UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES THE POLITICAL HISfORT OF JOHN BULL} on, THE TRUE ENGLISHMAN, NEITHER A REPUBLICAN NOR AN ARISTOCRAT. .1 know their political juggling, Things which ftartle Reafon, and make me deem Not this, nor that, but every Conftitution falfc. ADDRESSED BY JOHN BULL TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM PITT. ALSO, REMARKS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF THE ELECTIVE POWER OF THE PEOPLE, AND THE CONSTITUTION OF PARLIAMENT, WITH PROPOSITIONS FOR ACCOMPLISHING AN EQUAL AND ADE- QUATE REPRESENTATION OF THE COMMONS OF GREAT- BRITAIN IN PARLIAMENT, AND A CONSTITUTIONAL MODE OF REFORM. BY THOMAS BROUGHTON. Read not to contradift and confute, nor to believe and take for granted, ncr to find Talk and Difcourfe, but to weigh and confider. BACON. LONDON: PRINTED FOR AND SOLD BY J. OWEN, NO. l68, PICCADILLY, AND J. BEW IN PATERNOSTER-ROW. 082 -& DA 313 * ^ A S the obfervations contained in the fol- . *- lowing Papers were made prior to the ^recent debate in the Houfe of Commons on in guilty pufillanimity and defpair. The next and fecond fubjeft of remark is So- ciety, for which ftate man is peculiarly fitted by his maker ; and for the free enjoyment of liberty in this ftate, men have no other rules to refort to than the laws of Nature and revelation, which are the laws of God. Thefe laws I (hall briefly notice, in order to afcertain the focial duties and rights of man. It is certain that man, by Nature fub- jed to the eternal and immutable laws of good and evil, wanted not promulgated precepts to direct him in the purfuit of his own true and fubftantial happinefs, " * which is the bafis of the natural law." For God endowing man with reafon, had enabled him by the aid of his confcience to difcover the * BJackftone's Com. vol. i. p. 41. commixed 50 ) commixed principles of good and evil, and to dif- criminate rules of action by which his rights, his interefts, and his happincfs might be afiured him. Thefe firfl principles of conduct, which fecured thofe benefits, and which are reciprocal in fociety, were to honour God, to live honeftly, to injure no- body, to render to every one his due, and in all things to do unto others as he would be done by. Thefe general precepts conftitute the law of Na- ture. But the reifon of man being corrupt, and his underflanding full of ignorance, the exercife of right reafon was perverted by felf-love, that uncul- tivated, yet indifpenfible fpur, grafted on the mind to quicken it to action, and engage it in the purfuit* of its own happinefs. This occafioned the benign mterpofition of the Divine Author of Nature, in companion for the frailties of human reafon, to dif- cover and enforce its laws, by an immediate and direct revelation. The doctrines thus delivered arc called the Divine Law, and they are only to be found in the Holy Scriptures. Thefe precepts when revealed were, on comparifon, not only found to be a part of the original principles of the natural law, but tending eminently to illuminate the mind, and conduce to man's felicity. From thefe Laws of Nature, and the Divine Law, fpring all human laws. To thefe general precepts Juftinian [ 5- ] Juftinian has reduced the whole doctrine of law * ; and it follows that the conftitutional law of every State mould be founded on thefe eternal laws of true equity and reafon. No human laws are bind- ing or valid if contrary to them. To eftablifh thefe laws, and fecure their obfervance in fociety, certain reflraints and limitations muft be impofed. Ne- verthelefs Mr. Black flone obferves, the rights of man, independent of fociety, leave him under the Divine as well as natural law, to purfue his own liberty agreeable to the dictates of his reafon, in- dependent of any human laws. But fo brutifh a ftate is incompatible with human nature, man being incapable of living alone ; neither has he refolu- tion to live reclufe from fociety. In fine, man, as before remarked, was peculiarly formed for fociety, in which, for the prefervation of peace the be- nefits of mutual fecurity, and the quiet poflef- lion of property, natural liberty and natural right become fubfervient to civil limitations and to moral and religious reftraints, which is a fubmif- lion of the private wills of every member of fociety to the will of one man, or of one or more afiem- blies of men, chofen by the common confent of the community, and to whom the fupreme autho- rity is intrufted. And this will of that one man, or affemblage of men, conftitutes the Law, for which every individual pays the price of his natural * Inft. i. p. 3, * liberty, C 5* ) liberty, by yielding a fubmiflion in return for the benefits of having his life, liberty, and property prote&ed. This exchange of fubmiffion for pro- tection arifing from a fenfe of weaknefs and necef- fity, is underftood to mean the original compact of fociety. Natural liberty would be truly an evil, unre- ftrained by focial ties ; and the allurements to focial liberty are fo great, that a State having fecured by laws the free pofiefiion of the one, enjoy in the higheft degree the privileges of the other. Society being neceflary for the existence of the human race, it followed, from the various feparated divisions of the earth, and other natural caufes, that mankind muft neceffarily be divided into many focieties, and form feparate States and nations, independent of each other, yet from that univerfal prevailing difpofition to traffic, a mutual and continued intercourfe muft arife. Hence the regulation of this intercourfe conftitutes * the law of nations. But as thefe different States are inde- pendent of each other, and are wholly governed by their own laws, none can allume the power of dic- tating to the other where there is no acknowledged fuperiority. The regulation of this intercourfe therefore depends on mutual treaties and compacts, * BlacWlone, vol. i. p. 13. conftructed C 53 1 conftructed on thofe principles of equity and rea- fon, which conftitute the Law of Nature. The afibciation of mankind into different focie- ties being for the enjoyment of mutual liberty and fecurity, thefe benefits can only extend to every in- dividual by laws framed on the principles of gene- ral liberty and equal juftice, the Laws of Nature and of God. On thefe firft principles the civil and religious liberties of mankind are allured them ; but that men have miftaken the true principles of Government, or thefe firft principles have been perverted by ambitious men, and mankind, inftead of being happy and free, have fallen into ilavery, is too evident from the number of defpotic nations in the world. This circumftance leads to the third fubjecl of remark, which is Government. If the Mofaic account be juft, it followed that the firft families, fo long as the diftinft ties of re- lationfhip could be afcertained, muft have been go- verned by patriarchal authority ; but when thofe ties were obliterated by the increafe of mankind, the neceffity of eftablifhing a public intereft no doubt convened them together, the oppreflion of the powerful over the weak muft neceflarily have fuggefted the idea of creating a Supreme Power, which mould counterpoife the natural inequality of men, by difpenfing equal juftice and equal fecurity to all j and this idea could only arife from a pofi- E 3 tive [ 54 ] live conviction, that every individual was equally en- titled to the benefits of life j and as man from fimple rules afcend to the more complex, the fupreme power vefted in one or more for the common inte- reftof the whole community muft have been cre- ated by choice, it could not have been eftablifhed but by election, when the enviable diftinctions of wealth and luxurious refinements were unknown. Every man having equal right, the Legiilature no doubt was compofed of a few leading men, diftin- guimed and chofen for their abilities and wifdom, and the executive power deputed during pleafure to a chieftain eminent for his qualities, to conduct their enterprizes, to lead them in war, or to pre- fide in their aflemblies in time of peace, forming thus a fimple Republic, in which their rules of conduct were rather certain ufages and cuftoms than written laws. Abfolute monarchy could not have been the firft form of Government, the aflb- ciations of mankind being for the fole purpofe of protecting the weak from the powerful, it is im- poflible to fuppofe they would reft under the au- thority of a known oppreflbr. A difquifition into the dark maze of antiquity to eftablith this pqftulate were to little purpofe, the earlieft accounts in the hiftory of modern Europe prove that the firft known Governments were re- publics or principalities, poflefling a confiderable portion of Democracy. The L The ancient Britons, the Germans, the Gauls, and other nations, we find were in this primitive ftate divided into a number of tribes, or fmall $tates, under their refpedive Chieftains, Heretogans, Ge- nerals, or Princes, who owed their eminence en- tirely to their military talents, and whofe powers were fo far limited as to confift rather in the power of advifing than commanding, for every individual was at liberty to chufe whether he would engage in any warlike enterprize or not. The earlieft ac- counts therefore prove, that the chief nations in modern Europe enjoyed political liberty in the moft unlimited fenfe. Of this firft native principle of Society, I mail have further occafion to treat, in remarks on the Englifh hiftory. It may be fuffi- cient here to obferve, that the chief nations in Eu- rope, from the earlieft accounts, pofleffed this firft principle, Political Liberty. To affirm it was un- cultivated, rude, and barbarous, is an objection of no weight. It is the birth-right of mankind ; and though it has aflumed different forms and figures through different ages, in the various modes of Government which have fprung from it, fome of which have totally annulled it, yet {uch in- ftances afford no rational argument againft its full and compleat reftitution by any community at any future age, where it has been fo furrendered or loft. Upon enquiry into the leading caufes of nations furrendering their liberties to the arbitrary will of * E 4 one [ S 1 one individual, we find in republics the popular afiemblies in general have the public good in view; their intentipns are to do that which is right and juft, but in the execution of their powers they are weak, and too often divided by the ambition of enterprifing men ; and through the inordinate . third for power, the common intereft has been re- peatedly facrificed, as different parties have pre- vailed, which is fully exemplified in Machiavel's hiftory of the Republic of Florence. And though. Republics have particularly diftinguifhed themfelves from Ariftocracies and Monarchies in public vir- tue, public fpirit, and patriotifm, yet the divifions and diflenfions which they have nurfed and ma- tured, have ever rendered their executive powers feeble and precarious j and in confequence they have finally funk into flavifh Ariftocracies or Mo- narchies, which juftifies Mr. Hume's remark *, That all anarchy is the immediate caufe of ty- ranny. But from the hiftory of modern Europe we approach nearer the truth, when we affirm, that ignorance and fuperftition have been the caufe of the fiavery of the European nations, by means of that grand engine of Defpotifm, Papal Authority. But at this enlightened period, anticipation may indulge a pleafing gratification, when it is confi- dered that the Church of Rome was the moft pow- erful combination ever formed againft the autho- * Appendix, No. i , p. 208. rity C 57 3 rity and fecurity of civil Government, the pillar and fupport of Defpotifm, and Avorn foe to the liberty of mankind. It was a ftupendous fabric of fuperftition, maintained by the private interefts of fuch a numerous and powerful clafs of people, that feemed to fet at defiance human reafon, wif- dom, and virtue. But time producing all thofe changes which refult from the active fpirit of na- ture, loofened thofe ties by fortuitous events, which to the efforts of the human mind, appeared im- pregnable, and has progreffively trenched its im- menfe power, which in another century may be wholly annihilated ; and wherever its power has been annulled, Freedom and Toleration have been eftablimed, have fpread and flourifhed, as in Eng- land after the Reformation, and the entire emanci- pation from the Papal yoke. Again, in France its power was firft weakened by the Pragmatic Sanc- tion, further reduced by the Concordat in the fix- teenth century ; and now by the Revolution its power is wholly deflroyed ! And however we may differ on political points, the immortal rays of liberty have emanated with unexampled fplen- dour. The heavenly influence of this fpirit raifes the human race to a parallel with the higher order of beings. The mind, when un- mackled from the fuperftition of prieflcraft and defpotifm, opens to the wide expanfe of dignified nature, and imagination traverfes the globe, and explores [.5* J explores with boundlefs refearch the arcanum of the univerfe. The Genius of Liberty, wherever /he prcfides, is the parent of the fciences, the arts, and literature ; her principles are the pureft in na- ture, being founded on charity, that firft law of Scripture, which includes all the virtues of mutual benefits, and gives to man all the enjoyments which flow from the fountain of all perfection. To (e- cure thefe ineftimable bleflings, a form of Govern- ment has been conftituted by the French, which Time will meliorate into a permanent fyftem of fo- 'cial freedom ; and being now agitated like a trou- bled fea, is occafioned by its being founded on an excefs of liberty, a confequence naturally propor- tionate to the degree of oppreffion thrown off. It followed, when new and brilliant profpecls ruflied on the public mind, and every man's breaft glowing with the dignity of his nature, and every tongue freely expatiating on the glorious caufe, that the wifdom of a great and free people mould be daz- zled by the light of fo pure a flame, and in the ardour of one common caufe they fhould facrifice much at the fhrine of Liberty, rendering feeble thofe conftituted powers which were to compad. and confolidate into a permanent fyftem A FREE CONSTITUTION, THE BEST AND GLORIOUS GIFT or HEAVEN. In the Emperor's dominions the fame enlight- ened work is begun. In the year 1781 the reduc- tion C 59 ] tion of monafteries, and the reform of the ecclefi- aftics in general threw the Conclave at Rome into fuch a panic, that the aged Pope himfelf took the unprecedented and dangerous journey to Vienna, in the midfl of Winter, to remonftrate in perfon with Jofeph II. but it proved fruitlefs ; the work was begun by a power fuperior to Sovereign Pon- tiffs ; and the period is not far diftant when we may conjecture thofe extenfive dominions will be as free as England and France. Nations cannot materially err in reforming their modes of Government at a period when the light of reafon, by a general diffufion of knowledge, is confpicuoufly illuminating the civilized world, in a manner as aufpicious to the common focial rights of man, as evidently conducive to an uni- verfal toleration, agreeable to the pure precepts of the Gofpel, but which Papal authority has with all its induftry fo powerfully oppofed, by keeping under St. Peter's keys thofe holy truths, thofe facred emanations from the Deity, to en- lighten mankind, and to fpread the bleifed flame of liberty, that man from ignorance might afpire to a true knowledge of himfelf, and by that know- ledge explode the myfteries of prieftcraft, and (hake off the fetters of flavery. The freedom of nations and toleration are infeparable ; the firft expands the mind, and the other enlarges the foul. De- fpotifra and prieflcraft, the two evil genii which ravage [ 6 ] ravage the world with war and perfecution, act in mutual contact ; the firft (hackles the perfon with coercive reftraints, and the other keeps the foul in conftant terror. The conjunction of thefe two de- fpotic powers in Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Ger- many, as well as the defpotifm of Pruflia, Ruflia, Sweden, &c. is fupported by an ufurped authority over the facred birth-rights of mankind, rejecting the facred principles of Liberty, the Laws of Nature and of God j they always go armed againft their fubjects, like highwaymen againft the public ; fuch is the force of conviction on the human mind, when acting on wrong principles. Several writers of the prefent day dishonour the name of Englimmen, and difgrace the Britifh prefs, by fixing a reproach on the advocates of Liberty, whom they ftyle illuminating prulofo- phers. But when we reflect on the rapid progrefs, of literature during the lad two centuries *, is it furprifmg a general diffufion of knowledge mould difcover itfelf in opinions the molt liberal, in fen- timents the moft humane ; and confequently pre- judices, fuperftition, and bigotted principles, yield to the mild and temperate dictates of maturing * Henry VIII. made a law that all men might read the Scripture, except fervants ; but no women, except ladies and gentlewomen who had leifure, and might afk fomebody the meaning. The law was repealed in Edward Vlth's days. Scldcit's Table Talk, p. 7. reafon ? c ' i reafon ? Had there been a full enjoyment of th liberty of the prefs during the reigns of the Houfe" of Tudor, and the fubfeqnent years, down to the period of the unhappy civil wars, in all proba- bility they would not have taken place. The Star Chamber (hackled the mind, tortured reafon, and men were left in a ftate of political and reli- gious darknefs. But the paffions of the multitude were fo inflamed with their native ideas of liberty, that the very meafures adopted to keep them in re- ftraint and flavery, added fuel to the fmothering pile, which poflibly might have been prevented breaking into a flame by the freedom of the prefs, which carries with it the important privilege of reducing magiftrateS to the limits of the law ; and though it leaves to the higher powers no choice between their duty and their reputation, yet it teaches the fubject no other doctrine, it leaves him no other privilege $ it is, in fine, the very life itfelf of every free Government, and the moving principle of whatever is great and glorious in the State. It pre- ferves that harmony in the various inftitutions and conftituted orders of Government which compofe the bond of union among the people ; and one blefling peculiarly attends this privilege, that Kings and Princes, as well as Minifters and Officers of the State, can never take meafures to fecure to themfelves the fame of pofterity, without exalting the interefts of the people ; and no man, however high his flation, is worthy of his place, if a regard for [ J {or fame and reputation is not the chief motive and active principle of his mind. This renders die li- berty of the prefs a rod of terror to vicious Gover- nors. But to the truly wife patriot, the man who nobly fupports his integrity amidft furrounding fafcinating temptations, it never ceafes to record his fame ; it is a fource to gratify the moR exalted ambition j the truly great mind will have no other emulation than to merit its fair impreffion ; and fuch men whofe rule of conduct is regulated by this noble regard for recorded reputation, merit the full confidence of the nation. SECT, I 63 ] SECTION III. fbe Political Hijiory of John Bull ; or, Remarks on Political Liberty under the Britons. THE limits which I have prefcribed myfelf, and the leading fubject itfelf under confidera- tlon, do neither admit nor require a narrative hi- ftory ; I (hall therefore confine myfelf to occafional remarks on political liberty, from the earlieft ac- counts down to the Revolution, and endeavour to form more certain ideas and determinations on thofe acknowledged firft principles of the Conftitu- tion, which we hear of in terms generally loofe and undefined. Of thefe we muft remark the following. The Majefty of the People The Sovereignty of the People The Supreme Power of the People, &c. I mould imagine it to have fallen within the obfervation of moft men, that, from the variety of ideas formed of thefe firft principles, has arifen the (pirit of faction and the name of party ; and the violence of different parties, which has at times both agitated and alarmed the State, proves in moft inftances, that particular interefts rather than reafon have directed their views, and private motives ra- ther than truth have fixed their principles, of which fome militate againft the texture and genius of [ 64 ] of our Conftitution, and others deny to the people the right of political liberty. Hence poli- tical truths, though fimple in thernfelves, have ac- quired an elaborate mode of difcuflion ; and where it has failed, or even fucceeded in elucidating feme truths, the mind has been left with faint ideas of firft principles, and the common terms Majefty of the People, &c. have become rather bombaftic popular founds than certain defined co-active powers. lii difcuffing thefe firft principles, it is neceflafy that circumfpection mould guide the pen of truth j and that they may be freely difcufled is the particular privilege of every Briton, a privilege he enjoys from pofiefling political liberty, which can never be furrendered or loft, but with the de- ftruction of that free Conftitution which has fprung. from this firft native principle. The Conftitution therefore growing out of poli- tical liberty, to treat of the one before we have proved the exiftence of the other is taking the ef- fect before the caufe. A very material diftinction occurs to my mind between Social Liberty, Politi- cal Liberty, and Civil Liberty. This distinction, if rightly confidered, acquires an importance which I find feldom attended toby many