cwt. The Americans took in return, in 1772, 32,265 3776 1773, 43j488 5328 128 M'EST-IA^DIA COMMOX-PLACE BOOK. It is by no means contended, that the preceding table of sup- plies tarnished to the West Indies from America, previous to the Avar in 1774, comprises the total, in reference to e^^ery article enumerated. A Umited proportion of corn and flour must at all times have been freighted from G reat Britain ; and a A-ery consi- derable quantity of herrings from the British fisheries, was yearly furnished, for subsistence of the negroes in the West In- dies. Beef and pork, too, may have made some small part of the cargoes ; but it must be remembered, that it was by an act passed so late as the 20th of George III. cap. 10, that Ireland Mas admitted to a share in the colonial commerce : before 1780, Ireland could not export its beef, pork, and butter, direct to the British West Indies. AA hat I propose, as inference, from the geographical exposi- tion and arguments in the opening of this Chapter, and with re- ference to the commercial returns reported by the Privy Council in 1784, is, that lumber and provisions, as in the first in- stance presumed, Mere articles generally (though Mith some pro- bable exception), supplied to the British islands from America, previous to the Mar obstructing the intercourse and trade, in 1774; antl further, that the quantities of each article returned, afford grounds of computation, as to the nature and extent of Mhat Mas required at the time for the subsistence and use of the British colonists in the West Indies. Great Britain, Mhilst sovereign of North America, in reliu- / WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. I'l^ quishing the provision trade to the West Indies in favour of its colonial dependencies on the Continent, seemed to foster the in- dustry and agriculture of its people in those distant provinces, and at the same time to provide for the necessities of its people at home ; for it is ascertained, that the corn grown in England, is not at all times equal to the home consumption. In this, Great Britain conceded therefore a branch of export trade, which it was scarcely its intei'est to retain ; but, what was policy, carried with it the air of liberal concession ; and national pride was satisfied, that in so far relinquishing the rights of monopoly in trade with the plantations, it Avas a grant, and not a surrender. On the provinces of America being no longer subject, but becoming an independent and foreign power, under the name of the United States, the case was wholly altered. Immediately after the treaty of Paris, in 1783, b}' which the States of America were recog- nized as an independent and sovereign power, measures were taken in London, to regulate anew the trade between America and the sugar colonies. The Legislature passed an act in June 1803, empowering the King to issue Orders in Council to this eftect, under certain limitations ; and on July 2, 1803, an order, so authorized, was made, " that provisions and lumber might be carried direct from the United States to the ]jritish West Indies, but in British ships only, and navigated according to law." This restriction was by the West Indians considered as a pro- 130 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. hibition. February 6ih, 1804, the West India merchants in London petitioned the King and ParUament, stating, " that the planters in the sugar colonies could Jieither subsist their negroes, or provide package for tlieir produce, Avithout supplies from America of provisions and lumber ; and that a circuitous voyage by British ships via America, would not only incur a surcharge of freights and commission, most heavy on the purchaser and consumer, but that occasionally the supply might altogether fail to arrive as required, from length and contingencies of the voy- age :" and further representing, " that the medium of ordinary payment in the sugar colonies for lumber and provisions, was mm, which America did, and zwuld take, but which the mer- chants of Great Britain would not take, to the amount required, not being an article disposable in the home market." Government resisted all these circumstances ; and from 1784 to 1793 inclusive, the trade for all supplies to the British sugar colonies was restricted to British shipping ; nor in the event, . during this period of peace, were the islands so distressed, as had been presumed by the petitioners. The wants of the planters were supplied, although certainly at a dearer rate; for intermediate trade and factory always has its charge. The enhancement of price in the necessaries of life, was, however, not the only grievance : the supplies were occasionally scanty, as well as dear ; and much distress, on this account, was alledged. It has even been said, that a number of negroes in Jamaica, to the amount of 15,000, WEST-IN-DIA COMMOlf-PrACE BOOK, 131 died of famine, from default of usual and timely supply of Ameri- can provisions, in a year of dearth afflicting that island. I men- tion this as a current report, but do not vouch as fact, what I cannot authenticate. Be this as it may : Great Britain, during a period of ten years' peace, derived advantage from the so en- forcing its Navigation laws ; the carrying trade was engrossed by British ship-owners ; the British merchant had his profits of trade and commission on the articles supplied ; and in a much more considerable proportion than heretofore, the supply was of British produce, and from the British fisheries. The following tables will shew the state and extent of the trade between America and the West Indies, as affected by the regula- tions instituted ia 1783, and sustained to 1793, inclusive; and evince how far Great Britain can at any, and the most favourable period, set limits to the commerce and intercourse which Nature seems to have pointed out, as suitable and belonging to the Con- tinent of America, and the West India islands. I have no inter- mediate returns ; but those for the year ending oth of January, 1793, give the supplies furnished in a year of peace, and under restriction of our navigation laws, and may ser^■e generally in comparison \\\ih the trade, when the operation of those laws was suspended in the succeeding years. With some allowances in exception, we may admit the follow- ing table for purposes of comparison and general inference, to shew all that was required in the West Indies, as all supplied s2 132 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. from America in the year 1773; and all that could be subtracted from that supply, and therefore, practically, all to be furnished by Great Britain, or by its American provinces, in 1792. In a second, and other point of view, we may examine the returns, as exhibiting, from the access of trade to America in the latter years, how much of that trude Great Britain forewent and lost, by a subsequent relaxation of the letter of its Navigation Acts, under and by the instructions given by the Executive Ministers in England to governors of the colonies, that " during the war, as necessity shall require, they may issue proclamations, admit- ting an import to the plantations, of lumber and provisions froni America, in American vessels/' . -■ Provisions and Lumber Imported into the West Indies (exclusive of the Conquered Colonies) from the United States of America, Eeturn to House of Commons, May 5, IS06. Measure. 1773. 1793. 1797. 1800. 1803. Com, bushels Flour and meal, bushels Rice, do. &c. Beef and pork, barrels Fish, dry, quintals Fish, pickled, ..barrels Pine boards, &c. feet ... Timber, tons ... Shingles, number Staves, number 401,463 136,509 35,081 14,927 7167 68,341 25,589,232 • ••••••• 19,862,068 19,332,880 241,986 130,677 12,797 140 5025 426 14,647,724 784 23,471,922 6,864,400 333,762 178,167 9116 11,306 33,934 18,956 10,766,826 4287 22,990,300 6,498,634 445,069 163,998 13,052 24,503 29,169 17,979 23,161,441 6997 33,280,408 12,306,793 647,853 431,504 9393 49,203 61,124 15,256 29,960,623 7807 39,357,828 13,519,453 ■WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 133 It appears from the column 1793 of the preceding return, that Great Britain or Ireland, in times of peace, can furnish all the beef and pork ; and that Newfoundland and the home; fisheries supply most of what is required of the important article, Jish ; but bread-flour and rice (most essential to the subsistence of the planters and negroes in the \\ est Indies) seem in no case, and at no time, to have been fully provided, excepting from America. Of oak staves too, as it appears, England can furnish a conside- rable part of the supply ; but I must doubt, that it is the national interest so to do. Reserving these matters for subsequent dis-» cussion, I must now advert to the carrying trade ; on any change in which, the whole course of traffic seems to have shifted, whe- ther with advantage to America, or to Great Britain support- ing its colonies, or perhaps generally, and to all parties, under circumstances of the times. In 1787, when the Navigation Acts were in force, and, with the exception of entries at the privileged free ports, the inter- course between America and the islands was restricted to British shipping, the vessels engaged in this trade, includu)g repeated voyages and entry, were as follow. . . - 134. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Entry Inwards at Ports of the British Sugar Colonies. Return to House of Commons, 1788. Ships. Tons. [Each Ship. 'l"'nfil *;liin* factures, said to be carried on under cover of a provision trade from America, the assertion remains for proof; and certainly such contraband is no necessary consequence, and may be pre- vented ; but, on such allegation, to prohibit the trade itself for provisions and lumber, might reduce the colonists to an exigency, under which the famished negroes might rebel from work, or their work be lost, for want of package, and Great Britain, from an improvident and bigotted attachment to a mere letter of its Navigation Acts, lose the trade and very navigation of its now rich and flourishing colonies. Admitting, in times of war, the intercourse between America and the West Indies to be indispensable, an important question arises, as to the mode of providing for its regulation and con- troul, whether by proclamations as heretofore, from 1793 to t2 140 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 1805, or by Order of the King in Council, to be issued as the case may require, or by settled and permanent provisions of sta- tute : I certainly, and for strong reasons, should prefer a system of regulation hy law. ■ , ; ■ .;. j; ■ . Uncertainty awakens distrust — the preventative, or the bane and ruin, of all mercantile adventure and dealings. Commerce lives on credit, and credit on the assurance that goods will be re- ceived as required, and paid for as received. Trade allowed only for occasional and short periods, is, in either respect, matter of distrust ; it is hable, from a speculation on sudden and tempo- rary advantages, to the extremes, of being pushed to an ex- cess, which may consequently create a glut at market, and, by the disappointment of profits, preclude future and necessary ad- venture ; or, on the other hand, it may generally be declined, from the temporary advantages held out, not compensating the in- convenience of diverting capital and shipping from a former and usual course of engagements. In the first case, on the license of trade expiring, it combines with immediate loss the privation of indemnifications in future, and leaves an ill-humour, which, from the " crie da commerce," becomes national, then reaches to go- vernments, and is the source of remonstrances, retaliations, and war. In the second instance, the few speculators make an exor- bitant profit, the few purchasers are pillaged, the people at large are not supplied, and the measure, to every public use and effect, has not answered. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACF, ISOOK. 141 At any rate, if an American intercourse with the British West Indies is to be admitted and regulated by discretionary ppoclama- tions or Orders in Council, the period granted for the license should be of a duration to allow of notice in the most distant quarters of the trade, and this for its abandonment as well as for its assumption, or otherwise no merchant will engage in it a se- cond time. I know that the great question at issue is the carrying trade; and this I shall treat of in a distinct Clixipter, with all the care and consideration which the importance of the subject requires. The mere barter of provisions and lumber, as a produce, being so restricted as to trade, and limited to the crisis and season which requires its license, is certainly a secondary concern to Great Britain : whatever may be the value of the supplies to the sugar colonies so furnished, it is amply repaid by America in the general balance of trade ; and it can never be for the interest of Great Britain to risk a contest " of non-importation agreements and embargoes." ' ■ ■ " . . - 142 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Trade of the United States of America ivith Great Britain^ at different , Periods. Keturn to House of Commons, March 8, 1802. ' :': 1 Imports. Exports to America from Great Britain. From Ame- rica. British Produce and Ma- nufacture. Foreign Ar- ticles. Total Ex- port. Real Value. OfScial Value.' Real Value. 1 Real Value. Total Value. Medium of three T years, ending > Jan. 5, 1793, 3 £■ 1,712,004 /. 1 £• 3,694,398 5,531,597 1 £• 422,724 £■ 5,954,321 Medium of three 1 years, ending >• Jan. 5, 1801, 3 2,979,792 1 6,232,9199,349,380 411,840 9,761,220 By a return made to the House of Commons, 18th April, 1806, the total export of British produce and manufactures for three years, ending 1801, was, average the year, 40,056,015/. ; of which, the export to the United States of America, as above, was 9,349,380/. being nearly one-fourth of the whole export. And from the above table it appears, tbat this valuable trade hath nearly doubled during the war in 1800-1, rendering an actual ba- lance of trade in favour of Great Britain, to the amount of 6,781,428/. It matters not, in this view, whether America is wholly the consumer, or in part the mere carrier, for Gi'eat Britain. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 143 The exports direct, of West India produce to America, in return for provisions and lumber imported, remains to shew ; and with these I shall conclude the details of this important, and so much questioned, branch of commercial intercourse. Exports direct from the IVest Indies to the United States vf Avierica, of Four Staple Articles. Rum. Sugar. Coffee. Cwts. 2863 Cotton. 1773 1774 Gallons. 3,869,800 5,218,560 Cwts. 49,088 69,225 lbs. 202,200 ? Before the separation of the C United States of America. 1787 1793 1,575,105 .536,353 20,127 9336 3155 836 3000 ? British Navigation Acts in \ force. 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 2,265,177 2,106,883 3,267,280 2,197,450 1,972,985 3,201,209 2,761,384 3,638,021 3,925,595 4,198,154 37,606 67,845 100,033 54,867 47,172 106,679 90,800 46,855 50,258 113,447 4586 22,231 21,828 13,538 19,421 8093 7125 12,596 14,907 19,916 74,369 49,282 47,400 86,817 59,400 31,800 12,350 3000 Trade licensed by proclama- ^ tioD, in American vcssela of one deck. .1 Value of the above Exports in 1803. Quantity. Value. Rum, at OS. cur. or 3x. sterl. per gallon, and joe the cask, gal. Sugar, at 40j-. terling per cwt. nett from the plantation, cwts. Coffee, at 4/. sterling per cwt. extra freight, and ditto, .... cwts. Cotton, at Ix. ditto, ditto, lbs. Sundries, melasses. oimento. sinsrer. Sec. &c 4,198,154 11.3,447 19,916 £■ 708,960 226,894 79,664 150,000 Total value of exports, 1,165,518 144 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. By the act passed in July 1806, in regulation of the future intercourse between America and the West Indies, under Orders to be issued by the King in Council, sugar and coffee are ex- punged from the list of enumerated articles before licensed for the trade. The exception so madp, is a rigid, and, I think, impro- vident resumption, of a portion of monopoly, in its extent of little value to the mother-country, however, in the latitude for- merly given, of use to the colonies in barter with America. The Americans will never, for their home-consumption, look for coffee and sugar in the markets of London, whilst Guada- loupe and Martinique are within their reach ; and that the limi- tation to quantities for use, was heretofore in no degree infringed, or the Americans carriers for others, appears from the yearly sum of these articles exported, as above. In whatever view, I can descry no principle of sound and enlightened pohcy in the late restrictions ; and least of all in their effect, of obhging the West India planter, by bullion and bills of exchange, to replace the share of his produce before taken in payment. n 145 CHAP. X. On the Natigation Latvsy and on the Shipping Interest of Great Britain, as affected by the Trade of Ameinca to the West Indies. NEITHER the expediency nor the justice of the most strict enforcement of the Navigation Acts, in their apphcation to colonial trade, could be a matter of question, w hilst America was British ; and as such, sharing the privilege of the mother-country, might, by its own vessels, furnish those articles of necessity and. subsistence to the British West Indies, which its locality and means of ready intercourse best enabled it to do. But when its provinces were torn from Great Britain by those convulsions of empire fomented and supported by the rival powers of France, Spain, and Holland (all of which have dearly repented the inter- position!) ; and when, finally, by the treaty of 1803, Great Bri- tain abdicated its sovereignty, and these ancient tiependcncies be- came a separate power, under the title of the United States, they of course became alien and foreign, in the constitution of our law ; and the usual and natural resource of supply and subsistence to the AVest Indies was cut off, and to be restored (as for a tune it was) by the agencj and carrying trade of Great Britain. 