szz z /a/a THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT . i SPEECHES, DELIVERED BY THE RT. HON. GEORGE CANNING, AT THE PUBLIC CELEBRATION OF HIS THIRD RETURN TO PARLIAMENT FOR THE TOWN OF LIVERPOOL, JUNE 29, 1818. SECOND EDITION. LONDON: PRINTED FOR G. AND W. NICOL, BOOKSELLERS TO HIS MAJESTY, PALL-MALL J BY W. BULMEK AND CO. CLEVELAND-ROW, ST. JAMES'S. 1818. THE Publishers, upon reading the following Speeches., were anxious that they might be given to the Public in a more permanent form than the columns of a Newspaper afford. They have printed them in the present shape, as d mark of respect for the eloquence, loyalty, and English feeling, which they breathe ; but above all, at this day, for the boldness and truth with which they unmask the designs of the Reformers. SPEECHES, ' CXENTLEMEN, it was at my suggestion that your worthy Chairman had the good- ness to make a slight alteration in the order of the toasts as they stand on the printed card, and to propose, before my health, which you have just done me the honour to drink, the health of those per- sons by whose suffrages I have been ele- vated to the situation of your Representa- tive, and of those who, had their suffrages been wanted, would have contributed to that elevation. It is in the natural order of things, Gentlemen, that cause should precede effect ; and before you expressed your rejoicing on my return, I was anxious 73 &6 that due acknowledgment should have been paid to those whose votes, or whose intentions to come forward, intentions as notorious and as efficacious as their votes, gave effect to the wishes of this great com- munity in my favour. " Gentlemen, six years have elapsed since 1 was first placed in that envied situation. Search the records of history, where shall we find six years so fertile in events ; and in events not only of such immense importance, but of such various character, at one time so awful and ap- palling, at another so full of encourage- ment and of glory ? We have, within this period of time, had war peace war again and again a peace, which, I flatter myself, is now settling itself for a long duration. " In many of those changes, Gentlemen, as they were taking place, and with re- spect to all of them, while they were yet in doubtful futurity, the opinions which I hold with you, and by holding which with you I am alone worthy to represent you, have been controverted by predictions, which, in prospect, it would have been presumptuous to dispute, but which, in retrospect, it is now pleasant to contem- plate. " When I first, in obedience to your call, presented myself before you, it was at that period of a war, already of near twenty years duration, in which the crisis of the fate of nations seemed to be arrived. It was at that period of the campaign, destined to be decisive of that war, in which the enemy appeared in his most gigantic dimensions, and had begun to run his most extravagant career. It would be little disparagement to the stoutest heart to say, that it shrunk from the con- templation of a might so overwhelming; and it required, perhaps, as much courage as sagacity to derive, from the ill com- pounded materials of the colossus, a hope 8 or an expectation of its fall. We were, indeed, loudly told, at that time, that re- sistance was altogether hopeless ; and you, Gentlemen, were encouraged to believe, that if, by rejecting me, whose politics were supposed to be identified with the prosecution of the war, and by returning to Parliament as your Representatives those who then solicited your suffrages in opposition to me, you marked your disapprobation of the continuance of so hopeless a contest, you would, by this demonstration of the opinion of so con- siderable a part of the British empire, infallibly produce a peace, with all its attendant blessings. " Against these fallacious, but inviting assurances, with all the responsibility that belonged to the anticipation of brighter prospects in the midst of overwhelming gloom, and to the denial of associations familiar in the mouths and in the minds of men, I ventured to tell you, that peace was not in your power, except through the road of victory ; and I ventured to tell you further, that peace, if sought through any other path, would not be lasting ; and that, come when it might, it would not come, in the first instance, with all the blessings of ordinary peace in its train. " At the end of the period which has elapsed, compare what I then said to you with what has actually taken place. " If, at the time of which I am speak- ing, in 1812, this great town had contri- buted its share towards forcing a change in the national councils, by rejecting the man whose political existence was identi- fied with the success of the war, and by choosing others in his room whose reputa- tion depended upon its failure; and if, Gen- tlemen, you had had the misfortune to succeed in forcing such a change, I ask you, whether you believe that England would have stood erect, as she has done, 10 with her enemy prostrate at her feet, and with Europe saved by her assistance ? " But, Gentlemen, as if to defeat and discredit the professors of political pro- phecy, you have had also a trial of peace, not wholly corresponding with their anti- cipations. I told you, in 1812, that no- thing was easier than to draw flattering views of distant prospects ; but that there were circumstances to be taken into ac- count in the estimate of war and peace which baffled