political writers, who in general exprefs Political and Civil Liberty in fynonirnous terms, and involve the general prin- ciples of the fupreme power of the people with the inftitutions and laws created by a delegated autho- rity. [ 65 3 rity. With fubmiflion I make a diftin!tioh of thefe three defcriptions of liberty. Social Libert}' is the pofitive birth -right of man* kind, without diftin&ion of perfons. This privi- lege in a State may be diftinguimed by two general ablblute rights ; firft, the right of enjoying all thole benefits which are fuppofed to belong to man in the hypothetical ftatc of nature ; and which, when he enters into fociety he is permitted to re- tain, for the reafon that the enjoyment of them does not interfere with the interefls or happinefs of any of his fellow- creatures. By thefe abfolute rights a man enjoys loco motion, or the power of moving his perfon wherever his inclination leads him, without reftraint ; he like\vife enjoys the pri- vilege of living as he thinks proper, of following his bufinefsj his pleafures, and his purfuits, agree- able to his own will, without being dictated to by any other perfon or power whatever. Hence his vices are not cognizable in Society, unlefs he pub- limes them. A man, for inftance* may indulge in liquor without reftraint ; but if when intoxicated he interferes with the interefls of the peace of others, and commits injuries^ he then becomes fubject to thofe rules or laws by which the fociety hath agreed to be governed ; and that power which every State or Society aflumes of eftabliming fuch fules and laws, is the fecond abfolute right which every individual is entitled to from Social Liberty. F And t 66 ] And this'right is that of Political Liberty, which is the firft operative principle of fociety, and which gives to every member of a State the right of con- vening, either in perfon or by reprefentative, to cftabliih inftitutions and rules of conduct by which juftice (hall protect the virtuous from the vicious, the weak from the powerful, and liberty, peace, and happinefs, be enjoyed by the great majority of the community, the happinefs of the greateft num- ber being the firft object of law in fociety. The various inftitutions hence eftablimed form a Con- ftitution, and the rules and regulations laid down compofe the law or Civil Liberty, from which a material diftinction arifes between Political and Civil Liberty. Mr. J. Blackftone tells us *, " Ci- " vil Liberty leaves the fubject entire mafter of ** his own conduct, except in thofe points wherein " the public good requires fome directions Or re- <( ftraints." From the diftinction necefiary to dif- criminata between fupreme and fubordinate power, it appears evident to me, that the afcertaining thofc points, and giving directions, or creating reftraints, is the fole province of political liberty. Such re- ftraints, directions, or points, wheri exprefied and publilhed, compofe the civil liberties of the fub- ject, political liberty being the power and fcience of governing ; civil liberty the means ufed for go- vernment j from which I conclude political liberty . * Vol. I. p. 116. . . appertains appertains invariably to focial liberty, and civil li- berty grows out of political liberty. Thefe propo- fitions induce me to make a further remark on a paflage in the Commentaries, where I find political and civil liberty ufed fynonimoufly. It is to the following effect : " * The idea and practice of this " political or civil liberty flouriili in their higheft " vigour in thefe kingdoms, where it falls little *' fhort of perfection, and can only be loft or de- ftroyed by its owner, the Legiflature." Though with pleafure we admit the premifes, it does not follow that the conclufion be juft; for political li- berty, or the fupreme focial power, invariably re- iides in the body of people ; and the fupreme cre- ated power is fubordinate to that in fad, but not in terms. The people are the owners of the eftate ; the Legiflators are only the truftees, and poffefs not an arbitrary and difcretionary power. But the \ifurpation of this power by the conftituted and de- legated authority of this country, ftands recorded on the face of hiftory as the caufe of all internal commotions and civil wars. That Houfe of Com- mons which enacted its own existence from three to feven years is an in (lance the moft violent and arbitrary that has been exercifed fmce the being of a Parliament. The admiflion and fufferance of that ufurpation on political liberty, has tarnifhed the glory of every fubfequent reign. On this fub- * Vol. I. p. 126. F 2 ject t 68 1 je& 1 mall have much to advance. It is neceflary here to form juft ideas on political liberty, before any remarks be made on its firft exiftence in this country, and its fubfequent progrefs. I fhall not contract my arguments by narrow notions and pre- judices, being convinced, that to liberality of fen- timent we owe many bleflings ; and though it be the pride of human nature to difdain fervile imita- tions, it is to the honour of it to diffipate preju- dice, and notice with the cool eye of wifdom the virtues of the moft malignant enemy. Far be it from me to excite invidious comparifons. Truth can be only eflablifhed by elucidation ; and with- out offering the French Conftitution by any means as an example to us, I embrace an inftance .which fully eftablifhes my pofitions, and confirms the di- ftin&ion fuggefted between political and civil li- berty. The French have afferted moft explicitly the common right of mankind to political liberty, and have made a very evident diftindlion between that power and civil liberty, by limiting the fitting of any future National Aflembly to two years, and denying to fuch Aflembly the powers of continuing in its delegated capacity beyond that period, with- out a violent ufurpation of the conftitutional rights .of the people, the rights of a nation being abfolute, the rights of an Aflembly or Parliament relative. Hence political liberty is an abfolute power, which the body of people at any future age may affume, to t 69 ] to remedy the abufes of civil liberty, which is a fubordinate, created, and relative privilege. The origin of Conftitutions and the various modes of Government being antecedent to all re.- cords, we have no lights to guide us through the dark maze of antiquity, by which we can trace their firft principles, but the exercife of our rea- fon, aided by thofe accounts of ancient Govern- ment which are known, and which antiquity hath rendered venerable. Many eminent writers, diftin- guimed for their learning, incur the fufpicion of narrow minds or biafled principles, when they af- fect to pafs over the firft #ra of ths Britifh hiftory, as a maze where perfpicuity would be trammelled with defaced pictures, and truth itfelf be loft in the refearch. This disregard to antiquity is at- tended with effects which fully prove an unwar- rantable induftry to accommodate facts to prin- ciples. It may be ufeful and entertaining to read the laws, institutions, and cuftoms of pur ancef- tors j but when men (train at the precife meaning of an old law, attempt to refute the exiftence of a particular inftitution, quibble about the word con- queft, depreciate the poor Commons, and affirm that the reprefentation of the people arofe from the grace and favour of Norman defpots. It is witfy pain, mingled with indignation, we fee men of fuperior abilities and learning difgracing in this F 3 manner [ 7 1 manner the annals of liberty, by drowning her ge* nins in the vortex of law. To engage in the com roverfy between popular and monarchical writers would be foreign to my purpofe ; I (hall endeavour, by unqueftionable au- thority to confirm the pofition, that political liberty invariably refides in the body of people, indepen- dent of any refinements of law or religion ; and that from the earlieft accounts of antiquity, its co- active powers have been enforced, and may at all times be exercifed by the majority of the commu- nity, when the injuftice and oppreffion of its dele- gated powers demand the common intereft to be preferred. The rude hiftory of ancient Britain affords no flattering topic for an hiftorian, no inftruction for the reader. The higheft gratification which an Englifhman can derive are thofe well authenticated records, which prove, that the Britons enjoyed po- litical liberty. To confult thofe remote asras with an eye prejudiced by modern political refine- ment, leads to error and party. The refinement of manners was wholly unknown in thofe early periods offociety, thofe nice diftin&ions between the prin- ciples Right and Wrong ; and thofe wire-drawn dccifions in our modern courts of juftice could only be attained by the refinement of many centu- ries. [ 7 1 ries. The mind therefore ought to be prepare4 for the diftindtion between a military age, when the virtues of valour, the love of liberty and inde- pendence, were carried to the higheft pitch, and that of a commercial age, when wealth creates en- viable diftin&ions, and a thirft of gain facrifices every noble principle of the mind. Men -who make this necefiary diftinclion between the two ages, contemn the narrow and dark controverfy, whether the Britons were governed by abfolute Monarchs or enjoyed Republics, whether their Kithifrins commune conjilinm regni, or Parliaments, were compofed of Commoners or Peers, or whe- ther they enjoyed a limited Monarchy. If we can gather from approved authority that they enjoyed the common right of mankind, political liberty, however bold, fierce, or unrefined, the argument will be compleat. And when our anceftors at the Devolution, in their Declaration claim, demand, and infift upon all and fmgular the premifes as their un- doubted rights and liberties, and i Wm. and Mary, f. 2. cap. 2. recognizes all and fmgular the rights and liberties afferted in the faid Declaration to be the true, ancient, and indubitable rights of the people of this kingdom; and the Ad of Settlement, which again confirms thefe liberties, declares them to be the birth-right of the people of England, where (hall we fix the ^era for thefe inheritances, if we do not eftablifh them from the remoteft anti- quity. If the Revolutionifts ran over the ftring of F 4 periods [ 7* 3 periods or data, where would they (lop, or where fhall we now flap ? The Petition of Right, the thirty-two corroborating flatutes of the two Char- ters, the Magna Ghana itfelf, and all the Charters granted, or obtained fword in hand from Norman tfefpots, without equivocation declare the premifes infifted on to be the ancient rights and liberties of the people of England. What the exprefs verbal liberties of Edward the Confeflbr were, Hiflory does not fully explain *. We find by Mr. Hume fome antiquaries as well as himfelf have narrowed their ideas, and political liberty hath fuffered in the refearch for exprefs laws ; but thefe laws of Edward the Confeflbr, we learn, were merely con- firmations pf thofe eftablilhed by Alfred ; we may therefore prefume they were nothing lefs than thofe great outlines of political liberty which that * What thefe laws were of Edward the Confeflbr which the Englifli, every reign during a century and a half, define fo paf- fionately to have reftored, is much difputed by Antiquaries, and our ignorance of them feems to be one of the greateft defects iu ancient Er.glim Hiftory. The collection of laws by Wilkins, which pafs under the name of Edward's, are plainly a pofterior and an ignorant compilation. Thofe to be found in Ingulf are genuine, but fo imperfect, and contain fo few claufes favourable to the fubjec"V,. that we fee no great reafon for their contending for them fo vehemently. It is probable the Englifli meant the common law as it prevailed during the reign of Edward, which we may conjeciur^ to have been more indulgent to liberty than the Norman inftitutipns. The moft material articles of it were afterwards comprehended in Magna Charta. Vol. I. p. 479. man. [ 73 1 man had digefted from Saxon and Britifh originals, and which were involved in the two charters which partially comprize thofe ancient rights and liber- ties, fo firmly and fo effe&ually infifted on. The laws and institutions of the Great Alfred, Hifto- rians inform us were improvements on the cuftoms and ufages of the Germans and Britains ; and the native Britons, it will appear, poflefled fuch a confiderable portion of Democracy, that they may truly be faid to enjoy political liberty. And here, to ufe the expreffion of another, our enquiries find a reft ing place, our reafon finds a home. From the preceding remarks it appears, political liberty muft be taken in its general fenfe, meaning the operative power of the people collectively, or by delegation aflembled, to maintain the common intereft and happinefs of the great majority of the nation. But in every age civil liberty, which is its effect, will conftantly aflume the famion of the reigning day ; and laws which were neceflary and beneficial in one age, and to that age appeared to be formed according to ftrict right and juftice, by a future age may be deemed unjuft and oppreffive; the inference follows, that the particular inftitu- tions and laws of remote ages are only ufeful to the prefent age, as in the fcale of common right juftice mall incline the balance, fo truly fluctuating are human affairs. The [ 74 3 The chief writers among the ancients from whom we learn the beft, accounts of the ancient Britons are Caefar and Tacitus ; their authority has in ge- neral obtained the confidence of all hiftorians. By Caefar' s Commentaries, it appears the Britons were divided into a number of fmall States, in which Democracy had the afcendant. On his invafion, he expreffly tells us * " Among the Britons the " chief command and adminiftration of the war tf was, by the Common Council, bellowed on " Caflivelan." And that the Commons were cal- led to this Afiembly, Sothilius -j~ fays the com- monalty compofed a chief part in their public councils. Other corroborating teftimonies I (hall deduce, to prove that the Britons enjoyed the com- mon right of mankind, political liberty. Milton, the immortal bard, in his Hiftory of Ancient Bri- tain, refers to all the known ancient authors, and from his undoubted veracity two inftances may be felected, which are ftrong evidences of the exifl- ence, at that epoch, of this true native fpirit of liberty, which is fo much the pride and glory of Englishmen. Britain at the period of the Roman Invafion was divided into feparate States, indepen- * Lib. V. c. $. f Mr. Juftice Doddridge on the Antiquity of Parliaments, |>. 66. who cites Francis Tate -yf/W Lw pafulits magna ex parts frimatum tenet Alfo VitUS in Hift. Brit. Lib. VIII. p. II. Beda, Lib. II. c. 2. & 13. dent f 75 ] of each other ; many of which had furren- dered, or were fubdued by the Romans, who were particularly defirous of introducing their Jaws and cuftoms ; for this purpofe, " Cogidinus*, a Bri- " tifli King, their faft friend, had certain cities " given him j a haughty craft which the Romans " ufed, to make Kings the fervile agents of en- " Having others.*' The Silures, one of the Britifh States, had for feveral years held out againft the Roman yoke under their Prince Caractacus, but were at length fubdued in a pitched battle on the weft edge of Shropfhire, before the commencement of which this valourous Prince went up and down, animating his officers and leaders -j~, " That this " was the day, this was the field, either to defend " their liberties^ or to die free ; calling to mind " his glorious anceftors, who drove Cxfar, the Dictator, out of Britain." This is an inftance which the modern refined fpirit of liberty cannot furpafs, and ihews how deeply independence and common right are rooted in the Britilh heart. The fecond inftance corro- borates this idea. After the viftory of the Ro- mans over Boadicea, " Suetonius , the Roman *' General, gave too much way to his anger againft * Milton's Hift. Brit. Book II. p. 68 &: 69. Tacitus Vit. Agricola. f Milton's Hift. Brit. B. II. p. 8r. J Tacitus Vit. Agricola. " the [ 76 ] " the Britons, Claflician therefore fending fuch " word to Rome, that thefe fevere proceedings ** would beget an endlefs war, Polyclitus, no Ro- te man, but a courtier, was fent by Nero to fee ** how things went. He admonifhing Suetonius " to ufe more mildnefs, awed the army, and to and the counties were fum- moned to the General Aflembly of the kingdom, it polfeflcd alfo a confiderable mare of Democracy. The Confiitution Alfred thus eftablifhed from Briiilh and Saxon materials was a true limited Mo- * Mirror of Juftices, Chap. I.t. 3. p. 6. narchy, which having through a ferles of fubfequent years experienced many and dangerous vicifiirudes, the dangers it has met renders it the more venerable, and at this period each feels an equal intereft in the prefervation of its facred parts, as well as an in- dignant contempt of all its enemies, both Republi- cans who are overtly attacking it, and Ariftocrats who are fecretly undermining it. It mav be ufeful here to recur to the diftincYion j between political and civil liberty ; for when Mr. J. Blackfton as above tells us, that the inftitutions eftablifhcd under Alfred have been preferred un- changed for near a thoufand years, we are apt to conclude, that the nation poffefled invariably thofe liberties ; but when we find that William the Con- queror, b) the aid of prieftcraft, rendered the Go- vernment defpotic, yet thofe inftitutions ftill re- remained. The diftinction between civil and po litical liberty is rendered evident, andilluftrar.es the maxim of Montefquieu, That the fubjecl; may be free and not the Conftitution, which I imagine to imply, that the people may have right done them in certain relative matters, as one individual to another ; and in this refpedt the fubject may be partially free, and enjoy civil liberty ; but having no voice or vote in public meafures, nor (hare in the motions of Government, which being entirely at the arbitrary will of a King and his Council, the Conftitution is not free, and the fubje6t is de- G 3 prived [ 86 ] prived of political liberty. Similar ideas I ftiould conclude induced Lord Clifford, Prime Minifter of Charles II. to fay, That if the King would be firm to himfelf, he might carry the Government to whac height he would ; for if men were undiflurbed of their properties, and were aflured of liberty of con- fcience, and ftrict juftice done them at Weftmin- fler, and the army made firm to the King, there were none that would have either will, opportunity, or power to refift. That Charles had much at heart the grand object of reigning defpotic, is a fact too well confirmed. But the old Britim fpirit at that period was too prevalent to induce him to hope for fuccefs by direct overt attempts. Charles fell on the only expedient to deceive the jealous eye of Britons, impofe on their credulity, and render the generous bias of their difpofitions the only ene- iny to their real interefts. This Charles completely effected by fecret and corrupt influence. Without the violent example of the Conqueror, it may be remarked, that Monarchs at a more re- fined period have made ufe of two methods to render themfelves abfolute over a free people ; one method, as practifed by the late King of Sweden, by over- awing the Diet, and by the ftern abufe of his prero- gative fubjecting it to his will, which was an open, direct, and arbitrary ufurpation of political liberty. Thefecond method, as practifed by Charles II. like a man of gallantry, by art and addrefs corruptly in- fluencing [ 8? 