146 \Vr,ST-INDTA COMAIOX-PLACE BOOK. This resource was, however, more or less practicable, ac- cording to the times, and depended on circumstances of peace or war. But the service is of a nature which cannot allow of any uncertainty : some alternative of relief should ever be in view, and for ready adoption, as the case may re<]uire : the food, maintenance, and safety of a people, should on no plea of interest be put to the hazard. But here the very interest in question is implicated in the like considerations; for the means of subsistence and industry in regular supply, con- stitute the foundations of colonial prosperity, and therewith of the produce, commerce, and very carrying trade and employ- ment, of numerous ships and sailors, M'hich are the objects of encouragement by our code of navigation. It must therefore be the true policy of Great Britain, whenever, from circumstances 6f difficulty and warfare, it no longer has the ready means of supplying its distant colonies with the necessaries for subsistence and culture, to allow and encourage their being supplied from any quarter, and in whatever manner practicable. In such case, a partial relaxation of the provisions and strict letter of the Navigation Laws, may tend to support the very pur- pose and spirit of their enactment, by preserving, or even en- larging, the foundations of colonial produce and trade for a fu- ture and increased engagement of ships and sailors, at a period when the monopoly moy be resumed, without endangering the basis on which it rests. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 147 In pursuance of this sound and enlightened poUcy (when, in 1793-4, the circumstances of the war seemed so to require), the Mi- nisters of the Crown instructed the Governors of the West India colonies to issue proclamations, admitting into the several islands, articles of necessity and subsistence from America, in American vessels. The British Legislature has, from year to year, sane-* tioned this procedure with its approval ; and finally, in July 1806, passed an act, for a limited time, empowering the King in Coun- cil to issue Orders, as necessity may require, for continuing open the like sources of necessary and indispensable relief. To this wise, just, and provident measure, an opposition has arisen from a body of ship-owners and ship-builders, who state themselves as aggrieved and ruined by the allowance of any goods whatever be- ing carried in neutral bottoms from America to the West Indies, These respectable parties have made out a case of the decline of the carrying trade, and built of shipping, which suggests matter of serious and national alarm ; but the cause of the evil is other, and, I fear, much more general and operative, than that to which it has been ascribed. The complainants yet continue theif meetings and publications, have gained the crie du cnmwcrce, and, under unpressious on the public- mind thus favouraljle to their cause, \vA\e declared their intention of resuming their ap- plication for relief at a future sessions of Parliament- , ..1 '.v/ The question, as it atiects the colonies, is not of a nature merel}' temporary, or referring only to actual and existing cir- u'2 148 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PL,VCE BOOK, cumstances ; It is one M'hich may eventually and often recur- at a similar crisis; and, altogether, it involves the serious and permanent interests of the State, and requires the fullest investigation of enlightened judgment and unprejudiced decision. All this it will have in due and proper time : meanwhile a preparatory discussion will have its use ; and I shall presume more freely to examine the allegations of grievance, and schemes of redress, which have been set forth ex parte by the petitioners to Parliament. June 5th, 1806, in the debate of the House of Commons, on the question " of lumber and provisions bemg imported to the West Indies in American shipping," that very eminent merchant, and well-informed Member of Parliament, Sir Francis Baring, justly observed, " that the objection to imports so conveyed, was not founded on any general principle of the Navigation Acts which did allow of import in ships from foreign countries, of ar- ticles the immediate growth and produce of those countries ; but arose out of the colonial monopoly which was grafted on, and made a part of the system, yet in exception' to its general provi- sions in this respect." This remark leads me to a brief exposition of the principle and scheme of the Navigation Laws ; which can only be con- strued to support the interests of any proprietary, or body of men, ship-owners, ship-builders, or others, inasmuch as they are implicated in, and consistent with, the general interests of the colonies, the mother-country, and the empire at large. A WEST-INDIA COMl\IOX-PLACE BOOK. 149 shipping interest is a great national concern, in which the shares held bv difterent parties within the State may be heterogeneous and repugnant ; and cases will occur, when it may require the most judicious policy and management to settle the adverse claims to an open trade, and to an exclusi\e navigation ; and to accom- modate differences between the owners of goods to be carried, and of ships to carry them (co-operating as they must do to form that commerce, and therewith that basis of the navif, on which the power of Great Britain is founded and sustained), all narrow and partial considerations must be put aside, and a full and comprehensive view of the subject, in all its parts and bear- ings, must be taken, to direct the measures of Government to a wise and safe result. So far I premise as to the application of that great and lead- ing principle of our NaA'igation Laws, which has engaged the policy of this maritime nation from the earliest times. Navigation and trade, although, in a general consideration, con- nected, yet may constitute separate and distinct: interests in legis- lation : for instance, navigation may be greatly promoted b}^ such laws as tend to procure exclusive rights of lading and conveyance or a carrying trade ; but ■.'■uch pro\ isions of law adopted for the advanti!ge and increase of shipping, may, as restrictory on the circulation and export, operate to the prejudice of agriculture and manufactures. The Navigation Laws of Great Britain r.:e framed in the 150 WEST-INDIA COMMOy-PLACE BOOK. policy of increasing and securing a carrying trade ; and further, with a ^iew to monopoly in the building of ships so to be em- ployed. In regard to other and general branches of manufacture and trade, Sir Joshua Child, a strong advocate for the system, admits, that the Navigation Laws operate in prejudice to that competition from open and free admission of ships from whatever quarter, which would make a raw material cheaper, and facihtate and cheapen the passage to market of the material manufactured ; and that this must, in some degree, lower the profits, and thereby check the industry, of a laborious and ingenious people, such as those of Great Britain. . • • . The Navigation Laws, therefore, must be founded on a prin- ciple more urgent, and superior in national policy and considera- tion, to that of interior manufacture, and the extension of mer- cantile connexion and ad\enture. It will remain to shew hoM' far these may co-operate with the shipping interest : but reverting to the immediate sulyect, the principle of the Navigation Laws is the laying a foundation of a beU'igcrent navy ; and in this risking some portion of the national trade, on which those laws are re- strictorj, and eventually may be oppressive. The first enactment on the subject which I find in the Statute Book, is in the 15th of Richard II., by which, " None of the King's subjects shall export or import, save in ships of the King's allegiance." And this was in the ancient language of the statute : " Per cucrecer la navie d'Englctcrre qu'wl est ore moult grandcmcnt amen usez" WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 151 But the act of the 4lh of Henry VII. cap. 10, lays the very foundations of the present system : after recilliip;, " that great minishing and decay hath been now of late time of the na\y of this realm of England, and idleness of mariners within the same, l)y which this noble realm, within short process of time, without reformation be had therein, shall not be of ability, nor of strength, to defend itself;" — it enacts, " that no person inhabi- tant of this realm, other than merchant strangers, shall ship in any foreign vessel, out, or home, or coastwise ; and that no wines, &c. shall be brought from France, but in ships whereof the King, or his hege subjects, are owners ; and the master and mariners of the same, English, Irish, or IVclsh, or men of Ber- wick upon Tzeeed." The 1st of Elizabeth repeals the act of Henry VU. ; but the 5th of Elizabeth, cap. 5, entitled, " An Act touchhig Politic Constitutions for INIaintenance of the Navy," revives the provi- sions of the statute of Henry, restricting the trade by English subjects to English ships ; and then, by numerous clauses, pro- vides for the encouragement and extension of the fisheries. Amongst other regulations to this effect, it is enacted, " that no subject within the realm shall cat flesh meat, or other than fish, on any A\ ednesday within the year ;" adding the curious injunc- tion (enforced by heavy penalties), " that none shall presume to say, that this ordinance is for the goo 164 M'EST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. America, for assortment of cargo (rice from Carolina, and staves from Massachusetts); and thirdly, to convoy these circumnavi- gators to each and every island (for there is more danger from privateers amongst the islands than on the open seas) ; yet after all these strange and difficult suppositions, what can be the profit of the undertaking ? What can be the freight, to compensate for sa circuitous a voyage, and so much occasional demurrage ? Our merchants and manufacturers at home have given proof (as exemplified by official returns), that they prefer the export to America in time of war by neutral bottoms, to avoid the sur- charges of freight and insurance, &c. The ship will then go nearly in ballast to America : let it, in the second instance, be presumed, to get a full cargo for the islands ; yet for the third voyage, that is, home to England, it can have no certainty of lading: the vessels direct from Great Britain must be first served; the planter, under positive engagements, must give a preference to the vessels of his established consignee ; and a surplus over the produce of the year expected and provided for, can alone fall to the chance-comer. Like other individuals, over-distressed in life, these ship- owners seem to be going, they know not where — to do, they know not what. But, say their advocates, " eminent West India merchants are ready to dispatch their sliips to the West Indies, by the circuitous voyage vid America, to take up supplies ;" not conceiving how it can answer to carry round, and defer deliyery WEST-IXDIA COMMON-PLACE DOOK. l6,5 of the share, more or less, of British prochice and manufacture, with which every outward-bound West India ship in the regular trade is in part at least laden, I must doubt the fact. But ad- mitting it, for argument sake, I answer — " the ships ^vill then be the same as now, merely taking a new and longer course ; no more ships will be employed ; no more will be built than at this very period of your grievance and complaints ; and where then is your relief?" In sad and sober truth, the evil originates in causes not to be affected by a scheme of the kmd proposed ; which, if it were prac- ticable, ■ and could succeed to the utmost extent which the most sanguine speculators entertain hopes of, would yet, in a very partial and small degree indeed, prevent the yearly diminution of mercantile shipping, which is become so serious a matter of re- flection and alarm. In the last Chapter of this Miscellany, I shall have occasion to discuss this important subject further; when I shall produce some documents, on which the actual condition of British ship- ping may be estimated, the causes of its decline be explained, and the remedy be suggested: I can imagine but one remedy — but of that in its place. 166 CHAP. XL The British IVest Indies considered as a Depot of Foreign Trade. '■' I- - • THE chain of islands from the Bahamas to Tobago, cover- ing the Gulph of Mexico, and connecting the ^ast Continents of North and South America, from the first discoverers received the general appellation of Ant-illas, or frontier isles ; and the tenn truly designates their situation relative to Europe, as places of first arrival, and as posts of further enterprise. In this view more especially, they exhibit stations for the de- posit of European produce and manufactures, oftering facilities of communication with the countries beyond, by the trade-winds, invariably between the tropics, blowing from the east. The commercial spirit of the British people, and concurrent policy of their Government, could not long overlook or neglect so la\ oui'able an invitation to mercantile enterprise, as ready wai-e- houses, easy intercourse, and extensive markets, at once ten- dered for acceptance. The trade by the West Indies to the Americas, was engaged in soon after the restoration of Charles the Second; and from its vvvy commencement, the scheme of adventure hath chiefly been directed to the Spanish Settlements, as offering the most ad\an- WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE HOOK. l67 tageous market for British produce and manufacture, and tfic most valuable returns of exotic dyes, drugs, raw materials, live stock, and bullion. In order to facilitate this course of trade, the British Govern- ment hath devised the erecting certain places and harbours of its West India Settlements into free ports, admitting, under certain restrictions and regulations, a free entry and trade by foreign vessels. It was considered that masters and mariners cominj^ from those countries which were to be supplied with European articles, of whatever description, could more readily procure and bring what was desirable for barter, and in payment ; and being better acquainted with the means of access, and channels of dis- posal on their return, might greatly extend the use and sale of British goods. Our English merchantmen could in many cases merely hover over the creeks and inlets of an immense line of coast, which the natives might run into, with a retreat and safeguard for their cargoes, from aid of friends or accomplices, partners in their bu- siness, or dealers in their commodities ; for their business, on one side, was illicit, and strictly forbidden. The trade, however, connivetl at anil encouraged under the iBritish Free-port Acts, ever has been, and is, a contraband trade in view of the Spanish Government; which enforces the system of colonial monopoly with an extraordinary jealousy, and rigour 168 TTEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. proportionate to the value of what it possesses, and to its in- trinsic weakness for the conservation of it ; it is a jealousy which would shut out the nations of Europe equally from a know- ledge of its people, and of its riches in South America. There is a despotism in its conduct of trade, as of sovereignty, which can be suffered only in ignorance ; and its policy is to pre- vent the knowledge of what is to be acquired by a free and fair exchange of property, as well as of what is to be enjoyed by the rights of person, or from security in either case. The simple fact, that the Government of Old Spain is in itself H principal merchant, or rather trading company, with New Spain, leads at once to an estimate of commerce carried on be- tween the two parties, that of Europe in power, and that of South America in subjection. The intermediate, or private, traders, whether licensed to share in the register ships or other- wise, or dealing in the interior country by agency, or under pa- tronage, may be supposed to indemnity themselves against exac- tion by extortion, and to aggravate oppressions on the industrious part of the community, who work to pay others beside themselves, and must sell as well as buy at the price of the monopolist. Nothing but absolute and vigilant pow er can bind the parties to such deahng and traffic : under such circumstances, there must ever be a struggle to evade the oppression which cannot b« resisted ; every native of New Spain must at heart be disloyal, and geek to elude the ordinances which enact the pillage of liis indus- WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. l69 irv, and the pri\atioii of what he requhes: show him in secret what will compensate his work, and furnish to his necessities — he h of course a smiigglcr ! It is this description of people, possessing the means from a rich country, Avhich has in\ ited and supported a British trade. From c\ery information I have been able to collect, it is an error to suppose that, in any case, or under any compromise, the Spanish administration allows of a trade with its American settlements by foreign nations. It hath, indeed, admitted enu- merated articles of necessity for working its mines; but with the utmost caution in exqluding all others. When, at any former pe- viod, it hath relaxed in a small and fixed proportion, allowing mis- cellaneous imports, it was to cover and ensure the import which was indispensable ; but the exception hath depended upon, and ceased with the exigency. Its assiento treaty, of ancient date, hath long expired : its dealing since for African slaves never admitted them as a passport for other commodities ; if any such passport article ever existed, it was, and is, quicksiher, so indispensable for se- parating the ore of Potosi, and other mines ; but this, I take it, hath been merclj^ occasional, and a connivance rather than a re- gulation, unknown, and to be excused to the government at home, as a case of necessity, and in exception to its general sys- tem and orders. • The foreign trader can of course place no reliance on such in- stance of admission and traffic, procee<.ling, as it may have done. 170 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACr, BOOK. from