calculation. I told you, that THE war (not WAR generally, as has falsely been imputed), but the war in which we were then engaged was, from its peculiar character, one, in which though the common characteristics of peace, such as tranquillity, and absence of bloodshed, and freedom from alarm, were necessarily suspended yet the springs of enterprise were not cut off, nor the activity of com- merce altogether paralysed : nor would the restoration of peace necessarily and at 11 once restore the state of things which so long and so extraordinary a war had in- terrupted. " And why, Gentlemen? Because I was desirous, as was, I say, falsely im- puted to me, of dissociating the natural combinations of war and peace from their respective attributes ? of holding out war as, for its own sake, desirable, and peace, as, in itself, unlovely ? No, Gentlemen ; but because I wished to represent to you things as they really were, or, at least, as in my own honest judgment I saw them ; because I wished to dissipate the prejudices which were attempted to be raised against a war, on the issue of which our national existence depended, by pressing into the service those common-place arguments against war, which, however abstractedly true, were not true as to the war in ques- tion ; and by holding out all those com- mon-place inducements to peace, which, though also true in the abstract, could not 12 have been true of any peace concluded on ignominious terms, and have not been found true of the first years of a peace even as glorious as that by which the late war was concluded. " That the war had had the effect of opening unusual channels of commercial adventure ; that it had given a new and universal stimulus to commercial ac- tivity and enterprise ; that the war had created I do not say a wholesome, I do not say a substantial, I do not say a per- manent prosperity ; but that it had created a prosperity peculiar to itself, and which atoned, in some measure, for the evils, and enabled the country, in some measure, to bear up against the difficul- ties, incident to war ; all these were mat- ters of fact, which, as such, I stated to you : and I stated them as affording, not motives but consolations not induce- ments to prolong, beyond necessity, a war which might be safely terminated at will, IS but reasons for bearing patiently those evils to which it was not in our power to put an end. That this was a forced and unna- tural state of things, neither I nor any man pretended to deny : but whether England alone could enjoy a sound and natural re- pose, in the forced and unnatural state of Europe; whether any peace which could be made by us while all Europe remained under the control of our enemy, would be a peace worthy of the name, these were questions which might fairly be mooted, without depreciating the blessings of peace, or denying the general preferableness of peace to war. Our adversaries represented the war as uncompensated evil and voluntary self in- fliction : peace, as unqualified prosperity, and as immediately within our grasp. My business the business of truth was to shew, that THE war though all war is full of evil had yet mitigations; and, besides that it would not cease at our 14 bidding; that peace would not come at our call, and, besides, that when it came, it would bring with it its priva- tions. The stimulus of the war withdrawn, manufacturing industry would necessarily languish: the channels of commerce forced open by the war having closed, commer- cial enterprise must necessarily be check- ed, till new channels were explored ; and the mere cessation of the ' trade of war' itself, in all its various branches, must both discontinue the occupation of a population which it had created, and throw additional crowds on occupations already over- stocked. Here were causes sufficient for the inevitable privations and derangements of a first year of peace, perhaps, after any war, but much more after a war of such unexampled effort and extension. " It required no great sagacity to fore- see these things : but, in those who did foresee them, it would have been, at least disingenuous to assert or to suffer the 15 assertions to go uncontro verted that the war was our single and voluntary suffering ; and that peace was not only attainable, but would be an instant and perfect cure. " Such, Gentlemen, is the true account of the temporary stagnation of commer- cial industry and enterprise which has been insidiously imputed to national ex- haustion; of the difficulty in providing employment for an exuberant population (the* harvest of a long war) upon the sudden return of peace, and before the world had yet righted itself after all its convulsions. " Either our antagonists foresaw these immediate and necessary consequences of the discontinuance of the war, or they did not. If they did foresee them, would it not have been fair to have shaded a little more carefully the bright prospects which they painted of the peace to come ? If not, would it not be fair in them to acknow- ledge, that they had been too sanguine in their anticipations? But,what surely is not ' * See note at the end. 16 fair nor reasonable, is, that no sooner was the peace, which they had so long cla- moured for, obtained, than they proceeded with as much pathos as they had bestowed upon the evils of war, to deplore the suf- ferings of that moment which they had predicted as one of unalloyed prosperity and happiness ! " Then began thek lamentations over languishing