3 fluencing the reprefcntatives of the people, in order to govern by his own will. Both methods, in their effects, tending to one point, arbitrary power, though widely differing in the means adopted. Of the two methods, the firft is open, manly, and be- coming, a military hero panting with ambition for miftaken glory. The fecond method is indirect, fecret, hypocritical, and treacherous, deluding the people with the fairefl intentions, at the fame time undermining their deareft interefts. Thefe reflections furnifli fufficient evidence of the instability of all Governments ; the reftlefs afpiring nature of man ever tends to break the great chain of connexion which links the order of fociety, and ever fubverts the beft inftitutions, when operating in the minds of vicious men in power. Hence we find the free Conflitution of the Saxons, at various times, tending to anarchy, and at other periods to an actual Ariftocracy, to which it feemed inclining when the Conqueror made his invafion, which event overthrew the Saxon free Government, and eftabliihed on its ruins for a time a fyftem of civil and religious fla- very. The Saxons, until this combination of Wil- liam and the Pope, had acknowledged the primacy of the See of Rome, but had hitherto maintained an independence in their ecclefiaftical adminiftra- tion, and relifted the exorbitant claims which fupported the grandeur of the Papacy. Thefe were G 4 fufficient [ 88 ] fufficient motives to induce the Pope to fupport William's fucccflion to the throne of England ; and it further aided his plan of church govern- ment, which was widely diffufing itfelf at this sera over Europe ; for wherever civil or religious inde- pendence was eftablifhed, the heavenly powers of the Pope were thundered forth with accumulated virulence. His Holinefs efpoufed William's caufe, and by a crufade openly announced his tyrannic intentions ; and as a fymbol of his Chriftian-like motives, and his charity to mankind, made Wil- liam a prefent of a confecrated flandard, with a golden Agnus Dei, and a ring with one of St. Pe- ter's hairs in it ; and further to promote his holy purpofes, and in order that every man might wor- fhip the Duke as the champion of the church, pro- nounced Harold a perjured ufurper, and then if- fued his divine mandates, that he would excommu- nicate every one that oppofed William ; and thus, as Mr. Hume obferves*, were all the ambition and violence of that invalion covered over fafely with the broad mantle of religion. That the Crown of England till this period was elective, is evident by the choice made by the Wittena Gemote of Harold, who by that AfTembly of the nation was fettled on the throne prior to the invafion made by William. Had the fucceflioit been indifputably eftablilhed by hereditary defcemt, * Vol. I. p. 1 86, Edgar Atheling, the right heir to the Crown, as fon of Edmund the Outlaw, and grandfon of King Edmund Ironfide, would have fucceeded to the throne, and been confirmed in it without doubt by the Wittena G emote. A few reflections arife from this circumftance on the advantages and difadvantages of the Chief Ma- giftrate being elected by the nation, or fucceeding by hereditary defcent. We find, in whatever State the Crown, or Chief Magistrate, has been elective, that State has proved the theatre of anarchy ; the improving wifdom of ages has taught men the ideal and dangerous power of the multitude's choofing a matter; and as the fcience of Government be- comes better underftood, a true limited Monarchy approaches neareft to that perfection of civil go- vernment which both preferves the focial equality of men and the common intereft of all. The exe- cutive power being placed in the hands of one by hereditary defcent, Subject to the law enacted by the delegated authority of the people, the acknow- ledged right and Superiority of birth embraces po- pular opinion, and confidence, prevents invidious distinctions, and renders faction filent. Let any one reflect on the private feelings and conviction of the two characters a King elect or an ufurper, and a King in a limited monarchy by defcent, and judge from the harmony or difcord of their minds, whether in general their fituation be agreeable to that C 9 ] that order and tranquillity which is the offence of every community. The firft, perhaps, owes his eminence to a majority oppofed to a powerful can- didate at the head of a fad ion, or may have ufurped the throne. In either cafe their jealoufies and ap- prehenfions will be the fame ; their fears are incef- fantly fuggefting to their minds the idea of affaffi- nati'on or poifon, they continually go armed againft their fubjects, and feldom go or return the fame road, or ileep often in the fame chamber. Stran- gers to the blifsful harmony of a fmiling family, their flern brow can never relax to the enjoyments of private life, and they fofter two of the greateft enemies to human happinefs, jealoufy and fufpi- cion ; they are never free from thofe mifenble at- tendants. On the contrary, fee the reverfe of all this in a King by hereditary defcent in a limited Monarchy, whofe rule of conduct is prefcribed by the legiflative power of the people. If any public grievances, or any opprefiion on the common inte- reft is made, or any violent abufe of the executive power is exercifed, the reprefentatives of the people have full power to redrefs fuch abufes of the confti- tutional rights of the people, by impeaching and puniming the Minifters and evil counfellors of the King; and this ineftimable privilege muft imprefs on the minds of all, the facred importance of the freedom of election. In fine, to all candid in- quirers, the independence of a Houfe of Commons muft appear the only bulwark of all which the people I 91 ] people hold molt dear and valuable. The Mini- {lers of the Crown being refponfible for the abufes of the Executive Power, a confidence arifes be- between King and people, which difcovers itfelf by a conduct of generous regard and affectionate conduct on the part of the King, and by a grate- ful fubmiflion and ftanch loyalty on the part of the people ; a hereditary King in a limited Mo- narchy thus enjoys all the bleffings of private life as a man, and all the dignity and power in public life as a King. Thefe enjoyments a King can only afTure to himfelf by making the interefts of the people his greatefl happinefs. His incefiant duty is to promote that order and tranquillity in, a State which is the firft and chief object of Government. To thefe advantages of hereditary fucceflion in a limited Monarchy, I am prepared for the objec- tions which have afforded much fportive ridicule to a Republican, who has wilfully overlooked the great line of connexion which links the. mutual dependences of the Conftitution, or he has im- bibed falfe notions of its principles. But as politi- cal liberty is the fubject of inveftigation, the Con- ftitution we fliall notice in a future Section, and (hall briefly remark, that a King being a minor or an. ideot, the nrft of which has not occurred for near two hundred and fifty years, are objections of no weight, when it is confidered an independent Parliament, as prefcribed by the Conftitution, is ever r 9* i ever adequate to all fortuitous events of that na- ture. If the reprefematives of the people be faith- ful, the Conftitution can never fuffer by fuch events ; limits are prefcribed to each conftituent part, and a violation of thofe boundaries is an ufurpation on the rights of the people. At the prefent period, as I (hall have occafion to obferve, the Conftitution cannot be materially violated ; without a general fcnfe of the perverfion diffufing itfelf through all ranks, one opinion will be formed, and one general fentiment prevail ; the people will exercife their birth-right, political liberty, and will reftore that which they founded j the Conftitution will acquire additional purity, and the proof of its excellence will confift in the harmony and energy of its powers. JFrom the Invafion down to the Revolution, I fhall endeavour to be as concife as the leading fub- ject will admit. The treacherous conceffions which William made after the battle of Haftings were merely to pave his way to the Crown by the feem- ing confent of the Englifh nation ; through the in- fluence of the Clergy he obtained this point, but to the infinite mortification of the Englifh, they fbon found themfelves profcribed, their eftates confif-, cated, oppreflive exactions and arbitrary laws en- forced, and their native language fupplanted by the impofition of a foreign one. Power and property were thus united in the hands f a few, while the multitude [ 03 ] multitude were deprived of their common right*. To reftore the balance of power and the balance of property was the after- work of ages. The firfl cir- cuinftance that led to this equilibrium, which is the bads of the Conftitution, was the exercile of political liberty under King John. The regaining of this facred principle of primeval right will ever command the feelings and infpire the mind with the true principles of liberty. When the Execu- tive Power exceeds the limits of juftice, and ufurps a tyranny which reafon renounces and freedom dif- claims, a people who once have tailed the bleffings of liberty will dare to oppofe, will rife to refill, and eventually will obtain. It was the exceffive tyranny of the Conqueror and his fucceffors that called forth the latent opprefled fpirit of Engliflimen, the feeds of liberty they had planted The vegetation may be checked, may to a defpot's flattered eye be eradicated, but the Sun of Britifti freedom has ever difpelle'd the cloud of defpotifm, re-animated the hereditary feeds, and the vegetation has made ar bitrary Monarchs tremble. The formidable power of the firft Norman Princes, who could crulh the mofl powerful Baron at their pleafure, excited a fpirit of union to deli- berate among the different ranks of people, and clofe confederacies took place, to concert a refift- ance agamft the enormous power of the Crown. Here the Barons, as the chief landholders, aflb- ciated, [ 94 3 elated, and freely expatiated on the tyranny of the judicial proceedings, and the flavifh injunctions of the foreft laws*, the feverity of which was parti- cularly oppreflive. In thefe confederacies a dif- cuffion of the precife terms and meaning of the new laws impofed by the Conqueror, mull have ap- peared unintelligible to a great majority, the inter- pretation of them by the Barons could not have been conveyed to the capacities of the lower orders, with- out a colourable ray of fophiftry, which would natu- rally excite an enquiry into the focial rights of men, and renew to their minds the free principles of the Saxon inftitutions. The confequence followed, if we judge from effects, of their thorough convic- tion, that a limited power exceeded is a po\ver forfeited; that equality of privileges is the firft principle of fociety ; that the union of power and property, in the hands of one or of a few, operates againft the common intereft of a community and againft focial right, and its oppreflive laws or right .of action may be oppofed by a fimilar right. * Another violent alteration of the Engliih Conftitution (in confequence of the Invafion) confifted in the depopulation of whole countries for the purpofe of the "King's royal diveriion, and fubjecYtng both them and all the ancient forefts of the king- dom to the unreafonable feverities of fcreft laws imported from the Continent, whereby the (laughter of a bead was made almoft as penal as the death of a man. In the Saxon times, though no man was allowed to kill or chace the King's deer, yet he might ftart any game, purfue and kill it on his own cftate. Black. Comrr.. vo/. IF. f. 415. Hence [ 95 3 Hence by an eafy aflimilation of principles, the fubordinate ckfles became infpired with the true fpirit of liberty, and we find them in the fubfe- quent reign of Henry III. ftipulating for the fame conditions as the Barons themfelves ; and the Barons by* uniting with, and confirming the people in their rights, in order to oppofe the rapacity of the Roman Church, and the power of the Crown, created that fpirit of dignified human nature in John Bull, which having now afcertained the juft prerogatives of the Crown, will ever check the overbearing fpirit of an Ariftocracy, and preferve the Constitution from arbitrary power, and the no fefs dangerous State, a convulfed Republic. Some adventitious circumflances concurred to produce thefe rifing fparks of ancient liberty. After the death of William Rufus, Henry I. fecured his fucceffion to the throne, to the exclufion of his elder brother Robert, by promifmg to reftore the laws of Edward the Confeflbr, and other confirmations of Saxon liberties, which fecured the people in their perfons and property ; for this pur- pofe he granted a charter, which in the reign of King John the Barons made the foundation of Magna Charta. By the irregular fucceflions of Henry I. and Stephen, the people made fome ad- vances for the regaining of political liberty ; and * Hume, Appendix, No. II. p. 113. the L 96 3 the conceflions firft made by Henry were particu- larly demanded at the coronation of every fubfe- qucnt Monarch ; but by them they had been con- fidered merely as appendages to the Crown, to be put on or off at pleafure. John at his coronation took the ufual oaths, but foon after difcovered his defpotic nature, by the horrid murder of his ne- phew Arthur. Imbruing his hands in the blood of fo near a relation, mocked the humanity, and roufed the indignation of the whole kingdom. On his arrival in England from the French provinces, he exerted the Royal prerogatives and the foreft laws to that degree of exceffive feverity, that the dormant fpirit of confederated liberty now openly manifefted itfelf throughout the nation. The cauie of freedom became the caufe of juftice ; the caufe of equal privileges the caufe of truth ; the union of the people was fober refiftance ; the efforts of the Barons were dignified ; the oppofition glorious and laudable. Hence were obtained the Great Charter of Liberties, which involves all the chief outlines of a legal Government, and provides for the equal distribution of juftice, and free enjoy- ment of property, which Mr. Hume emphatically terms * the great objects for which political fociety was at firft founded by men, which the -people have a per- petual and unalienable right to recall, and which no time nor precedent, nor jlatute, nor pofithe injiitution* * Hill. Eng. Vol. II. p. 88. ought C 97 3 wght to deter them from keeping ever upper m oft in their thoughts and attention. By this famous Charter, the Saxon free prin- ciples were incorporated with the feudal fyftem, which laid the foundation of our truly limited Mo- narchy ; and whoever at the prefent period reflects on the incorporation of thofe two oppofite prin- ciples, and the prcfcnt connexions and fubordina- tions of our elaborate Conftitution, cannot fuffi- ciently admire the limitations and prerogatives of the Chief Magiftrate. With the feudal fyftem intro- duced by William I. many valuable energies were obtained ; and this fyftem, however at firft fub- verfive of the common rights of the people, has through fucceflive ages been open to improvement, and as knowledge became progreflively more ge- neral, it has been in a continual habit of acquiring perfection. At the Revolution it was pruned of its chief excefles, and attempted to be modelled to the intereft of all. But practice ever tending to make theory blufli, it remains for the prefent age to temper the energy of the Norman fyftem with the lax principles of the old Englifh, by a Parliamen- tary Reform ; this will produce that neceflary equi- librium, or balance of property and power, which is the bafis of a limited Monarchy, arid the fiift principle of our Conftitution. H SECT". SECTION V. Remarks on Political Liberty, from the Confirmation of Magna Charta, under King John, to the Succef- Jion of the Houfe of Stuart. THROUGHOUT the Englifli Hiftory, we muft carry in our minds the facred truth, that political liberty is the birth-right of Britons j and though the feveral articles in Magna Charta, through the refinements made by the chicanery of modern law, are now confidercd as bare of circtim- ftances, and too concife, and the charter itfelf an ufelefs fcroll, yet it contains, among other articles of univerfal juftice and equal right, an explicit confirmation of the right of political liberty. This important article * is as follows: the people. From this reign down to that of Henry VII. was a continued fcene of infurredtions and wars. No part of the Englifh hiftory fince the Conqueft is fo uncertain, and fo little authentic, as the wars of the Houfes of York and Lancafter j at the con- clufion of which the nobility were brought to a humble fubmiflion to the ftern prerogatives of the Crown. The people were reduced to their former ftare of vaflalage, and the improvement of the Con- ftitution wholly, neglected Nam Jllent leges inter armn and we are left to deplore a difgraceful pe- riod of hiftory, * a fcene of horror, bloodfhed, lavage manners, arbitrary executions, and treache- rous, difhonourable conduct in all parties. The union of thefe two contending families by die marriage of Henry. VII. quelled each jarring intereft ; and the reformation in the next reign, which occafioned a great revolution in manners and property, paved the way for afcertaining the equilibrium neceffary in the Three Eftates, by im- perceptibly weakening the Ariftocracy,. advancing Commons, and limiting the Prerogative \ and * Hume, vol. III. p. 3}. [ "0 ] finally concurred to the restoration of the ancient limited Monarchy, which was confirmed by the Revolution. Yet in the intermediate reigns, the Crown, while this great Revolution was maturing, became progrefiively * more arbitrary, by thofe very means which afterwards reduced its power. The wars of the two Roles put an entire flop to trade for feveral years ; and the Commons were reduced to fuch an abject dcpendance on the King, the Clergy, and the Barons, during the defpotic reign of Henry. VIII. that they feemed to have totally loft that infpiration for their ancient liber- ties, which pervaded and animated the whole State during the reigns of John, Henry, and Edward I. And no reign in the Englifh hiftory holds out a more ferious truth than this of Henry VIII. For though there be no danger that the nation, while animated with the fpirit of liberty, will again re- lapfe into fuch a bafe and fervile dependance on a rude tyrannic barbarian, yet the principle teaches the important lefTon, That Government, in the .Jiands cf an ambitious Prince, may be modelled to the defpotic bias of his heart, though the forms of a free Conftitution remain j and that thofe barriers which political liberty has provided in the Confti - ration to maintain freedom, life, and property, may be made, by direct or indirect means, falvos * Black. Coinm. vol. IV. p. 433. for for the groffeft enormities. Henry extorted loans from the people which he never meant to repay, and loaded them with oppreflive taxes ; and the firft men in the nation were made to tremble at his difpleafure, againft whom he perpetrated violences the moft enormous. But he never attempted to abolifh the Parliament, or even to retrench its doubtful privileges. On the contrary, he made it the prime miniiler of his tyranny, the paflive in- ftrument of his outrages againft liberty life, and law. It fanctioned his defpotic and fanguinary meafures, and authorized his oppreflive taxes ; and to the eternal difgrace of the Parliaments of this reign, they enacted that the King's Proclamations fliould have the force of law, and by creating a long lift of chimerical treafons, have rendered the memory of them infamous. From thefe facts we may conclude, that the long civil wars of the Rofes had fo depreffed the national fpirit, that as the vigour of the national body failed by the divifion of its parts, the fovereign power of the Crown became by confequence more arbitrary and unlimited 5 and England at this aera was arrived at an ebb, which was either to flow to ilavery or freedom. At the moment when tranfi- toFy evils had thrown the Conftitution into the gulph of Uefpotifm, the Reformation by a fortui- tous event, wafted the bark of Freedom over the quickfands of Prieftcraft and Tyranny, roufed the Genius C in ] Genius of Liberty, which in the (ubfequent reigns animated the fpirit of the nation to alien the privi- leges of a free people ; and happily that facred ipirit of liberty has never fmce forfaken the Britifh ifle. In the fubfeqiient reign of Edward VI. the tyrannical laws and new- fangled treafons inftituted by Henry, his father, were happily aboiilhcd. This virtuous youth was adorned with the light of reafon, with a heart graced with promifing difpofi- tions, and a capacity to learn and judge ; but to the infinite concern of the friends of liberty and the Proteftant caufe, his reign was cut fhort under his people's fmiles ; and fo eafy is the tranfition from human joy to forrow, by the blood-thirft Mary, their i'miles were fucceeded by tears. Milton's Satan under Papal colours ravaged the land, revelled in the tortures of reafon and truth ; and in this mon- jtrom reign, ignorance was no protection, when even brutes were facrificed to the Popifh faith. On the acceflion of Elizabeth, England, reviving from the general ftupor, began to breathe ; and Elizabeth embracing the Proteftant religion, bkf- fed the Ifle with a long and brilliant reign. But fuch was the analogy between fovereign power and defpotifm, that a Princefs the moll enlightened, and of the moft fplendid talents, could not fepa- rate the long; cherilhed idea of former reigns from o o that which is a Sovereign's ultimate happinefs and final fecurity the ajfeflions of their people. The Star [ "3 ] Star Chamber was ftill continued, and the High Commiflion Court even inftituted to fyftemize confidence and enforce obedience. The extreme miferies of the laft reign, and the glory of this lefiened the tyranny of thefe inftitutions ; and the wifdom of Elizabeth, as it tempered opprcflion, the people in the admiration of the one, over- looked the other. SECTION^ t "4 3 SECTION VI. Remarks on Political Liberty, from the Succeffion of the Hoiife of Smart to the Revolution. THE nation at this period began to find thtf happy effects of the Reformation. The great alteration in property advanced the power of the Commons; the art of printing began to difleminate learning throughout the State, and to enlarge the minds of men ; trade and naviga- tion were fuddenly carried on to an amazing ex- tent ; an inundation of wealth flowed in upon the merchants and middling ranks; the Popifh Clergy- had been detected in their frauds and abufes, and ftripped of their lands and revenues, were left trembling for their very exiflenee. " * But there " is no abufe fo great in civil fociety, as not to * See his fpeeches made in fafliament in the year 161021. their [ "7 3 their inheritance and birth-right were no more than the effects of the grace and toleration of his Royal anceftors. Thus James oftentatioufly dif- played thofe fallacies which his anceftors and the Pope had invented. Paffive obedience and non- reliftance had been taught by the Clergy ; but former Monarchs were content in the enjoyment of that deception which James had the impru- dence to publim. The liberty of the prefs, then in its dawn, contributed, notwithftanding the Star-Chamber, to difleminate fuch falutary no- tions among all orders of the people, as detected the fophifms delivered from the throne and the pulpit, and finally concurred in the refutation of the divinity of Kings, by teaching Charles I. his fon, that Kings rule by the grace of the people, and that they never can aflume the facred privi- lege of ruling by the grace of God, but when they govern according to the laws of the land, accord* ing to general liberty, virtue, and jufticc- The private character of Charles is reprefented as virtuous, but his public character vicious ; Nature had been kind, but