,lNn-3Wv > v/._/g a RARYOc i aiFORto ^ rig 1 ^^WEUNIVER% ^lOSANCElfj;> %13DNVS01^ /\WEUN1VER% ^lOS^CElfx^ -^lUBRARYQr ^im\ ^ ^^ojiivDJo^ ^^ojn ^OFCAIIFO«>;^>^ ^OFCA "^AilHAINHJWV >&Aav =^ JN113WV ^NCEl£r^ mn^ ^UIBRARYOa^ -^lllBRARY^k^ ^ %0JnV3J0-^ ^;^ ^lOS^ iRARYOc^ ^\WEUNIVER% ^lOSANCEl£r^ AllFO«^ B m .5 .^laE^IMIVtB% vjiUBANCEiau. % 5:^iUBRARYQ<^ #UBI ^QFCAUFOfe ^OFC/ > ^^WEUNIVER%. ^lOSANCElfJV^ -Tl O ^ mms/A JNIVERS/^ C5 %a3AiNn-3«v^ ^ ^10SANCEI% %a3AIN(13WV^ -o^lUBRARYOc^ ^iUBRARYQ<^ m m r I or • =3 , ^^Aavaani^ -^Aiivfidiuv^ BRARYQr ^HlBRARYj?^ CAIIF0%. IS ivaaiH*^ ^lOSANCElfj^ o JIIVJJO'^ ^flOinVDJO"^ %l]DNVS01^ ^V!UNIVER%. . 31 1 %30NVS01^ "^/^ajAiNrt-aViV ^lOSANCElO^ %a3MNn]\\v In, ^lUBRAR^Oc^ ^aUBRARY^^ tINlVER% ^lOSANCElfj^ ^OFCA11FO%^ ^OFCAUFOff,^ t A MEMOIR OF CENTRAL INDIA, INCLUDING M A L W A, AND ADJOINING PROVINCES. WITH THE HISTORY, AND COPIOUS ILLUSTRATIONS, OF THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF THAT COUNTRY. BY MAJOR-GENERAL SIR JOHN MALCOLM, G.C.B. K.L.S IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: PRINTED FOR KINGSBURY, PARBURY, & ALLEN, LEADENHALL STREET. 1823. LONDON : >R1NTED BY S, AND R. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET. 1)S /yv~ PREFACE. The name of Central India, though new, and still indefinite as to the exact limits of the terri- tories it comprehends, has been adopted in this work because it is the appellation by which Malwa and the contiguous provinces are designated in the official records of the Supreme Government. This region was hardly to be traced in the best maps, and we knew little of its inhabitants be- yond the reports of that continued warfare and anarchy to which they had been exposed for the last thirty years, when the outrages committed by the hordes of plunderers to whom it had be- come a home, compelled us to enter it with our armies in order that we might subdue them. In January 1818 the Author was placed by the Marquis of Hastings in the military and po- ^ litical charge of Central India; and during the ; four years he filled that station, his own atten- y tion, and that of the able public officers under iv PREFACE. his authority, was directed to the object of col- lecting materials for the illustration of its past and present condition. These he formed into a report, which was transmitted to Calcutta, where it was printed by order of Government. Several copies were sent to England, from which copious extracts found their way into periodical publica- tions. This report having been drawn up amid the hurry of other duties, and when the Author was in a bad state of health, had many imper- fections that required to be corrected : he there- fore solicited permission from the Honourable Cornet of Directors to make it the groundwork of this memoir, which in consequence contain* the substance of that official document. Notwithstanding this advantage, the Author has found his task much more difficult than he had anticipated; and he almost despairs of attracting general readers to a work, which, although it con- tains much new and interesting matter, is neces- sarily filled with names harsh and unpleasant to an Englishman's ear, and fatiguing to his memory. He has, however, endeavoured to obviate this se- rious objection, by throwing many of the unavoid- able minute details into the notes, and transferring PREFACE. V others to a very full Appendix and compre- hensive Index. But, after all, these volumes must derive their chief merit from the collection of facts illustrative of the genuine history and cha- racter of the Natives of India, and from the fiscal and statistical information they contain. Though the previous studies and occupations of the Author had prepared him for the task he undertook; stiU there was such a blank to fill up; so little was known, and so much knowledge was indispensable before he could venture to transmit a report that was to be the foundation of public measures, that he would almost have shrunk from the undertaking, had he not been assisted in his researches by many public officers distinguished for their zeal, activity, and talents. Their desig- nations, the duties they performed, the nature of the communications they contributed, together with the other sources of information, are stated in the Appendix*. A perusal of this list will greatly enhance the value of the facts, and shew that they possess every requisite to estabUsh their authenticity. * Appendix, No. I. VI PREFACE. So favourable an opportunity has seldom oc- curred of observing the character of all ranks of the Natives of India, as that which the Author enjoyed. The situation in which he was placed enabled him to obtain the most minute infor- mation at a period when peculiar cnxumstances tended to bring every virtue and vice that be- longed to individuals or communities into pro- minent action; and if he has succeeded in con- veying this knowledge to the European reader, his object is attained. Throughout this work the Author has purposely abstained from making com- parisons between the habits, privileges, and con- dition of the inhabitants of Central India, and those of other parts of that vast continent. Such opportunities presented themselves at every page, but even a superficial notice of them would have swelled these volumes to an inconvenient bulk ; — besides this, it was thought, for many reasons, expedient to reject them, and to leave to others the task of comparing the facts stated, with in- formation derived from other sources. It ap- peared, however, incumbent on the Author to offer some general reflections on the fabric of the British power in the East; how far it has been PREFACE. vil affected by late conquests; and also to state his opinions regarding the species of administration best adapted to Central India and countries simi- larly situated. To this object he has devoted the concluding chapter, which contains the result of all his experience ; nor has he there recom- mended any measure which he does not, from sincere conviction, believe to be both practicable and indispensable. To explain this still farther, he may add, that there is not a sentiment therein expressed, which has not in substance, and nearly in words, been previously submitted, in a public or private form, to his official superiors, or to those whose duty it was to communicate with them ; and he believes, that although differences of opi- nion may exist, chiefly as to the mode of intro- ducing such arrangements, his suggestions are not essentially at variance with the sentiments enter- tained by the eminent persons to whom his letters were addressed. The Author need hardly state in this Preface, what a knowledge of the station he Med implies, that, in the prosecution of all his measures, he acted merely as the executive officer of the Su- preme Government. The peculiar circumstances viii / PREFACE. of the countries committed to his charge required that he should have great latitude of action, and this was granted to him with scarcely any restric- tion. Indeed, to this unlimited confidence, and to the personal as well as public support of the Marquis of Hastings, and the liberal and just principles of that nobleman's administration, he must ascribe that success with which his labours were attended. The Appendix will be found to contain some valuable papers. — A short memoir of the map, written by Lieutenant Gibbings, assistant-quarter- master-general, who constructed it, should have been included, but this useful document has unfortunately been lost; it becomes necessary, therefore, to state, that its contents shewed that the accompanying map of Central India was en- tirely composed from original and authentic ma- terials. These consisted of measured routes and military surveys, corrected by the tables of lati- tudes and longitudes furnished by Captain Dan- gerfield, whose scientific papers, ahke illustrative of the Geology and Geography of the countries he visited, will be noticed hereafter. PREFACE. ix For his kind aid in correcting the press, and for his opinions and observations on different parts of this work, the Author is under great obligations to Mr. W. Hamilton, a gentleman well known to the public by his Indian Gazetteer, and Description of Hindustan, works which have dif- fused a general knowledge of our Eastern pos- sessions beyond any that have been published. Mr. W. Hamilton has also digested a Geogra- phical Index of the Provinces, Cities, and Towns mentioned in the course of the Memoir. This useful compendium has, for more easy reference, been kept distinct from the General Index, and forms the concluding number of the Appendix.* * No. XIX. Pages ERRATA. 11 and 15, /or Baee read Bhye. 12, /.31, for Coone read Woone. 6% 9, - or — and. 193, 9, - was added — were added. 234, last, — was — were. 267, 21, — was — were. 307, 17, - is — are. 424, 26, — is — are. 445, 17, - that was — which were. 474, 9, — was -— were. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAPTER I. Page Observations on the Geography, Soili Climate, and Productions of Central India 1 CHAPTER II. History of Malwa 22 CHAPTER III. Mahratta Invasion of Malwa 59 CHAPTER IV. The Families of the Puars of Dhar and Dewass 97 CHAPTER V. Family of Sindia 116 CHAPTER VI. Family of Holkar 142 CHAPTER VII. Events at the Court of Holkar c 260 CHAPTER VIII. Ameer Khan 325 Xil CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. Page Nabobs of Bhopal 349 CHAPTER X. Rise, Progress, and Annihilation of the Pindarries 426 CHAPTER XI. The Rajpoot PriA'ces and Chiefs of Central India 463 CHAPTER XII. Government of the States of Central India 527 CHAPTER I. Observations on the Geography^ Soil, Climnte, and Productions of Central India. The prefixed Map of the country now termed Central India, comprises temtory from twenty-one to twenty-five degrees North latitude, and from seventy-three to eighty East longitude ; or from Chittore in Mewar North to the Taptee river South, and from Bundelcund East to Guzerat West. It includes aU those provinces which formerly belonged to the Soubah*, or Government * According to Abul Fazel, the author of the Institutes of Akber, whose authority most European geographers have followed, the Soubah of Malwa lies between the twenty- second and twenty-fifth degrees of North latitude, and the seventy-fifth and seventy-eighth of East longitude, being on VOL. I. B GEOGRAPHY, SOIL, CLIMATE, of Malwa. The general application of the latter term to such an extent of country appears to have had less reference to the original limits of that province, than to the convenience and usage of the Delhi Sovereigns ; whose vast empire was divided into Soubahs, or Governments, each of which was ruled by a Soubahdar or Viceroy ; and the principal province of the territories placed under the authority of the latter, generally gave its name to the whole. But we cannot have a stronger proof that these were political, not geographical denominations of countries, than we find in the changing boundaries of the different Soubahs of India under the Mahomedan rule. The fact is, that the mandates and institutions of the Moghul emperors were alike unequal to alter the established usages of their Hindu subjects, or to make them forget the names and limits by which India was known to their ancestors ; and they continued (whatever the Soubah was termed) to preserve the ancient divisions. Thus it ap- pears, that besides Malwa Proper, the depen- dant but separate countries of Harrowtee on the North-east of Nemaur to the South, and the tlie North bounded by Narwar and a range of hills, on the South by Boglanah, on the West by Ajmeer and Guzerat ; its extent from Nunderbar to Chunderry being two hundred and thirty coss, and from Gurrah to Banswarra two hun- dred and forty-five coss. AND PRODUCTIONS OF MAL^^A. hilly tracts of Rath, Baugiir, Kantul, and part of Mewar to the West and North-west, were in- cluded by Mahomedans in that province; which, according to Hindu record, supported by the strong evidence of marked natural boundaries, consists merely of the level elevated plain ex- tending North and South from the Vindhya mountains to the Chittore and Mokundra range, and East and West from Bhopal to Dohud ; within these limits it maintains an uniform cha- racter, and in no part can they be passed with- out a distinct change in the features and elevation of the country. Malwa Proper may, therefore, be concisely described as a table-land, in general open, and highly cultivated, varied with small conical and table-crowned hills and low ridges, watered by numerous rivers* and small streams, and favoured with a rich productive soil, and a mild cHmate, aUke conducive to the health of man, and the liberal supply of his wants and luxuries. * Amongst the principal rivers we may enumerate the Chumbul and Chumbla, the great and lesser Kali Sind, the Mhye, Seepra, Parbuttee, Newy, and Ahor. To these must be added, though not strictly within the limits of the pro- vince, the Nerbudda, which runs nearly East and West, and a few streams which run into it : all the other rivers of Malwa have a Northerly direction. The Mhye, which is in Guzerat, a broad fine stream, at- tains in Malwa no great size or body of water ; it has its rise b2 GEOGRAPHY, SOIL, CLIMATE, Malwa in only a few places attains a greater height above the level of the sea than two thou- sand feet; yet, from the uniform nature of the country through which the rivers that rise in this province find their way to the ocean, and the little variation in thek banks, we shall probably not err much in assigning this province a greater elevation than most parts between the Northern mountains of Hindustan and the Nerbudda. Though pro- bably the land of Omerkantah, where that river rises, may be higher, its elevation even will be found less than that of the great central table- range which divides the Southern parts of the peninsula of India. in a small plain five miles West of Amjherrah, and shortly after passing Bhopawur, pursues a Northerly course till it reaches the upper confines of Bagur, where the boundary hills give it a sudden turn Westward past Mongana : it is, however, soon diverted from this direction by the high pri- mary mountains of Mewar, which bend it South, and this course it pursues, with little deviation, till it falls into the sea in the Gulf of Cambay, near the town of that name. This river is not deemed navigable above twelve or fifteen miles from Its mouth, owing to its numerous shallows. The nominal source of the Chumbul is in a part of the Vindhya range, nine miles South-west of the cantonment of Mhow ; but this part of the river is dry in the hot season, during which it owes its waters to other tributary streams. The current of this river is in most parts gentle, its bed rocky, and its course through Malwa much obstructed by shallows ; but, after entering Harrowtee by an opening in the Mokundra range, it becomes a fine and deep stream. AND PllODUCTIONS OF MALWA. Excepting to the North-west, there is a rise to- wards the province of Malwa from all quarters : to the South it is elevated one thousand seven hun- di'ed feet above the Valley of the Nerbudda, or Nemaur; and this occurs in a very short distance,* from the abnipt ascent of the Vindhya mountains, which have little declivity towards the Noith. Though less strongly marked to the East and West, there is an equally well indicated ascent over the hilly tracts (branches of the Vindhya) which on the East pass Bhopai*, and on the West divide this province from Guzerat and Mewar. To the Noith-west there is an ascent to Mewar at the Chittore range, which is about two hundred By the minute surveys which have been made of its course, it appears that the Nerbudda is navigable for small craft from the sea to eleven miles above TuUuckwarrah, a distance of more than one hundred miles. Here commences a wild and hilly tract, which extends to a distance of ninety miles, in some parts of which the breadth of the river is so diminished, and its current so obstructed by rocks and shal- lows, that its navigation is altogether impossible. Above the Hurn Pahl, or Deer's Leap, it is narrow and rapid, but becomes again navigable about fifteen miles below Chiculdah, and with the exception of a few places where short land carriage might be established, continues so for some distance to the Eastward of Hoshungabad. * Bhopal, the capital of this province, forms on the East the same exact boundary as Dohud does on the West : one gate of Bhopal is considered in Malwa, whilst the opposite belongs to Gondwarrah. GEOGRAPHY, SOIL, CLIMATE, feet high ; but as the plain of Malwa declines to this point more than that amount, and the coun- 'try beyond it, or West of it, begins again to . descend, none perhaps but the highest lands of Mewar can be considered on a level with the Southern parts of Malwa. The temperature of Malwa is, in general, not only mild, but the range of the thermometer unusually small, excepting during the latter part of the year, when great and sudden changes often take place. Though during the two months immediately succeeding the rainy season (when the hilly and woody parts should be shunned) fe- vers prevail here as in other parts of India, yet the climate must, on the whole, be considered as salu- brious*, and, to those enervated by a long resi- dence in the lower and warmer plains of India, pleasant and invigorating. The seasons are those common to Western India, and may chiefly be distinguished as the rainy, the cold, and the hot. The fall of rain during the months of June, July, August, and September, is, in general, mild and regular, and may in common seasons be estimated at about fifty inches. During this season, the _^:V'^-*^- -t-r • * The prevailing complaint among the natives of Malwa is fever, and agues towards the close of the year. To the West of the Chumbul, an enlargement of the spleen is very ge- neral ; it has been ascertained that the cholera morbus, which has so lately spread over India as an epidemic, always exists as a disease in this province. AND PHODUCTIOXS OF MALWA. ^7 /i\ange of the thermometer is exceedingly small, seldom falling lower than 72° night and morning, -or rising higher than 76^ or T?*^ at noon. Though the mornings become cooler soon after the close of the rainy season, there is no very cold weather till the month of December: it continues all January, and part of February. In the latter month, iii 1820, the thermometer stood, at 6 o'clock in the morning, at 28'\ During the hot season which succeeds, the parching winds from the Northward and Westward, that prevail in most parts of India to an intense degree, are here comparatively mild and of short duration. The thermometer, how- ever, during the day rises sometimes as high as 98°; but the nights are invariably cool and re- freshing in Malwa. As consisting of a flat and basaltic formation,* no variety of metallic minerals can be looked for in Malwa. Iron ore of good quality is plentiful; and in the boundary hills and primary mountains of Mewar and Marwar, which extend to the North-west between this province, Guzerat, and * No. II. and No. III. of the Appendix are part of a Re- port from Captain Dangerfield, comprising his meteorological, geographical, and astronomical observations of the countries he visited. That scientific officer has also added his remarks on the geology of Central India, which he has ilUistiated by a sketch annexed to No. II. The meteorological register kept by Captain Dangerfield forms No. III. VOL. 1. B 4 GEOGEArHY, SOU., CI.TMATE, Aimeer, copper and lead mines are stated ta have been formerly worked to some extent, and with considerable profit ; but dming the late troubled times, this work was stopped, and it has not yet been resumed. The soil of Malwa, though generally ot httle depth, is celebrated for its fertiUty. It mostly con- sists of either a loose rich black loam, or a more compact ferrugineous mould; add to th.s the faciUty of artificial imgation, and few parts ot India will be found to possess more natural advan- tages, or to produce a greater variety of gram. Fruits were formerly in great abundance and perfection, and Abul Fazel mentions the lux- uriance which the vine attained in Malwa. A •» Of the vegetable productions of Malwa, the poppy for the extraction of opium is the principal, and constUutes a great portion of the export trade of that province Of th.s drug upwards of ten thousand maunds, or about 350000 pounds of avoirdupois weight, are annually produced, of which quantity six thousand maunds may be reckoned surplus for exportation. Amongst the grain we may chiefly enume- rate wheat, gram, peas, jowarry. bajrie, moong, oorud. In- dian corn, and toowur: of the two first the largest amount is exported. Rice is grown in small quantities for mternal use, but there is cultivated more than sufficient for home con- sumption, of sugar-cane, tobacco, cotton, linseed, teel or sweet-oil plant, garl.ck, turmeric, and ginger. Ind.go is also raised in small quantities; and the morindo citnfoha ,s. on account of its root, which affords an excellent red dye, and ,s a considerable article of commerce, reared to a great extent. AND PRODUCTIONS OF MALWA. mango is now produced, said to have been origi- nally introduced from Goa by the Mahrattas, ' which is, in size and flavour, in no degree inferior to those of its parent stock. But gardens have for the last thirty years received little attention in this province ; and the generality of its fruits are not remarkable for their quality, nor in great abundance. There are in Malwa and the adjoining provin-" ces many forests, several of which abovmd in fine timber, particularly the teak; but these will be noticed hereafter, as forming a valuable article of commerce. The animals, wild and tame, are the sairie as in other parts of India. Amongst the wilder classes inhabiting the hilly and woody tracts, we may enumerate the tiger, leopard, bear, wolf, hyaena, wild hog, antelope, neelgahee or white- footed antelope, sambre, and other deer si3ecies. The skin of the sambre, when well prepared, forms an excellent material for the military ac- coutrements of the soldiers of the Native Powers, and is exported to the neighbouring countries. Amongst domestic animals, the horned cattle are much esteemed, and constitute a large article of export. Sheep and goats are neither numerous, nor held in any estimation; but the neighbouring provinces of Ajmeer and Mewar produce them in great numbers, and of a good kind. Though horses are reared in Malwa, it has 10 GEOGRAPHY, SOIL, CLIMATE, never obtained a high reputation for the breed of that animal, arising in some measure from the proximity of the celebrated breeding province of Kattywar, and the preference given by the Mahomedans to the Northern horse, and by the Mahrattas to the fine race which they brought with them from the Deckan. Camels are seldom bred in Malwa, nor does the climate seem favourable to that animal ; they are mostly brought from the dry, sandy, and warmer plains of Marwar, where they are reared in great numbers, and of superior size and strength. Fish, of good size and flavour, abound in most of the rivers of Malwa; but as neither these, nor the small animals of chase and birds of prey and game, differ from those known in other parts of India, a distinct enumeration of them is unnecessary. Some of the cities and towns * of Malwa have * The principal cities and towns of Malwa are included in the following list : Oojein, Indore, Dhar, Rutlam, Nolye or Burnuggur, Katchrode, Ooneil, Mundissor, Jawud, Rampoorah, Bampoorah, Manassah, Auggur, Seronge, Bhilsah, Shujahalpoor, Ashta, Shahjehanpoor, Dewass, Dug, Gungraur, Tal, Mundawul, Mahidpoor, Sarungpoor, Bho- pal, Dohud, and Mandoo. Of these the most ancient is Oojein, which ranks high among the sacred cities noticed in the Puranas of the Hindus, and is mentioned by Greek historians ; but the modern Oojein stands two miles South of the former city, which is said to have been buried under a shower of earth, but which appears to me to have AND PRODUCTIONS OF MALWA. 11 been much celebrated both in ancient and modern history. Of some of these it is now difficult to trace the sites, or discover the names; but many been overwhelmed by the Sepra river, and the new city, which stands nearly as high, has been often threatened with a similar fate. Next in rank to Oojein, we may perhaps place Dhar, or Dharanugguree, as still called by the Hindus : it is probably the ancient Dharanuggur, but its importance in the authentic history of Malwa is chiefly derived from its becoming, on the transfer of the Government from Oojein, the seat of the princes of that province previously to their final establish- ment at Mandoo. This last city, though containing noble and interesting remains, has long since been entirely desolate : it will be hereafter noticed. Indore, as a city, is of modern date. That part of the Holkar capital called Old Indore, was a small village, the site of which pleased Alia Baee, who encamped at it after the death of Mulhar Row Holkar. She ordered the head officer of the district to remove to it from Kumpail ; and, having built a new city on the opposite or Western bank of the small clear stream which flowed past it, gave it the same name of Indore. Her partiality for this spot soon raised it to a state of comparative prosperity, though she continued through life to reside at the city of Mheysir. The origin of Bhilsah and Mundissor is involved in that fable which is common to all early Hindu history. The former is said to have been built by the Hindu demigod Ramchunder, and the latter by his son Dusrut, who gave his name to the city, which it retained till modern times, when it was corrupted by the Western Rajpoots to Dussore, and is now generally called INIundissor. Shujahalpoor and Shahjehanpoor derive their names from 12 GEOGRAPHY, SOIL, CLIMATE, deserve the notice of the antiquary, from the remains of architecture, sculpture, and inscriptions to be found amid then- ruins. their founders. The former was built by Shujah Khan, one of the most distinguished governors of Mahva, and the latter by the Emperor Shah Jehan, Seronge, corrupted from Sheer Gunge, derives its name and origin from its site, becoming the Gunge, or canton- ments, of the Emperor Sheer Shah. Rutlam was greatly increased, and, according to some ac- counts, entirely founded during the reign of Shah Jehan by Ruttun Singh, a Rhattore Rajpoot, on whom the district of which it is now the capital, was bestowed as a reward for military services. Nolye was built by Raja Nol, or Nowul. Its modern ap- pellation of Burnuggur has its origin in a strange vulgar superstition of names of bad omen, which must not be pronounced before the morning meal. The city is called either Nolye or Burnuggur, according to the hour in which its mention becomes necessary. Sarungpoor is an ancient city, and the head of a Sircar, or large division of the country. It was greatly improved by Baz Bahadur, the last Mussulman prince of Malwa who as- sumed the title of King. Bhopal, we are told, derived its name from its Rajpoot founder, the minister of the celebrated Hindu Raja Bhoj, and was built at the same time that his master formed the present district of Tal into a lake, and founded near it the city of Bhojpoor, now in ruins. Among the ruins which merit the attention of the anti- quary, we may mention those of the ancient town of Coone, in Nemaur, and the Caves of Baug in Rath, and those of Dumnar, near the Chumbul. AND PRODUCTIONS OF MALWA. 13 The small Province of Nemaur is that part of the VaUey of the Nerbudda which lies between Hindia East and Kotra West, and between the Vindhya range North and the Satpoorah South. Its length is about one hundred and thuty miles, and its general breadth from thuly to forty; but in the centre it may be reckoned above seventy. On the North bank of the Ner- budda, the boundary mountains seldom recede more than eighteen miles from its banks; and at the Hum Pahl*, or Deer's Leap, on the Western extremity of the province, the two ranges are merely divided by the river. The greater part of Nemaur is a fertile undidating plain, once perfectly open, flourishing, and highly cultivated, but of late years overgrown in many parts with low jungle, or brushwood. The Western portion on both sides the river, in- cluding Burwanee, Chiculdah, Durrempooree, Sultanabad, and as far as Kurgond, is generally level and cultivated; but the Eastern portion, from the West of the sacred Island of Mundattaf to * The name of the Hum Pahl is derived from the circum- stance of the river being here obstructed by large masses of basalt, rising about ten or eleven feet above the ordinary level of the stream, and giving passage to the river through three very narrow channels, across each of which, it is sup- posed, an antelope could bound. t This island, which is about thirty-eight miles above Mheysir, is the religious resort of Hindoo pilgrims from all 14 PROVINCE OF NEMAUR. Kautkote, is, on the Northern bank* of the Ner- budda, one mass or cluster of low hills covered with thick jungle, and almost entirely desolate, excepting on the immediate borders of the river, where some predatory Rajpoot chiefs found fast- nesses secure from pursuit, whence, till the esta- bhshment of the Enghsh power, they plundered the neighbom'ing districts from Asseer to the gates of Indore. On the Southern bank, for three or four miles from the river, the country has the same features as to the North; but be- yond that, it resembles other parts of the pro- vince, excepting that from the desertion or de- struction of its population, less cultivation ex- ists, and low jungle has in most parts taken its place. The soil of Nemaur is not dissimilar to that of Malwa, and its pasturage is reckoned peculiarly fine. Besides the Nerbudda, which traverses its whole length, it is weU watered by the several tributary streams of that river. The greatest part of the lands on the Northern bank of the Nerbudda belong to the Governments quarters, as containing the shrine of Onkar, one of the in- carnations of Mahadeo, and being considered one of his twelve places of residence on this earth. * The North of the Nerbudda from Kautkote to Nemawur opposite Hindia, is deemed by the natives part of Gond- warrah ; and the inhabitants speak the Gondee dialect. PROVINCE OF NEMAUR. of Dhar and Holkar, excepting the small district of Bancaneer, which is the property of Sindia, and some of the hilly parts of the province, which Rajpoot and Bheel chiefs continue to possess. Mheysir must be considered the principal, and almost only place of note in Nemaur. This ancient city, which is pleasantly situated on the Nortli- erri bank of the Nerbudda, with a fort elevated above the town, has long been, as well as its attached lands, accounted a distinct portion of territory, probably from having been under the immediate management of the head of the Holkar family, when it was their capital. That benefit which it formerly derived from being the residence of Alia Baee, is now given to it as containing the ashes of that great and venerated woman. Public buildings of different kinds are erecting, and a most spacious and highly finished flight of stone steps fi'om the town to the river, meant, with ad- joining temples, to be dedicated to her memory, is nearly completed. With the exception of the small district of Bur- wanee, the greatest part of Southern Nemaur con- sists of the ancient Sircar, or Government, of Bee- jaghur, the name of which is now only preserv^ed in the ruins of the capital, situated within the limits of a large hill-fort in the Satpoorah range. This sircar, like others, underwent, during the Mahomedan sway, different modifications. One writer mentions that, in the eighth year of the 16 PIIOVINCE OF NEMAUR. reign of Shah Jehan, the Sircar of Beejaghur, part of the Hindia district, and some others in the space between the Nerbudda and the Tap- tee, were directed to be incorporated into the Soubah of Candeish ; and Abul Fazel calls Bee- jaghur the capital of Candeish, and states it to have been for a long time the residence of its viceroy. These arbitrary changes confirm what has been said regarding the usage of the Delhi Government. Hindu tradition, corroborated by names of districts and by diiference of language (a very strong testimony), places as the Southern boundary of Nemaur the Satpoorah range ; ac- cording to them, the hill fort of Asseer * is the boundary of the two provinces, and by some it is said to be half in Nemaur, and half in Candeish. From the Vindhya range on the Western ex- tremity of Nemaur, there extends North a hilly tract separating Malwa from Guzerat, whose ge- neral breadth is from fifty to seventy miles, and which is terminated by the Southern and Western boundaries of Mewar. The Southern portion of this tract, which lies between Tandlah and the Nerbudda, constitutes what the Hindus term * This strong fortress, according to popular tradition, derives its name from its founder Assa, a rich and celebrated Hindu, Zemindar, or landholder, of the Aheer tribe, and by corruption Assa Aheer has been converted to Asseer. PROVINCE OF RATH. 17 Rath, and contains the several petty states of Jabooah, Ally, Babra, Jobut, and the lands of their several dependent chiefs, the gi^eat proportion of whose subjects are Bheels. Though a con- siderable portion of this district consists of rocky hills, and thick forests, yet many fertile and well-watered valleys lie amidst the successive ranges of its hills, which pursue almost inva- riably a Northerly direction, nearly parallel and equidistant. This country forms an intermediate step, elevated above Guzerat, and rising towards Malwa; but it is neither in climate, nor pro- duction, equal to the latter. Rath has, with the exception of the capitals of the petty states, few large towns or villages. Amongst the former, Jabooah principally merits notice, from its romantic situation in a small rich valley, near the base of a low range of hills. The hiUs of Rath abound in iron ore ; and the forests afford, besides^ the teak and bamboos, many timber-trees, adapted not only to building, but to many other useful and ornamental pur- poses. There are several well-frequented roads through this province, connecting Malwa with Guzerat. The province of Bagur is a continuation of the same hilly tract as Rath, from which it is divided by merely a narrow slip of Malwa, which projects into it from Paitlawud to Dohud. It is VOL I. c 18 PROVINCE OF BAGUR. bounded on the North by Kantul and Mewar, and East and West by Malwa and Guzerat. The country in no point differs from that of Rath but in the lesser number of its streams, fewer valleys, and less cultivation, excepting on its Northern extremity, where the soil is good and fruitful. The principal part of the inhabitants of Bagur are Bheels and Meenas of the cultivating classes, under the authority of Rajpoot chiefs and Thakoors, or Barons. The greater part of this province belongs to the petty Princes of Banswara and Dongur- poor, whose capitals, with Saugwara, are the only places of any note in the country. Many ruined towns, villages, temples, and interesting Hindu antiquities, are scattered over its Northern portion, indicative of a former state of pros- perity and cultivation. The roads through it leading by Dongurpoor and Lunawara into Guze- rat, are good, and much travelled upon. From its extensive and thick forests, fevers of a malig- nant nature are prevalent during the two months immediately succeeding the rainy season ; nor can the chmate at any period of the year be deemed pleasant or salubrious. Kantul is a small district rather than a province, lying between Bagur and Mewar, and extending Westward from Mundissor to the Banswara and Odeypoor territories. Its length is about forty miles, and breadth from twenty to twenty-five PROVINCE OF KANTUL. 19 miles. It comprises the principal part of the ter- ritories of the Raja of Pertaubghur. His capi- tal is a large fortified town, but his chief residence has always been at Dewla, twelve miles West of it. The gi^eater part of the country is level, open, and well cultivated. It is much higher than Bagur, being nearly of the same elevation as that part of Malwa* which it adjoins. Roads to Guzerat, Kattywar, and Cutch, lead through this province. The soil of Kantul is good, and produces opium and other crops similar to those of Malwa. It is well watered by smaU tributary streams of the Mhye : that river passes near its Southern boundary. The province of H arrowtee lies on the North- east extremity of Malwa, and is separated from it by the Mokundra hills, and the continuation of the Chittore range. It possesses the general features and the same natural advantages as Malwa, with the exception of its climate, which, from its more elevated hilly girdle, is much warmer, and less salubrious. Its elevation differs little from that of the adjoining part of Malwa; and it is fertilized by some of the same rivers f, which in * Some intelligent Hindus whom I have spoken to, account part of Kantul in Malwa ; but the name signifies border or boundary. t Kali Sind, Chumbul, Ahor, &c. c2 20 PROVINCE OF HARROWTEE. their passage through this district become consi- derable streams. The principal towns are Kotah, Pattun, and Boondee, the first and last of which are the capitals of the Rajpoot princes who divide this province. Pattun, or, as it is commonly called, Jalrapattun, founded by the Raj Rana Zalim Singh of Kotah, has within twenty years risen from a village to be one of tlie most beau- tiful and opulent cities in Malwa. The hiQy belt which forms the Eastern boun- dary of the level plains of Malwa, and which ap- pears to divide that province from Bundelcund in the same way as Rath and Bagur separate it from Guzerat, contains the small provinces of Chan- derry, Keechewarra, and Aheerwara. This limit to the Eastward does not correspond with that as- signed by Abul Fazel, who computes the breadth of the soubah from GuiTah to Banswara at two hundred and forty-five coss*: a distance which compels us to conclude, that, of three Gurrahs in this quarter, that termed Gurrah Mundelah, or Gurrah Jubbulpoor, is the one alluded to. The circumstance of this last district, which, like Ne- maur, lies along the Nerbudda below the Vindhya range, having several countries between it and the * The Coss is, in general, estimated at forty-two to the degree, but its length differs in almost every province of India. It may be computed as never under a mile and a half, and never (except in that introduced by the mandate of the late Tippoo Sultan in Mysore) more than two miles. PROVINCE OF HARROWTEE. 21 plains of Malwa little connected with the latter, and whose inhabitants speak a different dialect, is no reason why these lands should not have been included in the soubah of that name, as consti- tuted under the Delhi government. But there appears every reason to believe, that Malwa was originally bounded by the hilly tract already no- ticed, which, touching Narwar on the North, connects it with Harrowtee and the Chittore range, and joins on the South-east the Vindhya mountains, which, throughout, form the most marked of aU the natural Ijoundaries of the pro- vince. CHAPTER 11. History of Maiwa. The history of Malwa is involved in darkness and fable. Oojein, which may still, from its superior magnitude, be deemed the capital of this province, has perhaps more undoubted claims to remote antiquity than any inhabited city in India; it being not only mentioned in the sacred volumes of the Hindus, but in the Periplus of the Ery- threan sea, and by Ptolemy. We find, in Indian manuscripts, Malwa noticed as a separate province eight hundred and fifty years before the Christian sera, when Dunjee, to whom a divine origin * is given, restored the power of the Brahmins, which, it is stated, had been destroyed by the Bud- dhists, many remains of whose religion are stiU to be found in this part of India. In the excavation of a mountain near Bang, we trace, both in the form of the temples, and in that of the figures and * This tale is supposed by some to refer to his being one of the Soorujbuns, or Solar race; but most accounts deem Dunjee a Bheel, and there can be no doubt that de- graded race enjoyed power in this part of the country at a very remote period. HISTORY OF MALWA. 23 symbols which they contain, the peculiar charac- teristics of the Buddhist* worship. According to Hindu records, the family of Dunjee had reigned three hundred and eighty- seven years, when Putraj, the fifth in descent, dying without issue, Adut Puar (a Rajpoot f prince) ascended the throne, establishing the Puar i dynasty, which continued upwards of one thousand and fifty-eight years to rule over Malwa. During the period that Dunjee's family held Malwa, we find no particular mention of them until about seven hundred and thuty years before Christ, when Dunjee's successor is said to have shaken off his dependence on the sovereign of Delhi. We lose even these indistinct traces of Malwa after the above period, till near our own * The principal Buddha is not so old as eight centuries be- fore Christ ; his age has been accurately ascertained, by coin- cident astronomical calculations, to be about five centuries and a half before Christ (vide Asiatic Researches). There are, however, strong reasons for conjecturing, that there were several Buddhas, often confounded with each other ; the first, about one thousand years before Christ, the second about five hundred and fifty years before Christ, and a third about two hundred and fifty years after Christ. t Rajpoot, literally son of a Raja or prince, is the generic name for one of the first and most numerous classes, who are called Khetri, or the military, and form the second of the four castes into which the Hindus are divided. I Puar is the distinguishing name of a Rajpoot family, or clan, still numerous in Malwa. 24 HISTORY OF MALWA. sera, when Vicramaditya, a prince whom all Hindu authors agree in describing as the encou- rager of learning and the arts*, obtained sove- reignty. According to the Hindu authorities, Vicramaditya had no estate assigned him by his father, and lived for a considerable time with his illegitimate brother Buitree at Oojein, the capital of the kingdom of Malwa, of which Burtree was governor. A quarrel, however, arising between the brothers, Vicramaditya left Oojein, and tra- velled for a considerable period in great poverty over Guzerat and other parts of India. On his return to Malwa, he found that his brother, dis- gusted at the infidelity of his wife, had resigned all worldly concerns, and become a reUgious men- dicant. He therefore assumed charge of the province, and from that period commenced a ca- reer which led to the establishment of his power over the gi^eatest part of India. He is said to have restored the Hindu monarchy to that splen- dour which it had lost in consequence of a suc- cession of weak monarchs, whose characters had encouraged the governors of distant provinces to rebel, and to form the territories committed to * We owe to Vicramaditya, or, as lie is more commonly called, Vicramajeet, the sera known by his name, and which is at this day in general use over a great part of India. It is computed, like the Christian a^ra, by the solar year, and commences fifty-six years before Christ. Vide Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 144. HISTORY OF MALWA. 25 their charge into independent states. But this account of Vicramaditya has as yet been sup- ported by no substantial proof, though we must conchide, from his great name and reputation over all India, that his power was very extended. Of the successors of Vicramaditya, nothing oc- curs worthy of notice till the eleventh in descent, the celebrated Raja Bhoj *, whose name stands high in Hindu traditions. This prince changed * The history of Bhoj is, like that of Vicramaditya, blended with fable. He is stated to have vowed, in expiation of the sacrifice made by his mother, of her own life, to give him birth, to erect mounds to arrest the streams of nine rivers and ninety-nine rivulets. He discovered a district in his territories singularly calculated to facilitate the performance of this vow, and by building a great mound between two hills, which arrested the current of nine rivers and ninety- eight lesser streams, he formed the whole into a great lake. The mound said to have been made by him, was sub- sequently destroyed, and the streams (among which is the Betwa) allowed to pursue their courses. The space of coun- try which was covered with water is asserted to be the modern district of Tal, or the Lake ; and it is one of the most fruitful and populous in the principality of Bhopal. Bhoj- poor, once a great city, and situated near the ruins of the mound, is at this moment only a large village; but it still bears its former name, and the ruins of many buildings and temples attest its antiquity. The remaining (ninety-ninth) stream was, according to the above legend, dammed by the minister of Raja Bhoj, whose name, Bhopal, was given to a village built near the dam that forms the lake, on the bank of which the present city of Bhopal is situated. 26 HISTORY OF MALWA. the seat of government from Oojein to Dhar, where it continued till transferred to Mandoo by the Mahomedan conquerors of Malwa. On the death of Jye Chund, who succeeded Raja Bhoj, none of the Puars being deemed worthy of the crown, it was placed on the head of Jeetpaul, a Rajpoot chief*, who established the Towur dynasty f, which lasted one hundred and forty-two years. It was succeeded by that of the Chouhans I, w hich began in the person of Jugdeo, and lasted one hundred and sixty-seven years. The fourth of this dynasty. Raja Basdeo, assumed im- perial titles, and, we are informed, carried the arts to gi'eat perfection, and in every respect increased the fame and prosperity of his country. During the reign of Maldeo, the last of this dynasty (and we may almost say of the Hindu * This chief is termed in the manuscript from which I write, a Zemindar, or landholder, according to the literal translation of the word; but this term has been very generally used by Mahomedan writers to designate the officer who pre- sides over the Revenue Collectors of a province, whose situa- tion is, from Hindu usage, hereditary, and who, being of the class of Zemindars, or landholders, is, by distinction, called ** the Landholder, or Zemindar, of his Native province." t This dynasty was called Towur from the name of the family, or rather clan of Rajpoots, to which they be- longed. X The Chouhan Rajpoots are to this day one of the highest and most powerful of the military tribes of Malwa. HISTORY OF MALWA. 27 princes of Malwa), part of the province was seized by Aunundeo, a chief of the tribe of Vaisya*. But on the death of the former, not only Malwa, but a great part of the Delhi empii'e, fell under the Mahomedan dominion. In the conclusion of this short view of the first princes of Malwa, it is to be remarked, that all accounts, written or traditionary, combine to prove that it was a dependency of the Hindu empire of Delhi ; though, like other divisions of the empire, its princes frequently assumed sovereign power, and maintained it through several generations. It would be alike useless and tedious to trace mi- nutely the history of Malwa for a long period after the first IVIahomedan conquest, which exhibits nothing but a series of troubles, in which this province almost lost its rank as a distinct divi- sion of ancient India, f Its boundaries, subse- quently to this date, varied with the success of its several usurpers. One fact, however, appears clear, that the country was only partially sub- dued. We find Hindu princes and chiefs, in * The tribe of Vaisya is the third of the four castes of the Hindus, and their allotted occupation is trade ; but this is one of many instances of individuals stepping out of their prescribed limits. t Malwa, we are told by Ferishta, was one of the fifty king- doms into which India was divided at the earliest period of Hindu government. 28 HISTOllY OF MALWA. almost every district, opposing the progi^ess of the invaders, and often with such success* as to esta- blish dynasties of three or four generations, who ruled over a considerable part of the country. These revolutions continued to be frequent till the more complete conquest of Bahadur Shah, which took place during the reign of Shah Udeen of Delhi, who put that leader to death, and ap- A.D. 1387. pointed to the government of Malwa, Dilawur Khan Ghoree; who, taking advantage of the flight of Mahomed Toghluck, and the confusion into which India was thrown by the invasion of Timur, assumed the titles and ensigns of royalty. He fixed his capital at the city of Dhar, which still presents, in the ruins with which it is surrounded, the history of this change. The materials of its finest temples appear to have been appropriated to build palaces and mosques f for its new sovereign. This city did not, however, long remain the capital of the Mahomedans. Alif Khan (the son of Dila- wur Khan), who became celebrated under the * Kummur Udeen, the second in descent from Shaikh Shah Ghizni, who first invaded the province, was slain by Cheetpal, a chief of the race of Maldeo. t I took, when last at Dhar, a fine polished stone tablet of large dimensions, on which there was a Hindu inscription, from a ruined mosque, where this sacred writing had been placed as the floor of the Mumbur, or pulpit, of the Maho- medan place of worship. HISTORY OF MALWA. 29 name of Hoshiing Shah, removed the seat of^.D. i404. govermiient to Mandoo*. Mandoo lies nearly South-east, and at a distance of fifteen miles from Dhar, and had been irre- gularly fortified, according to the Hindu accounts, by a prince of the name of Jye Singh Deof, but we never find it mentioned as a capital, and, though it was before inhabited, we may refer its origin, as a place of any importance, to Hoshung Shah, on whose death it became the seat of go- vernment of his family. The site of Mandoo v/as very inviting. The space chosen by Hoshung Shall for his futvu'e ca- pital is thirty-seven miles in circumference. It extends along the crest of the Vindhyat range * Ferishta. t This prince, according to Hindu fable, was assisted in accomplishing his work by the possession of the Parus Puttur, or philosopher's stone, which was found during his reign by a grass-cutter. Its properties were discovered by a black- smith, who carried it to Jye Singh Deo, who after using it to make gold enough to defray the expense of build- ing Mandoo, is said to have given it to the priest of his family, who, displeased at receiving a stone, threw it, before its value was explained to him, into the Nerbudda. When sensible of what he had done, he sprang into the river, in the vain hope of recovering it ; but his efforts to reach the bottom were in vain. Credulous Hindus believe that at the place where this occurred, the Nerbudda became and continues to be unfathomable. X The Vindhya range of mountains have been described in the preceding chapter. They may be termed, in every 30 HISTORY OF MALWA. about eight miles, and is parted from the table- land of Malwa, with which it is upon a level, by an abrupt and rugged valley of unequal depth, but nowhere less than two hundred feet, and generally from three to four hundred yards in breadth. On the brink of this valley, (which, after rounding the city, descends in the form of wide and rugged ravines to the lower country, both to the East and West,) and on the summit of the ridge of the Vindhya mountains, which form the Southern face of Mandoo, a wall of considerable height was built, which, added to the natural strength of the ground, made it unassailable by any but regular attack ; and this advantage, which gave security to property, combined with the salubrity of the air, abundance of water, and the rich nature of the ground that was encircled within the limits of the new capital, caused it early to attain a state of great prosperity. Hoshung Shah, though his reign commenced in adversity *, afterwards acquired great fame. He engaged in hostilities with the princes South of the Nerbudda; and to facilitate operations against part where they touch this province, the South-western wall of Malwa. These mountains, which are called Vindian by the Greeks, are mentioned in the sacred volumes of the Hindus under the name here given. Vide Sir Wnu Jones's Works, vol. i. p, 23. * He was made prisoner by the Prince of Guzerat, almost immediately after he ascended the throne. HISTORY OF MALWA, 31 the Hindu Prince of Gondwarra *, he built a town and fort on the left bank of the Nerbudda, to which he gave his ownf name. This involved him in hostilities with the Mahomedan kings of the Bahminian :|: dynasty, which were attended with various fortune, but he was ultimately suc- cessful. He defeated and slew Nursingh, the ruler of Gondwarra, and took his rich capital of Kirlah, which with the adjoining country re- mained in his possession. Hoshung died imme- a.d.1433. diately after this success, having reigned thirty years. His remains were brought from Hoshung- abad to his new capital of Mandoo ; and the noble mausoleum which was erected over them, is still in excellent preservation. Hoshung Ghoree was succeeded by his son (Ghizni Khan§), a weak and dissolute sovereign. This prince was dethroned by his minister Ma- a. D. 1435. * Gondwarra means, literally, the country of the Gonds, a low tribe of Hindus, who at no remote period possessed almost the whole of that country to the South-east of the Nerbudda, which before the war of a.d. 1818 formed the extended dominions of the Mahratta Prince of Nagpoor. t Hoshungabad, commonly, but improperly called Husing- abad. t This was one of those dynasties established in the Deckan. For a particular account of them, vide Scott's Deckan, vol. i. § In the Ayeen Akbery this prince is called Hussein Khan, and is said to have been imprisoned by his successor Mahomed Khiljee. 32 HISTOHY OF MALWA. homed Khiljee, whose conduct, after he attained power, redeemed the crime of usurpation. It was to this prince that Mandoo owed its fame and splendour ; and the magnificent tomb over Ho- shung Shah, and the college and palaces that he built, give testimony of his respect for the memory of his benefactor, and of a regard and consideration for his su1>jects, that entitle him to that high repu- tation which he has attained among the Maho- medan princes of India. His reign, which lasted thirty-four years, appears, from Ferishta's account, to have been a scene of constant action. His life was passed in camp; but with the exception of the invasion of Malwa by Ahmed Shah, monarch of Guzerat, the operations of Mahomed Khiljee were beyond the limits of his own kingdom, the subjects of which enjoyed a prosperity and repose proportioned to the activity and energy of their warlike prince. Though living almost always in the field, his taste and magnificence adorned and enriched every part of his territories ; and, besides the monuments of his splendour which have been already noticed, there are ruins of many palaces* built by him at Nalcha, a town beau- * I fitted up one of these old palaces for a residence dur- ing the hot weather : it was not only necessary to clear away the bushes and briars with which its rooms were overgrown, but a tigress and two cubs were driven off by the workmen, from the den into which they had converted one of the sub- terranean chambers of this once proud palace of kings. HISTORY OF MALWA. 33 tifully situated six miles North of Mandoo, on the verge of the rich open country which here ap- proaches those mountains and great ravines, by which the site of that capital has been described as bounded and defended. Ferishta* dwells with delight on the character of this prince, who was, he obsei^v^es, " polite, brave, just, and learned." Hindus and Maho- medans, he describes as alike happy under his reign; and it was his policy to unite them in the ties of concord and amity. His chief pleasure was to hear read the histories of former times, but par- ticularly the biography of great and distinguished men. " The useful knowledge, however, of those " among whom he lived, was (the historian con- " eludes) that in which he had the most pride, " and in which he most excelled." There can be little doubt from concurring tes- timonies, that it was 'under the government of Mahomed Khiljee, that Malwa reached its highest prosperity as a kingdom. But this prince, never- theless, experienced during a life of constant action, some very serious reverses. He had at one time lost his throne, through a conspiracy of * An account of the kings of Mandoo is to be found in several works. I believe that there is none more authentic than Ferishta, though other authors give a fuller detail of their actions, particularly the writer of the Maasur ul Omrah, or " The remains of the Nobles," a book of merited reputation. VOL. I. D 34 HISTORY OF MALWA. his nobles, but was reseated upon it by the aid of Sultan Muzuffer of Guzerat. On another occa- sion, he was taken prisoner by Khoombhoo Ranah of Chittore, who generously restored him to liberty and dominion. We find the cities of Chanderee, Islamabad, Hoshungabad, and Earlah, described within the limits of his territories, which were bounded to the South by the Satpoorah range, extended West to the frontier of Guzerat, and jEast to Bundelcund. His authority was esta- blished in a Northerly direction, to Mewar and Harrowtee ; and we read of this prince levying tri- bute on the Rajpoot princes of Chittore, Cumul- nere, and others, by marching at different periods an army into their countries to make collections. But it appears from all the historians and records of that time, especially those of the Hindus, that some of the Rajpoot princes, particularly the Ranahs of Chittore, maintained a very arduous struggle with their Mahomedan neighbours, over whom they gained many and important victories. The resources of Mahomed Khiljee may in some degree be estimated by his great expenditure on public edifices, and the large army he main- tained. Ferishta states, that he invaded Guzerat with an army of one hundred thousand men. This is probably exaggerated ; but, even admitting it, his disbursements appear so disproportioned to what the revenues of his actual territory could have supported, that we must conclude, that his I HISTORY OF MALWA. 35 treasury was annually replenished by his foreign expeditions, and that, like many other warlike sovereigns, while he was considered by his own subjects as a just and powerful protector, he was viewed by the inhabitants of neighbouring coun- tries as a plundering invader and oppressor. Gheass Udeen Khiljee, the son and successor of a.d.mgs. Mahomed Khiljee, is represented as being (though brought up to share the toils and glory of his father) early satiated with power and dominion. He committed the cares of government to others, devoting himself to sensual pleasm'es. His pa- lace at Mandoo is said to have contained five hundred beautiful women, whose numbers have been exaggerated by some writers to three times that amount. This prince reigned thiity-three years; and it is a remarkable proof of the energy and wisdom of his father's government, that a kingdom like Malwa, surrounded with turbulent neighbours, suffered no diminution of territory under his indolent and luxurious successor. The life of Gheass Udeen was, according to some writers, terminated by his son Noorudeen. This fact is questioned, and treated as improbable by Ferishta. But the record which that historian gives of the reign of this prince, is not calcidated to disprove the accusation. Though active and brave, he appears to have been the slave of his passions, and Hindus and Mahomedans were alike disgusted by the indecent scenes of his debauchery ; d2 36 HISTORY OF MAIAVA. and his death (which happened after a reign of eleven years) was caused by using the cold bath, when in a fever from excessive drinking. That Noorudeen, with all his vices, left the wealth and splendour of his kingdom unimpaired to his son Mahmood, is proved by one fact : ac- cording to respectable writers, seven hundred ele- phants in velvet housings walked at the coronation ceremony of the young prince through the streets of Mandoo. The peace of the reign of Mahmood was dis- turbed by the intrigues of his brothers, one of A.D. 1512. whom* seized upon Chanderee. To suppress these rebellions in his family, he had recourse to the aid of the Rajpoot or Hindu soldiers of his kingdom, and, according to Mahomedan authority, he delivered over the defence of his person and do- minions to his minister Maderay Roy, who was of that tribe. But he soon became sensible of his error, and endeavoured to repak it by the dis- charge of a great part of his army. This, how- ever, created first a mutiny, and afterwards hostili- ties between the Rajpoots and the Mahomedans; from the dangers of which Mahmood escaped, by flying to Guzerat, the reigning monarch f of which * This chief, Baber observes in his Institutes, was encou- raged and supported by Sultan Sekunder and Sultan Ibrahim at Delhi ; and the latter, when Mahmood Shah died, displaced his son, and put one of his own officers in charge of Chande- ree, which was taken from him by the Ranah of Chittore. t Muzuffer Shah, King of Guzerat, is said to have desired HISTORY OF MALWA. 37 received him with open arms. An army marched to restore the royal fugitive, who succeeded, after a siege of several months, in taking Mandoo by storm. Nineteen thousand Rajpoots (including those who sacrificed themselves rather than sur- vive defeat) are stated to have fallen on this memorable occasion. The monarch of Guzerat returned to his own territories, leaving three thousand of his cavahy to aid Mahmood in the wars he had to undertake against those Hindus, whom his unwise confidence had placed in pos- session of every strong hold in his kingdom. There are good grounds to conclude that the above statement is not quite correct, and that Ma- homedan authors have referred those misfortunes to treachery and family discord, which had then' chief source in the valour and ability of Ranah Sunka, prince of Chittore, and at this period the acknowledged head of the Rajpoots. The Emperor Baber, in his Memoirs of his own tune, mentions the victories of this celebrated Hindu prince over Shah Mahmood, and states that he took from him a number of provinces. Baber specifies among those, Rathghur, Sarungpoor, Bilsah, and Chan- deree. The royal author, in a subsequent passage, to use Mahmood as an instrument of his ambition ; but he was not the only Mahomedan prince who aided that monarch. The troops of the Prince of Candeish, and several other Mahomedan chiefs, joined to overthrow the supremacy the Hindus had established in Malwa. 38 HISTORY OF MALWA. relating his own conquests, mentions his having taken the latter city from the Rajpoot prince. " In the year of the Hejira 934, (he observes) ** through the Divine favour, I took in a few hours " Chanderee by storm. It was commanded by " Maderay Roy, one of the highest and most dis- " tinguished of Ranah Sunka's officers. I slew all " the infidels, and from the city of hostility which " it had long been, I converted it into the city of " the Faith." The fact appears to be, that in the decline of the Khiljee dynasty, the Rajpoots made a strenuous effort to recover that sovereignty which they had lost over Malwa, and were alone prevented from accomplishing the object by the rising fortune of the new dynasty of the sove- reigns of Delhi. Mahmood Shah had made some progress in the reestablishment of his power, when he unfortu- nately gave protection to the fugitive brother of Bahadur Shah, King of Guzerat, and provoked, by this imprudence, the attack of that monarch, which terminated in his death and the destruc- tion of his family. Mandoo was taken by Bahadur Shah ; the unfortunate Mahmood was sent, with his wives and children, to be confined in the for- tress of Powarghur; and on an attempt being made to release him, he was put to death at the town of Dohud, where he is interred. From the occurrence of the above event to the conquest of Malwa by the emperors of Delhi (a HISTORY OF MALWA. 39 period of thirty-seven years) that province was a scene of successive revolutions. Bahadur Shah was expelled by Humayoon ; but on the flight of the latter to Persia, Mulloo Khan, an officer of a. d. 1536. the Khiljee government, succeeded in obliging the imperial officers to abandon a gi^eat part of the kingdom, of which he was crowned king at Man- doo, under the title of Sultan Kauder Malwy. By the latter appellation, which designated him as an inhabitant of Malwa, it was probably his wish to obtain the aid of those feelings of pride, which might lead natives of the province to assert its right of independence. He was, however, com- pelled to seek refuge in Guzerat, when attacked a. d. 1542. by the Emperor Shere Shah, who placed Shujal Khan, an officer of high rank and character, in the government of Malwa. This Omrah (who among other monuments of his magnificence has left the city of Shujahalpoor, which he founded) was succeeded by his son MuUee Bayized, who after- a. d. 1555. wards assumed the title of Baz Bahadur, and es- tabHshed for a short period an independent power. Though a; brave soldier, he appears to have given himself over to indolence, and to the indulgence of pleasure. His love for Roop Muttee*, a Hindu * This celebrated female was a dancing^-girl of Saharun- poor. She was even more famed for her sense and accom- plishments than herbeauty. There are the remains of a splendid palace in Mandoo, built by her royal lover for the residence of this favourite. 40 HISTORY OF MALWA. beauty, was carried to great excess, and led to many acts of extravagant folly, which are still commemorated in popular tales and songs. But Baz Bahadur was roused from such dreams of A. D. 1560. enjoyment by the arrival of an army from Delhi. He fled to the governor of Asseer, and with his aid, and that of the Mahomedan prince of Berar, he obtained some advantages over the imperial troops ; the general of which was forced, in his turn, to retreat. This success, however, was of short duration : another army from Delhi drove A.D. 1561. him from his country; and its subsequent invasioji by Akber in person, put a complete end to the contest. Malwa was annihilated as a separate A. D. 1567. kingdom, and reduced to the condition of a pro- vince, in which it remained, subjected to the same changes and revolutions that affected the other divisions of the empire, till it was conquered by the Mahrattas. The Mahomedan monarchs of Malwa attained, at one period, a very considerable degree of power. From their coins, of which there are numbers to be obtained, they appear to have assumed all those proud and pompous titles which it is the usage of Mahomedan princes to do. It is not easy, at so remote a period, to judge with accuracy even the general character of their government; but the magnificent ruins of Mandoo*, and the numerous * It has been already mentioned that the walls of this noble city were in extent thirty-seven miles: I obtained HISTORY OF MALAGA. 41 remains of towns and villages on spots now desolate, prove that this province must, under their sway, have attained very great prosperity. There is one part of the records of the zemindars of this city, and the following is, according to one of the oldest papers of this collection, an account taken by measurement of the contents of the whole of the ground within this circumference. The document is rendered more curious, from giving the exact dimensions occupied by buildings, as well as by baths, tanks, rivers, mountains, and cultivations, and thereby enabling us to judge with tolerable correctness of the degree of splendour it had obtained. The following is the detail of square Begahs within the Fort of Mandoo. Begahs. Nemazur, 2555 Baths, .... 400 Small Hills or Ridges, . 2350 Gardens or Orchards, 363 Mosques, 705 Wells, large and small, . 310 King's Palaces, 500 Caravansaries or Serais 305 The Laul Bag, a royal Garden or Pleasure Ground, 200 Twelve Bazar Roads, . • 147 Tagur Tallau (a great Tank or reservoir,) . 910 Small Tanks, . . 263 Inhabited, . . 