circumstances of necessity and policy, which were merely contingent, and may not operate in a future case. The British export trade to Africa, in its details as repeatedly laid before Parliament, shews no considerable export of British manufactures beyond what are required for the purchase of slaves, or a surplusage to accompany their conveyance in any branch of trade across the Atlantic. Under the provisions of the Free Port Acts, the admission to trade with our islands is limited to foreign sloops, schooners, and vessels not having more than one deck : such vessels are no way adapted to the carrying of slaves ; and I am of opinion -with the able author of " War in Disguise," that when slaves are occa- sionally taken on board, they hold the place of manufactures, no ways assisting the entry or sale of other articles of lading, which, on the other hand, operate to render the very negroes contra- band ; and that they are of disadvantage in the trade, by these small vessels so forming the assortment of cargo. That previous to the operation of the late act prohibiting the trade in slaves to foreign settlements, many negroes have been, and will be, ex- ported from our islands, and mostly to the Spanish Main, is true ; but if I am well informed, the Americans have been the principal carriers ; indeed, for any considerable numbers, and in open and direct trade, neutral ships could only be so. I nmst, then, consider the assertion, from whatever authority reported, " that seven or eight slaves would, in the assortment M'EST-IKDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 171 of cargo, procure admission for 50,000/. \alue of British manu- factures into any settlement of Spanish America," to be wholly unfounded in practice and fact, as inconsistent with every just speculation on the case ; and that the present commerce with the Spanish Settlements, for the introduction of British goods, is un- constitutional, and altogether contraband ! The contrary sup- position might lead to a neglect of precautions ; and I the more anxiously engage in the refutation of the error, as it might endan- ger the person as well as the property of those who offend, and then come within the reach of an arbitrary and vindictive government. The course of this trade being, then, on the one side, illicit^ and liable to check and prevention as occasionally discovered, it admits not of exposure as to its points of destination, its interior channels, and general means of success. AVith a view to British interests, it cannot be exhibited in detail ; and I content myself vith pointing to the Spanish Main, and, in general terms, re- commending this branch of West India trade : I merely call the attention of the British merchant to the wealth, population, and extent of country, he may have to deal with ; and to the extent of coast for his selection of adventure, where it may least be pro- vided against and obstructed : I merely intimate the distinctions of climate and country, wanting what we produce, and producing what we want. . : Mr. Bryan Edwards, in his first volume of the History of the West Indies, gives a remarkable instance of the exposure of z2 ■" 172 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. the details of trade bet\veen the West India free ports and the Spanish Main, and of the consequent loss to the British merchant, of much, or most, of that lucrative commerce. Mr. Edwards states, that the trade from England, via Jamaica, about the be- ginning of the last century, furnished the Spanish Settlements yearly with 1,500,000/. value of British goods; that subse- quently, from the vigilance of the Spanish Government, and its guarda costas, or from other causes, the trade was on the de- cline ; but that it was yet considerable to the year 1764. To revive and encourage this trade, free ports were established at Jamaica, and other islands, in 1766; but unwarily, and unfor- tunately, an order of the British Government followed, requiring of its officers at such ports, a return of entries of all Spanish and other foreign vessels, with accounts of their cargoes, to be made to Ministers at home. These accounts, however ofllcially marked private, yet passing through the hands of many clerks, were by some one betrayed ; and Mr. Edwards was informed by a mer- chant of Carthagena, that, in fact, a copy reached the Ministry at Madrid, who immediately dispatched orders to the Govern- ments in New Spain, directing the most exemplary and cruel punishment of the parties concerned in the traffic so exposed ; and enforcing greater vigilance of the guarda costas, and other measures of prevention, in future. Alter this recital, any entry of such details respecting the trade as have come to my knowledge, will not be made in this WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 173 Compilation ; and having given intimations of the favourable tem- per of the people, and of the nature of the country, as incentives to the adventure, I will merely, in general terms, repeat, that it is a trade of the utmost importance to the industry and manu- factures of Great Britain, both as to export, and as to quality and use of the articles taken in return and payment. To this may be added, that the actual state of Spain, in relation to its settle^ ments of America, seems to tender an opening, and facilities to this course of commerce, through which it may be carried to an extent scarcely calculable, regarding the means and enterprise of our ingenious and commercial people, requiring no other aid or encouragement than simply the approval and protection of the British Government. The subject admits merely of hints and intimations : contra- band is a kind of commercial warfare, in which to publish the design of attack, is to suggest the means of defence and prevent tion. The institution of British free ports is, however, matter of notoriety, and their stations may be severally considered as suit- able, or not, to the estabhshment. , " ' 174 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. JVest India Free Ports. ' The act of the 45th George IIT. cap. 57, enumerates and consolulates the several acts for the institution of free ports in the British West Indies : it recites — the 6th George III. cap. 49, estabUshing free ports at Dominica and Jamaica, for a hmited period ; the 13th George III. cap. 73, and the 14th George III. cap. 4, continuing the acts of 6th George III. in force to the 3'ear 1780; the 21st George III. cap. 29, leaving the privilege of Dominica, as expired, but continuing the free ports of Jamaica to 1787 ; the 27th George III. cap. 27, continuing the privi- lege to Jamaica, reviving it for Dominica, under greater restric- tions, and further extending it to the ports of Nassau in the Ba- hamas, and to George Town, in Grenada ; the 33d George III. cap. 50, adding the port of St. John's, in Antigua ; and the 42d George III, cap. 102, making a free port of Road-harbour, in Tortola. The 45th George III. cap. 57, is entitled, an act " to con- solidate and extend the several laws for allowing the importation and exportation of certain goods and merchandize into and from certain ports in the ^Vest Indies." It enacts, " that wool, cotton wool, indigo, cochineal, drugs of all kinds, cocoa, logwood, fustic, and all woods for dyers' use, hides, skins, tallow, beavers, furs, tortoise-shell, hard woods, mahogany, and all cabinet MOods, WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 175 horses, asses, mules, and cattle, being the growth or produce of any of" the colonies or plantations in America, or of any country on the Continent of America, under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state ; and that all coin and bullion, dia- monds and precious stones, may be imported into Islands of The ports of Roseau, . Dominica. ' \ Kingston, Savannah, Santa Lucia, > Jamaica. Montego Bay, Port Antonio, Nassau, - - - New Providence. Pitt's Town, - - Crooked Isle. Principal port, - - Bermuda. George's Town, - Grenada. ' ' St. John's, - - - Antigua. Road-harbour, - - Tortola. Kingston, - ~ • St. Vincent's. St. Josef, - - - Trinidad. Scarborough, - - Tobago. And the above enumerated articles are to be imported in any fo- reign sloop, schooner, or other vessel not having more than one deck, being owned and navigated by persons inhabiting any of 176 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. the said colonies or country of America, any law, usage, or cus- tom to the contrary, notwithstanding. By section 2, tobacco, under certain regulations, is added to the articles allowed for import. By section 4, foreign sugars and coffees may be imported to Nassau, in the Bahamas. By section 7, other articles imported than those enumerated, or in other vessels than as described, incur forfeiture of ship and cargo. ; By section 8, an export of rum from the above free ports is allowed, and of negroes brought in British ships from Africa ; and of all goods legally imported, that is, from Great Britain, or British American Colonies, with exception to masts, yards, bow- sprits, pitch, tar, turpentine, and iron : but no export can be made to a British island or settlement, unless that of li\e cattle; for, By section 9, the enumerated articles, as imported, are restricted in export from the said recited free ports to Great Bri- tain, in British ships navigated according to law, as under pro- vision of the 12lh of Charles II. &c. &c. By section 13, East India goods are especially prohibited in this trade ; and lastly, by this act all former acts are repealed. The policy is ob^;ervable in this law, which reconciles a free- dom of trade ^^ ith the system of colonial monopoly, and a partial infringement of the letter with the more essential spirit and, pur- WEST-INDIA COMMOX-PLACE BOOK. 177 pose of the Navigation Acts ; Avhich restricts the import to raw materials, and makes them payable by manufacture ; and which limits the foreign carrying trade to sloops and schooners, taking the return trade in larger British ships; providing in either case, against a nursery of naval power. The enumerated articles, with exception to cattle and live stock, and hard woods for mills and building, are ill suited for use and home consumption in any island ; and the privileged colonies are mere factors for the mother-country, with the exception stated, and with that of rum being allowed in the export : these, however, are great advantages ; and to these, from the very bu- sinass and factory, may be added others, of increased population, of a greater resort of shipping, of an influx and choice of Bri- tish goods, of more wealthy merchants, a circulation of specie, and resource and accommodation to the landed interest. The only provision in this law which appears objectionable, is that which, in certain instances, allows the import of foreign co- lonial produce. In countries growing the like articles, the distinc- tion of foreign and native sugars or coffee, cannot be kept up ; the protecting duty is a mere incentive to fraud ; the mark on package, partially made, or not, is no security, and Custom- house oaths are unhappily proverbial. The British Colonies, re- stricted in both purchase and sale, to dealings with the mother- country, are entitled to a reciprocity, and to exclusive possession of the home-market, for disposal of their produce; and this they could no longer be secure of, were the imports of foreign colonial A a 178 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. produce, which I object to even for the Bahamas, extended to islands furnishing the Hke commodities. ^... , . Adverting to the free ports severally and in detail, this subject will again occur, and in the first instance, under provisions of the 6th George III. cap. 49, estabUshing free ports at Roseau, and Prince Rupert's Bay in the island of Dominica. " Dominica, surrendered to the British Crown by the treaty of Paris, 1763, attracted the immediate and particular attention of the British Government, from its growth of coffee, produced in a very inconsiderable degree at that time by any ancient planta- tion of the British West Indies ; from its noble harbour, called Prince Rupert's ; and from its situation between, and in sight of, the large and fertile islands of Guadaloupe and Martinique. The facility of communication with these French colonies, suggested advantages to be derived from the opening a trade, so regulated as to gain an outlet and sale of British manufactures from ware- houses in Dominica, with such guards on the return trade, as might yet protect and retain the monopoly in supply to its colo- nies, of which Great Britain has ever been justly tenacious. The scheme devised was a free port, under restrictions fa- vourable to the national views of trade, and with a guard of its navigation system, inviting, in general terms, foreign vessels from every quarter : but the principal resort would necessarily be from places the most convenient for dealing and intercourse ; and a jea- lousy of this institution, as inviting a clandestine trafhc, to the WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 179 prejudice of its trade and revenue, niiglit be expected to occasion remonstrance, and more than ordinary precautions, on the part of the French Government in tlie neighbouring islands. But this was not the case : no alarm was taken ; and even an apparent connivance with the scheme of British trade, put its good poUcy at least in doubt, when thus approved of by rivals in contest for advantages to accrue from the measure. In truth, this Free Port Act was a first essay, and the sub- ject was not at that time understood : the errors in the plan are thus to be accounted for, and in some sort excused ; but cannot be so in the repetition. Undoubtedly the framers of the original act had in view the circulation of British manufactures, for they were a British Mi- nistry : but the provisions of the bill which allowed of the export of negroes, and the import of colonial produce, superseded every other branch of trade, in dealing with the planters of Marti- nique and Guadaloupe, who were invited to purchase slaves for the cultivation of their estates, with acceptance of the produce of those estates in payment. The French Government, I can readily imagine to have complacently winked at a practice, however illicit, which promoted the settlement and prosperity of its colonies, and the resource of its power ; probably (but I know not) that Government at the same time, in compromising with its people, passed over the contraband to its ultimate advantage, under conditions more effectually preventing any further trade which might operate to its prejudice. , . •: : ■ ■ Aa2 180 "WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. The above surmise is warranted by details in the following returns laid on the table of the House of Commons, March 1806, exhibiting the trade of Dominica from 1767 to 1778, during which period its Free Port Act, allowing the import of colonial produce, was in force. > An Account of the Falue of British Produce and Manifactures Exported from Great Britain to the Island of Dominica, from the Year 17^7 to the Year \778, hoth inclusive ; and of the Quantities of Sugar and Coffee Imported from the said Island in the same Period ; dis- tinguishing Foreign Produce from British, and in each Case the several Years respectively. '•-■ ' Value of British Produce and Manufactures Exported. Sugar and Coffee Imported. Sugar. . Coffee. Years. Eritibli Plantation. Foreign Planution. British Plantation. Foreign Plantation. 1767 1768 £. s. d. 28,667 5 1 17,036 7 10 27,156 5 5 31,656 9 11 53,135 18 8 56,696 13 8 40,770 7 9 44,782 14 1 59,694 16 3 57,225 10 8 43,759 13 2 27.152 15 7 civt. qr. lb. 8764 1 21 1499 2 8 1560 3 26 12,841 3 7 10,258 4 10,370 2 8 26,705 1 5 53,464 2 12 40,683 1 21 39,837 1 14 36,987 18 35,022 2 17 civt. qr. lb. 23,764 3 6 46,868 1 23 18,611 17 14.517 1 4 9704 3 2 14.518 12 17,423 1 2 cwt. qr. lb. 5829 1 16 15,009 24 14,163 15 10,479 3 12 16,439 1 7 20.320 3 13 15,709 1 15 21,134 3 16 15,792 2 12 25,165 26 16,121 9 14.321 ciut. qr. lb. 3597 1 3 1769 1770 1771 1772 1773 1774 • •••*•«••••• 105 3105 3 16 8562 16 311 1 24 1775 101 3 13 1776 1777 1778 301 5 1 8 2144 2 1 30 316 3 4 The amount of British produce and manufacture imported to .Dominica during this period, in no 3'ear exceeds the quantity which might be required for home consumption in that island ; and the speculations of advantage to British industry and trade WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 181 from the establishment of this free port, seem generally to have failed. From the exports of 2018* slaves to foreign settlements in 1787, and of 4653* in the year 1788, we may infer, that like\\ise in the preceding years, the colonial produce of Marti- nique and Guadaloupe Avas chiefly paid for by value in African negroes, of which Dominica was priA ileged to become the factor, for extending the cultivation of those foreign and rival countries. The ill policy of the measure hath finally been recognized, which at once aided the settlement, and opened a new market to the produce of colonies, tending thereafter to enlarge and strengthen the basis of an hostile navy ; for whatever of carrying trade was substracted for a season, was to be resumed by the French in a more extended and prosperous state, as occasion might offer» When the privilege of a free port was again allowed to Domi- nica in 1787} in the form it since continues, colonial produce was excepted from the enumerated imports ; and the objection in this quarter is removed. Under present circumstances, I see little in the establishment at Dominica to merit a distinct consideration. Jamaica, it has been observed, had for above a century car- ried on an extensive trade with the Spanish Islands and Main, under connivance of the British Custom-house, when, by the act above recited, of the 6lh George III., Kingston, Savannah- * Vide Returns, pages 7 and 8. . . 