his education, as in the words of the Poet, triumphed. By education moft men are mifled, So we believe becaufe we were fo bred ; The prieft continues what the nurfe began, And thus the child impofes on the man. J Encircled Encircled by a few, who in their hearts che- rilhed the doctrine of the Pope, yet wore the femblance of the Proteftant Church, Charles was inceflantly flattered with his father's maxim of Di- vine right, and the unlimited prerogative of his predecefibrs, which hemanifefted on all occafions, The nation detected the fiction, and in turn freely canvafled the prerogatives of the Crown. The fcru- tiny proved fatal ; rather let us fay, when reafon and juftiee prevail over arbitrary power and prieft- craft, a triumph. Political liberty was afferted and maintained by the reprefentatives of the people ; the Commons alone flood firm, when the power of the Nobles was vanquifhed. Among the Commons were men of profefled abilities, and acknowledged Statefmen Men who entered warmly into conflitutjonal meafures Men whofe views were as folid as their principles were juft; thefe oppofed to the jure divino of Charles the vox populi vox Dei The Divinity of law in the law alone was the Divine Power ; and every law founded on liberty and juflice had a claim for obedience, Royalty itfelf not exempt. This was the voice of (he people fanctioned by the immutable laws of the Deity. But the King had been taught, that the fupreme power was in- herent in the Crown ; that the legiflative autho- rity muft comport with the dictates of his heart, that [ "9 ] that the executive authority could only originate from the active impulfe of his divine mind. Both powers thus claimed a divine origin ; but it requires not the fagacity of a Pope to perceive, that the people's was that of the Gofpel, the King's that of the Alcoran. Charles became a convert, but by his apoftacy met his fate. The ftern brow of Prerogative, fupported by the delufion of Di- vine right, could not brook the fancied ignominy of relaxing its fovereign power, by fubmitting to the future wifdom and control of Parliament. Charles repeatedly diflblved his Parliaments for their integrity and patriotifm, and continued to praclife every illegal meafure. The perverfion of the law by corrupt judges, an4 the imprifonment of the fubjeft for default of payment of (hip- money, and other obnoxious and arbitrary taxes, operated in fanning the flame of difcord among all ranks of people, and created thofe lading preju- judices, which his conceflions in his laft Parlia- ment could not allay. The famous Petition of Right, framed by a Committee of his third Parliament, fets forth, in an explicit manner the violent abufes of the pre- rogative, and belt explains the pretenfions of the Commons, who appear to have aflumed no unpre- cedented privileges, or demanded unufual powers. The Bill of Rights, which was enacted in confe- 1 4 quence, quence, was declaratory of the known ftatutes of the land, and a recognition of the Great Charter, and that important ftatute of Edward I. for raifing taillages^ which is the bulwark of the Conftiuuion. The firmnefs and independence of the Par- liaments of this reign afford the higheft example of their fpecific utility. The confequences which followed amply (hew the abfolute neceflity that the reprefentatives of the people mould be inde- pendent of the frowns or fecret influence of the Crown, but that they mould never be independent of the choice of the people. Free Parliaments and frequent elections are the deputies of political li- berty, and the members and fpirit of the Confti- tution, and cannot be annulled without annihilat- ing the machine. When Parliaments are free, ci- vil liberty is allured from every adt, overt or fe- cret, that tyranny can invent, or proud ambition flimulate, Happy had Charles been, happy indeed would have been the nation, had he as folicitoufly endea- voured to gain the affections of his people as he was induftrious in every chicanery to trample on their facred rights, and violate every principle of juftice. But the King could not reconcile re- ftraints or limitations of that Divine power with which the Great Author of Nature had vetted him ; an authority, which for bafe mortals to difpute, in his C his eftimation, amounted to blafphemy. His eva- fions in confirming the Bill of Rights prove his fubmiffion was concealed hypocrify ; his conduct and difcourfedfcovered the iniincerity of his heart. The firft opportunity that offered he violated all that he had done, diflblved the Parliament, and in future was determined to govern by himfelf iu- preme, which he did for eleven years, when his various defpotic ways and means failing, his ur- gent neceflities induced him to call another Par- liament, which poffeffing the fame patriotic fpirit of thofe which had formerly been the occafion of his difpleafure, he abruptly diflblved it, but foon after convoked another, which wifely began its career by impeaching, and procuring to be pu- nifhed the King's evil counfellors, the fecret ene- mies of liberty, peace, and concord; and the. mutual agreement of the King and Commons bid fair to reftore once more the calm return of pro- mifed harmony, Charles having in Parliament abolifhed the Star Chamber and High Commiflion Courts, and enacted ftatutes for Triennial Parlia- ments, for afcertaining the foreft laws, and re- nouncing Ship Money and other exactions. But the true caufe of the national difcontent under the Stuart family now manifefted itfelf. The cruelties of Mary had left an indelible (lain on the Catholic faith, and created a jealoufy in the Britifh bread, which the leaft breath of fufpicion fanned into a flame. Unfortunately this family indirectly coun- tenanced [ I" ] tenanced the Roman church : and in the dawn of general literature, it followed, that theological points, difcufiedby ruftic reafon, would beget fa- naticifm. Unacquainted with logical refinements and the fubtleties of fchoolmen, any learned oppo- fition to their opinions they confidered as fophi- ftry; their minds dwelt on enthufiafm as infpira- tion : and in acommon caufe, which under the gof- pel difpenfation, required the laws to be admini- ftered with juftice and mercy, and equal right to be done, where each had an equal claim to the en- joyment of liberty, it was a natural confequence that the Puritans mould imagine they pofleffed the Divine favour, and that their caufe wa^s that of the Lord's. The extremes which followed were in proportion to the oppreflion fuffered. Religious diffenfions were now riling to a flame. The King had broke with the Scots, and the Irifh were in rebellion ; and Charles having, by his former con- duct, loft the confidence of the nation, his fitua- tion became defperate. The Commons, to fecure their authority, had taken advantage of the King's neceffities, a^nd obtained from him the fatal con- fent for their unlimited duration, exempt from the control of his prerogative ; which rafh meafure was attended with the moft fatal confequences. One tyrant is more tolerable than five hundred ; the one has his moments of relaxation, the many are invariably and inflexibly the fame; the gather, ing ftorm now raged from every quarter; the moft difcordant C 1*3 1 difcordant pafiians which harrafs the human mind, compofed the element of anarchy ; and in the thunder ftorrn of civil war, the unhappy Charles fell, an awful example of lawlefs majefty ; and the Commonwealth which fucceeded is another law- lefs example, and fhews too evidently the wide difference between theoretical models of polity and practical ones. On this overthrow of the Con- flitution, Mr. De Lolme judicioufly obferves, the tc Englifh made fruitlefs attempts to fubftitute a " Republican Government in its {lead, fubjected " at firft to the power of the principal leaders in " the Long Parliament ; they law it afterwards " parcelled out among the Chiefs of different bo- " dies of troops, and thus fhifdng without end ts from one kind of fubjection to another ; they " were at length convinced, that an attempt to " eftablim liberty in a great nation, by making ft the people interfere in the common bufinefs of " Government, is of all attempts the moft chi- " merical ; that the authority of ALL, with which " men are amufed, is in reality no more than the " authority of a few powerful individuals who di- tc vide the Republic. They at laft refted in the <( bofom of the only Conftitution which is fit for " a great State and a free people. I mean that " in which a chofen number deliberate, and a t( (ingle hand executes." How t "4 ] How necefiary is Monarchy when duly limited? How futile and vain are the attempts of a multi- tude to maintain liberty on a pure foundation, when there is no object to obey, but a code of laws executed by a number of men, equal in per- fon, equal in claim, and equal in right ? Where they demand allegiance they create jealoufy ; where they enforce fubjection, they fow envy and ma- lice ; a divifion of intereft takes place ; the rich and powerful maintain an ufurped authority ; and the people, after a momentary excefs of liberty, find, to their forrow, the vain delufion of natural right, the chimerical dream of unreftrained li- berty. An arbitrary Government, by reftraining the paffions, and enforcing fubjection, is in fact far the more eligible and happy than a convulfed Republic. From this memorable ftruggle for the preroga- tives of the Crown and the privileges of Parlia- ment, there arifes two reflections. ift. That whether the Executive Power, by coercive mea- fures can fubdue the Parliament to its will, or by fecretly and corruptly influencing the reprefenta- tives of the people, can feparate the common in- tereft, the Government becomes arbitrary and ab- folute. 2nd. That when the reprefentatives of the people can render themfelves a permanent body, by an overt act obtained by confent of the King for their unlimited duration, or when a Par- liament [ "5 ] liament (hall abolifh the kingly office, or when Members of Parliament, by obtaining boroughs, can make their election independent of their con- ftituents, the Government likewife becomes arbi- trary and abfolute. The conclufion from thefe fa&s and reafonings is the confirmation of that known apothegm, That England never can be ruined but by a Parlia- ment. The fecret and corrupt influence of the Executive Power over the Parliaments of the pre- fent century, afford a degrading contrail to the Commons of Charles's reign. Pofterity will not again experience overt refponfible acts from the Crown. Its very antagonists are now become the inftruments of its power, and oppreffion has fliifted fides. This evil can only be remedied by an equal and free reprefentation, and the public mind is preparing for the event. Charles II. was wholly indebted to the deftruc- tion of civil liberty by the Commonwealth for his reftoration. By a well-timed and judicious exer- cife of political liberty by a convention of the States, the Conftitution was regained ; but it was found that the King had not profited by the ex- ample of his father, the fame arbitrary principles mantling in his veins, operated in a converfe di- reclion, more plaufible, but not the lefs dangerous. Charles, by the diverfity of his fortune, had formed a judgment a judgment of men, which a thorough knowledge of the world confirm^ That a principle of felf- intereft predominates in general to the exclusion of public virtue, and too often that of moral obli- gations. He faw the error of his father in con- tending with a Parliament, and with a people who inherited a Confutation formed by laws breathing a bold and independent fpirit of liberty. The laft Houfe of Commons that confehted to a law for its own unlimited duration, which had abolimed the elective power of the people for neat twenty years, furnifhed him with a precedent, that the reprefen- tarives of the people were willing to make a fepa- rate intereft from their confthuentSj and that by a Parliament the outward form and figure of the Conftitution might be preferred, yet he might by indirect means extend his prerogative to any height he chofe ; for if he could feparate the intereft of the Commons from that of the people, by influ- encing a majority to the intercfts of the Crown, he could govern the nation at his will, leaving the people deftitute of any power to redrefs their grievances. Upon this principle, after the con- vention of the States had fettled him on the throne, he iiliied his writs for convoking a Parliament ; and the people, long harrafled by the anarchy of the Commonwealth, fubmitted the eleclion to his own management, by which means he procured the memorable penfioned Parliament, and after- wards v.'as guilty of every difiipation and tyranny, uniting [ 7 3 uniting with the high prerogative of his father the principles of a debauchee ; and the national fpi- rit, deprefifed with continued fcenes of defpotifm, tamely fuffered her mod virtuous patriots to be in- humanly butchered. But notwithftanding the ty- rannical difpofition of the King*, the happy con- currence of circumftances was fuch, that from this reign we may date not only the fe-eflablilhment of our Church and Monarchy, but alfo the com- plete reftitution of Englift liberty, for the firft time fince its total abolition at the Conqueft, by abolishing the flavifa tenures of the feudal fyftem, which removed thibfe opprefiive appendages which incumbered the eftates of the fubject, as alfo pro- viding additional fecurity of his perfon from im- prifonment, by that great bulwark of the Confti- tution^ the Habeas Corpus Act, by conftituting triennial Parliaments, the Tefb and Corporation Acts, and other wholefome ftatutes, which added fuch weight to the Commons, as gave them fuffi- cient power and influence effectually to refift the in\ 7 a(ions of the Royal prerogative, which the next reign fully exemplified. James IL inherited the family fpirit of Divine right, and by his Popifh partifans improved on the principles of his brother, by laying the axe at ol, IV. f. 309. for L '57 3 for remedy whereof it enacts, that members, giving bribes of money or entertainments, (hall be incapa- citated to fit and ferve in Parliament. The pofitive tenor of this act fully proves the kws at that period, eftablifhed for the freedom of election were not fufficiently coercive to preferve the balance of property neceflary to the free opera- tion of the Conftitution. The weight of the ariftocratic power over-balanced the democratic j and the reprefentatives of the people have lince acted as principals, fpurned the relation which they bore as agents or deputies from a flate origi- nally organized upon delegated power $ and by va- rious fubfequent meafures have difpofed of the elective rights of the people in fuch a manner, as even to have made their conftituents the inftruments of their proftituted authority ; or, in die words of Mr. Burke, " * The notorious infidelity and ver- " fatility of members of parliament in their opi- " nion of men and things, by an indifcriminate " fupport of all adminiftrations, have totally ba- " nimed all integrity and confidence out of pub- 'That the democratic J democratic weight necefary in the Three EJlates was left by the necejjity of the times, at the Revolution, unequal and deficient, and which paved the way for all the abufes and grievances which havejince arifan. To controvert this affirmation, the fubfequent Act of the 6th William and Mary, c. 2. will be oppofed, which recites, That frequent and new Par- liaments tend very much to the happy union and good agreement of the King and people ; it there- fore enacts and declares, That Parliaments (hall be held once in three years at lead, and (hall have no longer continuance than three years at fartheft. But this Statute, however conclufive in itfelf, was but a mere plaifler covering a gangrene ; for the freedom of election was left open to every mal- verfation of placemen and penfioners, and to the corrupt bribes of the Ariftocracy ; and by the Sep- tennial Act this gangrene turned to an actual mor- tification. The body was confumed, and we have now nothing remaining but the fkeleton of politi- cal freedom. This Act of i Geo. I. c. 38. recites, " That by an Act of 6th William and Mary, the <* continuance of Parliaments was limited to three " years, and declares grievous heats, animofities, " and expences, had been incurred by that Act." Thefe confequences followed from the reprefen- tation being partial, unequal, and monopolized. M Had Had an equal and general reprefentation been eftabliflied, wherein the lower orders made choice of Deputies, and thofe Deputies the immediate Re- prefentatives, thefe maladies would have been era- dicated, and the Crown equally fecured. Inftead of which the Parliament aflumed a power which the Members, by virtue of their delegated capacity , could not affume, without handing down to poilerity this dangerous precedent, " That a number offe/f- interefled men, calling themjelves t'he representatives of the people, and conflicting tbemjelves a Parliament, by being proprietors or patrons of boroughs, and by the fe- cret and corrupt influence of the Executive Power, and other daring violations of the freedom of Britain, may pafs an Aft for their own legijlative exiflence for life, or for a century, and the Conftitution, by fiichfubverjhe meajures, may degenerate into defpotifm by an Aft of Par- liament, and the People of England become Jlaves by Law.. This Statute further enacts, " That the provi- " fion in the former Act may probably at this "juncture, when a RESTLESS and POPISH fac- " tion are defigningand endeavouring to renew the " rebellion within this kingdom, be deflructive to " Government, Be it enacted therefore, That Par- " liaments fhall have continuance for the fpace of " feven years." The neceffity for adopting fnch a meafure is not convincing and fatisfactory 5 and though it may be juftified juftified on the ground of having a prefumptive ten- dency of better fecuring the prefent glorious family on the Throne, neverthelefs it proved an invafion on the Conftitution, and promoted State jobbing, which has fince arifen to an actual trade among the higher ranks ; and further, it has been the imme- diate caufe of mod of the public grievances and inglorious wars which have occurred fince that pe- riod. There cannot remain a doubt but Triennial Parliaments would have equally fecured the Crown and Conftitution. But prerogative, corrupted by Ariftocracy, ever vigilant, favv the opportunity to grafp, and patriotifm, intimidated by a threatened civil war, yielded a willing prey. The fpeech of a patriotic worthy Member, in oppofition to this bill, is deferving of notice. He obferved *, " That the right of electing reprefenta- *' tives in Parliament was infeparably inherent in " the people of Great Britain, and could never be " thought to be delegated to the reprefentatives, " unlefs they made the elected the elector, and at " the fame time fuppofed it the will of the people, " that their reprefentatives mould have it in their " power to deftroy thofe who made them, when- " ever a Miniftry mould think it neceflary to " fcreen themfelves from their juft refentment; " that this would be to deftroy the force of all " their freedom j for if they had a right to conti- * See Debates in Parliament, 1715. M 2 c mie, 3 " nue themfelves one year, one month, or one day, " beyond their triennial term, it will unavoidably " follow, that they have it in their power to make " themfelves perpetual. He further obferved, That " to fay the pafling of this Bill was not to grafp " to themfelves the right of election, but only " to enlarge the time of calling new Parliaments, " was a manifeft fallacy ; for whenever the three " years were expired, they could no longer be faid 66 to fubiift by the choice of the people, but by their " own appointment. For thefe reafons he thought " the bill an open violation of the people's liberties ; " or, to fpeak moft mildly of it, a breach of the " members' truft in that part which would moft " fenfibly affect them, and of that ill tendency in " its confequences, that as nothing but the fecurity " of the Miniftry could make it at that time need- " ful, SO NOTHING BUT A STANDING FORCE; ** COULD MAKE IT LASTING." Thirty Peers entered their prctefts againft this Bill, affirming that new Parliaments are required by the fundamental laws of the Conftitution ; and that the Bill, fo far from preventing expenccs and corruptions, that it would rather tend to increafe them, as the LONGER a Parliament is to laft the more VALUABLE a ftation in it muft become, and the greater will be the danger of corrupting its members ; notwithftanding which the Bill parTed, though in addition to the oppofition it met in Par- Jiamejit, petitions were prefented to the Houfe from different different parts of the kingdom, wherein the people declare they looked upon it as an attempt to over- turn the Conftitution. The family of the Pretender being now extinct, and the prefent illuflrious Houfe of Brunfwick reigning triumphant in the hearts and minds of the people, this Act mould be repealed, as an in- tolerable grievance, from which arife the following queftions : Has not the value of boroughs been fo much enhanced fmce this Statute was paffed, as to render the monopoly of them a matter of infinite importance to families looking up to the Crown for promotion ? Have not the rights of election in confequence been transferred from the confti- tuents to the reprefentatives, who are nominated and returned in fome boroughs without making their appearance, and the inhabitants and electors are as ignorant of their perfons and qualifications as the people of New Holland ? Where then exifts the popular branch of the Legiilature ? If men can, independent of the fuffrages of the people, fecure to themfelves