2258 Cultivated, . < 845 Enaums grant to Zemindar, Begahs 125 11,416 But the Poran or suburbs of Jaumnea, Huneree, and Nandlah, were within the walls, and, as they occupied a space of 2258 Begahs, this added to the above, made 42 HISTORY OF MALWA. fact, however, certain, that they never completely subdued the Rajpoot princes and petty chiefs in theu^ vicinity, and indeed within the precincts of then- kingdom. The bravest and wisest of the princes of this race seem to have pursued the po- licy of the emperors of Delhi, in regard to these brave Hindus — to have been content with nomi- nal submission, a moderate tribute, and occasional mihtary service. This is proved from the condi- tion in which the Rajpoot chiefs appeared, when- ever invited or provoked to opposition, by the weakness or wickedness of their Mahomedan su- periors. A full account of the Rajpoots, who form so great a part of the population of Malwa, will be given hereafter ; suffice it to say, many of the tribes in that province boast their descent from the celestial Ramchunder, and are consequently termed the children of the Sun ; while others trace to Pooravisee, and deem themselves descendants of the Moon. Some writers, however, deny their title the total contents within the limits of this capital 13,674 Begahs of ground, besides the walls, which occupied 2838 Begahs ; to which add Soneghur, containing 500 Begaiis, would make the whole contents within the defences of this city 17,012 Begahs. This, computing the Malwa Begali at its present measurement of a square of sixty yards to the begah, makes the contents of the ground enckcled by the walls of Mandoo about 12^654 English acres. ' HISTORY OF MALWA. 43 even to the rank of Khetri*, that race being, according to them, extinct in this yiig or age; but the power the Rajpoots have long enjoyed, has obtained them the highest estimation. They were, to use a metaphorical and flattering phrase of their countrymen, the sword of the Hindu faith. It was not easy to subdue such men ; for, though broken by their own dissensions, before and after the Mahomedan invasion, into a thou- sand petty states, almost every one of which was an object of contest between brothers, yet still every individual was a soldier, who preferred death to disgrace ; and though ready to be the servant, scorned to be the slave of any monarch upon earth. They were taught their duties from their most sacred works. In one, the demigod Krishna f, speaking to Arjoon, observes, "A soldier " of the Khetri tribe hath no superior duty to " fighting. Soldier, who art the favourite of God, *' engage in such a battle as this ; if thou ait " slain, thou wilt obtain heaven ; if victorious, " thou wilt enjoy a world!" The government established by the Mahomedan conquerors of India, was not of a character calcu- lated to subdue the spirit of the Rajpoots, had it been its policy to do so ; but it was not : that jea- lousy of their own instnunents of success which * Cshatriya. t Tlte Bhagwat Geeta. 44 HISTORY OF MALWA. ever accompanies despotic sovereigns, led the first emperors to court into their service this class of Hindus, as a check upon their turbulent soldiers or ambitious Omrahs. The yoke was made light to the Rajas of this tribe : they were treated as the first princes of the empire, and not only their relations, but many of their adherents were raised to rank, honour, and wealth. The concord which such treatment produced was often disturbed, and we find some sanguinary contests between the first Mahomedan monarchs and the Rajpoots. Still the occurrence of rebellion in one of this race was much more rare than that of the Mahomedan Om- rahs ; and in their wiUing allegiance to the house of Tunur, some of the proudest of the Rajpoot princes so far forgot their religion, and usages, and were so enervated by the luxury, and dazzled with the pomp and power still left to them, as not only to consent, but to deem it an honour for their daughters* to enter the Imperial Haram. Their principal claim, however, to the favour of their Mahomedan sovereigns, was the character they * This act is nevertheless considered by Hindu writers as a disgrace ; and I find in an original manuscript of the late Jye Singh Kychee, a boast that one of his ancestors suffered the greatest distress rather than give his consent to the degrading usage. It is also the boast of the Ranah of Odeypoor, the highest of all the families of this tribe, that there never was an intermarriage with one of that house and a JNIoghul prince. HISTORY OF MALWA. 45 upheld as brave and faithful soldiers. This gave to Hindu princes and chiefs, office and authority in different parts of the empire, and their services were usually rewarded with grants of land. To this source may be traced the establishment of some of the principal families in Malwa, many of which were also aided ])y the influence of the Rajas of Jeypoor, Joudpoor, and Odeypoor*, with one or other of which they are almost all connected. To shew the character of the internal govern- ment of Malwa when the IMahrattas invaded that province, it will be useful to notice some of the predecessors of the Hindu chiefs, and we cannot select better examples than the petty rulers of Ragooghur, Jabooah, and Rutlam. — ^The Rajas of Ragooghur are of the Kychee tribe of Rajpoots, and boast a proud descent from Pirtee Raj,f of * The Princes of Odeypoor are in the early part of the history of Malwa termed Rulers of Chittore— which was the name by which they were known till that celebrated fort- ress was taken by the Emperor Akber, in A. D. 1567, and ceased to be their capital. t Pirtee Raja fills a large space in Hindu Chroni« cles, and his exploits as the sovereign and leader of the Hindus against the Mahomedan invaders of Iiidia are a constant and favourite theme of the bards of his tribe. Nor is his fame trusted to tradition alone ; several poems have been written upon this monarch, and one of these, the pro- duction of a bard who accompanied him in all his actions, is said not only to possess much merit as a poem, but to con- tain many historical facts ; and it is, to my knowledge, conti- VOL. I. D 7 46 HISTORY OF MALWA. Delhi. They were first settled at Gungraur* in Malwa ; but they appear to have had little power or consequence until Ghureeb Doss, one of their ancestors, distinguished himself in the service of Akber, who appointed him to the government of Mooltan, and, in reward for his good conduct, be- stowed upon him Seronge and other lands in its vicinity, as a Jaghire, or hereditary estate. The son of this chief, Laljee, was the founder of Ra- googhur, which became their capital ; and his grandson, Bulbhudder Singh, a man of reputation and influence, was Raja of that place when the Mahrattas first invaded Malwa. The Jabooah Rajas, though their present re- presentative is of spurious birth, claim in their pe- digree a direct descent from the Rhattore princes of Joudpoor ; and the high birth and character of some of this family appear to have early recom- mended them to the service of the Moghul em- perors. Bhunjee commanded four hundred horse at Delhi, and his son Kishen Doss was placed in attendance on the prince Allah Udeen, upon whose accession to the throne he became a great favourite. The service he rendered his master in reconquering the possession of Dacca, which had nually referred to by Rajpoot chiefs of the present day, as containing what they deem undoubted facts as to the achieve- ments of their ancestors. * In this fortress they resisted the arms of the Emperor Secunder for twelve years. HISTORY OF MALWA. 47 been seized by a rebellious governor, was repaid by a grant of five villages in Hindustan, and ten districts in Malvva. He had been settled but a few years in this province when events led to a considerable increase of fortune : he received or- ders from Delhi to avenge the murder of the fa- mily and a number of the followers of a governor of Guzerat, who were plundered and slain by Suka Naig, the Bheel ruler of Jabooah, and Chun- derbahn, the Rajpoot chief of Dholitah. What force alone could never have effected againt these notorious fi^eebooters, who, strong in their inacces- sible country, had long defied all regular attacks, was accomplished by the combined art and cou- rage of Kishen Doss. He assumed the disguise of a horse-dealer fi'om Guzerat, went to Jabooah, and, after selling some remarkably fine horses at low prices to the chief, proposed, upon the ground of pretended gratitude, to give him a feast. The invitation was accepted, the usual excesses took place, and Suka Naig^ and all his principal adherents, were put to death, and their strong hold taken. The retm^n made by his so- vereign was a grant of the possessions of Jabooah, and a subsequent present of royal ensigns, and high titles, which gave him a proud rank among the Hindu chiefs of Malwa. This family re- mained, with the common revolutions of such petty states, tiU the invasion of the Mahrattas. Before that period, however, it had separated into 48 HTSTOEY OF MALSVA. several small principalities (of which Amjherra was one), owing to a mode usual among this race, of alienating districts for the support of younger branches of the family. Ruttun Singh, son of Mohun Doss, a prince descended from the Joudpoor family, gained l)y his address and gallantry, the good opinion of the Emperor Shah Jehan, so much that he gave him a grant of Rutlam *, Sillanah, and other districts in their vicinity. This prince fell near Oojein, where his loyalty led him to encounter the army of Aurungzebe f , when the latter rebelled against his father. The fidelity of Ruttun Singh was re- warded by Shah Jehan, who gave those lands, which had only been before a Jaidad, or grant for military service, in free gift to his posterity. This family remained in possession of their prin- cipality till the invasion of the Mahrattas ; but, according to the usage of the Rajpoots, several dis- tricts were alienated, to provide for the younger sons ; and the Rajas of Seeta Mhow, of Sillanah, of Kachee Barode, and Mooltan, are all descendants of Ruttun Singh : the elder brother of the family continuing to rule over the town and fine province of Rutlam, and to receive a general obedience and respect from the junior branches. * It is asserted that he founded the present capital of the district. He probably raised it from a village to a town by making it the place of his residence. t Bernier gives a particular account of this action. HISTORY OF MALWA. 49 These instances (and there are many similar) will suffice to shew the nature and foundation of that power and influence which a number of Rajpoot chiefs possessed in Malwa. The causes which led to the defection of some of this pow- erful tribe from the house of Timur, to which they had long yielded obedience, are easily traced. The example of that toleration and lil^eral indulgence which Ak]3er extended to his Hindu subjects, was followed by his immediate successors ; but the spirit of a religion established by the sword, one of whose first tenets enjoined conversion, death, or heavy tribute to infidels, and above all to the wor- shippers of idols, ill accorded with a policy that was grounded on maxims which made no dis- tinction between the latter and the faithfiU. This feehng shewed itself on the occurrence of wars or disputes with the Hindus; but, while the sovereign himself was free from bigotry, its action was very limited. The Emperor Jehangire shewed no pre- ference to any religion. His son Shah Jehan, in his earlier years, evinced similar sentiments ; and, when in mature age he became an attentive ob- server of the forms, if not a true believer in the tenets, of the Mahomedan faith, he continued (with one casual deviation) his wonted toleration to his subjects. The eldest son of this monarch, the cele- brated and unfortunate Dara, wrote a work, the object of which was, to reconcile the tenets of Mahomed and Brahma; and his brothers appear to VOL. I. E 50 HISTORY OF MAI.WA. have been as far removed from bigotry as himself, with the exception of Aurungzebe, a prince whose attainment and exercise of power present perhaps as many lessons as the life of any monarch that ever reigned. Without presuming to strike the balance between his good and bad actions, or to decide, whether he had a just claim to his great reputation, or was, throughout his long reign, an actor, and, v/ith every artificial accomplishment for the great scene in which fortune had placed him, deficient in that strength which belongs alone to him who plays a natural part, we may pronounce, on the ground of the measures he adopted to promote his ambitious views, that his early pro- fessions of zeal for the faith of Mahomet were merely meant to increase the number of his ad- herents, by placing his conduct on this essential point in strong contrast with that of his brothers and rivals for imperial power. That Aurungzebe was solely governed, in his contests with them, by worldly considerations, is proved by one fact. That affected, unforgiving, and ungovernable zeal which was pleaded as his excuse for imliruing his hands in the blood of the gallant and generous Dara, was forgotten the moment that crime had secured him the throne; and the completest indul- gence was granted to all his idolatrous subjects, whom we find, in the first years of his reign, as much, if not more favoured than Mahomedans. This also was, no doubt, the result of poh'cy. HISTORY OF MALWA. 51 But a naiTow policy, which looked for expedients to remedy every evil, was not sufficient to save the family of Timur fi^om that ruin with which it was now threatened. Its power could alone have been preserved by a firmness and wisdom founded on time virtue and greatness of mind, which dis- ^ dained a temporary advantage, however alluring, that was to be gained by a departure from princi- ples essential to the genei'al interests of the em- pire. How opposite was the conduct of Aurung- zebe. Irritation at the successful depredations of the Mahrattas, — the suspicion of these fi^eebooters enjoying the good wishes, if not the secret aid of others, — or a spirit of bigotry, perhaps sincere, but more probably assumed, to revive the attachment of the Mahomedans, led him to attempt, by the most unjustifiable means, the conversion of the whole of his Hindu subjects. Few yielded to his persuasion or threats; but the remainder were visited, as a punishment for their obstinacy, with the extortion of heavy taxes and fines. The produce of these impositions was expected to be iimnense. The pubhc revenue had gi^eatly decayed in the reign of Aurungzebe ; and the mean motive of desiring to fill his treasury, has been imputed to this sovereign, as the ground of a measure, which, even unsuccessful as it was (for it could not be carried into full effect), lost him the temper and attachment of a great majority of his subjects. The chief historical record that has been pre- e2 52 HISTORY OF MALWA. served, connected with this transaction, is the bold and animated appeal made by Jeswunt Singh, Raja of Joudpoor, in his letter to the Emperor.* After recalling to his memory the opposite conduct of Akber, of Jehangire, and his father Shah Jehan, and reprobating the attempt to collect a revenue upon the consciences of men, or to vex the devotee and anchoret with a tax upon his behef, the Hindu prince observes, " If your Majesty places any faith " in those books by distinction called divine, you " will there be instructed that God is the God of " all mankind, not of Mahomedans alone. The " Pagan and Mussulman are equal in his pre- " sence ; distinctions of colour are of his ordination. " It is he who gives existence. In your temples " it is in his name that the voice calls to prayer ; " in the house of images, the bell is shaken : — still " he is the object of our adoration. To vilify, " therefore, the reUgion, or the customs of other " men, is to set at nought the pleasure of the " Almighty." Such were the sentunents that became general amongst all the Hindus, whose international dis- putes were forgotten, in a sense of the danger which threatened their common faith. The eiTor * There are many translations of this letter, of which the original, as well as a very literal translation, will be found in the Asiatic Miscellany. HISTORY OF MALWA. 53 he had committed, could not be retrieved by Au- rungzebe ; and to the feeling of indignation which his conduct had kindled, was added that of con- tempt for the authority of his weak successors. Existing rule is always in some degree unpopular : for it seems to be a law in the moral as well as the physical world, that pressure should produce re- sistance and reaction. But here there were more than common motives. The Hindu princes, sub- ject to the throne of Delhi, while they were almost concihated to their condition, by the in- dulgent kindness and toleration of theu^ con- querors, and by a participation (for such they enjoyed) in the wealth and splendour of the em- pire, were deterred from rebellion, by a con- templation of the power of the descendants of Timur. At the very moment when that began to dechne, and new enemies arose in every quarter, a senseless bigotry had resort to persecution. Thus invited by weakness, and provoked by injury, we are not surprised to find, that the Rajpoot princes and chiefs of Jeypoor, Marwar, Mewar, and Malwa, so far from continuing to be that defence they had before proved themselves of the empire, were either secretly or openly the supporters of the Mahratta invaders, to whose first invasion of Malwa, we are told by every Persian or Hindu writer that notices the subject, hardly any oppo- sition was given ; and we possess many testimonies 54 HISTORY OF MALWA. to shew, that they chiefly attributed their success, on this occasion, to the action of religious feeling. The celebrated Raja Jye Singh, prince of Jey- poor, greatly contributed (though, perhaps, without intending it) to the conquest of Malwa, and in- deed of Hindustan, by the Mahrattas. The cor- respondence between this chief and the first Bajerow would, if obtained, throw light upon this period of history. It is said* to have com- menced in a communication very characteristic of the times and the parties: — the ruler of the Mahratta state sent a verse of the Purana to Jye Singh, which may be literally trans- lated — " Thou art like the cloud which drinketh " the waters of the sea, and returaeth them " with thunder to fertilize the earth. The moun- " tains, in dread of Indra, fly to thee for pro- " tection. Thou art the tree of desires. THou " art the sea whence springeth the tree of desires, " who can tell thy depth! I have no power to " describe the depth of the ocean ; but in all thy ** actions remember August Muni." * This anecdote was communicated to me by several in- telligent Mahrattas, all of whom told me they had no doubt of its authenticity. This manner of conveying their secret sentiments by the transmission of a verse from one of their holy volumes, is common with Hindu princes. The obligation claimed or made in such a mode, has a character at once mysterious and sacred. HISTORY OF MALWA. (j^ According to Hindu mythology, the demigod August Muni di-ank up the sea. The commu- nication, therefore, though flattering, conveyed a metaphorical, but distinct warning of what might happen if he opposed the Brahmin sway. Jye Singh's answer, taken from the same sacred volume, was as follows; " If the tribe of Brahma sin with me, I forgive " them. This pledge I hold sacred. It was of " no consequence that August Muni drank up the " sea ; but if God should doom the walls that re- " tain the ocean to be thrown down, then the " world would be destroyed, and what would be- " come of August Muni ?" The Hindus believe the sea to be walled in ; and the aUusion to the consequences of that element being let loose upon the earth, is con- sidered, as addressed to one of the sacred tribe of Brahma, whose duty it was to preserve, instead of destroying, the general order, to be peculiarly apposite. But it was the object of the proud Rajpoot, while he gave encouragement and ac- cepted the proffered friendship, to retort the threat by warning Bajerow of the consequences that would ensue from breaking down long-established authority. These facts have importance, not merely as they account historically, which is the chief object, for the first establishment of the Mahrattas in Malwa, HISTORY OF MALWA. the defence of which had been ahnost wholly com- mitted to Rajpoots; but as they shew the effect produced by an attack upon the religion of that v/arlike and superstitious race of men. It led them to welcome fi-eebooters to their homes; nor have the great miseries they have since en- dured, obliterated a recollection of the chief causes which led to this revolution. Sentiments of gra- titude towards the emperors who honoured and favom^ed them, are mixed with indignation at the attempt made to alter their religion ; and their bards and minstrels *, who are their only historians, still relate the oppression and injustice which over- threw their temples to establish the edifices of another faith, and raised a revenue on their belief, rendered as insulting as it was oppressive, by being levied on all their religious ceremonies, even to those performed over the dead. These national legends usually pass fi*om their wrongs to a more animated strain, and record the fame of those heroes, who overthrev/ the m^osques of the tyrants, which had been erected in spots sacred to their ancient deities, and restored the hallowed ground to that worship to which it had been so long dedi- cated. This theme is familiar, in a degree hardly * Char<\ns and Bhdts. A full account of these classes, who in Malwa fill an important space in the Hindu com- munity, will be given hereafter. HISTORY OF MALWA. 57 to be credited, among the Hindus of Malwa ; and the strength in which the feehng exists, reconciles us to believe it was sufficient to make the inha- bitants of this country consent to become the authors of their own ruin, in the introduction of the power of the Mahrattas, whose invasion of their country no lesser motive could have induced them to encourage and support. CHAPTER III. Mahratta Invasion of Malwa. The whole of the accounts, written or pub- lished, of the early progress of the Mahrattas in Malwa, are vague and general. They can hardly be said to give more than the dates of their inva- sion of that province, and these are neither cor- rect nor complete. From the commencement of the reign of Au- rungzebe, the Mahomedan writers cease to be so minute in their details, as they are at former and more prosperous periods of the Moghul empii'e. The theme was not inviting, and their hostile feelings towards the Mahrattas have made them general and unfaithful narrators of the success of that people. The blank which this has left is not supplied by the Hindu writers : these, and parti- cularly the Mahrattas, preserve no record even of their victories ; they are in this respect, as in others, the slaves of usage. Short letters on family affairs, or on public events of the moment, destroyed or forgotten as soon as written, are the only efforts of tlie pen of common writers ; while MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 59 the more learned content themselves with reading their sacred volumes * and mythological fables ; or if they write, it is but in imitation (to flatter some prince or chief) of these extravagant ebullitions, never di'eaming, seemingly, of embodying then* nation's fame in an historical work, or even of blending that correct series of the names of their rulers, which they generally preserve, with a clear and authentic account of the principal events of each reign. The history of the Mahrattas, from the time of their great leader Sevajeef, to the battle of Paniput i, furnished ample ground for the gratifi- cation of pride, supposing what occurred to be written in the most plain and unadorned lan- guage. Even after their defeat by the Afghans, the actions of Mulhar Row, the first chief of the Holkar family, of Madhajee Sindia, and of Nana ■* Puranas. t Almost all English readers are familiar with the name of Sevajee, the founder of the Mahratta empire, who, in a. d. 1646, was encouraged by the weakness of the Mahomedan sect to rebel. In 1674 he declared himself independent; and when he died, in 1682, he had established his authority over the greatest part of the Concan, a country which lies between the great range of hills which bounds the Deckan on the West and the sea-coast, and is now under the Bombay government. X The combined Mahratta forces were defeated at Paniput, (a village fifty miles North-west of Delhi,) by Ahmed Shah AbdaUi, a. d. 1761. 60 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. Furnavese, merited to be preserved by their countrymen. Their deeds, however, have been ahnost entu'ely trusted to tradition, and this by a people who are not only very generally instructed, but who are minute to a degree in all that concerns the management of the large territories which are or have been subject to their govern- ment. The Diaries * found amid the archives of Poona, only related to the revenue afFau-s of the empire. They are complete for the last century, and furnish a most correct record of receipts, dis- bursements, names of officers employed, and dates of all financial transactions. In their first invasion of Central India, the war the Mahrattas carried on was evidently against the Government!, and not the inhabitants. They * These Diaries are called Roze Kurd, a corrupt compound from the Persian, which means the Acts of the day. Mr. Macleod, an assistant of the Commissioner in the Deckan, who carefully searched the records, states that these Roze Kurds go back as far as a.d. 1720, but are not very complete for the first ten years. He also notices two Calendars which he had found, containing the principal events of the Mahratta nation for two hundred years ; but speaks of them as barren and unsatisfactory documents. t In the course of researches for information regarding the first JNIahratta invasion of Malwa, it was found that Sheo Lai, the representative of the former Zemindars of Mandoo, had preserved, when almost all other documents were lost, many of the papers relative to the districts of which his family had charge. In one of the oldest of these, which contains the Re- MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 61 appear, at this stage of theii^ power, to have taken a large share of the revenue, but not to have de- stroyed, like more barbarous invaders, the source from which it was drawn ; for if they had, it could not have recovered so rapidly, as we find from revenue records that it did. But there is in the whole of the proceedings of this period, the strongest ground to conclude, that they were acting with the concurrence and aid of the Hindu chiefs of the empire, whose just reasons for dis- content with the reigning monarch, Aurungzebe, have been noticed. This fact, indeed, as far as relates to Sevai Jye Singh, Raja of Doondar, or venue account of Dhurmpooree for a. d. I69O, we find the revenue of that district (which lies to the North of the Ner- buddci, and immediately South of Mandoo) was reduced by an incursion of the Mahrattas from the amount of eighty-one thousand and seventy-two rupees, to that of thirty-two thou- sand five hundred and eighty-nine rupees and nine annas. Their absence in a. d. I69I, caused the revenue of this dis- trict to amount to seventy-two thousand one hundred and thirty-nine rupees and nine annas. It rose still higher next year, amounting to eighty-nine thousand six hundred and eighty-four rupees, but a return of the Southern Plunderers, as they are termed in tins revenue record, in a. d. iGp^, brought it as low as thirty thousand and two rupees ; while their ceasing to molest the district the ensuing year, raised it nearly to its wonted value. Documents similar to that quoted, fur- nish the most authenCic account \Ve can obtain of the first pre- datory excursions of the Mahrattas ; for they do not merely give the date, but the character of the enterprise. MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. Jeypoor*, is distinctly stated in several contem- poraiyf authorities. According to the authority followed, the Mah- rattas continued for seven years their incursions into this part of Malwa, and only abandoned their annual attacks of the province on the ad- vance of Sevai Jye Singh. This celebrated Hindu soldier and statesman belonged to a family which the policy of Aurungzebe had raised, chiefly in op- position to Jeswunt Singh, the prince of Joudpoor, to whom his hatred was as violent as it was impla- * This great tract of country, which lies to the North of Harrowtee and Mewar, is properly called Doondar. It was, however, known better under the name of Amber, which it took from its capital, and is now called Jeypoor, from the noble city founded by Sevai Jye Singh, which has become the residence of his successors. t In a manuscript written by an ancestor of the present Zemindar of Mandoo (which is preserved with his revenue records) it is asserted, that the Mahrattas in the year of the Hejira 1108, or a. d. 1696, ascended the Nalcha Ghaut, took Mandoo, and engaged the Mahomedan troops at Dhar, which fort they are stated to have reduced, after a three months siege, by springing a mine. Two persons, named Shah Doolah and Abdallah Khan, who are termed Shah Zadahs, or princes, en- joyed at this period the government of JNIalwa ; and it appears from a chronological list of the governors of that province taken from a Persian tract, that the Nabob Ameer Khan, who is styled Soubahdar, or governor of Malwa, was succeeded by his sons DooUah Khan and SadooUah Khan, who were left unsup- ported to withstand the invjiders, and, after an opposition of several months, were compelled to retire to Biiopal. Accord- MAHKATTA INVASION OF MAI.^rA. 63 cable. But the friendship of this emperor was generally ominous of evil. The grandfather * of Jye Singh, who had been employed successfully to check the progress of Sevajee, was first the instru- ment of the ambition, and afterwards the victim f of the jealous fears of Aurungzebe ; and though Sevai Jye Singh professed obedience and allegiance, there is every reason to believe he maintained that secret correspondence and understanding, which all Mahomedan writers accused his ancestor of having established with the Mahrattas. It is stated on a respectable Hindu authority :j:, that the Shahza- ing to the Hindu record, Dhar capitulated, and its defenders were allowed to go where they chose, with their private pro- perty. Sadoollah Khan, we find in Eradut Khan's Memoirs, was Soubahdar of Malwa in a. d. 1707; and this author mentions that he himself was Killahdar, or commandant, of Mandoo in that year, a proof that the incursions of the Mahrattas were merely predatory. Scott, in his excellent History of the Deckan, does not notice any of these incur- sions. On the contrary, he observes, (vol. ii. p. 79.) that the expedition into Dhamoonee, a district of the Sagur province, under Bhora Krishna, in a. d. 1702, was the first occasion on which the Mahrattas crossed the Nerbudda ; but there can be no mistake in the records I have quoted of the plundering of the Pergunnah of Dhurmpooree in the preceding note. * Jye Singh, usually distinguished from others of the same name by the appellation of Mirza Raja. t He is believed to have been poisoned by the Emperor's orders. X This is asserted in the manuscript memoir given me by the Zemindar of Mandoo, 64 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. doo and Dhar led the Emperor by their represen- tations to doubt the fidelity of Jye Singh ; who, to contradict their assertions, volunteered to expel the invaders from Malwa. His offer was accepted, and he marched against them. It is believed that he secretly informed their leaders of the motives of his conduct, and solicited them to make only a show of resistance, intimating that their return, when times were more favourable, would be facili- tated. His wishes were obeyed, hardly any oppo- sition was given, the Mahrattas retreated to the Deckan, and Jye Singh, after remaining six months in Malwa, returned to Hindustan. These events* are stated to have taken place in A. D. 1 698. The invaders returned in a few years, and the standard f of Oudajee Puar was planted at Mandoo. He, however, was soon com- ^ D 1709. peUed to retreat, and the Mahrattas for some time do not appear to have disturbed that pro- vince, till the advancement of [fBallajee Bishwa- * This occurrence is not mentioned by Major Scott; but I have already noticed the character of the Mahoniedan writers from whose works his history is composed. In volume ii. page 107, the Mahrattas are stated to have "swarmed like " ants or locusts from the Nerbudda to the Deckan." t The term in the manuscript from which this is taken, is Tannah, which implies a small party with a flag, put in possession of a post, village, or town. I Ballajee Bishwanath, the first Paishwah, was raised to his high office a. d. 1714, and died in April 1720. MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 65 nath to the office of Paishwah, who restored their power; and one of the earliest measures of his son and successor, Bajerow Bullal, was to send a strong force, commanded by Ramchunder Guneiss*, to lay waste the country, and collect tribute from the princes and government officers North of the Nerbudda. From what has been said it would appear, that though Malwa was invaded a few years before the death of Aurungzebe, the authority of the Mah- rattas was not estabHshed in that province till the reign of Mahomed Shah. But, though no perma- nent ari'angement, or appropriation of specific ter- ritories to the respective chieftains, was made f till A. D. 1732, the country was often overrun; and we find in the Poona records, that about the end of the year 1725, several officers were nominated * Ramchunder Guneiss, who commanded in this expedition, was a very able man, and afterwards employed with Ranajee Sindia. He is sometimes confounded with a leader of the same name, who was of the Paishwah's tribe (a Kokun Brah- min), held the office of Beenee Wallah, or Quartermaster-ge- neral, and commanded the Paishwah's troops when these were united (a. d. 1773.) with Madhajee Sindia and Tuckajee Holkar in Hindustan. t It probably owed in a great degree its partial exemption, during this period, to the power and influence of Jye Singh, who, I find from a settlement of disputed limits between the villages of Sagrod and Bajour on the Chumbul, was Nazim, or go- vernor of Malwa in a. d. l/lO-il, and probably for &oiue years afterwards. VOL. I. F CS MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. to collect tribute, and some districts in Malwa were actually granted to favoured individuals. An expedition had been sent three years before, under Oudajee Puar, to reduce Guzerat; and we discover in the correspondence between that chief, the Sa- hoo Raja, and the Paishwah, that the former had orders to estabUsh the customary Mahratta im- posts* over Malwa, and orders were addressed to the different officers of each district, authorizing Oudajee to collect this part of the revenue, which was levied by him, over the greatest part of the province, two years before Bajerow Bullal en- tered the country with the more serious design of making it an entire conquest. It is here necessary to interrupt the nan^ation, to notice the principles upon which the invaders of Malwa acted, as well as to understand the cha- racter of the government they established. The contests carried on by Sevajee and his successors did not differ more from those of other nations in * Choute was, as the term implies, the fourth of the revenue. The Sirdaishmookee (which amounted to 10 per cent, on the collection) was a right of the officer called Daishmookh, a name which, literally translated, means the head of the province. I cannot any where find a satisfactory account why this specific claim, usually attached to a particular family in each province, became a general one which the Mahrattas made on every country they invaded ; but, from their habits, its having been claimed and granted to one of their leaders, is a quite sufficient reason for its being exacted by all on the assumed ground of usage. MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 67 the mode of warfare, than in the manner in which the army was paid, its commanders rewarded, and the different countries they invaded, were plun- dered, divided, and settled. Raised by the genius of Sevajee to the proud rank of being first the scourge, and afterwards the destroyer of the Mahomedan empire, the cause of the Mahrattas had, in all its early stages, the aid of religious feeUng. It was a kind of Holy War ; and the appearance of Brahmins at the head of their armies gave, in the first instance, force to this impression. This people have been too gene- rally described: there cannot be more opposite characters than we meet with among them, par- ticularly in the gi'eat classes who have shared the power of the state, the Brahmins, and soldiers of the Khetri and Sudra tribes.* The Mah- ratta Brahmin is, from diet, habit, and education, keen, active, and intelligent, but generally ava- ricious, and often treacherous. His life, if in public business, must, fi'om the system of his go- vernment, be, passed in efforts to deceive, and to detect others in deceiving. Such occupations * The Paishwahs, the Southern Jaghiredars, the principal officers of state, and chiefs who remained in the Mahratta countries South of theTaptee, were Brahmins. The Bhonslahs, who early possessed themselves of Nagpoor, the Guickwar of Guzerat, and the family of Puar, who settled in Malwa, were of the Khetri tribe. The Sindia and Holkar family were of the Sudra. F 2 68 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. raise cunning to the place of wisdom, and debase, by giving a mean and interested bent to the mind, all those claims to respect and attachment, upon which great and despotic power can alone have any permanent foundation. The history of the Mahratta nation abounds with instances of Brahmins rising from the lowest stations (usually that of agents*) to be ministers, and sometimes rulers, of a state; but their cha- racter undergoes little change from advancement, and, in general, all its meanest features remain. Though often leading armies, the Mahratta Brahmins have not, with some remarkable f ex- ceptions, gained a high reputation for courage ; and if not arrogant or cruel, they have often merited the charge of being unfeeling and op- pressive. The plain uninstructed Mahratta Sudra, or Khetri, enters upon his career as a soldier in the same dress, and with the same habits, with which he tills his field or attends his flocks ; and he has, generally speaking, preserved, throughout revolutions that have at one time raised him to the highest consideration and power, and again cast him back to his former occupations, the same * The compound Persian term by which a person of this class is called, is Karkoon, which signifies " a man of business/' t Purseram Bhow, who co-operated with Lord Cornwallisin the war against Tippoo Sultan, a. d. 1792, was a Brahmin, and a man of extraordinary personal courage. MAHllATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 69 simplicity of character. This may be referred to the nature of Hindu institutions, to the example of Sevajee and his leaders, and to the advantage derived from habits that gave facility to conquest, by placing him in strong contrast with the proud and formal Mahomedan ; by associating him with the Hindu population of the countries he invaded ; and by preventing his progress ever being im- peded by that pomp, luxury, or pride, which form so often an incumbrance, if not an obstacle, to the most successful conquerors. That the Mahratta soldier was more distinguished by art, than by valour; that he gloried as much in rapid flight as in daring attack, is not denied by the warmest panegyrist of his own tribe; but though these facts are admitted, and farther, that he was often mean and sordid, it is contended, and with truth, that he had many excellent qualities. Few could claim superiority to him in patience under fatigue, hunger, and thirst, and in that plain manliness of character which remained unchanged by success or adversity: nor can we deny to the Mahrattas, in the early part of their history, and before their extensive conquests had made their vast and mixed armies cease to be national, the merit of conducting their Cossack * inroads into * The term Cossack is used because it is the one by which the Mahrattas describe their own species of warfare. In their language, the word Cossakee (borrowed, hke many of their t«rms, from the Moghuls) means '' predatory." 70 MAHllATTA INVASION OF MALWA. other countries with a consideration to the inha- bitants, which had been deemed incompatible with that terrible and destructive species of war. — But this leads us to a view of the prinAples on which they acted. Unlike in then* origin and habits to the Goths and Vandals that devastated Europe, or those Tartar tribes who have so often conquered and destroyed the kingdoms of Asia, the first Mah- rattas were driven to arms by oppression, and tempted to continue in the exercise of their new profession, by the proved weakness of their op- pressors. The character and constitution of their early power made it impossible for them to main- tain themselves in many of the countries they were able to plunder; but the ability to destroy generated a right to share in the produce. Hence all those Mahratta sources* of revenue, which they introduced into India. Whenever these were admitted, the country had a respite from their ravages; but we cannot believe that the able chiefs, who first inflicted these heavy taxes upon the revenues of the Moghul empire, ever viewed it as more than a temporary expedient, which, by enabling them to maintain great armies, and to spread their agents and influence, afforded them the means of progressive encroachment. As such. * Choute, Sirdaishmookee, &c. MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 71 it was admirably suited to the times, and to their peculiar condition and character. By obtaining peace in one quarter, they were at Hberty to carry theu' arms into another. They had also, through tliis means, an opportunity, which they thoroughly understood how to use, of fomenting divisions in families and states. From the house of Timur, to the lowest of the Rajpoot chiefs within their sphere, we find every party had a secret or open supporter in a Mahratta leader or agent. The character and actions of this people were in all re- spects singidar ; they had indeed few, if any, simi- lar features in common with other nations. Those means which the pride of conquerors have often rejected, seem always to have been used in pre- ference by this extraordinary race: not merely the desperate and discontented were invited to their standard, but robbers and plunderers were couited as auxiliaries, and allowed to act for a penod m their own mode, and for theii' o^^ n advantage. To insinuate themselves by wiles into a share of the management -of a district or a country, and to make a party amongst its inhabitants, were deemed better than using force, even when the latter was in their poAver; and in effecting these objects their patience and humility were great aids. They were content at first to divide the government, as well as revenues, with the Hindu chiefs of the military class they found established, trusting to time and intrigue for theii* gradual reduction. This policy I^IAHRATTA INVASION OF IMALWA. was never more remarkably exemplified than in the progress of their establishment in Central India. They assumed at first, in their manners and senti- ments, the exact shape that was best calcvdated to win the Hindu population of that country. The Rajpoot princes and lords were conciliated by every concession to their pride, and to those forms of dignity which they had learnt from association with the Moghul government; whUe the lower classes, particularly the landholders and cultivators, saw in the Mahrattas (amidst all their excesses) beings of their own order, who, though they had risen to power and dominion, continued to pre- serve the strongest attachment to the manners and usages of those village communities in which they were born. It could not but be gratifying to this class of inhabitants, to find that the principal leaders of the conquerors appeared to place more value in their names of Potail (or head man) and Putwarree (or register), which they derived from being hereditary officers of some petty village in their native country, than in aU the high-sounding titles they could attain. The constitution of the government and army of the Mahrattas was, however, more calculated to destroy, than to create an empire. Their first chief, Sevajee, had no pretensions but those of a successful leader ; and his latter years were marked by severe re- verses. Similar feelings and circumstances had attached many of his tribe to his person; and. MAHUATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 73 before his death, enough was done to embody the Mahrattas as a nation, and to give them a union, which Avas cemented by the cruel and implacable character of then' enemies. The tortures and dis- grace inflicted on Sambha, the son of then- first prince, with many acts of a similar nature, gave a common sentiment of indignation and revenge, that supplied for the moment the place of better ties. The fabric, however, had no foundation. The chiefs were, from the first, ahnost equal ; and as the armies they led depended principally on success for pay, the leaders were necessarily invested with their powers for the collection of tribute, or revenues, from the provinces into which they were sent. But though a share* was claimed by Government, the * I have obtained the perusal of all the old papers of the Puars of Dhar ; and find by the Sunnuds, or orders, granted to Oudajee Puar, in a. d. 1/24, by Bajerow, empowering him to collect Choute in Malwa and Guzerat, that he was allowed for the expense of his array one half of his collec- tions ; the other went to the State. The following is a literal translation of this general, or rather sweeping Sunnud. " To the high Raja Sri Oudajee Puar, may Lutchmee ** the Beautiful increase your fortune and dignity ! from Ba- " jerow Bullal, Minister (Purdhan), be blessed ! in the year *' of Fusilee 1123.t " The half of the Mokassa {75 per cent, of the Choute) of the *' countries of Guzerat and Malwa belongs to the (Huzooroun) ** court ; half is granted to you as Serinjam, (or for the support " of the troops). You are our commander, and our trust is in + Hindu account, which differs seven years from the Mahomedan. 74 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. application of the greater part in the payment of his troops and other expenses, raised the success- ful general into a ruler of the countries he had conquered. This every where produced the same effects, and the public interest was lost sight of in the desire of individuals to promote their own am- bition. The early example of the Paishwah's usurpation was followed almost by all to whom opportunity offered; and this was aided by the form of their village governments (which is pro- bably the oldest of Hindu institutions) having been carried into the state : every office, from that of Paishwah, or prime minister, to the lowest employ, became hereditary. This practice, by giving rights, limited patronage, and weakened the heads of the empire, among whom divisions early arose ; but, instead of declining, the state appeared for a long period to prosper the more "you; be happy with what has been bestowed upon you. " Given the 5th of Rubbee ul Awul. There is no occasion " to write more." This was obviously given at the commencement of an expe- dition, as a guide and authority how to act on success : for I find among the same manuscripts no less than one hundred and fifty Orders, dated a. d. 1729', from Bajerow to the Mana- gers of the towns and districts, from Bundelcund East to near Ahmedabad West, and as far North as Marwar, directing the payment of Choute and Sirdaishmookee to Oudajee Puar, These were evidently given after the country had been over- run. I conclude that this authentic record may be taken as an example of the usual process. MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. from that spiiit of action which was excited by the clashing interests of the chiefs who shared in its anomalous administration. The Brahmins who presided over it had, to use the strong expression of a Mahomedan writer, " converted the peacefiU cord of their order into a bow-string." But, not- withstanding the military reputation which some of the Paishwahs added to theii' other pretensions to supreme authority, all that superior intelli- gence which their habits and education gave them, was unequal to keep in check the ambition of enterprising chiefs ; who, intoxicated with suc- cess, soon forgot their obligations to the Brahmin princes by whom they were elevated to com- mand. One part of the policy of the Paishwahs tended greatly to accelerate the independence of these leaders : — the fear of then- disturbing the peace of theii* native country, or consuming its re- somxes, led to their constant employment in fo- reign expeditions, where they were subject to little or no control; and to attain the object of keeping a successful general and his adherents at a distance, the superior was satisfied with nominal allegiance. This is a short statement of the principal of those causes which led, at a very early date, to a spread of Mahratta authority over all India, and to the rise of many chiefs of that nation into the exercise of the functions, if they did not as- sume the name, of princes. Broken and disjoint- ed as they appeared, they still, however, retained MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. some general motives which led to their occa- sional union.* Nor were these quite forgotten till success had destroyed their enemies, and they were impelled, by the continued action of that system which had raised them to power, to prey upon and destroy each other; and even then they never changed their nominal relations as members of one confederacy, but, on the contrary, seemed to che- rish them, in every extreme, with a prejudice that almost approximated to religious feehng. One cause of this was a strong attachment to the coun- try of their birth. Whether in Hindustan or Mal- wa, they continually kept up an intimate inter- course with their famiHes and kindred tribe in their native districts; and the original Unks by which the community was bound, were constantly revived and strengthened by ties which operate with great force upon Hindus, as no people are more strongly and vktuously attached to their connexions than this race ; nor is the bond de- stroyed or even weakened by one party reaching high power, and the other remaining in compara- tive obscurity. * A Mahomedan writer, remarking upon the tendency to union which distinguished the Mahratta confederacy, even amidst all their divisions, observes, " that the stubborn ma- " terials retained their nature, and, Hke unto the dissevered ** particles of the same substance, had always a propensity *' to reunite. Or, as we are told (he adds) of the serpent " when cut asunder, that the dismembered parts have a sepa- " rate existence, and seek again incorporation." MAHEATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 77 The Paishwahs owed little of that real or nominal obedience, which they to the last pre- served as heads of the Mahratta empire, to their being of the sacred race of Brahma. On the con- trary, though (as has been noticed) this aided im- pression in the first instance, there can be no dou]3t that the Brahmins of the Mahratta state have lost, by their gi^asp at worldly power, much of that respect and awe which is usually gi^anted to theii' trilie iDy Hindus, when they preserve their original character of spiritual instructors. But the attachment, if not allegiance, which all classes had for the Paishwah, as chief officer of the state, though greatly impaii'ed, was not destroy- ed ; it was always, when threatened with misfor- tune, their watchword of union. This cherished sentunent was never shewn more forcibly than within the last few years ; and, with more of vir- tue and talent in its object, it might have saved a confederacy from destruction, of which it was the main Hnk. The incm'sions of the Mahrattas into Malwa, before the death of Aurungzebe, have been noticed, as well as that of a. D. 1721, at which time the province was ruled by a manager, on the part of the celebrated Nizam ul Mrdk.* This Omrah had * Asoph Jah Nizam-ul-Mulk was appointed to be Soubahdar of Malwa in a. d. 1717, in the short reign of RufFee-ul- Dirjet. 78 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. A.D. 1722. been confirmed in the office of Soubahdar, or governor, by Mahomed Shah ; but soon after- wards this high station was taken from him, and given to Raja Girdhur Bahadur*, who was A. D. 1724. some time afterwards attacked and defeated by an army of Mahrattas, under Chimnajee Pun- dit f and Oudajee Puar. These chiefs proceeded to attack the town of Sarungpoor, the Maho- medan governor of which was glad to purchase their retreat by giving them fifteen thousand rupees; and this amount (which was probably the utmost the town could pay) became, from an usage very characteristic of Mahratta con- quest, the sum I fixed for their future annual demand. The Mahrattas at this period ravaged at large through both the provinces of Guzerat § and * Girdhur Bahadur was a Brahmin of the Naggur tribe, originally from Guzerat. t Chimnajee Pundit was brother to the Paishwah Baje- row ; and it appears from a Diary in the Poona records for the year 1729, that he was in Malwa, and he had probably been there some time. t This sum is termed in the Persian manuscripts ** Ghu- neem Sea," or " an Account of Plunder," and the letters of the two Persian words, in their numerical power, give the date of transaction Hejira 1141, or a. d. 1728. § The country of Guzerat was invaded and partly con- quered in A.D. 1724, by some Mahratta chiefs. These were Kuddum Bandiah and Pillajee Guickwar, the founder of the present dynasty. Pillajee settled to the South of the Mhye MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 79 Malwa, and their complete reduction of the latter was greatly aided hy the policy of Nizarn-ul- Mulk, who appears to have desired to plant this nation as a bander between the Deckan and Hin- dustan. Though it is likely this chief had not the power of stemming the tide of desolation, he had that of turaing it, for the moment, from the countries under his own immediate sway to those of his enemies, and such he considered the Empe- ror Mahomed Shah and his court. This situation of affairs tempted the ambition of the Paish- wah Bajerow, who, having marched from Poona a.d. i73i. with a large army, made himself master of the provinces of Nemaur and Malwa. In the latter he was opposed by Dia Bahadur; but the a.d. 1732. defeat* and death of that officer, who had suc- ceeded his relation Raja Ghirdur, f gave this province to the Mahrattas. Mahomed Khan Bungush, who was next appointed Soubahdar, river, while Kuddum Bandiah took possession of Godra and the districts on the opposite bank of that stream. * This action, in which Dia Bahadur and about 2000 of his troops were slain, was fought near the village of Terlah, half way between Dhar and Amjherra. t Raja Girdhur, during the time he was Soubahdar of Malwa, surrounded Oojein with a wall, probably in antici- pation of attack from the Mahrattas. It is a curious fact, that, though an inscription upon the wall ascribes its erection to Raja Girdhur, the inhabitants of the town continue to believe, on tradition, that it was the work of his successor Dia Bahadur, 80 MAHUATTA INVASION OF MALWA. in vain attempted to arrest their progress; and Sevai Jye Singh, Raja of Jeypoor, who was nominated to supersede him, either from con- ceiving opposition hopeless, or from entertain- ing (as he is accused of doing by all Maho- medan authors) a secret friendship and under- standing with the enemy, prevailed upon the Em- peror to appoint Bajerow Soubahdar of Malwa. But this did not take place till the horse of the Paishwah had laid waste the countries of Agra and Allahabad, and the Imperial armies had been foiled in their efforts to expel them from that province. These events bring us to a new era in Mah- ratta history. Their rights as powerful plunderers had been long before recognized, and a share of the revenues of the greater part of the empire had been allotted them in the vain hope of pur- chasing safety for the remainder. Their ruler was now nominated to the government of one of the chief provinces of Hindustan. This, it was true, he had first conquered; but he had professedly levied no more than the Mahratta tributes *, and appears to have sought with solicitude a legiti- mate title to govern it in the name of the Em- peror. The peculiarity of character which has been noticed in this race was never more dis- played, than on their becoming masters of Central * Choute, Sirdaishmookee, &c. 3rAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 81 India. Bajerow and his principal leaders, con- tent with the profit and substance of what they had attained, so far from weakening impression, or alarming prejudice, by the assumption of rank and state, seem to have increased in theii' pro- fessions of humility, as they advanced in power. They affected a scrupulous sense of inferiority in all their intercourse and correspondence with the Emperors, and with their principal chiefs, par- ticularly the Rajpoot princes. The Mahratta leaders, indeed, not only submitted to be treated, in all points of form and ceremony, as the inferiors of those whose countries they had despoiled and usurped, but in hardly any instance considered the right of conquest as a sufficient title to the smallest possession. Grants for every usurpation were sought, and obtained, from those who pos- sessed the local sovereignty. By this mode of proceeding, which was singularly suited to the feelings of a people like the inhabitants of India, who may be generally described as inveterate in their habits and abhorrent of change, they evaded many of those obstacles which had im- peded former conquerors. But their internal relations with each other appear stiU more re- markable thrai those they established with foreign states. We shall have occasion to shew, that Mahomed Shah, before he granted Ballajee a commission as Soubahdar of Malwa, exacted from his military chiefs a deed, by which they beccina VOL. I. G 82 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. guarantees for the fidelity and allegiance of their nominal lord. This measure and many others of similar character prove that the authority of the Paishwah was only recognized as that of first officer of the state ; and he seems to have consulted with other chiefs of the confederacy, on points that related to their general interest, on a footing ahnost of equaUty ; but, perhaps, this extraordinary * proceeding is in some degree to be referred to the master-principle of the Mahrattas, which rejected no means that could promote their object. AH accounts regarding the estabhshment of the Mahrattas in Central India agree, that their first administration of that country was moderate and good, particularly as contrasted with those aggra- vated evils f which are ever the concomitants of * The usage here described is, however, not limited to the Mahrattas, but common to Hindu governments, in few of which the princes appear to have obtained any very des- potic power, the shape of all being that of a feudal con- federacy. t The hereditary Zemindar of Indore gave me a very dis- tinct account of the first settlement of the Mahrattas in INI alwa, and, considering the transaction as recent, the narrator a re- spectable man advanced in years, and that his grandfather. Row Nund Lai, was the person who met and conducted the Mahrattas into the province, we can hardly doubt his general accuracy. The following are the exact words of his answer to a question upon the subject. MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 83 falling power, when the necessities of a sovereign lead him to oppress those whom he cannot pro- tect. Thek conduct to the inhabitants was for a period very conciliatory, and they soon esta- blished a strength that made the weak govern- " In the reign of Mahomed Shah, when the Moghul " Empire had fallen to pieces, and the power of the Delhi mo- " narch was rapidly declining, Dia Bahadur (a Brahmin) was *' Soubahdar of Malwa. The corruptions and abuses of power " which prevailed in the remnants of the Delhi territories " were great, and the distress arising from a total neglect of " the duties incumbent upon Government fell heavily upon the " peaceful husbandman and labourer of the field, who groaned " under the oppression of every petty tyrant that chose to act " the despot. The subordinate chiefs, or Thakoors, of Malwa, *' impatient of the oppressions and rapacious exactions imposed " upon them and their Ryots by Dia Bahadur or his agents, " represented their grievances to the court of Delhi, and soli- " cited redress. The reigning monarch, however, Mahomed " Shah, held the reins of government with too weak a hand, " and was too much immersed in indolent and effeminate " pleasure, to atford redress; and the Rajpoot chiefs, finding " their hopes disappointed, turned their eyes towards the " Raja of Jeypoor, Sevai Jye Singh, to whom they made " their appeal. Jye Singh was one of the most powerful and " able of those Rajas of Hindustan who still remained obe- " dient to the Emperor : his allegiance, however, had begun to ** waver, in consequence, it is supposed, of an affront he had " received; and a secret intercourse was established between " him and the Paishwah Bajerow, the object of which was " believed to be the subversion of the Mahomedan power. " The Rajpoot chiefs of Malwa preferred their complaints *' to him : he recommended them to invite the Mahrattas " to invade the province, and subdue the Moghul autho- g2 84 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. ment of Mahomed Shah despair of recovering a country which became the home of the invaders, from whence they carried then' predatory excur- sions into Hindustan ; and a gi-ant of a part of the revenues of that country, not excepting the lands near Delhi, was one of the early fruits of their success. " rity. Row Nund Lai, Choudry, or principal officer of " the district of Indore, was then a Zemindar of wealth and " consequence, and had troops amounting to 2000 horse and " foot, who were paid from tho revenues he enjoyed. He had ** also charge of the different posts which guarded the fords " of the Nerbudda, and he was on this latter account selected " to treat with the Mahrattas and promote the invasion. The " army of Bajerow was encamped on the plains of Ber- " hampoor, and a force of about 12,000 men under Mulhar " Row Holkar formed the advance. Row Nund Lai deputed " a Vakeel to Mulhar Row with an invitation to enter Malwa, " and an assurance of the Ghauts, or passes, being left open for ** his troops, and of all the Zemindars aiding the invaders. The ** Mahrattas, in consequence, marched, and crossed the Ner- ** budda at a ford near Akberpoor, a village between Dhu- *' rumpooree and Mhysir. Dia Bahadur, having in the " mean time received intelligence of their approach, had " moved with a force beyond Amjherra, and blocked up the " Ghauts which lead to Tandah, by which he supposed the ^' enemy meant to ascend to the Table Land. The Mahrattas, ^' however, being favoured by the Zemindars and inhabitants, " were conducted up an unguarded pass, now called the Byroo *' Ghaut, a few miles to the East of Mandoo ; and having *' brought up their whole force on the plain without opposition, " they afterwards encountered Dia Bahadur at a village called ** Tirellab between Amjherra and Dhar, where the latter was MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 85 Bajerow, after overrunning Bundelcund, plun- dering Hindustan, and exacting a promise of the Choute, or fourth of the revenue, upon the whole of the Moghul empire, left Malwa, (six years sub- sequent to his entering that province,) to proceed to his Southern territories. He appears in this year to have solicited and obtained a letter and present from the Emperor, placing him in the highest rank of his nobles. This document states, that Bajerow has been exalted above his equals, by the grant of territories ; that a splendid dress * is transmitted to him ; — and he is re- minded of his duty, and directed *' to tread " firmly in the broad path of fidehty." The year before these honours were conferred, the Emperor had endeavoured to expel Bajerow from Malwa, " defeated and slain, and bis troops dispersed. From that pe- " riod the Mahrattas obtained paramount rule in Malwa. I'be " ancient Thakoors, Zemindars, &c. were allowed to retain " their possessions, on the same terms they held them under " the Moghul government, and guaranteed from the recurrence *' of the oppressive exactions they had lately been suffering* " The Moghul Amildars and the public officers, with their " Thannahs or posts, were all turned out, and replaced by those " of the Mahrattas. Some of the Thakoors, who afterwards " became refractory and neglected to pay their tributes and " perform their engagements, were deprived of their possessions " and power, which were assumed by their new masters, whose " proceedings, however, on their first taking possession of the " province were studiously adapted to conciliate the Hindu " chiefs and inhabitants." * The articles of this dress (Khelaut) are enumerated in the letter. 86 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA, A.D. 1738. by the reappointment of Nizam ul Mulk to the office of Sovibahdar of that province. This was probably one of the causes that led the Paish- wah to proceed to the Deckan, where he, no doubt, expected, from the absence of the Nizam (who was called to Delhi to oppose Nadir Shah), to make considerable conquests. But the close of his career was marked by a memorable reverse. He suffered a signal defeat in the vicinity of Poona from Nazir Jung, the son of Nizam ul Mulk, and his capital was taken and burnt. These events preceded only a few months the death of this celebrated Mahratta chief.