182 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. la-Mar, Montego Bay, and Santa Lucea, were erected into free ports; to which Port Antonio hath since been added. The 6'th George III, cap. 4-9, did not allow to these ports, at any time, the privilege of importing colonial produce, as in the case of Dominica. ' ' ' - ' ' - The map will show the very great advantage which Jamaica, from situation, possesses in every direction of trade within the Gulf. In its assortments for commerce, it circulated no doubt, at all times, very considerable quantities of British manufacture, printed cottons, stationary*, hardware, and India goods : but one great article of its export hath been African slaves; of which, in 1786, Jamaica exported to foreign parts 3619; in 1787, it ex- ported 1780; in 1788, it exported 2467; and in 1803, to the number of 2402. This branch of the trade I have already discussed, and stated what I conceive to be the impolicy of encouraging it by the British Government. I know of no instance of a Spaniard, Portuguese, or Dutchman, colonizing other than national settlements ; but the English seem colonizing mad ; they would colonize for the French, for the Dutch, and for the world : they settled Guada- loupe, on its capture in the Seven Years' War, and Demerara, in that of the Revolution — and their Government looked on! I have been informed from high authority, and to be relied * Stationary is a most profitable article in this trade, and prints of scriptural subjects, saints, &c. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 183 upon, that since 1803 there has been httle or no trade between Jamaica and the Spanish Settlements. The rupture, and commencement of hostiUties with Spain, was attended w ith circumstances of peculiar grievance and ani- mosity ; and which seems to have excited an aversion to British intercourse,, even amongst the natives of South iVmerica, a\ hence the fleet attacked and destroyed in 1803, with an instance of terrible catastrophe to a family of passengers, distinguished and beloved in their country, had proceeded. The policy of tlie French Emperor, now specially at war with British commerce, hath, no doubt, busily aggravated the national prejudice, and engaged a superior vigilance of the Spanish Government, aided by the dis- trust, and angered temper of its people, to preclude our inter- course w ith its trans-atlantic dominions. But ere this, I trust, the mischief of 1803 is considered to have been partial, accidental, and no just ground of popular en- mity ; and against the rest, British enterprise, if duly exerted, must avail. I must, however, suggest the necessity of a reform in our Custom-house regulations at the several free ports, and which, under present circumstances, may occasionally deter the subjects of a foreign and hostile power from engaging in the adventure : our licenses granted to their sloops and schooners have yet too much of form and publicity; being required for production, to save the vessel from capture by our British cruizers, they may expose the parties to confiscation and punishment, on discovery 184 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. by those of their own government. Surely a watch-word, or countersign, might be a sufficient passport for these enterprises of trade. Another mischief of form, and the preciseness of office, ill suited to such adventures, has been, the occasional seizure* of a vessel from the Spanish Main, from weather, or whatever cause, shifting its destination from the port to which the license is directed : .in one instance of such procedure, a general distrust seemed to follow the conhscation, ill understood, and the trade for a time was wholly stopped. , - • The Bahamas command the Important passage and trade b}' the Gulf of Florida, and the free port of Nassau, in the princi- pal Isle of Providence, may be turned to account as a deput ge- nerally for America to the mouths of the Mississippi, and to Cuba, &c. African slaves, from the very institution of this free port (1788), have been the principal article of export to foreign settle- ments. In 1801, the Bahamas exported 2279 negroes ; in 1802, they exported 2181. The Liverpool ships may be supposed to freight in return with foreign colonial produce, which, specially by the 32d Geo. III. cap. 43, is allowed for import to the Ba- hamas and Bermuda, and which, indeed, can most conveniently arrive by the Gulf stream from difterent countries of its growth. As all sugars whatever, under the provisions of the recited act, if coming from the Bahamas, are to be deemed foreign, and to pay the extra duty, they do not, indeed, in a direct viezc\ * For reasons before given, I do not insert the name of the vessel, or other details. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE feOOK. 18.> interfere with the claims of the British colonist to the home market; but they do so collaterally, and to his prejudice : for when re- exported to foreign Europe, they usurp a place in that course of trade, which, shutting out a necessary export of the excess of British sugars above the home consumption, leaves the market glutted, and the article depreciated in proportion. Other free ports are established at the small Bahama Isles of Caicos, and Crooked Isle, which chiefly trade with salt, from the salt works with the North Americans. Tortola, the most to leeward of the islands commonly so termed, is central, and conveniently situated for deahng with Porto Rico, and other great islands to the west ; and, in expec- tation of an extraordinary traffic with the negro people of Hayti, or St. Donningo, the free port of Road Harbour, in Tortola, has been endowed with further and unusual privileges. By an act passed last sessions, 46th Geo. III. cap. 72, His Majesty, with the advice of his Privy Council, is authorized to permit the importation of all foreign colonial produce to Tortola, in the same manner as to the port of Nassau, in New Providence ; and this, with the other Virgin Isles, being a sugar colony, guards, or attempts to guard, the export to Great Britain, by an estimate of the native produce at 5,880,000 lbs. of sugar, or 4000 hogsheads ; and directs, that no greater quantity coming from Tortola, shall be admitted, on duties, as British sugars. B b 186 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. This, however, is much too large an allowance ; the sugar, pro-^ duce of Tortola, and the Virgin Isles, not exceeding, on a past average, 31,088 cwt. ; viz. only 3,481,856 lbs. and 2400 hogs- heads. We shall, no doubt, have to observe an happy increase of l600 hogsheads of native sugars from the Virgin Islands, under the provisions of this free-port act. An Account of the Qiiantities of Sugar and Coffee Imported from Tor- tola, from 1799 to 1804, both inclushie J distinguishing each Year^ and the Foreign Produce from the British, Sugar. Bruish Plantation. Foreign Plantation. Coffee. British Plantation. Foreign Plantation. 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 cwt. 36,510 11,853 33,570 46,163 21,269 37,209 lb. cwt. 3 15 27 24 lb. 4857 d 11 3 2,1868 ciut. qr. lb. 589 2 18 22 2 742 2 23 8 195 1 13 84 1 4 cnvt. qr. lb. 240 2064 I have understood this privilege of importing colonial produce to have been given to Tortola, from a conception that Great Britain might thence acquire a carrying trade of the coffees- yet gathered by the negroes of Hayti ; but then it must be with pre- judice to the growing settlements at Jamaica ; and this, with the sugar trade, is open to all those objections, on the part of the WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACi: IJOOK. 18? British Colonies, which I have before stated. But there is a fur- ther and general objection to the encouraging these imports, in respect to the immediate interests of British trade. The admis- sion to our free ports of colonial produce, which we possess in common, and do not want, may induce such import to be, in many instances, substituted for that of articles from the Americas vhich we most require : we invite and take a manufacture, when a raw material might be otherwise supplied. If this act is not repealed, I can only hope, that the authority vested in the King and Council may, in the Royal wisdom, lay dormant, and without effect. • ,: ' Grenada is well situated for an easy run to the island of ]\Iar- g-arita, as a depot for the Caraccas, and generally for mercantile adventure on the northern coast of South America. From Gren- ville Town, in this island, the trade with the Spanish Main was, in 1792, carried on to a very considerable extent ; and, as the Governor-General, MatthcMs, then informed me, was to the amount of 600,000/. value in exports of printed cottons, hard- ware, and other British manufactures. In 1788, Grenada ex- ported to foreign settlements 1598 African slaves ; but has since dropt that branch of commerce, and is an example that the trade generally is not dependent on such an article in the assortment of cargo. The insurrection and disturbances in Grenada, in 1795-6, niust, for a time, have suppressed this lucrative course of tralllc ; B b2 188 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. but the station of depot is so advantageous, that it cannot be long neglected. With respect to Antigua and St. Vincent's, I have nothing of special consideration to add on the subject of advantages in trade and intercourse to be derived from the establishment of free ports. It occurs, however, that trade will often shift, 'and flourish in one place or another, according to the means, and spirit of adventure, distinguishing individual merchants, and so . far will elude any computation founded on superior facilities and inducements, derived from mere locality and bearing as to countries the objects of traffic. In this view it may be well to consider the establishment of free ports as general, and which, in truth, it nearly is ; and the rather so, as in every case it will be attended with advantage to the colonists, in admitting occa- sionally the supply of live stock, mules, timber, and bullion, and affording an outlet to rum, which is a refuse in the markets of the mother-country. Having cursorily adverted to the institution of free ports ; to those of Jamaica within the Gulf; and as covering that sea to those of the Bahamas, and of Grenada, forming the northern and southern extremities of the chain of British Islands ; and to those of Tortola, Antigua, Dominica, and St. Vincent's, as central, I come to ports of commercial enterprise, which I have reserved -as the most important, and as meriting a particular consideration. WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 189 Trinidad, in the enumeration of places adapted to foreign trade, and suited to the establishment of free porta, hath not been hitherto omitted, from my not duly appreciating the advan- tages uhich that great island possesses, from its contiguity to the Southern Continent, its port of St. Josef, in the G ulf of Paria, and its facilities of communication with the opposite country ; but that immediate country is mountainous, rugged, and barren, and affords neither desirable produce or customers, whatever inlets of communication it may afford with the richer interior provinces. The first discoverer, Columbus, entering by the channel of the Boccas, into the bay covered by Trinidad, and looking to the arid and desert mountains on the opposite shore of the Continent, named it, as in the ancient charts, " Golfo Triste." !■ r.i • Yet, as I have intimated, Trinidad, from its free port of St. Josef, may carry on a considerable traffic with the opposite coast, for the supply of the wealthy and populous districts far inland, by a road and passage, however lengthened or intricate : under the present circumstances of difficulty in approaching the imme- diate coasts of Cumana and the Caraccas from the open seas, the trade hath actually taken this channel, and succeeded in a very considerable export of British goods. The traffic, to the extent k is capable of, is most practicable and safe ; it is carried on in small vessels, or even in boats, traversing or coasting the Guh'of Paria ; and on the continental side, running up creeks and rivers, and delivering small but frequent cargoes, and altogether form- 190 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PL \CE BOOK. ing an important and vtluable bran- h of commerce, but which, I think, may shift to another course hy sea, as opportunity offers. For other directions of mercantile adventure, I cannot consider Trinidad as having pecuUar advai:itages ; the navigation to the southward must take an offmg, and Atlantic voyage ; it cannot hugg a leeward coast, rendered the more dangerous from currents influenced by the stream of the Oronooko, and other causes ; and altogether, the situation for general trade is no ways so favourable as at first view, and without due consideration of these circumstances, it might appear. . . Lastly, I come to an island in the vicinity, and to nmdward of Trinidad, and which possesses, from situation and nature, the means of advantageous commerce and navigation beyond any in these seas. 37; ul i Tobago, by a late Act of Parliament, hath been enumerated with the Conquered Colonies, and as such excluded from the free traffic for negroes yet allowed to the British West Indies : not- withstanding this reserve, in bar of its progressive cultivation and settlement, it hath yet been provisionally endowed with a free port at Scarborough. Adverting to this free port, considera- tions arise, which I hope and trust may induce the Executive ]\Iinisters of the British Crown and Government, not to regard Tobago merely as a conquered colony, and to be restored in course to the former Sovereign by any treaty terminating the VF.ST-INDIA CO:\rMON-l'!,ACi: BOOK. » IQ} present war ; bat to retain this Island, as the most important sta- tion in the AVest India seas, -whether as a port of commerce, or as a post of enterprise; whether as a depot of merchandize, or of arms ; and further, considering that every inhabitant, of what- ever description, is British-born. Tobago exhibits, from its nature of country, woods, ri^ ers, and commodious harbours; as hkewise, from relative situation, the greatest advantages to be derived from the establishment of a free port. In latitude 11, and to windward of Trini- dad, the eastern hills of Tobago form the southern promontory or bluff-head of the great Gulf of IMexico ; and thus placed, the island hath facilities of trading within the bay, from its harbour of Courland coursing south of Grenada, on Cumana and the Ca- raccas ; whilst, on the other side, a square-rigged vessel may run, without a tack, from Queen's-bay, in Tobago, to the very mouth of the Oronooko, on the eastern coast of South America ; and with equal facility of voyage, return to the free port of Scarbo- rough ; nor is any other island so conveniently placed as a depot, having in view a trade with Guiana, and to the river Amazon and the Brazils, &,c. That no considerable commerce has yet taken effect between Tobago and any other country whatever, with exception to the immediate intercourse with Great Britain, is unhappily but too easy to account for : a settlement of great capitalists, and a depot of wealth, cannot, and will not be made, in a country so oftcu 1921 WKST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. shifting from one sovereign to another, and under constant ap- prehension of exchange by treaty, from the power which protects, to the power which may confiscate. In all 1 have said of the value of Tobago, I am assuming the case of its being recognized as a British Colony, and as a perma- nent and assured possession of the British Crown : that in polrcy it should be so retained, may appear from other and most im- portant considerations. Tobago, in the trans-atlantic region, besides advantages for trade and communication with South America, such as I have described, hath others, in intercourse with whatever Sovereign Power in Europe it may be subjected to. Laying in latitude 11, a course from Europe gaining the trade-winds, and between the tropics, might be taken by French vessels (supposing Tobago restored to France), in a di- rection southward of the ordinary navigation by British ships ; and so eluding our naval force, might form depots in Tobago, of arms and troops, which might be put in action before even the arrival was known to leeward, and in the British Islands. The mountainous eastern division of Tobago has, on experi- ence, proved to be healthy, in proportion as the low lands to westward have been found the contrary ; and whilst the noble harbour in the north-east quarter of the island, called " Man o' War Bay," offers a rendezvous to ships of war and transports, with depth of water to the very beach, and tranquil as a mill- WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 193 pond ; (he anipliitheatri; of hills formnio- and sheltering the hay, and fertile to their very summit — render it the most healthy sta- tion, with every accommodation of wood and water, for troops that may be landed. Considering the danger to Avhich shipping, and therewith the Royal Navy, is exposed in the West India seas, at particular times of the year, and especially from the 1st of August to Nc- A'ember, denominated the hurricane season, the fact is of im- portance, that no instance of hurricane hath been knonm to affect Tobago. In the year 1780, Barbadoes, only two degrees north, was desolated by a tempestuous whirlwind, which destroyed people, buildings, and every ship throughout the West Indies ; whilst Tobago remained quiet and safe, as if clear, and south- ward, of the destructive vortex. From experience, then, it may be assumed that Tobago is exempt from hurricanes, and that during all seasons of the year, ships may anchor and ride secure in Man o' War Bay, whilst in all other harbours of the West Indies, during the rainy autumnal season, they are exposed to tornados and destruction. In the year 1782, the late Marquis de Bouillie made a most interesting report to his Government, of the importance of Tobago as a military and naval station, and which was supposed to have influenced the Court of France m so earnestly making its acquisition a condition of the then treaty. It is many years since I read this report; but it Avas in print, and any gentleman cc . 