industry and stinted commerce, and unemployed population ; as if these evils were not the natural and necessary consequences of unavoidably operating causes ; as if they were the creation of some malignant influence, which, whether in war or in peace, blighted the destinies of the country. " Is it intended to maintain this propo- sition, that, in order to produce the bles- sings with which peace ought to be accom- panied, the war ought to have been con- cluded with defeat, and the peace to have been a peace of humiliation? If so, I can understand the arguments and acknow- 17 ledge the consistency of those who pre- tend to have been disappointed at the tardy reappearance of the blessings which they promised us; for undoubtedly the war was concluded with triumphs such as must have deranged all anticipations founded on the hypothesis of unconditional surrender and submission. " But, Gentlemen, labouring as I do under the imputation of being a great lover of war, I am almost afraid to say, that there are some things in the war which I regret ; and some things in the peace which I like as little as even those priva- tions of which we have been speaking, but which are happily in a course of daily di- minution. The war divided the political parties of the country on one great ques- tion, which involved and absorbed all minor considerations. With war, party has not ceased ; but our differences are of a sort more ignoble and more alarming. The line of demarcation during the war was B 18 resistance or non-resistance to a foreign enemy ; the line of demarcation now, is maintenance or subversion of our internal institutions. " Gentlemen, it does seem somewhat singular, and Iconceive that the historian of future times will be at a loss to imagine, how it should happen, that at this particu- lar period, at the close of a war of such un- exampled brilliancy, in which this country had acted a part so much beyond its sup- posed physical strength and its apparent resources, there should arise a sect of phi- losophers in this country, who begin to sus- pect something rotten in the British con- stitution. The history of Europe for the last twenty-five years is something like this. A power went forth, animated with the spirit of evil, to overturn every com- munity of the civilized world. Before this dreadful assailant, empires, and monarchies, and republics, bowed ; some were crushed to the earth, and some bought 19 their safety by compromise. In the midst of this wide-spread ruin, among tottering columns, and falling edifices, one fabric alone stood erect and braved the storm ; and not only provided for its own internal security, but was enabled to send forth at every portal, assistance to its weaker neighbours. On this edifice floated that ensign (pointing to the British flag,) a signal of rallying to the combatant and of shelter to the fallen. " To an impartial observer I will not say to an inhabitant of this little fortress to an impartial observer, in whatever part of the world, one should think something of this sort would have occurred. Here is a fabric constructed upon some principles not common to others in its neighbour- o hood; principles which enable it to stand erect while every thing is prostrate around it. In the construction of this fabric there must be some curious felicity which the eye of the philosopher would be well em- 20 ployed in investigating, and which its neighbours may profit by adopting. This, I say, Gentlemen, would have been an obvious inference. But what shall we think of their understandings who draw an inference directlv the reverse? and V who say to us, ' You have stood when 4 others have fallen; when others have * crouched, you have borne yourselves aloft ; ' you alone have resisted the power which ' has shaken, and swallowed up half the ' civilized world. We like not this suspicious ' peculiarity. There must be something ' wrong in your internal conformation !' With this unhappy curiosity, and in the spi- rit of this per verse analysis, they proceed to dissect the British Constitution. They find that, like other States, we have a Monarch ; that a Nobility, though not organized like ours, is common to all the great kingdoms of Europe ; but that our distinction lies in a popular assembly, which gives life, and vigour, and strength to the whole frame of 21 the Government. Here, therefore, they find the seat of our disease. Our peccant part is, undoubtedly, the House of Com- mons. Hence our presumptuous exemption from what was the common lot of all our neighbours : the anomaly ought forthwith to be corrected ; and, therefore, the House of Commons must be reformed. " Gentlemen, it cannot but have struck you as extraordinary, that whereas, in speaking of foreign Sovereigns, our re- formers are never very sparing of un- courtly epithets ; that whereas, in discus- sing the general principles of Government, they seldom omit an opportunity of dis- crediting and deriding the privileged or- ders of society ; jet, when they come to discuss the British Constitution, nothing can be more respectful than their language towards the Crown ; nothing more forbear- ing than their treatment of the aristocracy. With the House of Commons alone they take the freedom of familiarity ; upon it 22 they pour out all the vials of their wrath, and exhaust their denunciations of amend- ment. Gentlemen, this, though extraordinary, is not unintelligible. The reformers are wise in their generation. They know