* He was suc- ceeded by his son Ballajee, who went through the A.D. 1740. mock ceremony of obtaining an investiture from the imprisoned Sahoo Raja, before he entered upon the exercise of his frmctions as Paishwah. The invasion of Nadir Shah had thrown the whole of India into confusion and dismay, and Ballajee hastened to take advantage of the oppor- tunity, which this event afforded, of extending his power. The first authentic record we have of his reign, is a very remarkable compact with Nizam 111 Mulk. It is in the form of requests and an- swers, a very usual shape of Indian diplomatic papers. The first request is, that BaUajee shaU be ap- * Bajerow Bullal succeeded to the office of Paishwah in May 1720, and died in the same month, after a rule of twenty years, leaving it to his son Ballajee Bajerow. MAHKATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 87 pointed Soubahdar of Malwa* and have the whole of that province as a Jaghire, or estate. The an- swer is, that the Nizam is himself Soubahdar, but, on the Paishwah promising obedience, the Sun- nuds, or deeds, to be Naib, or deputy, shall be sent hmi. In the next article a request is made for the fifty lacks of rupees which the Emperor had pro- mised as an aid.f Every effort (it is stated in reply) will be made to obtain this amount. From the tenor of the superscription :|: on this document, it must have been written when Nizam ul Mulk was passing through Malwa (after Nadir a.d.1740 Shah had left India) to punish his rebellious son in the Deckan. During the three years that intervened from the accession of Ballajee to the office of Paishwah, * It has been before explained, that the greatest part of that country which we term Central India, was inckided in the INIoghul Soubahor government of Malwa. Vide chap. i. t Mudud Khurch, literally, aid of expenditure. I This Persian deed is styled " Memorandum of Demands and Answers." There is upon the envelope of this document a short note in the Mahratta language — " That the enclosed " Memorandum regarded the Soubahdary of Malwa, and the ** fifty lacks of rupees, was sent by Ballajee Row to the Nabob " Asoph Jah, who was then (the 26th of Ramzan, year not " mentioned) at Suraee in Malwa, and the answers to the Me- " morandum were originally in Asoph Jah's own hand- " writing." — Asoph Jah left Delhi in 1740. He fought his son Nizam u Dowlah in 1741, and he continued in the Deckan till his death, 1748. Mahomed Shah died the same year. MAHK,ATTA INVASION OF MALWA. to the death of Jye Singh, there appears to have been a constant friendly intercourse between the latter and the Mahrattas; and several letters and engagements, which have been preserved, shew distinctly the character of this connexion, which, though perhaps originally grounded on Hindu feeling, took a different shape after the Mahrattas had entered the scene. Jye Singh's object was, to continue the medium of intercourse between them and the Emperor ; but he desired, as appears from certain articles in their agreements, to combine his duty to his sovereign with his friendship to the Mahrattas. He also wished to use the latter as auxiliaries; and an engagement"* of four articles is chiefly directed against Abber Singh, Raja of Joudpoor, with whom he was then in a state of hostiUty. But death came sea- sonably to release this great and accomplished prince f from a scene of intrigue, distraction, and guilt, in which, from his want of means to guide the storm that was around him, his character might have been soiled, but could not have been elevated. The last engagement he concluded with the Mahrattas, from its date, could only have been settled a short period before his death. Its first * This offensive and defensive engagement is dated in the year of the Sumbhut 1798, and below 1141 of the Sorsun, the Arabic aera used by the Mahrattas, which dates correspond with Hejira 1155 and a. d. 174.1. i He died a. d. 1742. MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. article is completely an offensive and defensive en- gagement. The second is remarkable : it supposes (probably on very good experience) the likelihood of Bajerow breaking his faith with the Emperor. Jye Singh states that he will prevent such an oc- currence; but, if it happens, he will follow the Paishwah*. The third and fourth articles are ge- neral; but by the fifth he promises to pay attention to the interests of some Rajpoot chiefs to the North of the Chumbul river, whom Ballajee had recommended, and to endeavour to establish them in their possessions, on their paying the tribute, provided they were firm in their allegiance to the Emperor. This latter qualification proves, that he was still sensible to his duty in that quarter ; and indeed it is probable he acted only a ministerial part, in all that related to the intercourse between Mahomed Shah and the Paishwah. Jn the con- cluding and most important article of the engage- ment alluded to, Jye Singh promises " to pro- " cure, in the course of six months, the Eni- " peror's command for the issue of a Firmaun, or " order, in the name of the Sahoo Raja, and the " transmission of the usual presents, also the Sun- " nuds, or deeds, for the Vicegerency of the Sou- * The literal translation from the original in the Rangree dialect is, " I will be after you ;" which may be interpreted either as implying continued friendship in all extremes, or hostility on a change of conduct. The latter is, fortunately for the fame of Jye Singh, the most obvious reading. VOL. I. G 5 90 MAHRATTA INVASION OF INDIA. " bah of Malwa, and the sanction to take tribute, " as established by the Emperor, from the Rajas " on this side (i. e. the North) of the Chumbul." This treaty was conckided on the fourteenth night of the Moon of Jeth, in the year of the Sumbhut 1798, corresponding with a. d. 1741. Jye Singh died the next year. Few chiefs have attained higher or more merited reputation. The city of Jeypoor, which he built to perpetuate his name, exhibits in its splendid appearance the mind of its founder. The erection of an observatory, and its endowment at his new capital, shewed that the love of science was mixed with the other virtues and quahties of this i3rince, who completely ful- filled, during a long reign, the extraordinary pro- mise he gave even in childhood ; but he belongs to the subject of this narration, only as a Chief who at some periods had power, and throughout his life great influence, over the whole of Central India, where his name is still fondly cherished by all, and particularly by the Rajpoots. These deem him, and Jeswunt Singh of Joudpoor, who is dear to them from his opposition to Aurung- zebe, the greatest of their race. It is impossible not to suppose, that the in- fluence of such a character as Jye Singh operated as some restraint on BaUajee ; but the contempt of all morality, in their political arrangements, was with the Mahrattas avowed, and shameless. We have a remarkable instance of this in a MAHllATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 91 note affixed to an engagement made by Ballajee and his uncle Chimnajee with the weak sove- reign of Delhi: in which, after stating A^arious conditions of service that they bind themselves to perform, it is added, " that Ballajee Row * in- " tended in future to do every thing candour and " sincerity dictated, to obey the Emperor's wishes " as appeared best to his judgment, and to refrain " from the litigiousness he had formerly practised " in causing unnecessary delays, &c. by pretended " scruples, arising fi'om the omission of a Fir- " maun, or other alleged informalities ; neither " would he in future endeavour to evade the per- " formance of any duty or service by pretended " want of cash, or any such groundless excuse." The Emperor Mahomed Shah had appointed f Ballajee to be Soubahdar of Malwa; but there * This remarkable confession is attached to an engagement of nine articles given to the Emperor by Ballajee and bis uncle Chimnajee, after the former had been nominated Soubahdar of Malwa. It is believed to be written in the Paishwah's own hand ; and commences with stating that the agreement of nine articles had been made after much discussion, in the time of Khan Dowran, to please the Vizier, by advice of Row Kirpah Ram. The latter person was of some celebrity ; he was long Vakeel on the part of Jye Singh at Delhi, and was a personal favourite of Mahomed Shah. t This appointment is made by two Sunnuds, or deeds, the one dated the twenty-second of Jumad-ul-Awul, and the other the eighteenth of Rujub, in the twenty-fourth year of the Em- peror's reign. 92 MAHKxVTTA INVASION OF MALWA. was at this period a remarkable indirectness in all proceedings betwixt the Emperor and the Paish- wah ;— and the high office of Soubahdar of Malwa is, by a singular form, given in trust * to the Vi- zier, to be bestowed upon the Paishwah. It is probable that the weak successor of Timur was ashamed of the concessions into which he was forced, and that this expedient originated in a de- sire to prevent his dignity being compromised by the form of the engagement. On these points the Mahratta chief was careless, and, so long as he advanced in the substance of power f, he willingly left the name of it to others. Ballajee appears, * This is the form in the second Suunud, or deed, dated the eighteenth of Rujub. t The great solicitude with which the Paishwah sought the title and power of Soubahdar of Malwa is proved by a variety of papers, propositions, and minor agreements, in which he is profuse of his professions of obedience and allegiance, in the event of his wishes being complied with. There is among these records a curious instance of Ballajee's readiness to subscribe any thing, and to endeavour by every means to pro- mote his objects. In an engagement which he gave the Em- peror, dated the twenty-third year of his reign, (one year before he obtained the grant of MaKva,) it is written in the preamble: "I, Ballajee Row INIookh Purdhan, through the '' mediation of Asoph Jah;" and in another paper of the same purport and date, and which exactly corresponds on all other points, he not only omits the mention of this mediation, but states that he, the Paishwah, will not contract any friendship with Asoph Jah, or others, without the royal permission. It has been conjectured that the first of these records was the MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 93 from other documents, to have extorted from the comt of Delhi sums of money upon the most groundless and even insultmg pretexts ; amongst others, a large sum which had been promised to his father, on the condition of his joining the Emperor on the invasion of Nadir, was claimed and extorted, though Bajerow had on that occa- sion not only kept aloof, but taken every advan- tage of the crisis to enlarge his possessions. The gratitude of Ballajee, when he obtained the office of Soubahdar of Malwa, was expressed in an engagement* from him and his uncle, which original draft, but, not being approved by the Emperor, the other was substituted ; but it is much more probable, from both having been carefully preserved among the state papers at Poona, that one engagement was forwarded to the court of Delhi, and another to Nizam ul Mulk. Such a proceeding is quite conformable with the usage of Mahratta politicians, who, if they attain the object of the moment, are insensible to the disgrace of future detection and exposure. * The following is a translation of the articles of agreement of Pundit Purdhan Ballajee Row, and Chimnajee Row. " As from beneficence and bounty the Soubahdary of Malwa " has been bestowed upon the servants Ballajee Row and " Chimnajee Row, we are willing to perform our service as " follows: *' 1st. We wish to have the honour of enjoying the dignity of " being admitted to the august presence. " 2d. We promise that we shall not invade, plunder, or lay " waste any country except Malwa. " 3d. No other Mahratta chief shall pass beyond the 94 MAHRATTA IINVASION OF MALWA. though written in a tone of submission to the Emperor, contained in its stipulations ample proof of the real condition of those, who sought the promotion of their temporary interests by unmeaning professions of allegiance and obe- dience. In the anxiety of Ballajee to obtain possession of Malwa, he had recourse to the measure, which has been before noticed, of making his chief ge- nerals become the guarantees of his good faith; and the following document was given to Maho- med Shah to guard against his future encroach- ments : " We, Ranojee Sindia, Mulharjee Holkar, " Ghauts of the Nerbudda, into any part of the Soubah of " Hindustan. We take upon ourselves this responsibility. " 4th. A respectable Mahratta officer, with a body of five " hundred horse, shall always be present in the service of his " Majesty. " 5th. We accept the sum which has this year been given " us as Enam or gift ; but in future we will not ask for a frac- " tion from the court, which is the centre of the world, and " shall always remain steady and firm in our duty and alle- ** giance. " 6th. Whenever the victorious army shall move abroad, a *' body of 4000 horse shall be furnished by us to accompany " the camp ; but should more be required, their expenses " must in that case be defrayed by the enlightened presence. *' 7ih. We will not exact from the Zemindars beyond the " river Chumbul, a fraction more than the established Paish- '* kush, or tribute. " 8th. Should the enlightened presence issue an order for us " to punish any petty Zemindars in that quarter, we shall fur- MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. 95 " JeswTint Row Puar, and Pillajee Jadhoo, hereby " give it under our hctiids, that, Ballajee Row " Mookh Purdhan having agreed to serve his Ma- " jesty, should he hereafter deske to recede from " his duty, we shall by oui^ representations prevent " his doing so ; but if, notwithstanding our endea- " vours, he still persists in withdrawing from his " duty, we shall in that case quit the service of " the Pm'dhan Pundit. In token of the same we " have written the above as a deed." This docu- ment is dated the seventh of Rubee-ul-Awul, in the twenty-third of the reign, a. d. 1743. The retrospect of a few years gives a stiU more singular character to this extraordinary record. Ranojee had carried the slippers of the father of the chief for whose conduct he now pledged him- self, and Mulhar Row Holkar had only a few years before been attending a flock of goats, at his native village in the Deckan ; but it was a period " nish a quota of 4000 horse, who will exert their endea- " vours to effect the object required. " 9th. With respect to the Jaghires of Killedars and the " perquisites of Canoongoes, INluftis, &c. as also lands, pen- '' sions, and other charitable institutions emanating from the " bounty of the enlightened presence, we declare that we will " not infringe upon them, but allow the full benefit of them " to those on whom they have been bestovved, that they may *' employ themselves in uttering benedictions for his Majesty's " eternal prosperity." N. B. The note found on the envelope of this agreement has been before noticed. Vide page 91' 96 MAHRATTA INVASION OF MALWA. of revolution, and these persons were now gi^eat military commanders, who had not only armies of their own, but interests, particularly North of the Nerbudda, quite distinct from those of the Paishwah, whose history indeed, subsequent to the events here stated, has little connexion with that of Central India ; to illustrate which it will be neces- sary to give a concise account of the Mahratta families of Puar, Sindia, and Holkar, whose an- cestors were employed in the first reduction of this country, and to whom it afterwards became subject. CHAPTER IV. The families of the Pnars of Dhar and Dewass. In the early periods of Mahratta history, the family of Puar appears to have been one of the most distinguished.* They were of a Rajpoot tribe, numbers of which had been settled in Mal- wa at a remote aera ; from whence this branch had migrated to the Deckan. Sevajee Puar, the first of the family that can be traced in the latter country, was a landholder!; and his grandsons Sambajee and Kalojee were military commanders, in the service of the celebrated Sevajee. Three sons of the former, Oudajee, Anund Row, and Jugdeo, served the successor of that prince (Sahoo Raja), during whose reign Oudajee attained consider- able rank. He was not only intrusted with a high command, but treated with great con- sideration, as appears by the style and purport * This tribe has been before noticed. Vide page 23. t He was Zemindar of Sopaut Kingee and Kurungaum in the Deckan. VOL. I. H 98 PTIARS OF DHAR. of letters and deeds from Sahoo Raja and his minister Bajerow^ still in the possession of the family. Oudajee, eight years before Bajerow con- quered Central India, was employed to establish the predatory claims * of the Mahrattas over that country and Guzerat.f He however offended the Paishwah ; who first deprived him of all power, and, having afterwards imprisoned :|: him, raised his younger brother Anund Row to the head of the family. From this event occurring before the division of the territories of Malwa, the latter is considered the founder of the Principality of Dhar. It is a curious coincidence that the success of * Choute, Sirdaishraookee, &c. &c. t Oudajee entered Guzerat, but made no permanent im- pression in that province, in which, as has been before stated, Bandiah and Pillajee Guickwar had established themselves. The latter, after some warfare, obliged Oudajee, in A. D. 1726, to retire into Malwa, and to abandon the forts of Dubbo}' and Baroda, which he had occupied. Baroda became the capital of Pillajee, and has continued that of his descendants. X One account states that Oudajee escaped from prison and fled to the Deckaii, where he died in obscurity at the village of Mooltan near Poona. Thus far is certain, that his name never again occurs in Mahratta history ; and this circumstance, connected with his former fame, had given rise to suspicions that his death was hastened by the policy of Bajerow, and the fears of his successor Anund Row, whose defection to the Paishwah is considered to have been the chief cause of his brother's fall. PUARS OF DIIAE. 99 tlie Mahrattas should, by making Dhar the ca- pital of Animd Row and his descendants, restore the sovereignty of a race who had seven centuries before been expelled from the government of that city and territory. But the present family, though of the same tribe (Puar), claim no descent * from the ancient Hindu Princes of Malwa. They have, like all the Khetri tribes who became incorpo- rated with the Mahrattas, adopted, even in their modes of thinking, the habits of that people. The heads of the family, with feelings more suited to chiefs of that nation than Rajpoot princes, have purchased the office of Potailf, or head-man, in some villages in the Deckan ; and their descen- dants continue to attach value to their ancient, thougli humble, rights of village officers in that quarter. Notwithstanding that these usages, and * The Rajas of the petty principality of Soonte assert their title to this proud lineage. t I have seen this Sunnud for the office of Potail to the village of Komtar, in the Pergunnah of Junneer, which was purchased for 1112 rupees and a horse by Anund Row Puar, in A. I). 1710. The son of Anund Row, Jeswunt Row Puar, bought the half of the office of Potail of the village of Kun- gaum, in the Pergunnah of Kundah, in the province of Janneer, in A. D. 1734, when Prince of Dhar; he paid 751 rupees for the purchase. These offices, which with their small immu- nities were occasionally disturbed in the time of the Paishwahs, have been eagerly reclaimed since the British authority was extended over the Poona territories. n 2 loo PUARS OF DHAPv. the connexions they formed, have amalgamated this family with the Mahrattas, they still claim, both on account of their high birth, and being officers of the Rajas of Sattara (not of the Paish- wahs), rank and precedence over the house of Sindia and Holkar ; and these claims, even when their fortunes were at the lowest ebb, were always admitted as far as related to points of form and ceremony. The late Jeswunt Row Holkar and Dowlet Row Sindia were, indeed, forward to acknowledge their superior rank, at the very moment they were usurping their power and despoiling their territories. Anund Row Puar was vested with authority to collect the Mahratta share of the revenue of Mal- wa and Guzerat in a. D. 1734. This commission, however, could hardly have been acted upon, as the Paishwah, Bajerow, became Soubahdar of the former province in the ensuing year, and whatever forms the policy of the Mahrattas might have led them to observe, they were substantially the sove- reigns of Malwa from this date. Anund Row soon afterwards settled at Dhar, which province, with the adjoining districts, and the tributes of some neighbouring Rajpoot chiefs, were assigned for the support of himself and his adherents. Anund Row died a. d. 1749, and was suc- ceeded by his son Jeswunt Row Puar, who ac- companied the Paishwah to Hindustan, and was rUARS OF DHAR. 101 one of the many distinguished leaders * who fell in the celebrated action which the Mahrattas, com- manded by Sadasheo Bhow, the Paishwah's bro- ther, fought at Paniput, against the combined Mahomedan armies, under the Afghan sovereign * Jeswunt Row Puar had attiiined high consideration amongst the Mahrattas, and is spoken of as ahke remarkable for his kindness and valour by the inhabitants of INIalwa, who cherish many traditions of his fame, 'i'he following anecdote of this chief was related to me by one of my most respectable Native writers, Kealee Uam, who had at one period the ma- nagement of Bersiah. lie said, that about thirty years ago he had a long conversation with Himmiit Singh, the hereditary Choudry, or chief officer of the district, (then eighty years of age,) who praised the goodness and high spirit of Jeswunt Row Puar extremely. When the Bhow was encamped on the river near liersiah, 1 Jimmut Singh told him that Jeswunt Row took him and some others to the tent of the commander to see what was going on. " Jeswunt Row had gone to the inner tent to " pay his regpects, while I with other Zemindars (Himmut " Singh observed) sat myself down at the entrance of the outer. " Thiee Mahratta chiefs dismounting from their horses, and " having no horsekeepers, bade me and two others hold them *• while they went into the tent of the Bhow. We did so. Jes- " wunt Row, on coming out, enquired how we came to have '* such occupations; when informed of what had occurred, he '* exclaimed in anger, ' Who dares degrade my Zemindars into " horsekeepers ?' and then turning 'to us, said, ' Mount these '* animals and ride them home, they are your property.* We " readily obeyed, (said Himmut Singh,) and never heard more " upon the subject, but kept our excellent horses and their fine " housings." 102 PUARS OF DHAR. Ahmed Shah Abdalli. Kimdee Row, the son of Jeswunt Row, was a minor* when his father was slain, and the management of the family pos- sessions fell to a Brahmin of the name of Mahdoo Row Ourekm'. From this period the petty state of Dhar appears to have declined. The Mahratta chiefs in Malwa, in their turn, took advantage of the weak and distracted state of this principahty ; and its ruin seemed at one period inevitable, when the well-known Ragobah, who brought misfortune on all who supported him, sent his family for refuge to Dhar, which was immediately surrounded by a detachment of the combined forces of his enemies. Anundee Bhye, his principal wife, who had just been delivered of Bajerow (the last of the Paishwahs), was within the fort; and the object of the as- sailants was to obtain possession of her and the young prince. As Kundee Row had openly joined the standard of Ragobah, his countries in Malwa were resumed, and their restoration was the price given for the surrender of Anundee Bhye and her child f, who were carried prisoners to the Deckan. The orders in the name of Paishwah Madhoo Row, directing the restoration of the * He was only two years and a half old. t The infant who was so early doomed to a prison might have been pitied; but none commiserated his depraved ambi- tious mother, who, when the young unfortunate Paishwah Narrainjee Row, flying from his murderers, was clasping his PUARS OF DHAR. 103 different districts in Malwa to Kundee Row, ex- plain specifically their tenure to be for the sup- port* of troops ; indeed, that was the only grant ever made to military chiefs, and no other ajj- pears to have been sought. It was, according to the practice of this loose state, no check to usm'pation ; and it gave them, when the para- mount power was strong, an excuse with them- selves and others for submission, which was con- genial to their habits. The usage that rendered military command, as well as civil charge, heredi- tary, made them confident that their descendants would keep possession under this tenure, as long arms round his uncle and imploring life, rushed from her apartment and unknit the hoy's hands, and threw him with violence from Ragobah. lie met the fate to which, it is believed by almost all Mahrattas, she, from a desire to raite herself and children, was the chief cause of his being doomed. Ragobah (that name of ill omen to all, and to none more than the English), who is considered by his countrymen as being weaker than he was wicked, continued through life under the influence oi this bold bad woman, of whom I never heard a Mahratta speak but with disgust and indignation. * It was by accident I discovered the deed for this tenure, which is termed Serinjam. The Pundit of Dhar shewed some alarm; at which I smiled, and told him his master had now the best tenure in India, a treaty with the British government, and no retrospect could or would be taken to his former rights. He said he believed so, but that many stories were told of our giving a construction to the terms of grants, which, though liberal and perhaps just, was not consistent with the manner in vvhicii they were understood by Mahrattas. 104 PUARS OF DHAR. as they could under any other ; for they well knew, from the prmciples of theu^ empire, that, when they ceased to be able to defend themselves, no titles, however valid, would save them from ruin. Kundee Row Puar had married the daughter of Govind Row Guickwar, by whom he had one son, born six months after his death. This prince, who was called Anund Row, remained at Baroda, the capital of his grandfather, till he was seven- teen years of age, when he proceeded to Dhar; and, though at first opposed by the Dewan Rung Row Ourekur, he succeeded in establishing him- self in his principahty. A. D. 1797. From the date of Anund Row's return, the history of the Puars of Dhar presents one series of misfortunes ; and during the last twenty years the efforts made by its princes have had less the character of a contest for power, than a struggle for existence. The Mahratta chieftains Holkar* * Jeswunt Row Holkar received the rebellious minister, Rung Row Ourekur, who claimed his protection, in the most friendly manner, and, while he carried on an inefl'ectual nego- tiation to reconcile him to his master, plundered and laid waste the country. The minister, however, finding that Jes* wunt Row could not accomplish his views, went to the Deckan, where he succeeded in instigating Dowlet Row Sindia to attack Dhar, a. d. I8O7. That prince at first demanded thirty lacks of rupees from this petty state, as- serting that he had orders from the Paishwah to resume its rUAllS OF DHAK. J 05 and Siiidia were amongst its principal despoilers. Anund Row, after some vain efforts to preserve his territories, died. His power devolved on lande, which he threatened to enforce if this requisition was not comphed with. After a great eflbrt, two lacks of rupees were raised, which were given, with an order for four more upon the Kotah tribute ; but this was only a part of the loss which the conduct of Ourekur brought upon this principality. The districts of Auggur and Soneil, which had been granted to that minister for his support, were by him made over to Sindia; and the hostihties of the latter did not stop, till he had despoiled Anund Row of the principal part of his possessions, A. D. 1805. Those in Harrowtee were all seized, and Dhar was a second time attacked by one of his leaders, Juggah Bap- poo, who extorted a considerable sum from its ruler. — In two years afterwards (a. d, 1 80?) another of these, Sambajee Jugha, made war upon this declining principality, and took, after an action fought at Budnawur, the whole of that district, to satisfy the demand made by order of Sindia for seventy-five thousand rupees. A desire to regain his country led to this amount being raised and paid by Anund Row; but, during this transaction, that unfortunate prince died. This event, with the confusion that ensued, was made the pretext of keeping both the money and the territory. Anund Row is believed to have been poisoned by his sister, who was of a very bad and dissolute character. Her supposed object was the government, which she would have exercised in the name of some child she meant to adopt. These hopes, if ever entertained, were com- pletely frustrated ; she was seized and put to death, with several real or presumed accomplices, a few days after her brother's death. About the period of these transactions, Meer-Khan seized on Bersiah, a district of the Puars, and made it over to Kur- reem Khan Pindarry. Some years afterwards the Pergunnahi> 106 PUARS OF DHAR. his widow, Meenah Bhye*. This princess was pregnant when her husband died, and, fearing the designs of Moraree Row, an illegitmiate son of Jeswunt Row Piiar, who had formed a party at Dhar, she went to Mandoo, where she was delivered of a son called Ramclumder Row of Tal and Mundawul were seized by Jeswunt Row tiolkar, and granted to Guffoor Khan for the support of troops. While the territories of this state in Malwa were taken and partitioned by every description of pkniderers, the Dewan who had been the chief cause of these misfortunes, after a reconciliation with Anund Row, which led him to stay at Dhar a few months, fled to Poona, where he completed the ruin of his prince, by persuading Bajerow to seize u{)on his possessions in the Deckan. Rung Row Ourekur is still alive, and resident at Poona. He is represented as being an able man; and while he had the sole management of the affairs of Dhar, it was well governed. His desire was, that Anund Row should remain at Baroda with his mother; but, when the impetuosity of that prince (for, though only seventeen years of age, he is said to have acted upon the impulse of his feelings) led to his sudden appearance in his own territories, and to a ruptuie with the Dewan, the latter, governed by ambition, seems to have found a malignant pleasure in giving his aid to destroy the state which he could not continue to rule ; and he lately made an unsuccessful attempt to defraud his prince of some small rights of inheritance in the Poona territories, which he pretended had been assigned for his support. * Meenah Bhye was niece of Gahena Bhye, the widow of Govind Row Guickwar, a woman of considerable ability, whose influence had for many years been paramount at the court of Baroda. PUARS OF DHAll. 107 Puar. This event gave strength to her cause ; and the commandant* of the fort of Dhar re- maining faithful, obliged Moraree Row to have recourse to deceit. Meenah Bh} e was persuaded, a. d. iso;. by his professions of obedience and attachment, to come to the capital ; but, instead of being permitted to proceed to the fort, was compelled to occupy a place in the town, where she was im- mediately besieged by the troops of her enemy, who even attempted to burn the house f in which she and her adherents lived. But her spuit was not to be subdued. While this contest was carry- ing on, she exchanged her child ^dth that of a pea- sant's wife, and, keeping the latter, she instructed the woman to carry the young Raja to the fort, which was effected during the night. Moraree Row, the moment he discovered what had oc- curred, threatened vengeance; but the exulting mother told him he might wreak his rage on her as he pleased, — she was indifferent, now the * Killahdar. f I listened with ])]easiire when at Dhar, in December 1818, to the animated detail which Meenah Bhye gave me of those events. " Ask Bappoo Raghunauth," she said, " and others who are near you, what advice they gave me, when the house in which I hved was ready to be enveloped in flames. They mtreated me to fly ; but I told them I would remain where my honour required 1 should, and if the purpose of my enemy was accomplished, it would be a Suttee (self-sacrifice) worthy of my late husband." 108 PUARS OF DHAR. prince who represented the family was beyond his power. She had sent the commandant a mes- sage, imploring him to defend her son to the last, and to be heedless of her fate. Moraree Row, after an unsuccessful attempt to take the fort, fled upon hearing that a body of troops from Guzerat were hastening to the relief of Meenah Bhye. The desperate condition of the principality had led the Regent Princess to apply every where for aid. Sindia (in spite of his having been the prin- cipal despoiler) was solicited to save the legitimate heir from ruin. The British government was courted, through the Resident at Baroda, to inter- pose its protection. But it did not suit the con- venience or policy of these states to interfere. The intreaties, danger, and spirited exertions of Meenah Bhye, at last interested her relations and friends in Guzerat so far, that a force under Succaram Chimnajee* was sent to her support. The avowed object of this aid was to save the principaUty of Dhar from destruction; but it was, no doubt, in contemplation that it might eventually become a dependance of the Guickwar government, and the immediate expedition was looked to as a source of profit and strength to the individuals who had projected, and were employed * Succaram Chimnajee was the brother of Seetaram, the minister at Baroda, who was supported in this measure by the influence uf Gahena Bhye, the aunt ot" Meenah Bhye. PITARS OF DHAE. upon it. The latter speculation was completely frustrated; a load of debt was incurred without any adequate advantage. Succaram died, and his place was supplied by one of his officers, Bappoo Raghunauth, who, though he failed in realizing the hopes of the court of Baroda, succeeded by his activity and energy, supported ]3y the con- fidence and animated by the courage of Meenah Bhye, in keeping this petty state alive, till those revolutions occurred which have restored it (though with reduced territories) to a condition of peace and permanent security far beyond what it had ever known. The history of this change is short. During the last few years Meenah Bhye, aided by her Guzerat friends, carried on a petty warfare with Moraree Row for the possession of the principality, and made incursions on the territories of neighbouring Rajpoot chiefs to support her troops ; for the country was rendered destitute of regular revenue, and they, like others, had no resource but plunder. The son of Anund Row died, but his mother, sanctioned by the Hindu law, and by the con- currence of neighbouring princes*, immediately adopted her sister's son, who was of about the same age, and seated him on the Musnud, under the name of Ramchunder Puar. Moraree Row, * Both Dowlet Row Sindia and Jeswiint Row Holkar concurred in this adoption. 109 110 PUARS OF DHAR. after several vicissitudes, was ultimately compelled to leave the country, and soon after died. The district of Kooksee was wrested from Dhar by the Mukranee chief Muzuffer, who, having settled with a body of his countrymen in the strong coun- try of Ally Mohun, situated Ijetween Guzerat and Dhar, had made himself formidable to the latter, and several other petty states, on the plunder of which he in fact subsisted. The Guzerat troops of Seetaram ahnost all retired to that province. Detachments of Sindia's entered the Dhar terri- tories to levy contributions ; and within the last five years it has JDcen subject to frequent pre- datory attacks from the Pindarries, and the dif- ferent leaders of Holkar's army. A. D. 1817. At the commencement of the year in which the British troops entered Malwa, Dhar was the only possession that remained to Ramchunder Puar, and the whole revenues of the principality did not amount to more than thirty-five thousand rupees; but, while Meenah Bhye and her adopted son lived in the fortress, Bappoo Raghunauth, with a rabble of an army, amounting to eight or nine thousand men, plundered the country, and levied contributions from Doongurpoor to Ne- maur. The advance of the British armies afforded advantages which were not neglected. Dowlet Row Sindia was opportunely reminded of the gross injustice of his keeping the district of Budnawur, after the money it had been pledged PUAPtS or DHAPt. Ill for was paid. His aid to recover Bersiali from the Pindarry chief Kiirreem was also solicited; and it was intimated, tliat should he refuse com- pliance, the Puar prince must seek justice from the British government, now the arbiters of India. The court of Gv/alior was not at that moment wiUing such a reference should be made. Bud- nawur was given back, and a promise made by Sindia's government to use its influence in effect- ing the recovery of Bersiah. But the latter dis- trict, from its being occupied by Pindarries, fell an early conquest to the English arms. It was, however, granted to the family of Dhar, to whom the ]}rotection of the British government has been extended, in a manner which has already restored their distracted and wasted country to a condition of order and tranquillity. The revenues of the petty state of Dhar will be hereafter noticed. Raja Ramchunder Puar is a fine boy, twelve years of age. The regent Meenah Bhye, who is still young in years, though old in the vicissitudes of life, entertains the most lively gratitude towards the English government; and Bappoo Raghunauth, the minister of Dhar, is now displaying as much zeal and energy in promoting cultivation and tran- quillity, as he did two years ago in plundering the country, and disturbing the general peace. When this active and intelligent man was upbraided with his former practices, and asked how he could 112 PUAES OF DEW ASS. assemble and maintain an army of eight thousand men, without the means of paying eight hundred, his answer*' was prompt: " Can you contemplate " what has occurred, and blame the foresight that " succeeded, by keeping up the contest on any " terms, in preserving the title to a principality? " With respect to our being plunderers," he added, " there was no other class in Malwa. The course " pursued was the only one left to protract the " existence of this petty state ; and we were from " year to year in hopes that the extremity of mi- " sery to which the country was reduced would " cause some great change. That has now oc- " curred; and you will judge by the future, whe- " ther we are worthy of better fortune than we " before enjoyed." The Puars of Dewass, though their possessions are very limited, merit a short mention as chiefs of rank, and also from the singular construction of their power. .The country they still enjoy was originally granted to two brothers, and has con- tinued for more than a century in equal shares of both authority and revenue to their descendants. It has been before stated, that Sevajee Puar had two gi^andsons, Sambajee and Kalojee.f The * The answer from Bappoo Raghunauth is taken from my notes of the first conference I had with him. t The Puars of Dewass have given me an account of the family, by which Kalojee is stated to be the elder brother. PUARS OF DEWASS. 113 former, as has been related, was ancestor to the princes of Dhar. Kalojee's two sons, Tukajee and Jewajee, came with Bajerow into Malwa; and in the subsequent division of that province, they obtained possession of several districts.* This family subsequently received a grant of a district in Bundelcundf, and one in Hindustani. These two latter possessions they have lost ; but the remainder have continued (though often overrun, and at times usurped, by other powers) in the family. Though theii- name always obtained them some respect from theii* more powerful Mahratta neighbours, the Puars of Dewass have suffered, throughout the last thirty years, the extreme of misery. They have been, in fact, the sport of every change. With territories situated in the most distracted part of Central India, and unable to maintain any force, they have alternately been plundered and oppressed, not only by the governments of Sindia and Holkar, but by the Pindarry chiefs, and indeed every freebooter of the day. A detail of their history during the last twenty-five years leaves an impression of wonder at their being in existence, or having an inhabited village in their country. But all * The districts first ceded to the sons of Kalojee were Dewass, Sarungpoor, and Allote, in Malwa. t liummerpoor. X Kundelah. VOL. I. I 114 PUARS OF DEWASS. that belonged to them in Malwa is now restored*, and their petty principality (under the protection of the British government, which has concluded a treaty with them,) is rising into prosperity, and promises at an early period a larger revenue than they have ever yet enjoyed. The first chiefs of Dewass had a quarrel, which led to a division of lands and villages; but the original union of power and authority has been revived in their descendants. Tukajee, the elder of the present Rajas, is the grandson of Tukajee, one of the first possessors; while Anund Row, his cousin, is the adopted son of the grandson of Jewajee. They are equal in rank and pretensions, and share equally in all receipts. An inquiry was made into their exact relations, to ascertain how they were to be treated in points of form and ceremony. It was explained by one of their offi- cers saying with a smile, " If a lime is pre- " sented by a villager, it must be cut into equal *' parts and divided between #uir tAvo Rajas." It was early found, that, though their chiefs were personally on good terms, their principal servants often came in collision ; and in making arrange- * Sariingpoor, which had been seized by Sindia, was re- stored to the Puars of Dewass at the conclusion of the Pin- darry war. Their other possessions in Malwa, though deso- lated, had not been alienated. PUARS OF DEWASS. 115 ments for theii' future welfare, a primary object was to induce them to appoint one minister. To this they agreed*; and the nomination of a re- spectable old servant of the family to this office, has tended greatly to the improvement of their territories. * The arrangement was facilitated by the hereditary minis- ter of one of these Rajas being a minor. i2 CHAPTER V. Family of Sindia, The family of Sindia are Sudras of the tribe of Koombee, or cultivators. Ranojee Sindia, the first who became eminent as a soldier, had succeeded to his hereditary office of head man, or Potail, of Kumerkerrah in the district of Wye, before he was taken into the service of the Paish- wah Ballajee Bishwanath, after whose death he continued in that of his son Bajerow BelaU. The humble employment of Ranojee was to carry the Paishwah's slippers; but being near the per- son of the chief minister of an empire in any capa- city,! is deemed an honour in India. The frequent instances of rapid rise from the lowest to the high- est rank led men of respectability to seek such sta- tions; and it is probable that ambition, not indi- gence, influenced the principal officer of a village to become, in the first instance, the menial servant of Ballajee Bishwanath. Ranojee's advancement, however, is imputed to accident. It is stated*, * This anecdote receives confirmation from a letter of Cap- tain Stewart, Acting Resident at Sindia's court, dated 3d I FAMILY OF SINDIA. 117 that Bajerow, on coming out from a long audience with the Sahoo Raja, found Ranojee asleep on his back, with the slippers of his master clasped with fixed hands to his breast. This extreme care of so trifling a charge stnick Bajerow forcibly : he expressed his satisfaction, and, actuated by mo- tives common to men in the enjoyment of such power, he immediately appointed Ranojee to a station in the Pagah, or body-gaiard. From this period his rise was rapid; and we find him, when Bajerow came into Malwa, in the first rank of Mahratta chiefs, subscribing a bond of security to the Emperor Mahomed Shah for the good conduct of his master. Ranojee appears to have been a very enterprising active soldier. His expenses went far beyond his means ; and he was indebted for considerable pecuniary aid to Mulhar Row Holkar, with whom he formed an intimate con- nexion. He died in Malwa, and was interred near Shujahalpoor, at a small village called from hun Ranagunge. Ranojee Sindia had been married in the Dec- kan to a woman* of his own tribe, by whom he had three sons, Jyepah, Duttajee, and Jut- September, I8I9: " Ranojee (he observes) is stated, after he " was promoted, to have carried with him carefully packed in " a box, a pair of the Paishwah's old sUppers, which he never " ceased to regard with almost religious veneration as the " source of his rise." * Her name was JNleenah Bhye. 1 1 8 FAMILY OF SINDIA. tobah; the two eldest of whom became distin- guished commanders.* He had also two sons by a Rajpoot woman, a native of Malwa, Tiikajee and Madhajee Sindia; the latter of whom became the headf of the family. His character early developed itself; and his rise to a station, to which he had no right from birth, does not appear to have been disputed. This chief was present at the battle of Paniput. He fled from the disastrous field, but was pursued to a great distance by an Afghan, who, on reach- ing him, gave him so severe a cut on the knee with a battle-axe, that he was deprived for life of the use of his right leg. His enemy, content with inflicting this wound, and stripping him of some ornaments and his mare, left him to his fate. He was first discovered by a water-carrier, of * Jyepah, who had been employed upon the earhest ex- peditions to Malwa, was, after many vicissitudes of fortune, massacred at Nagpoorby two Rhattore Rajpoots, employed by Bajee Singh, Raja of Joudpoor, against whom he was advancing at the head of a large force. Duttajee, who had accompanied Ragonauth Row in his conquests as far North as Lahore, was defeated and slain on the plain of Rudber, near Delhi. Juttobah, the younger brother, died at Kamber, near Deeg in Hindustan. t Junkajee, the son of Jyepah, succeeded to be the head of the family on the death of Ranojee, but he was slain at Paniput almost immediately after his accession to power. FAMILY OF SINDIA. 119 the name of Ranah Khan*", who was among the fugitives : this m.an, placing him upon his bullock, carried him towards the Deckan. Madhajee used frequently to recount the particulars of this pur- suit. His fine Deckany mare carried him a great way ahead of the strong ambling animal upon which the soldier who had marked him for his prey was mounted; but, whenever he rested for an interval, however short, his enemy appeared keep- ing the same pace ; at last, his fatigued mare fell into a ditch. He was taken, wounded, spit upon, and left. He used to say to the British Resident at his Court, the late General Palmer, that the circumstance had made so strong an impression upon his imagination, that he could not for a long time sleep without seeing the Afghan and his clumsy charger pacing after him and his fine Deckany mare ! The survivors of the Mahrattas fled from the field of Paniput to the Deckan, and for a period the nation seemed stunned with the effects of that dreadfiU dayf; but the return of Ahmed Shah * His service was gratefully rewarded. Ranah Khan, the water-carrier, was afterwards styled the Bhaee, or brother, of Madhajee Sindia, raised to the first commands in his army, and afterwards loaded with favours. His grandson (a weak young man) still enjoys some of the Jaghires that were granted to his ancestor. t Few actions have been attended with greater carnage. The lowest at which the loss of the Mahratta army is estimated 120 FAMILY OF SINDIA. Abdalli to Cabul, and the contests among the Mahomedan nobles for the different provinces of the dissevered empire, enabled them to reoc- cupy Central India, and again overspread Hin- dustan. The family of Sindia, with that of other Mahratta chiefs, had lost by the battle of Paniput their possessions in Hindustan and Malwa. Mad- hajee Sindia, however, independently of his being the most distinguished leader of the household horse ^ of Ballajee, who had succeeded his father Bajerow in the imperial office of Paishwah, had entertained a large military establishment of his own; and the death of Mulhar Row, the founder of the family of Holkar, which took place three years after the defeat of Paniput, made him the first in power of the Mahratta miUtary chiefs. His behaviour on the occurrence of Mulhar Row's death was generous towards the family. When Ragobah, the uncle of the Paishwah f , desired to coerce Alia Bhye, the widow of Mulhar Row's son, and the representative of the family, into an ar- rangement that would have destroyed its power, is more than two hundred thousand men, half of whom were slain; and the moral effect was still greater. The armies of the nation had collected for the struggle, and defeat was for a moment felt as the annihilation of their power. * Pagah. t Madhoo Jlow, son of Ballajee. FAMILY OF 81NDIA. 121 Madhajee*", though he offered his personal service as belonging to the household troops of the Paish- AA^ah, refused to command the army which he had collected independently of that prince, to act against the family of so distinguished a leader. His example was followed by Jannojee Bhonslah of Nagpoor, and the designs of Ragobah were frustrated. The Mahrattas having, three years after the a. D. 1764. battle of Paniput, collected an army of consider- able force f, marched into Hindustan, under Visa- jee Krishna +, who commanded on the part of the Paishwah, and received a nominal obedience from Madhajee Sindia. But that chief had now com- menced his own plans for forming a separate, if not independent sovereignty. He had succeeded to all those assignments of lands made to his fa- ther to pay the troops of the family ; and both in Central India and Hindustan, Raja after Raja was laid under contribution, and district after district added to the territory he governed, in the name * It may be doubted whether this conduct was altogether gratuitous. Alia Bhye had come into the possession of a full treasury, and there is reason to believe she used some of its contents, with other means, to gain the friendship of Madhajee Sindia and the Bhonslah on this emergency. t This expedition was directed against Nujeeb ud Dowlah, who had succeeded to the management of affairs at Delhi, which he conducted in the name of the weak Shah A Hum. I Visajee Krishna was long Beenee Wallah, or quartermas- ter-general of the Mahratta armies. 122 FAMILY OI SINBIA. of the Paishwah; and although the share of the latter in these possessions was only nominal, his commands were made the pretext of exactions and conquests, from which his own territories were not exempt ; for Madhajee Sindia took full advantage of the dissensions that occurred at Poona after the death of BaUajee, to usurp, as far as he could, the rights and lands of the head of the empire to the North of the Nerbudda. The detail of the progress of this system of spoliation of both friend and foe is not necessary : suffice it to say, this able chief was the principal opposer of the English in the war they canied on in favour of Ragobah. He was the nominal slave, but the rigid master, of the unfortunate Shah AUum, Emperor of Delhi ; the pretended Mend, but the designing rival, of the house of Holkar ; the pro- fessed inferior in all matters of form, but the real superior and oppressor, of the Rajpoot princes of Central India ; and the proclaimed soldier, but the actual plunderer, of the family of the Paishwah. Although by the treaty of Salbye, Sindia was recognized, as far as related to the British govern- ment, an independent jjrince, he continued to ob- serve, on all other points which referred to his connexion with the Poona government, the most scrupulous attention to forms.* When he became * Madhajee Sindia original^ transacted all affairs in the name of the Paishwah, and not only his ministers, but all his FAMILY OF S1N131A. 123 master of Shah A Hum and his capital, he made the degraded Emperor sign a commission appoint- ing the Paishwah vicegerent* of the empire, and received from the head of the Mahratta state one as his Deputy in that high office ; but when he came to Poona, during the rule of the second Madhoo Row, a scene was exhibited, which stands perhaps alone amid ail the mum- mery to which the mock humility of artful and am- bitious leaders has resorted to deceive the world. The actual sovereign of Hindustan from the Sutleje to Agra, the conqueror of the princes of Raj- pootana, the commander of an army composed of sixteen battalions of regular infantry, five hundred pieces of cannon, and one hundi'ed thousand horse, the possessor of two thirds of Malwa and some of the finest provinces in the Deckan, when he went to pay his respects to a youth who then held the public servants, even to his Chobdars, or mace-bearers, were called the Paishwah's ; but during the minority of Sevai Mad- hoo Row, when Nana Furnavese was Dewan, all Sindia's possessions South of the Chumbul were made over to his di- rect authority. In the conquests made North of the Chumbul, the Paishwah's name was used, and two principal officers from Poona attended Madhajee to guard the interests of the chief of the empire. On first entering Hindustan, some grants were made in the Paishwah's name; but when the latter was nomi- nated Vakeel ul Mootlik at Delhi, these were recalled, and regular Sunnuds given in the name of the Emperor with the seal of the Paishwah as Minister, and of Madhajee as his Deputy. * Vakeel ul Moothk. 124 FAMILY OF SINDIA. office of Paishwah, dismounted from his elephant at the gates of Poona; placed himself in the great hall of audience below all the Mankarries, or hereditary nobles of the state; and when the Paishwah came into the room, and desii'ed him to be seated with others, he objected on the ground of being unworthy of the honom% and, untying a bundle that he carried under his arm, produced a pau' of slippers, which he placed before Madhoo Row, saying, " This is my " occupation, it was that of my father." Mad- hajee, at the moment he said this, took the old slippers* the Paishwah had in use, which he wrapped up carefidly, and continued to hold them under his arm; after which, though with apparent reluctance, he allowed himself to be prevailed upon to sit down. This was not the only instance in which Madhajee Sindia pro- fessed to feel pride, instead of shame, at the recollection of the origin of his family, as well as of its first occupations. He had added to their property as Mahratta Ryots in the Deckan, by some purchases, and he desired to be called by the title he derived from his humble inheritance. The feeUng was national, and made him popular ; but he had, no doubt, other motives : these indeed are described in a common saying in India, " that Mad- * These old slippers, Captain Stewart was informed, were carefully preserved by the successor of Madhajee Sindia. FAMII.V OF STXDIA. 125 " hajee Sindia made himself the sovereign of an " empire, by calling himself a Potail, or head man " of a village." But, though we may smile at a con- duct which appeared an endeavour to reconcile sta- tions and duties that were incompatible, it must be confessed, that this al^le chief was throughout his life consistent in the i)art he acted ; which appeared more natural, from the manly simplicity of cha- racter which led him equally to despise the trap- pings of state and the allurements of luxury. His actions were suited to the constitution of the so- ciety he was born in, which had a just pride in his talent and energy, and esteemed him one of the ablest, as he was the most successful, of Mahratta leaders. Though Madhajee, following the example of the first statesmen of his nation, was content with the substance of power, and left others to wear its robes, there are strong grounds to conclude, that at one time he cherished the intention of giving to his vast possessions a more compact and perma- nent form. But this plan, if he ever entertained it, was frustrated. His career (which was one of constant action) was marked by many acts of vio- lence and oppression; but he was nevertheless a man of a mild disposition, and particidarly desirous of improving the countries he had conquered or usurped. His ambition was, however, restless ; and, tempted on one hand by the dissolution of the Moghul empire, and on the other by the weakness and distraction of the chiefs of his own nation, he 126 FAMILY OF SINDIA. extended his territories and influence too widely, and too rapidly, to admit of their being well managed. Madhajee Sindia continued through life to re- tain many Mahrattas in his service; but, as he was, during the greater part of it, engaged in wars to the North of the Nerbudda, these were soon outnumbered by Rajpoots and Mahomedans. This was, though unmarked at the moment, a serious departure from the first principles of the Mahratta confederacy; and the habits of that nation were thus given to a population acting from a different impulse, and with few congenial feelings. But the policy of Madhajee carried the change a step farther. His genius saw, that, to realize his plans, the mere predatory hordes of the Mahrattas could never prove adequate. It was a circle of plunder ; and, as one country was ex- hausted, the army had to march, with numbers increased by those whose condition their success had made desperate, to ravage another. They had, in their first excursions, little or no means of reducing forts ; nor did their system of war admit of protracted hostilities in a difficult country, and against a resolute enemy. These wants were early discovered by their enemies. The Bheels from their mountains, and the Rajpoots and others from their strong holds (which were mul- tiplied by fortifying every village), not only resisted, but retorted upon the Mahrattas, by FAMILY OF SINDIA. laying waste their lands, the wrongs they had suffered. This evil was only to be remedied by a regular force. We are distinctly informed, that its existence led Madhajee Sindia to de- termine upon the measure he now adopted, of raising some corps of infantry; and accident gave him the aid of a man of no ordinary description. De Boigne, who entered his service at this period, is said to have been brought by chance to the notice of Madhajee, who discovered in the author of a plan to frustrate his operations against Gohud, that military genius, which was afterwards to raise him to a greater, if not a more consohdated* power, than any Indian prince had attained since the death of Aurungzebe. Madhajee, accompanied by the brigades, or Campoos, as they were termed, of De Boigne, took forts and fought pitched battles, in a manner that the Mahrattas never before attempted. Not mere- ly the petty disturbers of the peace of Hindustan and Central India were attacked and sul)dued, but the proud spirit of the higher Rajpoot states was * His regular troops were increased from two battalions to eight, and afterwards to sixteen, with eighty pieces of artillery and a corps of well-appointed cavalry. The pay and equipments of this army were liberally fixed, and the successive proofs which they gave of their superiority led to arrangements, which made this body of men for a long period more efficient than any one of a similar nature that had ever been formed by a native prince in India. 27 128 FAMILY OF SINDIA. completely broken. The battle of Meirtah, which was fought against the collected* force of Joud- poor, was a great triumph, and fixed the ascen- dancy! of Madhajee over that principality and the neighbouring weak state of Odeypoor, the prince of which had twenty years before been compelled to make over some of his most fertile possessions:]: to the families of Sindia and Holkar. Soon after the battle of Meirtah, De Boigne fought an action Avith the troops of Jeypoor. To these vic- tories were added the defeat of Junkajee Holkar, and the destruction of four corps of regular in- A. D. 1792. fan try under a French^ officer in the service of that chief. Before this last action took place, Madhajee Sindia had left Malwa, and arrived at Poona, where he died in a. d. 1794. * Two thousand horse of the tribe of Chundawut, of the Marwar army, made the only effort on this memorable day. They actually cut through De Boigne's corps, but were, when rallying to return, almost destroyed by grape, a. d. 1790. t Beeja Singh, who was ruler of Marwar when the battle of Meirtah was fought, was the same prince who had directed the murder of Jyepah Sindia ; and independent of the tribute now exacted, a cession of the district of Ajmeer was de- manded and made as the price of the blood of that leader. I In A.D. 1771, Jowud, Neemutch, Ruttenghur, Khonee, and Byjpoor, were made over to Madhajee Sindia. Bam- poorah, Rampoorah, Mulharghur, and the Pertaubghur tribute were given to the government of Holkar. The amount of these cessions is computed at seventy-five lacks of rupees. § Monsieur Dudernaic, commander of this corps, escaped ; but every other European officer was either killed or wounded. FAMILY OF SINDIA. 129 The great object of Madhajee Sindia was to give a more permanent shape to his government than had ever belonged to that of a Mahratta chief. He generally resided in Hindustan, but sometimes came to Malwa, and remained for a short time at Oojein. The countries under his own observation were well managed, as were all those where the inhabitants were peaceable and obedient; but in his efforts to reduce the chiefs of Hindustan, the princes of Rajpootana, and the petty Rajas of Central India, to the state of subjects, he let loose all the irregular violence of his army; and the proceedings of some of those he employed* to complete the subjugation of the Rajpoots, were marked by a spirit of rapacity and oppression, that has, perhaps, never been sm^passed even in the annals of the Mahrattas. Madhajee Sindia had been the enemy of the British ; but he was not insensible to the benefit he derived from that nation's acknowledging him as an independent 'prince, which was done by the terms of the treaty f of Salbye, and by keeping a * Ambajee Ingliab, who was one of Sindia's principal officers employed in Rajpootana, though lie oppressed the princes and chiefs of that country, was kind and considerate to the inha- bitants. It was on his departure that the scene of devastation commenced. t This treaty, which was negotiated by Mr. David An- derson, has been often alluded to as furnishing an extra- ordinary proof of the " Anomalous Government of the VOL. I. K 130 FAMILY OF SINDIA. resident at his court. These circumstances, how- ever, could not make him indifferent to the rapid growth of a foreign power; and it is pro- bable that the materials he collected for empire were formed into the shape he gave them, with a hope that they might one day prove sufficient to arrest its progress. He refused to become a party to the treaty of Poona; and he anived at that city, when Lord Cornwallis was before Seringa- patam*, with (it was conjectured) no friendly feeling to the British nation. Whatever were his designs as relating to the English, he did not " Mahrattas, from Sindia, a military chief subordinate to the " Paishvvah, becoming guarantee for the latter's conduct." But at this period the actual condition of the state warranted the assumption of Madhajee. The infant Paishwah was in the hands of a Dewan, Nana Furnavese, who was, like Sindia, a functionary of the state. It was in fact a guarantee, by the leading miUtary chief of the INIahratta empire, of the conduct of one of the principal officers, and done with the latter's advice and concurrence ; and, after all, Madhajee Sindia had the precedent of his father, who was one of the four principal chiefs who became in a. d. 1743 guarantee to the Emperor Mahomed Shah, that the Paishwah Ballajee, then in the plenitude of power, should not infringe the engagement into which he had entered with the sovereign of Delhi. j * Madhajee Sindia had a short time before proposed to become a party in the confederacy against Tippoo, on con- dition that the British government would grant two battahons to accompany him to Poona; *' engage to defend his pos- *' sessions in Hindustan, and aid him in his wars with the ** Rajpoot states." This proposition was rejected. FAMILY OF SINDIA. L31 live to carry them into execution ; and his great power devolved, before it was weU consolidated, upon a successor little equal, from his extreme youth, to complete the arduous task he inherited. Madhajee Sindia had no sons ; his brother Tukajee had three*, of whom the eldest died without issue; the second had two; the young- est, Anund Row, became the favourite of his uncle, who, in consequence of his affection to him, adopted his son, i3owlet Row Sindia, as his heii\ This prince was only thii^teen years of age when his grand uncle died, and left him not only his vast possessions, but an army which ren- dered him the arbiter of the Mahratta empire. The succession of Dowlet Row was disputed by the widows of Madhajee, who proclaimed another prince, and, having assembled an army, did not give up the contest till they had been defeated in several actions. The ten^itories of the Sindia family in Central India, which were at the death of Madhajee Sindia nearly the same as at pre- sent, were comparatively a small portion of the dominions inherited by Dowlet Row, the foun- dation of whose power was laid in Hindustan. The greatest part of his regidar army subsisted on the revenues of that country, and upon the tributes which its discipHne and efficiency enabled it to collect from the princes of Rajpootana, * Kebanjee, Joteeba, and Anund Row. 132 FAMILY OF SINDIA. The government of Holkar, which had declined from the death of its founder Mulhar Row, had been expelled from all share in the territories North of Jeypoor. Its title to the tribute of that country, however, was still recognized ; but this, as well as the preservation of its possessions in Malwa, was owing, in the latter years of Madhajee Sindia, less to any power the Holkar family possessed of maintaining its rights, than to the ties which still subsisted between Mahratta chiefs, and which were not forgotten, even in the hour of battle. This national feeling gave a pecu- liar feature to their occasional contests with each other, which frequently terminated in a way that was uninteUigible to those who did not understand the character and construction of the confederacy. The value of this disposition to reunion, when ap- parently in the most broken and divided state, had been fully appreciated by Madhajee Sindia; and he maintained, sometimes by great sacrifices, aU those bonds and relations upon which it depended. When in the plenitude of power, he did not deny the justice, though he evaded, by a counter-state- ment of expenses, the payment of the large de- mands made upon him by Nana Furnavese, for the Paishwah's share of the revenues of Malwa and Hindustan, and of the tributes he had collected. He is said to have discharged pait of a large debt his father owed to the house of Holkar ; and when a dispute about their respective shares of the tri- FAMILY OF SINDIA. 133 butes led to his troops attacking those of Tukajee at Lakheree, no advantage was taken of the lat- ter's defeat, beyond the favourable settlement of the point in dispute, and we find Madhajee imme- diately afterwards in the most amicable and inti- mate intercourse with this chief. But sentiments and conduct such as have been described could not be expected in his successor. Bom and educated at a distance from the Deckan, surrounded by Eu- ropeans, Mahomedans, and Rajpoots, and despising, when contrasted with his disciplined bands, the iiTCgular and predatory hordes, whose activity and enterprise had established the fame of his ances- tors, Dowlet Row Sindia was, and considered him- self, more the principal sovereign of India, than a member of the Mahratta confederacy. Some national feelings were still cherished by the high hereditary officers of his government; but their attachment to the former usages and rules of the empire was unequal to resist the growing influence of the Rajpoot and Patau soldiers, who constituted the bulk of his army, and whose commanders were among the first rank of his counsellors. During the life of Madhajee Sindia, though intrigues were in progress among the different Mahratta chiefs for the management of the affairs of the Paishwah, whose power had for a long period, like that of the Sahoo Rajas, become nominal, no open rupture took place, and the peace of the country was preserved. The war 134 FAMILY OF SINDIA. undertaken against the Nizam promised to their united efforts so easy and rich a booty, that it proved, for the few months it continued, a bond of union ; but this short campaign soon terminated A. D. 1795. in a convention, by which the Nizam, in alarm for his person and family, purchased safety at an enormous sacrifice of territory and treasure. This great success was immediately followed by a scene of intrigue, art, and treachery, which is, perhaps, unparalleled. The principal of those events which may be enumerated as its causes and consequences, were, the unfortunate fate of the young Paishwah Madhoo Row*, the death of Tukajee Holkar, the imprisonment of Nana Furnavese, the murder of Purseram Bhow, and the release of Azim ul Omrah, prune minister of the Nizam, who had been given as an hostage for the performance of his master's engagements. During the contests that ensued between the different chiefs, the Poona territories were laid waste, and all the miseries which the predatory bands of the Mahrattas had inflicted upon other countries, were now retahated by the inhabitants of Central India and Hindustan; for of such (as has been before stated) the armies of both Holkar and Sindia were almost entirely composed. The youth of Dowlet Row Sindia has been stated * He fell, or threw himself, from a high wall of his palace, and was killed on the spot. FAMILY OF SINDIA. 