19-4 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. who possesses a copy, mUI render a public service in communi- cating it to the proper persons. With these desultory intimations I quit the subject of free ports : they are sufficient for matter of comment and inference, to those who may consider my text as important, and meriting attention ; and I trust the suggestions relative to Tobago, will be particularly considered a§ such. ^y ^^Sl.A.NDSlV«r '' V,. ^>-<-/ '/..z^ I. JiBWAKi, f '•'!k •KrsT.vnrs^ I'HiiisTontEJui •J. > fb/rptufr L/S c WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 199 On ConvoT/s. ' In times of war the navigation is subjected to obstruction and delays, on which I shall venture to remark, as more than neces- sarily resulting from the occasion, and as greatly affecting the charge of freight, and likewise the convenience of timely supply to the colonies. In times of war, the national as well as private venture in ships and cargoes, requires precaution against capture by aa enemy, and the protection of merchant-ships by others of force, as understood by the term convoy. It is to convoys, and to the conduct of London merchants in application for convoys being appointed, and then for their being deferred; — it is to the mischiefs of reciprocatiAC influence between wealth and power, operating in prejudice to the West India Co- lonies, and their timely supply, and shipments in return, that I shall now briefly advert. From the tables of shipping in the West India trade, page 37 of this Compilation, it is observable, that from the year 1787, the ships have severally increased in tonnage and dimension. The same crew will navigate a few tons more, and in stowage, and other respects, mercantile economy finds its account in the larger vessel. On these computations the inci"ease of size is yet growing, and I must term it a growing evil to the West India colonist. Occasional, frequent, and successive supplies, are a 200 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. great personal convenience and comfort to the planter, as well as of advantage to his negroes and estate : now let us suppose a single vessel of l6"00 tons, as an Acapulco or register ship, once in each year to reach a West India island from England, in- stead of five vessels of 320 tons each coming at different times and seasons of the year. This may be an extreme case ; but, as such, it illustrates my objection. Making the application, I ob- serve, that if, since the year 1787, four ships have taken the place of five, from increased capacity of cargo by greater size and tonnage ; — then so far proportionally, even in times of peace, the voyages outward must be less numerous, and, in course, the supplies be less frequent and occasional. So far I premise, having especially in view the frequency of supplies to our sugar colonies, as aided or obstructed by the regu- lation and management of convoys in time of war. Of late years, the convoys appointed at Portsmouth for Octo- ber have not sailed until December ; and those appointed for Ja- nuary have not taken their departure till March, wind and wea- ther favouring in the intervals. When this has been complained of, the charge of want of punc- tuaUty hath been shifted from the Admiralty to the Exchange of London ; and in fact it is well known, that the procrastination, and afterwards the convenience of certain leading merchants, hath often operated in the delaying convoys, till their ships were cleared out, and got round to join at Portsmouth ; and possibly ■^VEST-INDIA COMMOX-PLACE BOOK. 201 the fault of connivance may, by some persons, lia\c hren im- puted to Government, as lending itself to city intluence, and to partial interests ; however assuming, as they ever will, the language and character of general and useful accommodation to trade. But supposing every transaction to be fair, and as represented, it L? not for a temporary and contingent case of trade, it is for a para* mount consideration ; it is for timely and necessary supply to the plantations, that 1 contend ; and, to this efl'ect, convoys should take their departure at known and certain periods ; especially the first autumnal convoy from Portsmouth and from Cork, should peremptorily, ^^iud and weather permitting, weigh anchor the 20th of October; not to risque contrary winds to the end of the month. The importance of this fleet's arrival liefore Christmas-day, carrying out the Irish beef and provisions for the annual treat of 500,000 negroes at that season, and fceighted with their new clothing for the festi\ ity, cannot, to any humane person, and who .knows, as 1 do, the anxiety of each poor negro on the plantations for the timely arrival of these his holiday comforts, be regarded lightly, or as not to be provided for. The planter's domestic supply, and that of his white servants, is another consideration ; and if all attention to the comforts of our fellow-subjects, and fellow-creatures, in so distant a quarter, is neglected; I then appeal io the flintj' economist, on computation of loss, by retarding, in many instances, the commencement of crop, \\hiist awaiting the £> d 202 WEST-INDrA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. arrival of teatches, coppers, stills, mill machinery, and whatever is necessary from England, for turning colonial produce to effect and use. Let ships of war appointed for convoy, sail peremptorily at the time fixed; and mercantile vessels will then be ready and punctual to the appointment ; but as long as the sailing is uncer- tain, many will presume on the uncertainty. Then wealthy, and perhaps more objectionable influence, will step in, to make uji- certainty certain; that is, to give a general impression, that the time first named, will in no case be the time of rendezvous re- quired. The speculator will compute the saving in demurrage, by not being manned and provisioned before his time: the least punctual will gain the most; and, hke to the conditions of an as3-race on the village-gi-een, the last who comes in is the winner. Under such system, or rather incertitude, and surrender of all system, is it wonderful that merchant-ships are often not ready, and cleared out, punctually to meet their convoy at the port of rendezvous ? On the next occasion, let the ships of war, if with but five outward-bound merchant vessels ready for their convoy, sail on the day appointed ; and Government may be assured of the most punctual attendance in each future uistance — to the general advantnge, eventually, of the British merchant and ship-owner, of the West India planter, and of the commercial interests of the nation at large. WtST-TNDTA COMMON-PLACT! BOOK. 203 I have said that supplies of a certain description shouLl be occasional and frequent : to this effect, the outward convoys from England and Ireland should not be less than four in the year, t© take departure, punctually as may be, the third weeks severally of October, December, February, and April ; the last outward convoy in April being allowed eight weeks to probable arrival before the end of June, and with five weeks for discharge of cargo, and shipment of colonial produce, before the double in- surance of the 1st of August. The convoys for return must depend on other circumstances, but, I should think, need not exceed three in the year ; that is, three severally from Jamaica and from the Leeward Islands ; the fast homeward convoy taking its departure from Tortola in April, and the others as the circumstances of the season may require. The month of August being taken as the commencement of the rainy and hurricane season, during which ships, from occa- sional tempests and tornados, are exposed to more than ordinary danger on the West India station, it is provided in each policy of insurance, that the ship homeward-bound shall weigh anchor and sail for Europe on or before the 1st of August ; in default of which the premium is forfeit, and the vessel and cargo at opea risk. Adverting to this condition, it has been the uniform prac- tice for convoys to await, and sail precisely on the last day. Why this should be so, I know not: the crops have been long finished, and the produce been some time on board; and I am Dd2 204 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. sure the last and general convoy from the Leeward Islands might with greater advantage take its departure the middle of July. Trom the Ist of August, if eight or nine weeks on the passage, as a large fleet will be, to reach the Thames, the arrival, taking de- lays of entry at the London Docks, will be too late for an export trade of colonial produce to the North, where the frosts may be setting in ; and certainly the ships cannot discharge, and then clear outwards with a cargo, in time for the ensuing crop in the plantations. I advert not to the late and crouded convoy of this year ; I know the extraordinary circumstances of warfare which contri- buted to its delay, and I am willing to consider it as a case in exception. But here I must observe, that with a view to the naval de- fence of the West Indies, an ulterior advantage will attend a cer- tain, frequent, and periodical departure of comoys from Eu- rope : it will admit of successive relief of ships of war from the West India station, and obviate the lassitude and exhaustion to which their crews are liable, from remaining too long in those climates, and which constitute the pre-disposing cause that has rendered the yellow fever so prevalent and fatal to our people. It will hold out to our colonists a constant view of resource ; and as it will give a fpur to their industr^^, in preparation for the arrivals of merchant-ships ; so will it give confidence to their courage, and animate their difence, in expectancy of aid and relief, when assailed by an enemy. ■n-EST-INDTA COMMOX-rLACn r.ooic. 20j The subject of naval defence, as, under various circumstances, applicable on the AA est India station, is not for me to discuss; I have merch", in this view, intimated a purpose to which a regula- tion of convoys may he applied. '"* On this head I will, however, venture to suggest, that nu- merous well-armed Bermudian schooners, serving as cruizcrs and convoys between the Windward and Leeward Islands, would be a protection to the colonial intercourse, of the highest accommoda- tion. From ha\ing often sailed in these vessels, I have experi- ence that they will beat to windward, in a manner which those Avho have sailed only in square-rigged vessels, can have no con- ception of; they can of course evade superioi* force, whilst the ordinary privateers of Guadaloupe can neither fight, or escape them ; and I humblv presume to suggest an increase of this brand? of d ival establishment in the West Indies, as at once cheap and useful. ' ' 205 CHAP. XIII. On the Military Defence of the West Indies. INTRODUCING the subject of this Chapter, It is not my purpose to discuss military tactics, or to examine the conduct of generals and armies in the AVest Indies. I shall in no degree so presume ; I shall state merely, and in general terms, what occurred to me when visiting the islands in the year 1802, on actual view of how much my own property in St. ^^incent's, with that of all around me, had suffered from repeated devastation by the enemy, and in anxious contemplation of the future events of war : I merely assert pretensions, in common with every Eng- lishman, to take a general view of what has been done, and may be done, for my own security, and that of my country. The scene of nature in the West India islands, and the mixed population of slaves, tenfold in number to the freemen which hold them in subjection, suggest, in either case, the necessity of measures adapted to the peculiar circumstances of the country, whether for defence against a foreign enemy, or for interior po- hce and security. Never having visited Jamaica, and considering that great island as, from its extent of country, forming a distinct and se- WEST-INDIA COMTtlOX-PLACE BOOK. 207 parate case ; and offering scenes of protracted campaign, rather than of mere enterprises of assault and capture, to which the smaller AVindward Islands are Uable; — I shall confine my observa- tions to the latter. The AVindvvard and Leeward Islands admit severally of a dis- tinct and various description, with the exception of Barbadoes- and Antigua, both anciently settled, and progressively cleared of woods, and inhabited tliroughout. The Charribbee Islands may be generally represented as — some, shewing a volcanic pinnacle towering in the centre ; others with mountains checquered alter- nately by rocks and woods ; and all as lofty and rugged in the in- terior, with the country sloping in occasicnall}^ broken or re- gular descent towards the sea, and exclusively on the border of the coast,, displaying the fertility, settlement, and wealth, which there at once invite, and are exposed to — attack and depredation by the enemy. Taking my first impressions, on viewing the West Indies as the seat of war, I should represent the mass altogether as a countrif of coasts, to be attacked only from the sea, and requiring only a naval force for prevention and safety. Were this the case, and that a competent fleet of English ships of war could at all times be stationed or cruizing in these seas, to check or frustrate any expeditions of the cnem}', my sulucct would be narrowed to mere considerations of police, and of the meaiis for preserving peace and good order amongst the negroes :; 208 TVEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. but, from fatal experience, it has appeared, that Great ]5ritaiii cannot, or m\\\ not, in its distribution of the public force, spare squadrons and fleets, such as to ensure a command of the West India seas, in all seasons, as required in war ; and that the pro- tection of the islands must occasionally devolve on British troops stationed for their defence. • At these periods of abandonment by the British Navy, the settled and extensive coasts of the West Indies would not only be liable to ravage and insult, but frequently an island be captured by a coup dc mcdn, if the inhabitants had not means of stopping the progress of iui enemy, w hich the fortified .stations in each colony afford to the regular troops and militia, and of \\ hich the}' have so often and honourably availed themselves, to retain the sovereignty to the British Crown, as exemplified in St. Vincent's and Grenada, and still more recently in Dominica. To a brave and loyal people, the fastnesses of the interior country may afford an immediate and temporary resource ; but composed of rocks and woods, as already described, these situa- tions afford no means of sustenance, and are tenable rather for purposes of honourable capitulation, than of protracted defence. A fortified place of arms and retreat, commanding an open com- munication with the sea, can alone empower the few mihtia and troops in any island to preserve its sovereignty for the Crown of Great Britain, whilst awaiting that succour and relief which ships ©Illy can supply, — whether conveying provisions and warlike WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACK BOOK. 209 Stores for the maintenance of the post, or military reinforccmeuts, finally to subdue or expel the invaders. A fortress, then, is a necessary and indispensable provision of defence for each island ; and British regiments are required for the garrison. So far I premise in reference to seasons of w ar ; but further, in times of peace, and at all times, the great dispro- portion of white and negro population in each island, requires that there should be some post of arms and retreat; and a competent mi- litary force for its guard, and to keep the sla^•es in awe. A spirit of insurrection is ever to be awakened by lacilities of revolution; and if the master of slaves has no resort for command and power, he will soon have no power, and not long be master : let not the precaution l>e olijected to, as appropriate to lordly planters in the West Indies ; — it belongs conditionally to lords of every country in Europe, or the world : the authority of the few over the many rests every where on the resources for sustaining and enforcing it. On every principle of sound policy and government, in the ruling a province four thousand miles distant from the seat of empire, some military establishment of su])jects and natives of the mother- country would be deemed fitting and proper ; but here it is most indispensable, from the nature and sjstem of the colonies to be governed and protected, from the circumstances of their commu- nity and interior state, and from those of their exposure to attack from rival anl hostile settlements in the vicinity. The usual and required proportion of si.i white men, could not superintend and £ e 210 AVKST-INDIA COMMOX-PLACE EOOK. direct the labour of three hundred negroes on a plantation, if " there v.as not in view some post of power and controul, to which the eye of the overseer and of the slave is equally directed ; of the one with the feelings of confidence in his authority ; of the other with those of subjection and necessary obedience. Recurring to times and circumstances of ^^ar; the miUtary force required in the islonds, and particularly in Jauxuica, must depend on the course which hostilities may tai;e from Europe ; and above all, on the command of the West India seas being that of the Bridsh flag. With so much of coast, and so many points open to attack, a naval force is the only efl^icient protec- tion, and which may warrant us in the dispensing with numerous guards and garrisons for the defence of our colonies. Looking to the extensive and commanding Navy of Great Britain, I must, and will suppose, that anv deficiency of fleets competent to afford protection to tlie AVest Indies, can be only occasional, and for a short season ; that no I'endezvous of hostile force can be formed, and no systematic plans of operation and attack be laid and carried on l)y the enemy in that ([uarter : — but the worst which may happen, be the predatory invasion of some island, — to be withstood by a garrison, and by the colonists themselves resort- ing to their citadel, and encouraged to hold out by expectation of relief, on the arrival of a Bnlish squadron in those seas. I must, however, express my hopes, that some arrangement of our naval forte may be dcNised. so as to allow of a more sta- WEST-INDIA COMMOX-PLACP. BOOK. 211 tionary and constant stiperiority of fleets in the West India seas; and that our plantations, in future, may be secured from depre- dation, and our towns from the insult an^ 1 : CO : : : c^ • , . o CM : c- : x : : : cTi : ^ : "o » • «o C P C' or « -0 to 3 Co ~U ^ s is 2 S 3 : c- : : : Oi ^ . 