well enough, they have read plainly enough in our own history, that the prerogatives of the Crown and the privileges of the Peerage, would be but as dust in the balance against a preponderating democracy. They mean democracy and nothing else. And, give them but a House of Commons constructed on their own principles, the Peerage and the Throne may exist for a day, but may be swept from the face of the earth by the first angry vote of such a House of Com- mons. " It is, therefore, utterly unnecessary for the reformers to declare hostility to the Crown ; it is, therefore, utterly superfluous for them to make war against the Peerage. They know that, let but their principles 23 have full play, the Crown and the Peerage would be to the Constitution which they assail, but as the baggage to the army ; and the destruction of them but as the gleanings of the battle. They know that the battle is with the House of Commons, as at present constituted ; and that that once overthrown, and another popular as- sembly constructed on their principles as the creature and depository of the people's power, and the unreasoning instrument of the people's will, there -would not only be no chance, but (I will go further for them in avowal, though not in intention, than they go for themselves,) there would not be a pretence for the existence of any other branch of the Constitution. " Gentlemen, the whole fallacy lies in this : the reformers reason from false pre- mises, and therefore are driving on their unhappy adherents to false and dangerous conclusions. The Constitution of this country is a MONARCHY: controlled by 24 two assemblies ; the one hereditary, inde- pendant alike of the Crown and the peo- ple ; the other elected by and for the people, but elected for the purpose of con- trolling and not of administering the Go- vernment. The error of the reformers, if error it can be called, is, that they argue as if the Constitution of this country were a broad and level democracy, inlaid indeed (for ornament's sake) with a Peerage, and topped (by sufferance) with a Crown. " If they say that for such a Constituti- on, that is,in effect, for an unbalanced de- mocracy, the present House of Commons is not sufficiently popular; they are right: but such a Constitution is not what we have or what we desire. We are born under a MONARCHY: which it is our duty, as much as it is for our happiness, to preserve ; and which there cannot be a shadow of doubt, that the reforms which are recommended to us would destroy. " I love the Monarchy, Gentlemen, be- 25 cause, limited and controlled as it is in our happy Constitution, I believe it to be not only the safest depository of power, but the surest guardian of liberty. I love the system of popular representation, Gentle- men who can have more cause to value it highly than I feel at this moment re- flecting on the triumphs which it has earned for me, and addressing those who have been the means of achieving them ? But of popular representation, I think we have enough, for every purpose of jealous, steady, corrective, efficient control over the acts of that monarchial power, which, for the safety and for the peace of the community, is lodged in one sacred fa- mily, and descendible from sire to son. " If any man tell me that the popular principle in the House of Commons is not strong enough for such control, nor diffused enough to insure sympathy with the people, I appeal to the whole course of the transactions of the last war ; I desire 26 to have cited to me the instances in which the House of Commons has failed either to express the matured and settled opinion, of the Nation, or to convey that opinion to the Crown. But I wWn those who may un- dertake to make the citation, that they do not (as in fact they almost always do) substi- tute their own for the national opinion, and then complain of its having been imper- fectly echoed in the House of Commons. " If, on the other hand, it be only meant to say, that the House of Commons is not the whole Government of the country, which, if all power be not only from but in the people, the House of Commons ought to be, were the people adequately repre- sented, I answer, ' Thank God it is not < so! God forbid that it should ever aim ' at becoming so !' "But they look far short of the ultimate effect of the doctrines of the present day, who do not see, that the tendency of those doctrines is not to make a House of Com- 27 mons such as, in theory, it has always been defined a third branch of the Legislature; but to absorb the legislative and executive powers into one ; to create an immediate delegation of the whole authority of the people, to which, practically, nothing could, and, in reasoning, nothing ought to stand in opposition. " Gentlemen, it would be well if such doctrines were the ebullitions of the mo- ment, and ended with the occasions which naturally give them their freest play ; I mean with the season of popular elections. But, unfortunately, dissemi- nated as they are .among all ranks of the community, they are doing permanent and incalculable mischief. How lamenta- bly is experience lost on mankind! For when, in what age, in what country of the world, have doctrines of this sort been re- duced to practice, without leading through anarchy to military despotism? The re- volution of the seasons is not more cer- 28 tain than is this connection of events in the course of moral nature. " Gentlemen, to theories like these, you will do me the