135 as an excuse for his early abuse of power ; but his unfortunate marriage with the daughter of Sirjee Row Ghatkia (which happened at this period), by placing that designing and wicked man at the head of his councils, was, perhaps, the chief cause of the shameless and bold rapacity which marked the commencement of his reign. The seizure of Nana Furaavese in violation of the most sacred pledges, the murder of several Brahmins (among whom was the brother jof Nana), the plunder* of the inhabitants of Poona and the principal places in its vicinity, the giving his aid to Casi Row Holkar to slay his brother Mulhar Row, and the confinement of Kundy Row, the infant son of the latter chief, were among the crimes of this prince before he left the Deckan. When he returned to Malwa, whither he was sum- moned by alarm at the growing power of Jes- wunt Row Holkar, his conduct on every oc- casion shewed that his views of aggrandisement were unchecked by any of the scruples that had restrained his predecessor. He accepted, as has been stated, fiom the rebellious minister of Dhar, two provinces of the Puar princes; the whole of the Dewass territory was seized, and only restored on the payment of a fine. * One of the chief pretexts was the expenses of Sindia's marriage with Baizee Bbye, the daughter of Sirjee Row Ghatkia. 136 FAMILY OF SINDIA. Jeswunt Row Holkar had, before Dowlet Row Sindia reached Malwa, made himself master of Oojein, but was satisfied with exacting a large amount from its wealthy inhabitants, and he for- bade its being plundered. But Sirjee Row Ghat- kia, who commanded a force which a few months afterwards defeated Jeswunt Row, and took pos- session of Indore, sacked that city in the most merciless manner, and ordered its best houses to be burnt, after he had either murdered or pillaged of their property the greater part of its inhabitants. This profligate chief was well aided in the work of destruction by his friends the Pindarries, num- bers of whom were at this period attached to Sindia's army. The district of Indore, and se- veral others belonging to the Holkar family, were, on this occasion, placed under the management of Sindia's officers, without any form being observed, either of resuming them in the name of the Paishwah, or of declaring the possession tem- porary, till the succession to the Holkar territory was settled. This was considered so offensive a departure from usage, that it united the adherents of the house of Holkar; for even those who were hostile to the character and pretensions of Jeswunt Row, saw nothing but the complete ruin of the family in the success of Dowlet Row Sindia. The period of trouble*, as it is emphatically * " Gurdee ka Wukht/' or " tlie period of trouble," is the FAMILY OF SINDIA. 137 called, had now commenced in Central India; but the tide of intrigue and war was again turned to the Deckan. Jeswunt Row Holkar marched towards Poona, with the professed design of making the Paishwah, Bajerow, arbiter of the difference between the families of Holkar and Sin- dia. This movement compelled Sindia to leave Malwa. He first went to Boorhanpoor, from whence he sent a detachment to join Bajerow, and to maintain his preponderance in the councils of that prince. The arrival of Sindia's troops at Poona put an end to Jeswunt Row's hopes (if he ever enteitained any) from the Paishwah; and his fear of being hemmed in between two armies, if Sindia advanced, led him to instant hostihties. a.d. I802. The victory obtained by Holkar, his alliance with Amrut Row, the flight of Bajerow, the treaty of Bassein, the interference of the British government, its war with the Mahratta leaders, Dowlet Row Sindia and Ragojee Bhonslah, are events that do not belong to this memoir. Suffice it to say, that Dowlet Row Sindia, after a vain trial of his strength against the British arms, had all his dreams of glory and ambition dispelled. The brigades* formed by De Boigne, name given to the period from 1800 to 1818; that is, from the first appearance of Jeswunt Row Holkar, as the supporter of his family against Dowlet Row Sindia, till the destruction of the Pindarries, a.d. 1818. * The regular infantry brigades in the army of Dowlet Row 138 FAMILY OF SINDIA. and completed by Perron, were destroyed; above five hundred guns, cast in the arsenals which scientific Europeans had established in his do- minions, were taken ; and he was compelled to purchase peace by the sacrifice of his finest possessions in Guzerat, Hindustan, and Bundel- cund. This prince had stiU a large territory, and, however little his conduct merited it, the doubtfvd articles of the treaty of Sirjee Anj en- gaum were favourably interpreted; and he gained by another engagement, concluded two years after- wards, a considerable addition to his dominions.* Subsequently to his making peace with the British government, the troops of Dowlet Row Sindia were constantly employed in reducing the numerous Rajas of Central India, and adjoining countries, who owed hun allegiance or tribute. He was in general successful; many chiefs were coerced into complete submission, while others were destroyed; but the result of this warfare was to feed and excite that predatory and tur- bulent spirit, which now pervaded this unhappy country. The miseries which it had suffered Sindia, at the commencement of the war, consisted of seventy- two battahons, amounting, in the aggregate number of armed men, to forty-three thousand six hundred and fifty, with a large proportion of field artillery. * The territories of Gohud, and the fort of Gwalior, were given up by the treaty of peace concluded at Muttra, in 1805. FAMILY OF SINDIA. 130 from Piiidarries and Rajpoot plunderers soon appeared as a light evil, to what it was des- tined to sustain from the regular brigades, or Campoos, of its principal Rulers. Those of Sindia levied contributions indiscriminately on all the towns and villages through which they passed ; and the constant state of mutiny these corps were in, from Avant of pay, made their op- pression of the inhabitants more indiscruninate and insufferable. The causes which made Dowlet Row Sindia so instrumental in dissolving the ties by which the chiefs Avho constituted the loose confederacy of the Mahratta nation were bound, have been stated. He afterwards attempted, in vain, to arrest the progress of British power by an union with Ragojee Bhonslah and Jeswunt Row Holkar. The feelings which had once supported such combinations no longer existed in any force. Bajerow, however, made a last effort to revive them; and there is ground to suppose that he succeeded to a very considerable extent. Dowlet Row Sindia could not but be secretly hostile to a power, by which he had been so humbled as by the British ; and he saw with satisfaction the increas- ing embarrassments of the war that nation was carrying on in Nepaul. But though his intrigues in that quarter, when discovered, were passed over with a generosity that must have made a strong impression, still he was not able to resist the call J 40 FAMILY OF SINDIA. of the Paishwah, to whom there can be no doubt A.D. 1818, he promised support when that Prince deter- mined on hostihties with the British. But Sindia acted upon this occasion more from the recollection than the existence of ties, and from a sense of distant, not proximate, danger ; and such motives were not of sufficient strength to make a chief like him engage in a war, which, from the measures adopted to prevent his precipitating that step, must have commenced with the hazard of his sove- reignty. He preferred the path of safety ; and en- tered into an alliance, by which he engaged to combine his efforts with those of the British go- vernment in suppressing the predatory system, and restoring the general tranquillity of the coun- try. That this was an act of necessity, not choice, there can be no doubt ; and it has been since proved, that he secretly endeavoured to evade the performance of some of the engagements into which he had entered. But his situation was painful and difficult, and he was only able to pre- serve his dominions by a departure from all that is deemed honour* by the tribe to which he belongs. * The following is the literal translation of a letter from Bajerow to Dowlet Row Sindia, given to me in April 1818, with an assurance of its being a true copy of the original. It purported to be taken from an Ackbar, or paper of intelligence. " Your father Madhajee Sindia, agreeably to the orders of " the Sircar, went to Delhi, was made a Vizier, and acquired a *' high reputation. He served us with his heart and soul. When FAMILY OF SINDIA. 141 He merited on this account the indulgence and consideration with which he has been treated, and its effects have not been lost. Dowlet Row Sindia, who is personally of a good disposition, and is now free from the counsellors who betrayed and corrupted his youth, sees in their true Hght the motives that have actuated the British govern- ment. He appears akeady to have submitted to the great revolution that has occurred ; and, view- ing the struggle for superiority as past, is forward to recognize the paramount sway of the British a. D.I802. government, and to benefit by its action being I- directed to the restoration and maintenance of internal tranquillity. ^' you became his successor, you entered into alliance witli " the English : thus you govern in Hindustan, and thus you " shew your gratitude. In thus serving us, it is befitting " you to put bangles on your arms, and sit down like a " woman. After my power is destroyed, is it possible that *' yours should stand ? " Dowlet Row, the writer of this article adds, after having heard the above, remained in much distress during two hours, and then went to sleep: he sent no answer. VOL. 1. K 7 CHAPTER VI. Family of Holkar. The family of Holkar are of the Dhoongur* or shepherd tribe. The first who obtained any eminence, or indeed rose above the class of pea- sants in which he was born, was Mulhar Row. His father is only termed, in the record given to the author by the present minister f at Indore, a respectable cultivator, or Ryot, of a village in the Deckan, called Hull ±, from which this chief and his descendants take their name of Holkar, or more properly Hulkur. § * In Hindustan this family are usually described as Gadrees, or goatherds, which is a shade below a tribe of shepherds, to which they consider themselves to belong. t Tantia Jogh. I The village of Hull is in the Pergunnah of Phultin, in the Jaghire of Nimbalkur. It is near a bridge on the Neva, and about five coss from Phultin, and twenty coss from Poona. § Many of the principal Mahratta families derive their name from a compound similarly formed from that of the vil- lage where they were born, and the substantive Kur, which signifies an inhabitant, as Nimbal-Kur, Pattun-Kur, &c. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 143 Miilhar Row was born near the end of the seventeenth century*. His father, whose name was Cundajee, died when he was between four and five years of age; and his mother, in con- sequence of some dispute with her husband's rela- tions, removed to the house of her brother, Narainjee f , a respectable landholder if, who lived in Candeish. The first employment of his ne- phew marks the condition of Narainjee. Mul- har Row was for several years appointed to watch the sheep of the family, from which occu- * I believe in a. d. I69S: there is no exact register or accurate account of births (except in their principal fami- lies) kept by the Mahrattas. They guess from events antece- dent or subsequent to their birth. Had Mulhar Rov^^ been born a chief, his Junnum Putee, or the State of the Heavens, writ- ten by the astrologer at his birth, would have been kept. This is the usage among all Hindus of rank. t He was usually called Narainjee Bargul. — In a Persian manuscript in my possession, she is said to have carried her son to one of her brothers, called Mudkur, who resided at the village of Sasunt; but I follow in this place the paper given me by the present minister, Tantia Jogh, which I believe to be correct. Mudkur was the maternal uncle of the second Mulhar Row, the son of Tukajee; and the similarity of name has occasioned the mistake of the Maho- medan author. I Narainjee is termed a Zemindar, which (though it has another signification when applied to an official person) usually means a man possessing property in land, however small, in his own right. He was an inhabitant of the village of Talandah in Candeish. 144 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. pation (according to a fable which belongs to the youth of almost all Hindus that have attained eminence) he was only released by the accident of a snake having been seen to interpose its crest or hood* between his face and the rays of the sun, as he lay asleep in the fields. This at first gave alarm, but was afterwards favourably construed ; and, according to the family tradition, his uncle Narainjee, acting from the impression it made, placed him in a small party f of horse which he kept in the service of Kuddum Bandee, a Mah- ratta chief of rank. Whatever circumstances raised the young Holkar from the profession of a shepherd to that of a soldier, he soon shewed that he possessed all the quahties necessary to acquire distinction in the latter. In one of the first ac- tions in which he was engaged he slew a leader of Nizam ul Mulk. This exploit, and his extra- ordinary zeal and activity, brought him into early notice. His uncle, Narainjee, gave him his daughter:]: in marriage; and, after a few years, his * The snake was a Covra Capella, a species which is deemed peculiarly sacred. t Twenty-five in number. I The name of this lady was Gotama Bhye, who afterwards rose to celebrity as the principal, and indeed only wife of Mul- har Row Holkar. Her family, that of Bargul, is now ex- tinct. The brother of Gotama Bhye (whose name, like his father, was Narain) attained some eminence. He was in the service of the Raja of Odeypoor, who gave him the Pergunnah FAMILY OF HOLKAR. increasing fame led the Paishwah, Bajerow, to take him into his own service, in which he was at once raised to the command of five hundred horse. This change of masters was with the en- tire concurrence of Kuddum Bandee, who rejoiced in the good fortune of the young shepherd ; and the latter gave a marked proof of his gratitude, by assuming the colours* of the Bandee chiefs, of Boodda, near Mundissor, as a Jaghire ; half of which he bestowed as a present on his sister, who immediately named the principal town of her share Mulharghur, in honour of her husband, while her brother called the capital of his lands Nar- rainghur. At the death of Narainjee, this Jaghire went to his son Bouj Row ; who, on the countries around his Jaghire being dehvered over to the Mahrattas, became a Jaghiredar of the Holkar family. Bouj Row died about thirty years ago, leaving the Jaghire to his sons, Mogajee and Shumkur Row. It was resumed in the year 1805 by Jeswunt Row Holkar, and re- stored in I8O7. Mogajee died a. d. 1813, leaving Narrain- ghur to Shumkur Row, who held it for two years ; after which it was resumed, and Shumkur Row, who fled to the neigh- bouring fastness of Sattolee, gained a precarious livelihood by plundering. To induce him to leave off these incursions, two villages of his former Jaghire were given him: of these he was deprived after the peace of Mundissor, and the last of the family died a few months ago in extreme poverty. * The standard is of a triangular shape, striped red and white, and surmounted by pennons or streamers of the same colours. The present representative of the once celebrated family of Bandee, is about twelve years of age. He fled some time ago from the persecution of the late Paishwah to Baioda, to beg a pittance for his support from the Guickwar, whose ancestors owe, in a great degree, their rise to his family. VOL. I. L 145 146 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. which still remain the standard of the Holkar, as they are of the Guickwar family, who were orighially followers of the same leader. The progress of Mulhar Row Holkar to high command was rapid. Shortly after he entered the Paishwah's service, he was detached with the Paishwah's brother* to the Concan, in the subjection of which they were very successful. Bassein, and many other places of reputed strength in that quarter, were wrested from the Portuguese. The fame that Mulhar Row ac- quired on this occasion was subsequently in- ~\ AD. 1797. creased by his conduct in a war with Nizam Ali Khan f , and on several lesser expeditions. Mulhar Row Holkar received ^ his first lands North of the Nerbudda (twelve districts) in 1728, and in 1731 seventy additional districts were granted ^ to this chief, who appears at the same time to have been nominated, by a letter from the Paishwah, to the general management || of the * Chimnajee. t Holkar acquired much distinction in an affair that took place at Rakisbon, and on the peace which followed he ob- tained several possessions. The Pergunnah of Ambah was granted at this time to the Holkar family. X In the Roze Kurd, or Diary of the Poona Office, in a. d. J728, we find the first grants of twelve Mahals to Mulharjee Holkar, and thirty-three to Oudajee Puar. § Poona Diary. II It is mentioned in the Poona Diary, that in this year, 1730-1, the Paishwah wrote a letter to Mulhar Row Holkar, FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 147 Mahratta interests in Malwa ; and in the ensuing year he commanded, as has been stated, the ad- a. d. 1732 vance of the army which invaded that province, when Dia Bahadur was defeated and slain. Mul- har Row was, at the period above-mentioned, at the head of a considerable detachment, and obtained, before the Mahrattas ascended the Vindhyan mountains, possession of several places in Nemaur, of which the town of Mhysir was the principal. When Malwa was conquered, the district of In- dore was assigned to him for the support* of his troops. The high rank and consideration which Mul- har Row had now attained, have been before noticed, and are sufficiently proved, by his name being, as before related, in the deed of guaran- tee given by the principal mihtary leaders to Mahomed Shah, as a security against the insin- cerity or perfidy of their superior, the Paishwah. He may, in fact, be deemed, from the invasion of Malwa till his death (a period of more than thirty years), the most distinguished of the military com- manders f of the Mahratta empu-e; and he ap- committing Ma,l\va to his charge, and stating that he must regularly transmit the dues of the Sircar, &c. This employ- ment was probably given him to check the growing ambition and insolence of Oudajee Puar. * A. D. 1733. — It was, according to usage, a Serinjam grant, and revocable. t He was, by an order of the Paishwah, associated with l2 ]48 . FAMILY or HOLKAR. pears, from his continual employment, to have been greatly favom^ed by Bajerow, to whose au- thority he continued, even in the zenith* of his power, to pay the greatest deference. The life of this leader, though he established his family and government in Central India, has little connexion with the history of that country. The Deckan and Hindustan, but especially the latter, were the scenes of his principal military achievements. In one of the first incursions of Bajerow into that region, he was among the chiefs who plundered the celebrated fairf at Khalka Bhowanee, within fifteen miles of Delhi, where the weak Emperor Mahomed Shah \^ as then residing. The Mah- rattas on this memorable and bold incursion shewed their contempt of the Mahomedan power, by hanging a hog over the bridge near Hu- mayoon's tomb. The booty they took was great, and Mlilhar Row obtained on this occasion a share of wealth and fame, which completely compen- sated for the discomfiture he had sustained a Ranojee Sindia, and directed to collect, on account of Sirdaish- mookee and other Mahratta claims, thirty-five per cent, of the revenue of Malwa. These chiefs pledged themselves to pay one lack and five thousand rupees the first year, one lack and ten thousand the second, and one lack and twenty-five thousand rupees the third and future years, to the Poona state, dividing the remainder betwixt them equally. * Poona Piary. f Jattra. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 149 few months before from the Imperial army *. The Paishwah, who had been secretly aided in the enterprise by Jye Singh, returned by the way of Kotah, and had an interview with that Rajpoot prince, who, with others of his tribe, agi-eed to transfer their tributes to the Mahrattas ; and, on Bajerow's proceeding to the Deckan, the tasks of reahzing this revenue, and of prosecuting military operations, were committed to Mulhar Row Hol- kar, to whom considerable tracts f were assigned for the maintenance of his increased contingent. There is little interest in the detail of the pre- datory warfare which this chief carried on in Malwa, Rajpootana, and Hindustan ; it was, in fact, a series of petty actions and pillaging in- cursions. In one of the latter, he took the bag- gage of Malika Zemanah, the Queen of Mahomed Shah ; and his family preserved with great care, until the death of Aha Bhye, two substantial records of this IMahratta victory over the property * The Imperial army, commanded by Burhan ul Mulk, defeated Mulhar Row at iNlootta Baug, near Agra, to which place he had come after ravaging part of the Dooab. The Mahratta chief with difficulty escaped, and joined Bajerow at Gualior. t His grant from the Paishwah for the support of his troops is stated in a manuscript in my possession to have amounted to forty lacks of rupees in Mahva, and twenty lacks in the Deckan, or Southward of the Satpoorah range. The number of his contingent was lixed at fifteen thousand horse. 150 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. of a female; the one was a carriage*, the curtains of which were embossed with seed pearl, and the other a comb, richly ornamented with jewels, and worth above a lack of rupees. Mulhar Row Holkar, encouraged by the wretched condition of the Moghvd empire, ap- pears to have entertained the design of fixing the power of his nation permanently over Hindustan ; and we find him, both alone, and in combination with other chiefs, endeavouring to effect this ob- ject, by operations which extended from the province of Oude to the Indvis, and from the hills of Rajpootana to the mountains of Kumaon. A. D. 1751. The Vizier Sefdar Jung had, in the reign of Ahmed Shah, called in the Mahrattas to preserve Oude from the Rohillas; and, during the war that ensued, Mulhar Row Holkar particularly dis- tinguished himself, by the night attack he made with a very small body of troops. His success on this occasion has been ascribed to an ancient stratagem, f He directed torches and lights to be tied to the horns of several thousand cattle, which were driven in one direction, while in another he placed lights upon every bush and "* This species of carriage, which is called a Ruth, or Hac- kery, has two low wheels, and is drawn by bullocks. T The similarity of this stratagem to that recorded of Han- nibal is remarkable. Human invention has every where the same character ; and this coincidence must be accidental, for FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 151 tree, and, when this was done, inarched silently in the dark by a different route to the attack. The enemy, pressed in one quarter by an actual as- sault, and seeing lights in several others, thought themselves surrounded and in danger of destruc- tion; they dispersed, and fled in dismay, leaving their camp to be plundered by the conquerors, whose leader acquired a just increase of fame from the victory ; and, in recompense for his zeal and gallantry during the whole of the campaign, the Emperor granted him a deed for the Sii'daish- mookee (a due of twelve and a half per cent, on the revenue) of Chandore, which is the only royal grant in possession of the family. It is indeed stated, that when Mulhar Row Holkar was asked what reward he wished, he replied, that he was the officer of the Paishwah, and desired to have no country independent of him, but that a nomi- nation to the office of Daishmookh* of Chandore in Candeish would be acceptable. The request was complied with, and the family have ever since held the office. \Mien the province of Candeish was recently ceded to the English government, a politic attention to the feelings of the house of Holkar led to a restoration of the title and immu- nities of the situation. we cannot suspect the. Mahratta chief of having read the his- tory of the Carthaginian leader. ^ Daishmookh is a Hindu compound term, signifying the head of the district. 152 FAMILY OF HOLKAU. AD. 1752. Mulhar Row Holkar had connected himself with Ghazi Udeen, one of the sons of Nizam ul Miilk, whom he accompanied to the Deckan to aid him in asserting his succession to the royal office (for such it had become) of Soubahdar, or viceroy, of that division of the empire ; and the Paishwah, with the principal Mahratta chiefs, who had also engaged in the same enterprise, assembled at Aurungabad, from whence they were about to march, when the sudden death of Ghazi Udeen, by poison*, put an end to the expedition, and gave temporary peace to the Deckan. Invited by the weakness of the Mahomedan dynasty in Hindustan, the Paishwah again de- tached Mulhar Row Holkar to that quarter to maintain his interests, conferring on him the title of Soubahdar f, and furnishing him with consi- derable reinforcements. The annual invasions of the Afghans under Ahmed Shah Abdalli had now commenced, and the Mahrattas were forced, as has beeii stated, to evacuate the Punjab. A.D. 1759. Duttojee Sindia was slain; and Mulhar Row, who had encamped at Secundra, after intercepting and plundering some supplies going to the camp of * He was poisoned by his mother, whose desire to save another son, Nizam u' Dowlah, from destruction, impelled her to the horrid act. t The title of Soubahdar descended to his successors; and Dowlet Row Sindia, and other rulers, always addressed them by It as their highest distinction. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 153 Ahmed Shah, was himself surprised, and com- pletely routed, by a corps of the Afghans. The occurrence of these events led to the battle of Paniput. The early escape of Mulhar Row, on a day so fatal to jiis nation, has given rise to some reproaches; but his advocates ascribe his safety to his superior knowledge as a leader, vs hich made him, when he saw the action lost, keep his party together, and retreat with an order that none of the others preserved. This account will be more probable, if we credit the statement given of his quarrel with his commander, on the morning of the day on which the battle was fought. He had, it is affirmed, intreated Sedasheo Bhov/ to delay the action for one or two days; but the latter, whose pride and vanity exceeded all bounds *, im- patient of the advice, exclaimed, *' AVho v/ants the counsel of a goatherd ?"f If the anecdote be true, we cannot wonder that a chief of Mulhar Rovv^'s character should not have anticipated success.! * Sedasheo Bhow used to allow his attendants to exclaim " Purseram Ootar," or an incarnation of Purseram, (a Deva, or demi-god) as one of his titles. t A nearly similar taunt lost the Mahratta commander the services on this day of one of his most efficient allies, Sooruj Mull, the Jaut Prince of Bhurtpoor. X The victory of Paniput, which is to be ascribed to the superior courage and energy of the Afghans, is naturally enough referred by the Mahrattas to other causes, and among these to the death of Biswas Row, the son of the Paishwah, 154 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. At all events he was one of the few that escaped; and he retreated into Central India, where he em- ployed himself in setthng his possessions. These had been increased, in the mode usual to Mahratta chiefs ; and, with the exception of one district*, aU that now belongs to the Holkars in Malwa was bequeathed by their founder, Mulhar Row, who, besides his lands in that province, left ex- tensive claims upon Rajpoot princes. Taking ad- vantage of the disputes which occurred on the death of Jye Singh, he had estabUshed a consider- able influence in the country of Jeypoor, and on the succession of Madhoo Singh, through his aid, the latter agreed to pay in money, besides an amount of seventy-six lacks f, and a cession of fom' dis- tricts j:, an annual tribute of three lacks and a half of rupees. Mulhar Row had before obtained large domains in the Deckan, and a consider- able part of the province of Candeish had been allotted to him for the maintenance of his troops. Independently of these acquisitions, various grants which was imprudently proclaimed to the army by the ob- stinate impatience of Sedasheo Bhow, who made the elephant sit down, that he might see for the last time his favourite nephew. * 'i'aul Mundawul, usurped from the Dhar family by Jes- wunt Row Ilolkar. The greater portion of it now forms part of Ghuffoor Khan's Jaghire. t According to some statements eighty-four lacks. X Tonk, Rampoorah, Turah, and Pottah. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 155 of villages were given, both by the Paishwah and Nizam, as presents to females of his family. Mulhar Row was seventy-six years of age when he died ; he had for more than forty years of his life been a commander of reputation, and during the latter part of this period was certainly one of the most distinguished in the Mahratta con- federacy. His remains were interred at a place now named, in honour of him, Mulhargunge, in the district of Alumpoor, and about forty miles from Gualior. Although inferior to Madhajee Sindia as a statesman, Mulhar Row was his equal, if not his superior, as a warrior. For simplicity of manners, and manly courage, no Mahratta leader stands higher in the opinion of his countrymen ; nor were his talents limited to those of a soldier. His ad- ministration of the countries subject to his direct control was firm, but considerate ; and if we judge of his character by his conduct to the petty Rajpoot princes of Malwa, the conclusion will be favourable to his memory. He conciliated their respect, if not their regard, by his good faith and moderation* in the exercise of power. Many of them were his associates and adherents f, and * He is stated to have reduced the tribute of Pertaubghur to seventy-five thousand rupees, which, though as much as the chief of that petty state could pay, was not more than one half of what had been before assessed. t Among the principal of those chiefs who were his friends and supporters as well as tributaries, were Bulbudder Singh, Raja of Ra^ooghur, and Gokul Doss, Raja of Baglee. 156 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. their descendants still speak of his memory with sentiments of gratitude. This feeling, however, may owe much of its strength to the opposite conduct of some of his successors. The principal viitue of Mulhar Row was his generosity. He had personally no regard for money ; he was wont to declare (probably with truth) that he under- stood nothing of accounts, and he listened with impatience to those ministers who recommended the diminution of his frequent largesses *. To his relations, and indeed to all Mahrattas, he was uncommonly kind. It is stated of this chief, that in his conduct to the Paishwah, and in the per- formance of all his duties as a member of the Mahratta confederacy, he did that from the heart, which Madhajee Sindia did from the head : the one v/as a plain, sincere soldier, and the other added to great qualities all the art of a crafty politician. Mulhar Row Holkar had only one son, Kundee Row; who, some years before the battle of Pani- A.D. 1754. put, was kiUed at the siege of Kumbheref, near * It is recorded of Mulhar Row Holkar, that, when pleased with a soldier's gallantry, he used to exclaim, " Fill his shield with rupees." t Kumbhere is four coss from Deig : it lies between that place and Bhurtpoor, equally distant from each. Nawul Singh, grandson of Sooruj Mul. was at this period Raja of Bhurtpoor. After he made peace with Mulhar Row, a Mausoleum, or Chettery, was built in honour of Kundee Row, and the revenue FAMILY OF HOI.KAPt. 157 Deig. This prince had married Alia Bhye, of a family of the name of Sindia, by whom he had one son and one daughter. To the former, whose name was Mallee Row, Ragobah Dada (the uncle of the reigning Paishwah, who was then com- manding the Mahratta armies in Central India) immediately sent a Khelaut, or honorary dress, re- cognizing him by the act as successor to the power and possessions of his grandfather. This youth, however, did not long enjoy the dignity ; and his death, which occurred nine months after his ele- vation, was very melancholy. He had been always considered of weak and unsettled intellect, but no symptom of positive insanity had appeared before he came to the head of the government, when of five villages assigned as a charity for the support of the Brahmins who attend it, and pray for the deceased. The feel- ing of all Mahrattas towards the Jauts of Bhurtpoor is strong, from a recollection, which still exists, of the protection the Raja of that place afforded their ancestors after the disastrous hattle of Paniput. He not only clothed and fed the fugitives who came to his territories, but furnished them with means of reaching their homes in the Deckan. In consequence, there is hardly a family of any note in this nation that has not a tradition of a debt of gratitude to the Jauts of Bhurtpoor. Such facts are important, as a knowledge of them often gives a very different colour to actions of political consequence. It is> however, to be added, that, according to Mahratta system, this feehng did not prevent the chiefs of Bhurtpoor being laid under contributions, when their professed friends were able to compel them into payment. 158 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. every action displayed it. His conduct was at first more marked by extremes of folly than of guilt. The life of his mother was devoted to acts of charity and benevolence, and she was particu- larly kind to Brahmins. This tribe became ob- jects of Mallee Row's malicious ridicule. It was a common usage with him to place scorpions in clothes and slippers that he gave them ; he also put these venomous reptiles in pots filled with rupees, which he invited the holy mendicants to take ; and, when their eager cupidity caused them to be stung, his joy was as excessive, as the grief of the pious Alia Bhye, who used to lament aloud her hard destiny, in having a perfect demon born to her as a son. The avowed sentiments of his wickedness, and his incapacity for government, have given rise to a report* that this admirable woman hastened the death of her own offspring. Every evidence proves this to be false, and his * This report of the death of Mallee Row has been stated to several European inquirers, by whom it was believed. I thought it a duty, as connected with the memory of Alia Bhye, to make the most minute investigation of the fact ; and the result has been a conviction of her complete innocence of a crime, which no circumstances could have excused. I have no doubt that she was led by horror at his cruel acts of insanity, and a despair of his recovery, to look upon his death as a fortu- nate event for him, herself, and the country ; but such a feeling is an honour, instead of a disgrace, to her character. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. I r>9 death is refeiTed by all that have been interro- gated (and among them many were on the spot when it occurred) to the same cause. He had slain, in a jealous fury, an embroiderer, who, he believed, had formed an intimacy with a female servant of his family. The innocence of the man was established, and remorse for the crune brought on so severe a paroxysm of madness in Mallee Row as to alarm all for his life. It is a confirmed belief with many of the natives of India, that de- parted spirits have, on some occasions, the power of seizing upon, and destroying the living. It was rumoured, that the embroiderer was a man with supernatural power, that he warned MaUee Row not to slay him, or he w ould take terrible ven- geance ; and the ravings of the latter were im- puted to the person he had murdered, and who, according to their preposterous belief, now^ haunt- ed him in the form of a Jin, or demon. AHa Bhye, satisfied of this fact, used to sit days and nights by the bed of her afflicted son, holding communion, as she thought, with the spirit that possessed him, and who spoke to her through his organs. She shed tears in abundance, and passed whole hours in prayer. In the hope of soothing the demon, she offered to build a temple to the deceased, and to settle an estate upon his family, if he would only leave her son. But all was vain ; — a voice still seemed to answer, " He slew me 160 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. " innocent, and I will have his life." Such is the popular tale of the death of Mallee Row ; an event that only merits notice as connected with the history of Alia Bhye, whom it compelled to come forward to save from ruin the interests of the family she represented, and to exhibit in the person of a female, that combined talent, virtue, and energ^^, which made her, while she lived, a blessing to the country over which she ruled, and has asso- ciated her memory with every plan of improve- ment and just government in the province of Malwa. The daughter of AHa Bhye had been married into another family, and could therefore, accord- ing to Hindu usage, have no claim to participate in the administration of the Holkar sovereignty. Under these circumstances, Gungadhur Jeswunt, A.D. 1766. the Brahmin minister of the late Mulhar Row, strongly recommended, that some child (dis- tantly related to the family) should be adopted to succeed Mallee Row, a plan which would have secured the continuance of his own au- thority as minister *. This proposition was com- bined with the offer of a large separate provi- sion for Alia Bhye, whose abilities were admitted, but her sex objected to, as a disquahfication for * Gungadhur Jeswunt held his station of Dewan, or Minis- ter, to the Holkar family from the Paishwah. He had been nominated by Bajerow to that office with Mulhar Row, when the latter was first promoted to high command. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. the conducting of public affairs. Gunghadur at the same time proposed to give a considerable present* to Ragobah Dada, in the event of his agreeing to the arrangement, and promoting its execution. This venal chief gave a ready assent to the measure ; and his concurrence was considered by the minister so conclusive, that he waited upon Alia Bhye, completely as- sured, that, if other motives failed, a despair of successful resistance would compel her to acquiesce ; but he soon discovered his error. He was told at once by this high-minded wo- man, that his plan was disgraceful to the house of Holkar, and should never have her con- sent ; and she particularly disapproved of his intended gift to Ragobah, whose right of interfer- ence on the occasion she entirely rejected. The heirs of Mulhar Row, she said, were extinct on the death of her son, and she had, as wife and mother of the two last representatives of the family, the exclusive privilege of selecting the successor, — and that just claim she was resolved, at all hazards, to maintain. It is probable that Alia Bhye had not only also consulted with her own principal adhe- rents, l)ut with the Mahratta miUtary chiefs who were in Malwa when these events occurred. Her whole conduct, however, at this crisis of her for- * This description of present to a superior is termed Naza- rana. VOL. I. M 1G2 FAMII.Y OF HOLKAR. time, and of the Holkar government, shewed that her resolution had been seriously taken, and would be firmly maintained. On hearing that Ra- gobah was making preparations to compel her to compliance, she sent him a message, earnestly ad- vising him not to make war on a woman, from which he might incur disgrace, but could never derive honour. She added, to give effect to this remonstrance, every preparation for hostilities. The troops of Holkar evinced enthusiasm in her cause; and she made a politic display of her determination to lead them to combat in person, by directing four bows, with quivers full of arrows, to be fitted to the comers of the how- dah, or seat, on her favourite elephant. Ragobah seemed at first equally resolved to proceed to ex- tremities ; but all his followers were reluctant ; and Madhajee Sindia, and Jannojee Bhonslah, refused to unite with him, and an ungrateful minister, to subvert the independence of the Holkar family. These sentiments, and the arrival of a letter from the Paishwah Madhoo Row, to whom Alia Bhye had referred, turned the scale completely in her favojir. That prince directed his uncle to desist from all farther attempts against the respectable widow of Kundee Row, whose right to the ma- nagement of affairs was indisputable. These in- junctions were implicitly obeyed; and Alia Bhye A. D. 1767. gave, in her first act, a proof of her judgment, to which much of the prosperity and reputation that FAMILY OF IIOLKAR, 1G3 afterwards attended her administration may be referred. She elected for the commander of her army, and to fiilfil those duties which as a female she coidd not perform, Tukajee Holkar, a chief of the same tribe, but no way related* to Mulhar Row. Tukajee was highly esteemed as a soldier by that chief, and commanded the Pagah, or household troops; and, before he had reached his present power, had established a character, which he maintained through life, of a plain unaffected Mahratta soldier. Ragobah, after this an-ange- ment, proceeded to Poona; and was invited to take the route of Mhysir, where he was most hos- pitably entertained by Alia Bhye. She directed the contingent of the family to accompany him to the Mahratta capital, under the command of Tukajee, who, she desired, should in person receive from the Paishwah an honorary dress, and a com- mission, confirming him in his high station. AU her wishes were complied with ; and she in her turn restored, on the ground of his former services and high character, the minister Gunghadur to favour. The divided authonty established in the Holkar state, from the day of Tukajee's elevation, had a * As this chief is the grandfather of the present represen- tative of the house of Holkar, he is always termed, by the present minister and others, a relation of the great Mulhar Row ; but this is not the fact. M 2 1C4 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. character which, judging from common rules, was not likely to admit of its subsisting a week ; but it remained for above thirty years undisturbed by jealousy or ambition. This is to be ascribed to the virtue and moderation of the parties, to their respect for each other, and to their having distinct, and, generally speaking, distant spheres of action. Aha Bhye had chosen Tukajee to command the armies of the state, and to be the titled head of the sovereignty, after he had attained an age when the mind is confirmed in its habits. A partiahty for her own choice made her very in- dulgent ; and Tukajee seems never to have for- gotten for a moment his original sense of obli- gation to his benefactress ; besides which, the respect that her virtues and liberal piety had established over all India, had given her sucli a reputation, that to have treated her with neg- lect or ingratitude, much less to have returned her generosity with any usurpation of her property or rights, woidd have consigned him to general execration. It is but justice, however, to this manly soldier to declare, that he appears never to have needed the check of such considerations. Although for a time much under the influence of one of the principal ministers* of the government, * The name of this man was Narroo Gunneiss. He is re- piesented to have been an artful and ambitious Brahmin. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 165 who was not favourably disposed towards Alia Bhye, he never deviated from the path he first pursued. He was more than obedient : he was dutiful, and all his actions were directed to please and concihate the ])rincess, to Avhom he was solely indebted for his high station. He constantly called her his mother ; but, as she was much younger than him, this relation was not engraved upon his seal. On that he was styled, by her command, " Tukajee, the Son of Mulhar Row Holkar." — These facts will appear still more extraordinary, when we advert to the manner in which the state was governed. When Tukajee was in the Deckan (and he remained there at one period for twelve years), all the territories of the family South of the Satpoorah range, were ma- naged by him, and the countries North of that limit were under Alia Bhye, to whom the dif- ferent tributaries also made their annual pay- ments. While he was in Hindustan, (he never re- mained long in Malwa,) he collected the revenues of the covmtries that had been acquired there, and in Bundelcund, and also the tributes of Rajpoot- ana. The districts in Malwa and Nemaur con- tinued, as usual, under the direction of Alia Bhye ; and her authority was on such occasions extended over the possessions in the Deckan. The treasures of the family, which were very consi- derable, (said to have been two miUions,) remained with Alia Bhye; and she had, besides, personal 166 FAMILY OF HOLKAK. estates yielding annually above four lacks of ru- pees, which, with the hoard abovementioned, were entirely expended at her discretion ; while all the rest of the receipts were brought into a general account, and applied to the expenditure of the government. The accounts of receipts and dis- bursements were kept with scrupulous exactness ; and Alia Bhye, after paying the civil and militia* charges, sent the balance that remained in the public treasury, to supply the exigencies of the army employed abroad. Tukajee was, no dovibt, from the distance at which he was placed, and the scenes in which he was engaged, often obliged to act for himself; but he is stated to have referred, on every occasion in which the general interests of the government were im- pHcated, to Alia Bhye ; and in matters relating to peace or war, or to the foreign relations of the state, her supremacy was proclaimed by the envoys f of all the principal, as weU as petty, rulers of India residing at her court : ministers, deputed directly from her, resided at Poona]:, Hyderabad, Seringapatam, Nagpoor, Lucknow, * The term Sebundy, which means a local military, em- ployed for the preserving of internal peace, and to aid in revenue collections, may be hterally interpreted " Militia." t Vakeels. I \Vlien Tukajee was in the Deckan, he was the medium of all intercourse with the Paishwah ; but in his absence, Alia Bhye kept an intelligent agent at the court of Poona. FAMILY OF HOLKAE. and Calcutta ; while inferior agents remained at the courts* of the petty Rajas, particrdarly those from whom tribute was collected. It appears, from what has been related, that Alia Bhye was the actual head of the government, and Tukajee, gratified by his high station and her complete confidence, continued, duiing her life, to exercise no duties beyond those of commander-in-chief of the army, and the col- lection of the revenues that his vicinity enabled him to realize with more convenience than any other agent of her administration. The servants of the Holkar government, who filled oflaces at the period, speak all the same language ; and, with every disposition to praise Tukajee, strengthened by his grandson being on the throne f, they never go higher in their eulogium than to say, that he fulfilled all the expectations of Alia Bhye, and was to the last hour of his existence attentive, faithful, and obedient. It has been stated, that Tukajee went to Poona to attend the Paishwah, but his stay was short in the Deckan. While the behaviour of the Bhurt- poor Jauts, subsequent to the battle of Paniput, liad excited gratitude in the minds of the Mah- rattas, that of many of the Mahomedan chiefs in Hindustan, and above all, of Nujeeb ud Dowlah '\., * Durbars. t Musnud. t To the courage and conduct of this celebrated chief, the victory of Paniput has been in a great degree attiibiited; and 168 FAMILY OF IIOLKAR. had inflamed the resentment of the discomfited nation. An attack upon Nujeebabad, the strong- hold of the latter's family, was determined on; and a large army marched from the Deckan to A.D. 1770. cany it into execution. Tukajee was on the '^^"'^ expedition, but acted only a subordinate part, being under the direction of Ramchunder Gun- neiss*, who commanded on the part of the Paish- wah. It appears from a Persian manuscript, that Tukajee opened a communication with Nujeeb Khan, on the ground of the ancient friendship that had subsisted between him and Mulhar Row Holkar, which was approved by Ramchunder, but reprobated by Madhajee Sindia, who asked if a peaceable settlement was to be substituted for the revenge which they had united to accomplish. " I require (he said) for the Paishwah the country " possessed by this chief and the Afghans. I " demand for myself the blood of my brother |, of " my nephews \, and my own leg, of all use of " which I am deprived. Nor will I abandon my " hopes of vengeance, because Tukajee Holkar there can be no doubt be was the chief author of the combi- nation among the Mahomedans, which produced that me- morable result.* * This chief is distinguished from another of the same name by his title of Beeneewalla, or quarter-master-general of the Mahratta armies. He had on this occasion above sixty thou- sand horse, of whom many were stated to be Pindarries. t Duttajee. X Junkajee and Sambajee. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 160 " chooses to make a brother of this Oinrah. You " may write, howev^er, (he added) to Madhoo Row " at Poona; and if he sanctions by his command " such proceedings, I am a servant, and shall " obey."* These sentiments did not prevent the counsel of Tukajee from being adopted. It was thought best to take advantage of the good dispo- sition evinced by Nujeeb ud DoAvlah, lest proceed- ing to extremities against so brave and popular a chief might again unite the Mahomedans ; and it was farther foreseen, that peace with him would enable them to levy, undisturbed, tribute on the Jauts and Rajpoots, and increase their resources for future operations. This policy was pursued, and a twelvemonth passed in plundering their . Hindu friends, f Nujeeb ud Dowlah was at this moment in the last stage of his existence. He visited the Mahratta camp, and an attempt was HejiraiiH5 made to reconcile him with Sindia, but neither were sincere ; and, a few weeks before Nujeeb ud Dowlah retired to his capital to die, he placed the hand of his son Zabita Khan in that of Tukajee, and requested his protection, anticipating the * I translated this from a Persian manuscript, written for Sir Charles Mallet, by Meer u Deen Hussein Khan, the father of the Nabob Kumal Udeen, and given to me by the latter's son, the present commander of the Guickwar horse in Malwa. Meer u Deen was an actor in the scenes he describes. t Among these, Newul Singh of Bhurtpoor, for whom they possessed such friendship, was the chief sufferer. 170 TAMILY OF HOLKAR. ruin that was soon to overwhebn his family. The death of this Omrah removed the last barrier to the Mahratta conquest of Hindustan, the capital of which, and its finest provinces, they soon afterwards subjugated. They were aided in the accompbshment of this undertaking by the weak Shah Allum, who had left the protection of the British government to lend his name, and what Httle influence he still retained, to enable the enemies of his dynasty and religion to destroy the only Mahomedan chief who possessed sufficient A. D. 1/72. energy to retard their progress. These events led, as has been stated, to the aggrandizement of Mad- hajee Sindia, who soon became the real sovereign of Delhi and its smTounding territories ; while Tukajee Holkar returned to Malwa, where he declined to the rank of a secondary chief before the rising fortunes of his abler and more aspuing rival. The death of the Paishwah Madhoo Row*, and the mm^der of his younger brother, Nan-ain Row, by Ragobah Dada, called, at this period, all the Mahratta chiefs to the Deckan. The celebrated confederacy of Barrah Bhai, or the twelve f bro- * Madhoo Row died the 18th November, 1772; and his brother, Narrain Row, was murdered on the 30th August, 1773. t I never could learn why the number twelve was used on this occasion to express, as it did, an indefinite number. With TAMIL Y OF HOLKAli. 171 thers, as the chiefs were designated who combined against the murderer, was joined by Madhajee Sindia and Tukajee Holkar, which involved these leaders in a war with the British government, whose name was, at this crisis of Mahratta history, associated with the cause of guilt and usurpation. The united chiefs proclaimed Madhoo Row, the posthumous son of Narrain Row, Paishwah; but the real power of that high station devolved on Ballajee Junardun, commonly called Nana Furaavese, an able Brahmin, who acted a pro- minent part in forming the combination against Ragobah. The results of this combination have been noticed. The treaty* of Salbye confirmed the triumph of those by whom it had been effected. Tukajee Holkar appears acting a very con- spicuous part in a war which the Poona goveni- ment, aided by the Nizam, carried on against Tippoo Sultan ; and he proceeded, the year after a. d. it was concluded, to Mhysu% to pay his respects to Aha Bhye. There, however, his stay was short, the attachment to usage that marks the Mahrattas, the term Barrah Bhai has been continued, as denoting combination; and a body of Mahratta horse now in the service of Holkar, com- posed of parties of different chiefs, is distinguibhed by this appellation. * A treaty was concluded by Colonel Upton in 1776, hut hostilities recommenced, and the war was not terminated till the treaty of Salbye. 172 PAMILY OF IIOLKAK. as he was called upon to take a share m the opera- tions which terminated in establishing the power of Ali Bahadur*, the natural son of Bajerow, over a great portion of Bundelcund, and that of Madhajee Sindia over the whole of Hindustan, The force of Tukajee bore no proj^ortion to that of the latter chief; and he consequently derived little benefit from these conquests. The claims of the family of Holkar to an equal share were advanced and nominally admitted, and at a settlement of accounts! some districts were granted to liqui- date the acknowledged balance in their favour; but the predominating controul of Madhajee pre- vented any benefit from the cession, and when that chief proceeded to Poona, to establish his influence at the court of the Paishwah, Tukajee became in- volved in disputes with the leaders, particularly Lukwa Dada, left by Sindia in Hindustan ; which terminated, as has been before stated, in an action at the pass of Lakheree, where he was A.D. 1 792. defeated by the infantry ,of Deboigne.i This vic- * He was the son of the first Bajerow, by a Mahomedan mother ; and as his birth deprived him of the privileges of his father's tribe, he was, though acknowledged by the latter as his son, brought up in the rehgion of his mother. t These accounts had commenced between Ranojee Sindia and Mulhar Row Holkar, and remained unsettled till the period mentioned. I This, like all Mahratta defeats, is imputed to treachery, and in the manuscript given me by Tantia Jo^h, no less FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 17»^ tory was, fi^om reasons before assigned, productive of no immediate consequences. Sindia's' troops returned to Hindustan, and those of Tukajee pur- sued their march to Indore and Mhysir, without retaliating the aggression upon Madhajee's pos- sessions in Malwa. This fact leads to a con- clusion, that it was more of a quarrel between Tukajee and Madhajee's commander, than be- tween the Sindia and Holkar families. Tukajee remained but a few months in Malwa, from whence he was summoned to join the Mah- ratta chiefs, then assembling at Poona for a general attack on the dominions of Nizam Ali Khan, which had been long projected. The result of this attack has been narrated. Tukajee a. D. 1795. Holkar, who was at this period about seventy years of age, had risen to higher consideration after the death of Madhajee Sindia, being looked up to as the oldest of those Mahratta military chiefs who had witnessed the zenith of their glory; but his real strength was greatly inferior to that of Dowlet Row Sindia, whose youthful impetuosity calculated solely on force; and the consequence was that Tukajee acted a less dis- tinguished part in the transactions which followed the defeat of the Nizam, and the death of thcA. D. 1797. Paishwah Madhoo Row, than might have been persons are accused than Casi Row and Bappoo Holkar, the son and nephew of Tukajee. 174 rA?>rTLY or holKxXT?, expected from his age and reputation. He appears, throughout this scene of unparalleled intrigue, as the friend and supporter of Sindia; but he was probably, from years and infirmities, incapable of exertion; for he died before it terminated, leaving behind him the character of a good soldier, a plain unaffected man, and one whose courage was su- perior to his craft, which is no slight praise for a Mahratta leader. We are greatly prepossessed in favour of Tukajee, by the temper, gratitude, and obedience which he evinced towards Alia Bhye. Throughout the long period that intervened be- tween his elevation and her death, which occurred two years previous to his own, there never was any serious* dispute, much less a rupture, be- tween them. This reflects great credit on both; but, perhaps, the greatest on Alia Bhye, whose government of the Holkar territories in Central India must now be noticed. It presents us with few events like those which have been narrated; but its merit consists in their absence. The cha- racter of her administration was for more than thirty years the basis of the prosperity which at- tended the dynasty to which she belonged; and although, latterly, it was obscured by the genius * I considered this fact so extraordinary, that I made the most minute enquiries from numerous persons personally ac- quainted with both : these all confirmed the truth of what we learn from their history. FA^riLY OF nOFKAl?. j 75 and success of Madhajee Sindia, it continued to sustain its rank during her life as one of the prin- cipal branches of the Mahratta empire. The manner in which the authority of the state was divided between Tukajee and Alia Bhye has been already mentioned. The management of all the provinces in Malwa and Nemaur was the peculiar department of the latter; and her great object was, by a just and moderate goverament, to improve the condition of the country, while she promoted the happiness of her subjects. She maintained but a small force independent of the territorial militia ; but her troops were sufficient, aided hy the equity of her administration, to preserve internal tranqiullity ; and she relied on the army of the state, actively employed in Hindustan and the Deckan, and on her own reputation, for safety against all external enemies. It is not common with the Hindus* (unless in those provinces where they have learnt the de- grading usage from their Mahomedan conquerors) to confine females, or to compel them to wear * The principal exceptions are the higher classes of Rajpoots, and particularly the Rajas and chiefs of this tribe; and there is reason to conclude they have adopted the practice, in a great degree, from the Mahomedans, as we find many passages in their popular tales to warrant a belief that their customs in this respect were different when the Hindu government pre- vailed over India. ]76 FAMILY OF HOI.KAll. veils. The Mahrattas of rank (even the Brah- mins*) have, with few exceptions, rejected the custom, which is not prescribed by any of their religious institutions. Alia Bhye, therefore, of- fended no prejudice, when she took upon herself the direct management of affairs, and sat every day for a considerable period, in open Durbar, transacting business. Her first principle of go- vernment appears to have been moderate assess- ment, and an almost sacred respect for the native rights of village officers and proprietors of lands f. She heard every complaint in person, and although she continually referred causes to courts of equity and arbitration, and to her ministers, for settlement, she was always accessible; and so strong was her sense of duty, on all points con- nected with the distribution of justice, that she is represented as not only patient, but unwearied in the investigation of the most insignificant causes, when appeals were made to her decision. Aware of the partiality which was to be ex- pected from infqrmation supplied by members and adherents of the Holkar family, regarding Alia Bhye, facts were collected from other quarters * Mr. Scott Waring, in his History of the Mahrattas, men- tions having frequently seen the wife of the Ex-Paishwah Bajerow exercising her horse. t These are termed Wuttundars, or holders of native rights, in Central India. A particular account of their duties and im- munities will he given in the Chapter on Revenue. FAMILY OF IIOLKAPt. 177 to guard against the impressions, which the usual details of her administration are calculated to make. It was thought the picture had been overcharged with bright colom^s, to bring it more into contrast with the opposite system that has since prevailed in the countries she formerly go- verned; but, although enquiries have been made among all ranks and classes, nothing has been discovered to diminish the eidogiums, or rather blessings, which are poured forth whenever her name is mentioned. The more, indeed, en- quiry is pursued, the more admiration is excited; but it appears above all extraordinary, how she had mental and bodily powers to go through with the labours she imposed upon herself, and which from the age of thirty to that of sixty*, when she died, were unremitted. The hours gained from the affairs of the state were all given to acts of devotion and charity ; and a deep sense of reli- gion appears to have strengthened her mind in the performance of her worldly duties. She used to say, that slie " deemed herself answerable to " God for every exercise of pow er ;" and in the full spuit of a pious and benevolent mind was wont to exclaim, when urged by her ministers to acts of extreme severity, " Let us, mortals, beware how " we destroy the works of the Almighty." * She succeeded to the administration of the Holkar govern^ ment in a. d. 17^5, and died in a. d. 179^' VOL. I. N FAMILY OF HOLKAR. From a very minute narrative* which has been obtained of AliaBhye's daily occupations, it appears, that she rose one hour before daybreak to say her morning prayers, and perform the customary ce- remonies. She then heard the sacred volumes of her faith read for a fixed period, distril)uted ahiis, and gave food, in person, to a number of Brahmins. Her own breakfast was then brought, which was always of vegetable diet ; for, although the rules of her tribe did not require it, she had forsworn animal food. After breakfast she again went to prayers, and then took a short repose ; after rising from which, and dressing herself, she went about two o'clock to her Durbar, or court, where she usually remained till six in the evening, and when two or three hours had been devoted to rehgious exer- cises and a frugal repast, business recommenced about nine o'clock, and continued until eleven, at which hour she retii'ed to rest. This course of * This was given me by Baramul Dada, the present manager of Mhysir. This sensible old man (now near ninety years of age) was the Kower, or adopted domestic, of Alia Bhye. His occupation was to wash her tutelary deities and attend her person. His reverence for her memor}' exceeds all bounds. He gave me a manuscript containing the account in the text of her usual appropriation of time, and of the de- votional exercises she imposed upon herself every month in the year, which varied according to the rank and attributes of the presiding divinity of the season. FAMILY OF IIOI.KAE. 179 life, marked by prayer, abstinence, and labour, knew little variation, except what was occasioned by religious fasts and festivals (of which she was very observant), and the occurrence of public emergencies. The success of Alia Bhye in the internal admi- nistration of her domains was altogether wonder- fid. The principles upon which the collections were made and justice administered, will be no- ticed hereafter : suffice it here to say, that so efficient were those relations which she had esta- blished with foreign princes, that her territories were never invaded, except for a few weeks by Ulsee Rana of Odeypoor, who made an unsuccess- fid* effi)rt to aid some of his tribe who had seized upon Rampoora. The undisturbed internal tran- quillity of the country was even more remarkable than its exemption from foreign attack. This was equally produced by her manner of treating the peaceable, as well as the more turbulent and predatory classes ; she was indulgent to the for- mer, and, although firm and severe, just and con- siderate towards the latter. We shall find no more correct standard by which to estimate a * Alia Bhye instantly detached a force under Shereef Bye, the commander of her guards, who surprised and defeated the invaders at the village of Palsorah, twenty-four miles North of Mundissoor. The Rana, on hearing of this event, sued for peace, which was granted. N ^ FAMILY OF HOLKAR. government in India, than the permanence, or instability of its ministers, and the reputation of its provincial and other public officers. It is a criterion by which the natives always judge of their governors. Alia Bhye had the same minis- ter*, a Brahmin of excellent character, through- out the whole period of her reign ; and her ma- nagers were seldom, if ever, changed f . Indore, which she had raised from a village to a wealthy city, was always regarded by her with particular consideration. Many extraordi- nary instances of her maternal regard for its inhabitants are narrated. Tukajee Holkar, when encamped near it with the army, had desired (at the instigation of some interested persons) to share in the wealth of a rich banker :|: who died * His name was Govind Punt Gunnoo. t Kundee Row was for more than twenty years Komisdar, or manager of Indore, and it is the general tradition, that he gratified his mistress less, by the regularity with which he collected the revenue, than the spectacle he presented her of a happy and contented population. ♦ The name of this banker, or Soucar, was Davychund. It is true that, according to the usage of the Bunniah tribe, the wife succeeds, and it may in strictness be termed unjust to have acted otherwise than Alia Bhye did on this occasion ; but on reference to the common practice of Native governments we find that, in such cases, a large share of the property is often claimed by the state, and a farther sum is usually required for charitable purposes. FAMILY OF HOLKAIJ. without children. The wife of the deceased hast- ened to Mhysir, where she implored relief of Alia Bhye. Her story was listened to ; a dress, which confirmed her as sole mistress of the house and property of her husband, was bestowed upon her ; and Tukajee instantly received an order to march a short distance from Indore, and not to molest her city with unjust exactions. A ready obedience to the mandate made amends for the en*or of Tukajee, while the occurrence more endeared Aha Bhye to a town where her name is to this day not only revered, but adored. Aha Bhye derived much aid, in the internal ad- ministration of her country, from the strength and reputation of IMadhajee Sindia, which maintained tranquillity throughout his possessions in Central India. She had been greatly indebted to this chief at the commencement of her career, and she con- tinued through life to cultivate his fi'iendship with the fullest sense of its importance. His character forbids the conclusion that his motives for sup- porting her were disinterested ; but, although he might have desu-ed to share the treasures left by Mulhar Row to his successors, no prince was ever more alive to the value of impression ; and in seeking to be considered the friend of Alia Bhye, Madhajee was well aware how much he advanced his own reputation. It does not appear how she first pmxhased his support; subsequently, 182 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. however, she lent him thirty lacks of rupees*, for which he gave a bond, but probably with- out any intention of ever paying it. He perhaps thought his active friendship conferred benefits amply discharging the pecuniary obhgation. His managers and other officers, civil and military, had orders to aid and support her authority ; and this gave a strength to her government, which, from the intermixed nature of theii* respective territories, could have been derived from no other quarter. The tributaries of the Holkar family were, dur- ing the administration of Alia Bhye, treated with an attention and moderation that made delays even in their payments unusual ; and when these occun^ed, her indignant remonstrances, which were as severe as they were jvist, inspu-ed an awe that hardly ever failed of effect. The numerous petty leaders f of the Rajpoot tribes, who had, from their ability to pillage, established a claim to a portion of the revenue, were ahnost all brought to fair and amicable terms. And, as Mad- hajee Sindia observed the same policy, this class, generally speaking, were peaceable and contented. * Besides this loan, Huirkar Bhye (oftener called Mosseah Bhye), the favourite mistress of Mulhar Row, advanced Mad- hajee, when in distress, six lacks of rupees. t These chiefs, who are called Grassiahs, will be particu- larly described in a subsequent chapter. FAMILY OF HOI.KAll. 183 The fond object of her life was to promote the prosperity of all around her ; she rejoiced, we are told, when she saw bankers, merchants, farmers, and cultivators, rise to affluence ; and, so far from deeming their increased wealth a ground of exaction, she considered it a legitimate claim to increased* favour and protection. The set- * Khealee Ram (the nephew of Himut Row, formerly a civil officer of high rank in the service of the Nabob of Bhopal), who was two years one of my principal writers, informed me that about thirty-two years ago, when he was ma- nager of Bersiah, a rich Soucar, Subh Kem Doss, died at Seronje without heirs. The manager demanded three lacks of rupees, threatening, if this sum was not paid, to seize the pro- perty for the state. The family desired the widow to adopt a son ; but this he peremptorily refused to allow, unless they paid the present, or rather fine, he had demanded. The widow and her nephew whom she wished to adopt, attended by a numerous party of relations and friends, hastened to Mhy- sir. Alia Bhye did not keep them a day in suspense; she re- moved her manager, confirmed the adoption, and refused even a small present. Taking the adopted child upon her knee, she gave him clothes, some jewels, and a palanquin, and sent him and all concerned back to Seronje, to speak, while they existed, of her goodness and justice. The object of her bounty is still ahve, but he has hved to be despoiled of all his wealth by Ameer Khan, the present possessor of Seronje. Another remarkable instance of Alia Bhye's disinterested- ness was related to me by Tantia Jogh, the present minister of the Holkar state. Tuppee Doss and Benares Doss, two brothers, who were Soucars, or bankers, in Kergong, died about the same date, without heirs, leaving two lacks of rupees in specie, and two more due to them, Tuppee 184. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. tlements of Alia Bhye with the Gond plun- derers on the Nerbudda, and the Bheels who inhabit the mountainous tracts of the province, were as happy as her other arrangements ; and that they had not complete success, is to be im- puted to other causes than her want of vigour or sagacity. She first tried gentle measures of conciliation with this class, but, finding them inef- fectual, she had recourse to a more rigorous system. Several incorrigible offenders* were taken and put to death. Such examples of her severe justice were rare ; for though she knew well how to in- spire dread, when it was necessary, in the minds of the most hardened robbers, conciliation and kind- Doss's wife came to Alia Bhye, at Mhysir, and through the elder brother of Tantia Jogh, proposed to make over to the state, the fortune her husband and her brother had accu- mulated under its protection. Alia Bhye declined the offer, and advised the widow (if she did not want it) to bestow it in charity, or expend it in public and useful buildings that would do honour to her husband's memory. The advice was taken ; and a Ghaut, or flight of stone steps, to the river at Kergong, with a temple dedicated to Gunputty, still remain as memorials of the manner in which the wealth which Alia Bhye rejected was expended. * Amongst these was Mundroop Singh, a noted free- booter, whose strong-hold was Sillanah, on the banks of the Nerbudda. The trouble I had for three years with the de- scendants of this robber chief gave me full insight into the atrocities which compelled Alia Bhye to exert a severity to which her nature was reluctant. FAMILY OF HOLKAll. ness were the means she preferred ; and, while she deterred them from the continuance of a Kfe of phmder by the estabUshment of posts, she in- vited them to a better mode of life, by the most considerate attention to their habits. Tlieir an- cient right to a small duty * on goods passing then- hills was admitted, but she exacted, in re- compense for her concessions, and for the grants she made them of waste lands, an obligation to protect the roads, and to recover any property that was stolen within theu^ respective f limits. There woidd be no end to a minute detail of the mea- sures of her internal policy. It is sufficient to ob- serve, she has become, by general suffrage, the model of good government in Malwa. Tan- tia Jogh, the present minister of the prince Mulhar Row, is satisfied that he is at once pleas- ing us, gratifying the family with the manage- * This is called the Bheel's Cowry. It differs in almost every place, but is no where above half a piece on a bullock load. t I have had the same settlement to make with the same class of people ; and while the present minister of the IIoI- kar government has considered that he went as far in liberal conciliation as he could, by agreeing to restore the re- lations which were established in Alia Bhye's time, I have never found the rudest inhabitants of the mountains desire farther indulgence. This is incontrovertible evidence of her able conduct in this difficult department of her adminis- tration. 186 FAMILY OF HOLKAJR. ment of whose affairs he is entrusted, and gaining popularity, by professing to follow the example of this extraordinary female ; and her name is con- sidered such excellent authority, that an objec- tion is never made, when her practice is pleaded as the precedent. The correspondence of AHa Bhye extended to the most remote parts of India. It was generally carried on through Brahmins, who were the agents of her pious munificence, which was as un- exampled as it was unbounded. When the trea- sures of Holkar came into her possession, she is stated to have appropriated them, by the perform- ance of a religious ceremony *, (common with Hindus,) to the purposes of charity and good works. She built several forts, and at that of Jaum constructed a road, with great labour and cost, over the Vindhya range, where it is almost perpendicular. She expended considerable sums in reHgious edifices at Mhysir, and built many temples f,Dhurrumsallas (or places of rest for tra- vellers), and weUs, throughout the Holkar posses- * She placed water in her hand, and having mixed with it some leaves of the Toolsee tree while a Brahmin pronounced a prayer, she sprinkled the water over the treasure, which was considered by this act devoted to charity. t That at the village of Nimawur opposite Hindia, which she erected, although small, is one of the most beautiful buildings I have seen in this quarter of India. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. - 187 sions in Malwa. But her munificence was not limit- ed to her own territories ; at all the principal places of Hindu pilgrimage, including as far East and West as Jaggeniauth in Cuttack, and Dwaraca in Guzerat, and as far North as Kedarnath *, among the snowy mountains of Himalaya, and South as Ramiseram, near Cape Comorin, she built holy edifices, maintained establishments, and sent an- nual sums to be distributed in charity. Her prin- cipal structures are at Gyah, where a figure of herself adoring the image of Mahadeva is pre- served in one of the temples ; and she is sainted among her own tribe, by its having been placed near the statues of the god Ramchunder, and his wife, the goddess Seeta. Besides the fixed yearly disbursements which Alia Bhye sent to support her establishments at the holy shrines of India, proportional, but less sums, were remitted to other sanctuaries. In ad- dition to this fixed charity, she occasionally be- stowed other presents; and nothing added more to * Captain T. D. Steuart, one of my political assistants, when travelling to Kedarnath in 1818, had frequent opportunities of remarking the veneration in which the memory of Alia Bhye is held in that remote part of India. There is an excellent stone Dhurrumsalla still in good repair, and a Cooud, or reservoir of water, built at the expense of that princess, for the accom- modation of pilgrims and travellers at the stage beyond Mundul, and about three thousand feet higher, where not a vestige of any other habitation is to be found. 188 FAMILY OF IIOLKAU. her fame in the Southern regions of the peninsula, than the constant supply of Ganges water, which she was in the habit of sending to wash the sacred ima- ges of the different temples. These extensive and pious donations probably proceeded from a sincere belief in her religion, and a desire to promote her own and her country's welfare, by propitiating the favour of the deities she worshipped; but we find in many of her observances and institutions, a spirit of charity which had the truest character of wisdom and benevolence. She daily fed the poor; and on particular festivals gave entertain- ments to the lowest classes. Dvuing the hot months of the year persons were stationed on the roads to supply travellers with water ; and at the commencement of the cold season she gave clothes to great numbers of her dependants, and to infirm people. Her feelings of general humanity were often carried to an extraordinary excess. The beasts of the field, the birds of the air, and the fish of the river shared in her compassion ; portions of food were allotted to them, and the pea- sant near Mhysir used in hot days to see his yoke of oxen stopped during their labour to be refreshed with water brought by a servant of Alia Bhye ; while fields she had purchased were covered with flocks of birds, that had been justly, as Alia Bhye used to observe, driven ]}y cultivators from de- stroying the grain, on which the latter depended for their own sustenance. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 189 We may smile at such miiversal sympathy, and perhaps censm^e the bigotry which be- stowed on Brahmins the largest share of her charity, and wasted the treasures of a state in the erection and maintenance of edifices in dis- tant lands ; but it was well asked by an intel- ligent Brahmin *, (to whom this remark was addressed) " ^Vhether Alia Bhye, by spending " double the money on an army that she did in " charity and good works, could have preserved " her country for above thirty years in a state of " profound peace, while she rendered her subjects " happy and herself adored? No person (he added) " doubts the sincerity of her piety ; but if she had " merely possessed worldly wisdom, she could have " devised no means so admirably calculated to effect " the object. I was (this person concluded) in one " of the principal offices at Poona during the last " years of her administration, and know weU " what feelings were excited by the mere mention " of her name. Among the princes of her own " nation, it would have been looked upon as sacri- " lege to have become her enemy, or, indeed, not " to have defended her against any hostile attemiDt. " She was considered by all in the same light. " The Nizam of the Deckan and Tippoo Sultan * I quote here the precise words of the reply made to an observation of mine that expressed doubt of the wisdom of Aha Bhye's conduct. 190 FAMILY OF HOI.KAE. " granted her the same respect as the Paishwah; " and Mahomedans joined with Hindus in prayers " for her long life and prosperity." An event occurred in the latter years of Alia Bhye of too interesting and afflicting a nature to be passed over in silence. The melancholy death of her only son, Malee Row, has been noticed. She had, besides, one daughter, Muchta Bhye, v/ho was married*, and had one sonf, who, after reaching manhood, died at Mhysir. Twelve months afterwards his father died, and Muchta Bhye declared immediately her resolution to burn with the corpse of her husband. No efforts (short of coercion) that a mother and a sovereign could use were untried by the virtuous Alia Bhye to dissuade her daughter from the fatal resolution. She hum- bled herself to the dust before her, and entreated her, as she revered her God, not to leave her desolate and alone upon earth. Muchta Bhye, although affectionate, was calm and resolved. " You are old, mother, (she said) and a few years " will end your pious life. My only child and hus- " band are gone, and when you follow, life, I feel, " will be insupportable; but the opportvmity " of terminating it with honour wiU then have " passed." Aha Bhye, when she found aU dissua- sion unavailing, determined to witness the last * Her husband's name was Jeswunt Row Paunseah. i The child's name was Nutheabah. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 191 dreadful scene. She walked in the procession, and stood near the pile, where she was supported by two Brahmins, who held her arms. Although obvi- ously suffering great agony of mind, she remained tolerably firm till the first blaze of the flame made her lose all self-command; and while her shrieks increased the noise made by the exulting shouts of the immense multitude that stood around, she was seen to gnaw in anguish those hands she could not liberate from the persons by whom she was held. After some convulsive efforts, she so far recovered as to join in the ceremony of bathing in the Nerliudda, when the bodies were consumed. She then retired to her palace, where for three days, having taken hardly any sustenance, she remained so absorbed in grief that she never uttered a word. When recovered from this state, she seemed to find consolation in l3uilding a beau- tiful monument* to the memory of those she lamented. These particulars are related on the authority of several persons who were near witnesses of the affecting scene, besides that of Baramul Dadaf, * There are few modern temples in India of more beautiful and finished workmanship than this monument of maternal love. t I went to the spot where this afflicting scene occurred, with the venerable Baramul Dada, and though much aft'ected, he seemed to take a melancholy delight in shewing the 102 FAMILY OF HOLKAB. ■ who was throughout in attendance on her. It is pleasing to find that her devotion, although it forbad her to infringe what usage had sanctioned and rendered holy, had not subdued in this ad- mirable woman's mind the natm^al feelings of humanity. A. D. 1795. Alia Bhye died at the age of sixty, worn out with care and fatigue ; and, according to some, she hastened her death by a too strict observance of the numerous fasts prescribed by her religion. She was of middle stature, and very thin. Though at no period of her life handsome*, her com- plexion, which was of a dark olive, was clear; and her countenance is described as having been to the last hour of her existence agreeable, and expres- sive of that goodness which marked every action of her life. She was very cheerful, and seldom in anger; but, when provoked by wickedness or crime, the most esteemed of her attendants trembled f to spot where the pile was made, and that where his mistress stood to witness her daughter's sacrifice. * When the beautiful but wicked Anuntia Bhye, wife of Ragobah, and mother of Bajerow, the ex-Paishwah, was at Dhar, envious, perhaps, of the fame of Alia Bhye, she sent a female attendant to bring an account of her looks. The woman is reported to have said on her return, " Aha Bhye has *' not beautiful features, but a heavenly light is on her coun- " tenance." — " But she is not handsome, you say," was. the only reply of her mistress, who felt consolation, in this part of the report. t Baramul Dada, the venerable manager of Mhysir, who FAMILY OF HOLKAU. 193 approach her. The mind of this extraordinary woman had been more cultivated than is usual with Hindus : she could read, and understood the Puranas, or sacred books, which were her favourite study. She is represented as having been singularly quick and clear in the transac- tion of pubHc business. Her husband was killed before she was twenty years of age, and to that misfortune was added the vice and insanity of her son. These afflictions made a strong impression on her mind. After her husband's death she never wore coloured clothes*, nor any jewels except a small necklace; and, indeed, remained, amid every temptation, unchanged in her habits or character. Flattery even appears to have been lost upon Alia Bhye. A Brahmin wrote a book in her praise, which she heard read with patience ; but, after observing " she was a weak sinful wo- man, and not deserving such fine encomiums," she du'ected it to be thrown into the Nerbudda, and took no farther notice of the author f. The facts was for many years one of her most favourite servants, assured me that when really in anger, which was of rare occurrence, her countenance struck terror into the minds of the boldest. * She always dressed in plain white clothes, according to the usage of Hindu widows, without even an embroidered or coloured border. t This anecdote was related to me by Baramul Dada, when sitting on the terrace of her palace at Mhysir, which over- hangs the Nerbudda. VOL. I. O 194 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. that have been stated of Alia Bhye rest on grounds that admit of no scepticism.* It is, however, an extraordinary picture ; — a female without vanity, a bigot without intolerance!; a mind imbued with the deepest superstition, yet receiving no impressions except what promoted the happiness of those under its influence; a being exercising, in the most active and able manner, despotic power, not merely with sincere humility, but under the severest moral restraint that a strict conscience could impose on human action ; and aU this combined with the greatest indulgence for the weakness and faidts of others. Such, at least, is the account which the natives of Malwa give of Alia Bhye: with them her name is sainted, and she is styled an Avatar, or incarnation of the divi- nity. In the most sober view that can be taken of her character, she certainly appears, within her limited sphere, to have been one of the purest and * Independently of the numerous and authentic sources from which these facts are drawn, my duty led to my making, in detail, settlements and agreements with the same classes ; and the minute evidence I have obtained regarding the acts and measures of the internal administration of Alia Bhye places its real character beyond all doubt. t Intolerance is not a defect of the Hindu religion; but Ah^ Bhye is represented to have gone farther, and to have been peculiarly kind and considerate to such of her subjects as differed from her in faith. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 1D5 most exemplary rulers that ever existed ; and she affords a strikmg example of the practical be- nefit a mind may receive from performing worldly duties under a deep sense of responsibility to its Creator. The life of Alia Bhye has been given at greater length than v^as contemplated ; but it forms too proud an epoch in the history of the house of Holkar to be slightly passed over. She left no heir to her fortune and power, and we now proceed to notice those destroyers, who came to ruin the fair prospects which her government had opened to the inhabitants of her dominions. For nearly two years after the death of Alia Bhye, the temtories of the Holkar family conti- nued prosperous ; but the death of Tukajee w^as foUov/ed by contests which led to their deso- lation. This chief left two sons, Casi Row and Mulhar Row, by his wife, and two, Jeswunt Row and Etojee, by a mistress. The pretensions of Casi Row were prior from birth, but he was weak in intellect and deformed in body, and quite unequal to the active duties of the government. This made his father and A.lia Bhye desire that he shoidd remain at Mhysii' ; while Mulhar Row, a brave and aspiring youth, commanded the armies : in other words, that the latter should perform the duties of Tukajee, and his brother those of Alia Bhye. The belief of such a plan 196 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. being practicable, is a proof how easily the judg- ment may be blinded by affection : a day's union was not to be expected from the opposite cha- racter of the brothers; and from the moment of their father's death, they plotted each other's destruction. Mulhar Row had pressed his father, on the ground of his superior fitness, to name him his sole successor; and, offended at his non-com- pliance, had thrown himself on the protection of Nana Furnavese, who promised him assistance. The troops were also in his favour, and his pro- spect of attaining the sovereign power seemed cer- tain ; when Casi Row, then at Mhysir, entreated Dowlet Row Sindia, or rather his minister, the notorious Sirjee Row Ghatkia, to support his pretensions. This was promised, and on his ar- rival at Poona his cause was openly espoused. To prevent, however, the escape of his brother and a protracted warfare, a reconciliation was sought and concluded; but on the night of the day on which this was effected, and the ceremony of a sacred oath * had passed between them, the camp of Mulhar Row was surrounded by the * The oath taken on this occasion was that of Bel-bundar, or *' the pledge of the Bel," one of the most sacred a Hindu can iake. The Bel-tree is rendered holy by its leaves being used in the worship of Mahadeva. When this oath is taken, some of its leaves are filled with turmeric, and interchanged with solemn pledges by the parties. FAMILY UF HOLKAK. 197 disciplined battalions of Sindia. The former was apprised, at daybreak, of his danger, and immediately momited his horse ; but before any defensive arrangements could be made, he was killed by a ball which pierced his forehead. The price of this infamous act of treachery was the restoration of the bonds* given by Madhajee Sindia to Alia Bhye and Huu'ka Bhye, and the payment of fifteen lacks of rupees f, ten of wliich were in ready money, while the revenue of Am- ber, in the Deckan, was mortgaged for the re- mainder. The whole ^ of Holkar's troops, except a few followers of Casi Row, were dispersed, and their camp plundered. Among the fugitives was Jes- wunt Row, who earned with hun a few of the household horse, and, according to report, some of the family jewels. He sought protection at Nag- poor; but a belief of his possessing property, or a desii'e to conciliate the Poona government and Sindia ^, made Ragojee Bhonslah seize and con- * 1 am assured of this fact by persons who, having been in the service of the Holkar family at the period, must have been informed of its correctness. t This laUer sum was demanded as payment for powder and shot expended on the occasion. + The army of Holkar with jNlulhar Row at Poona only amounted to three or four thousand men. ^ Both the ministers of the Paishwah and Dolwel Row 198 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. fine him. He remained in prison six months, when he made his escape, but was again taken ; he, however, a second time ekided his guard, and arrived in Candeish, a year and a half after Mulhar Row was slain. He was accom- panied, in this second flight, by a Mahomedan* soldier, and an active inteUigent Hindu of the name of Bhowanee Shunkur f . WTien they reached Candeish, Jeswunt Row went to the vil- lage of Goorgaum to see his tutor Chimna Bhow, who gave him a mare it and three hundred ru- pees, advising him not to remain there, but to proceed towards Malwa. He went first to the small fort of Kookernada, within six coss of Nun- derbar; and we may judge of his low and des- perate condition at this period, from his having Sindia addressed strong letters to Ragojee Bhonslah on this occasion. * This man's name was Shah Mahomed ; we hear no more of him, and he probably died soon, as Jeswunt Row was not ungrateful to the few friends who aided him in adversity. t Bhowanee Shunkur was, when he attached himself to Jeswunt Row, a common writer to a party of ten horse, and rose to be Buckshee, or paymaster of his whole army. He will be noticed hereafter. J The name of this mare was Lunka ; she was of a chesnut colour, and became, though old and not handsome, a great favourite, and was celebrated by Jeswunt Row making her, on the Dusserah feast, his chief object of Poojah, or worship, and calling her the origin of his fortunes. FAMILY OF HOLKAli. 199 become for two or three months the associate of the Bheel chief who possessed the fastness to which he had fled *. From Kookernada, Jes- wunt Row went first to Burwanee, and after- wards to Dhm-mpooree, a town on the Nerbudda, belonging to the family of Puar, the chief of which, Anmid Row, when he received inteUigence of his arrival, sent directions for his being forwarded by the route of Mandoo to Dhar ; he also sent a dress and a palankeen to meet him, and directed that all his wants should be liberally supplied. These extended, at this low ebb of his fortune, even to clothes to cover himself and his few fol- lowers. Jeswunt Row remained two or three months at Dhar, where several of the old adherents of his family joined his standard ; but they were, like himself, in a wretched state of poverty. Fortu- nately, at this period. Rung Row Ourekur, with a body of Patans and Pindarries, made an attack on Anund Row f . The Puar prince had actually commenced his retreat, and had abandoned two guns, when he was stopped by Jeswunt Row, who * It was about this period that he must have learnt the fate of his brother Etojee; who, flying from Poona at the same time, had become the associate of freebooters, and was taken and trampled to death by an elephant in that city. t I'his attack was made at Kisowul, in a village sixteen miles South-east of Dhar. 200 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. entreating him to stand his ground, promised that he would still win the victory for him. Taking a slip of paper, he wrote a short note addressed to the leaders of the Pindarries with Ourekur, stating that " Jeswunt Row Holkar was with the Puar, and de- " sired them as adherents of his family, to with- " draw." The Pindarries at first doubted the fact, but, when convinced of the truth by the messenger who carried it, they fell back and created a con- fusion, during which the guns were recovered. Jeswunt Row, springing from his horse, seized a spunge staff, and aided by some men, who were animated by his example, fired two or three rounds with good aim at the Afghans, who were again advancing to the attack ; the consequence was their retreat from the field, and the precipitate flight of Ourekur. The gratitude of Anund Row was commensu- rate with the sei^ice that had been rendered him ; but Jeswunt Row asked nothing but a promise to give him refuge when in extreme distress. His having fled to Dhar was no sooner known than Sindia threatened Anund Row with his highest displeasure, if he were not seized or expelled; and it is related, that the generosity of Jeswunt Row would not permit him to be the ruin of his protec- tor, which seemed certain if he protracted his stay. He solicited, and obtained, a small aid in money, and having received, besides ten thousand rupees, a FAMILY OF HOLKAJl. 201 present of seven horses, he left Dhar with this number of mounted followers and seven more be- longing to Shamrow Madick, a Mahratta who had attached himself to his fortunes. To this train he added about one hundi'ed and twenty ragged half-armed foot, composed of his adhe- rents, who had been plundered at Poona of their horses and property. The first enterprise he at- tempted with this party was against one hun- dred of Casi Row's household troops at Debal- poor*, which by a rapid movement he com- pletely sm'prised, and not only obtained some good horses by this success, but also a seasonable supply of money, which he extorted from the helpless inhabitants of the town. This enterprise may be deemed the commencement of the predatory career, which he appears, from the moment he returned to Malwa, to have con- sidered the only means of preserving his own power, or rescuing the possessions of his family from Dowiet Row Sindia, in whose hands Casi Row was at this time a mere instrument. Jeswunt Row was not, however, inattentive to the feel- * Debalpoor is a town belonging to the Holkar family, si- tuated about four miles from the right bank of the Chumbul. The Chevalier Dudernaic, who had been encamped at it with the brigade he commanded in the service of Casi Row, marched for Indore, leaving the Pagah horse for the protec- tion of Debalpoor. 202 FAMILY OF HOLKAK. ings and pride of that family, of which he was an illegitimate branch, and he knew too well the strength he might gain or lose by consulting or neglecting the prejudices of the adherents and subjects of the house of Holkar, to ven- ture on a direct usurpation of the chief autho- rity ; but, under the pretext of Casi Row's com- plete incapacity, from natural defects, mental and corporeal, he proclaimed his allegiance to Kun- dee Row, the infant son of Mulhar Row*, by having a Persian seal engraved, before he left Dhar, with the inscription " Jeswunt Row f , the subordinate of Sevai Kundee Row," and under this designation he began to collect an army, into which all classes, Pindarries, Bheels, Afghans, Mahrattas, and Rajpoots, were indiscriminately admitted. He had gone from Debalpoor to Jowrah, and thence to Mahidpoor ; but the manager of the for- mer :|: desu'ed to seize him, and the officer in charge of the latter refused him the sUghtest assist- ance. He then marched East towards Sarungpoor; * This child was born some months after the death of his father. + This Persian seal was '* Jeswunt Row Fedwee Sevai Kundee Row." On his INIahratta one was engraved " at the *' feet of the husband of Mahaha, (i. e. Kundee Row, the " deity of Jejoory,) the son of Mulhar Row Kundee- Row." I Gungaram Kottaree, a Banyan, was at this time manager of Jowrah. lie was an able man ; and Jeswunt Row, when FAMILY OF HOLKAll. 203 and Vizier Hussein, a Seid of that town, who liad been before in the service of the Holkar family, was the first man of respectabiHty in Malwa who joined him. This leader added to the weight of his name, and the services of forty or fifty horse and two or three hundred foot, a present of five thou- sand rupees ; and it was by his advice that Jeswunt Row made an overture to Ameer Khan, then en- camped at Bhopal with fifteen hundred foot. The Mahomedan leader, having accepted the invitation, marched immediately to Shujahalpoor ; and the first meeting of those two chiefs, since so celebrated in the annals of predatory warfare, took place at Ranagunje. The terms of theii^ union were soon a. d. 1 79s. settled. Ameer Khan gave an engagement never to desert the fortunes of Jeswunt Row, and re- ceived a written promise to share equally in all future plunder and conquest. There could be little trouble in making an agreement between men whose fortunes were at the moment aUke desperate, and neither of whom were restrained by any scruples, as to its future performance, likely to obstruct the promotion of their personal in- he came to power, after making his conduct on this occasion a pretence for exacting money, employed him in high situ- ations. He was for nine or ten years manager of Rampoora and Bampoora, and several other districts. Mugnee Ram, the son of Gungaram Kottaree, is still in the service of the Holkar family. 204 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. terests. Their joint career commenced by a demand of contribution from the Amnil of Shiija- halpoor; and that officer, who had a few days before insulted Jeswunt Row with an offer of two hundred rupees, was now compelled to pay seven thousand to purchase his absence, and that of his new ally. After marching from Shujahalpoor, Jeswunt Row plundered some merchants whose property, consisting of clothes to the amount of forty thousand rupees, furnished his new levies with pay, and brought thousands of reciaiits to his standard. A. D. 1798. His next exploit was to pillage some towns and districts belonging to Dowlet Row Sindia, on the Nerbudda. From Hindia, which he sacked, he marched to the village of Kusrawud opposite Mundlasir, where he had an action with a strong detachment of the Campoo, or brigade, of the Che- valier Dudernaic, (then in the service of Casi Row,) which had been sent from that officer's head-quarters at Indore to attack him. Jeswunt Row was victorious, after a severe contest ; the detachment was destroyed, and eigh.t standards and four gnins, which fell into the hands of the conqueror, greatly increased both his means and reputation. He marched immediately to Mhysir ; but he was soon driven thence, and fled to Suttwass, where he took seven guns, which he repaired and carried along with him to Burgon- FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 205 dah*, with the intention of inviting to his standard the troops of Casi Row, then assembled at Indore. The latter, v/ho were disgusted with acting for a prince whose power was merely nominal, saw, in the enterprising and daring spirit of Jeswunt Row, a chief better calcidated to preserve the family they adhered to, from the unprincipled ambition of Sindia. The consequence of this feeling was, that the Chevalier Duderaaic with his battalions, and Nujeeb Khan, who was at- tached to them with eight hundred horse, joined Jeswunt Row, and before the year was com- pleted, the fugitive, who had fled from Poona unattended, was at the head of a considerable army, and obeyed as the guardian of the interests of their young prince by the inhabitants of all the Holkar territories in Central India. Jeswunt Row, after settling with the discipKned brigades, proceeded to Mhysir, where great pains were taken to discover the treasures of Alia Bhye, and a considerable amount both of money and jewels is reported to have come into his hands. Thus far is certain : he immediately commenced issues of pay, and published his intention of estab- * The village of Burgondah is six miles South-west of the cantonment at Mhow, and nineteen, in nearly the same direc- tion, from Indore. It is in the road from the latter to Mhy- sir by the Jaum Ghaut. 2()G FAMILY OF HOLKAR. lishiiig order and regularity in his ai'my* and government. After remaining about three months at Mhysir, Jeswunt Row returned to his canton- ment at Burgondah, where he was detained longer than he had proposed, by the bursting of a mus- quet, which he was firing at a mark : fi'om which accident he lost the sight of one of his eyes. He bestowed at this time the title of Nabob upon his associate Ameer Khan, to whom he gave a magnificent present f on the occasion ; * Jeswunt Row Holkar, on this occasion, divided his horse into three classes. To the first-sized horses he gave five hun- dred rupees per annum ; to the second, three hundred; and to the third, two hundred and fifty. Officers had higher allowances; twenty days' pay only was given each month, and the arrears settled every year. In all these arrangements there was a remarkable distinction between the Mahomedans and Hindus. The former had the pay above stated, while the latter had only for first horses four hundred, for the second two hundred, and for the third one hundred and fifty. I have asked the rea- son of this distinction; some referred it to the influence of Ameer Khan and the Mahomedan Sirdars, others to the Pa- tans and their horses being stronger and requiring more food; others to the Mahrattas having more latitude for plunder. But the real cause appears to have been a desire to accommodate the loose habits of his Mahratta followers, who had a greater number of ponies, upon which their women, children, and servants rode, registered in their parties, and whose She- rah, or average pay, though nominally lower, became, from the indulgence that was extended to them on all such points, ac- tually higher. t An elephant, horse, rich dress, and jewels. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 207 and the Patan cliief flattered his vanity by styl- ing himself on his seal " Fedwee, or the sub- ordinate, of Jeswunt Row Holkar." The new Nabob was detached with a strong corps, in an Eastern direction, to plunder and levy contribu- tions. The Kajas of Dewass were compelled to pay one lack of rupees, and a large sum was also exacted from Aggur, which was afterwards plun- dered. Ameer Khan next marched to Bersiah, Se- a.d. i;99. ronje, and Saugor, laying waste the country as he went, particidarly at the latter place, where his army acquired an enormous booty. Saugor, which then belonged to the Paishwah, after being defended for several days by Venaick Row, was at last taken by storm ; and it is stated, in an account given by one* who was then in the service of Ameer Khan, that a scene of promiscuous and unre- strained pillage continued for the whole period (ahnost a month) that the army remained near this unfortunate city. We learn fi'om the same au- thority, that Saugor had been set on fire the day of the storm, and the flames continued to rage in one quarter or another of the town throughout the whole period. Only about four or five hundi^ed of the garrison and inhabitants were killed, but all were ruined ; for no property was spared, and the * Khenlee Ram, the nephew of Himut Rai, who was with his father and brothers in the service of Ameer Khan. 208 FAMILY or HOLKAR. last days were employed in dragging the tanks and wells, to obtain what had been cast into them for the pm^pose of temporary concealment. Ameer Khan is represented to have made repeated efforts to stop the excesses of his troops, which were at- tended with great loss of reputation as well as of property to himself; but he was the mere leader of a rabble who despised his orders, and nothing could exceed the insubordination and insolence of the Patans, of whom the army almost wholly con- sisted. When their commander attempted to stop them, they derided him with his former low condi- tion, asking him if he had forgotten who made him a great man, and warning him to beware how he provoked a resentment which would reduce him in a moment to his original insignificance. He sup- ported their insolence, according to the narrator of these facts, with a patience little honourable to his character, using no means but the ineffectual one of soothing entreaties to recall them to their duty. Every species of insult and torture was inflicted upon the male and female inhabitants of Saugor. The Afghan soldiers, when they caught a Brahmin or Hindu of high cast, used to feel his head, and examine the skin with great care, to discover by its softness and delicacy, whether he had been leading a luxurious life or one of labour, and, ac- cording to the result of this inspection, they liber- ated their prisoner, or proceeded to extremities with him. FAMILY OF nOLKAFv. 209 The consequences of the transactions at Bangor were such as might have been expected. The army of Ameer Khan, which was before disor- derly, became wholly unmanageable. Those who had acquired booty, had no thoughts but how to preserve it ; while others, who had iDcen less fortu- nate, were clamorous and discontented, ^^enaick Row had applied to the Raja of Nagpoor ; and Beni Singh *, one of the favourite leaders of that prince, being sent to his aid, made such rapid marches, that Ameer Khan did not hear of his ap- proach till he was within a few miles of Saugor. He instantly mounted Ids horse, and directed his army to attend him. Two or three thousand men listened to his orders, but the remainder either openly dis- obeyed them, on the plea of not having received pay, or evaded immediate compHance by promis- ing to follow as soon as they were ready ; and seve- ral of the principal Afghans f who had enriched themselves with plunder, the moment their chief was out of camp, actually marched in an opposite direction to Rathgur, a fort about twenty-five * This chief was afterwards slain at Gawilghur, when that fortress was taken by the present Duke of WeUington in 1803. He fell during the storm, and left the character of ji hrave soldier. t The nanries of the leaders who acted in this disgraceful manner were, Akber Khan, Hiniut Khan, Dorab Shah, and Kadir Khan. VOL. I. P 210 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. miles distant, belonging to the Nabob of Bhopal. Their base example was followed by many. Ameer Khan, not aware of this defection, continued to advance with a small body of troops, relying on the support of the remainder. He made an attack upon the Nagpoor force, in which he was thrown from his horse, and, though he was soon remounted, one of his officers, who saw him fall, giving up all for lost, galloped back to the lines near Saugor. All hurried to enquire what had occurred, and what Ameer Khan was doing. He was too much alarmed to answer, and could only motion with both his hands*, to pack up and be off. This signal was w ell obeyed : in a few minutes the camp was standing (Bazars and all) without one inhabitant, in which state Ameer Khan found it when he returned, half an hour be- fore dark, after an indecisive action, which it was his intention to have renewed next day. His asto- nishment cannot be described; but, unacquainted with any thing except the direction in which his army had fled, he could not venture, with the few that remained, to pass the night so near an enemy, who must soon have information of what had occurred. He therefore directed his camp. * Khealee Ram states in his account, that he was the first person who interrogated this alarmed fugitive, but could only obtain in answer the described signal for flight. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 211 with all it contained, to be set on fire, and pro- ceeded towards Rathgur, where he not only found the fugitives, but also his brother Kurreem u* Deen, who had been sent by Jeswunt Row with a strong reinforcement to his support. The mutual reproaches of the different parties were silenced for three or four days by their de- plorable condition : Ameer Khan himself had neither a tent to shelter him, nor a suit of clothes besides those he wore. A small pre- sent from the governor* of Rathgur, and the plunder of its principal banker f , relieved theu' wants for the moment ; and Kurreem u Deen, after upbraiding his brother for mismanaging the expedition which Jeswunt Row Holkar had * Mahomed Khan, son of Morred Mahomed Khan, was at this time governor of Rathgur. He made his unwelcome guests a present of five thousand rupees. t Mohun Lai, the nephew of Dal Chund, a Soucar of re- putation, concealed at Rathgur, was discovered by Ameer Khan, and demanded of the governor, who gave him up. He promised to pay five thousand rupees, and was given over to Khealee Ram to realize the money. After paying about one thousand he begged to go into his house to bring the rest, and contrived to make his escape by a window in the roof. This produced rage and alarm in the person who had charge of him, who, not finding him, proceeded to his Doucan, or shop, which (I use his own expression) was swept, and by this means Ameer Khan obtained full forty thousand rupees. p2 212 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. confided to him, proposed that he should in part indemnify his late losses by forcing the com- manders who had deserted him to refund part of the booty which had occasioned their misconduct. Ameer Khan agreed to make the demand ; but the Afghan chiefs, enraged at the proposal, forsook the camp on the following day. Kurreem u Deen hav- ing resolved that they should not so easily escape, pursued them with his own detachment, and, com- ing up v/ith them at the ^dllage of Kuroaee, com- pletely surrounded them. For three days nothing decisive occurred. On the fourth morning, their camp was attacked, and after a short contest they were defeated, and fled in every direction. Akber Khan, the principal of the malcontents, was slain, and his head, together with the whole plunder retaken, was sent to Ameer Khan. Kurreem u Deen gave, in the manner in Avhich he performed this service with a corps almost entirely composed of Pindarries, a very useful lesson to his elder bro- ther, of the advantage of enforcing obedience; — but this young chief was every way superior to Ameer Khan, and the favour and confidence with which Jeswunt Row treated him is a proof of the latter's sagacity He did not, however, live long to enjoy the high character he had acquired. He was killed in attacking Shujahalpoor, and his death, and the pillage of that place, which was completely sack- ed, enraged Jeswunt Row even more than he FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 213 had been with the conduct of Ameer Khan at Saugor ; and, receiving information that he cherished intentions hostile to his government, he sent Shamrow Madik with a strong corps to seize hun. Ameer Khan, alarmed at this pro- ceeding, sent one of his most confidential offi- cers * to Indore, charged with professions of obe- dience and attachment ; but Jeswunt Row de- manded, as a proof of his sincerity, that he should come alone to his camp. Ameer Khan, in whose character art predominated, and who always strove to gain his ends by pHancy rather than firmness, did not hesitate to comply with the request. He went with only one hundred horse to the camp of Shamrow, whom he accom- panied to Indore, and immediately waited on Jes- wunt Row, before whom he laid his sword and shield, with this observation, " You have Hstened to " calumniators : I present you with my arms, which " never can be used but in your service." These concessions did not immediately appease the anger, or allay the jealousy, of the Mahratta chief; but Ameer Khan, resolving to obtain his confidence, went one morning to see him without a single at- tendant, and presenting his dagger said, " You " had better, if your doubts still continue, end " them by taking my life. I shall be satisfied, if * Himut Row. 214 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. " you are convinced it is for the good of your " state." Jeswunt Row immediately embraced him, declaring he was ashamed of ever having suspected for a moment so good and so attached a friend. x\ll these events succeeded each other so quick- ly, that before Dowlet Row Sindia could collect an army to protect his possessions in Malwa, they were half ruined. The repose that province had en- joyed for more than thiii:y years had left its inha- bitants ill prepared for the storm which now burst over them ; the spirit of rapine was let loose, and acts of treachery and violence generated each other so rapidly, that within a few months every district was a prey to anarchy and oppression. A. D. 1799. The approach of Sindia obliged Holkar to col- lect his troops, now amounting to between sixty and seventy thousand *. The first small detach- ments sent by Sindia into Malwa were de- feated, but Jeswunt Row sustained a serious re- verse at Sutwass, whence he retired upon In- dore. After halting there a few days he marched to Sarungpoor, where he was joined by Ameer * The details already given will shew how Jeswunt Row's army was composed : among others many Pindarries had joined his standard ; but with the exception of the parties of Kaudur Buksh, Tukoo, and Sahib Khan, almost all the chiefs of that class of plunderers attached themselves to Sindia when he moved towards Malwa. FAMILY OF HOLKAK. Khan. Although it was the height of the rains, they determined to attack a division of Sindia's army, consisting of a corps of eight battaUons, and above twenty guns, at Oojein. Skirmish- ing commenced the day they arrived near that city, but it was eight days before a decisive action took place. This was hard fought, and only won by the courage and talent of Jeswunt Row, who, while ihe gave orders for a desperate charge on the enemy's front, directed Ameer Khan with a large body of horse, to turn their flank un- seen under cover of a deep watercourse ; and these troops coming from the circuit they had made in the direction of Oojein, which protected the rear of Sindia's brigades, were at first view hailed as friends, and had charged before the mistake was discovered. Never was defeat more com- plete ; the battalions are represented to have been completely annihilated. We receive a strong impressiorf of the order Jeswunt Row had esta- blished, and the vigour of his character, from the fact that Oojein was not plundered after this suc- cess; but he reserved it from his troops to exact a heavy contribution himself from its wealthy inhabi- tants, who were fined in proportion to their real or supposed wealth. It is a curious coincidence, that, on this occasion, nearly the same mode of extortion was pursued by Jeswunt Row as had been adopt- ed by that great prototype of plunderers, Nadir 2 If) FAMILY OF HOLKAll. Shah, at Delhi ; and, in both cases, many of the base and sordid citizens rented from the con- queror the right of exacting, from the different wards * of the city, whatever they could obtain in money or goods. This defeat of Sindia's battalions and capture of his capital were soon cruelly revenged. After the rains were over, Sindia detached Sirjee Row Ghatkia with a strong corps to attack Indore. Holkar hastened from Oojein to its relief He appears on this occasion to have imderrated his enemy; for, though there is reason to believe the Chevalier Dudernaic would not have obeyed his orders, there can be no doubt that the officer who had conquered for him at Oojein, and was then at Jowrah with all his brigade, would have at- tended his summons ; but JesAvunt Row, thinking his light troops sufficient for the service, carried only a division of infantry, in which there was not one European officer. He however brought y with him all the guns he had taken at Oojein, which amounted to nearly three hundred. Jeswunt Row reached Indore some days before Ghatkia. The latter encamped near Beejul- poor, a village three miles South of the city, * Mahal, or ward of an Indian town, is regulated, with a view to its pohce, in a manner very similar to what it is in Europe. fajVIily of holkar. 217 close to which Jeswunt Row had taken post. For nine or ten days there was a continued skir- mishing and cannonading between the armies, when Jeswunt Row determined on an attack, and for this purpose directed Ameer Khan and Bho- wanee Shunker (ah'eady Bucksee, or paymaster of the army,) to move at night, and instructed them to make a circuit v/ith ten or twelve thou- sand men, so as to gain, in the early part of the ensuing day, the high ground in the enemy's rear, when a gun was to be the signal for a simultaneous charge. This aiTangement had the fate of many similar ones in better-ordered armies. Before the troops detached to fall upon the rear arrived, the insolence of Ghatkia's Pindarries provoked a retaliation on the part of Jeswunt Row's Mahomedan horse ; the Pindarries fled, and Ghatkia's Mahrattas, who came to their support, followed their example ; the panic spread, and part of Sindia's infantry had ac- tually abandoned their guns, and thrown down theii' arms, when Jeswunt Row, whose efforts to restrain this attack were not effectvial, lost a victory by not prosecuting his success. He re- mained for a moment undecided ; and before he saw his error, the infantry of Sindia recovering from its alarm, and, observing only two or three hundred horse, rallied and repulsed them. Jes- wunt Row made repeated attempts, but in vain. 218 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. to throw them again hito confusion. About this period Ameer Khan and Bhowanee Shunker reached theu' destination ; but, instead of a signal gun and a combined attack, they found Jeswunt half defeated, and tlie day far advanced. The ac- tion was in favour of Sindia's troops, and many parties of Holkar's took shelter in the town; while, at the same critical moment, some leaders* gave orders to load thek cattle. This completed the impression of defeat among the followers of Jes- wunt Row, who, before it was dark, commenced their flight. The Pindarries, who always watch this part of an army, were instantly among the baggage, and the confusion soon became ii're- trievable. Jeswunt Row, seeing that all was lost, fled with his horse and a few infantry to Jaum, leaving his gvms, camp, and capital to the enemy. The loss of the battle of Indore has been vari- ously ascribed — to the bad conduct of the infantry ; to the treachery of the artillery, which had been recruited fi'om Sindia's broken corps at Oojein ; and to Ameer Khan, who, after his horse was kiUed, is accused of having set a bad example, by seeking the shelter of some trees; but though enough has been said to account for defeat, it may * Dhernia Kour and Hurnaut Dada, two favourites of Jeswunt Row, are accused of having first given this impru- dent order for marching. FAMILY OF HOLKAK. 219 be added, that the confusion was, from the first, greatly increased by the vicinity of the ca- pital, and Jeswunt Row was blamed by aU for selecting so disadvantageous a military position. The atrocities of Sirjee Row Ghatkia at In- dore have been before noticed : they far ex- ceeded those perpetrated by the army of Ameer Khan at Saugor. There was also this difference : — the Mahomedan chief, although deficient in authority, and perhaps energy, at least evinced an inclination to put a stop to the outrages of his lawless adherents ; while Sirjee Row is stated by all to have enjoyed the scene, and to have en- couraged the Pindarries to acts of atrocity novel even to that barbarous race. There is no reason to suspect exaggeration in the statements, which represent the wells within the limits of Indore as filled by bodies of unfortunate females, who by a voluntary death escaped the disgi^ace and cruelty to which they were for more than fifteen days exposed. The slaughter or flight of almost every inhabitant, and the demolition of every house, alone terminated this scene of plunder, massacre, and destruction. Between four and five thousand persons are said to have perished, and the re- mainder who fled saved no property. While his enemies glutted themselves with the plunder of his capital, Jeswunt Row remained shut up at Jaum, a strong position on the verge of the 220 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. Vindhya range, defended by a fortress ; but as the Pindarries came every day to within a mile or two of his camp, his supplies began to fail, and the army, without food or pay, were with difficulty kept together from day to day by the earnest exhortations of their leader, who promised that means should be early devised to improve their condition. The extremity to which he was at this moment reduced, may be conjectured from the measure to which he resorted. He obtained from his chiefs a promise of stilling the clamours of their followers for eight, days (the time he re- quired), on his giving to each horseman a piece of gold bidlion to the value of five rupees, which was obtained from breaking up aU the ornaments, even to the female trinkets, found in the treasury of Aha Bhye. After this he sent the little baggage he possessed to Mhysir ; and with only men and horses, making a rapid march of seventy-eight miles in one day to the wealthy town of Rutlam, he com- pletely plundered it. He told his followers when he reached Rutlam, that he had fulfilled his pro- mise, and that they were at liberty to help them- selves. This feast (for it was literally such to his hungry soldiers) lasted thii'teen days, during which man and animal fed to surfeit. He marched back to Mhysir with an army loaded as heavily with booty as thek horses could bear ; and on his ar- rival there, he plainly informed his adherents, that FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 221 his means of giving them regular pay were at an end, but that he was ready to lead those who were willing to follow his fortunes to pkmder.* This promise, we are assured, was received by all ranks with delight. Dowlet Row Sindia, finding tha^ he could not promote his interest by associating them with the cause of Casi Row, desired that prince to leave his camp and proceed to Mhysir, where he ar- rived two days after Jeswunt Row's return, by whom he was kindly and honourably treated, Ijut admitted to no participation, either nominal or real, in the administration of affairs. When Casi Row was one day iDoasting f of his influence in the councils of Dowlet Row Sindia, he pro- posed to JesAvunt Row to effect a reconciliation between him and that prince. " Hold your " tongue," said the former with im23atience : " Had God, in mercy to the house of Hol- " kar, ordained you to be a female, you would * This fact proves that he had expended whatever supply of money (which is said not to have exceeded twenty or thirty lacks of rupees) he found in the treasury of Alia Bhye; for he gave up to this period all those arrangements he had made fjr giving his army regular pay, when that tirst came into his possession, and now publicly proclaimed himself without any resource but plunder. t I heard this anecdote from a very respectable person, who was present when the conversation occurred ; and have since had it confirmed by others. 222 FAMILY OF HOLKAH. " have benefited another family by bearing chil- " dren; but you have the name of a man, and " have been, in consequence, the ruin of your " own." Sindia had done more than desire Casi Row to go to Mhysir. He had some time before of- fered to release the son of Mulhar Row, and with him all the Holkar possessions, if Jeswunt Row would cease from farther devastation of his pro- vinces ; bvit the latter, although he had originally made no other demand than what Dowlet Row was now willing to concede, had already gone too far as a freebooter to be aJDle to stop with safety. We must refer to this feeling, his insisting upon cessions of some territories which had not been in possession of the Holkar family, since the days of the first Mulhar Row. On this being refused, he prepared to carry on the war on a more extended A.D. 1801. scale. He sent Futty Singh Mania, accompanied by two chiefs of the Patau tribe of Bungush, to plunder the territories of Sindia and the Paish- wah in the Deckan ; while he himself marched to the Northward, levying heavy fines as he went along on all the principal towns *. He also, at the commencement of this expedition, obliged Zalim Singh of Kotah (to which city he marched) to pay * Nolye, Katchrode, and Mundissoor, with all their depen- dent villages, had to pay large sums for exemption from de- struction. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. him seven lacks of rupees to save his country from desolation. Jeswunt Row was joined at this period by all his infantry brigades, in which, however, a considerable change had taken place. The Cheva- lier Dudernaic, who had either taken alarm for his personal safety, or entered into a correspondence with his countrymen in the service of Sindia, kept aloof at Rampoora*. Jeswunt Row sent Sham- row Madik, to give him assurance of good treat- ment. The latter, finding he could not persuade Dudernaic, prevailed upon liis corps, by a promise of paying their arrears, to leave that officer f, and * Rampoora on the Chumbul, and the territory near it, had been granted to Dudernaic. as Jaidad, or temporary as- signment for the payment of his troops. t Dudernaic, though he resided himself at Rampoora, kept his family and property under the protection of Zahm Singh. When he fuind his men seduced from their obedience by Shamrow jNIadik, he went with two hundred horse to Kotah, and surrounding the house in which Shamrow dwelt, entered it himself, and threatened to put him to death. Zalim Singh, aware of the bad consequences to himself if a favourite chief of Jeswunt Row suffered injury within his territories, hastened to the house, where he found the parties in violent altercation. It terminated by his separating them and putting restraint on Dudernaic. Jeswunt Row demanded he should be given up, but this Zalim Singh refused to comply with ; the act, he said, would stain his name with infamy. A small sum was paid to obtain Jeswunt Row's permission for his French commandant to depart ; and the Chevalier proceeded to Hin- dustan with all his property, escorted by a party from the Re- gent of Kotah. 223 224 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. join his army which had now arrived at Ja- wud: whence all the infantry, except one battalion with its four guns, were detached to Mhysir, while the horse commenced plundering the districts of Rajpootana under Jeswunt Row, who had pro- ceeded as far North as Tonk, when the arrival of a corps, which Sindia had detached in pursuit, made him move in a Westerly direction. He was likewise induced, by reports of the riches of Nath Dora in Mewar, to make rapid marches, in hopes of relieving the wants of his army, by plundering the treasures and jewels with which the liberal piety of Hindus had ornamented its shrines. The Mahratta soldiers had sometimes shewn a re- gard to religious feeUngs, even when opposed to their interests ; but Jeswunt Row derided the scruples of his countrymen on such points. The idol Natjee had been carried away on his approach, with his jewels to the amount of four or five lacks of rupees; and it was probably from their having thus effected their escape, that he assumed a tone of moderation ; for two years afterwards he plun- dered the same sacred shrine, and jestingly called the booty he seized, the holy present ^" of a di- vine being, who condescended to favour him. Such sacrilegious wit endeared him to the Patans, who predominated in his army, and whom he always * The term used is Pursbad, which denotes food from a divinity. FAMILY OF HOr.KAK. 225 particularly courted ; but the Hindus of his army were shocked, and some of them stiU believe that his insanity had commenced before he committed this crime — while others refer the miserable close of his life to the offence he gave jjy its perpetration to a principal divinity. After ravaging a great part of Mewar, Jes- wunt Row retired to Rampoora on the Chumbul; and while his army remained in that quarter, he is believed to have discovered considerable trea- sures which had been concealed in the neighbour- ing fort of Hinglaisghur. He proceeded from Rampoora to Amjherra, which he plundered and burnt, being provoked by the spirited but in- effectual resistance of its Raja. He next passed the Nerbudda, and fell upon Sindia's districts in Nemaur, which he laid completely waste. Cundwa, at that time an opulent town, was reduced to ashes, and heavy contributions were levied on Berhampoor, where he was joined l^y his infan- try, with which and a few horse he proceeded to collect money in Candeish, while Ameer Khan and other chiefs were detached in various direc- tions, to support their followers by plundering* the dominions of the Paishwah and the Nizam. * Heavy contributions were levied on Malligaum, Toka, Ky- gaum, Para, Sunjun, and Jaulnah; and many other towns near these were plundered. Amber, of which Sindia had held possession since the death of Miilhar Row, surrendered, VOL. I. Q 226 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. It would be useless to dweU on the scenes of pillage and cruelty which marked the progress of Jeswunt Row's army to Poona. The alarm caused by his advance towards that capital led Dowlet Row Sindia to detach a force to the sup- port of the Paishwah. A partial affair took place as this corps passed Jeswunt Row's ai^my, in which Ameer Klian gained an advantage over two of Sindia's regular battalions; but the latter proceed- ed without farther molestation to their place of destination. The battle which was fought near Poona on the A.D. 1802. twenty-fifth of October, between the army of Jes- wunt Row and the combined troops of Bajerow and Sindia, has already been noticed. Jeswunt Row, after drawing out his army opposite to his enemies, with the cavalry in the rear and flanks of the in- fantry, dismounted, and stood upon an eminence, after three days' opposition, to Ameer Khan, and that chief is stated to have been very anxious to save it from pillage ; but his utmost efforts were unavailing. From thence, he moved to Vinchoor ; with the Jaghiredar of which he fought an action, that terminated in the complete rout of the latter, and the consequent plunder and destruction of the town by the Patans. Ameer Khan after these exploits joined Jeswunt Row at Ful- timba, which he expressed an anxious desire to plunder; and though Jeswunt Row is stated to have shewn some reluctance to allow this sacred place to be injured, he at last gave his consent to a contribution of fifteen thousand rupees being le- vied : and treble that sum was extorted from the inhabitants. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. that he might have a clear view of the whole action. According to the statement of some of his confidential officers, he cherished hopes, even at this moment, of bringing matters to an amicable adjustment with the Paishwah ; but these, if really * entertained, were soon dissipated. * Whatever might have been the professions of Jeswunt Row, there were too strong feelings of hatred between them for him seriously to have anticipated Bajerow's consent to any union, except in the last extremity. Etojee, the bro- ther of Jeswunt Row, had fled, at the same time he did, from Poona. His necessities had compelled him to adopt the life of a common plunderer. He was taken, and tram- pled to death by an elephant. It was true, he had commit- ted a crime that merited death ; " but he was the son of Tukajee llolkar, and amongst the Mahrattas it was deemed an outrage to execute him like a common malefactor. This act of Bajerow, and the confinement of Kundee Row, were al- ways pleaded by Jeswunt Row as his excuse for the hfe of vio- lence and crime he subsequently led, and in which he had gone so far, that he could neither forgive, nor hope to be forgiven. Besides this, the horde of plunderers he had collected impelled him forward. He had no regular resources to pay them, and they were to be fed from day to day by the plunder of the country in which they acted. Jeswunt Row had, with no greater sincerity than he professed attachment to Bajerow, courted the amicable interposition of the British government; but authentic documents prove that from the commencement of his career he was hostile to its policy, from a knowledge that it was directed to the suppression of that predatory sys- tem, upon which his existence and the attachment of his fol- lowers depended. q2 227 228 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. His enemies commenced the action, and were successful in forcing a body of his horse to retreat. Jeswunt Row, the instant he observed this retro- grade movement, sprang upon his horse, and ad- dressing a small party of his men, advised all who did not intend to die or conquer, to save themselves, and return to thek wives and chil- dren. " As for me (he exclaimed) I have no " intention of surviving this day ; if I do not gain " the victory, where can I fly ?" This procla- mation of his resolution was well seconded by his actions. He hastened to his regular infantry, which, commanded by an EngKsh,* officer, were continuing the fight, and, having met his flying horse, by his reproaches and example he succeeded in rallying them. The panic now ceased, and a complete victory was the reward of his efforts. A considerable number of the enemy was killed and wounded : their camp was plundered, and Poona was only saved from the same fate by the desire of the conqueror to reserve this prize for himself. The Patans of Ameer Khan, who had been the first to tura their backs at the commencement of the day, were now the most forward to plunder; they had reached the skirts of the city, and begun the * Captain Harding, a very gallant young adventurer, who had been a short time in his service. This officer was killed, and his loss was much regretted by Jeswunt Row. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 229 work of pillage and massacre, when Jeswunt Row ordered some of his own guns to play upon them. It was the only order the Patans would have obeyed ; but they did not wholl}^ desist, till a party of them tr}dng to force the safeguards that were sent to protect the place, Jeswunt Row, wounded as he was, galloped to the spot, and slew two or three of them with his spear. He on this occasion, as at Oojein, displayed a remarkable degree of personal energy. His associate. Ameer Khan, had not been so distinguished; and when he came to congratulate Jeswunt Row (who was t}dng up his wounds) on the happy result of the action, the latter said smiling, " You have been " lucky to escape, brother." " I have indeed," was the grave reply ; " for see here, the top * ornament " of my bridle is broken with a cannon-ball." " Well, you are a most fortunate fellow," said the malicious Mahratta, bursting into a loud laugh, with marked increduUty as to the cause of the accident, " for I observe the shot has touched neither of " your horse's ears, though the wounded ornament " was betwixt them." The person who related this characteristic conversation added, that the Patan chief looked vexed and abashed by this coarse but severe piece of wit. * The top ornament, or Khulgee, of the bridle of a man of rank is usually of silver with a feather, and stands on the head- stall between the horse's earb. 230 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. Jeswunt Row, after this victory, waited fifteen days, till the arrival of Amrut Ro^^^ * (with whom he had before intrigued) enabled him to proceed, without violating national prejudices, in his efforts to give stability to his power. On the ground that Bajerow, by flying from his capital, had virtually abdicated, Amrut Row assumed the functions, without taking the name of Paishwah. The British resident f at Poona was treated with great distinction, and every endeavour was made to reconcile him to the new government; but, finding that impossible, passports for his proceed- ing towards Bombay were reluctantly granted. For two months no violent outrage was com- mitted on the inhabitants of Poona. The re- venue collected during that period, was ob- tained in a manner which excited no serious alarm ; but the preparations of the British govern- ment accelerated a crisis unfavourable to the plans of Amrut Row, who, no doubt, had en- tered into the views of Jeswunt Row, in the hopes of being kept in the office of Dewan, or minister, of the Poona state, which, through life, had been the grand object of his ambition. But the flight of Bajerow, and his treaty with the * The adopted son of the Paisliwah's father, and thence always styled his brother t The late Sir Barry CUose. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 231 British government, disappointed all such ex- pectations, and left Amriit Row without the power of fulfiUing the promises he had made to his protector. The latter, however, insisted upon a large sum of money, to satisfy the immediate wants of his army. This could only be obtained by the plunder of Poona, and that act of rapacity was now determined on. Every house of decent appearance was entered, and guards placed over it. Every inhabitant who had the reputation of {assessing property, was seized and tortured till he paid the sum demanded, and troops were placed in every direction to prevent their escape. The booty obtained was very considerable; and Jeswunt Row, after paying a great part of the arrears of his army, marched with a large sum in his treasury towards Central India. Dowlet Row Sindia had remained, during the whole of these transactions, encamped near Ber- hampoor, occupied in preparations for the war, which, in conjunction with Ragojee Bhonslah, he A. D. I803. now meditated against the British government. It appeared to the confederates of the utmost im- portance to secure the aid of Jeswunt Row; and a treaty was signed, by which the promise of his co-operation *" was obtained by a cession of * This promise of Jeswunt Row to join the confederacy against the British government, was distinctly admitted by the 232 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. all the countries that had formerly belonged to the Holkar family, and the release * of Kun- dee Row, and Beemah Bhye, Jeswunt Row's daughter. Dowlet Row Sindia, when he sent him his nephew and daughter, wrote to Jeswimt Row, then at Mhysir, that as the war would instantly commence, he hoped he would despatch a part of his army to the Deckan. Jeswunt Row's first re- solution was to comply with his request, and the whole of Ameer Khan's troops actually crossed the Nerbudda, then swelled by the rains (it was the middle of the monsoon) ; but having himself embarked in one of the last boats with Ameer Khan, some conversation ensued between them, of which nothing farther has ever transpired, except that it was followed by a complete change of measures; for next day the Patau army be- gan to recross. Jeswunt Row is understood to have written a long letter to Dowlet Row Sindia, in excuse for this conduct, which he attributed to the want of money to pay his followers ; and he at the same time recommended him to send his officers of Dowlet Row Sindia, who negotiated the treaty of Sirjee Aujenghaum. * Both these children had been made prisoners by Dowlet Row Sindia when he slew Mulhar Rt)vv at Poona. They had been for some time confined in Asseerghur, whence they were now sent to Jeswunt How's cam}). FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 233 infantry, guns, baggage, and family to Malwa, and carry on a predatory war against the British, observing, that if he attempted to fight like a sovereign*, or, in other words, with a regular army, he would be defeated, — if like a Mahratta, he would be successfvd. Sindia could not be ex- pected to pay much attention to the advice of one whose first act exposed his perfidy, and who, the moment he observed his armies fuUy occupied in Hindustan and the Deckan, took advantage of the defenceless condition of his provinces in Central India, to ransack and destroy them, — while Ameer Khan was pillaging the more Eastern districts of Ashta, Shujahalpoor, and Omutwarra. Jeswunt Row, after passing the rainy season at Indore, went to the vicinity of Bampoora, where he continued for a short time on the banks of the Chumbul, and then moved to the fi'ontier of the Jeypoor countries, indiscriminately plundering and exact- ing from the districts his armies oveiTan. Sindia soon after made peace with the British govern- ment, but the great losses he had sustained, and the irritation which arose from some dis- puted articles of the treaty, led to his again * All the papers of the Holkar family are lost. I state this fact on the authority of several persons who from their situation at the period were likely to be correctly informed of what passed. 234 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. A.D. 1804. entering into a negotiation with Jeswunt Row. This was conducted by Ambajee Inglia, through whom Sindia is represented to have stated that he had been betrayed by Ragojee Bhons- lah, deceived by his ministers, deserted by his army, and that he saw no hope for the Mah- ratta cause, but in the energy and courage of Jeswunt Row. The latter answered, that he had foreseen the result of that description of war which Sindia attempted to carry on against the Bri- tish, but his advice had been despised. He was, he said, nevertheless ready to make one effort more against that nation, provided Dowlet Row would send him such a supply of money as would enable him to put his troops in motion. He received an answer through Ambajee, that Sindia* had no trea- siu*e to send him, but he was at Hberty to levy con- tributions from his principal towns. This latitude was gladly accepted ; and while Ameer Khan was instructed to supply his wants (which he did most * It is to be regretted that the correspondence of this period was bunrt, with all the papers of the Holkar family, by a dreadful fire which occurred nine years ago at the canton- ment of Kotalah, near Bampoora. Hardly, any thing was saved on this occasion from the flames. I write what is here stated on the verbal communications of two respectable per- sons, one of whom was at the court of Holkar, the other con- fidentially employed with Ameer Khan, to whom the progress and result of this negotiation was regularly transmitted: FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 235 amply) from Bhilsah and the Western parts of Bundelcund, Jeswunt Row marched to Mun- dissoor. This city was not only the capital of a province, but also a great emporimn of commerce between Guzerat, Rajpootana, Malwa, and Hin- dustan. Although not so large, it was ahuost as wealthy as Oojein. Contributions had before been levied on it three different times by Holkar; but as these exactions were in some degree made good to those from whom they were extorted, by a par- tial remission of revenue, the city was not iniined. The present visitation was more destructive. Jes- wunt Row, to prevent the flight of inhabitants, agreed, when within twelve miles distance, to take a comparatively light fine of three lacks of rupees ; but next day, when he had completely surrounded it, and brought two hundi^ed guns to bear upon its weak defences, he summoned the governor to deli- ver up the town at discretion, or to abide the con- sequences of an immediate assault. Opposition was in vain; the surrender was agreed to; and the city was systematically plundered of all its wealth. Officers were appointed to every quarter, and furnished with troops, accountants, and work- men. The house of the governor alone was ex- empted from a search, which was elsewhere carried so far as to dig up the floor of every other mansion where there was the least ap- pearance of comfort or wealth. The property 236 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. found was directed to be seized, with the excep- tion only of the clothes and ornaments which females had upon their persons. Though a few of the pubHc officers who were supposed to have con- cealed money were tortured till they revealed it, no other excesses or cruelties were committed, nor any insult offered to individuals; but this regula- rity made the work more complete, and the loss greater, than could have been incurred by indis- criminate plunder. The lowest estimate of the pubhc and private property taken on this occasion exceeds one milHon* sterhng. So far is certain, that Jeswunt Row received in money, jewels, goods, and grain, an amount equal to sixty lacks, with which he paid the arrears of his army, which was at this period called upon to engage in a war with the British government. A negotiation had been for some time carrying A. D. 1804. on between Jeswunt Row and Lord Lake; but, while the former proffered friendship, his demands were of a character that marked his insincerity, and several intercepted letters to Rajas in Hin- dustan brought his hostile designs to light, which were confirmed by his rejection of every overture towards a reasonable settlement. The barbarous * The amount stated in the manuscript from which I write, is one crore of rupees, or one hundred lacks; which, at two shiUings the rupee, is one milhon sterling. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 237 murder of the British"* officers proclaimed the na- tm^e of the war intended to be caiTied on. He had written to General Wellesley, who com- manded in the Deckan, in terms of such boast- ful aiTOgance f that they could only be considered as a declaration of war ; but the Governor-gene- ral desisted from proceeding to extremities until all hopes of his adopting a course consistent with the general tranquillity or safety of the Company's possessions were at an end. It is foreign to the object of this history to de- tail the events of the war that ensued between the British government and Jeswunt Row Hol- kar. It commenced by his losing the fort and province of Tonk Rampoora; but the impini- dent advance of the detachment under Colonel Monson into Malwa, though attended at first with success t, enabled Holkar to bring his whole force upon a small corps, remote from all support, * The names of these officers were Tod, Ryan, and Vickers; they were murdered at Nahar Mughanah, (or Tiger's Hill,) about fourteen miles from Odeypoor. This occurred in May 1804; the reason assigned was their correspondence with the British commander-in-chief. t This letter was written in February 1804. " Countries of *' many hundred coss (Jeswunt Row observed) shall be overrun. *' He (meaning Lord Lake) shall not have leisure to breathe *' for a moment, and calamity will fall on lacks of human ** beings by a continued war, in which my army will over- " whelm like the waves of the sea." X The capture of the fort of llinglaisghur. 538 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. and its disastrous retreat enabled him to enter Hindustan at the head of a very numerous army as a conqueror. The anticipation of success with which this event inspired his followers was de- stroyed by a series of memorable reverses. The failure of the attack on Delhi, the complete rout of his cavalry at Furruckabad, and the de- feat of his infantry and loss of his guns at Deig, were crowded into one short month ; and al- though the British suffered severely in the subse- quent disastrous attacks on Bhurtpoor, this event did not prevent the necessity of Holkar's re- treating: from Hindustan seven months after he entered it, with an army defeated and disgraced, and which had lost almost all its guns and equip- ments. When he entered Hindustan, according to the most correct account that had been obtained of his army, it amounted to ninety-two thousand men, of whom sixty-six thousand were cavalry, seven thou- sand artillery, and nineteen thousand infantry, and one hundred and ninety pieces of ordnance ; and he left it with his whole force diminished to thirty- five thousand horse, seven thousand infantry and artillery, and thirty-five guns. His principal loss of men was by desertions ; and among those that left him were some of his oldest and best officers.* * Bhowanee Shunker, his oldest, and hitherto his most FAMILY OF HOLKAR. Dowlet Row Sindia, who had nearly involved himself in a second war with the British govern- ment, by falling again under the influence of Sirjee Row Ghatkia, was recalled by the events of this campaign to a sense of his danger. He concluded a second treaty with the British government; agreed to exclude for ever from his councils a flagitious minister, who was the avowed cause of his aber- ration fi^om his faith ; and abandoned altogether the cause of Jeswunt Row Holkar. The latter chief, however, had, before he separated from Sindia's army, been a principal instigator and actor in plundering Ambajee Inglia, an officer whom Sindia had long employed in the manage- ment of his richest provinces, and who was now compelled to surrender his wealth* by means as violent and unjust as those by which it had been amassed. faithful friend, left him on this occasion. There is but one account of his defection. It was caused by the danger in which both his honour and life stood from the hostility of Heranat Dada, the unworthy favourite of Jeswunt Row, who during this service had made several efforts to ruin a man whose character and conduct were continually contrasted with his own, by an army who respected Bhowanee Shunker as much as they detested him. I have every reason to believe, from what passed between me and Bhowanee Shunker when he came over, that the account given of his motives is correct. * Fifty-six lacks were extorted from Ambajee, of which Ic-swunt Row Flolkar got half. 239 240 FAMILY OF HOLIvAR. Jeswunt Row remained with his diminished army, dm*ing the rainy season, in Mewar, and then re-entering Upper Hindustan, proceeded by rapid marches to the Punjab, followed by the British army, where he was compelled to sue for peace, by the conditions of which, contenting himself with the recovery of the Holkar terri- tories, such as they were in the time of Alia Bhye, (with the exception of all claims and pos- sessions North of the Chumbul,) he abandoned the wild pretensions he had for some time cherished, of restoring, through the means of predatory warfare, the former glory of the Mahratta name. It is difficult to discover what expectation Jes- wunt Row could have indulged from his last en- terprise. Several of his officers who have been interrogated, state, that he had hopes of aid from Runjeet Singh; and that he expected (if at all successful) Dowlet Row Sindia would again be disposed to adopt the cause of his nation ; but the fact probably was, that having lost his pos- sessions in the Deckan, and indeed in Central India, (for almost all his territories in that quarter had been occupied by the British,) and having no means of keeping his troops together but by plunder, he desired to lead them into a country where they could subsist ; and it is highly probable that Sindia encouraged a plan which served a temporary purpose, by carrying FAMILY OF HOLKAli. 241 Jeswunt Row and his lawless followers to a distance. When Jeswunt Row returned from the Punjab, he halted for about a month in the country of Jeypoor; and while his armies wasted its fields, he exacted eighteen lacks of rupees, from the fears of the Raja and his ministers, who had (from causes unnecessary here to explain) been at that moment deprived of the friendship and protection of the British government. From Jeypoor he marched a. d. isog. into Marwar, where he commenced a complete reformation of his army, on the principle of re- ducing its numbers to a scale more proportioned to his receipts, and of adding to the efficiency of those he retained, by introducing subordination and discipline. He discharged most of the loose bands of horse he had hitherto maintained, ad- vising them to return to theii' homes or seek other service, as he neither had power to continue a war against the British, nor revenues to afford them subsistence. Maun Singh, Raja of Joudpoor, visited Jes- wunt Row when in the province of Ajmeer, and brought with him that chief's family, of which he had taken charge when the latter marched to the Punjab. Maun Singh claimed his assistance against the Raja of Jeypoor in the contest which had arisen between these potentates for the beau- tiful and high-born Princess of Odeypoor, to whose VOL. I. R 242 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. hand both of them pretended; but the Jeypoor Raja having advanced eighteen lacks of rupees, on the express condition that this aid should be withheld, the reproaches of Maun Singh, for violated faith and neglected friendship, were lost on the callous ear of a chief, whose life had been passed in sacrificing every tie to the necessities of the moment. A serious rebellion had broken out in his army; and with this excuse for the non-performance of his engagements, he dis- missed his old friend, promising, however, that he would be neutral in the ensuing contest, and that he would hereafter send Ameer Khan to his assistance. The chief mutineers in Jeswunt Row's army were the Deckany horse, and some others whom he proclaimed it his intention to discharge. He had, to calm their violence, given his nephew, Kundee Row, as an hostage for the payment of their ar- rears ; but, provoked by his evasions and delays, they determined to raise this boy, in whose name the government was carried on, to a more sub- stantial exercise of authority; and, taking ad- vantage of Gunput Row, the Dewan of the family, being along with him, they hoisted his standard, and declared, that allegiance was due to him alone as the legitimate representative of the house of Holkar, and that Jeswunt Row, who was the offspring of a slave, could only be FAMILY OF HOLKAU. 243 deemed an usurper. Gunput Row was a willing a d 1806. instrument on this occasion*; but Kundee Row, though only ten years of age, is stated by all to have remonstrated against their proceedings with a spirit and sense above his years. " You will (he " used to say) receive your arrears, which is your " sole object, and then abandon me to destruc- " tion." The anticipations of the child were too prophetic. All that Jeswunt Row received from Jeypoor was given to the mutineers, who, on re- ceiving their pay, marched for their homes, and within the week the sudden death of Kundee Row was announced to the army. There is no doubt that he was poisoned by Jeswunt Row, act- ing, it is supposed, by the advice of his Gooroo, or religious guide, Chimna Bhow, a man of a dissi- pated and cruel character, to whose influence some of the worst actions of Jeswunt Row are attributed. The alarm which the conduct of the insurgents had caused in the mind of Jeswunt Row, was not allayed by the sacrifice of Kundee Row ; while Casi Row survived, he was still in danger. His death was resolved upon, and Chimna Bhow is believed to have suggested this second act of * Gunput Row was made prisoner, but effected his escape, and first fled to Jeypoor, whence he went to Benares, and did not return till Jeswunt Row had ceased to act as the head of the liolkar state. r2 244 FAMILY OF HOLKAE. atrocity : he certainly lent himself to its per- petration *. A general feeling of horror was the result of * Chilli na Bhow went to Kergond in Nemaur, of which district he had the management, and where Casi Row and his wife were under his charge. It has been said that he did not mean to put them to death, but that he was compelled to do so by an attempt made to release them, by a party of Bungush Khan's Patans, under Dadahn Khan. Bungush Khan has given a detailed account of the transaction, on the report of the persons he employed. Their object was to release Casi Row, whose fate their attempts may perhaps have accele- rated. According to this chief's statement, founded on the re- port of his officer, the murder was committed in the Jungle, at some distance from Kergond; but a more particular detail of the affair given by a Sepoy then in the service of Chimna Bhow, and evidently an actor in the scene, states that Casi Row and his wife had been removed to Beejaghur, and were prisoners in a house near the lower fort of that place, when its being surrounded by Bungush Khan's Patans, led to an order for their immediate execution. The Sepoys, of which the narrator was one, are represented by this man as having refused to obey the order ; on which, agreeably to his evidence (which is very particular), a relation of Chimna Bhow's entered the room, and first struck off the head of Casi Row, and after- wards of his wife AnundeeBhye. The latter was pregnant, and a report was circulated and believed by numbers, that the child was born and saved. This has since been proved to be without the least foundation ; and Chimna Bhow is known to have re- ported at the time to his master, that there existed no human being to dispute with him, or his children, the power he had usurped as chief of the Holkar state. FAMILY OF HOLKAR. these crimes ; but all expression of it was repressed, from the dread of Jeswunt Row, whose increased violence at this period gave symptoms of that insanity which soon became outrageous, and the commencement of which his family and adherents (perhaps in kindness to his memory) date from the murder of his nephew Kundee Row. When the mutiny of his troops took place, Jeswunt Row employed Ameer Khan to pacify the Mahomedans, who were the most clamorous and violent. That chief appears to have taken ad- vantage of the opportunity to urge the fulfilment of their original engagement to divide equally the possessions they might obtain. Though Jeswunt Row evaded the full performance of this agree- ment, he granted, in addition to other lands, the districts of Perawoe* and Tonk. He also made over the collection of the Kotah tribute to the Patau chief, from whom he now ostensibly separated; and the latter went to serve Juggut Singh, Raja of Jeypoor, who agreed to pay the whole of his followers, in the hope of obtaining, through his aid, tlie Princess of Odeypoor, who has been noticed as the cause of his war with Maun Singh. By making over this part of his army to the * This Pergunnah, which lies between Aggur and Kotah, is estimated at a revenue of fifty thousand rupees per annum. 246 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. Raja of Jeypoor, Jeswunt Row gave the pro- mised support to that chief, while he evaded the performance of his engagement to the Joudpoor prince, by pretending that Ameer Khan was no longer in his service ; and the fact is, the latter assumed at this period independence of action, and continued thenceforward to subsist himself and army upon the country of Rajpootana. After Holkar returned to Bampoora, he com- menced casting cannon, and attempting changes and improvements in his army, with an ardour and violence which decidedly indicated that in- sanity, the crisis of which it, no doubt, accele- rated. It was first observed that his memory failed, and that he became every day more impa- tient and outrageous in his temper. The effects of excessive drinking, to which he had been long addicted *, were now aggravated by hard labour at the furnaces and founderies, in which he occupied himself night and day, often pouring himself the metal into the mould of his new can- non. By great efforts he cast f above two hun- * Jeswunt Row Holkar was from his youth dissipated. When he took Poona (a. d. 1801) he gave way to every ex- cess. His favourite drink was cherry and raspberry brandy, and the shops of Bombay were drained of these and other strong liquors for his supply. t A Hindu artificer called Subharam, was the chief direc- tor of his foundery. He was a slave and scholar of the famous FAMILY OF HOLKAR. di'ed pieces of brass ordnance in three or foiu* months, many of which were mounted as gal- lopers. He had received the strongest impres- sions of the superiority of this branch of artillery, from having experienced, in his campaign in Hin- dustan, theii* utility against his light troops. His cavalry, with the exception of two thousand * fa- mily adherents, he determined should consist of men on monthly pay, riding the horses of the go- vernment ; and nearly ten thousand of this descrip- tion were formed into regunents, and horses were ordered to be purchased in every dkection to double their number. He broke up the remains of his old infantry, and formed twelve new battalions. Both men and horses in his new levies were mea- sured with a standard ; the latter were only bought when of a good size, but the battalions were di- vided into three classes f — the large, the middle, Maun Singh Chowdry, who long directed the foundery at Oojein ; and is reported to have been a man of much science. The metal of the new cannon was purchased in every quarter and at any price, for Jeswunt Row became furious at the least delay. * These two thousand were what is termed Sillabdar; that is, men who provide and keep their own horses, and receive an average pay in lieu of all charges for their support. t The Mahratta names for these difterent-sized battalions were, Outim, the great, Mudhim, the middle, and Kumeesht, the small. The corps were known by these names. 248 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. and the small. Every recruit was measured, and sent to the corps to which his stature was appro- priate. Jeswimt Row carried on these improve- ments in a manner that shewed the wandering of his mind. What he ordered must be done in a moment, or his violence was excessive ; he per- sonally superintended every operation, he was out at day-light drilling his troops, making the cavalry charge the infantry, the latter move upon the guns, which in their turn galloped to the flank and rear of the lines, and were made to fire close to the men and horses, to accustom both (as he used laughingly to observe) to stand the hottest fire. These sham fights took place twice a-day, and he appeared directing every individual, as well as the whole, with a species of personal activity and energy that accelerated improvement in a de- gree almost incredible. But the career of this extraordinary man was drawing to a close : he had passed seven or eight months in scenes such as have been described, before his madness reached the height which led to his confinement. It had long been perceived by those around him ; but the awe his character inspired, made all dread proceeding to extremities. Jeswunt Row was himself not insensible to the progress of his ma- lady. His violent proceedings, and the severe account to which he called his principal officers after he returned from the Punjab, caused many FAMILY OF HOLKAJi, 249 of them to fly; and Balaram Seit, who had been the efficient agent employed in the negotiation with the British government *, had risen to be his Dewan, or minister. To him Jeswunt Row often communicated his alarm at the state of his reason. He was wont to exclaim with impatience, " "VVTiat " I say one moment, I forget the next; give me " physic." Balaram used at the time to promise obedience to this request, and indeed to every other that Jeswunt Row made; and the latter, soothed by his compliance, thought no more of what had passed. Innumerable orders for put- ting different persons to death were given during liis paroxysms ; but one or two only suffered ; the remainder were saved by the address and benevolence of the minister, who, while his na- tural timidity made him tremble f for his own life, was always most anxious to prevent the destruction of others. But such scenes could * This person, with an inferior agent called Shaick Hubee- bullah, negotiated with me the treaty concluded in the Punjab in January I8O6. t The description of Balaram's interviews with Jeswunt Row at this period is ludicrous. He generally wrapped himself up in a thin cloth, and sat trembling. Jeswunt Row used lo say at times, " What is the matter with you, Balaram ?" *' A slight fever," was the usual reply. — Notwithstanding this alarm, he kept his post, when many who had the character of more courage descried. 250 FAMILY OF IIOLKAR. not long continue. One night, when Gungaram Kottaree had the charge of the guard over the palace, all the females ran out, exclaiming that they were in danger from the fury of the Maha- raja. Gungaram, after directing them to a place of safety, entered the inner apartments ; he at the same time sent for the minister Balaram : they could not at first discover Jeswunt Row, but, hav- ing brought lights, he was at last found trying to conceal himself in a large bundle of loose clothes. It was resolved by those present, that his insanity had reached an extremity, when he could no longer be suffered to go at large. Men were directed to seize hmi, and they took, or rather dragged him to an outer room, that the females of the family might return to their apartments. Although Jes- wunt Row appeared, when force was used, men- tally insensible to what passed, his bodily exertions to emancipate himself were very great, and, being increased by the strength which insanity creates, it required twenty or thirty men to master him ; but that was at last effected, and he who a few hours before had received a real or feigned obe- dience to the slightest order, was now bound fast with ropes Hke a wild beast. The night passed in anxiety, but a sensible resolution was taken to attempt no concealment. On the ensuing morning the whole of the civil officers of the state and the army were informed, either by verbal or FAMILY OF HOLKAK. 251 written communications, of his actual condition. No trouble ensued; all appeared contented to await the result. On the third day, Jeswunt Row had an interval of reason : he asked why he had been bound, and, when informed of v/hat had passed, he merely said, '" You acted right, I must have " been very mad ; but release me from cords ; " send for my brother Ameer Khan, and make " me well." A superstitious belief existed that some evil spirit, who haunted the palace of Bam- poora, had bereft him of reason ; and he was in consequence removed to GuiTote, a town at a short distance* fr'om that city. His malady, though it became every day more confirmed, ceased to be so outrageous as at first. He was, however, kept in a tent by himself, surrounded by guards, and some of his most confidential ser- vants were entrusted with the immediate custody of his person. They l3ecame early familiar with his fits of insanity, which were frequent, and va- rious in their character. Sometimes they were violent, but oftener marked by a strange mix- ture of entertaining folly and mischief. Ameer Khan, who had hastened to obey his summons, appears to have made every effort to effect his recovery. He brought a Mahomedan phy- * It lies fifteen miks Si>ulli-\vebt from Bampoora, 252 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. sician, who was at one time sanguine of success ; and we receive a good impression of his sense and skill, fi'om his having at first ridiculed the idea of Jeswunt Row's malady having its origin in any supernatural cause, and his latterly re- fusing to give him medicine, because he could not control those who had the charge of his diet, and who gave him what his physician thought would counteract his remedies. A Brahmin ^^ was sent by Dowlet Row Sindia to attempt the cure ; but, either from a contempt for this doctor, who practised much superstitious mummery in the ad- ministration of his medicines, or want of respect towards the prince who sent him, Jeswunt Row appeared to delight in making this person the object of his most malicious and indecent jests f . But, to conclude, all attempts for his recovery failed. After remaining about a year in a state of madness, he sunk into one of complete fatuity. While in this last stage, he never spoke, and seemed quite insensible to every thing around * The name of this man was Kundee Row Joshee. t These jests were at times not confined to words, nor li- mited to this Brahmin physician ; and it was with satisfaction that those around saw Chimna Bhow, who was Uss distin- guished as his tutor than as his instigator to crime, suddenly assailed by his master, who had called him (.n pretext of con- sulting him, but gave him, before he could escape, a most severe beating. FAMILY OF HOI.KAR. 253 him. He was carefully attended*, and fed like an infant with milk. By this treatment, his existence was protracted for nearly three years, when he died f at the city of Bampoora ; near which, a small but handsome and soKd mauso- leum i: has been erected over his ashes. Jeswunt Row Holkar was of middhng stature, and of very strong and active make; his com- plexion was dark, and his countenance had suf- fered much in appearance from the loss of an eye^; but its expression was nevertheless agree- able, fi'om the animation given by very high spirits, which he had constitutionally, and which not only attended him through danger and mis- fortune, but struggled for a period with the dread- * The female who attended him throughout his madness, and fed him while in this state, was Lukshmee Bhye, a most respectable woman, who gained such extraordinary influence over him, that he did, like a child, every thing she wished. t Jeswunt Row died on the 11th of the Hindu month Kartick, in the year of the Sumbhut 1868, corresponding with the 20th October, a.d. 1811. t It is called a Chetteree. I was pleased to find, when I visited it, one of Jeswunt Row's favourite horses, enjoying rest and good food near the tomb of his master. § The loss of his eye was occasioned by the bursting of a matchlock at Burgonda, already noticed. It is a common- place observation in India, that " one-eyed men are wicked." Jeswunt Row, when told the sight was gone from his eye, jest- ingly observed, " I was before bad enough, but I shall now " be the Gooroo, or high-priest of rogues." 254 FAMILY OF HOLKAR. ful malady that terminated his life. This chief had been well educated: he understood Persian, though he could neither read nor write it ; but in his own language, the Mahratta, he wrote with great correctness; and he was a quick and able accountant. In horsemanship, and in all manly exercises, particularly the management of the spear, few excelled Jeswunt Row; and his cou- rage was fully equal to his skill. Of this he gave proofs on every occasion. At Poona he led the charge on Sindia's guns, and, being wounded and pulled fi'om his horse by an artillery soldier of great strength, he wrestled with his enemy on foot, till one of his attendants came to his aid, and, after slaying his antagonist, remounted him. He gloried in such exploits, and, indeed, in all feats which displayed personal prowess. What has been said comprises all the qualities he pos- sessed that are entitled to praise: they were such as were to be expected from his frame of body and early habits of life. The natural son of a Mahratta chief, born to no expectation beyond that of commanding a body of predatory horse, and initiated in infancy to all that belonged to that condition, Jeswunt Row would have been distinguished, had his father lived, as one of the boldest and most active freebooters in a Mahratta army. This was, from the first, the fame he aspired to ; and it would have been happy for him- FAMILY OF HOFKAIl. 255 self and others, had his sphere contmued limited to subordinate action. But, compelled to flight by the murder of one brother *, and warned of the danger in which his ow n life stood by the public execution of another f, when fortune placed him at the head of the Holkar state, he adopted a desperate course ; and his mind, if ever it were alive to better sentiments, soon became callous to every feehng of virtue or morality. But had it been otherwise, he early arrived at a bad eminence, from which it was difficult, if not impossible, to retreat; for although his natural energy supported him in authority, Jeswunt Row was never more than the leader of an army of plunderers, to whom he lent the aid of his talents, his name, and his cause, and who, in return, adhered to him throughout the vicissitudes of his turbulent life. He directed, without controlling, then- licentious- ness; and they, awed by his vigom% and soothed by his ample indulgence to their worst excesses, served him with an obedience that made hmi terrible as a destroyer. It may be questioned by those who seek to palliate his crimes, whe- ther he could have enjoyed power on any other terms. But it must be admitted that the part he acted was quite congenial to his character. He v/as, indeed, formed by nature to command * By Dowlel Row Sindia. f By the Paishwa Br.jerow. 256 FAMILY OF HOLKAr.. a horde of plunderers. Master of the art of cajoling those who approached hun — flattery, mirth, and wit, were alternately used to put his chiefs and troops into good humour, when want of pay, or other causes, led to their being dis- contented or mutinous. But attempts at intimi- dation on their part never failed of rousing a spirit which made the boldest tremble. " Do " not mistake me," he exclaimed to a Patau officer*, (who endeavoured to stop him, when the army was at Poona, to listen to a complaint about pay) — " do not mistake me for Ameer Khan. I " will have you plundered, for your insolence, of " what you have, instead of giving you more." The man fled, and thought himself fortunate to escape punishment. The anger of Jeswunt Row was, however, soon over, and his disposition is represented, by all who served him, to have been naturally kind and generous. But his ruling passion was power on any terms; and to attain and preserve that, all means were welcomed; nor could the most unworthy favourite, of whom he had several f, suggest a breacli of faith or deed * Jumshere Khan, lately the manager of Nimbharra, where he died a few months ago. t Chimna Bhow, his tutor, and Hurnaut Dada (a barber by caste), whom he brought up and raised to great power, were his two principal favourites ; and it is difficult to say which of the two was the worst man. ^ FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 257 of atrocity, that he would not commit, to relieve the distress, or forward the object of the moment. Acting from such motives, he came like a demon of destruction to undo the fair fabric of the virtu- ous Alia Bhje; and from the horn' he commenced his career in Central India, the work of desola- tion began. His apologists (and there are many who advocate his cause) say, that he had from the first no country to protect ; that the injustice of Sindia had plunged him so deep in guilt, that to retreat became impossible, as he never obtained regular resources sufficient to pay an army, which he could not disband without danger, both to his power, and to his life. All this is true to a certain extent ; but, in reality, Jeswunt Row had no esteem for the principles of good and regular government, and never evinced the least deske to establish them. His o]]ject, often declared, was to restore the Mahratta supremacy over India by a re\dval of the ancient predatory system ; but the times were different : for, instead of the falling empire of the Mogids, he had to contend against the rising fortunes of the British ; and in place of the national force employed by Sevajee, he had a motley band of desperate freebooters, who recog- nized no one common principle but the love of rapine. The failure of his campaign in Hindustan awakened this chief from liis dreams of plunder and conquest. He tried to reform his army, and VOL. 1. s 258 FAMILY OF HOLKAE, raved about improvements in his internal system of rule ; but the end of his career approached. A life which had commenced in trouble, and which had been marked by all the extremes of poverty, of violence, of dissipation, of ambition, and of crime, was to terminate in insanity, and leave a lesson how inadequate courage and talent, when un- accompanied by moderation and virtue, were to the successful conduct of public affairs, or the happiness of those governed. The actions and character of Jeswunt Row Holkar have been particularly dwelt upon, fi^om a consideration of the influence which his short rule of only ten years had upon the country under his dominion. From the day that Tukajee died, the time of trouble, as it is emphatically called, commenced; for from that hour men ceased to have even the consolation that belongs to those who are governed by a despot, whose power, though it oppresses them, at least keeps other tyrants aloof. Jeswunt Row not only left them at times exposed to his enemies, but often was either unwilling or unable to protect them from the excesses of his own army. Notwithstand- ing all these circumstances, so long as he ex- ercised the fimctions of government, there was always some mixture of pride to his family and subjects, in the contemplation of an active and daring soldier strugghng with fortune; and hopes FAMILY OF HOLKAR. 259 of change and reform appear to have been che- rished to the last ; but when his power ceased, and his troops contemned the restraint which weak ministers and commanders attempted to impose on them, men's sufferings became more intolera- ble from the baseness of the instruments by whom they were oppressed. The fact is, the Holkar government may be said to have been suspended from the date of Jeswunt Row's insanity, until re- stored in the person of his son Mulhar Row by the treaty of Mundissor. An account of the dif- ferent ministers and leaders who exercised autho- rity in the name of the family, during the eleven years of unparalleled anarchy which intervened, merits, and must receive, particular notice ; for, independent of its importance as local history, it is singularly calculated to illustrate the habits, prejudices, and character of the natives of India. s '2 CHAPTER VII. Events at the Court of Holkar, from the lusariity ofJeswunt Row, A. D. 1808, till A. D. 1820. A. D. 1808. After Jeswunt Row became insane, Balaram Seit came ostensibly into the principal manage- ment of affairs ; but he acted on all points under the immediate direction of Toolsah Bhye, who had some time before raised herself, by her beauty and talents, to a very commanding influence in the government, and was now considered as its head. The subsequent actions and death of this lady have an interest that will excuse a few words re- garding her origin. A person called Adjeebah obtained local celebrity as a priest of the sect of Maun Bhow*; and Hureka Bhye, who was the favourite mistress of the first Mulhar Row, be- coming his disciple, Meenah Bhye, who was the * This sect of Maun Bhow owes its origin to an impostor, called Krishna Bhut, well known in the Southern parts of India. The doctrines of this sect teach the sacredness of the Vedas, but deny the Puranas and Geetas. COURT OF HOLKAR. 2G1 favourite female servant of Hureka Bhye, also elected him as her Gooroo, or holy father; and, from visiting at his house, became acquainted with ^ Toolsah Bhye, who was then in the family, and, indeed, the supposed daughter of the Maun Bhow priest*. She was married prior to her acquaint- ance with Jeswunt Row, who from the moment he saw her f , liecame enamoured of her beauty ; and in a few days Toolsah Bhye was in his house, and her husband in a prison. The latter was after- wards, at the lady's intercession, released and sent to his home in the Deckan, having received, in compensation for the loss of his handsome wife, a horse, a dress, and a small sum of money. Tool- sah Bhye, from the day she became the mistress of Jeswunt Row, maintained her hold upon his affections; her authority was soon completely established over his household, and this gave her * Like popes and cardinals, this order of holy men (who are prohibited all intercourse with the female sex) can only acknowledge cousins and nieces. t She was brought from Mandoo (where she had gone with Adjeebah) to Mhysir, by Shamrow Madik, who had seen and admired her beauty, and encouraged Jeswunt Row to form the connexion, expecting, probably, his own interest would be improved by the influence of one whose advancement he bad promoted. These particulars were related to me by the nephew and heir of Shamrow, the present manager of Hursorah. 262 EVENTS AT THE an influence and direction in all public affairs, that made her, as a matter of course, succeed to the regency during his insanity. The claims of females to such power are readily admitted by the Mahrattas; and the pretensions of Toolsah Bhye do not appear to have ever been openly dis- puted. She used to hold daily Durbar, or court, but in a manner quite different fi^om Aha Bhye. She was always seated behind a curtain, and com- municated with her ministers and officers through her confidant, Meenah Bhye, who remained un- veiled on the outside. Toolsah Bhye at first gave her entire confidence to Balaram Seit, and, as that minister had the support of Ameer Khan, his authority seemed well established. The army, however, soon^ be- came altogether insubordinate. The infantry seized upon the person of Jeswunt Row, and car- ried him to a tent in their own lines, declaring he had been rendered insane by witchcraft, and that they would effect his recovery. Ameer Khan, who succeeded in quelling* this mutiny, was soon obliged to quit Malwa, to attend to his interests in Rajpootana ; but he left Ghuffoor Khan, a Ma- homedan, who had married a sister of his wife. * He possessed ample means to effect this object. Jeswunt Row left his finances in a good state, and ten lacks of rupees, which were in the treasury, were seized by Ameer Khan. COURT OF HOI.KAR. 263 at the court of Holkar as his representative. This chief received the title of Nabob, and an assign- ment* of twenty thousand rupees per mensem was fixed by Balaram Seit for the support of him- self, and of one thousand horse, which he agreed to maintain. These events occurred about seven or eight months after Jeswunt Row was con- fined. The army, which had been during the last season on the Kali Sind river, moved Southward when the rains approached, and established its cantonments at Mhow, where one of the first acts of Balaram nearly led to the overthrow of his own authority. The twelve new battalions of infantry, with tbeir guns, were each- under a sepa- rate officer. He formed them into one large Cam- poo, or legion,' and gave the command to Dherma Kower, (a favourite personal servant of Jeswunt Row,) on whom he bestowed the title of Colonel. This man, who was of a bold and restless mind, early listened to the suggestions of those who ad- vised him to seize the reins of government. His first step was to plant guards over the tent of Jeswunt Row, that of Toolsah Bhye, and the other ladies of the family ; and his second, was the issue of a positive order to allow none to visit * This amount was the estimated net produce of a Jaidad, or assignment of land, granted to Ghuflbor Khan. 204 EVENTS AT THE the insane prince, or Toolsah Bhye, without his permission. He at the same time directed the ministers and other officers of government to carry on business as usual; but warned them to take no measures that had not the sanction of his appro- bation and concurrence. Dherma was well known as a man of courage and resolution ; but, though he succeeded in intimidating all for the moment, so violent a proceeding could not but excite oppo- sition. The ladies of Holl^ar's family (particularly Toolsah Bhye) made sea^et representations to Ghuffoor Khan, intreating him to Uberate them from the restraint in which they were placed ; and that chief united with Balaram Seit and some officers in a combination to destroy Dherma. They were joined by Raja Mohyput Ram*, who had the year before fled from the Hyderabad ter- ritories and joined Jeswunt Row at Rampoora, by whom he was welcomed f and taken into * Mohyput Ram owed his first rise to the influence he acquired as Paishkar, or principal man of business, with Monsieur Raymond, when that officer commanded the French corps in the Nizam's service. In 1799, when that body was disarmed and reformed, he made himself very useful, and rose to high favour and employ. On the death of Meer Alum, the minister at Hyderabad, he attempted to excite disturbances in the country, which terminated in his being compelled to fly the Nizam's territories. t He is said to have proposed a plan, which Jeswunt Row COURT OF HOLKAR. 2G5 service, with a thousand followers : considerable arrears were due to these mercenaries, and the de- mand of payment was to be the pretext for put- ting Jeswunt Row under restraint*. This was accordingly done in the usual manner, and the customs of the Mahratta armies on such occa- sions prevented Dherma Kower from taking any violent measures to repel an insult, which, he saw from the first, was directed against him- entertained favourably, of proceeding to the Deckan, to aid the Nizam in an etfort to emancipate himself from the British government, with whose interference in his aft'airs Mohyput Ram represented that sovereign as dissatisfiefl. Such re- ports filled the Ackbars, or native papers of the day ; but the Nizarn, acting no doubt at the suggestion of the British Resi- dent, expressed his wish in a letter to Jeswunt Row Ilolkar, under date the 3d of February, 1809, that he should meet with no encouragement. Jeswunt Row, in reply, observed, that his honour forbad the surrender of a man who had sought his protection; but he stated, that it was his intention to send iNIohyput Ram to Calcutta to have his fate decided by *' the Council." * The restraint termed Dherna, which troops in the irre- gular armies of India have from usage a right of inflicting on their chiefs, to compel payment of arrears, consists in pre- venting them from moving from the place, or eating, till the affair is adjusted. The party inflicting this restraint becomes equally subject to it; and the privation suffered by both parties usually leads to a speedy compromise. The usage of the Dherna is perfectly understood, and, generally speaking, strictly observed. Other troops will not act against a party who are adopting this recognized mode of coercing their com- mander to the payment of their arrears. 266 EVENTS AT THE self. Balaram Seit and Gungaram Kottaree pretended to' interpose, and persuade Mohyput Ram to take thiii:y thousand rupees and move away, to which overture he seemingly consented, and actually received twenty thousand. Dherma, however, at this stage of the transaction, dis- covered there was a serious combination against his power, if not his life. His measures were prompt and decided. He sent an order to Mohy- put Ram to march forthwith from camj), and at the same tune went himself to the tent of Ghuffoor Khan, whom he addressed as the representative of Ameer Khan, in a short but resolute manner. " Ameer Khan," said he, " stands to me in the " same relation as Jeswunt Row, and I am but a " slave of the latter. It is only a few days since " I shewed my respect for him, and my friendship " for you, by obtaining grants of Jowrah and " other districts for the payment of your adhe- " rents. Why have you plotted with a stranger, " like Mohyput Ram, to seize and destroy me?" Ghuffoor Khan, not a little alarmed at his manner, denied the fact. This conversation took place at night, and shortly after sunrise next day a bat- taUon, with two guns, moved down upon the tents* of Mohyput Ram, who had been warned * The cantonments of Jeswunt Row near Mhow extended over nearly the same ground which the British lines now oc- cupy, and Mohyput Ram's tents were a little in the rear of the present head-quarters. COURT OF HOLKAR. 267 again to march. He professed his willingness to obey this last order, but his people were all dis- persed at the time, cooking their victuals, or other- wise employed. The delay was constmed into a proof of disobedience, and an attack made upon his person, while he was remonstrating against such violent proceedings. He had only one at- tendant with him at the moment, and could offer no resistance. He was shot dead on the spot by one of Dherma's sepoys, his head cut off, and thrown, like that of a common malefactor, before Jeswunt Row's tent, to which Ghuffoor Khan had hastened in the beginning of the fray, in the hope of saving his Mend ; but, finding that too late, he contented himself with intreating Dherma to allow the head to be restored, that it might be burnt along with the corpse. In this he succeeded, as well as in obtaining the restitution of some of the horses belonging to the followers of Mohyput Ram, all of which, with his property, said to have been very great '^% was in the first instance seized on account of the state. Ameer Khan was engaged in operations against the Raja of Nagpoor, when he received Ghuffoor Khan's account of these transactions : he instructed * He is said to have had very rich jewels, most of which were put into Jeswunt Row's treasury. It is, however, stated in the papers of that period, that he had been obhged, before, his death, to part with the greatest part of his valuables to sup- port himself and adherents. 268 EVENTS AT THE that chief to remain at his post, and promised to hasten to his aid and that of the family of Holkar. The contents of his letter were communicated by a secret agent to Dherma, and he sent instant orders to Ghuffoor Khan to leave the camp, threat- ening him with extinction if he did not. The mandate was promptly obeyed ; the Mahomedan chief marched to Jowrah, where he was joined by the nephew* of Mohyput Ram, and by one of Sin- dia's predatory leaders f , who brought with him five hundred men and two guns. Ghuffoor Khan, with this force, began not only to exact what he could from his own assigned lands I, but also to plunder neighbouring districts. He was, however, soon oljliged to retreat to Kotah by the advance of Dherma Kower, who, detaching a force to take possession of Jowrah, moved himself with the court and army with the professed intention of taking Jeswunt Row Holkar to the shrine of Mahadeva, near Odeypoor, as from that pil- grimage some Brahmins had predicted the re- covery of his reason. It is to the honour of this low-bom usurper of authority, that he preseiVed a discipline rarely practised in Indian armies; for, though exactions were made from the revenue, hardly a field was destroyed, or a village plundered on the route. The march of Dherma was delayed * Zeeput Row. t Dhonda Punt Tantia. I Jaidad. COURT OF HOLKAR. 269 by many events, and he had only reached Burra Sadree when Ameer Khan* arrived with an army a.d. laio. augmented by ahiiost the whole of the Pindarries, who had at this period become followers of his standard. His superiority in horse enabled him to surround the troops of Holkar, and he de- manded of their leader, that Jeswunt Row should instantly be delivered over to his charge. This Dherma refused ; but the regular infantry alone were attached to him ; all others desired his downfal. Hostilities commenced, and lasted for about fifteen days. The cavalry of Ameer Khan could make no impression on the l^atta- lions and guns of his opponent ; but the latter, who were cut off from their supplies, could not hope to protract their resistance. The horse be- came bolder every day, and Ameer Khan shewed unusual courage on this occasion. He in person stimulated his men to make their best efforts to save the family of Holkar from the disgrace and danger to which they were exposed. The latter was not slight, for Dherma, finding he was hard pressed, and that it was difficult, if not im- possil^le, to extricate himself, had recourse to a des- perate expedient. The insane Jeswunt Row, Tool- * Ameer Khan had at this period been compelled to leave the territories of Nagpoor by the advance of a Britibh army under Sir Barry Close. 270 EVENTS AT THE sah Bhye, and the young prince Mulhar Row,* were taken, (under guard of a small party) the day the army left Burra Sadree, into a thick part of the Jungle, or wild forest; and there can be little doubt his intention was to murder them, in the hope of escaping himself by destroying the causes of con- tention ; but his design was frustrated f . One of Jeswunt Row's attendants conveyed information of these proceedings to Ruttoo Potail i, a Mahratta chief of the household troops ^. He instantly gal- loped to the spot, and sent orders for all the cavahy that could be collected to join him. Ruttoo Potail asked Dherma why he had brought the prince to such a place. Toolsah Bhye, who was weep- ing aloud, exclaimed, " he has brought us here to " be murdered." The excuses offered by Dherma were of a character to confirm every impression of his guilt; and as the horse were now in sufficient strength to enable Ruttoo Potail to assume the tone of command, a halt of the whole army was ordered at the spot|| they had reached; andDher- * The present head of the Holkar family, who was then only four years of age. t Several persons, acquainted with this intended crime, gave evidence against Dherma, after he was seized. X I know this plain unassuming soldier well. He has still a principal command in the Pagah, and stands deservedly high in the court of the young prince, whose life he saved. § Pagah. II Near Sangurah, about four miles from Sadree. COURT OF HOLKAR. ma and his principal associate Soobharam were soon afterwards arrested by the officers of his own corps. These were gained by a promise of their arrears, to tm^n against their late command- ers, who were brought next morning prisoners to the tent of Toolsah Bhye. She directed their immediate execution, and they were carried in a cart to a spot about a mile from the lines, where they were put to death. Periods of trouble form remarkable men. Dher- ma Kower* had probably become a favourite do- mestic of Jeswunt Row from his activity! and courage. He appears to have caught many of the qualities of his master. He returned the confidence of Balaram Seit with ingratitude, using the military power that minister gave him, ahuost the day after it was conferred, for the purposes of his own ambition. Yet the manner in which he controlled the ralible, at whose head he was placed, shewed he was no common character. If the family * Dherma Kower was of the Aheer, or cowherd tribe, who are very numerous in Central India, and give its name to a province adjoining Malwa to the North-east. t In 1805, when I negotiated the treaty with Jeswunt Row in the Punjab, Dherma Kower came several times with secret instructions to that chief's Vakeels, and must at that period have enjoyed his full confidence. He was strong and active, and appeared to me a man of both intelligence and energy. 271 272 EVENTS AT THE of Jeswunt Row, and the chief officers of the state, acted under restraint, they had at least the consolation of seeing the army kept in subordi- nation, and the country protected. This was the more extraordinary, as the habits of Dher- ma were very dissipated : he indulged to excess in the use of liquor, and on the last night of his life, when the preparations taken to prevent his escape must have led him to anticipate his fate, he sat till he was seized, looking at a dance and drinking with Soobharam. The latter, an artful wicked man, is blamed by all as the de- luder of Dherma, whose crimes have not deprived him of that sympathy which remarkable courage and manly resolution always excite. These feel- ings have been strengthened by his conduct in his last moments. Toolsah Bhye, when ordering the execution, said, " Send them to Hinglais," which is the name of a fort where state prisoners are confined ; and the weakness of Soobharam led him to indulge hopes of life. " We are going to " be kept in confinement," said he to his compa- nion. But Hinglais is also one of the names of Bhavani, the goddess of destruction, and Dherma, who better understood Toolsah Bhye's meaning, quickly replied, " You are mistaken, " brother. It is the celestial Hinglais to whom " we are consigned." The executioner made an ineffectual blow at his neck with one hand. He turned towards him with a stern look, and COIJUT OF HOLKAR. said, " Take both hands, you rascal ; after all, it " is the head of Dherma that is to be cut off." * The battahons of infantry demanded the prompt payment of those arrears for which they had given up their leaders; and Ameer Khan succeeded, by levying a fine upon every commander in his camp, not excepting the Pindarry chiefs, in raising two lacks of rupees, which satisfied their wants for the moment. After remaining about two months with the army, Ameer Khan moved to Rajpootana, fur- nished with orders to collect the tribute due to the Holkar state by the Raja of Jeypoor and other princes. Before he quitted camp a serious intrigue was raised against Balaram. Tantia Alikur, an artful Brahmin, who had great influence with the ladies of the Holkar family, desired to dis- place the minister. Ameer Khan, who antici- pated this attempt, had requested Toolsah Bhye, if she wished at any time to get rid of Bala- ram, to send him to his camp, and he would, if necessary, put him to death. He at the same time desired the latter, if directed to join him, to do so with perfect confidence. A few days * I received the particulars of Dherma's end from a wit- ness of the scene, and the last expressions of this remark- able man were confirmed by the executioner, who is now at Indore. VOL. I. T 274 EVENTS AT THE after he marched, Toolsah Bhye sent for the minister, and ordered him to proceed and join Ameer Khan, whom she required to fulfil his promise, and rid her and the state of an enemy. The result was quite different from what she expected. Balaram was received with honour, and the Patau leader not only told him of the artifice he had used to save his life, but shewed him the letter desiring his death. These commu- nications were followed with a proposition that Balaram should relieve Ameer Khan, who was in great distress from the heavy arrears due to his army, by accepting bills to a large amount in fa- vour of the troops ; and in return for this accommo- dation he was promised to be supported in his sta- tion. The minister assented to this aiTangement, though he knew he had no power to fulfil it. He accordingly allowed Ameer Khan to give his chiefs and officers bills upon him, at different dates, to no less an amount than a crore * and sixty-four lacks of rupees. These orders were known by those who received them to be httle better than waste paper; but still there was a hope of obtaining something, however small, and they were taken by men who despaired of any other payment. Ameer Khan went in person to Holkar's court to reconcile Toolsah Bhye to the minister, which, after much trouble, he effected. * More than a million and a half sterling. COURT OF HOLKAR. and he was again proclaimed sole manager of the afFau's of the state. His first care, after his re- estabhshment, was to discount the bills he had ac- cepted *, that he might acquit himself, as far as he was able, of his obHgations to Ameer Khan. The most destructive expedients were at this period resorted to, in order to support the court and army of Holkar. Several of the principal of- ficers were appointed Soubahdars, or governors, and sent with military detachments, which they were directed to subsist, and to remit what they could collect beyond their expenditure to the govern- ment. These commands were given generally to persons who became answerable for the ar- rears of the soldiers, and paid a certain sum in advance to the treasury, besides bribes to Toolsah Bhye's favourite ministers. They received in re- turn a latitude to plunder, nor do they appear to have been limited as to the territories on which they were to levy contributions. The districts of Sindia and the Puar suffered equally with those of * We may judge the character of this transaction from the fact, that he paid the whole by a disbursement of two lacks and a half of ready money, and the distribution of cloth to the amount of two lacks more, the whole being a settlement below half an anna in the rupee. The rate of payment dif- fered ; some did not receive so much. A respectable man, Delsook Rai, informed me that he had an order for twelve thousand rupees in cash, £pr which he was glad to accept one hundred and nine rupees value in. cloth. T 2 EVENTS AT THE Holkar. To be defenceless was a sufficient ground for the attack of these predatory Sou- bahdars, who, with the name of officers of a Mah- ratta state, were guilty of more cruel excesses than even the Pindarries. It would be a waste of time to follow the progress of these delegated robbers *, all whose measures and operations had the same character of violence and atrocity. * The first of these high officers was Juggah Bappoo ; four battalions were sent with this person, of which two were commanded by Roshun Beg, a man who had risen from the rank of a common soldier by his activity and courage, and who afterwards acquired reputation among the leaders of Holkar's army. Bappoo Vishun, the present Buck- shee, was the next Soubahdar that Balaram made. His corps were chiefly infantry, but another party, detached ta subsist upon the country, were all horse. These, after plun- dering some villages of Sindia^s, fell upon Mulharghur, then held by Ghuffoor Khan (A. D. 1810); and the whole of the influence of that chief, combined with the awe still inspired by the name of Ameer Khan, could hardly obtain the recall of this body of plunderers, who were living upon lands that had been assigned for his support. In the same year a man who afterwards acted a very pro- minent part, was first brought forward. His rise and conduct when in command is the best comment upon the state of Hol- kar's court and the unhappy condition of Malwa. Ram Deen, a low-born Brahmin, inhabitant of the Company's territories in Hindustan, was employed as an orderly by Jeswunt Row Holkar, and became a favourite with his countryman Diah Ram Jemadar, a man of character and influence, who first brought him into notice by placing him in charge of Mliy- COURT OF HOLKAR. 