1— ( : : : CO 0^ -* CO r^ Ci t^ -j< r- CO r- t~ CO ^ y ° i-H r-4 f— t f— ( 1— 1 1— ( ^ C>) (M -- J :^ ■as •*o s . 01 r- 10 01 c 'S' CO >r3 05 -> 00 !" !■- t^ GO 01 — " C^ IfJ rt CO T}. !~ ^ Ph CM C-l 01 CM CM — ' 00 1- r- •* 'T" ^ CO CO ■* ^ ^ t}< CO CO CO CO 00 CO -^ -ts J-i ti : CO : : : t- i-H •s ^c3 • ! • I "-^ 1-^ 2 ^^ lT : 00 . . . ° • -a =^s^ : t^ : : : ^ • ►^ .i a; 2^2 : : 00 - • -22 : • :5 • *^ -a C5 oc ►^ CO § a j:: ^§ ■** n : C) : : : e Ti ci : c> : : : 1- OT •«N4 Oh «: «* 05 09 3 Q ^ 01 •* 'J' t- c »^ ac CM eo >f5 C ^ E^ -a ■* ■* -H a> CO i^ w ^ CO CO c J 52 1— 1 -^ "-I — ^ 00 CO LO 00 i-- - C71 10 >* 00 (J ■rf 1^ Gi a rri ^ c CO lo 00 CO CM —'" — —' C t^ 00 1 - CO c 1^ ^ 0" 0* 0' 0" =^ CO CO (» CC pi <3 j- I— 1 -— 1 1— ( — ^~* ^ <0 (U •S " ^^ *t t- P !- 2 J3 > Ft > -•5 i^-c = 1111 s 3 V. , , / V — V WEST-INDTA COMMOX-TLACK 1500Jv, '221 Remnrhs on the above Table. \\\ the months of February and March oi' tliis ^-car, the Bri- tish troops appear to have suffered unusual niortahty. In Fe- bruary, the army having been reinforced from 7170 to 10,1 <)8 men, the extra deaths may be attributed to th(> recent arrivals of raw troops, particularly affected by the change of climate: yet, as an arrival of new troops must be occasional, I leave this contin- gency with the general computation, and take the result as it stands ; that is, for a 3'ear of peace, and \\ hen extraordinary ex- posure to fatigue and climate is not required, the mortality of British regiments, during eight months of dry and healthy season, at 8 per cent, and during four months of hurricane and rainy season, at 17 per cent, and for the year together, at deaths, H per cent. The negro regiments, or black corps, lose in the first period 4 per cent., in the latter about 7 per cent., and medium for the* year, 3 per cent. In seasons of war and active campaign, the European troops lose, by deaths, 17 per cent., and the negroes 7 per cent. ; each description of troops suffering about one-third additional loss, from exposure to climate, and fatigues of service. The returns of mortality refer to the islands generally ; but the result of deaths, n\ proportion to numbers, is very difi'ercnt in different islands, or stations of the same island. 22'2 WEST-INDIA COMMOIf-PLACE EOOK, Barbadoes is, coniparutively, a healthy island ; so too, on personal observation, I can represent St. Vincent's to be. W hen I was in that island in 179'-^, tlie 66th regiment, stationed on Berkshire-hill six years, had in that time buried only 72 men, not exceeding 4 per cent, on their number returned for any one year ; and in my presence, the 37th regiment, after two years' station in St. ^'incent's, embarked, January 1803, for Trinidad, not leaving a sick man behind, or in the hospital. The same res-iment, two months after their arrival in Trinidad, had lost many, both officers and men, and, as I was informed, when in March I was at Tobago, had then 200 men in the hospital. Tobago and Grenada are generally unhealthy, at least in situations where troops have been usually stationed. In Tobago, the French garrison, from its arrival in October 1802, in six months was nearly extinct ; of 42 of Sahuguet's grenadiers, only two were surviving in March 1803. In Grenada, in 1792, the 48th regiment, under the command of Major (now General) Manningham, in the old Spanish fort by the Carenage, within three years had buried a number equal to its complement. Respecting the mortality in Grenada and St. Lucia, the follow- ing remark is copied from a note of my worthy brother-in-law, Mr. Sayer, in reference to the first table of mihtary returns: " The mor- tality this year (1796) was most prevalent in the islands of St. Lucia and Grenada : in -SV. Lucia, the 31st regiment, in the month of May 1796, was 776 strong; and by November, that is, in less than WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 223 jeven months, only fifteen were returned fit for duty. In the same island, the 44th, 48th, and 55th regiments, and the York Fusileers (in INIay 1790, all strong regiments), lost by far the greater number of their men within the year. In Grenada, from June 1796 to February 1797, the 27th regiment lost 20 olll- cers, and 5l6 men. In the same island, and Miihin the same period, the 57th regiment lost 15 oflficcrs, and 605 men." ' AA hat a ha^ ock of death is this ! w hat plague, pestilence, or famine of the East can be compared, in the effects of almost ex- tinction of the human race, within a certain pale, and of a par- ticular description of people ? can the attention of medical science and art be better directed, than to regulations preservative of our soldiers in these countries ? can Government more benefi- cently and wisely exercise its functions of patronage and autho- rity, than by instituting commissions of inquiry into the extent and causes of the evil, and administering reform and remedy in every practicable way ^ Whilst I was within this circle of disease and death, assailing the military force in Tobago, I saw little of pre- valent fever, or unusual mortality, affecting the societies I was in- mate with, or even amongst the young Scotch apprentices on the plantations ; and myself, a new conier from England, had never an hour's illness ; I cannot therefore but imagine, that precautions have been wanting, observing the mortality of sol- diers to be so out of proportion to that of eveiy other class of j)eople in the West Indies. 224 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. It is principally with a view to remonstrance on this subject, and to suggestions of what may conduce to the future health 6nd comfort of the British soldier, that I have been induced to insert a Military Chapter in this Compilation, In earnestness of honest feeling, and with a sense of duty, I cast aside all impu- tations of presumption or insufficiency, whilst I contribute my mite, even the least, with the purpose of kindness and advantage to the brave men who are enlisted in the service of this country, and eno-ao'ed in the protection and defence of its West India co- lonies. I have mentioned, that in 179^-^, vhen I was in Grenada, the 48th regiment had suffered most severely from sickness in the old Spanish fortress on the beach : I will add, that at the same time the 6"7th regiment, stationed on the heights behind the house of my friend General ]\Iatthews, the Governor, where I resided, had been generally healthy, and lost very few men : and this leads me to suggest some observations on the station of troops in the islands generally, and the regulations and reform in this and other respects, which may be conducive to the health and comfort of the soldier in that quarter of the empire ; and reduce the niorta- hty wliich halh hitherto excited regret and terror in the breast of every relative of those destined for ser^■ice in the West Indies. I recommend, in the first place, that, in times of peace, re- giments and recruits should so embark, as to make their ani\al WEST-INDIA COMMON-l'LACE 1500K. 22.3 in the West Indies as nearly as possible to the commencement of the dry and healthy season in December, so that they may have full time to be acclimated, and prepared to encounter the rainy and unhealthy months at the tall of the year. In the rainy au- tumnal season, the atmosphere is not only less pure and salu- brious, but further, the ordinary place of disembarkation, and first reception, is least of all favourable to health at such a period of the year. The chief towns in the islands, for the con\enience and pur- poses of trade, are situated in ba^s to leeward, as suitable to shipping, both for shelter and ready departure : these bays, for the most part, are formed, and closed in, by an amphitheatre of hills ; and the town on the beach is backed by some portion of plains, or lowlands, running to the foot of the suri'ounding heights. In the wet yet sultry season, and when the air is least salubrious, it here loses all vital elasticity and circulation ; and, shut up from the eastern current of the trade winds, animating more open situations, oppresses with closeness and languor even those most accustomed to the climate and country : but fur- ther, the loM'lands to the back of the town are, in the rainy seasons, to a degree inundated by drippings from the surrounding hills, and form beds of mud and marsh, which, under the sultry heats, emit Aapours pestilential to the vicinity. Lowland towns, then, are not the proper stations for Euro- pean troops ; nor are posts, however high up the country. eg 226 MEST-IISTDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. Tvliich are to leeward of wet and marshy plains, the exhalations from which, by the course of the trade winds, bear directly on the garrison : and this remark appUes especially to the fortress adjoining Scarborough, in Tobago, which is affected and poisoned by the marsh of Bacolet, contiguous to windward. Dry situations, with a free current of air, are of the first im- portance to the health of troops in the West Indies: and the ob- jections to such selection of spot, which may arise from the ne- cessity of guards, and posts of vigilance and defence, near to the seat of government and trade, might, to a great degree, be ob- Tiated, by furnishing detachments, and frequent reliefs, for the duty required ; reserving the main body, and head-quarters, at a station chosen with a regard to health. In new and mostly unsettled countries, such as Trinidad, the selection of military stations, with regard to health, may be dif- ficult, but is most important. The large tracts of uncleared wood cover, as it were, one general marsh : the foliage of the trees not deciduous, or ever re-vegetating, and folly supplied, lets through the rain, and shuts out the sun, shading and pro- tecting the bog which hath thus been created ; and thence, in the autumnal evening, from the platform of every grove, a fetid vapour is swept on by the easterly wind, or land breeze, as may be, and in every quarter to leeward is to be smelt, tasted, and felt, as a poison to life. In such countries, without any deference to the Commissary, WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACr EOOK. 227 and the situation of his stores, and to his or any other person's convenience whatever, concerned in furnishing supplies to the soldiery, — every other consideration should give way to that of the health of the main body in garrison, and the station most suitable in this respect should at all events be preferred. In times of peace, and at all times, as far as is consistent with the service, the principle of sacrificing all other considera- tions to those of health, in the selecting military stations, beino- admitted, its application must be the result of inquiry and expe- rience : I merely suggest and plead for its more general adop- tion. Our excellent officers in command will ever, as far as depends on them, take necessary precautions for the health and comfort of the soldier ; but in many cases, barracks have been already ill built, and stations already ill chosen ; — there they are : no other place of reception is provided ; and thither the officer 7nusf march his men, — to die, where others ha^e died before ! On the management of men conformably to the climate, and the avoiding exposure to meridian suns, and to night dews, it is unnecessary for me to remark ; it will, by every good ofllcer, be regulated and attended to, as far as may be consistent with the service. On the article of diet, it hath often occurred to me, that people in the West Indies do not live as West Indians should do : for I cannot consider hard salted meats as a natural and proper G g2 228 AVEST-INDTA COM MON-PLACi; BOOK. food of the country : in those climates, and witli a relaxed tone of stomach, the eating of what is most indigestible is followed, as of course, by drinking what is most stimulating ; and in the end, both co-operate to disease and death. I cannot but think, that rations of salt beef and pork should be more sparingly issued to the soldiery : and with views of analogy, looking to the habits of life amongst the indigeni of the East Indies, I must suppose that in the West, under nearly the same latitudes and climate, yams, plantains, rice, and above all, fish, with the condiments for each food of spices and capsicum, which the providence of God hath provided for our sustenance and health in the West Indies, were not provided in vain. In every island, a pen with a flock of sheep, for hospital use at least, should be attached to each garrison ; and a fishing boat, seins, and nets, should be part of each regi- mental store. The drink of the soldier in the West Indies, par- ticularly requires correction. It is insisted with the contractor, that the rum furnished to the troops should be of good qualit}^, and at least one year old. It is notorious, that hot and raw spi- rit from the still is coloured, and cooked up in a few weeks, or even days, and sold to the troops as old rum. It is of the utmost consequence to the health of the soldier that this should be cor- rected ; and is easily so corrected by immediate purchase, under certain regulations, superintended by a committee of the Gover- nor and Council, directly from the planters in each island. On the suljject of clothing, what is conducive to comfort and WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE I500K. 229 health is now well understood ; and I shall sa}' lillle on this head. A regimental store of thin and light flannels is, al)ove all, nt ces- sary. Suddenly checked perspiration is the most frequent cause of disease in the tropical climates; and flaimel next the skin, and worn at all limes, is the best preservative : I believe it is already in general use. Adverting to the station of troops in the West Indies, it has been observed, that dry and airy situations are to be preferred : the facing and apertures of the barracks should be accommodated to the situation. Open galleries and sheds should shelter every passage and communication, covering the windows from the beat- ing in ef the rains, and preventing the soldier's exposure to the meridian sun, in every case, when actual service and duty do not require it. Not only each sentry walk, but the very parade should be co'.ered. The barracks being properly built, and adapted to a certain number of men, should on no occasion re- ceive beyond the complement : above all, the apartments for sleep should never be crouded ; in itself it is most prejudicial to heallii ; Imt further, in consequence of a chamber being occa- sionally so crouded, the stifled soldier's resource, and a fatal one it may prove, is to throw open the windward casements, and let in the heavy night de\\'s on those in sleep, which, checking the perspu'atioa so necessary to health and life in those climates, may occasion fevers, fluxes, and the whole train of tropical dis- orders. 230 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. I presume not to discuss the subject of hospitals, but yet on this head I must venture one remark, which I made whilst in the island of St. Vincent's, in 1792, and which I now copy from the entry in a little journal which I kept at the time. " Some islands being much more healthy than others, and certain stations in those islands having been found more advan- tageous than others, not only to actual health, but to the reco- very of invalids ;— it occurs to me, that a depot for military in- valids and convalescents should be established in some one island ; and the place be selected by medical commissioners, having before them military returns, and every document of past and comparative health, added to such personal inspection and obser- vation as may best direct their judgment, and choice of situation, for a general hospital of recovery. " Such place o^t depot being chosen and prepared, soldiers from every regiment, and whatever island, after tedious intermittents, liver complaints, and other chronical cases, or consequent debi- lity, should be sent for the re-establishment of health and strength, before the constitution is wholly broken and enervated by the disorder, or its eifects. My information, in the first instance, would direct to Dorsetshire Hill, in the island of St. Vincent's." I am aware, in ha^ ing discoursed so much at large on this subject, that I am liable to the imputation of having trespassed on the province of those exclusively entitled to discuss the mat- WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 231 ters in question from professional education and practice : but my motives of affection and regard for the British soldiery, guard me from any disquietude at the censure of presumption in this respect ; and if any one observation which I have made shall be selected as worthy of attention, and the measures thereon adopted shall conduce to the better health and comfort of troops in the West Inches, the most fastidious reader will, in such case, I trust, pass over what remains of mistaken or superfluous remark with indulgence and excuse. 