justice to remember that I have always opposed myself; not more since I have had the honour to represent this community, than when I was uncer- tain how far my opinion on such subjects might coincide with yours. " For opposing these theories, Gentle- men, I have become an object of peculiar obloquy : but I have borne that obloquy with the consciousness of having dis- charged my duty ; and with the consola- tion, that the time was not far distant when I should come here among you (to whom alone I owe an account of my pub- lic conduct); when I should have an op- portunity of hearing from you whether I had (as I flattered myself) spoken the sense of the second commercial commu- nity in England ; and when, if unfortu- nately and contrary to my belief I had become separated in opinion from you, I should learn the grounds of that separa- tion. " Gentlemen, my object in political life has always been, rather to reconcile the Nation to the lot which has fallen to them (surely a most blessed and glorious lot among nations!) than to aggravate in- curable imperfections, and to point out imaginary and unattainable excellences for their admiration. I have done so; because, though I am aware that more splendidly popular systems of Govern- ment might be devised than that which it is our happiness to enjoy, it is, I believe in my conscience, impossible to devise one in which all the good qualities of human nature should be brought more beneficially into action ; in which there should be as much order, and as much liberty ; in which property (the conservative principle of society) should operate so fairly with a just but not an overwhelming weight ; in so which industry should be so sure of its re- ward, talents of their due ascendancy, and virtue of the general. esteem. , " The theories of preternatural purity are founded on a notion of doing away with all these accustomed relations, of breaking all the ties by which society is held together. Property is to have no influence talents no respect virtue no honour, among their neighbourhood : naked, abstract political rights are to be set. up against the authorities of nature and reason ; .and the result of suffrages thus freed from all the ordinary influences which have operated upon mankind from the beginning of the world, is to be the erection of some untried system of politics, of which it may be sufficient to saj^, that it could not last a day ; that, if it rose with the mists of the morning, it would dissolve in the noontide sun. " Gentlemen, one ill consequence of these brilliant schemes, even where they 31 are the visions of unsound imagination rather than the suggestions of crafty mis- chief, is, that they tend to dissatisfy the minds of the uninformed with the actual Constitution of their country. " To maintain that Constitution has been the unvarying object of my political life ; and the maintenance of it, in these latter days, has, I have said, exposed me to obloquy and to hatred ; to the hatred of those who believe either their own reputa- tion for sagacity, or their own means of success, to be connected with a change in our present institutions. " We have heard something of numbers in the course of the present election ; and there is in numbers, I confess, a coinci- dence which gratifies and pleases me. The number three hundred was that of the majority which assured my return. It is the number, I am informed, of those who are assembled here to greet me this day. The 32 last time that I had heard of the number three hundred, in a way at all interesting to myself, was in an intimation publicly conveyed to me, that precisely that num- ber of heroes had bound themselves, by oath to each other, to assassinate me. Gentlemen, against my three hundred assassins I put my three hundred friends ; and I feel neither my life nor my popu- larity in danger.'* " His Majesty's present Ministers, the firm and unshaken supporters of the Principles of Mr. Pitt," having been drunk, Mr. CANNING addressed the com- pany in the following terms : " Gentlemen, as one of that body to whom you have just paid so cordial a compliment, it becomes me, on their 33 behalf, to express the acknowledgment which I, as one of them, feel, and which, I am sure, they will feel collectively, for the honour which you have done to us. " Gentlemen, for myself I am bound to say something, because I must disclaim any share in much of that credit to which my colleagues are entitled for having brought the late war to its glorious con- clusion. But those who have witnessed my political life well know, that never, at any moment when I was separated from the councils of the Crown, did I withhold my firm and unqualified support from the great measures which were necessary for maintaining the war with all our strength, until it could be concluded with safety and with honour. At the period when I had a share in those councils, began the peninsular war; from which I then au- gured, and from which all are now agreed in dating, the deliverance of Europe. It was during my absence from the cabinet, c 34 that the spirit of resistance, kindled in the peninsula, communicated itself to the other nations of Europe. By that spirit was animated a combination of states, the most powerful, perhaps, that history re- cords ; and by that combination was achieved a peace, such as the most san- guine imagination would have hesitated to anticipate ; but of which the councils of Mr. Pitt had long ago laid the foundation. " In equal