277 Although Jeswunt Row had commenced the work of desolation, while he retained his reason there w^as still a sovereign; one who, though sir. Ram Deen plundered the inhabitants of this place to sup- ply himself with the means of advancement ; but his proceed- ings on this first occasion were so shameless and wicked, and the complaints against him so numerous, that Toolsah Bhye was obliged to order him to be seized and put in irons. This occurred about the period that Balaram was restored to power, and he was released through the interference of Ameer Khan, whom he, no doubt, propitiated by a share of plunder. On the departure of this chief to Rajpootana, Ram Deen ad- dressed himself to the venality of Meenah Bhye, who at this time exercised an almost exclusive influence in the councils of Toolsah Bhye ; and through the effect of large bribes to this lady and others, and abundance of promises, this mean and wicked man was vested with a dress of honour, and had a seal of Prince, a standard, and all ihe insignia which constitute a Soubahdar, or Vicegerent, delivered to him. He took the Mahratta horse with him, on a promise of providing for their subsistence. He had at first only about a hundred infantry, with two guns ; but with his success his views ex- panded, and he increased his corps by new levies. Four battalions were raised, and through the influence of Meenah Bhye a supply of cannon was furnished for the petty army of this leader, which soon became the terror of the Western parts of Malwa. The commission of Ram Deen was general, and was given and received as conferring a right to plunder all, without dis- crimination, whom he had the power to plunder. Never was a better instrument of desolation selected. His character is a compound of servility, lalsehood, and baseness, an artful flatterer, and an arrogant boaster, unrestrained by either prin- ciples or feeling ; abject when in distress, and insolent in pros- 278 EVENTS AT THE prompt and powerful to inflict wrong, had the power of punishing it in others. In the short usurpation of Dherma there was terror, which maintained subordination among the most law- less ; but on his death it suited the policy of Ameer Khan, while he ravaged from Nagpoor to Joudpoor, to leave the family, ministers, and commanders of the government of Holkar, in such a state of anarchy as to preclude all possible combination to subvert his supremacy over a court, the name of which he continued to use as his pretext for exacting plunder. Toolsah Bhye, the pupil, if not the daughter, of an artful priest, who with pretended sanctity was the slave of worldly ambition*, had been tutored in more than the common arts of her sex, and she possessed sufficient learning to be considered perity. With no ties of family or country, he went forth to extort from all men, and from all communities, what he could obtain without immediate danger. He was, however, a cau- tious calculator on this point, and it formed the only check upon his proceedings. This man's character has been more dwelt upon than it merits, but his employment furnishes a good example of those measures which brought such unparalleled miseries upon the province of Malwa. * Adjeebah, the Maun Bhow priest, is geuerally supposed to be the real father of Toolsah Bhye. This professed mendi- cant, who was made rich by the favour of his disciple Hureka Bhye, resided at Mhysir ; he was allowed a palankeen, horses, and numerous attendants. COURT OF HOLKAR. an extraordinary person in a country where women are seldom at all instructed. She was handsome, and of winning manners, but violent in her disposition, and most dissolute in her morals. She appears to have had considerable talent, and sometimes displayed great resolution ; but the leading featiu'e of her character was a cruelty of disposition, which seems almost iiTcconcileable with that seclusion in which she had been brought up, and in which, contrary to the example of Alia Bhye, (whose exact opposite she appears to have been in every particular,) she continued till her death. The reason commonly assigned for Toolsah Bhye keeping behind the curtain* was her youth and beauty ; but it is perhaps as much to be referred to her immoral character. She was at first not so shameless as to brave the world, and she knew that if it were publicly known that she was a woman of abandoned character, it would have injured if not destroyed her influence as a ruler. The example of AHa Bhye had created a pre- judice in favour of power being vested in a fe- * The word Purdah, which means curtain or veil, is often metaphorically used, and implies that seclusion in which many females in India live; but in this and similar cases where ladies transact business, the expression must be taken literally, as they are seated behind a curtain, where they hear and are heard, and through the openings of wliich they see without being seen. 279 EVENTS AT THE male, and was at first an advantage to Toolsah Bhye ; but the delusion soon passed. Every act of the latter shewed that she had all the frailties and vices of her sex without any redeeming vir- tues ; above all, she wanted that noble confidence which purity of mind bestowed upon her pre- decessor. Meenah Bhye has already been noticed. She had been the servant of Midhar Row's mistress, Hureka Bhye, and, like her, the disciple of the Maun Bhow priest Adjeebah. She was now the confident of Toolsah Bhye, and maintained a com- plete influence over her young mistress, chiefly by flattery, and by ministering to her pleasures. The chief passion of this woman, who was above sixty years of age, was avarice ; and she amassed very large sums, for all were obliged to bribe her who desired her assistance. She was also a de- votee, but her devotions were rigidly limited to the practices of her sect ; and this made her more an object of aversion to orthodox Hindus, with whom that sect are considered impious ; but these were compelled to conceal their feelings, as Meenah Bhye was prompt to revenge either insult or injury. Balaram Seit, the minister of this court, was by tribe a Bunniah, or merchant * ; he had belonged, * The tribe to which he belonged is denominated Agger- walah. His family came from Jagoor in Hurriana ; but he was born, or at least brought up, at JMalligaum in Candeish* COURT OF HOLKAR. 281 in a subordinate capacity, to the office charged with superintending the weighing and supplying of grain for Jeswunt Row's cattle. AVhen that chief proceeded to the Punjab, Balaram was raised to a higher station, and the confidence in him was such that he was employed as a negoti- ator of the peace * with the British government. His success on this occasion recommended him so much to his master, that he became, from causes which have been stated, chief minister. There was a mixture of pUancy, of falsehood, of good nature, and ambition, in this man's character, that singularly suited him to the times, and to the part he had to act. He never possessed property, and had, from the first, nothing to lose. He promised every thing that was asked ; and, though he hardly ever performed what he promised, there was a kind- ness of manner and apparent goodness of heart about hun, that prevented men being outraged even when they were duped. He always appeared bet- ter, and really was so, than any other on the scene; and while his easy disposition made him obedient and attentive to Toolsah Bhye, and her favourite Meenah Bhye, he was considered by others as the only check on then- profligacy. Though hving in the midst of mutinies, and his person generally un- der restraint, he was stiU regarded kindly by the * In A. D. 1805, this minister negotiated with nie the peace between liolkar and the British government. EVENTS AT THE troops, to whom he gave what money he could raise, usually adding a promise that all he could obtain for the future should be theirs. He consented, in fact, to be their agent, and probably was often sa- tisfied to have the plea of their turbulent violence as a pretext for exacting contributions to supply their demands. With such a regency and such a minister, commanders like Ram Deen *, and a rebellious and disorganized army, the condition of the country may be imagined. Neither the rights of the sovereign nor the subject were re- spected; every where the same scene of op- pression presented itself; open villages and towns were sacked, and walled towns battered, tiU they paid contributions. Leaders who had been suc- cessful were, in their turn, attacked and plundered by those that were more powerful ; constant en- gagements took place between the troops of Sindia, Holkar, the Puar, and the Pindarries, while the Rajpoot princes and the predatory chiefs joined, or deserted, the different parties, as it suited their interest at the moment. The Bheels, a tribe who are bom plunderers, encouraged by the absence of all regular rule, left thek usual mountain fast- nesses to seek booty in the open plains ; and the villagers, driven to despair, became freebooters, to indemnify themselves for theu" losses by the pillage of their neighbours. Such a state of affairs could * For this nidn's character, vide note page 276. COUKT OF HOLKAR. 283 not long continue : hordes were soon forced from the scene of desolation to seek subsistence in dis- tant lands. None of Holkar's territories escaped the general ruin of this period, which also in- volved those of the Puars of Dhar, and Dewass, of the Nabob of Bhopal, and partially those of Sindia, and of all the Rajpoot States, except Kotah, which, from causes that will be hereafter noticed, rose amid the general wreck to increased wealth and prosperity. During the very height of this distraction Jeswunt Row died at Bampoora. Before hisA.D. isii. death Toolsah Bhye, who had no child, adopted, and brought up as her own offspring, Midhar Row Holkar, the son of Jeswunt Row by Kes- sairah Bhye '", a woman of low tribe, who had been introduced into his family. This boy was placed upon the Musnud immediately after his father's death, and his title was universally acknowledged. Zalim Singh, the able Regent of Kotah, came to Bampoora to present in person his offering to the young prince. Two months after the death of Jeswunt Row, an attempt was made against the authority of Toolsah Bhye, of which Dowlet Row Sindia was supposed the author. A relation of this prince, named Juteebah Mania, entered the * Kessairah Bhye, the mother of the reigning' Prince, is of the Kooinar, or pot-maker tribe of Hindus. 284 EVENTS AT THE service of young Mulhar Row, and through him three battalions, commanded by Juggoo Bappoo, were detached from their allegiance^ and, on the pretext of demanding arrears, marched to Bampoora to support a plot, of which Emah Bhye and Lara Bhye, two ladies of the Holkar family, were proclaimed the ostensible leaders. It had been settled that Lara Bhye * was to adoj^t Mohiput Row f , the son of Anund Row Holkar, the Jaghiredar of Jallein, whose claims from de- scent, it was argued, were preferable to the illegi- timate son of an illegitimate father, who had been placed upon the Musnud by a combination of wicked persons, anxious only about their own in- terests. This plot was defeated as soon as discov- ered. Ghuffoor Khan acted on this occasion a very conspicuous part : he proclaimed himself, in the name of Ameer Khan, the defender of the young Midhar Row, and was not only joined by all the * Emah Bhye was the widow of Mulhar Row, who was killed at Poona ; and Lara Bhye, the wife of Jeswunt Row. + Mohiput Row was a youth of about seventeen years of age. He fled, on the failure of the plot, to Candeish, where he afterwards attempted to make a party ; but the small body of followers which he had collected were attacked and defeated by Ramdoss, the brother of Balaram Seit. No subsequent ac- count is given of this pretender to the Musnud of the Holkar family; he is believed however to be living somewhere in the Deckan, in an obscure condition. COURT OF HOI.KAK. 285 ministers, but by Zalim Singh, who was still at Bampoora. The battalions of Juggoo Bappoo were first compelled to retreat, and afterwards disarmed and plmidered. The unfortvmate Emah Bhye and Lara Bhye, who had little, if any, concern in the plot, were put to death. Juteebah Mania fled, but his property was seized and plun- dered. Some lesser crmiinals were executed, while Juggoo Bappoo escaped (probably as being a Brahmin) fi'om farther punishment than a long and rigorous confinement. The repeated mutinies of the troops, and the danger that ensued, led to the deputation of Dewan Gunput Row with propositions to Sindia, which included the offer of a morto:ao'e of a portion of the Holkar territory in return for a pecuniary aid. Dowlet Row is stated to have listened with pleasure to this, as he did to every proposal, that gave him a prospect of attaining a supremacy in the Holkar government. An en- gagement was accordingly entered into, and the Dewan returned accompanied by agents from the principal bankers in Sindia's camp, who had instructions to make arrangements for satisfy- ing the claims of the troops, whenever the deeds for the countries specified were made over to Sin- dia. But Ghuffoor Khan, who saw in the com- pletion of this plan the destruction of his own and his master's influence, after consulting with 286 EVENTS AT THE his friends, (particularly with Tantia Jogh *,) summoned Ameer Khan from Joudpoor to de- fend his own interests and those of the Holkar * Tantia Jogh, the present minister of the Holkar family, is a Brahmin of the Kuradeef sect, was born in Candeish, but came young to Mhysir, where his elder brother, Ba- lajee Naick, was Gomasta or agent in the house of Hurry Punt Jogh, then one of the principal Soucars in Malwa. The affairs of this Soucar (whose name the young Brahmin had taken as a distinguishing appellation) went to ruin after the death of Alia Bhye ; but Tantia having been attached to an European commander of one of the Campoos or legions, be- came his confidential man of business, and joined to the ma- nagement of the countries assigned for the support of this body of troops, the sole charge of providing funds for their payment. He continued attached to the infantry of Holkar's army till the murder of the English officers, before Jeswunt Row invaded Hindustan. On the occurrence of this event he left the army, and retired to Oojein. He rejoined it when it returned to Malwa, and remained in the exercise of his business as a Soucar (which he has always continued) un- der the protection and friendship of Balaram Seit. The vio- lence of Dherma prevented Tantia Jogh from having any concern with the Campoos, while that person commanded; but on his death he was appointed to the general charge of the battalions, whose organization was changed, and from this station he gradually rose to influence and power. t For an account of this sect and their usages, vide Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, Vol. HI. page 86. COURT OF HOLKAE. 287 state. The Patan chief hastened to court, and effectually succeeded in frustrating the nego- tiation. Toolsah Bhye was greatly irritated at hearing from Ameer Khan that she had been represented to him as an abandoned woman ; and the ene- mies* of Tantia Jogh persuaded her that he was the author of the calumny. Her immediate resolution was to put him to death, and nothing but the vigilance and decision of his friends | ena- bled him to escape her vengeance. He went to Kotah, where he remained for some months. After Ameer Khan left camp, the plan of obtain- ing Sindia's aid was revived, and ])y the advice of Balaram Seit and Meenah Bhye, Tantia Ahkur was despatched to GwaHor. He concluded an en- gagement, by which it was agreed, that an an- nual sum of twenty-four lacks of rupees should be paid by Sindia, on countries equal in re- venue being made over to that prince. This second negotiation was defeated by a variety of events, but more especially by a general mutiny of the whole army, which first compelled Toolsah Bhye to fly with the young Mulhar Row to the * Tantia Alikur was the person who chiefly excited the Bhye against Tantia Jogh upon this occasion, and it naturally caused an irreconcileablf hatred between them. t GhufFoor Khan gave Tantia Jogh the first intimation of his danger, and aided his escape. 288. EVENTS AT THE tent of GhufFoor Khan, and afterwards to seek shelter from the excesses of the troops in the fort of Gungraur, a possession of the Holkar family, which had been temporarily assigned to Zalim Singh, Regent of Kotah. Tantia Jogh, who had retm'ned from Kotah supported by all the influence of Zalim Singh, be- gan at this period to take a very considerable lead in the affairs of government. He was, however, nearly being ruined by a plan which Meenah Bhye had concerted, to seize him and others in order to pay the troops with the plunder of their property, and place the administration in the hands of Ram Deen. The latter had just ar- rived at Gungraur with his corps, and was accom- panied by his brother,* who was not only possess- ed of property, but from being the renter of several large districts, had connected himself with some of the richest bankers at Oojein, onef of whom had accompanied him to Gungraur for the * This man, whose name is Mukhum Lai, commonly called Joshee, is well educated, and a man of business. He has long been a prominent actor in scenes of rapine, and by that and other means has acquired considerable property. He is at Oo- jein, and was offered by Dowlet Row Sindia the manage- ment of several countries, if he could obtain my consent to the measure. This he has tried every effort to effect; but it was always refused on account of his bad character. t Bugwunt Doss, a man of wealth and respectability. COURT OF HOLKAR. 289 purpose of giving the troops who supported the projected change an adequate security for theii' arrears and future pay. Every court has its secret history, and that of several in India, if disclosed, would exhibit strange scenes of intrigue and licentiousness. Nothing could be more wicked and shameless than the daily occurrences which that of Holkar* exhibited at this period. The profligacy of Toolsah Bhye was notorious, but the criminal intercourse esta- blished between her and the Dewan Gunput Row, which now became quite public, was attended with the most serious consequences. Tantia Jogh has been accused of having secretly advised the Dewan to consult his own safety, and that of the party to which he was attached, by encouraging the passion which Toolsah Bhye had conceived for him ; and though he, no doubt, endeavoured to impress the parties with a sense of the ne- cessity of circumspection, he could not have de- sired the decrease of an influence through which * The licentious passions of Jeswunt Row Ilolkar brooked no controul; and the sacrifice of the honour of the females of their family was no unusual road with courtiers to his favour. The handsome wife of Gunput Row was considered as the principal link between that minister and his prince. The same lady, at the period of which I am writingj openly intrigued with Tantia Jogh, and was the chief means of preserving the good understanding between him and her husband. VOL. I. U EVENTS AT THE he and his Mends enjoyed power. Their first object was the ruin of Meenah Bhye, which Tool- sah Bhye, who was the slave of her passions, and who had now become extravagantly fond of her lover, appears to have agreed to without any scruple. In compliance with the suggestions of Gunput Row, her former favourite was made prisoner. Tantia AHkur was at this period on his return with agents of Sindia's government, attended by the bankers, who were to make the necessary ad- vances, and give security for the annual payment of the pecuniary aid that Sindia had agreed to grant. His progress, however, was arrested at Kotah, by the intelligence that not only his prin- cipal friend and supporter Meenah Bhye was in confinement, but that Ram Deen, the military commander on whom they reposed most confi- dence, was also a prisoner, and had not only been compelled to deliver up to his enemies the money he had brought to promote his own aggrandise- ment, but was made over to the most clamorous of the horse in the service of Holkar, as security for their arrears. Toolsah Bhye after these occurrences moved from Gungraur to camp ; some money was given to the troops; and in a few days the whole pro- ceeded to canton for the rains near Mucksee, a town on the river Kali Sind. Ram Deen and COURT OF HOLKAR. 291 Meenali Bhye were carried prisoners with the army ; a discussion about the release of the for- mer, caused a dispute between Tantia Jogh and GhufFoor Khan, which was increased by the latter having ^iven his protection to Tantia Alikur, who now ventured from Kotah, and en- deavoured to form a party to remove Toolsah Bhye, and advance her prisoner, Meenah Bhye, to the head of the government. Balaram entered into this intrigue, influenced, as his friends pre- tend, by the disgrace brought on the family of Holkar, from the open and shameless intimacy between Gunput Row and Toolsah Bhye. But the latter and her paramour (a man of no talent*) now acted under the able direction of * In a conversation regarding the Dewan tbat Major Agnew had with Tantia Jogh, the latter observed, " Gunput Row ** personally is, and always was, a weak despicable man." This speech of Tantia Jogh would appear tolerable evidence, that while he shared the counsels of this man and Tool- sah Bhye, he ruled them; but the friends of the minister do not admit this to be the case. I asked Rowjee Trim- buck, Tantia's most confidential man of business, if Gunput Row was not a weak man, and consequently a mere tool in the hands of such a person as Tantia Jogh. He answered quickly, *' Gunput Row is one of those half fools that are ** most difficult to be managed ; they do what they are told in " most things, but every now and then put in a piece of work " of their own, which spoils all ; besides (he continued) the *' Dewan often acted to please Toolsah Bhye, who, though full u 2 EVENTS AT THE Tantia Jogh, who advised the immediate removal of Meenah Bhye. This lady, who, though con- fined, had been hitherto treated with indulgence and respect, was now the victim demanded by Gunput Row, and his mistress could not refuse. The female she had so long cherished was dragged away at night, in the midst of a vio- lent storm of rain, to be carried to Gungraur. She entreated to see her mistress for the last time ; and her importunities were so violent, that they took her to the door of the latter's tent, where she implored admittance if it was only for a few moments ; but the unfeeling Toolsah Bhye, instigated by Gunput Row, who was stand- ing near her, exclaimed aloud so as to be heard by all, " Do not let her come in, take her away." She was carried first to Gungraur, and from thence to Beejulpoor*, where she enjoyed but a few days' repose, when a bill upon her for a considerable " of sweet and persuasive language, and at times witty, had " no sense in affairs of state, and no controul over her tem- '* per, which was very violent, and led her often to very cruel " acts." * Beejulpoor, which is within three miles of Indore, had been granted to Meenah Bhye, who made it over to Hurra- bah, her spiritual father, who is still in possession of this vil- lage, and lives in some state, though his receipts from its re- venue have been diminished. This priest accompanied Mee- nah Bhye in her last journey. COURT OF HOLKAR. 293 sum was given to some officers of the household troops, with instructions to exact payment. Tor- ture of every species was inflicted, and though she refused from the first to give one rupee, she did not deny having amassed wealth. " Take me to Toolsah " Bhye," she often exclaimed, " and if she person- " ally requires ten lacks, I will give them." This meeting, however, was exactly what her enemies desired to avoid; and their tortures were continued till the object they sought was accomplished. Meenah Bhye, distracted with hunger and pain, finished the scene by taking poison ; but her reso- lution not to benefit those who wrought her de- struction, was persevered in to the last.* Soon after this occurrence, the general mutiny of the troops, and their threatened violence, compelled Toolsah Bhye to make her escape from camp, which she did with difficulty, and again took shelter in Gungraur, which Zalim Singh had a short time before made over to her possession, f Toolsah Bhye, the instant she reached Gun- * None of Meenah Bhye's treasure was found. She had, for better security, removed it beyond the Holkar territories; and a great proportion of it is believed to be still in the hands of a banker at Kishengur near Ajnieer. Tantia Jogh is quite satisfied this man possesses a large amount, and has made many efforts to recover it, though hitherto in vain. t Zalim Singh had rented the district, but, on a larger rent being demanded than he chose to pay, had given it up. EVENTS AT THE graur, took very decided steps. The artillery and some corps of infantry were still attached to her. By the terror of the former, she compelled the Ma- homedans of the army, with the exception of a small corps, and that of Ghuffoor Khan, to move to a distance, and she proclaimed that Hindus alone shoidd be hereafter admitted into the service of Holkar. This was done on the pretext that the Mahomedans had been the most tmbulent; but the fact was, these mercenaries were attached to the standard of Ameer Khan, and she now accounted that chief as her principal enemy. These proceedings gave rise to a violent attack upon her authority. A plot was formed to take from her the custody of the young prince, in the possession of whose person all her strength con- sisted. The infantry corps, as well as the artillery, gave their support, and detachments surrounded the houses of both Tantia Jogh and Gunput Roav before they were aware of any danger. The De- wan was made prisoner ; but Tantia escaped, with about forty followers, into the citadel, where Toolsah Bhye resided. He immediately made arrangements for its defence ; and Jotteebah Naick, a Mahratta commander of the household troops, who was a favourite of Toolsah Bhye, made an effort on this critical occasion to aid her, that reflects honour on his character. The instant he learned her situation, he hastened COURT OF HOLKAll. 295 from the camp to the town with two hundred men, scaled the wall at a place where it was low, and succeeded in reaching without oppo- sition the outer gates of the citadel. This was guarded by a company of the mutineers, who were surprised and attacked with such fury, that they were all either killed or wounded. He was warm- ly welcomed by Tantia and Toolsah Bhye : the latter was, when he entered, sitting with a dagger in her hand, holding the child Mulhar Row, whom she said she was resolved to stab to the heart ra- ther than allow him, in whose name she governed, to be taken from her. But the danger was passed; the rapid success of Jotteebah struck such a panic into the infantry, that they instantly moved off to their lines, leaving the town to be occupied by the Mahratta horse ; who, hearing of the affray, came galloping from their encampment to the aid of Toolsah Bhye. Ghuffoor Khan also repaired to one of the gates ; but he was justly suspected of being one of those who had excited the revolt, and was in consequence warned to keep at a distance ; he attended to the counsel given hun, and retired to his tents. Although this plot was for the moment de- feated, the motives which induced the artillery and infantry to become the instruments of its ex- ecution, still remained. They continued clamor- ous for theii' arrears, and as one mode of hastening EVENTS AT THE the payment, they increased the rigour of Gimput Row's confinement; nor were they mistaken in the effect which they expected this would produce. Toolsah Bhye, when she heard of his situation, became inconsolable, and implored Tantia Jogh to make his utmost efforts to release the Dewan ; she did more, she gave jewels to a considerable amount to effect this object. Tantia managed to raise some more funds, and a compromise was effected. The men engaged in this mutiny, who amounted to about three thousand, after re- leasing their prisoner, and giving over their guns and arms, and taking hostages for the security of their lives and property, took their discharge, and withdrew from this scene of never-ending trouble to their respective places of abode in Hindustan. The success of the corps abovementioned, in extorting their arrears by the violent measures they pursued, brought almost all the infantry* of Holkar's army to Gungraur. Plots and muti- nies were revived, and Balaram Seit was sus- pected not only of having instigated past pro- ceedings, but of giving encouragement to the commanders to persist in their clamorous de- mands. Whether this was the case, or that it was * Thakoor Doss says, that in the space of ten days after these mutinous Sepoys returned to their homes, three batta- hons, commanded by Roshun Beg, Roshun Khan, and Hussein Alice, arrived at Gungraur. COURT OF HOLKAK. 297 determined to destroy him, cannot be well ascer- tained ; the latter is most probable. The support he received from Ameer Khan, his connexion with Tantia Alikur, (who, though he had again fled, was still dreaded,) and his intrigues with Ghuf- foor Khan, gave reason to believe his holding any office was incompatible with the firm esta- blishment of the party noAV in power ; but his life might still have been spared, had he not excited the resentment * of Toolsah Bhye by some serious and repeated remonstrances against the continuance of an open and criminal in- tercourse with the Dewan, which had become, as he stated, the scandal of all India, and brought shame and disgrace upon the family of Holkar. How much she had been inflamed by his re- proaches may be inferred fi'om the circumstances that attended his murder; for it can hardly be called an execution. He had been watched, and not allowed to leave the town of Gungraur, from the moment the mutiny commenced ; but he had only been in strict confinement three days, when * Thakoor Doss, when questioned on this subject, ascribes Toolsah Bhye's inveterate hatred to Balaram, first, to the dan- ger her favourite had incurred through his seditious practices ; secondly, to his intrigues with the late Hindustanee horse, by which he gained and kept them in his interest ; and, lastly, to his advice and animadversions on her most licentious conduct. EVENTS AT THE he was sent for at midnight by Toolsah Bhye, who received him, attended by Gmiput Row and some servants. Balaram was asleep when the order was brought for him to attend. What had passed before, the hom^ of the night, and the language of the messengers, combined to make him sus- pect what was contemplated. His family took the alarm, and his wife endeavoured by her tears to prevent his obeying the mandate. He put her aside, teUing her to cease her lamentations, and not to endeavour to make him guilty of disobedience. He nevertheless, when he came before Toolsah Bhye, pleaded hard for his life ; representing the inutility of killing a man who had no property to be plundered, and who had yet the power, from the credit he had acquired, of satisfying a muti- nous soldiery. He entreated to be spared, if but for a few days, till it was seen whether he could not allay the violent ferment that then existed among the troops. This representation was an- swered by accusations and invectives from Tool- sah Bhye, who abused him as the chief author of the calamities to which she had been recently ex- posed. It was in vain he denied the facts al- leged.* She exclaimed, " Strike off his head." * Among other crimes, she accused him of having sent a dress to Roshun Beg, as a mark of approbation of his pro- ce^edings. COURT OF HOLKAR. 299 Two Sepo)^ orderlies * who were present, when asked by Gunpiit Row, " if they did not hear the orders of thek mistress," had the resohition and virtue to answer, *' They were soldiers, and not executioners." On receiving this answer, Gunput Row di'ew his sword, and made the first blow at Balaram : two attendants f aided him to com- plete this act of atrocity ; the body was dragged into a dark room, and a report spread next morn- ing that the minister had absconded, but no one was deceived. The chief actors in this scene were Toolsah Bhye and Gunput Row. Pubhc opinion ascribed a share of theu' guilt to Tantia Jogh ; and the leading influence he had at this period, and conti- nued to exercise, gave currency to this belief:]: * The names of these men are Deen Singh and Lai Singh ; they are still in the service. t Hussoobah Huzooriah struck the second blow, and the body, after being hacked, was dragged away by Bheem Singh Bondelab. The murderers stripped it of some ornaments, and the Dewan is said to have been base enough to take a jewel necklace as his share of the spoil. I Rowjee Trimbuck, Tantia's most confidential adherent, asserts, that his master was throughout averse to the murder of Balaram Seit; and though he admits that a serious breach between Tantia and the two guilty individuals, Gunput Row and Toolsah Bhye, did not take place till a year after- wards, when it was eflected by the intrigues of Sreeput Row, during Tantia's absence in Zalim Singh's cantonment, he says, 300 EVENTS AT THE He v/as not, however, present at the murder, and from the first denied participation in its execution. The deed produced a sensation of great horror. Balaram's character has akeady been given. He possessed such a cheerfulness of mind, so great a desire to do good, and so forgiving a spirit, that, in spite of his faithless promises and erring am- bition, he was a favourite with all ranks ; he is to this day regretted, and his assassination spoken of as an act of barbarous atrocity. Ghuffoor Khan, on hearing what had passed in Gungraur, sent a confidential person* to Tantia that a great coolness occurred while the court was at Gungraur, owing to Tantia Jogh having exacted an oath from Toolsah Bhye, before he aided her in effecting Gunput Row's release, by which she solemnly pledged herself to abstain from an in- tercourse which brought scandal on the family, and disgrace on all who supported her. Rowjee Trimbuck adds, that Zorra- wurmull Soukar first informed Tantia of Balaram's danger, owing to Toolsah Bhye's resentment at his communications with Roshun Beg, and from believing him the real author of Gunput Row's imprisonment; that Tantia spoke to the Dewan, and, while he recommended Balaram being kept in confinement, he entreated his life should not be touched. He says, that no per- son could be more surprised than Tantia was, at Balaram's being put to death in so sudden a manner ; but that he could not ejfpress his feehngs, having no place of safety but the post he occupied. Rowjee Trimbuck says, he was at Mundissor, raising money, when these events occurred, but is positive of the facts being as he states. * This statement was taken from an actor in the scene ; but COURT OF HOLKAR. 301 Jogh, to ask him how he could, after their pro- mises to each other, be concerned in such a pro- ceeding, and desired to know what he was to say- to Ameer Khan. Tantia denied aU knowledge of the event he alluded to, and stated his be- lief that Balaram was still alive, though in con- finement. On the messenger requiring a more satisfactory explanation, Tantia informed Gunput Row and Toolsah Bhye of what had passed ; and I afterwards obtained the relation from Mootee Ram, the per- son employed by Ghuffoor Khan on this occasion. The follow- ing is his evidence : Ghuffoor Khan, three days after Balaram was confined, sent me to Toolsah Bhye to enquire after him. She said, " I have no idea of injuring Balaram, but wished to get " his accounts settled and then release him." On that night Balaram was slain. — Next day Ameer Singh came and told Ghuffoor Khan of the event. I was sent to Tantia to know what had occurred. Tantia said the Bhye had told him that Balaram had fled. On my urging the question and pro- fessing incredulity, the minister went to the Bhye, and soon after sent for me ; but before I arrived, a Huzooriah, or confiden- tial officer, had been called and asked by the Bhye how he came to allow Balaram to escape. He made an excuse of having fallen asleep. Orders were given to flog the man, and he had received several stripes, when I asked Tantia Jogh " what was " the use of such a proceeding, when he well knew Balaram " was murdered." We were now close to the Bhye, to whom the minister repeated my observations, and my obstinate dis- belief of their assertions. On this the Bhye lost all patience. "Is Ghuffoor Khan," she said, addressing us, "my master, or " my servant? If he is so desirous of seeing Balaram, let him " come, and I will engage a meeting shall take place at the EVENTS AT THE a farther attempt was made to convince him that the minister was still alive, but, not succeeding, Toolsah Bhye, who appeared now to have cast off all fear as well as shame, said aloud, " Is Ghuffoor " Khan my servant, or my master?" and, without waiting for a reply, added, " Go, tell him from " me, if he continues so very anxious about " Balaram, to come here, and they shaU meet." Ghuffoor Khan was not a little alarmed at this message; and two days afterwards, hearing a report that an attack upon him was meditated, he marched to some distance. Toolsah Bhye imme- diately sent to know the reason of this movement, and to give him every assurance of her cherishing no unfriendly intentions. He agreed to return ; but, instead of taking up his old ground, he en- camped near Roshun Beg's battalions. Three " battery where Balaram is now sitting." His body had been just conveyed to a casement in the battery to which she al- luded. " I instantly," Mootee Ram said, " took leave, with no *' slight fear for myself; for she was in a very great rage." When a reconciliation took place between Ghuffoor Khan and Tantia Jogh, the former, to conciliate the latter, denied having given Mootee Ram (the above evidence) any authority to be so importunate, and he was dismissed as a man who had disobeyed his orders. He went into other service, and for some time lived with Captain Briggs ; but the moment the guarantee of his Jaghire made Ghuffoor Khan independent of the minister, he recalled Mootee Ram, who is now his prin- cipal Moonshee, or writer. Such facts are conclusive. COURT OF HOLKAR. 303 days afterwards, Toolsah Bhye, observing some agitation in the camp, which indicated an intention to surround Gungraur, moved out of that town with all the Mahratta horse. The impatience of Jotteebah* Naick brought on an affair with the in- fantry, in which Roshun Beg, supported by Ghuf- foor Khan, took a leading part. A cannonade was opened, and Toolsah Bhye is said to have displayed courage, till a shot stiTick the howdah of the ele- phant on which the child Mulhar Row was seated. This spread a general alarm, and Toolsah Bhye instantly mounted a horse, and placing the prince on another with Gunput Row, commenced (ac- companied by the household and Mahratta hoi^e) a flight which was continued to Allotef. The battalions under Roshun Beg moved on Gungraur, of which they took possession. Their first object was to discover the corpse of Balaram, which, though in a putrid state, was burnt by persons of his caste, according to the ceremonies prescribed by his religion. Gungraur was on this occasion completely plundered ; the troops were paid part of their arrears, and their commanders (particularly Roshun Beg) enriched. There can be little doubt that throughout the * The Mahratta chief who had behaved so gallantly in her defence at Gungraur. t A town in Soandwarrah belonging to the Puars of Dewass. It is sixteen t^iiles South-west of Gungraur. 304 EVENTS AT THE whole of the events which took place at Gungraur, the mutinies of the troops were made subservient to the intrigues of Ameer Khan and his agents, who desired to deprive Toolsah Bhye of power; the consequence was a complete separation of her interests from those of the Patau chief and his par- tizans. Tantia Jogh now became the head* of one party, and GhufFoor Khan of another. The former had only the Mahratta and the household troops, but the possession of the person of the young Mulhar Row gave it a predominance; for so strong was the feeling on this point, that those who had charge of him were deemed (even by theu' opponents) to be the Government. The party of GhufFoor Khan consisted of his own ad- herents, the discharged Mahomedan horse, whom he had recalled, and nine battaUons of infantry, with their guns. One of the earliest measures of Tantia Jogh was to contract an engagement with Sindia's manager at Mundissor, by which he obtained the aid of Ambajee's Campoo, or legion, (one of Sindia's corps employed in Malwa,) which consisted of five battalions and thirty pieces of cannon. A monthly sum was agreed to be paid for the sub- sistence of this force; but Ambajee's operations * Gunput Row was too inferior in talent to be his rival; and Toolsah Bhye, except when acting from the impulse of passion, was always under tutelage. COURT OF HOLKAK. -305 were too cautious, and his object was so obviously directed to avoid hostility, that Holkar's court soon became disgusted with its new allies. Sindia and Ameer Khan were alike anxious to tura the distractions of the Holkar state to their own advantage. The former sent an agent to Ameer Khan, entreating hun to desist from mea- sures that would ruin and disgrace the Holkar family, and requesting him to comply with the desire of Toolsah Bhye for the removal of Ghuf- foor Khan. The Patau chief was too averse to the interference of Dowlet Row to acquiesce ; but he was nevertheless solicitous to bring affairs to an amicable termination. He in consequence gave orders to Ghuffoor Khan to suspend hos- tilities, and assured Toolsah Bhye, that if she would consent to his repairing to court, and cease flying about the country, he would compel the in- fantry to be satisfied with one half of their arrears, and would recall a representative who was so ob- nx5xious to her. In this negotiation Ameer Khan was supported by Zalim Singh of Kotah, who offered to become security for the full performance of the proferred engagement; but Toolsah Bhye concluded, and on just grounds, that Ameer Khan's purpose was to deprive her of power, and to assume the sole management of affairs: in her answer, therefore, to his overture, she insisted that Ghuffoor Khan should be recalled, and the bat- talions brought to order, as preHminaries. Ameer VOL. I. X 306 EVENTS AT THE Khan made every effort to effect the latter object, but in vain ; and a renewal of hostilities was only avoided by both parties agreeing to refer to the decision of Zalim Singh, the Regent of Kotah. The army of Mulhar Row marched to within twelve miles of the cantonment of that chief, to which place Tantia Jogh was deputed. Ghuffoor Khan came soon after on the part of Ameer Khan ; and three months passed in a series of reconciliations and quarrels between the parties, and in making and breaking promises and oaths ; but the intelligence received at the close of the A.D. 1817. rainy season, of the advance of the British armies towards Central India, effected for the moment a reunion of interests, which nothing else could have accomplished. Zalim Singh had now his own safety to consult, and was eager to get rid of friends who might embarrass, but could not assist him. It is to the honour of Tantia Jogh's character, that the wise and experienced Regent of Kotah selected him, at this crisis, as the man best able to combine and direct the discordant adherents of Holkar; and as a proof of his own friendship, he sent a de- tachment of three hundred infantry, with two standards, for the avowed purpose of protecting his person. Before the events, which now hastened affairs to a crisis, are detailed, it wiU be necessary to no- tice an influence which had long been employed in COURT OF HOLKAK. vain endeavours to unite the courts of Sindia and Holkar, and to restore, by the reunion of its dif- ferent chiefs, the former strength of the Mahratta confederacy. The controul, which the notorious Trimbuck- jee* established over the councils of Bajerow, may be fixed as the date from which that prince changed his policy, and commenced his intrigues against the British government. These assumed a more serious aspect, when the murder of Gungad- hur Shastreef had placed the infamous favourite in the situation of a proscribed malefactor. The en- gagements between Sindia and Holkar, fii^st nego- tiated by Gunput Row, and afterwards by Tantia Alikur, have been akeady narrated. The mutual obligation and determination of the parties to serve and obey the Paishwah, is made, in the first article of the treaty 1, the bond of their faith to each other. There can be no doubt that, though the object was to confederate against the English, it * The' complete ascendancy of Trimbuckjee in the councils of Bajerow may be dated from A. D. 1815. t Gungadhur Shastree, the minister of the Baroda state., came to Poena to negotiate a settlement of accounts between his master and the Paishwah through the mediation of the English government, under whose protection and guarantee he was deputed. He was murdered by Trimbuckjee under circum- stances which left no doubt that the deed was perpetrated with the knowledge of Bajerow. 1 Major Agnew's letter to the Chief Secretary to Go- vernment, under date 31st August, 1818. 308 EVENTS AT THE was intended to proceed slowly and with great caution ; but the situation of Bajerow preci- pitated a rupture ; and, as he became every hour more alarmed respecting himself and his favourite, he was urgent in his endeavours to obtain im- mediate and efficient assistance. Agents were in consequence sent to Sindia, and a man of some eminence reached Holkar's court* about the same time. He was received with marked A. D. 18 1 5. honour, being met by aU the ministers; but the state of affairs was unpropitious to union in any cause, and the intrigues and struggles for power which took place after the death of Balaram Seit, baffled all his efforts in favour of Bajerow. That prince sent in the beginning of the ensuing year A. D. 1816. another agent f, who joined Holkar's camp a short time before the ministers and chiefs had referred their disputes to the Kotah Raja. This second envoy, while he professed to have a large com- mand of pecuniary resources, expressed perfect confidence in his abihty to bring Sindia and Ameer Khan to concur in the measures, to the * This person, whose name was Gunput Row, was generally called Gunobah Punt. His arrival and honourable reception at the camp at Mukra on the 4th of Assar in the year of theSumb- hut 1783, charged with a letter from the Paishwah, is reported in a letter from Mr. Wellesley, acting Resident at Gualior, to Mr. Secretary Adam, dated 20th February, 1816. t The name of this man was Dhoondoo Punt Tantia. He assumed, for concealment, the name of Krishen Row. COURT OF HOLKAR. 309 adoption of which he urged the ministers of Mul- har Row ; and, after remaining some time at the cantonment of ZaHm Singh, he proceeded to the camp of the Patan chief, who did not reject his proposals, but demanded an advance of four lacks of rupees. The payment of this sum was agreed to, and a letter was sent to Holkar's camp, di- recting the necessary bills to be transmitted. This delay proved fatal to the negotiation. The ap- proach of an EngHsh army decided Ameer Khan a.d.isi;. to accept the offers made by that government ; and after his first interview with Sir David Och- terlony, he dismissed Baj crow's agent, and wrote to Ghuffoor Khan, to desire he would urge Tool- sah Bhye not to think of going to the Deckan, but to wait his arrival in camp, when he would adjust all differences between her and the English. Such was the result of the Paishwah's negotiation with Ameer Khan ; but the intrigues of the for- mer's agents were more successfid at the court of Holkar. An artful Brahmin*, who was an here- ditary servant in the family of Gunput Row, had accompanied the mission from Poona, and laboured to promote its success. The absence of Tantia Jogh with Zalim Singh gave this man an opportunity of increasing a coolness, which had for some time subsisted between that minister and the Dewan ; and the instant the mind of the latter * Sreeput Row. 310 EVENTS AT THE was turned against his friend, Toolsah Bhye adopted similar sentiments. This party was strengthened by the accession of some of the mi- litary leaders, who were secretly excited, soon after Tantia's retmn to camp, to seize his person, as a security for their arrears . The party, who now directed the councils of Holkar, having pledged themselves to adopt Baje- row's cause, they received an advance of one lack and sixty thousand rupees from the agent of that prince, a part of which was distributed to the troops, while the intention of proceeding to the Deckan was proclaimed, and orders sent for all corps and detachments to join without delay. This took place in November; and early in the ensuing month the whole assembled about twenty miles from Mahidpoor, to which place they afterwards A. D. 1817. marched. All were now in high spirits, for the Dewan and his friends were lavish in their promises of high and regidar pay, after the army had crossed the Nerbudda; but the intelligence of the arrival of a division of the British army at Aggur*, a dis- tance of about fifty miles from Mahidpoor, and of another! having penetrated into Malwa, made a serious impression on their feelings. * My corps reached Aggur on the 4th December, 1817- t The first division under the command of Sir T. Hislop crossed the Nerbudda on its march to Oojein on the 1st De- cember, 1817. COURT OF HOLKAR. 3J 1 Thakoor Doss, the news-writer at Holkar's court, employed by Mr. Metcalfe, the resident at Delhi, had been despatched with a letter to that gentle- man, containing general professions of friendship ; but no definite propositions were made. The state of afFaii^s was, however, now changed, and it was necessary to take some decided measures. A coun- cil was held^ of which Tantia Jogh (though a prisoner) was president. He advised the deputation of a respectable person to communicate with the English officer commanding the troops at Aggur ; but his advice was not approved, and it led to an accusation of having intrigued with the English, which not only prolonged his confinement, but in- creased the severity of his treatment. He was particularly obnoxious to the commandants of the infantry corps, who, as well as the principal leaders of the cavahy, w^ent, after this council, to the tent of Ghuffoor Khan, and interchanged pledges of fideUty, by which they bound them- selves to union dming the dangers that were ap- proaching. A correspondence was entered into with the British* officer commanding the division at Ag- * I had, on my arrival at Aggur, written a letter to Mulhar Row of a friendly nature, but meant to bring his ministers to a clear explanation of their sentiments, as far as these affected the British government. Before this reached them, a letter had been sent to me, written in the name of the young prince, which contained nothing but mere general expressions of 312 EVENTS AT THE gur, who, while he moved to join the army of Sir Thomas Hislop near Oojein, stated to the minis- ters of Holkar, that if they were really desirous of peace they should send a mission to the head-quar- ters of that General. This step was adopted, and agents came, vested, as they said, with full powers to negotiate a treaty. The most liberal terms* were offered; but the complete reform of a muti- nous infantry was insisted upon, and the ministers were told, when they urged their inability to controul this body as an excuse for non-com- regard, and a call upon me, as a former friend of the family, to preserve the ties of peace. I had offered in my letter to send an officer to wait upon Mulhar Row ; but, receiving no answer, I moved towards Oojein by Turanah, whence I addressed a short note to the Dewan Gunput Row^ in- forming him of my intended junction with the Commander in chief Sir Thomas Hislop, and warning him, if he desired to avoid danger, to lose no time in entering into a negotiation. * These were comprised in ten articles, as detailed in the notes of conference between Holkar's Vakeel and myself on the 13th December, 1817' Their moderate purport was to restore the government of Holkar to a condition in which it could be tolerated by other states; and this necessarily included a com- plete separation from the Pindarries, a reduction of a great pro- portion of a mutinous army, and, in short, the abandonment of the predatory system, the pursuit of which had been found hostile to the tranquillity of other states. The English govern- ment offered a gratuitous aid to effect this desirable change ; and, so (ar from desiring any cession of territory, engaged to assist Holkar's government with funds to pay the arrears of the troops it was called upon to discharge. COURT OF HOLKAR. 313 pliance, that, if they desh^ed safety for themselves and theii* prince, they should bring the latter to the English camp, and leave its commander the task of reducing to order a licentious and dis- ol^edient rabble, that had so long disturbed the tranquillity and laid waste the territories of the princes they nominally served. During this nego- tiation there was literally no head in Holkar's army*. The commandants of battalions, satisfied that, if an aUiance was formed wdth the British government, there would be an end to the dis- tractions that gave them importance, were from the first disposed to hostilities ; and this made them \dolent against all who proposed peace. It was through their influence that no satisfactory answer was returned to the friendly overtures which had been made ; and those who desired a rupture, urged the leaders of the Mahratta horse to provoke it by daily depredations on the cattle and followers of the British army. The day be- fore Sir Thomas Hislop advanced to Mahidpoor, his videttes were attacked, and every movement evinced determined hostihty. This resvdt had been anticipated from the intelligence received of the circumstances which had just taken place a.d. isir. * Toolsah Bhye was alarmed by the surrounding scene; and her favourite Gunput Row was too perplexed with various councils and parties to give her any support in this trying emergency. VOL. I. X 5 314 EVENTS AT THE in the camp of Mulhar Row Holkar, where even the semblance of regular authority was extinct, and the question of peace or war was decided, like all others, in a clamorous council of the insolent and ignorant leaders of a rebellious soldiery. GhufFoor Khan had at this period joined the party who were anxious to destroy Gunput Row and Toolsah Bhye. To effect this, there was no want of instruments ; for, though Ram Deen had joined theii* combination, they were hated by all others. The troops still cherished an active resent- ment on account of the miu"der of Balaram. The feeUngs of Tantia Jogh, in consequence of his severe treatment, are supposed to have made him an active promoter of this plot, and his confine- ment did not deprive him of the means of being so ; but the leading executive persons were the principal officers of the Pagah, or household troops. A person, acting under the direction of the com- mander* of that body, enticed young Mulhar Row fi'om an outer tent where he was playing, and a guard was at the same instant placed over that of Toolsah Bhye. Gunput Row came to her rehef; but, on learning that the prince had been separated from her, he saw at once the extent of the plot, and, turning back, mounted a * Sudder-u-Deeii, the Havildar, or commander of the Pagah. COURT OF HOLKAR. 315 horse and attempted to escape ; but a party of his enemies came up with him in the bed of the Seepra river. He was sUghtly wounded with a spear before he was thrown from his horse, when he was plundered, insulted by blows, and, after being treated with every species of indignity, conveyed a prisoner, amidst hoots and execrations, to the infantry lines. This happened on the morning of the 20th December. A more tragical scene took place at night. The death of Toolsah Bhye appears to have been early determined on, for the guards placed over her were so strict, that all access was prohibited. This hitherto arrogant female now refused sustenance, and passed the day in tears: and, when she was seized to be carried to the banks of the river, (the place fixed for her execution) she is stated to have implored those who conveyed her to save her life, offering her jewels as a bribe, and loading others with the guilt of which she was accused. It was near the dawn of day when this occurred; and many who were asleep in the quarter of the camp where she was, were awakened by her cries; but to use the emphatic expression of a person who witnessed this scene, " not a foot stirred, and not a voice " was raised, to save a woman who had never " shewn mercy to others." She was taken from her palanquin on the banks of the Seepra, where her head was severed from her body, and the latter 316 EVENTS AT THE Avas thrown into the river, being denied even the common rites of a Hindu funeral. Toolsah Bhye was not thirty years of age when she was murdered. She was handsome, and alike remarkable for the fascination of her manners and quickness of intellect. Few surpassed her in a fluent eloquence, which persuaded those who approached her to promote her wishes. She rode (an essential quality in a Mahratta lady) with grace, and was always when on horseback attended by a large party of the females of the first famiUes in the state. But there was never a more remarkable instance than in the history of this princess, how the most prodigal gifts of nature may be perverted by an indulgence of vicious habits. Though not the wife of Jeswunt Row, yet being in charge of his family, and having possession of the child, who was declared his heir, she was obeyed as his wi- dow. As the favourite of the deceased, and the guardian of their actual chief, she had, among the adherents of the Holkar family, the strongest im- pressions in her favour ; but, casting all away, she lived unrespected, and died unpitied. Ghuffoor Khan is implicated in the death of Toolsah Bhye, from his being known to have cherished feelings of active resentment against her. Tantia Jogh was also hostile to her; and those in whom he most confided were busy actors in the scene. Keissurah Bhye, the mother of Mulhar Row, was too deeply interested to have COURT OF HOLKAR. 317 escaped suspicion. That the junto of military leaders who at the moment had usiu-ped power, were not the only persons concerned in this deed of violence, there can be no doubt ; for, though it had their fidl concurrence, the act, which was de- liberate, was not executed by soldiers, but by the persons whose duty it would have been to put to death any state criminal; and that it is not deemed a reproach by those who now enjoy power, is proved by the men who acted as the executioners of Toolsah Bhye still holding their places in the service of the Holkar family*. On the day Toolsah Bhye was seized, the British army had advanced to within ten miles of Holkar's camp on the banks of the Seepra, near Mahidpoor. A tumultuous council was held, in which the military chiefs decided that it was advisable to hazard an action on the favourable ground they then occupied. On the morning of the 21st ofA.D. I817. December, a considerable body of horse crossed to the right bank of the river to meet the British - troops. On the day before, a short letter had been addressed to Midhar Row Holkar, warning him, * RowjeeTrimbuck was asked who were concerned in Toolsah Bhye's death? He said, he beheved every one in Holkar's camp desired it, except Gunput Row and Ram Deen. The executioners were the two Jemadars of Mewattees, Sadutt Khan and Mohdeen Allee. The former died five months ago. The latter commands a party of two hundred infantry, who form the guard over the palace of Mulhar Row, at Indore. 318 EVENTS AT THE for the last time, of the dangers of his situation. An answer was received, when the army was on its march. It was in the former style of evasion, and after some general expressions, concluded by a short sentence written in a spirit not to be mis- taken. " If you will advance," the young prince was made to observe, " recollect it is the army of " Holkar." However much the chiefs had before differed, a sense of common danger, and a feeling connected with the reputation of the army to which they belonged, led upon this occasion to a momentary union. They had sworn fidelity to each other on the night of the 20th, and on the ensuing morning the order of battle was skilfully arranged. The horse which had crossed to the right bank of the Seepra, took a position that was weU calculated to embarrass the operations of the advancing army, by occupying its attention, and threatening its stores and baggage ; while the infantry and cannon, covered by the remainder of the cavalry, occupied a strong and well-connected line, protected on the right by a deep watercourse, and on the left by the abrupt bank of the Seepra. The horse that had crossed the river were com- manded by Ram Deen ; the infantry were under Roshun Beg; while the Pagah or household troops under Sudder-u-Deen, and Ghuffoor Khan with his personal adherents, remained around the young Prince in the rear of the whole. The attention of the British army was from COUPtT OF HOLKAR. 319 the first directed to the storming of the heavy batteries of guns*. All skmnishing and partial actions were avoided ; and the troops having crossed the river, formed under cover, where they remained till the advance of the right of the line upon the enemy's left (the strongest point of his position) gave the signal for a simultaneous attack ; which, after a short period of sharp conflict, was successful in every quarter. The army of Hol- kar fled in great confusion. The horse, who had shewn much boldness at the commencement of the day, were the first to leave the field, when the ac- tion gi'ew warm ; and both they and the infantry gave way, before the artillery ceased its destruc- tive fire. Mulhar Row was in the action upon an ele- phant ; and, according to aU accounts, behaved with spirit. When he saw his troops flying, he burst into tears, and entreated them to return. His cousin. Hurry Holkar, is said to have shewn much gallantry. He had cut down two Mysore horsemen, when his horse was shot, and the young prince called out with great anxiety to remount his relation. These anecdotes are re- membered as proofs, that, young as its representa- tives were, they displayed on this memorable oc- casion, that courage, of which its adherents boast as the prominent feature of the family of Holkar. * About seventy. 320 EVENTS AT THE The flight of the army continued through the night, in the direction of Seeta Mhow, which they reached early next day. Tantia Jogh and the Dewan Gunput Row had made their escape from their guards, when the battalions were routed, and found a temporary refuge in the town of Mahidpoor; which they left during the night, and joined Mulhar Row ; whose mother, Keissurah Bhye, being now the acknowledged head of the government, sent for Tantia, and giving him an honorary dress as minister, placed her son, and the interests of the family, in his hands. From Seeta Mhow the army marched to near Mundissor, where a body of Pindarries under Kurreem Khan were encamped. This chief offered his services, but his alliance was not now desired. The Enghsh were in pursuit, and every hope of successful resistance, or even protraction of the campaign, was at an end. Meer Zuffer Ally, who had been before em- ployed as an agent*, was sent from Seeta Mhow with overtures of peace; the draft of a preli- minary treaty was given to him, and he was in- * Meer Zuffer Ally was the agent of Ghuffoor Khan, who took at this time a very decided turn, refusing to accompany the court in their flight. He had received letters from Ameer Khan urging this conduct, but he was chiefly swayed by his own interests. He obtained the reward he sought, in the Jaghire he held from Holkar being confirmed, on condition of his support- ing a body of horse. COURT OF HOT.KAR. formed that when he returned with that signed, hostilities should be suspended. He arrived at Mundissor with this engagement executed, a few hours before that fixed for the march of the British troops * to attack the remains of the Mahratta army, which was encamped at a distance of only sixteen miles, near Pertaub- ghvu'. Nothing but this seasonable submission could have saved them from destruction. By it the blow was completely averted. Tantia Jogh came to camp next day; and on the sixth of January the treaty of Mundissor was concluded, by which the family of Holkar, though it al^an- doned its claims upon the chiefs of Rajpootana, its lands in the Jeypoor country, and its territo- ries f South of the Satpoorah range, attained, through the support of the British government, the actual possession of its remaining countries. This was, in fact, a new condition to the Holkar state ; for twenty years had elapsed since it had enjoyed any regular resources, or government, * My division, which had been detached from Mahidpoor in pursuit, had reached INIundissor on the morning of the 31st of December, and my preparations were made to march at night, and fall upon the enemy next day, who, from his condi- tion and situation, could not have escaped. t The rights of the family in its native place, Waubghaun in the Deckan, and as Daishmookh of Chandore, were subse- quently ceded by the considerate generosity of the Governor General. VOL. 1. Y 322 EVENTS AT THE and its name during the greater part of that pe- riod, had only served as a pretext to pkmderers for committing every species of excess and crime. The good effects to be anticipated from the great change made in the condition of this princi- pality by the peace of Mundissor, were justly ap- preciated by some of the adherents of the family : but the Mahratta horse, the moment they heard the treaty was signed, hastened in a body to the Southward to join Bajerow, who was still in arms. They were commanded by Ram Deen*, who had an additional motive for his desertion, from the irreconcileable nature of his quarrels with Tantia Jogh, whose recent elevation was confirmed by his having become the negotiator of peace with the British government. The remains of the battalions defeated at Ma- hidpoor, had gone to Rampoora, where they were surprised and routed, and their remaining guns captured by a corps under General Browne. The new minister, and others who had thrown them- selves decidedly upon the British protection, did not deplore an event f which disembarrassed a * Ram Deen surrendered when Bajerow did, and disbanded his followers; this and his agreeing never to return to Malwa have obtained him a pension of three thousand rupees per an- num from the British government, in whose territories he now resides. t The treasury of the Holkar state had been for years empty, and the jewels of the family, which were once very valuable, COURT OF HOLKAK. 