a feat in Parliament during their lives, what fecurity have the people for their liberties ? as by fuch an illegal meafure men have the power of eftablifhing laws, andimpofing partial taxes, which may principally affect the people and not themfelves. The inference from thefe queftions is this, that the prefent Conftitution of Parliament is tanta- M 3 mount [ 166 ] mount to an hereditary Legiflature, which is the greateft of all poflible evils. Is this a fpeculative aflertion, or is it a fad ? What can fo incontrover- tibly eftablifh its being matter of fad as this quef- tion ? Are not boroughs as naturally bequeathed to the heir as the very eftate itfelf, and defcend from wife men to fools, and from ideots to knaves^ who are all indifcriminately entrufted with the freedom of Britain, the dearefl inheritance and birth-right of every Engliihman? Thefe are truths fo well known, that to have re- ference to matter of proof would be to infult the un-* derflanding of the meanefl Commoner in England. The firft motion made to repeal the Septennial Ad *, it is worthy of remark, was negatived by a majority in which were 113 placemen and other officers under the Crown. And every motion of re- peal and reform fince that period has been nega- tived by the fame influence of the Crown. The country Gentlemen, the ftanch friends of free- dom, and the only fupporters of conftitutional liberty, were unanimous for its repeal. Part of the fpeeches of two of whom I fliall recite. The firft worthy Member remarked, "Bribery at " elections, whence did it arife ? Not from country " Gentlemen, for they are fure of being chofen with- * See Debates in Parliament, 1734. [ 167 ] " out it. It was, Sir, the invention of wicked and " corrupt Minifters, who have from time to time " led weak Princes into fuch definitive meafures, " that they did not dare to rely upon the reprefen- fl tation of the people. Long Parliaments, Sir, (( firft introduced bribery, becaufethey were worth " purchafing at any rate. Country Gentlemen, " who have only their private fortunes to rely on, " and have no mercenary ends to ferve, are unable " to oppofe, efpecially if at any time the public e( treafure (hall be unfaithfully fquandered away to " corrupt their boroughs. Country Gentlemen, " indeed, may make fome weak efforts ; but " as they generally prove unfuccefsful, and the " time of a great ftruggle is at fo great a diftance, " they at laft grow faint in the difpute, give up " their country for loft, and retire in defpair. De- " fpair naturally produces indolence, and that is the * c proper difpofition for flavery. Minifters of State " underftand this very well, and are therefore un- " willing to awake the nation out of its lethargy " by frequent elections. They know that the fpi- " rit of liberty, like every other virtue of the " mind, is to be kept alive only by conftant ac- " don ; that it is impoffible to enflave this country f while it is perpetually on its guard. Let coun- tf try Gentlemen then, by having frequent oppor- " tunities of exerting themfelves, be kept aflive " and warm in their contention for the public " good. This will raife that zeal and indignation M 4 t( which " which will at lad get the better of thofe undue " influences by which the officers of the Crown, " though unknown to the feveral boroughs, have *' been able to fupplant country Gentlemen of great *' character and fortunes, who live in their neigh- " bourhood. I do not fay this upon idle fpecula- " tion only ; I live in a county * where it is too well " known, and I will appeal to many Gentlemen " in this Houfe, to more out of it, and who are " fo for this very reafon, for the truth of my afler- " tion. Sir, it is a fore that has long been eating " into the mod vital part of our Conftitution ; and " I hope the time will come when you will probe " it to the bottom ; for if a Minifter mould gain " a corrupt familiarity with our boroughs ; if he " mould keep a regifter of this in his clofet, and, " by fending down his Treafury mandates, mould " procure a fpurions reprefentation of the people, " the offspring of his corruption, who will be at " all times ready to reconcile and juftify the moft 9 1 Finally, to reprefent to his Majefty, That in this their Conflitutional claim, they are prompted by that duty which every Briton owes to the main- taining of conftitutional liberty ; and in this their lawful demand, they difcharge that obligation which their anceftors entailed on them, which was, To preferve the freedom of election, and maintain the in- dependence of Parliament ; and this they are bound to do for the immediate fecurity of their Conftitu- tion, for the benefit of their children, and to tranf- mit the liberties they received from their anceftors unimpaired to poflerity. John Bull. The particular points of the addreis are congenial to the fentiments of my heart ; my higheft withes centre in the great objects of a ge- neral and equal reprefentation, and the fhorter du- ration of Parliaments. It is impoflible his Majefty could oppofe a meafure required by the funda- mental laws of the Conftitution, and fo neceflary for the fupport of its freedom ; that his Majefty could object to make his people happy and united, ant I by this meafure conciliate all dijaffe^ion^ and render himfelf immortal honour, would be high treafon to fuppofe. The Author. If the colleflive fenfe of the nation was in this manner delivered before the Throne, his Mnjefty and the Parliament would embrace the ^ dignified [ "97 1 dignified ad, and in the plenitude of their wif- dom hand down to pofterity a Confthution, which neither ambition could pervert, or injuflice anni- hilate. O 3 SECT. f '98 ] SECTION X. A Conjlitutional Mode of Reform. 'The Author. BEFORE we can enter on the particular mode of reforming the reprefentation, private inte- reft, that powerful bulwark which fuftains the rot- ten boroughs, renders a few remarks necefTary. A ftrong objection may be taken to the * mode of applying the public money to purchafe thefe bo- roughs ; for if they were disfranchifed of their elec- tive privileges, the proprietors might make them a better money property, by the increafe of popu- lation and the revival of trade which would follow ; it being a notorious fact, that the decline of nu- merous boroughs is owing to the monopoly of noble Lords and hereditary Members, who poflefs every inch of land, to the exclufion of trade and manufactories ; in confequence, the furplus of po- pulation emigrates to villages, which multiply in every part of the kingdom, while the rotten bo- roughs are finking into contemptible ruin. There are fome exceptions, where a divifion of interefts exifts in boroughs ; but in thefe the pradice of * Mr. Pitt's Proportion, 1783. building [ 199 ] building a number of fmall cottages, in order to ftcure the feat of a hereditary member, is equally a grofs abufe of the Conftitution and a reproach to the common fenfe of the people. Such reprefentatives, in both inftances, confide in the number of their houfes, and not in the fair eftimation of the electors. Their tenants be- come their vaflals, and triumph over the inde- pendent few. Hence the men of real fubflance, who are the fupport of the poor, and the trufty friends of the State, have no influence in the mo- tions of Government ; and being juggled out of their conftitutional rights, become the unanimous, though filent abhorrers of that infamous fyftem of corruption, which fubflitutes cunning and trea- chery for wifdom and integrity, which involves the idea of a free Government with abfolute power, and gives a fiat refutation to the theory of the Con- ftitution. John 'Bull. If proprietors of boroughs, by their being disfranchifed, would be deprived of their an- nual rentals, in all fuch cafes, where private pro- perty yields to public benefit, an adequate confide- ratton by the public mould be given. The Author. Moft alTuredly. But it appears their rentals would be benefitted by a reform ; but I do not attempt to affirm it would be equal to the dou- ceurs from Miniftry ; thefe are private confidera- O 4 tions [ 200 3 tions and private interefts, which, by a 'perfonifi- cation of the Conftitution, it may be faid to know nothing of -, it is totally ignorant of the poflibility of fuch practices ; it prefumes it was eftablifhed for univerfal benefit, for one common intereft, and not a partial monopoly. That every objection may therefore be done away which is oppofed to the disfranchifing of the elective power only of bo- roughs, let us for a moment confider the inroads of time and fafhion, If the Conftitution was origi- ginally free, its vital principle muft have been a fpirit of univerfal juftice, which no fubfequent in- novation could derive the fanction of a precedent from, if the ufage was inimical to that principle. And at the prefent day, if true equity, reafon, and general liberty, which the Conftitution is founded on, renounces the ufage, that ufage is an ufurpa- tion of the conftitutional rights of the people. After the Norman invafion had defaced the free Conftitution, eftablifhed by the Great Al- fred, and annulled the * elective power of the people, * This privilege has been much contefted between monarchi- cal and popular parties. But when we confider the difference between military and commercial ages, and that the mode maj vary, but the principle be the fame, the difference becomes re- conciled, particularly when we are undoubtedly informed the Britons and Saxons were a free people, whofe Governments were founded on the equitable principles of election ; but on this people. The contefts for the Crown by the fuccef- fors of William the Conqueror, afforded the people a partial refumption of their Saxon laws j and the charters of various town tithings, or boroughs, were renewed or granted to different Barons by the different Monarchs, to fupport their refpective in- terefls, by which a partial acquisition of elective privileges fpread through fome part of the king- dom, while other parts ftill remained deftitute, and have continued fo down to this prefent day ; and we are ftill preferving the remembrance of Norman defpotifm, by thus continuing the chartered elec- tive rights of particular boroughs. It would become a matter of enquiry, why the now numerous and populous villages ftvjuld have formerly been exempt from a participation in the motions of Government by delegation, when the this fubjecl monarchical writers, as Dr. Stuart well obferves *, '* by founding the prerogative fo high, infer the abfurdeft con- " fequences." Mr. Hume, who refts much on the authority of Dr. Brady, an arbitrary writer, f doubts the Saxon Wittena Gemote, or Parliament, to confifl of any other order than the Nobility. The Prinripes, Sattatxe, Optimates, Magnates, Procures, which feem to fuppofe an Ariftocracy, and to exclude the Com- mons. In a few pages further he obferves, Security was pro- vided by the Saxon laws to all Members of the Wittena Gemote, both in going and returning, except they iuere notorious thieves and robbers, which requires no comment. * Stuart Antiquity Eng> Conft. p. 52. f Hume, vol. I, 204 and o8. inhabitants inhabitants of thofe villages equally contribute to the public revenue as boroughs. If we were not informed that the civil dirTenfions and wars oc- fioned the * great mafs of people to refide within the protection of cities and boroughs, every one of which was furnimed with caftles for that purpofe. But with the abolition of ths feudal fyftem, internal peace promoted a general confidence, population increafed and fpread, villages were formed, and with the introduction of commerce new towns arofc on the ruins of the rotten boroughs, whofe privi- * " We know from Bede," fays a candid and manly invcfti- gator into the antiquities of our Government, " That there " were in England long before his time twenty-eight famous ** cities, befides innumerable caftle and walled towns of note, *' many of which, though now extremely decayed or quite mined, were then very confiderable ; the greateft and richeft ** part of the nation living in thofe times, for the moft part, " in cities, or great towns, for their greater benefit or fecurity, ** and the greater parts of the lands of England in the Saxon *- times, and long after, lay uncultivated and over-run with *' forefts and bogs ; fo that the inhabitants of thofe cities and * boroughs being then fo confiderable, for eftates in land as " well as other riches, could not be excluded from having *' places both in the Britifh and Saxon Great Councils. What " man of fenfe can believe, that the ancient and potent cities of " London, York, Canterbury, Lincoln, &c. fhou'd ever be *' excluded from having any hand in the great confutation " about giving money and making laws, and for the public de- " fence of the kingdom in the Saxon times, any more than they & are now." Dr. Stuart' 1 : Antiquity of the Englijh Conftitntion, p. 285. Sibliotbeca Poetica, p. 270. See alfn p. 272. leges leges retaining a * Norman afpect, the people found jt to their inteieds to emigrate from them, which occafioned their decay. John Bull. It does not appear to me, that any rational argument can be advanced, that the one common intereft of the whole community mould, however long the ufage, be garbled, cut, and di- vided into partial lots. If thefe partial elective privileges can be vindicated by virtue of the Con- ftitution, and be defended and maintained by the antiquity of the practice, at this day, it is in vain to talk of one common intereft ; it is a com- pleat defeafance of common right. The Author. Fortunately for Englifhmen, the Conflitution acquires its data from the Great Al- fred j and its principles are founded on one com- mon right for one common intereft. The Nor- man invafion proved a paralytic ftroke on free- dom, under which every nerve of liberty became torpid. In every age fince that period, various re- ftoratives have been applied to recover it to its pri- mitive tone ; but ftill, as that revered patriot the great Earl of Chatham faid, " It wants a new por- " tion of health to enable it to bear its infirmities." * One check to induftry in England was the erecting of Corporations, an abufe which is not yet entirely correfted. Hume, vol. III. p. 404. This This expreflive fentence of the noble Earl's was an evident allufion to the partial and abufed re- prefentation of the people. Of the corrupt repre- fentation of boroughs, at another time, he ob- ferved, " This is what is called the rotten part " of the Conftuution. It will not laft the century. " If it do not drop off, it muft be amputated." And I prefume, by a further enquiry of the in- roads of time and fafhion, it will appear that the nation may with ftridt legal propriety adopt an uni- verfal and equal organization of delegated power. John Bull. It will afford me pleafure to have the ufage impartially examined. Truth will diflipate prejudice, though flie had the army of Xerxes againfl her. 1'ht Author. It is the virtue of common intereft to have truth for its bafis. Your rights cannot be maintained without her. Endeavouring to continue therefore under her aufpices, I find there are up- wards of * fixty boroughs that formerly fent Mem- bers to Parliament, among which are Doncafter, Whitby, Kingfton upon Thames, Kidderminfter, Newbury, Blandford, Chelmsford, Tunbridge, Rromfgrove, &c. &c. &c. If thefe populous bo- roughs were to refume their claims of reprefenta- tation, could the Crown legally and conftitutionally rcfufe them ? In the reign of James I. Aylefbury * Brown Willis's Notitia Parliamentaria. C jmd fome other boroughs claimed their conftitn- tional privileges. The Crown refifted thefe claims on the ground of their having been fo long dor- mant, but the plea was over-ruled ; and if the above dormant boroughs were to claim in like manner, the Crown could not refift with juftice ; for be- yond a doubt every man in the kingdom who con- tributes his quota to the fupport of Government, has an equal right to elect with his neighbour. John Bull. Jf the meafures you have propofed for a reform (hould fail, every one of thefe dor- mant boroughs mould immediately claim their ab- folute right to reprefentation, and conteft the point with the Crown. The Author. A very judicious idea, as the lega- lity of it carries with it the advantage which Ham- den enjoyed in the conteft with Charles I. the con- viction of the public mind in favour of common right and common juftice againft tyranny and ufurpation. Upon further enquiry we find there are alfo upwards of feventy boroughs, flyled luch on ancient record, but which never lent members to Parliament fmce the Conqueft ; although they enjoyed conftitutional privileges under the Saxons, as town tithings, among which are Leeds, Bir- mingham, Stratford on Avon, Walfall, Kendall, Burton upon Trent, Macclesfield, &c. And it is worthy of remark, that at this day one of thefe to;vns 3. [ 206 ] towns, Birmingham for inftance, contains near 80,000 inhabitants, when the number of electors who fend to Parliament three-fourths of its mem- bers amount to but 41,000. And the face of things is fo entirely changed in the courfe of time, that every argument in refpecl to the prefent elec- tive rights of partial boroughs muft fall to the ground. From Edward I. to the reign of Edward VI. all the boroughs in JLancathire were frequently excufed by the Sheriff from fending Members to Parliament on account of their poverty ; whereas that * county now ranks with the firft in England for opulence and trade. The * Mr. Chalmers obferves, in his Eftimate of the Compara- tive Strength of Great-Britain, " That it is not too much to ex- * ; peel:, that Lancafhire alone, confidering its numerous manu- " factories and extenfive commerce, is now able to make 44 a more fteady exertion amidft modern warfare than the " whole kingdom in the time of Elizabeth. The traders of M Liverpool alone fitted out at the commencement of the late " war with France, between the 26th Auguft, 1778, and the 44 i7th April, 1779, 1 20 privateers, armed each with ten to " thirty guns, but moftly from fourteen to twenty. From an " accurate lift, containing the name and appointment of each, * 4 it appears that thefe privateers meafu red 30, ^87 tons, carry- 44 ing 1986 guns and 8754 men. The fleet fent againft the 44 Armada in 1588 meafured 31,685 tons, and was navigated 44 by 1 5, 272 fearnen. From the efforts of a fingle town, we 44 may infer that the private fiiips of war formed a greater force * 4 during t 2 7 1 The Merchant Guilds, or Charters, were granted to boroughs for the exprefs purpofe of promoting commerce and protecting trade. Can it in any fhape anfwer thefe efiential purpofes, when noble Lords and hereditary Members monopolize every acre of land, and every houfe in their boroughs, whole trade is utterly deftroyed by the decreafe of population occafioned by this monopoly ? Is it confident with juftice, is it agreeable to reafon, is it confonant to the texture and genius of a free State, founded on popular reprefentation, that fome boroughs, which contain not a fcore of inhabitants, .mould have influence in the motions of Govern- ment by their reprefentatives, and other boroughs, fuch as Manchefter and Birmingham, which con- tain 150,000 inhabitants, mould have no voice in the Legiflature. John EM. But it is faid the inhabitants of Bir- mingham and Manchefter do not wifh to fend re- prefentatives to Parliament; they defire not the trouble of election -, the jarring of interefts and di- vifion of parties might affect their trade. The Author. If that be true, it is a very ftrong evidence of the entire change of cuftoms with time, *' during the war with the Colonies, than the nation with all its ** unanimity and zeal was able to equip under the potent Go- " vernment of Elizabeth." as t as elective charters were originally, as I before ob-* ferved, granted for the promotion of trade. But I believe what they fear is the corruption and confu- fion of an election ; what they defpife and dread is the general depraved ftate of the elective power of the people. Otherwife, if they poflefs not the ancient fpirit of their free-born anceftors, if they have funk into a lukewarm moderation, a contemptible indifference, they are worthy of flavery. Join Bull. They fay that they are well content with county Members ; they have a pledge in their independence paramount to their grievances. 