232 ^ CHAP. XV. Observations on Limited Military/ Service, as applicable to Troops serving in the West Indies. - A MEASURE hath been lately proposed and adopted in Parliament, and is now " a law of the land," by which each Bri- tish soldier for the infantry, is in future to be enlisted for the Umited term of seven years ; and at that period of service, has the option of re-engagement at an advanced pay, or of then claiming his discharge. One of the leading objections taken to this wise, humane, and altogether excellent regulation, proposed by the Secretary of State, Mr. Windham, arose from the difficulties which were aro-ued, as attending its application to British regiments in the West Indies ; and the opposers of the measure insisted on the embarrassments to the service, and on the expence to the public, which the frequent reliefs, and exchange of recruits for discharged men, would occasion, under the circumstances of distance, and contino-encies of service, peculiar to the West India station. A case was then stated in reference to the negro troops, or black corps, and a question arose, of how far these soldiers should, or could, be comprised in the regulation proposed. V'EST-rVniA COMMOK-l'LACE BOOK, 2.33 I shall suggest another special case, not adverted to in Par- liament, namely, that o^ foreign soldiers, having more particu- larly in view those of the six battalions of the 66th regiment, usually stationed in the West Indies. I shall first submit my observations on the general subject, and then consider these cases distinctively. From the military returns entered in a former page, the mor- taUty of troops on the West India station appears to be great, and truly deplorable ; but that mortaUty hath yet been exagge-- rated in the pubhc opinion, by the observation of — how few sol- diers have heretofore returned from service in that quarter of the empire. The inference of almost certain death to those who em- bark for the West India station, hath probal)ly arisen from the effects of the paltry economy and cruel practice of drafting regi- ments, when nominally relieved, and turning over whatever re- mained of effective soldiers, to serve in the regiment newly ar- rived, or, in pluin terms, to continue in the West Indies till they died. It has been stated to me, that since I was in the islands, this practice hath been reformed; but the S3^stem of keeping regiments on the West India station for a o-reater number of years, than the European constitution can resist and survive exposure to militar}' fatigue in these climates, hath done away much, if not all, of tiic good consequences to be expected from a reform in the practice Hh 234 AVEST-IXDIA COMMOK-PLACE BOOK. of drafting the men, and which could not be too strongly repro- bated. British regiments have heretofore remained on the AVcst India station eight, ten, and even fourteen years, and till their com- plement was exhausted, or reduced to non-commissioned officers and invalids. On their return to England, not oa en these ghosts of the departed regiment were seen ; they ranged only within the pale of Chelsea; or if, in exception, some one poor spectre of a niSn stalked forth to his native a illage, he was greeted (as usual on ghostly appearances) with more of terror than of affection, whilst he the " secrets of his prison-house revealed." The expo- sure to service in that country, " from whose bourne no traveller returned," could not but operate in prejudice to the general re- cruiting of our armies ; and the removing this objection from the Enghsh villager's mind, is surely no light recommendation of the measure of limited service, in regard to the facility of recruiting, whilst it hath the higher value of justice and humanity, in consi- deration of those mIio may actually enlist. But some regulation of military station in the West Indies is yet further required, before the measure of limited service can have all the good effects of A\hich, in this view, it is capable. In conformity with the leading principle of limited service, and applying it further, and to those actually enrolled, as far as relates to their service in the West Indies, I venture to propose, that in WEST-INDIA COMMON^-PLACE BOOK. 23,5 future no British regiment should remain on the West India sta- tion more than four years. In result of the observations which I made during a residence in the islands at different periods in 1791 and 1802, I am per- suaded that such regulation as I suggest, would be of ad\antage to the service, in every public and military point of view ; and therewith may be comprised, that it would not only contribute to the health and preservation of the soldier actually servin'^-, as I shall clearly explain ; but furnish an inducement for others to enlist, whicli a view of the early and effective returns of those who have served, must naturally produce. It is true that Europeans, on their first arrival in the West Indies, are liable to fevers, and other disorders, from a cUmate and habits of life so new to them; and in the West India phrase, *' they requii-e a seasoning," before their health can be confirmed iuid depended upon. But it is equally true that Europeans, after a certain number t)f years' residence, fall into relaxed habits and chronical com- plaints, which may shew more invalids proportionate to numbers, ill the regimental returns of a seventh, or eighth year, though perhaps not more deaths, comparatively, than in the year of arrival. In particular, ulcerated ancles, and diseased legs, are prevalent in regiments which have over-stayed the period of the European constitution's resistance to a tropical climate ; and u military ix'tuni of effectives, instead of invalids, is amongst n h 2- S36 WEST-IXDIA COMMOX-PLACE BOOK. the good consequences to be expected from earlier exchange and relief. . ' The limiting the stay of regiments in the West Indies, is not only conformable to the principle, but warranted, and called for, by the specific provisions of that plan of limited service which it& able and worthy author hath so well devised, with the happy combination of advantage to his country, and of, individual com- fort and resource to every brave subject that enrolls in its service. The removing the terror which hangs over the long continuance of a regiment on the West India station, will be in aid of an essential pro\ ision of the plan, by removing a principal objection to re-enlisting in such regiment: it will give to the inducements of increased pay, and of higher character in the line, all the desired effect which could scarcely otherwise on the West India station be expected, save in some solitary instance of military enthu- siasm. , . ; - '. Six months under the actual regulation being added to the term enlisted for, in case the soldier, at the expiration of his seven years, should be serving in the West Indies; and four years (as I have ventured to propose) being the utmost continuance of his regiment on the station, from the date of its arrival ; I do not conceive that the miles emeritus would hasten to quit his batta- lion on the West India station, more than on any other ; but re- enlist, and this even with some preference for awaiting the return home with his comrades, at a period so early in view. And here I WCST-IXDTA COMJIOX-I'LAC r, BOOK. 2,37 Acnture a strong and dcciclcd opinion, tliat the rc-enli^ting after the tirst term ot'engagement for seven years is expired, will l)e very general. From what I have observed of men, and especially of bodies of men, 1 infer, that although the quitting a regiment at the expiration of seven 3-ears, and ^\hil^t in htallh and the prime of life, A\ill be no desertion under the Mutiny Act, yet it will be a kind of desertion, and a disgrace, in the eye of comrade-soldiei's ; and I doubt not, in many regiments, an esprit du corps will arise, to substitute fourteen years of service, as a sort of regula- tion amono'st themselves. I must then contend, that those who will claim their dis- charge in the fu'st instance, may l)e very few; and those who, at the expiration of fourteen years, shouhl have their discharge, can- not, under the casualties of so long service, be numerous; and in either case, for their return home from the West Indies, above six hundred trading vessels offer annually a ready passage; and the expence of hired transports can scarcely, on this account, be ne- cessary. It will be for Ministers and the AVar Office to decide, whe- ther regimental recruits shall from time to time embark from England, to restore the complement of a diminished coi ps, or whether entire regiments shall go out, to sustain the general re- turn of West India guards and garrisons, leaving particular regi- ments there stationed, on reduced musters ; with the recruits pre- 238 WEST-rNDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. pared, and training at home, ready to join, as successiveljr each regiment shall return to Europe. Times of war, and expeditions in the West Indies, have been stated as forming a special case, in objection to the measure of limited service, m hen applied to our military establishment in that quarter of the empire. Extending even, as I propose, the prin- ciple of limited ser\ice to the destination and stay of entire regi- ments, I yet cannot descry any thing in this, or other objection, which is not to be met, and over-ruled, by advantages of greater and paramount consideration. In times of war, more troops will of course be required for colonial garrisons, as generally for defence m other parts of the British dominions. As to a disposable force for enterprise and attack, the objections to limited service, if any, apply not more ]i\ the West Indies than in Germany, Italy, or Egypt. Specifically as to colonial service, the objection alone I'emaing of the expence of transports, and employ of convoys : for the latter. Great Britain, pre-eminent and commanding in naval power, must, at all times during war, cover the seas with its ships in di\ers directions; and looking to the occasionally de- fenceless state of our islands, and their want of convoys for the produce home, durmg the two last summers, I may ven- ture to suggest, that British squadrons more frequently pass- ing the Atlantic, in the track of reinforcements to the West AVKST-TVDIA COM:\IOX-l'I.ACr, HOOK. 239 Indies, far froTii a misdirection of force, may be turned to account ill the general system and managemciil of warfare : this presumes merely sagacity and enterprise to characterize the national coun- cils ; and if this is not so, surely neglect or misuse is no criterion^ of fault in any institution, or to be impleaded against its use and merits. As to the mere expence of vessels of burthen, or trans- ports, a set-of}"will be hereafter shown, more than compensating' an\- national charge in that respect. ]n tlie regulations of limited ser\ice, well and wisely carried into effect, and with such auxiliarj^ measures as Government shall demise for adapting the mihtary establishment to various cases and circumstances, I foresee no disadvantage or difficulties whatever in regard to the colonial service ; but on the contrary, I look forward to regiments on the A^'est India station more efllcient, as not broken and Morn down by corruption of temperament, and lassitude of habit, and \vith sores and debility crouding to the island hospitals, — Chelsea and the grave. Advantages of health and life will follow, too, from the soldier's mind being cheerfully directed to relief at fixed periods. I have often had occasion to observe, how greatly the spirits of hope and confidence fortify against disease in the AVest Indies ; and from analogies in domestic life, I may presume, that the sol- dier having early relief, and a return home to his native country, in ^ lew, will be cleared from that predisposing cause of malad}' and death, of which, in those climates, languor and dejection of spi- 240 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. rits are too commonly the forerunners. Low spirits and low fever, if not synonymous, are little distant, in the countries I am mentioning : and the best physicians there consider despon- dency as the worst of symptoms, even when the man is otherwise in apparent health. ■ ■ Many a British grenadier, " careless of life as hopeless of relief," has sunk into feverish depression, and been carried to an untimely grave in the AVest Indies ; who, had he been enlisted for limited service, and with limitation, too, of his regiment's stay under that climate which oppresses him, would have borne up with an animation resisting its fatal influence, and have lived to re-embark. . No one who has visited the West Indies Mill object to me as fanciful, in ascribing these effects of life and death to the re- lative and predisposing influences of alacrity or dejection. It is in these above all other countries, that good spirits are not less the promoters than the symptoms of health : and I augur, that under the new regulations of limited service, the mortality in regi- ments on the AVest India station \\ill not only be less, but the survi>.ors will be more contented, cheerful, healthy, and eflllcient soldiers. My mind hath been so strongly impressed with the interest of this subject, th:it I have been led to a discussion of it at greater length than I at first proposed : dismissing the general question ol' limited service, as applied to troops in the West WEST-INDIA COMMON'-PLACE liOOK. 241 Indies, I recur to the special cases which I premised, and which I shall now more briefly coiisider. Adverting to the " Black Corps," I find the subject full of difllculties ; but these are rather belonging to their original esta- blishment, than to any operation of the scheme of service in question. In fact, few, if any, of the negroes in the Black corps have been enlisted as British soldiers ; they have been mostly slaves bought, and enrolled ; and, however enrolled, are yet slaves in the consideration of the legislature and courts of judicature in the West Indies : when in the island of St. Vincent's, I remember an instance of a negro corporal being, by his officers^ brought forward to give testimony on a question of riot and assault, when his evidence was deemed inadmissible, and as such rejected by tlie Chief Justice, Mr. Ottley, on the grounds of liig beiiig a slave. To- legalize any manumission, and constitute a free negro, it is most humanely provided by colonial law, that security must be entered into, and lodged with the Public Treasurer of what- ever island, for an amiuity of ten pounds sterling, for provision and subsistence to the negro so made free. Without such surety being given (and how it is to be given 1 know not), the discharge of a negro soldier, at the expiration of seven, or any number of years, would throw him on the public as an " outcast slave :" and this with much embarrassment and difliculty on the ci\il I i 242 M-EST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. department of Government in the colonies, which could scarcely- distrain on the Colonel, and would unwillingly distress the soldier. The case of the Black Corps does not, then, come within the regulation in question : the negro soldiers have not been, and generally cannot be, procured by the ordinary modes of re- cruiting : they have not been, and cannot be, enlisted ; and therefore cannot, on any terms of enlistment, claim their discharge, but must continue to ser\e until unfit for senice. From these statements it is, however, obvious, that some regulations, especially adapted to these corps, ai'e necessary ; and the more so at this advanced period of their establishment, and when a provision and retreat for invalided and aged negro sol- diers may be soon required : — or are they, one and all, to be admitted in-pensioners of Chelsea ? Could even such an accom- modation be given, a single English winter would, I fear, be a sutierance to the aged negro, w hich no comforts of that excellent institution could compensate. Lasthj, I advert to the regulations of limited ser^'ice as applicable to the six battalions of the 6'Olh regiment, usually sta- tioned in the \Vest Indies, and consisting chiefly of soldiers en- listed from Germany. Not being apprized of how far it is proposed that the regula- tion should apply to these regiments, I will, for argument's sake. WEST-IXDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 243 presume that it doth apply, and suppose, that German soldiers ■will in future be enlisted on like terms as British. As far as the case is similar, I will avoid any repetition of suggestions or remarks which I have before stated : but as, in reference to these battalions, it may be of advantage to our colonial establishments^ and for the public interest, that the measure of limited service should be carried to its very letter; I will admit the extreme and. improbable case which I rejected in the first instance,, and will suppose every German soldier to claim and have his discharge at the expiration of seven years. Whether from more phlegmatic constitutions and patient temper, or from more fnigal habits of diet, or from whatever cause, tlie foreign soldiers of the 60th regiment appear to suffer less from the West India climate than the British troops generally do. Many circumstances may, in combination, account for tliis difference of health : emigrant from their na* tive country, these Germans seem to have lost all regard for their former homes ; their minds and nerves are not shook with regrets and a longing for Europe ; they are generally satisfied with where they are, and are ready to become settlers, and domesticate in a West India colony, as opportunity shall offer, and as, in occasional instances of discharge, they have already done. Government then, in this case, may avail Itself of dis~ i 1 2 244 WL'^T-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. charges, uiulcr iho regulation of limited service, to con\ert dis- banded soldiers into the most valuable settlers ; and to form the basis of a population and militia, adding gradually to the cultiva- tion, settlement, and internal strength of each colony ; and pro- gressively adnntting of a reduction of the establishment of British troops for colonial security, at least in times of peace, by such substitution of native force. ' . : In many islands, but particularly in Jamaica, Trinidad, Dominica, Tobago, and St. \^incent's, lands at the disposal of the Crown might be granted out, in small lots of ten or more acres, to each discharged German soldier. Pursuing this system, in the course of a icw years much of the interior of these islands would be occupied by gardeners, and rearers of porkers, poultry, and other stock, and the coasts with fishermen ; all of a loyal and industrious race, adding wealth and security to the colonies, and increasing and cheapen- ing provisions and live stock for the supply of the mercantile shipping, and for those of the navy and armies of the mother- country, at any time detached to that quarter of the British empire. ' Having enumerated these and other advantages likely to accrue from the measure of limiting the duration of military ser- vice in the West Indies, whether of individual soldiers, or of entire regi/iicnfs ; I shall revert to the objections which have been WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 245 made, and particularly to that of the national expence to be incurred by additional transports. The objection in itself is light, of little moment, and easily answered ; but it leads to collateral subjects deserving of the most serious consideration, and the discussion of which, in the following Chapter, will conclude this Miscellany. • ' ■ . ;i .