consonance to the tenor of those councils, his Majesty's present Mi- nisters are determined to cultivate the peace which has been so nobly achieved ; and to maintain the country in the enjoy- ment of internal quiet and of external prosperity, not by encouraging vain pro- jects of fanciful reform, but by rallying the good sense and sound feeling of the nation to the support of our free mo- narchial constitution. "In that path of internal peace, as in the more brilliant course of national glory, 35 undoubtedly the present Government en- deavour to follow the footsteps of Mr. Pitt. Where they fail, let it be understood, that the failure is to be imputed to the inade- quacy of the pupils, and not to any imper- fection in the principles of their great master, to any forgetfulness of his pre- cepts, or any willing deviation from his example/' The health of " The Right Honourable William Huskisson, and thanks to him for his attention to the interests of Liverpool," having been drank, Mr. CANNING re- turned thanks for him as follows : " Gentlemen, I rise to return my own thanks and those which, I am sure, I should have been commissioned by my right honourable friend to return in his name, for the manner in which you have done him the honour to drink his health ; a man whom I never can describe more aptly than I once had occasion to describe 36 him to some among you ; as being, what he undoubtedly is, the best man of business in England ; a man whose extraordinary talents, matured by long reflection and long experience, have qualified him as one of the ablest practical statesman that could be engaged in the concerns of a commercial country. " Gentlemen, the praises which you have justly bestowed on him recal to my recollection a debt of gratitude which I owe to you, for the indulgence which I received from you two years ago ; and which gave him, during my absence, those opportu- nities of serving you that have won so deservedly upon your regard and esteem. Gentlemen, you may be assured for him, that, however totally disconnected from you, as you may be assured for me, when- ever my connection with you may cease, that we shall be invariably anxious to promote, by all means in our power, the interests of Liverpool; riot only from sentiments of 37 gratitude, but because we are quite con- vinced, that, in promoting the interests of this great commercial town, we secure to the genera] prosperity of Great Britain one of its most useful and efficient supports. I will not say, that if the interests of the nation were, in any instance, at variance with those of Liverpool, even as your member, I would take your part ; but I will say, that, whether your member or no, I shall al- ways retain the same desire not to benefit you by any partial sacrifice of the general good in your favour, but to advance your greatness and prosperity, which are but the samples and the epitome of the great- ness and prosperity of England. " Gentlemen, you have just recognised, in the toast which preceded the health of my right honourable friend, that identity between the landed and commercial in- terests of the kingdom, the principle of which I am taking the liberty to inculcate. " The one interest is, indeed, inherent in 38 the soil, and inseparable from it. But that soil is increased tenfold in its value, and the tenure by which it is held is increased tenfold in its security, by that commercial enterprize which augments the wealth of the kingdom, and strengthens the sinews of its maritime power. " The consent of different orders is the strength and safet} r of the state. To set one class of society against another is to endanger the whole. How much more when, as in the miserable politics of the present day, an attempt is made to set the poor against the rich, for the common de- struction of both ! " Gentlemen, your example and your authority may do much, among the multi- tude whom you employ, to protect them against the poison of such doctrines to satisfy them, that, as your prosperity de- pends upon the general prosperity of the empire, so do their happiness and comfort depend upon the maintenance of that 39 order, which not only consists with liberty but is essential to it; and of that commerce of which iberty and order are the guar- dians. " Gentlemen, I now take leave of you, with a sentiment not the less valuable because it is homely in its phrase which will convey, though it does not fully ex- press, all my good wishes for your pros- perity and happiness : I beg leave to give The good old Town of Liverpool and the Trade thereof/ " * " An exuberant population (the harvest of a long war.)" Population of England and Wales in the -j year 1790 (the last official estimate > 8,675,000 before the war) Ditto, in the year 1810 (the last year for 1 % x M 0,488,000 which the returns have been made up) J Increase in twenty years 1,813,000 the whole of which period, with the exception of about three years and a half (viz. 1791, 1792, 1802, and part of 1803) was a period of war. " It is in this manner that the demand for men, like " that for any other commodity, necessarily regulates " the production of men." Smith's Wealth of Nations, Book I. Chap. vnr. Printed by W. Bulmer and Co. Cleveland-Bow, St. James's. *; UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. NOV 1 3 1961 Form L9-32m-8,'58(5876s4)444 DA Canning - 522 C2 Speeches 1818 Mm/ 1 Q DA 522 C2 1818 !N REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY A 000 952 071 9