'The Author. In every free State, the fecretions of commerce pervade the interefts of the landholders, and the produce of land and the increafe of trade have but one intereft; all borough reprefentation may therefore be done away, and a free Parliament be conftituted by independent county Members. But in that cafe, every inhabitant paying fcot and lot, whether refiding in a village, town, or city, mould have a voice ; and that the members might not be put to any expence, the inhabitants of every parim, ihould elect delegates, and thofe delegates elect the immediate repreftntatives ; the election of the lad might be compleated in a few hours. John . - yobn Bull. But in the name of a freeholder there is fomething fo venerable, that the prejudice natu- rally attached to long revered characters Would not reconcile the abolition of their elective power. The Author. Very juft ; I fhall therefore offer you a plan for a general reprefentation, in which that refpected body fhall ftill retain its elective privi- leges. With the freeholders I would include the copyholders alfo, who fhould vote for delegates, and thofe delegates elect the Knights of the Shire, as I am fully perfuaded a fair and equal reprefenta- tion of the Commons of England can never be obtained by permitting every order of the people to vote for immediate reprefentatives to Parlia- ment. Further, it will have this defireable effect, there never can be any long contefted elections, and the private fortunes of Members will never be affected by their laudable fervices for the good of their country. The prefent expence to which a Member is put, is not only an infinite difgrace to the nation, but an act of the higheft injuftice to the individual; and as fuch, Government is bound by every tie of honour and juflice to yield to a reform. The freeholders and copyholders in every hun- dred or divifion of a county, I fhould therefore propofe, mail elect delegates from among them* felves in the proportion of one delegate to every P five [ 210 ] five freeholders and copyholders. The delegates thus freely chofen in every hundred, &c. on the day of election mould aflemble at their refpective county towns, and there elect the Knights of the Shire, which might be done in a few hours in every county in the kingdom. This mode of electing Knights of the Shire would certainly accord with the original inftitution, which limited the qualifications of electors to the pofleflion of freeholds of 40^. per annum, to which at this day, according to the decreafe of the deno- mination of money, 407. -per annum may be confi- dered as not more than equivalent. The delegates therefore which the fmall freeholders or copyholders mould elect within their refpective hundreds, I mould propofe to be men of not lefs than 40/. per annum freehold or copyhold property ; and this plan of electing Knights of the Shire, I truft, is eligible and conflitutional. John Bull. I would be candid in flatting an ob- jection if any thing weighty ftruck me, I approve therefore generally, and hope you will fuggeft one as unobjectionable on the commercial part. The Author. Your approbation is my chief aim, but in this I cannot promife the fame facility ; for the variety of interefts a general reform in the reprefen- fcition has to encounter, as well as the diverfity of opi- nions. C ' ] nions, the rooted prejudices, and a mod prevailing difpofition to nurfe old cuftoms like declining age, even when evils are acknowledged to be attached to the one, and difeafe has rendered the hope of life defperate in the other. Even though Nature influences the prefervation of the aged, and reafon tells us the continuing prejudicial cuftoms is wrong, yet fuch is the force of habit, that we che- rifli both with fentiments fomewhat fnnilar. We remember the aged with filial gratitude, and a long continued practice infinuates a regard for the other. But the abfolute neceflky of a general reform ren- ders die difie&ion of the victim effential to confti- tutional liberty. Yet where mail we look for men to begin the amputation, where (hall we find men fo difpofed whofe fituations in life juftly entitle them to the operation. It is to be hoped the good fenfe of this enlightened age will induce thofe to ac- complifh it whofe due province it is to render to the freedom of Britain fo defireable a purpofe, I truft they will embrace this peaceful opportunity and efta- blifli on a pure foundation the pyramid of liberty, as delineated by the Conftitution, and not leave the iflue to ftern neceffity or popular tumult. From a variety of plans for a reform in the reprefenta- tion, fome truths may be gathered, and a perma- nanent fyftem be produced. In purfuit of your intereft, John Bull, I am encouraged to fubmic one with all its exceptions for your approbation. P 2 Job* John Bull. I never expect to fee a perfect fyftem of reprefentation; that mode, which being founded on conftitutional principles, will affure the free adminiftration of the Conftitution to the people, is all that is required. The Author. Beyond a doubt, the nearer an or- ganization of elective power approaches to confti- tutional principles, the more eligible it will be ; I mall therefore rigidly adhere to thofe ancient divifions and diftricts, the parifhes, hundreds, and counties, unto which elective privileges were con- ftituted by the Great Alfred, for the fubordina- tions of magiftracy, from the Throne down to the decennary, or tithing, or parifh, which was a cor- poration of ten houfeholders, who elected one from among themfelves to reprefent and be anfwerable for them in the fuperior courts ; and this principle of election afcended to the Eolderman, who was the chief magiftrate of the county, and from him to the Throne itfelf. The people of England, exclufive of Wales, are now computed to be about eight millions, who are reprefented in Parliament by 489 reprefenta- tives ; Wales fends 243 and Scotland 45, which make together 558. Of this number 369 are re- turned by 41,000 electors, fome of whom are of the very lowed orders of people, while there arc thoufands C "3 3 thoufands who contribute largely to the public re- venue, and have great interefts at ftake, yet have no manner of choice of reprefentatives. John Bull. But it is faid, that although a man be elected for a paltry borough, he is declared by the Conftitution to be the reprefentative of the community at large ; though he be elected by the poor of a borough, he is equally the reprefenta- tive of the rich. The Author. Affuredly fo, for this reafon, the terms of the Conftitution fuppofe the Members independent and honeft, and the equity of law fuppofes its operation cannot deftroy its principle. But as the contrary is too often the fact, where is the man who cannot perceive the fallacy of our borough reprefentation ? What fecurity have the people againft a Member who will barter for bo- roughs ? Will any man be fo hardy as to affirm, that his conftitutional integrity will not fuffer by the infamous traffic ; it is a public fale and profti- tution of an Englishman's facred rights ; and a man who commences borough-monger, violates every principle of human dignity and public ho- nour, and is unworthy the name of an Englim- man. John Bull. I am really amamed to have taken up fo much of your time on a fubject, the very P 3 mention mention of which muft convince every man of common-fenfe in England of its being an unwar- rantable abufe of the rights of the people, and a dangerous innovation on the conftitution. I'he Author. An innovation on the Conftitution this practice moft affuredly is, in the mod unequi- vocal fenfe ; and yet, ftrange to tell, the reform of this abufe is held out as innovation Innovation is the word fet up in terrorem. John Bull. I am fatisfied the word innovation is made the ftalking horfe of corruption. I beg you will therefore proceed in laying down a conflitu- tional and temperate mode of reform. The Author. The plan which I fhall offer you will be to elect a number of reprefentatives on the commercial intereft, amounting to the fame of which the prefent Parliament is conftituted. But that every houfeholder paying fcot and lot, whe- ther refiding in a city, town, or village, mail have his {hare in the motions of Government, by virtue of his choice of delegates, who (hall eled by bal- lot the immediate reprefentatives. Before I proceed to the organization of the counties, it may be neceflary to notice the repre- fentation of the eight Cinque Ports, each of which fend two Barons^ or Members, to the Commons Ho ufe C "5 1 Houfe of Parliament. Thefe privileges were granted to the Ports on account of fitting out mips againft the coaft of France, which appears at this day, when the courfe of time has fo en- larged the views of the different nations, and ag- grandized their mutual ftrength by fuch powerful navies, wholly unneceflary and void. From thefe Cinque Ports therefore may be taken their 16 Members, which may be transferred to the large maritime counties in the following manner : Yorkfhire is divided into three divifions, or Ridings, Eaft, Weft, and North, and fends to Parliament on the landed intereft two Members ; but each of the Ridings containing as many acres of land as fome of our largeft counties. Two re- prefentatives on the landed intereft may be affigned to each Riding j therefore To Yorkmire may be added - 4 Devonmire - - i Lincolnshire - - i Northumberland - i Hampfliire - - i Kent - i Eflex - - i Suffex - ' i Norfolk - - i Suffolk - - i Lancashire - - i Dorfetmire -- - i Cornwall i 16 r Thefe additional Members to be elected in the fame manner as before ftated for Knights of the Shire, By taking the grofs number of inhabitants each county at prefent contains, the number of repre- fentatives to the number of inhabitants are ex- tremely difproportionate in fome, particularly Cornwall, Wiltmire, &c. And to adopt an equal and adequate reprefentation of the commercial intereft, each county ought to be reprefented ac- cording to the number of inhabitants which it contains ; and to regulate this without any inno- vation on their prefent diftricts and divifions of hundreds and parilhes, may be the moft eligible, as being conftitutional. I mail therefore ftrictly regard thofe ancient divifions, and render thq cities, towns ? and villages, in fome meafure fub- fervient to them, The number of delegates which in each parifh within a county, whether conftituting a city, town, or village, mould be chofen, may be rated at the proportion of one delegate to every ten houfeholders paying fcot and lot, The number of taxed inhabitants within a parifli to be afcer- tained by the parifh books ; and the number of reprefentatives on the commercial intereft which the delegates are to eleft, may be calculated at a raiio of five to every 100,000 inhabitants within each, C each county ; from this ratio will arife a number, whichmay be termed acontingentfurplus, occurring from the organization of the county of Middlefex, which I (hall fpeak of in the order it follows with the other counties. This furplus may be added to the cities and principal towns, which will then continue to return the fame number of reprefenta^ tives as at prefent, and others more only elected on this general plan, which I am defirous to render an equal and conftitutional reprefentation. Upon the above principles of delegation, I mail organize each county, adding their prefent com- puted number of inhabitants, the number of repre- fentatives which are now fent to Parliament, and alfo the hundreds and number of parifhes by which each county is divided. A clofe regard to the mi- nutia* of figures is neither material or requifite. If a conftitutional reform be carried into effed, a true cenfus of inhabitants no doubt will be af- eertained by accurate returns, and the number of reprefentatives from each refpedlive county will tpe rendered more ftridtly proportionate than a ge- peral compulation can poffibly regulate. BEDFORDSHIRE. [ "8 ] BEDFORDSHIRE. Inhabitants, 69,000 M. P. 4. The county returns two of thefe reprefentatives on the landed intereft, and the town of Bedford only returns the remaining two on the commercial, which at the ratio propofed are deficient to the num- ber of people by one reprefentative. This county is divided into nine hundreds, containing 124 pa- ri(lies,and may be fubdivided into three diftricts in the following manner : ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Wylly, Sto-' den, and Redbornftoke. Every houfeholder of every pariih within this diftricl, paying fcot and lot, to vote for the election of delegates within his parifh. The num- . the county town, Bedford *z ber of delegates determinable by a decimation of one dele- gate from every ten qualified Koufeholders ; and the dele- gates of each refpe&ive pa- rifli thus freely chofen to eleft by ballot at., This mode of delegating the commercial intereft t6 be general, and operate uniformly within every parifh of every diftrift within each county in the kingdom. 2d DISTRICT. 3 - "a! 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Bieglefwade, 1 . u Wixamtree, and Ifrford, j the town o * One is added to this number from die furplus arifing .from the organization of the county of Middlefex. r 219 3 BERKSHIRE. Inhabitants, 104,000. M. P. 9. which give a furplus of two Members above the propofed ratio, allowing for two Knights of the Shire which the county returns on the landed in- terefl. It is divided into twenty hundreds, and may be fub-divided into the five following di- ftrids. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Reading,'! Theal, Faircrofs, and Kent- 1- the county town, Reading * bury, atj ad DISTRICT. The hundreds of Ripples 1 Moor, Bray, Bernerfti, and V the town of Windfor *z Cookham, at J 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Hormer, Oke, 1 Ganfield, Farringdon, and V the town of Abingdon i Shrievenham, at J 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of _ Sonninge | ^ f Qaki ham Wargrove, and Charlton, at J 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Morton, 1 Compton, Wanting, and } the town of Wallingford i Lambourn, at J , * To each of thefe numbers one is added frcm the furplus. BUCKING- [ 220 ] BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. Inhabitants, 1 18,000.- M. P. 14, which give a furplus of 6 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft, and is divided into eight hundreds, containing 185 parilhes, and may be fubdivided into the five following diftri&s. Reprefentatives, ift DISTRICT. The hundred of Buckingham, 1 the county town, Bucking- at j ham *2 zd DISTRICT. 3.d DISTRICT. hundred of DHborough, ^ tm of Hjgh 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of Newport and 1 The town of Stony Strat- Cotflane, at j ford - i 5th DISTRICT. The hundred of Burnham and [ ^ f Amer{ham _ , Stoke, at J * One is added to this number from the furplus. CAMBRIDGE- [ "I ] CAMBRIDGESHIRE. Inhabitants. 145,000. M. P. 6, which are deficient to the number of people by 3. This county returns two reprefen- tatives on the landed interefl, and two reprefen- tatives are returned by the Univerfity of Cam- bridge, which return may continue. It is divided into 17 hundreds, containing 163 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the five following diftrids. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives. The hundreds of Fiend ifh, "I The county town, Cara- Chefterton, and Staine, at J bridge *z 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Ely North- j ^ rf rf , flow, and Papworth, at J 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Chevely,^! Stapleho, Radfield, and Chil- [ the town of Newmarket ford, 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Armingford, 1 Southftow, Wetherly, Trip- > the town of Royfton r low, Wittlesford, atj 5th DISTRICT. w. S f Wi Wifhford, f Wifbkh and i ^e town of Wiibich - - atj * One is added to this number from the furplus. CHESHIRE. [ 222 ] CHESHIRE. Inhabitants, 147,000. M. P. 4, which are deficient to the number of people by 5. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft, and is divided into feven hundreds, containing 87 Parishes, each of which may con- ftitute a diftrid. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentative'-. The hundred of Wirehall, at the city of Chefter *z 2d DISTRICT. The hundred of Namptwich, at the town of Namptwich ^ 3d DISTRICT. Thehundredof Macclesfield, at the town of Macclesfield - i 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of Northwich, at the town of Congleton r 5th DISTRICT. The hundred of Broxton, at the town of MaJpas i 6th DISTRICT. The hundred of Bucklow, at the town of Knotsford i 7th DISTRICT. Thehundredof Edifbury, at the town of Frodfham I * One is added to this number from the furplus. CORNWALL. C CORNWALL. Inhabitants, 154,000. M.P.44, which give a furplus of 3 ; above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft, to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added another, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into nine hundreds, containing 161 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the feven following diftri&s. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentativts The hundred of Eaft, at the county town, Launcefton *z 2d DISTRICT. The hundred of Kerryer, at the town of Falmouth i 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Powden, at the town of Truro I 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Trigg and 1 ., r , . pj , 6i ^ the town of Bodmm i 5th DISTRICT. The hundred of Weft, at the town of Lefkard i 6th DISTRICT. The hundred of Penwith, at the town of Penfance I yth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Lefnowith 1 fc . * , f andStratton, at } the town of Camelford - i * One is added to this number from the furplus. t 224 ] CUMBERLAND. Inhabitants, 82,2oo.-*-*M. P. 6, which are proportionate to the number of people. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into five wards, con- taining 58 parishes, and may be fubdividcd into the three following diftricts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives the cif y of Carlifle 2d DISTRICT. ThewardofSouthallerdale, at the town of Whitehaven 3d DISTRICT. Thewardsof Leath and North, 1 ,, e -o -^ _ _ _ ' > the town of Pennth DERBYSHIRE, DERBYSHIRE. Inhabitants, 131,000. \i.^ v which are deficient to the number of people by 4. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into fix hundreds, containing 106 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the four following diftri&s. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Morleftone, ~) Appletree, and Reppington, > the county town, Derby 3 2d DISTRICT. The hundred of Scarfdalc, at the town of Chefterfield i 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Winkfworth, at the town of Afhborn i 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of High Peak, at the town of Bakwell i DEVON. C 2i5 3 DEVONSHIRE Inhabitants, 304,000 M.P.2 6, which give a furplus of 9 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft j to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added another from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 33 hundreds, containing 394 parifties, and may be fubdivided into the eleven following diftridts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Wonford, ] . . , ~ - Clifton and Exminfter, at J " ad DISTRICT. The hundreds of Roborough, "j Plympton, and Armington, I the town of Plymouth * 9 d DISTRICT. 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tiverton, Hal- 1 berton, Haurudge, and Weft I the town of Tiverton j Budley, - atj 5th DISTRICT, The hundreds of Taviftock and 1 ., CT> -a. i Lifton, at ] the town of Taviftock ~ * 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Fremington, 1 Black Torrington, and Taw- I the town of Torrington i C a 2 ? 3 7th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Colridge and V, r r. Stanborough, * j the town of Dartmouth -. 8th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Shebbear and T ., r^-jj r j Hartland, - at j the town of Biddeford - i pth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Axminfter, "j Culliton, Ottery, BudJey, I the town of Honiton i and Hemyoke, at J loth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tingbridge, 1 part of Hawrudge and Hey- j- the town of Afhburton i tor, - atj nth DISTRICT. _ , * One is added to this number from the furplus. DORSET- DORSETSHIRE. Inhabitants, 146,000. * M. P. 10, which give a furplus of 1 1 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large a maritime county, may be added another, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 29 hundreds, containing 248 parimes, and may be fubdivided into the feven following diftricts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives. The hundreds of George, Tot- "j comb and Woodbury, Pud- I the county town, Dorchefter *$ dleton, and Bere, at J 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Culliton,^ Winfrith, Rufhmore, Haf- I the town of Weymouthand lar, Rowbarrow, and Ugf- j Melcomb Regis *a comb, . atj 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Church, Be- ] , f T ,> . nunfter, andRedhove, at j the town of Lyme Regis - i 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds, of Cogdean, ^ Badbury, Knowlton, and I the town of Pool I Piraperne, . at J 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Goderthorn "] and Bridport, Tollerford and I the town of Bridport I Eggarton, atj 6th DISTRICT. The hundredsof Upwimfborn, 1 Redlane, Newton, and Cran- I the town of Shaftefbury i born, at J 7th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Sherborn, "1 Buckland, Whiteway, Yet- I the town of Sherborn i minfter, and Brownlell, J ** One to each of thefe numbers is added from the Surplus. t 229 ] DURHAM. Inhabitants, 100,000. M. P. 4, Which are deficient to the number of people by 3. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into four wards, con- taining 84 parifhes, each of which wards may con- ftitute a Diftrict. id DISTRICT* Reprefentatives The ward of Chefter, at the city of Durham z 2d DISTRICT. The ward of Eafington, at the town of Sunderland % 3d DISTRICT. The ward of Darlington, at the town of Darlington f 4th DISTRICT. The ward of Stockton, at the town of Stockton i ESSEX. 3 ESSEX. ' Inhabitants, 214,000. M. P. 8, which are deficient to the number of people by 5. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft, and being a large maritime county, another reprefentative, taken from the Cinque Ports, may be added to that number. It is divided into 19 hundreds, containing 415 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the eight following diftrifts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Chelmsford. 