-. i^-df ! CHAP. XVI. T?ie Transport Service an essential Besonrce to the Shipping In^ terest of Great Britain in times of War. IT hath been observed In a former page of this Miscellany, that it is indispensable to the fair competition and sale of British produce and manufactures, that they should pass to the foreign market clear of those surcharges of freight, insurance, convoys, and demun*age, Mhich, in times of war, are necessarily imposed on cargoes conveyed by British ships ; and that, in cases of naval warfare, a proportion of the carrying trade hath usually passed over to neutral bottoms, as a temporary resource of commercial economy, and therew ith of national interest. In the present in- stance, the amount of the carrying trade so transferred, will ap- pear from the following table, printed by Order of the House of Commons, May 8, 1806. WTEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 24T Comparative Account of the Number and Tonnage of British and Foreign l^essels which entered l/ie several Ports of Great Britain, at (liferent Periods of Peace and IFar. British Ships. Foreign Ships. Ships. Tons. Ships.l Tons. 1791. veflT of Deace 12,030 l..'5S7.fi4.'-.'2477l 9,ni..n-i. 1801* vear of war 10,347 1,378,620'5497| 780,155 Reduction of British shipping, 1683 209,0951 .... Increase of foreign ships, | .... 13020' 4-76,081 Supposing each foreign ship to return with a full cargo, the ex- port carrying trade, which liath passed over to neutral vessels, \& 4765081 tons of merchandize, in 3020 ships. As this greatly exceeds the reduced tonnage of British shipping, we may place some part to the account of increased manufacture and trade : but a further inference is, that many British merchant-ships yet keeping the seas and in employ, are to amount, in part at least, of this excess by foreign shipping deprived of their freight; and that being thus distressed by incomplete lading, a further aban- donment of the trade and reduction of British shipping niajr yearly be expected. In truth, the resort to neutral bottoms, if other than tempo- rary and occasional, is fall of danger to the vital interests of the State : in long protracted wars, this resource for our raaaufuo tu res and commerce Is not safe for our Navy. ■/ ■■•i 1 .« ; i^^ ■ £48 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. In July 1806, in the debates of the House of Commons on the American Intercourse Bill, it was forcibly urged, " that the carrying trade being reduced, and, as apprehended, further di- minishing from year to year, during a long period of war, it Mould be difficult, from deficiency of shipping, to resume it on return of peace; as, whilst the old merchant-; essels were falling into decay, and many yet were out of employ, the ship-builders would have no orders, and no vessels be ready, or ewn on the stocks, pre- paring to supply their place." The worthy Members for the City of London supported these allegations by petitions from the ship-owners, stating their heavy loss from ships out of employ ; and by others from the ship-builders, repiesenting that their bu- siness was on the decline ; that for the year 1806 scarcely any orders for building bad been received ; and that the few ships lately built on speculation, and to retain their workmen, had been sold at a loss, or remained on Ijand. ; , ■ The importance of these statements has induced me to inquire into their validity, and with this view carefully to examine the voluminous report of all decked vessels, of whatever dimensions, from five to 1200 tons, built in the se\ eral ports and yards of . Great Britain at the periods of 1790 and 1791, compared with those ofl804 and 1805. . My analysis of these official returns (if here inserted at length) ■would too far disjoin and interrupt the subject of this essay ; but I ought not to with-hokl from the public, a document and autho- WEST-INTIIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 249 rity on which .so many important considerations arise, and I shall place it in an Appendix to this Chapter; a summary of the totals ■will answer my present purpose. No. I. ; Comparative Return of all Decked Vessels and Ships built in the Ports of Great Britain at different Periods of Peace and fVar : each Pe- riod Two Years. Return to House of Commons, June 24, 1S06. 1790-1. 1804-5. 1 Increase. Decrease, Vessels under 100 tons, Ships 100 tons to 200, Ditto '200 — to 300, Ditto 300 — to 400, Ditto 400 — to 500. Ditto 500 — to 6.50, India ships 800 — to 1200, 994 244 102 53 5 3 5 918 327 99 45 23 7 7 83 18 4 2 76 3 8 • ••« • ••* 1406 1428 9.9 Total tonnage, ' 1-H2,827i 151,20?! 28,380i Kk 350 VT-ST-IXT)tA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. . No, II. Cowparative Summarji of Ships built in the Ports of Great Britain the Two last Years, 1804 072^1805. Return to House of Commons, June 24, 1805. 1804. 1 S05. Increase of Small Vessels. Decrease of Large iihips. Vessels under 100 tons, Ships 100 tons to 200, 432 175 61 27 13 4 2 486 152 38 20 10 3 5 54 23 Ditto 200 — to 300, 23 Ditto rSOO — to 400, 7 Ditto 400 — to 500, ^ Ditto 500 — to 650, 1 India ships 800 — to 1200, 3 Total ships, 714 714 57 57 Total tonnage, 79,612 71,495 8117 On referring to the Tables at large, as exhibited in the Ap- pendix, many subjects of interest will occur to an attentive exa- nnner of the articles of which they are composed. For my pre- sent purpose it is merely necessary to note one article of detail, and to direct my reader's observation to the fact — that severally m the.se Tables, in proportion as the building of smaller vessels has increased, that of larger ships has diminished ; and thereon to suggest, that not mere numbers, but rather the tonnage and dimension of ships taken with numbers, is the just criterion of the extent and prosperity of the shipping interest of the country. WEST-IXDIA COJIMON-PLACi: COOK. 251 Observing on the dilfercnt periods of 17.91 Juid 1803, it oc- curs that, in years of peace, the building of ships is annually re- quired to ;m amount wliich may fully replace losses hy wreck or Aveather, or vessels in decay from long service, and broken up, as likewise to accommodate an increase of trade, should such be the case. In 3'ears of war, the loss by captures is further to be supplied ; but, on the other hand, prize-ships made free and registered, may more than furnish that supply. Under every consideration, tbe addition of 28,380 tons of shipping in 1804-5, or above 14,000 tons by the year, more than w as built the year preceding the war, may be presumed hitherto to have kept up the complement of British shipping, and to have preserved the mercantile basis of the British Navy yet unimpaired. So far the public mind may be relieved from anxiety, as to the actual state of this national resource. Referring again to the more compendious 'J\il)lts, I cannot but remark on this part of the subject, that a misapprehension has arisen and excited alarm, from the narroA\ing an attention to w hat is nearest to us, and particularly to the outcry of — London and the Thames! From 1790-1 to 1804-5, London, Bristol, and Liverpool, have decreased in ship-building (for those periods of two years each, taken comparatively) 69 ships, and 7696 tons; but then Newcastle, Whitehaven, and above all, Sunderland, have in the same period increased their ship-building, bv 55 ves- sels, and 15,967 tons. Li truth and fact, the trade shifting itS' Kk2 252 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE DOOK. ground, the losers have been loud in their complaints, whilst the gainers, as usual, have been silent ; but the nation, as a sharer with each party, and fairly apprised of the balance in account, will resume its confidence in the general firm. Yet considering the second Table of ships built in 1804-5, and taking a more enlarged view of the subject, the apprehen- sions may be too well founded, of probable and progressive de- cHne of the merchant-shipping, from the date of this aera of the war ; when the policy of the enemy directs his hostilities more especially against the vent of our manufactures and intercourse with the markets of Europe, and therewith against the carrying trade and shipping interest of this country. In the long duration of political contests there is ever some crisis, some point of time and circumstance, on which revolution turns. The British Statesman, watching over the interests of our na\ al establishment, will anxiously observe the minutest tendency to mis-direction or decline ; being well assured that, without timely check, and on the very outset, the course to loss and ruin will be accelerated, and with an increased momentum, baffling- intervention and resistance at a future period. In poUtical cases, antidotes oftener avail than remedies ; the pre-disposing cause to evil may be controuled, but the malady coming on, be incu- rable. When we recur to a former Table in this Chapter, exhibiting, as an eftect of nine years of war, the transfer in 1801, of 476,081 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 253 tons of carrying trade to foreign shipping, mo cannot but listen to with anxiety, and accredit the complaints of tlie British ship- owners in 1806, " of their furtlier and progressive loss from ships out of employ." A\'hen we observe the decrease of above 8000 tons of shipping, being so much less built in 1805 than in the preceding year, we cannot without alarm hear the ship-builders deplore, " that they have scarcely any orders for ships in 1806, whilst many built heretofore on speculation, yet remain on hand." Moreover, the united evidence is but too consistent, for if fewer ships are employed, fewer, in course, will be required and built. These statements afford matter of serious consideration in- deed ; nor, in the Hilprnma. hp^wrppn rppngnant interests of ma* nufactures to be carried, and of ships to carry ; of merchandize, and of merchant-ships ; of wealth to sustain naval force, and of the navy itself — does any solution of the difficulties occur, which may fully obviate the fear of deterioration, and final loss of that shipping basis, on which alone the Imperial Navy can be supported ; for if, to the return of peace, the mercantile shipping is not kept up, and ready to engage and employ the crews then to be discharged from the ships of war, as likewise to receive others, and educate a succession of seamen, for the future service of their country, the naval power of Britain is gone for ever. Reverting to the immediate subject prescribed in the title of this Chapter, I must suggest, that an increased transport service is an increased carrying trade, and, as far as it goes, may, in times 254 , WKST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK:. of war, connpensate for the partial alienation of mercantile cargoes, b}^ employing a proportion of shipping in the carrying of troops, and so retaining it effective for freights of another sort, Avhenever the surcharges which obstructed its employ shall be taken off, on return of peace. In this view, the transports to be required for the conveying additional reliefs to and from the West Indies, will afford a temporary resource to our shipping interest ; and the charge of more frequent passage m ill be amply repaid by such re- turn of national advantage. This rests not on mere speculation ; the ship-builders' letters from Hull directly advert to their resource from contracts for the conveyance of troops ; and of the extraor- dinary number of 82 ships bnil) nf Snndprland in 1804-5, from their dimension and tonnage, a part may be presumed to have been expressly provided with a view to Government service. Yet it may be justly observed, that the assistance of the carrying trjide afforded by the transport service must be occasional, and cannot have the effect of an entire relief: but what can have it, in the case adverted to ? Peace alone can have the effect ; and peace cannot have a certain and full effect, if too long delayed. The evil is the result of long protracted war, and with such war, must continue, increase, and gain head and strength, and from year to year become less remediable. Long protracted wars ever have been, and ever must be, pregnant with mischief and disorders to every condition of people and government so unhappily engaged ; but most of all^ will they \rEST-I^rDIA CO.MMOV-PLACE ROOK. 255 fatally aftect a commercial people, and a free government, such as ours. Long duration of -war nuist, in its nature and course, divert from social duties and occupations ; must depress industry, and obstruct commercial intercourse ; must corrupt manners and mo- rals ; and, finally, must effect a change, not only in the charac- ters and conduct of men, l)ut in the character and constitution of the state itself; for at the same time that long habits of mihtary dissipation and distinctions must cast in obli\ ion, or impair the domestic virtues and gradations of society, the military principles of despotism and subjection will creep in to vitiate, and ultimately to supei'sede those of regulated government and liberty. Conniierce, and a carrying trade, is but one of the losses, and not the most important loss, to be apprehended, from an over-protracted state of war. Justin, speaking of the continued war with the Peloponnese, says, " non erant Athenienses vi victi, sed fortuna? varietate de- hellati" — Industry was warred down, commerce was warred down, the sense of A'irtue and freedom was warred down, and all fuiallv was lost. I have heard the language, and in societies where I should lia\ e expected better and wiser consideration, " that war is to be prcfirred to dini peace with the present enemy of Great ]>ritain." \'ain, liglil, and improvident indeed is the language, which ob- jects not to terms of peace, but to peace itseU"; as if a state of 256 WEST-INDIA COMMON-PLACE BOOK. perpetual war was a fitting condition of civilized society, and so to be preferred, and by a people and government such as ours. The intimations with which I have introduced this important sub- ject, lead to far other inference. In any negotiation for peace, may our Ministers peremptorily require conditions of honour, justice, and security; as I trust my country hath yet the further means to contend for these her ri 1301 18 3 :::: .... .... .... 21 1295 DcjI, m 8 Lt 1 3 z. :::: 'Z :::: z 10 9 16 1 5r3 543 103S 40 3 11 9 1 2 1 :;:: :::: ;:;: :::: 13 12 2 69* 943 Falmouth, 234 - Feversham, .... It .... 11 121 y .... .... Fow'cy i<; 1322 u 4 .... 4 4 147 IT 4 .... .... .... ... ■1 .... .... .... .... 4 ^ Hull, 17 10 4 4 I 1 37 1 5700 29 3 9 6 .... .... ::;: 3 226 ^ ilpswich, 3 .... .... .... .... 3 93 840 •J 5 ::;: 1 :::: .... z. G 629 3 4 .... .... 1 IC 21G^. 20 3 .... .... Z Loot, .!.. 2 5 1 2 1 ...'. :: ;■■; ::;; '.'.'.'. 6 1 305 344 67 5 6 2 "•2 1 z ::;: :::: •■■■ S 6 1 Llanelly, ^ Lyme, .... 656 341 220 j= Million, 7 .... .... .... .... .... 141 50:1 "2 1 .... .... .... .... 3 ""l31 S'ewcastlc 2 10 VA 8 3 1 30 903.-. 4 8 4 .... Pembroke, Penzance, , 3 .... .... .... .... 3 154 2 .... .... .... "" 2 103 Plymouth) 6 1 2 1 1 .... .... ;::: ;::: g 2 1 751 207 13 2 C 1 1 :::: :::; ::: :: 4 6 534 Rochester, 10 .... .... .... .... 10 42; IG .... .... .... 121 Rye . 5 .... .... 5 29K 48« 3 1 .... .... .... .... .... .... 1 Scarborough, . 2 1 1 3 1 .... 1 1430 58 1 3 1 3 1 1 .... .... .... 4 854 257 159 Southampton, < 1 5 351 .... .... .... .... .... 2 Southwold...... S .Stockton, 3 2 .... .... 5 748 i 1 .... .... .... Sunderland, ... WclU, .'. Weymouth, ... Whiiby, Whitehaven, . 4 4 '3 8 4 36 "3 I 7 11 "2 6 4 5 "3 :;:: ::;; bi 4 3 4 23 8228 178 338 253 51 -is 3T3' 1 2 4 29 1 5 10 5 1 5 2 4 •2 3 :::: .... S 2 it If 214 154 298 4811 3017 161 Wisbech, 9 .... .... .... 2 91 4 .... .... .... .... .... .... Woodbridge, . Yarmouth, H G 3 .... z z .... aa 245L 2- 8 1 z. .... 3( 2790 roul Encl.itidJ 319 IV. 1 .". 1 '.'2 1 12 1 4 ■2 l.m lifi,7(5H 401 122 34 i 19 1 10 2 5 ' .>9 1 GI,I33 -Aberdeen, ... Air 11 ■2 1 •2 1 I 4 357„ CG- 12 3 .... z .... .... .... " 38* 1 .... .... a 72* 19 t 1 :;:: :::: .... .... .... ; 239 .... :::: .... :::: .... .... I 34'' 37 161: 1 :::: :: :::: z :::: e Qo'ncss, ....... 223 206 8S3 539 13G8 3G7 349 ^m Dunbar, ...... ^^ Dundee, 3 Glasgow, 1 Greenock, .... Inverness, .... 1 , .... B 3 3 1 ". .... 1 1 " 1 :::; :::: :::: * 1 9 461 .55 141 29 43 53 in 1 2 I 2 1 1 :;:: 1 ;:;: I 1 g" Kirlcaldy, ..... ji Kirkwall, &c. 3 Uith U 473 885 154 5Q . i 3 3 1 .... 1 161 .. 3 .... .... .... ' Montrwc 5 5 .... .... ■— .... .... .... .... B. Penh, &c . .... .... .... .... 97 .... .... 1 Siornoway, .. 1 .... .... .... .... .... .... .... ■ ' Wi);ioun, ..... . 1 .... ... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... ... T<.t. Scotland Tot. England { 30 I 11 5 12.84 fi 30 4 1 1 11 i 10,362 3-J u: 5.i 1 'J'.' l'2 4 •2 -J CG,7lJ 40 i 122 8* 19 10 1 Tot. Of. Hrit 4:i J 17^ i f.l ' 'J- i l( 4 71 4 7^1,61 4f« - I.VJ 1 3H i 20 10 1 3 5 |71 i\ 7., 49 J Summary of Rclurns of Ships Buill in Grt last Yean, 180-1-5. Ships, 100 to 200 tons, . Ditto, 200 to 300 Ions, , Ditto, 300 to 400 tons, . Ditto, 400 to .'.00 torn, , Bitto, 500 to 650 tons, . India ship;, 800 to 1200, Total ships, ._ l'.....J(.,tt M'Mill.n, 1 kff I'leci, CaltOI (iUilUI. > UNIVERSITY OP <" AT. i^-^"»"' University of Calitomla SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACIUTY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024 ijw. ^Return this material to the library trom which it v»as borrovwed. Oi OCT PK'DYRL iliin 812003 Form L9— 2 ■^MA' *H3 157 B7I8 m^Mmmm:mmmm