1 . L ~, Witham, and Dunmow, S}^**** town, Chelmsford a zd DISTRICT. The hundreds of Lexden and 1 .., r . , Hinckford, at j the town of Colchefier - * 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tendring^j Winftree, and Thuritable, i the town of Harwich 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Deney and ] _, Rochford, H at ] the town of Maiden 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Becontree and I ... Havering Liberty, at ] the town of Rumford , 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Ongar, Wai- 1 , tham, and Harlowt at J e town of Chl PP m g O n g^ yth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Umtlesford, } .. Clavering, and FrefhweJl, at ] the town of Saffron Walde n t 8th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Chafford and I , flarnftable, - at j ^^ town of Brentwood i J GLOUCESTERSHIRE. Inhabitants, i64,oo<. M. P. 8, which are deficient to the number of people by 2. This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft. It is divided into 30 hundreds, containing 280 pariflies, and may be fubdivided into the fix following diftri<5ts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of King's Bar- \ ton and Dudfton, Weft Bur, L, .. r , ,, St. Briavel's, Brideflow, and f the * of Gloucdte - a Dutchy, at J 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Crawthorn Slaughter, at 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tewkefbury, 1 Tiblefton, Weftminfter, Bot- V the town cf Tewkefbury toe, Deerhurft, ' at J 4th DISTRICT. 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Longtree,"! Berkley, Whifton, Bifley, I the town of Tetbury i and Thornbury, at J 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Grumbaldah, "1 Puclechurch,Langley Wines- kthe town of Chipping Sedbury I head, and Henbury, at J * Oae is added to this number from the furplus. HAMPSHIRE. Inhabitants, 170,000. M.P.26, which give a furplus of 16 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added another, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 37 hundreds, containing 253 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the eight following diftridls. ifi DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Buddlefgate, borough, sd DISTRICT. The hundreds of Pontfdown,"J Bofmere,Titchfield, Bifhops- > the town of Portsmouth *^ Walthani, . atj 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Redbridge,"] Manfbridge, and New Fo- *> the town of Southampton *a reft, - atj 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Eaft Medham ] Ifle of Wight, ] and Weft Medham, at j the town of Newport J a 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Ringwood,"! Fordingbridge, and Chrift- I the town of Ringwood i church, atj 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Andover, ") Thorngate, WherwelJ, Af- I , . r A trow, Ivingar, Kingfclear, > the town of Andover - 1 and Overton, atj C 2 33 1 7th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Bafingftoke, ^ Chutely, HoldflioLOdiham, I rn r /i Crondd, Bermondfpitt, and f the town of Bafingftoke Michael Dever, at J 8th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Finchdean, "| Eaft Meon, Meonftoke, Al- I - , , ton, Selborn, and Biftiop's- [ the town of Petersfield - Sutton, at J *#** One is added to each of thefe numbers from the furplus. HARTFORDSHIRE. Inhabitants, 103,000. M. P. 6, which are deficient to the number of people by i . This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft. It is divided into eight hundreds, containing 121 pariflies, and may be fubdivided into the five following diftridts. ill DISTRICT. Representatives * ad DISTRICT, The hundreds of Brogin and j . c , r , Edwintree, _ at j the town of Warfc - 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Cafhio, at the town of St. Alban's 4th DISTRICT. 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Ducorum, at the town of Tring t * One is added to this number from the furplus, [ 234 1 HEREFORDSHIRE. Inhabitants, 98,000. M. P. 8, which give a furplus of i above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into 1 1 hundreds, containing 176 parities, and may be fubdivided into the five following diftrids. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives. The hundreds of Grimfworth, ~| Webtree, and Ewayflacey, 1 the city of Hereford *z atj ad DISTRICT. 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Grevtree and "| , m r Wormlow, -^- at J the town of Rofs _ x 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Radio w and"! ., r T ,. Broxalh - at j the town of Ledbur>- t 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Stretfordand^ thetownofWeob] - Huntington, atj * One is added to this number from the furplus, HUNTING- I 2 35 3 HUNTINGDONSHIRE. Inhabitants, 57,000. M. P. 4, which are deficient to the number of people by i . This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft. It is divided into four hundreds, containing 78 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the two following diflric~ts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Norman "I ,, Crofc and Huntingftone, at j ** count y town Huntingdon * ad DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tofeland and ] . Leightonftone, at ] the tow-n of St. Neot's -^ t KENT. C KENT. Inhabitants, 257,000. M. P. 6 t which give a furplus of 1 1 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added another, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 62 hundreds, con- taining 408 parishes, and may be fubdivided into the eleven following diftrids. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Bridge and "\ Petham, Weftgate, t)own I Chamford, Kinghamford, \ the city of Canterbury 3 Stowting, Bircholtfranchife, I 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Shamel, Hoo, "1 Milton, Ifle of Shepey, and > the city of Rochefler * Toltingtrow, atj 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Maidftone,"^ Larkfield, Eyhorn, Twiford, I Rotham, Marden, Cran- > the town of Maidftone *z brook, Barkley, and Rolven- j den, - atj 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Bewfburough, "j Folkeftone.Loningborough, ^ the town of Dover * Heane, and Streats, at J 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Eaftrey, Cor- *j nilo, Winghani, and Pref- > the town of Sandwich x ton, - atj [ 237 ^ 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of New Church, "J Jf 1 ^' A ^ llowfbl ^S e ' I the town of New Romney , Ham, Worth, Oxney, Ten- j terden. and Blackborn, at J 7th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Blengate, Ifle 1 of Thanet, Ringflow, and > the town of Margate i Whitftable, - atj 8th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Feverfham, ham, at 9th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Dartford and " terham, at at ioth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Blackheath, 1 Bromley, Beckenham,Rookef- >the town of Greenwich t ley, andLefnefs atj nth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tunbridge,"\ WatJingfton, Brencley and I Horfmunden, Weft and Eaft > the town of Tunbridge i Barnfield and Selbrittenden, - - atj One is added to each of thefe numbers from the furplus. LANCASHIRE. C 238 1 LANCASHIRE. -Inhabitants, 260,000. . . M. P. 14, which are deficient to the number of people by i. This county returns two reprefcnta- tives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added an- other, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into fix hundreds, containing 61 parifhes; each pf thefe hundreds may conflitute a diftrid. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentativcs ^hundred rfFb.e ^ Ac ^ tmn> Lmci!ta . ad DISTRICT. The hundred of Weft Derby at the town of Liverpool 3 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Salford at the town of Manchefler 3 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of Moimdernefs at the town of Prefton a 5th DISTRICT. The hundred of Layland at the town of Wigan 2 6th DISTRICT. The hundred of Blackburn at the town of Blackburn % LEICESTERSHIRE, C LEICESTERSHIRE. Inhabitants, 1 16,000. M. P. 4, which are deficient to the number of people by 4. This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft. It is divided into fix hundreds, containing 192 pariflies; each of thcfc hundreds may conflitute a diftrict. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundred of Eaft Gofcote, at the county town, Leicefter *^ 2d DISTRICT. The hundred of Weft Gofcote, at the town of Loughborough i 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Gartrey at the town of Harborough i 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of Framland, at the town of MiltonMowbray \ DISTRICT. The hundred of Goodlaxton, at the town of Lutterworth i 6th DISTRICT. The hundred of Sparkingho, at the town of Hinckley r * One is added to this number from the furplus. LINCOLN- LINCOLNSHIRE. Inhabitants, 252,000. M. P. 12, which are deficient to the number of people by 3. This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added an- other, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 30 hundreds, containing 630 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the fix following diftri&s. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentative* The hundreds of Lawris, Lin- "] coin Liberty, Wraggot, and I the city of Lincoln . i... 3 Gartrey * atj 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Nefle, Ellow"| Kirton, Aveland, Beltiflow, > the town of Stamford i and Afwardburn, at J 3d DISTRICT* The hundreds of Grantham, "| Wiverbridge,Loveden,Flax- > the town of Grantham >> a well, Boothby, and Lango, at J 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Skirbeck,"J Horncaftle, Bullinebrook, I ,, en A Candlefhow^ilUndCalcelf* 6 ^' 110530 ^ 2 worth at J 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Bradley, Lud- "1 trough, LouthcaJk, Walfli- I the town of Grimfby y, croft, and Yarburough, at J 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Corringham, ~] Manlake, Aflacote, and Well, > the town of Grilborough 3 MIDDLESEX. ^Inhabitants, 1,350,000. M. P. 8. The fmallnefs of this county, and the immenfe number of people it contains, would feem to obviate this mode for an equal reprefen- tation, as there is a deficiency in the prefent re- turn from this county of no lefs than 59 repre- fentatives. The county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft, and is divided into L , .a hundreds, containing 200 parimes, and may be fub-divided into the eleven following diftrifb. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The city of London, from the" earlieft periods of hiftory, has been diftinguifhed by privi- leges peculiar to itfelf, and on the mode propofed muft Hand an exception to the propofed ratio ; for agree- ably to that it fliould re- turn forty reprefentatives, which is a proportion, it will readily be allowed, as much too great as the prefent num- ^ the city of London 8 ber are too few, when its population and high impor- tance in the State are duly confidered. To reconcile this objection, eight reprefenta- tives may be affigned to the city of London, to be elected in the ufual manner as the livery are in general, a clafs removed from the lower or- ders of people. [ *4 2d DISTRICT. Reprefentativei The parities within the liber-" tics of Weftminfter to eleft on the general mode pro- pofed, by delegates returned from each parifti, which will have this good effecl. there ( .. - t cw A A never can be again on a gf of \ the CIt ? of Weftminfter ~ 4 electioneering, or an eternal ' fcrutiny, and the inhabitants will always have it in their power to eleft independent and able men . at 3d DISTRICT. The Kenfington divifion of the 1 , r , hundred of Offulfton - at ] the town of Brentford - * 4th DISTRICT. The Holborn divifion of the 1 , r TT hundred of OfTulfton _ at ) the town of Hampftead - >> 5th DISTRICT. The Finfbury divifion of the 1 . .. . , hundi-ed of Oflulfton - at j thc town ot Hl g h gate - * 6th DISTRICT. The Tower divifion of the 1 . , c u ? hundred of Ofluifton - at | the town of Hacknp >' ~ * 7th DISTRICT. The hundred of Edmonton, at the town of Enfield a 8th DISTRICT. The hundred of Iflleworth, at the town of Hounflow z 9th DISTRICT. The hundred of Spelthorne, at the town of Staines . z loth DISTRICT. The hundred of Goare, at the town of Stanmore a i ith DISTRICT. The hundred of Klrhorne at the town of Uxbridge 2, [ 243 1 MONMOUTHSHIRE. Inhabitants, 42,000. M. P. 4, which are proportionate to the number of people. This county returns two reprefent itives on the landed intereft. It is divided into fix hun- dreds, containing 127 Parifhes, and may be Tub- divided into the two following diftri&s. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundred of Skinfrith,~| Ragland, Trelech, and Calde- J- the county town,Monmouth *a tot, atj 2cl DISTRICT. The hundreds of Bergavenny 1 ^ f Abergavenny t Wenlooge, and Uflc at J * One is added to this number front the furplus. R 2 NORFOLK. NORFOLK. Inhabitants, 285,000. M. P. 12, which are deficient to the number of people by 4, This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added another, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 31 hundreds, containing 660 pariflies, and may be fubdivided into the eleven following diftricts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Taverham/ Blowfield, and Humbleyard, J- the city of Norwich tnO rd, ^1 atj zd DISTRICT. The hundreds of Grimftioe, 1 Shropeham, and Gilecrofs, -the town of Thetford a 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Eaft Flegg, "] Weft Flegg, and Walfham, I the town of Yarmouth a 4th DISTRICT* The hundreds of Freebridge "L, r T . and Clackclofe - It j the town of L >' nn Re g ls - 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Greenhoe, 1 , ff , a-, Wayland, and Laundich, aJ J the town of Swaffham - i 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Foreho. Mil- 1 ,. find, and Eynsford - at j ^ town of Wymondham t 7th D;- C * 3 7th DISTRICT. Reprefentative* The hundreds of North Er- ] pington, Holt, and North > the town of Cromer i Greenhoe at J 8th DISTRICT. 9th DISTRICT. id ,fs,ll atj The hundreds of Callow, ~| Smethdon,and Brother Crofs, } the town of Fakenham ioth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Loddon, Cla- "Li c T vering, and Henfted at ] the town of Loddon nth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tunfted, Hap- ~\ ping, and South Erpington, V the town of North Walfham i X Two are added to this number from the furplus. R NORTH- C *4 3 NORTHAMPTONSHIRE. Inhabitants, 158,000. M. P. 9, which are deficient to the number of people by i. This county returns two reprefen- tatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into twenty hundreds, containing 326 pariflies, and may be fubdivided into the fix following diflricts. ift DISTRICT. Rcprefentatives. The hundreds of Nafeburgh, "| Willibrook, Polbrook, Cor- > the city of Peterborough * by, and Navisford at J 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Spelh^ New j c North , Bott Legrove, and Wimer- | ^^ ' ^ - Ja 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Higham, "j Ferris, Huxlow, and Roth- > the town of Higham Ferrars r welJ, ! r- f at J 4th DISTRICT- ,fl den, and Norton Thehund,redsofFaufley,War-|^ e wnofDa _ on, at J 5th DISTRICT, The hundreds of Towcdter, ] ^ tQwn of Towcefler _ , Clely, and button at J ..... 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Hamford-"| fhew, Orlingbury, and Gui- > the town of Wellingborough i lefburough atj NORTHUM- 3 NORTHUMBERLAND. Inhabitants, 142,000. M. P. 8, which are deficient to the number of people by i . This county returns two reprefen- tatives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added an- other, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into feven wards, containing 460 parimes, and may be fubdivided into the five following diftrids. i ft DISTRICT. Reprefentatives. The ward of Caftle at the county town, Newcaftle *4 ad DISTRICT, The wards of Iflandfhire, 1 , f . . Glendale, and Hamburg, ai | the town of Berwick ' 3d DISTRICT. The ward of Coquetdale, at the town of Alnwick i 4th DISTRICT. The ward of Morpeth, at the town of Morpeth i 5th DISTRICT. The ward of Tindall at the town of Hexham i * Two are added to this number from the furplus. R 4 NOTTING- t M ]' NOTTINGHAMSHIRE. Inhabitants, io5?,ooo. M. P. By which are proportionate to the number of people. This county returns two reprefcntatrves 6n the landed mtcreft. It is divided into fix wa- pontakes, containing 168 parishes, and may be iubdivided into the five following diftrids. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The wapontakesof Thurgafto:T \ the county tov*n, Netting- 1 and Rufcliff at j ham J * 2d DISTRICT. The wapontakes of Newark! the town of NewarJr _ a and Bingham, at j 3d DISTRICT. The wapontake of Broxflow, at the town of Mansfield i 4th DISTRICT. The Hatfield divifion - of Baf- 1 ^ of Work&) fetlaw wapontoke at J The North and South Clay di- ") vifion of Bafletlaw wapon- >the town of Eaft Retford I take atj * One is added to this number from the furplus. OXFORDSHIRE. [ 249 I OXFORDSHIRE. - Inhabitants, 128,000. M. P. 9, which are proportionate to the number of people. This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft, and two reprefenta- tives are returned from the Univerfity of Oxford, which return may ftill continue. It is divided into 14 hundreds, containing 280 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the five following diftridts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives. The hundred of Bullington 1 ., .. , c ~ c , andWotton, __^ at } the aty of Oxford - 2d DISTRICT. The hundred of Banbury, | ^ f B b _ Bloxham, and Ploughley, at J 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Binfield,^| Langtree, Ewelm, and Dor- I the town of Henley i chefter atj 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tame.Lewk- } ,, c ~. nor,andPirton, '- at ] the town of Tame - f 5th DISTRICT. One is added to this number from the furplus. RUTLAND- C RUTLANDSHIRE. Inhabitants, 20,000. M. P. 2, which are returned by the landed intereft only. This county being fo very (mail, one re- prefentative may be taken from the landed intereft, and be afligned to the commercial, to be elected by delegates from every parifh within the county, at the county town, Okeham. SHROPSHIRE. Inhabitants, 145,000. M.P.I2, which give a furplus of 3 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into i 5 hundreds, contain- ing 170 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the feven following dift rifts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives Th andF n oord dS f Shrewlbu g ] thecounty town,Shrew(bury *z 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Munilow and j the town f L ^ ^ Overs, ; at J 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Brimflry and | thfBridh _ Stottefdon at J 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Parflow, J he ^ f K(h , ^ Clun, and Chirbury, at J 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of North and 1 A f Newport _ x South Bradford . at J 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Wenlock and l hetownofWenlock _ , Cundover at j 7th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Ofweftry and 1 fae of ofweftry _ , Pimhill, at J * One is added to each of thefe numbers from the furplus. 3 SOMERSETHIRE. Inhabitants, 302,000. M- P. 1 8, which give a furplus of i above the patio*. This county returns two reprefentatives on. the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large maritime county, may be added another taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 43 hundreds, containing 385 parimes, and may be fubdivided into the nine following diflri&s. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentativcs The hundreds of Hare Cliff, ] with Bedminfter, Portbury, J- the city of Briftol 4 and Chew at J zd DISTRICT. The hundreds of Bathforum, "j Keyniham, Wellow, and j- the city of Bath S, Chewton - at J ^d DISTRICT. The hundreds of WellsforumO Winteritoke, Bemftone, and $>the city of Wells 2 Glafton Hydes at J 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Taunton^ Dean, Andersfield, Kinfbury I Weft, Melverton, North V the town of Taunton i Currey, Abdick, and Bulf- I don, at J 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of North Pether-"| ton, Connington, Huntfpill, I ., r n -j with Puriton and WhitJey! /^ the town of Bndg^ater - ^ 6th 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Frome, WhitO ftone, Brewton, Norton, > the town of Frome Ferrars, and Kilmerfdon, at J 7th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Caerhamp-"} ton, Wilmington, and Free- jthe town of Minehead mannors, " atj 8th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Tintinhull, Crewkhorn - - at 9th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Horethorn, ethorn,^ atj bcro, < * One is addd to this number from the furpJua, STAFFORD- ] STAFFORDSHIRE. Inhabitants, 196,000. M. P. 10, which are deficient to the number of people by 2. This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft. It is divided into five hundreds, containing 130 pariflies, each of which hundreds may conftitute a diftrid. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundred of Offlow, at the city of Litchfield 3 2d DISTRICT. The hundred of Cudleftone, at the county town, Stafford 2 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Seifdon, at the town of Wolverhampton 9 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of Totmanflow, at the town of Uttoxeter 5th DISTRICT. The hundred of PyrehUl ~ at [ ^^ Newcaftleun- J a SUFFOLK.' SUFFOLK. Inhabitants, 202,000. M. P. 16, Which give a furplus of 4. This county return^ two reprefentatives On the landed intereft ; to which number, beirlg a lafge maritime county, tnay be addeci another taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided int6 22 hundreds, containing 575 parimes, and may be fubdivided into the nine fol- lowing diftrids. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Carlesford,"! Colneis, Sampford, and the i> the town of Ipfwich < a Liberties of Ipfwich, atj 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Thingow, "1 the town of St. Edmonds- 1 # , Thedwaftre, and Lackfordj at J bury J jd DISTRICT. The hundred of Baberge and^j __ f Rilbndge - atj 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Stowey andl the ^ of ^^^^ _ f Blackbourn, ' atj 5th DiSTRlCf. The hundred of Loofe, WilO he o f Wodd bridgc c ford, and Tlirediing, atj 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Hartefmere^j ^ of Eye t and Hoxon atj ^th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Cosford, BofO ^ town of Ha dleigh - i more, and Cleydon, atj 8th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Plumfgate,V he f Aldb h _ , and Blitlnng atj 9th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Wangfordand-j d f Beck , es _ t Lothmgland atj * One is added to this number from the furplus. r SURREY. Inhabitants, 225,000. M. P. Vvhich give a furplus of one above the ratio. This county returns tvo reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into 14 hundreds, containing 140 pariflies, and may be fubdivided into the fix following diftrifts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefcntatives The hundred of Brixton, at the borough of Scuthwark *4 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Woking 1 he Guildford 2 Chertfey, and Farnham, at J 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds ofKingfton and 1 ^ town of Kin ^ on _ z Emly, - at J 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of Croydon and! ^ t(jwn f c don _ Copthornc " atj 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds o g-^ _ king, and Tanndge, atj 6th DISTRICT. The hundred of Godalmingl Ae town of ^^^ _ and Blackheath atj * Two are added to this number from the furplus, SUSSEX. SUSSEX.* Inhabitants, 298,000. M. P. 20, which give a furplus of 3 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft ; to which number, being a large mari- time county, may be added another, taken from the Cinque Ports. It is divided into 65 hundreds, containing 3 1 2 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the 12 following diftri&s. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Bofeham,"l ^V^A^^^^'^necityofChichefter - * Manhood, Aid week, and [ J Dumford at J 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of BarcombO Dxirfett, Loxfield, Rother- S- the town of Lewis - ^ field, and Loxfield Baker, atj 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Whaleftone, ^J Prefton, Youfmere, Fiitiers, [ , c . , , Gater, Burbech, and Prell f the town of Bn S hton *- a ton, at J 4th DISTRICT. juening,^ Venfield, }>1 field, atj The hundreds of Guefling," Baldfloe, Bexhill, Nenfield, [.the town of Haflings I Battcll, and Nethei-field, 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Goldfpur,^| Staple, Goftrow, Henhurft, ^the town of Rye * I and Shoyfwell, . atj 6th 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Grinftead, ~) Buttinghill, Ruftimonden, I the town of Eaft Grinftead and Hartfield, - at J 7th DISTRICT. The hundredsof Eaft Eaftwrith, "j Shinglecrofs, and Rother- > the town of Horfliaffi bridge -- at J 8th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Eaft Bourne, ~J Longbridge, Dill, and Pe- I iU ,. -, A -. fey Liberty and Foxearle, > the town of Eaft Bourne *. 9th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Avisford, Po- "L, r . ling, and Brightford, - at j the town of Arundel * loth DISTRICT. The hundreds of Stenning,^ Weft Grinftead, Windham, | the town of Stenning i and Tipnoake, at J nth DISTRICT* 1 2th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Willingdon,"J Alcifton,Totnore,Shiplake, > the town of Seaford and Hauxborough at J WARWICK* WARWICKSHIRE. Inhabitants, 198,000. M. P. 6, which are deficient to the number of people by 6. This county returns two reprefenta- tives on the landed intereft. It is divided into five hundreds, containing 158 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the four following diftricts. id DISTRICT, Representatives The hundreds of Knighdo W ,|^ ifC and Coventry county at J J 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds [of Kineton at the town of Warwick a 3d DISTRICT. The hundred of Hemlingford, at the town of Birmingham 3 4th DISTRICT. The hundred of Michway, | at thrown of Stratford^n | s WESTMORE- t *i9 3 WESTMORELAND. Inhabitants, 44,000.* M. P. 4, which are proportionate to the number of people. This county returns two reprefentatives oh the landed intereft. It is divided into four Wards, containing 26 parimes, and may be fub- divided into the two following Diftri&s. ill DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The aft and weft wards at the cdunty town Appleby *a ad DISTRICT. The wards of Kendal and Lonf- 1 ^ tQwn f ^^ _ daw at j * One is added to this number from the furplus. S 2 WILTS IIRE. [ a6o ] WILTSHIRE. Inhabitants, 17 5,000. M.P.34, which give a furplus of 23 above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into 29 hundreds, con- taining 304 parifhes, and may be fubdivided into the feven following diftridb. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hundreds of Underditch, DowntorCawdenandCad. ) _ a worth, Chalke, and Dau- J worth - atj id DISTRICT. The hundreds of Swanborough, ~\ Melkfham, Bradford,Whor- }> the town of Devizes a welfdon, at J 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Selkley , Ramf- ^ bury> Kinglbridge, and Kin- Sthe town of Marlborough *z wafton, - atj 4th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Malmeftmry, ~\ High worth, and Damerham, Uhe town of Malmefbury i 5th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Chippenham, ^j Pottern Canigs, and Calne, > the town of Chippenham i - atj 6th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Amefbury, "I Elftube and Everley, Branch I the town of Amelbury i and Dole - - at J 7th DISTRICT. The hundreds of Warminfter, ~} Weftbury, Hatefbury, Da- I the town of Warminfter i merham, and Mere, at J * One is added to this number from the Surplus. 3 WORCESTERSHIRE. Inhabitants, 132,000. M. P. 9, which give a furplus of i above the ratio. This county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft. It is divided into five hundreds, containing 152 pariihes, and may be fubdivided into the three following diftrids. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The hmdreds of Worcefter and j ^ dty pf Worcefter _ a 2d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Blaken, OfO ., waldeflaw, and PerQiore, at J ^ town of Eveiham ~ a 3d DISTRICT. The hundreds of Halflhire and 1 . tvu n Doddigfree - at j the tov.-n of Kiddermmfter 2 S 3 YORKSHIRF [ 262 ] YOR KSHI RE. Inhabitants, 6 1 4,000. M.P.3O. This extcnfive county returns two reprefentatives on the landed intereft ; to which number may be added four more, taken from the Cinque Ports, which will give two reprefentatives for each of the three ridings by which the county is divided. It is alfo divided into 24 wapontakes, containing 563 parimes, and may be fubdivided into the nineteen following diftridts. ift DISTRICT. Reprefentatives The wapontakes of Bulmer, "] Oufe and Darwent, and An- I the city of York 4 % Liberty, - at J 2d DISTRICT. The wapontake of Skirack, at the town of Leeds a \ 3d DISTRICT. The wapontakes of Harth.ill, 1 Buckrafe, and Hawdenftire, J- the town of Beverley a - - - atj 4th DISTRICT. The wapontake of Morley, at the town of Hallifax 2 5th DISTRICT. The wapontakes of Holdernefs, ^j Dickering, and Kingllon I the town of Hull a county at J 6th DISTRICT. ** * f Sheffield - , yth DISTRICT. The wappntake of Agbridge, at the town of Wakefield I 263 ] 8th DISTRICT. The wapontake of Barfton, at the town of Pontefracl a pth DISTRICT. The wapontakes of ^ Gillingl ^ et0 wnof Richmond - Weft and Hangweft at J loth DISTRICT. The wapontake of HaUikeiq hfRi and Hang Laft at J nth DISTRICT. The wapontake of Claro, at the town of Knarefborough i i2th DISTRICT. The wapontake of Staincrofs, at the town of Barnfley i i3th DISTRICT. The wapontake of Ofgodcrofs, at the town of Doncafter i i4th DISTRICT. The wapontakes of StaindifH ^ and New Crofs ^- at J DISTRICT. The wapontake of Pickering, at the town of Scarborough j. i6th DISTRICT. The wapontake of Burdforth, at the town of Thirfk x i yth DISTRICT. The wapontake of Rydall at the town of New Malton i iSth DISTRICT. The wapontake of Lambargh the town of Guifborough i DISTRICT. J the town S 4 The The japontake : of Gilling eaft^j fc o f Northallerton , and Allertonlhire at J [ 26 4 3 The Principality of Wales, confifting of twelve counties, fends to Parliament twenty -four Reprc- fentatives; twelve of whom are returned on the landed intereft, and twelve by the commercial ; which as a province of the State, and of the lead importance in the fcale of commerce, its products arifing chiefly from pafturage, may be confidered as equivalent to the number of inhabitants, which are computed at about 320,000. The only ar- rangement in this principality which may be pro- pofed would be to eledt the reprefentatives on the fame general mode of delegation as that offered for the Commons of England, and that two reprefen- tatives be returned from each county to join the Convention propofed for a Parliamentary reform. Before a mode of reform be offered for a more equal reprefentation in Scotland, it may be ufeful to ftate the prefent mode by which the reprefenta- tives of the Scottifh Burghs are elected, which we Jearn by an addrefs from a committee of citizens at Edinburgh to the BurgefTes and Heritors *. " Now we appeal to you, Gentlemen, how far " you enjoy the invaluable privilege of election, t which as Britiih fubjects is your birth-right. " Do you elect your reprefentatives in Parliament ? " No The Town Councils are the fo/e electors. U Do you cleft the Town Councils? No The 9 P. 13 and 14. " Parliament " Town Councils cleft themfelves. Thus the " Burgefles of Scotland have not the mod diftant " connexion with the legiflative body of the realm. " They have not the mod indireft reprefentation " to Parliament. The Councils are the abfolute " electors both of themfelves and of our reprefen- " tatives in Parliament. Can we then, Gentlemen, " be faid to enjoy freedom or the rights of Bri- " tifli fubjects ? Surely not. We leave it to your- " felves, Gentlemen, to judge whether or not this " be our prefent lituation. Are our reprefenta- " tives in Parliament poflefled of the qualities, or " actuated by the principles of true patriots? Are " they men of capacity and probity ? Are they ac- " quainted with the flate of our commerce and " manufactures, and attentive to our intereft in " Parliament ? No j intent only on procuring " places and penfions for themfelves and adhe- * c rents, they will perhaps never think of the pub- " lie welfare.'* If this be the true flate of the reprefentation of Scotland, for the honour of their nation, refpect fpr themfelves, and the fair fame of pofterity, the people mould never reft till they had obtained a, reform, otherwife thofe qualifications which the courtly intrigue of thefe laft thirty years has been fixing on them by a few bowing, time-ferving, cringing, infidious, mercenary, perfevering cour- tiers, will be confidered as hereditary. However [ a66 ] However repugnant to conftitutional liberty the prefent ftate of the ScottiQi Burghs may be, arbi trary in their police, and engrofled by an Arifto- cracy, it has not a neceflary relation to the difcuf- fion which I have prefcribed myfelf. Their internal police, however partially grievous, does not affcd the whole kingdom, for political li- berty certainly does not depend upon the particu- lar privileges or fetts of this or that Burgh, or any particular cities or towns j on the contrary, they depend on the free enjoyment of this principle by the body of people. It is an univerfal power fpreading over the whole State ; it pervades the clay-built hut as well as the {lately manfion ; it is a vital principle that (hould be cherimed in the bofom of the pooreft commoner, and by the body of people fhould be ever maintained pure for its own fake, and for ever be kept facred for the bleflings of liberty, which it difpenfes to all. That fo general a power fhould be prefcribed to a local fituation, to one part of the State, and not to the other, and confound the diftinction between univerfal freedom and partial flavery, involves an idea which equity and common fenfe revolts at, and is wholly inimical to the principles of the Britilh Conftitution. Upon the leading ones of which, that there is no right without a remedy, and that no individual can be bound but by laws to. which he (hall have given his confent through the C 7 1 the medium of his reprefentatives. There may be added therefore to the ten reprefentatives returned from each county in England two reprefentatives from each county in Scotland, compofmg a conven- tion fworn to the exprefs and only purpofe of efta- bliming an equal and adequate reprefentation of the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament. Jt may appear unneceflary to repeat, that a reform in Par- liament can never be conftitutionally effected but upon the principles of political liberty before fully dated. The fpirit of the laws of England would be deeply wounded, their texture violated, and the genius of the Constitution utterly deftroyed, if in the prefent Parliament the idea of a fupreme and an arbitrary power were confounded. If it can disfranchife one borough, why not all ? If it can enact its own exiftence from three to feven years, why not for a century, or decree itfelf perpetual. Political liberty is exprefsly againft fuch an ufun- pation ; no flatute can deprive the people of thofe rights which are in themfelves unalienable. The right of chufing reprefentatives to legislate, and the limitation of their exiftence in that capacity, is an undoubted right of the nation, it is the focial right of every man, which no pofitive law can wreft from him, which our anceftors could not difpofe of to the prejudice of their pofterity ; and if any ufurped power mould have violated this {acred privilege, or if it mould have been furren- dered [ 268 ] dered by a corrupt Parliament, it can at any future time be lawfully refumed. By the Aft of Union, the number of reprefen- tatives from Scotland to the Britifh Houfe of Com- mons was fettled to be 45 thirty of which are re- turned on the landed intereft, and 1 5 on the com- mercial. The reafon for afligning double the num- ber of reprefentatives to the landed intereft was of the fame impolicy which has influenced a number of Ariftocratic acts fmce the Revolution. The queftion of importance between the landed and commercial intereft \ve can be at no lofs to decide, when we confider the growing affluence of Scot- land wholly arifes from its manufactures and com- merce; and from this fource alone depends the appreciation of land and the confequence of the landholders. As commerce therefore has become the firft moving principle in public affairs, and of the higheft importance to the State, the mode of reform which may be propofed for Scotland is the following. That each (hire return one reprefentative on the commercial intereft, except the fmall mires of Cromartie, Clackmannan, andKinrofs; and that each reprefentative be elected at the principal town within the (hire, and be termed member of that town, but to be chofen by the delegates returned by by the ceffed houfeholders of every parifti within the county, as propofed for England. The delegates of the fhire of Cromartie may be added to thofe of Nairnmire; the delegates of Clackmannan to thofe of Sterlingfhire, and the de- legates of Kinrofs to thofe of Fifefhire. By uniting thefe fmall (hires, there will remain an ad- ditional reprefentative to be ele&ed at Edinburgh, Glafgow, and Aberdeen ; fo that from thefe capi- tal places may be returned 2, Members each to Parliament. This mode will give 33 reprefenta- tives on the commercial intercft, and leave iz for the landed intereft, to be elecled by the free- holders and copyholders, as propofed for England; and thefe reprefentatives may be returned in the lowing manner. The 20 The Delegates from the following Shires i Rcprefentativcs Edinburgh Haddington Berwick Roxborongh Selkirk Peebles Dumfries Linlithgow Fife Clackmannan Kinrofs Lanerk Wigton Air Kirkcudbright Bute Renfrew Aberdeen Kincardine BamrT Elgin Perth Argyle Forfar Stirling Dumbarton Invernefs N airne Cromanie Caithnefs Sutherland Rofs Orkney 'to elect at city of Edinburgh 4 to elect at Glafgow to cleft at Aberdeen to eled at Perth to cleft at Invernefs 2 12 t That the delegates of the people mould be put to no expence in their journies and wafte of time to cleft the reprefentatives of the nation. Every (hire in England, Wales, and Scotland, fliould, by a county rate, fupport the expence of elections, as well as the annual ftipends which mould be al- lowed to the national reprefentatives during the continuance of a Parliament. On this laft fubject much has been faid, and many are divided in opi- nion ; but to me this obfervation appears unan- fwerable The very texture of the Conftitution is conftructed on principles produdive of a happy medium between the rigid principles of abfolute Monarchy and the lax principles of Democracy. The fame arguments therefore, taken in a confti- tutional point of view, will hold good againft an- nual Parliaments as feptennial ; the firft having a tendency to create anarchy, the other leading to arbitrary power ; and as thefe arguments are clearly deducible from every conftituent part of the Conftitution, no doubt can arife that the induftry and wifdom of our anceftors was even directed to the grand object of tempering the two extremes of abfolute Monarchy and pure Democracy. The proper medium is therefore TRIENNIAL PARLIAMENTS. CON- THE CONCLUSION. AFTER contemplating the Theory of our Con-* ftitution, and minutely furveying every part of a beautiful fyftem, erected by the wifdorh of ages, to counterpoife the inequality of men, to protect the virtuous from the vicious, the humble peafant from the pampered Peer, we muft unite in the fentiments of eminent men of other nations, who adoring the Genius of Liberty which influenced the mind of Britannia, and adopted her the parent of Freedom, have confefled that fhe has given (6 the world an emulative and grand fyftem of poli- tical economy ; a fyftem which is glorioufly in- tended to maintain the dignity of human nature, a fyftem, the genius of which it is to be hoped all nations may in time adopt, But what muft be the feelings, what rhuft be the deep concern of the prefent age, to find this beautiful fabric has diverged by praftice from that independence in its conftituent parts which is its vital principle, and decayed in its ftamina by a fundamental grievance in the reprefentation of the people ? people ? The violation of the freedom of election, and the independence of Parliament, being uni- verfally acknowledged, fhould be with unanimity immediately remedied. Let not an enlightened people fofter on pofterity an evil, which increafing, may afford them no atonement but in the general execration of this, as a time-ferving, corrupt, and degenerate age. A partial reform of the rotten boroughs, and the neglect of a general organization of the elective power of the people, will be attended with the lame effects. The firft may give a colourable in- dependence, but it will never produce that eflen- tial principle neceflary to preferve the freedom of the Conftitution, to maintain the independence of the people from the abufe of power, and to check that tide of luxury which is fapping the vitals of the State, and which will be the mod formidable enemy the freedom of Britain ever had to encoun- ter. Her arms deceive the eye, captivate the fenfes, indulge the paflions, fubdue reafon, and triumph over reflection, enervate and weaken the powers of the Conftitution, and fink a na- tion into vice and infamy. It was this which was both the caufe of the fplendor and decadency of the Roman Empire. It was this which rendered the Romans incapable of maintaining their liber- ties ; and as every effect proceeds from a caufc, T nations, nations, like men, rife, flourifh, and decay ; and doubtful would be the aflertion, if a man (hall fay, we (hall avoid a fimilar fate. The true fpirit of liberty is the real fpirit of the Conftitution ; and every man vvhofe bofom glows with this noble flame, difdains the fpirit of faction ; his heart exults in proud allegiance to that Supreme Power which guaranties his perfonal fecurity and private property. No greater wound can his feelings receive, than when ftern neceflity calls him forth to refill the abufe of a power created for his happinefs. His loyalty to his So- vereign, his attachment to the laws, and reve- rence for order, confpire to render him paflive and forbearing ; and in the hope of a change of men, of meafures, and of time, he often fuffers anticipation of better days to fuperfede the energy of prefent vindication. But there is a time when even hope no longer can find a point to reft her foflering wing ; thofe times have frequently oc- curred in the Hiftory of JOHN BULL; but the unity of his powers, and the energy of his fpirit, have ever regained the equilibrium ; and he has taught the arbitrary Monarch, and the ambitious Ariftocrat, that their only fecurity and intereft is in the due exercife of their privileges, prefcribed by the laws ; and that he himfelf, by knowing how to yield a grateful fubmiffion to a wife Go- vernment, [ '75 3 vernment, has convinced all the world that he is capable of fecuring and enjoying the higheft pof- fible degree of human Liberty and focial Free- dom. FINIS. t 082 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY This book is DUE on the last date stamped below MAR 2 4 1950 FormL-tl 10m-S,'3(T7o2) OF CALIFORNIA AT L06 ANGELES DA42 B79p Broughton- The political history of John Bull. A 001 436891 4 DA42 B79p