323 bankrupt state of a niutinous soldiery, and can- celled a number of old and troublesome claims. The transactions of the period that elapsed from the insanity of Jeswunt Row until the con- clusion of peace between his son Mulhar Row and the British government, have perhaps been no- ticed more in detail than they merit ; but they exhibit a remarkable picture of a state in which every tie but that of opinion was dissolved, and which continued, through the influence of habitual feelings, to have the name, after it had substan- tially lost all the reality of a government. A re- spect, almost sacred, for the person of their prince, was the only sentiment which, throughout these scenes of confusion and violence, appears to have been participated by all ; and it for a time shielded those who had charge of him from the punishment due to their crimes. His name (though a minor) was the only rallying point left ; but there was in this disorganized commvmity, as in others constituted of similar materials, always a dispo- sition to reunite, which gave to such a centre of common attachment more than ordinary im- portance. The events narrated have utility in another view ; most of the actors are still on the had been greatly diminished. There is good reason to conclude there were not twenty lacks of rupees lost at the battle of Ma- hidpoor. At first this loss was greatly exaggerated, but sub- sequent minute enquiry has reduced it to a much more mode- rate amount. Y 2 324 COURT OF HOLKAR. stage, and from the scenes in which they have borne a part, we may form some judgment of what is Ukely to be their flitm-e conduct. It is, however, now necessary to revert to one, who, though a professed dependant of Holkar, rose, amid the revolutions and changes which have occurred during the last thirty years in In- dia, to an importance that demands a" notice beyond that which has been incidentally given to him in this chapter. CHAPTER VIII. Ameer Khan. Ameer Khan is a native of Siimbul in the province of Mooradabad. His father was a MooUah, or priest, and possessed a small property in land. Ameer Khan and his younger brother KmTeem II Deen left Hindustan when the former was about twenty years of age ; and that he was of some consequence in his native town, is esta- bhshed by his having ten adherents, with whom he entered into the service of the Zemindar * of Ranode in Aheerwarrah f . He was afterwards retained by a Mahratta officer i of the Paishwah, Avho had the management of some districts in Malwa; and from this employment he passed into that of another ^ collector of revenue. In all these services Ameer Khan and his followers * Deleep Singh. t This tract of territory, which contains many districts, lies on the North-east frontier of Malwa. X The name of this officer was Dojee. He was collector of the Punj Mahal of Aroun, Tomyn, &c. near Seronge. § Nuttee Khan, manager of Shujahalpuor. AMEER KHAN. were employed as Sebundy, or local militia, with an average pay of three or four rupees a mai], and from ten to fifteen to him as their com- mander. Brighter prospects, however, soon opened to the young soldier. The troubles which ensued at the petty court of Bhopal, on the death of the minister Chutta Khan, led to the entertainment of a number of men by the different parties ; and Ameer Khan, with six horsemen and sixty foot, was enlisted by Hyat Mahomed Khan * ; with whom he remained about twelve months, when he joined Doorjun Lai and Jye Singh, ex-chiefs of Ragooghur, who, expelled from thefr country by Dowlet Row Sindia, subsisted by plundering the fields they had once cultivated. Ameer Khan distinguished himself in one of the first actions that these Rajpoot chiefs had with their Mahratta enemies ; in consequence of w hich he was raised to the command of five hundred men, presented with a palanquin, and became a personage of some importance in this pre- datory army, which consisted of about fifteen thousand men. But his farther advancement was * He was entertained by Ilimut Row, the Dewan of Hyat Mahomed Khan. By a strange change of fortune Himut Row afterwards became the Dewan of the Jemadar, when the latter was raised to the rank of Nabob ; and the son of this Hindu (Duttee Ram) is at the present moment the principal man of business of Ameer Khan. AMEER KHAN. prevented by an affray with some Rajpoots, in which he was so severely wounded by stones, that he lay three months at Seronge, before he had strength to move out. This affaii' led to his separation from Doorjun Lai, and his entrance into the service of the Mahratta chief, Balaram Ingha, who was at the same crisis deeply en- gaged in the disputes at Bhopal. Balaram Inglia increased Ameer Khan's party to fifteen hundred men, and confided to him the fort of Futtyghur, which he was obliged to abandon, as has been before stated; but this seeming reverse in his fortune proved its happiest juncture, for it led to his adopting the cause of Jeswunt Row Holkar, as the associate of whose fortunes he rose to a fame that made him for many years eminent among the disturbers of the public peace The connexion of Ameer Khan with Jeswunt Row Holkar was first that of equality ; but the rank of the latter, his being at the head of a sovereignty, and his more energetic character, soon established the relation of prince and dependant. Jeswunt Row, however, always continued to call the Pa- tan leader his brother, and to treat him in a dis- tinguished manner from that shewn to his other officers. Ameer Khan was sole commander of his own army, entertained and dismissed whom he chose, and this made him in a degree inde- pendent ; but his condition was little to be en- 327 328 AMEER KHAN. vied. His followers, who were always much more numerous than he had any means of pay- ing, were in a state of constant mutiny, and for more than half of every year their chief was under restraint ; the consequence was, that his conduct was always more regulated by the clamours of this turbulent rabble, and the necessity of provid- ing for their support, than by any regular system of policy. The excesses of Ameer Khan's Patans at Saugor have been noticed ; but that was far sur- passed at Poona, where he was seized by a party A.D 1803. of them, and not only beat and bruised, but almost strangled with his own turban, which they fasten- ed round his neck. Though Jeswunt Row re- pressed and punished this act of violence*, he too was compelled, on many occasions, to soothe and humour the turbulent spirits of the free- booters. Hindu feeling was outraged by their continuing to slaughter cowsf close to the city * Jeswunt Row seized and confined Ghous Mahomed Khan, and some offending Patans, who committed this outrage. He desired to put them to death, but Ameer Khan interceded, fearing the consequences of such a step among a race whose sense of honour impels them to revenge real or supposed \ wrongs. t The cow is a sacred animal with the Hindus, who not only abstain from eating the flesh of cattle, but deem killing them a capital crime, and it is constantly punished as such. TheMahrattas of the lowest tribe have this feeling. D. R. Sin- dia, when I was at his court, A. D. 1802, offered an additional cession of territory, if 1 would introduce an article in his treaty AMEER KHAX. 329 of Poona; and the license they ostentatiously exercised in this particular may be received as a proof of the insolent and domineering spirit, in which they acted on all occasions. It was the constant object of Jeswunt Row to employ them at a distance ; and he appears to have considered them more as a body of plunderers, whose general movement he could direct through his connexion with their leader, than as an inte- gral portion of his army, whose services he could at all times command. They, on the other hand, were sensible of the advantages they derived from acting in the name of one of the recognized India governments ; and the main influence by which Ameer Khan retained his precarious rank as their chief, was his forming the link that at- tached this band of depredators to the house of Holkar. The history of Ameer Khan is comprehended in that of Jeswunt Row till their separation after the return of the latter from Hindustan. He at that period entered the service of Jugguth Singh, Raja of Jeypoor, who engaged his aid in an approach- ing contest with the Raja of Joudpoor, for the disputed hand of the daughter of the Odeypoor with the British, that should prevent their slaughtering cows within the limits of the territories he had been compelled to cede ; and though it was a period of famine, several persons were executed for killing cows. 330 AMEEll KHAK. Rana *. The latter family is the highest in rank among the Rajpoots, and an alliance with it has always been esteemed the greatest honour to which a prince of that tribe can aspire. The princess Kishen Kowur added to her high birth the repu- tation of extraordinary beauty. She had been betrothed to the deceased Bheem Singh, Raja of Joudpoor. On his death Maun Singh f , a distant * The celebrated but now fallen family of the Rajas or princes of Odeypoor are considered by many (I believe erroneously) to be descended from Porus, who opposed the progress of Alex- ander the Great. 'Ihere can, however, be no doubt that they are among the most ancient and renowned of the princes of In- dia, and that they formerly possessed the whole of that tract now termed Raj pootana, or the country of the Rajpoots, which is situated between the Western part of the province of Agra and the North-east of Guzerat.- It has Malwa as its boundary to the East, and the Sandy Desert to the West. Its extreme length is computed at 330 miles, and its breadth in the broad- est part 200. The chief states are the Rajas of Jeypoor, Joudpoor, and Odeypoor. The territories of the former are the most fertile. Those of Joudpoor, or Marwar, as it is more commonly called, are still very extensive ; while Odeypoor, or Mewar, is now a limited and desolate principality, but it is fast reviving under the liberal protection it has received from the British government. The whole of Raj pootana is a suc- cession of hills and narrow valleys. t It was settled at Maun Singh's elevation, that if any of the Ranees had a son, he should be Raja. This posthumous pretender to the throne was not brought forward for two years ; and the circumstance of the reputed mother (Sevai Singh's sister) denying the fact of its being hers, and his being brought AMEER KHAN. 331 relation, succeeded to the throne ; but two years afterwards Sevai Singh (who had been minister to Bheem Singh) brought forward a real or supposed son of that prince, in support of whose claims he formed a strong party ; and as one means of accomplishing his ends, he used every effort to render the princes of Joudpoor and Jeypoor im- placable enemies. With the knowledge that Maun Singh cherished hopes of obtaining the hand of the Odeypoor princess, Sevai Singh insti- gated Jugguth Singh *, the Raja of Jeypoor, to demand her in marriage, and this prince, inflamed by the accounts of her beauty, fell immediately into the snare. A negotiation was opened with the Rana of Odeypoor for the hand of his daughter, and the marriage seemed at one period forward by Sevai Singh, a discontented minister, has led to a belief, that the child Dhokul Singh was spurious. The point, however, appears never to have been clearly established. * Jugguth Singh was a weak, dissolute prince, who devoted himself to sensual pleasures. The history of his low amours, and of those who were elevated by him as favourites, would be received as an incredible tale. Ruskapoor, a Mahomedan dancing-girl, was raised to the first rank in the principality. He followed himself in her train of attendants, and gave her great estates. The high Rajpoot females of his family were ordered to salute and visit her as their superior ; but they re- jected the command, offering to swallow poison or stab them- selves if he desired it, but they never would, they said, conde- scend to the degradation of placing themselves on a level with a female of her character. 332 AMEER KHAN. certain; but the art of Sevai Singh was farther employed to prevent such a result, and the Raja of Joudpoor was excited not only to insist upon his prior claim to the hand of the disputed princess, but to adopt violent measures to arrest the progress of his rival's suit. It is neither necessary to detail the intrigues that took place, nor to enter into the particulars of the war that ensued ; every feeling that could excite Rajpoot princes to desperate hostility Avas inflamed, and assistance was solicited from all quarters. The British government was in vain in- treated to interfere. * Sindia gave his countenance to enable two of his most unprincipled partizans, Bappojee Sindia and Sirjee Row Ghatkia, to subsist their 23redatory bands upon the quarrels of these Rajpoot chiefs, while Holkar made them, as has been before stated, the still more baneful present of Ameer Khan and his Patans. The consequence was, the almost comi3lete de- struction of both principalities. That of Jey- poor expended, at the lowest computation, one crore and twenty lacks of rupees in prosecution of this unhappy war, which, although successful * When I was at Delhi with Lord Lake in 1805, every argument was tried, and every offer made by the Jeypoor Vakeels to engage me to become the advocate of their mas- ter's cause, and to give him the support of an English force. Aid from the British government was subsequently solicited by the Raja of Joudpoor, who desired to purchase it by ces- sions of territory. AMEER KHAX. at the commencement, terminated in disgrace and defeat. Sevai Singh, when he saw Maun Singh com- pletely involved, renewed liis demand in favour of Dhokul Singh, the posthumous prince, whose pre- tensions he supported. On the Raja's having recom'se to evasion, he not only left hun, but pre- vailed upon almost every other chief to desert ; and Maun Singh, who had taken the field, was, in consequence, obliged to fly, attended by only a few adherents ; leaving his camp to l^e plundered ]3y Jugguth Singh and his auxiharies. The misfortunes of Maun Singh did not termi- nate with this reverse : he was pursued to Joudpoor, and his whole country was overrun l^y his enemies. Dhokul Singh was proclaimed Raja, and the alle- giance of almost every Rhattore chief transferred to the young prince. The contest appeared deci- ded, yet still the courage of Maun Singh, and of the few troops who remained faithful to him, was unsubdued. He had early endeavoured to divide his enemies, and the difficulties attendant on a lengthened siege now promoted his efforts. Ameer Khan listened to his overtm'es ; and, on the usual pretext of want of pay, separated from the besieging army, and began to plunder and levy contrilmtions indiscriminately over the dis- tricts of Joudpoor and Jeypoor. The interest of almost every chief of the latter state was affect- ed by his excesses in laying waste their lands, 334 A^rEEH Kir AX. and tlieir clamours obliged Jviggiith Singh to de- tach a force to punish the Patau leader; who at first retreated towards Tonk, but having been rein- forced by some battalions and guns, he attacked and defeated the Jeypoor troops. After this suc- cess, which was very complete. Ameer Khan was expected at Jeypoor, the inhabitants of which were thrown into great consternation ; but on this, as on many other occasions, he shewed that he was only a leader of freebooters. Shunning, from apprehension of danger, the great prize of victory, he contented himself with plundering in the vicinity of the capital, which was out of danger the moment that its inhabitants reco- vered from their panic. The intelligence of the discomfiture of the Jey- poor troops spread such dismay and confusion in the besieging army, that Jugguth Singh determined to return to his capital, and offered a large sum to the auxiliaries sent by Sindia to convey him there in safety. The cannon and spoils taken in his first action were sent in front; and some Rhattore chiefs, who had remained faithful to Maun Singh, but, from becoming objects of his suspicion, had been obliged to leave Joudpoor, now determined to give their prince a convincing proof of their fidelity ; and having concerted an attack upon the troops escorting the trophies of their country's disgrace, they completely defeated them, retook foity pieces of ordnance, with much other booty, AMEER KHAN. 335 and, having effected a junction with Ameer Khan, marched with that chief in triumph to Joudpoor. The fortunes of Maun Singh were restored by these events; but, while his enemy Sevai Singh lived, he entertained the most serious appre- hensions. That chief had taken refuge in Nagore. The Raja entreated Ameer Khan to march against him, and made him an advance of two lacks of rupees, promising future wealth and favour as the reward of success in this important enterprise. The Patau leader undertook the service, but seems from the first to have trusted more to ait than force, for its accomplishment. He moved to within a few miles of Nagore, and under a pre- text of discontent, caused by some discoveries he had made of the ingratitude of Maun Singh, he made overtures to establish a connexion with Sevai Singh. The latter suspected treachery; but the officer employed by Ameer Khan, pledged himself for the fidelity of his commandant, and obtained a promise that he would visit his leader. The Rajpoot chief faltered when the time for fulfilling his promise arrived; but Ameer Khan went to meet him, and succeeded, by protestations and oaths, in lulling him into complete security. The consequence was, he went to the camp of his supposed friend, and was murdered*, with the * The following is an account of this transaction, as stated by a respectable eye-witness : — " Mahomed Shah Khan succeeded by his protestations in 336 AHEER KHAN. great majority of those hy whom he was ac- companied. " persuading Sevai Singh to promise a visit to Ameer Khan ; " but when the hour came, the Rajpoot chief, who probably " had received some inteUigence of the designs against his life, " hesitated. Ameer Khan, when he learned his irresolution, *' mounted, and proceeded with a few followers lo the shrine of " a IMahomedan saint, close to the walls of Nagore. He was " here joined by Sevai Singh, whom he reproached for his " fears, and asked him if he thought it possible that a man who " cherished evil designs, could shew such confidence as he " had that day done, by placing himself in the power of the *' person he meant to betray? Sevai Singh confessed his error. " Presents, dresses, and even turbans (a pledge of brother- " hood) were exchanged, and Ameer Khan swore, at the tomb " of the saint, to be faithful to his new ally : who was per- " suaded to go next day to his camp, where splendid prepara- " tions were made for his reception, and a number of chiefs " appointed to meet him. The troops were under arms, some " on pretext of doing honour to the visitor, others apparently " at exercise. The guns were loa-ded with grape, and pointed " at the quarters prepared for the Raja, who with his principal " adherents, to the number of two hundred, were seated in a " large tent, when it was let fall upon them at a concerted sig- *' nal, and while the officers of Ameer Khan saved themselves, " all the Rajpoots were inhumanly massacred by showers of " grape and musquetry from every direction. Of seven hun- " dred horse that accompanied Sevai Singh, and continued " mounted near the tent, only two hundred escaped ; the rest *' were slain, and a number of Ameer Khan's people, among " whom was one of his own relations, fell under the promiscu- " ous fire of the cannon. Sevai Singh had been killed by '* grape, but his head was cut off and sent to Maun Singh, " who rewarded Ameer Khan with a Jaghire and a large sum " of money." AMEEE KHAN. Though Sevai Singli, as the author of a war which brought ruin on his country, may be con- sidered to have merited his fate, that fact in no degree extenuates the deep guilt of Ameer Khan, who evinced on this occasion that he was alike destitute of humanity and principle. It was during these proceedings that Holkar became insane, and Ameer Khan, after taking and sacking Nagore, was compelled to come to Bampoora. His conduct when there has been narrated, as well as his expedition into the terri- tories of Nagpoor. Some unadjusted disputes between the families of Holkar and Bhonslah were the pretext of this invasion*, but the object was plunder. Ameer Khan had left his infantry and guns at Joudpoor under Mahomed Shah * Ameer Khan stated that he acted by orders of Holkar's government; but when the Governor-general addressed a letter to Jeswunt Row Holkar, demanding an explanation, one was returned written in the true style of Mahratta diplomacy. That Prince was made by his ministers to disclaim all hostile intentions against the Nagpoor Raja. It was asserted that when Ameer Khan entered the tenitories of the Bhonslah, he was directed, instead of committing injury, to extend protection to them; and in consequence of the Governor- general's letter, these orders were promised to be repeated. This letter, probably dictated by Ameer Khan himself, ad- mitted the fact of the invasion of this host of freebooters; but added, that it was made with the most friendly views. It suited the policy of the moment to admit this evasion. VOL. I. Z , 337 338 AMEEK KHAN. Khan ; but his ranks, in the plundering excursion he now engaged in, were swelled by all the Pin- darries, and by the Nabob of Bhopal, whose hostility to Ragojee Bhonslah made him the for- ward and zealous aUy of that prince's enemies. The dissolution of the Holkar state, the dis- tractions that prevailed in the government of Sin- dia, the seditious spirit evinced by many of the Nizam's subjects, combined with the large army under Ameer Khan (whose reputation was now at its zenith), led to a very general conclusion, that he cherished plans of restoring the Mahomedan pow- er; and there can be no doubt, that had he been a man of great talent, either as a statesman or military commander, the period was most favour- able ; but there is every ground to believe that he at no time seriously entertained any such de- signs. His Patans were continually exclaiming, that the prediction of a holy mendicant that he would be sovereign of Delhi, was nearly accom- plished ; but he does not appear to have encou- raged such expressions or sentiments ; and not only professed to act in the name of Holkar, but never took one step towards establishing any power beyond that of the leader of a predatory army, which it was his object to keep together, and subsist, by every means that the prevailing anarchy placed within his power. After Ameer Khan returned from Nagpoor, AMEER KHAN. 339 and relieved Jeswunt Row and his family from Dherma Kowur, he became the chief actor in a tragedy, in which a good end was obtained by a deed which revolts every feeling of huma- nity, A reconciliation between the Rajas of Jeypoor and Joudpoor was an object of just and wise policy; and it suited the views of the Patau chief to promote its accomplishment. It was proposed, that this shoidd be effected by a double marriage. Jugguth Singh was to espouse the daughter of Maun Singh, and the latter the sister of his rival and enemy. To propitiate these nuptials, it was conceived that the honour of all parties required the death of Kishen Kowur, the princess of Odeypoor. The question of this sacri- fice was agitated when Ameer Khan was at Odey- poor, and that chief urged it strongly on the counsellors* of the Prince, representing the diffi- cidty of establishing peace while the cause of the war existed, and then pointing out the impossi- a.d.i?io. bility, without offending the two most powerful Rajpoot rulers in India, of giving his daughter to any other chief. To these he added argimients well suited to the high, though mistaken, pride of a Rajpoot, regarding the disgrace of having in his * He is stated never to have proposed it direct to the Rana. The Thakoor Adjeit Singh, of Koorawa, was the Rajpoot lord, who is reproached with being his instrument upon this memo- rable occasion. z '2 AMEER KHAN. family an unmarried davighter. It is stated, and for the honour of human nature let us believe it, that neither arguments nor threats could induce the father to become the executioner of his child, or even to urge her to suicide ; but his sister Chand Bhye was gained to the cruel cause of policy, and she presented the chalice to Kishen Kowur, intreating her to save her father, fa- mily, and tribe, from the struggles and miseries to which her high birth and evil destiny exposed them. The appeal was not in vain : she drank three poisoned cups, and before she took the last, which proved instantly fatal, she exclaimed, " This " is the marriage to which I was foredoomed." All were acquainted with what was passing in the palace ; and the extraordinary beauty and youth of the victim excited a feeling, which was general in a degree that is rare among the inhabitants of India. This account is written from the report of several persons who were on the spot, and they agree in stating that the particulars of Kishen Kowur's death were no sooner spread through the town of Odeypoor than loud lamentations burst from every quarter, and expressions of pity at her fate were mingled with execrations on the weak- ness and cowardice of those who could purchase safety on such terms. In a short period after this tragical event, the public feeling was again excited by the death of tlie mother of the prin- cess, who never recovered the shock she re- AMEER KHAN. 341 ceived at the first intelligence of the fate of her beautiful* and cherished daughter. If it is to the disgrace of the nobility of Odeypoor that one of them (Adjeit Singh, a man of high rank, who pos- sessed unbounded influence over the mind of his prince) proved base enough to act throughout as the instrument of Ameer Khan, the charac- ter of this proud race was redeemed by the conduct of Sugwan Singh, chief of KaiTadur, who, the mo- ment he heard of the proceedings in the palace, hastened from his residence to Odeypoor, and dis- mounting from a breathless horse, went unceremo- niously into the presence of his prince, whom he found seated with several of his ministers in appa- rent affliction. " Is the princess dead or alive ? " was his impatient interrogation : to which, after a short pause, Adjeit Singh replied by in treating him "not to disturb the grief of a father for a " lost child." The old chief immediately un- buckled his sword, which, with his shield, he laid at * I visited the court of Odeypoor in March 1821, eleven years after the occurrence of the events I have stated, and possessed complete means of verifying every fact. I could have no doubt of the beauty of Kishen Kowur, after seeing her brother Juan Singh, the present heir to the Musnud, whom she is said to have exactly resembled. His complexion is very fair, and his fea- tures are fine ; and though they have that softness which cha- racterizes Hindu physiognomy, they are full of animation and intelligence. 342 AMEER KHAN. the feet of the Maha Rana*, saying, in a calm but resolute tone: " My ancestors have served yours " for more than thirty generations, and to you I " cannot utter what I feel; but these arms shall " never more be used in your service. As to " you, villain !" he exclaimed, turning to Adjeit Singh, " who have brought this ignominy upon " the Rajpoot name, may the curse of a father " light upon you ! may you die childless !" He retired from the assembly, leaving, according to the account of those that were present, an impres- sion of awe and horror in the minds of all who heard him. Sugwan Singh lived for eight years after this occurrence ; but, though he continued in his allegiance, he never could be prevailed upon to resume his arms. The last child of Adjeit Singh died a short time ago, and the event was deemed by the superstitious Rajpoots a fulfihnent of the cvu'se that had been pronounced upon him. He maintained his influence over the mind of his weak prince till very lately, when he was dis- graced f, to the joy of the inhabitants of Odeypoor, who continued to consider him as the chief cause of the self-murder of their regretted princess. Ameer Khan proceeded from Odeypoor to * Maha Rana means Great Prince, the title by which the rulers of Odeypoor are always distinguished. t The intelligence of his disgrace, and the sentiments of joy it had caused, were communicated to me by Captain Todd, Political Agent at Odeypoor, in June 18'21. AMEER KHAN. d4 Joudpoor; and from the period that the disputes between the latter and Jeypoor were settled, his Mahomedan bands ranged over every part of iq{2?{-^ Rajpootana that presented the slightest hopes of plunder. These scenes of pillage were only inter- rupted by occasional mutinies of the troops, the quarrels of their commanders, and the protracted 1814-15. resistance of fortified places. A few years had brought the principality of Joudpoor to the lowest state of poverty and dis- traction, when the minister Induraj, aided by Deo- nath, the spiritual instructor* of Maun Singh, who exercised complete influence over the mind of that prince, determined on an effort to clear the country of its destroyers. Ameer Khan was de- sired to depart. He did not refuse to do so, but he urged an immediate settlement of his pecuniary claims. This was complied with to the extent of the ability of the state, and all appeared in the best train of arrangement. The Patau chief had left the town, and a few of his troops only re- mained to enforce some payments which were still due. These had placed Induraj in restraint; and in an affray which ensued, both that minis- ter and the Hindu priest were slain by these tur- bulent men, whose insolent and domineering habits had now reached such an extreme as gave colour to the protestations of Ameer Khan, that he was — . — . ,j_ ^ — ■ * The name of this man was Gooroo (priesi) Natjee. AMEER KHAN. innocent of this crime ; but there is every reason to conclude it was perpetrated with his knowledge, and indeed by his direction. Maun Singh was so shocked and alarmed at this proceeding*, that he instantly affected the condition of a religious re- cluse, whose mind was abstracted from all worldly concerns. He spoke to no person, allowed his beard to grow, and soon had the appearance of one who, though he continued to exist, was dead to all the cares and interests of life. On his re- maining some time in this state, his son Chutter Singh (who is supposed to have been concerned in the murder of the minister and priest) took upon himself the duties of the government, and exer- cised them till his death, which happened about two years ago, when his father, confident in the protection of the British government, recovered from his feigned insanity, and reascended the throne. Ameer Khan did not return to Joudpoor. He was, during the ensuing two years, sufficiently occupied in plundering Jeypoor, against one fortf * He was particularly affected at the murder of his Gooroo Deonath, to whose tenets (those of the Jullender sect) he had devoted himself, to the great offence of his relations and sub- jects. This religious feeling is supposed to have led Maun Singh to prefer strangers, and to form his guards, and other corps, of Patans, Gosseins, See instead of confiding, as his ancestors had done, in his Rhattore soldiers. To this source most of the misfortunes of his reign are to be traced. t Maddoo Rajapoor. AMEER KHAN. 345 of which he had been engaged for nine months ; and he was found carrying on this siege with a mutinous army, when the British force under Sir a.d. I8i7. David Ochterlony advanced into Rajpootana to co-operate in the general suppression of that pre- datory system, of which he and his adherents were deemed the principal supporters. The Pa- tan chief had no prospect of successfid resistance, and the terms proposed and accepted were to him personally most liberal ; for, while they provided for the dispersion of the numerous mass of plun- derers that had formed what was termed his army, they made a princely provision for its commander. All the countries he held from the Holkar state were confirmed (making nearly an annual revenue of fifteen lacks of rupees), and the fort and district of Rampoora have since been added as a gratui- tous boon from the English government. Ameer Khan had cherished some expectations that were disappointed; and this, added to the discontents and reproaches of his disbanded fol- lowers, kept his mind, for a period after he had submitted to the proffered terms, in a state of great irritation, which, however, appears to have sub- sided. The generosity of the Governor-general has, no doubt, aided to produce this effect; but the Patau leader is a cautious calculator: his prudence has sometimes brought suspicion on his courage, and the chief, who abstained from hostility with the British government when he might have mar- 346 AMEER KHAN. shalled half the plunderers of India under his standard, is not likely again to disturb the gene- ral tranquillity. Besides, as far as regards im- pression, which was his principal source of power, the illusion is dissipated ; and it may be asserted, that few men ever retked from a scene of great operations less respected than Ameer Khan. By the court of Holkar he is naturally viewed as a person who has deserted and despoiled the sovereignty, to which he owed his rise; and when he desired to interfere * as a mediator between this government and the EngUsh, both before and subsequent to the treaty of Mun- dissor, a rancorous feeling of hostility was evinced by all parties against him ; yet it must be acknowledged, that, if there be any redeeming good quahty in Ameer Khan, it is the regard and friendship he uniformly shewed for his fiiend and prince (for he acknowledged him as such), Jeswunt Row Holkar. This attachment led him to make every effort to wean the latter from his dissolute habits f. It made him most zealous to * I received, both before and subsequent to the treaty, se- veral letters from Ameer Khan, expressive of his anxious desire to interfere in the affairs of the Molkar state, which I told him, in answer to every communication, never could be permitted. t The dissipation of Jeswunt Row Holkar appears to have reached its height at Poona, where the intoxication of victory, aided by a large supply of clierry-brandy, of which he was AMEER KHAN. 347 recover him fi'om insanity ; and in the action with Dherma near Sadree, Ameer Khan, as has been stated, exposed his person in a manner that did honour to him. The most prejudiced of Ameer Khan's enemies gave him the merit of this at- tachment, and of steady friendship to ZaHm Singh, the able Regent of Kotah. The past hfe of Ameer Khan has received more notice, fi'om his furnishing an example of a chief at the head of a numerous armed rabble, who subsisted during a long period upon tlie quarrels of the weak and distracted native states of India. A few observations will throw light on his cha- racter and condition. Ameer Khan sought and olitained lands for his support, but he never, though he had frequent opportunities, kept for himself any of tlie many fortified places which came into his possession ; nor does it appear that he ever cherished views of establishing a separate and independent power. This may, perhaps, be regarded as a proof of his judgment. His success, in such an attempt, wovdd at all times have been very problematical, and his failure would have reduced him to complete insignificance. He well knew the insecm'e foun- iminoderately fond, led to great and shameful excesses, with which he was openly and boldly taxed by Ameer Khan. He was not offended at the freedom of the latter, promised amendment, and kept his word for a few days, when he relapsed into his usual habits. 348 AMEER KHAN. dation on which he stood; for the man who appeared to those at a distance as the head of the Mahomedan soldiery of India, was reminded by the daily mutinies of the rapacious mercenaries under him that he was merely their instrument. Whatever may have been the motives and end of his former actions, the temptations to such guilt are now past ; nor can he again have the plea of that necessity which his advocates have brought forward to excuse or palliate his excesses. Let us hope that he will understand his present condi- tion, and seek, by the good management and im- provement of his territories, the continued favour and protection of the British government. CHAPTER IX. Nabobs of Bhopal. The account given of the principal Mahratta families, and of Ameer Khan, comprises much of the history of Central India during the last hundred years ; but there were subordinate actors throughout the whole, or the greater part of this period, whose names cannot be omitted without leaving in obscurity much of what relates to that region. A short account of the Bhopal family, and of the Mahomedan leaders of the Pindarries, with a brief notice of the principal Rajpoot chiefs who have been destroyed, or who have survived the extension of the Mahratta power, and of the Grassiahs, Soandees, Bheels, and other plunderers who have been raised into importance by the anarchy of the last thirty years, will complete Avhat is necessary on this part of the subject. Mahomedan and Hindu authorities, though they agiee as to the principal facts in the life of Dost Mahomed, the founder of the Bhopal family, 350 NABOBS OF BHOPAL. are at variance with regard to several of the de - tails connected with his estabHshment of inde- pendent power. This chief came, when young, from Afghanis- tan to Delhi, where he entered the service of a nobleman * of the same Afghan tribe (the Mi- raj ee Kheil) to which he himself belonged. Dost Mahomed appears shortly after his arrival to have quitted the service of his countryman, and entered that of the Emperor Aunmgzebe. He was one of a party detached into Malwa, where he succeeded in bringing himself to the notice of the Governor of the province by his gallantry, and was in consequence rewarded by a nomination to the superintendence of the district of Bersiahf, the revenues of which are stated to have been then greatly reduced by the unceasing depreda- tions of freebooters. The progress of Dost Mahomed subsequent * The name of this nobleman was Jelal Khan. t Bersiah is stated to have only yielded a revenue of fifteen thousand rupees when Dost Mahomed was nominated to the charge of it, which is lower than ever this fertile district has been reduced to during the last troubles. It forms, however, if the fact be correct, a criterion to judge of the condition of the empire during the last years of Aurungzebe. Bersiah yielded when recovered from the Pindarries in 1225 Fuslee, forty-four thousand and nine hundred rupees. This year, 1227 Fuslee, its revenue is eighty-five thousand and three hundred rupees. (Henley's MSS,J NABOBS OF BHOPAL. 351 to this period was very rapid. He obtained his first wealth by a connexion with a Hindu family*, formed under circumstances that have subjected his memory to reproach; and his most partial biographers admit that his efforts to obtain power were unchecked by any scruples as to the means to be employed. His capture of Jugdespoorf ; the murder of its Hindu proprietor ; his assisting Newal Shah, the Raja of Gunnour, to destroy his enemy the Raja of Chynpoor Barree i, are deeds * Dost Mahomed, according to a Hindu writer, had become intimate with Anund Singh, the Hindu Thakoor, or lord of Munghalghur, who having gone to Delhi on business, left his JNlahumedan friend in charge of his affairs and family. Anund Singh died in Hindustan, and when the intelligence of his demise reached his family, his children, who were all young, could ^ oppose no resistance to their jNlahomedan guardian, who, it is asserted, converted the whole of the property they should have inherited to his own use. The more favourable accounts of this transaction state, that Dost Mahomed obtained the daugh- ter of Anund Singh in marriage; and with her inherited the greater portion of her father's possessions. t The loss of some baggage plundered by the Hindu Ze- mindar of Jugdespoor, whom his superior the Gond Raja of Chynpoor Barree was unable to punish, led Dost Mahomed Khan to revenge himself by attacking this chief; and he is said to have taken advantage of the family being assem- bled at a feast, to surprise and massacre the whole of them. The name of this village, Jugdespoor, was changed into Islamnuggur, and became the capital of Dost Mahomed. \ The wife and mother of the Raja Chynpoor Barree pre- ferring death to dishonour, fired a magazine, and were killed 352 NABOBS OF BHOPAL. which prove the fact, though at the same time they estabhsh the claim to corn-age and enterprise of this military adventm^er. Newal Shah, by whom his advancement was so much promoted, was in turn deceived and destroyed. This Hindu chief had made over the town and lands of Bhopal to the Mahomedan soldier, in order that he might settle there with his family and their adherents, whom he had invited from Afghanistan. Some tune after their arrival, Newal Shah was attacked by the Imperial troops, which, however, with the aid of his Afghan auxiliaries, he defeated *. He was on this occasion so well pleased with Dost Maho- med, that he assigned a residence for him and his family in his capital, Gunnour. This imprudent kindness, according to the Hindu narrator, sug- gested a stratagem (very common in Indian his- tory) which was carried into immediate execution. One hundred Doolies, or litters, close covered, and supposed to contain females and children, were filled with armed men, who were admitted, with by the explosion. He himself, however, found means to escape to Seronge, where he was poisoned by a servant for his jewels. A younger son of this family became a Mahomedan, and obtained a Jaghire of twenty-four thousand rupees, which has continued to his descendants. * The writer here followed asserts that Dost INIahomed took three guns from the Delhi general on this occasion, which are still in the possession of the Bhopal family. NABOBS OF BHOPAL. 353 unsuspecting confidence, into the fort, where they rose upon the garrison, and soon made themselves masters of the place*. Dost Mahomed, after he had captured Gunnour, greatly increased his army, and adopted mea- sures to enable him to preserve the tenitories he had obtained, which included all that have ever belonged to his successors. He built a citadel within the limits of the town of Bhopal, which he named Futtyghur ; and having con- ■ nected this with the town and inclosed the latter by a wall, gave to the whole a security which was indispensable to the object he meditated, of increasing the population and prosperity of his capital. About three years before the death of Dost Mahomed Khan, Nizam ul Mulk, who was pro- * This, though an old stratagem in Indian history, may have been the mode adopted of seizing the place ; at any rate there is little doubt that the place was taken possession of by some undue means. It does not, however, appear whether this event took place prior to the death of Newal Shah, or not; the account only states that the Raja of Gunnour had no issue but two nephews, one of whom endeavoured to poison him. He did not succeed altogether, but reduced the Raja to such a state of debility, that he never recovered the use of his faculties. His Ranies survived him many years, the last of them having died subsequent to the death of the Nabob Fyze Mahomed. These ladies were always treated with marked attention at Bhopal. VOL. I. 2 A 854 NABOBS OF BHOPAL. ceediiig towards the Deckan from Malwa (of which province he had been for a short time Go- vernor), sought the friendship of the Afghan chief against the court of Delhi, which threatened him with an attack. Dost Mahomed, from political motives, not only declined the Nizam's alliance, but acceded to the requisition of his enemies, by aiding them with a force under his brother*, who was slain in an action that ensued, in which the Nizam obtained the victory. The Afghan chief, alarmed at having incurred the resentment of so powerful a prince, offered his only son as an hostage for his future good conduct. The Nizam, satisfied with this pledge, left him in tranquil possession of the countries he had subdued and formed into a principaUty. Dost Mahomed died at the age of sixty-six. His character is very differently given by Hindu and Mahomedan writers. The former impute cruelty' A. 0.1/23. and treachery to him in the capture of Jugdes- poor, which is denied by his Mahomedan bio- graphers. The facts, however, of his immediately %j changing the name of the village to that of Islam- nuggur, or the city of the faith, and of the river near it to the Halalee, or the lawful, evince a spirit of bigotry which might at once prove the source and excuse in his mind for crimes that he would otherwise have abhorred. His ambition is * Meer Mahomed Khan, NABOBS OF BHOPAL. admitted by all, and every account agrees as to the combined perfidy and violence by which he gained possession of Chynpoor BaiTee and Gunnom\ He assmned the title of Nawaub after the death of Au- rungzebe, and it was amid the distractions of that period that he formed the principality of Bho- pal. ^^^atever might have been his defects, there can be no doubt of his talents. He was deemed, even in a tribe where valour is a common quality, a man of remarkable courage. His life was for more than thirty years one scene of war- fare ; he had received in action above thirty wounds ; and his memory as a soldier is still fondly cherished by the family of which he was the founder. On the death of Dost Mahomed Khan, the mi- nisters at the petty court of Bhopal elevated Sultan Mahomed Khan to the Musnud, or throne, to the prejudice of his elder, though illegitimate, brother, Yar Mahomed Khan, who had been earned to the Deckan as an hostage by Nizam ul Mulk. The pre- text for this act was the absence of Yar Mahomed Khan ; but the real motive was a desire to conduct the affairs of the state during a long minority. Sul- tan Mahomed Khan was a child of seven or eight years of age, while his absent brother was a youth of eighteen or twenty. The attempt, however, was not successful. The cause of Yar Mahomed Khan was espoused by Nizam ul Mulk, and he was sent 2 A 2 350 NABOBS OF BHOPAL. to Bhopal with the title of Nabob * escorted by a thousand horse. No opposition was made to his return ; but though Sultan Mahomed Khan was compelled l)y the Patau chiefs to abdicate, they would not instal Yar Mahomed as prince, for being an illegitimate son, on the pretext that the usages of his tribe prohibited his inheriting the name of prince, though there was no objection to his exer- cising all the royal functions f . The arrangements which took place on this occasion deserve more notice, as they explain the origin of feelings which still exist, and give to the Patau colony at Bhopal a very peculiar constitution. When Dost Mahomed had, after his first successes, invited his brethren and kinsmen to join him, they were accompanied by his elder brother, Akul Mahomed Khan, who be- ing at the head of a party attached to the usages of their country, with a view to keep these un- * He also received from Nizam ul Mulk the high insignia of the Maha Muratib, or the dignity of the Fish, one of the first ho- nours of the Moghul empire. This is still assumed as a heredi- tary honour by the Nabobs of Bhopal. t Major Henley states in his notes upon the Bhopal family, that the arran * He was at Madooghur. t He succeeded to the title of Raja of Ragooghur, in the Hindu month of Koomar, in the year of the Sunibhut 185.-"J, or, AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 475 destruction. Tlieir malignity is described as hav- ing given Bulwunt Singh an uncommon interest in his son, whom he took, according to the histo- rian of his family, every pains to instruct both as a scholar and a soldier. We have no evidence of the progress made by the young prince in learn- ing, but he early shewed that in personal heroism lie was excelled by none ; and even before the death of Doorjun Lai, with whom his first efforts were associated, Jye Singh had established a name for courage and enterprise that rendered him for- midable to the IVIahrattas. But the admii^ation which his followers granted to his valour must have been mixed with fear and horror at his vio- lence, of which he gave some terrible proofs. The most remarkable may be selected as an example : a short period before the death of Doorjun Lai, Jye Singh, having through his own rashness been defeated by one of Sindia's officers, fled wounded to Boojrunghur, where he confined himself so closely that a rumour of his death was spread, and jjelieved by his nearest relations and most confi- dential officers; some of whom, as was to be ex- pected, began to intrigue and cabal for the suc- cession to his power. The Raja is said to have encouraged the report of his death, that he might discover the real dispositions of those around hun ; but, when recovered from his illness, he appeared quite unconcerned at what had passed, and assum- ed a serenity and gaiety that lulled all into secu-- 476 THE llAJPOOT PIllNCES rity. After the lapse of some months, however, he took advantage of a season of festivity, not only to seize and put to death his kinsmen Lutchmun Singh and Amun Singh, the persons he chiefly suspected, but with the most wanton barbarity he ordered their famihes, without distinction of age or sex, to be sacrificed to his resentment. The mode in which these murders were perpetrated is quite shocking to every feeHng of humanity. The only exculpation* that can be framed for these and similar atrocities is the belief that he was at this period insane ; and the evidence of those who were in the habits of seeing himf, even before he exercised power, sufficiently proves the fact. The misfortunes of his family, and an ardent desire of revenge, are stated, in one account of his life, to have had such an effect upon his mind, that he early devoted himself to the adora- tion of Hunoomaun, and sought, through penances and incantations, an interview with the warrior De- migod t, which he was deceived by an old priest * Jye Singh put several of his own wives to death. t Khealee Ram was sometimes in Doorjun Lai's camp. IJe often saw Jye Singh, and says, that he appeared to him, from his acts and conversation, to be a person not merely of an ungovernable temper, but of unsettled reason. i Hunoomaun is represented as a monkey. His wonderful exploits are celebrated in the Hindu mythological fable of Rama's attack of Rawun, the monarch of Ceylon, who had carried oil' his wife Seetla. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. '477 into a belief that he had obtained. It was, accord- ing to some statements, on this occasion, that his reason first became unsettled ; and it is highly pro- bable that the constant practice of these supersti- tious rites, combined with the use of opium and other intoxicating drugs, acting upon an ardent and impatient temper, rendered him at times de- ranged. His appearance and language indicated frequent intoxication ; but his natural courage, which was great, was increased by this state of continual excitement ; and as his mind was chiefly inflamed with one object, that of determined hos- tihty to the Mahrattas, his Rajpoot followers were disposed to deem his madness inspiration, and they readily pardoned the crimes of a chief, who, they persuaded themselves, was born to be the scourge of their cruel and oppressive enemies. We can on no other ground accoimt for their suffering an intemperate tyrant to commit the numerous mur- ders he did, after he had lost all his possessions, and had no authority left, but Avhat he derived from their continued attachment. The policy of Dowlet Row Sindia, when heA.D. I803. made peace with the British government, was directed to the complete subjection, or rather an- nihilation, of some of his Rajpoot tributaries in Central India, whose lands he desired to incorpo- rate with those of the state. Baptiste, with his corps of infantry and artillery, was employed on this service; and having reduced the neighbouring VOL. I. 2 H 7 478 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES principality of Seopoor, the report of Jye Singh's excesses led him to hope the possessions of that chief would be an easy conquest. The festival of the Hooly, when the Raja and his adherents were known to give way to the greatest indul- gence in liquor, was the moment chosen for at- tack. Boojrunghur was taken, and Ragooghur in- vested, but the latter did not fall till some time afterwards, and during its siege every effort was made by Jye Singh himself to distress an enemy ' whom he had no force to meet in the open field. Among his other exploits, he completely succeed- ed in a well-planned enterprise against Seopoor, which he retook*, and not only obtained considera- * Seopoor was taken on the 3d of June, I8I6. The mode in which it was taken, is described by Captain Close as follows : " Jye Singh approached the fort early in the morning, having, as was believed, an understanding with some of the people within. He applied scaling-ladders to the walls, and mounted in person, with sixty of his men, at a place which led immediately to the citadel, where Baptiste's family re- sided. There was here a guard of only twenty men, with five, half-caste Europeans. The Raja, half-naked, was armed with a spear, and the rest of his party with swords and shields. They overpowered the guard, among whom two of the Euro-' peans were killed, but the Raja also lost ten or twelve men of his own in the struggle. Written orders from Baptiste's son and wife were then sent down to the garrison, consisting , of about two hundred irregulars, desiring them to remain quiet,, as it would cost them their lives if any resistance was made ; accordingly no opposition was oft'ered." — Vide Captain Close's Letter to Government. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 479 ble treasure, but made Baptiste's family piisoners. He afterwards released the wife of that leader; aud this act of consideration was returned by his prin- cesses being allowed to join him when Ragooghur fell. A settlement was more than once proposed by Sindia's commander to the Rajpoot chief; but the objects of the parties were in-econcileable. The consequence was, the contest was continued with redoubled anunosity, and the Mahratta troops being numerous, the districts of Ragooghur were completely occupied by them. Jye Singh, when expelled from his own country, found sub- sistence for himself and adherents l^y invading Sindia's unprotected possessions; but even in this extremity of his fortune he preserved the charac- ter of a prince. He levied contributions only from the officers of government, and refrained fi'om plundering individuals. His range was at one period very extended, having gone as far West as a.d. I8i6. the districts of Nolye and Katchrode, and as far South as Kundwah and Boorhanpoor. His force was entirely composed of horse, and amounted to about five thousand men, many of whom were Rajpoots of his own tribe. His enterprises were not alone directed against the wealth of the coun- try ; the predatory war maintained for seve- ral years against Sindia's commander Baptiste, was prosecuted with an activity and spirit that often reduced that leader, in spite of his superior 480 THE RAJPOOT PRIXCES means, to great distress : at one period a corps *, consisting of two battalions and a number of gmis, was completely defeated, and Jye Singh, who had led his own followers to the charge on this memorable occasion, seemed on the point of recovering his possessions, when his enemies col- lected in such force that he was again compelled to retire. But, though exposed to continual re- verses, his spirit was unbroken, and he had in- fused the same courage into his kindred tribe. The undaunted valour and personal prowess of their prince was the theme of all their Charuns and Bhats (genealogists and minstrels); and an ex- pelled chief, whose country did not produce an annual revenue of three lacks of rupees, occupied for five years a large part of Sindia's force. Nor is it probable, had the British armies not advanced into Central India, that the Mahratta troops, numerous! as they were, would have proved equal to his reduction, as his followers in- creased rather than diminished. These, how- ever, were of different classes; he was person- ally surrounded by between four and five hun- dred of his immediate relations and family adhe- * This corps was commanded by an Armenian ofificer named Aratoon, from whose account, as transmitted to Gualior, the action was not so decided. t There were with Jean Baptiste, acting against Jye Singh, five battaUons, with between thirty and forty guns, and from eight to ten thousand horse, including a number of Pindarries. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 481 rents, who were all well mounted, and so devoted to their leader and his cause, that hardly any su- periority of numbers would induce the Mahratta horse to stand the assault of his band. The re- mainder of his force was made up of hired sol- diers ; and he was able, from the funds obtained at the commencement of the contest, and the con- tributions he levied during its continuance, to pay them with tolerable regularity. The condition of Central India was favourable to Jye Singh, but his hostility was solely directed against the territo- ries of Dowlet Row Sindia ; no other country was attacked, no travellers or merchants plundered, nor was he, except in action, either cruel or vindictive. The scenes of constant activity and enterprise in which he became engaged, are stated to have effected a favourable change in his character. He was, when the English columns reached the Ner- budda, the theme of every tongue, and held forth as an example of a gallant prince struggling to the last against his oppressors. He appears to have long looked forward with anxious hope to the occurrence of war between Sindia and the British government ; and his ardent mind anticipated the restoration, under the auspices of the latter, of his own fortunes, with those of the other Rajpoot chiefs who had lieen subdued by the Mahrattas. The letter which he ad- dressed to an officer* in command of a corps on * Colonel .Mac Morine. VOL. I. 2 I 482 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES the frontier, is a proof of the exaggerated ex- pectations in which he indulged from the events that he saw approaching. After some remarks on the different Rajpoot tribes, and an assertion that the Kychee Chouans, of which he is the head, have the true right to the title of Hinduput, and the sovereignty* which that implies, Jye Singh observes, " As the Maharaja Sindia has desolated " my country, and deprived me of my honour, " besides having carried off property to the amount " of some crores of rupees, it is my earnest wish " to destroy his power. I therefore hope that the " English government will enable me to demand " retribution from my enemy. If the country of " Sindia is made over to me, I wiU agree to pay " six or eight annas in the rupee on all the " collections. *^ The English troops and my horsemen, where- " ever they go, will, from the good fortune of the " English, be victorious, and Sindia shall be de- " stroyed." After some farther remarks on the former power of the Rajpoots, he concludes by saying, " I am well informed that you, English, " intend to destroy the Pindarries: let me have " orders on this subject, and if any chief harbours " these plunderers in his country, or joins with " them, I shall not fail to give information of it.* * That is. to be kings of India. He gives the Sesodians of Odeypoor only the second rank as Rajpoot princes. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 483 " The Pindarries have thnty thousand good " horsemen; this is not hid from you: if the " Enghsh government will advance me funds to " maintain fifteen thousand horse, or five lacks of " rupees, I will destroy these Pindarries. '' Wherever I may suggest that battalions " should be sent, let them be sent; and where " regiments (meaning cavalry) are required, let " regiments be sent ; at all events, until an answer " can be given to this letter, let me have an " advance of twenty-five thousand rupees, and " wherever I am ordered, there shall I encamp ; " but if cash cannot be immediately given, let a " Vakeel or agent of mine be allowed to remain " with you for the adjustment of this point, and " let me know to what place I am to repair to ** await your decision. But, above all things, let " the negotiation be made jiinding ; it will re- " dound to the fame and glory of the Com- " pany." Had Dowlet Row Sindia not preserved neu- tralit}% Jye Singli would have been an apt and popular instrument for his reduction; as it was,^ no support could be given to the cause of this prince, who was preparing the means of renewing the contest, when he fell a sacrifice to the pre- vailing epidemic*, and left his title and claims to be disputed by two candidates, Dhokul Singh and * Cholera Morbus. 2 I Q. 484 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES A.D. 1818. Adjeet Singh, who, by dividing his adherents, broke the union and strength of the Kychees, and gave to Sindia's government a comparatively easy triumph over that gallant tribe. The first in rank among the princesses of a Hindu ruler or chief who has no issue, becomes on his death a personage of great consequence in the state, from her acknowledged right of adoption, and the claims upon the power and property of her husband which this choice confers. It is ge- nerally conceived a duty to choose from the least objectionable among the near relations of the deceased; but the obligation is not imperative, and the consequences of the exercise of this right too often produce family feuds and disputed suc- cessions. In the present instance, one of the chief Ranies, or princesses, of Jye Singh, after consultation with some of the principal officers, chose the son of Goolab Singh *, who was declared, by her and her party, raised to the Gaddee, or seat of power, under the name of Adjeet Singh. The aunt of Jye Singh, a widow lady of much con- sideration, opposed this act, and proclaimed her- self in favour of Dhokul Singh f, a leader of repu- * The name of this 3outh was Buchtawur Singh ; but on his adoption by the Rany he was called Adjeet Singh. t Dhokul Singh grounds his clain:i chiefly on having re- ceived the horse and spear of Jye Singh before the death of that chief, and having been by him appointed his successor. The question was long under discussion, and was referred to AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 485 tation for his gallantry, but against whom there was, with many of the Rajpoots of Kycheewarra, the insuperable objection of his being of the Bija- wut, or younger branch of the family, whose descendants have always been deemed subordinate to the Lalawut*, or elder branch. When it is considered that all the territories of Ragooghur had been usm^ped by Sindia, and that it was merely for a name that the parties were contending, this disputed succession, which was as warm as if the contest had been for an empire, may excite a smile. It may be deemed a quan-el for a shadow ; but such was not the case. It was a dispute for the allegiance and de- voted attachment of three or four thousand as brave and hardy soldiers as any in India. These were now divided, and the early submission of one chief, Adjeet Singh, on terms mediated f by the British government, attached some of them to the cause of order; but Dhokul Singh con- tinued his opposition, till his adherents, after several defeats from a contingent of Sindia's acting under the command of British officers, almost all the decision of the Rajas of Odeypoor, Jeypoor, Boondee, Ko- tah, Seopoor, and Narwar. * The names of Lalawut and Bijawut, into which the Ragooghur family are divided, take, as has heen stated, their origin from Lai Singh and Beejy Singh, the two sons of Ghureeb Doss, the founder of the principality enjoyed by this race of chiefs in JNIalwa. 48G THE RAJPOOT PRINCES deserted him : he was recently made prisoner and sent to Gualior. The testimony given by the officers employed on this service to the corn-age and enterprise of the Rajpoots of Kycheewarra gives reason to conclude, that, had not the British go- vernment interposed its mediation and aid, it might have been long before this gallant tribe would have been completely subdued. The cha- racter of their last chief, and of the feeHngs he entertained, in common with all his race, towards the Mahrattas, is well expressed in a letter from the British Resident at the Court of Gualior* " Dhokul Singh," he observes, " is a man of " the most daring courage, which is evinced by " the numerous marks he bears of the wounds " he has received in action. It is to be re- " gi'etted that his character is so deeply stained " with deeds of cruelty. He had been allowed, " while in confinement at this Residency, to re- " tain his sword and shield, and v>^ould have also " been permitted to wear them in the fort of Gua- " lior ; but, when he was about to be delivered " over to the Mahrattas, he sent them to me " with a message, stating that he would never " have surrendered them to a Mahratta but with " his life, and that his only hope of ever taking * Vide paragraph 14, Dispatch from Captain Stewart to the Political Secretarv to Government, 20th January, 1821. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 487 " them up again rested on the favour of the Bri- " tish government." The fort and town of Ragooghur, with- an estate of fifty-five thousand rupees, have been restored to the families, with an engagement that a few of the adherents are to be always in Sin- dia's service. These terms were with difficulty obtained through the mediation of the British government. The Raj, or principality of Kotah, which forms in its later history a complete contrast to that of Ragooghur, originated in one of the Ranas of Odeypoor having, in consequence of a long-che- rished feud with the chiefs of Boondee, adopted the cause of a younger brother of the reigning prince, whom he settled first in Kotah as a Jag- hiredar^ and afterwards so effectually aided in a war against his superior, that the latter was com- pelled to pm'chase peace by the cession of half his tenitories to form the principaUty* of Kotah, the ruler of which assumed the title of Maha Row, or the great chief It is nearly two centuries since this event oc- cmTed. The first prince of Kotah was Bishen Singh, whose family continued to enjoy the reality as well as the name of the power, till the eleva- tion of the late Maha Row Omeid Singh. This * I find some variation from this account in other MSS. but the difference does not merit notice. 488 THE KAJPOOT PRINCES prince, either from taking alarm at the state of confusion into which the whole of Central India had been thrown, or his own inefficiency, had so entirely lost all authority over his principal chiefs and subjects, that he was unable to pay seventy- five thousand rupees per annum, which had been fixed as the Mahratta tribute. Kotah seemed on the verge of destruction, when it was not only saved, but raised to the first rank among the Raj- poot principalities, by one of the most remarkable men who has appeared in the modern history of India. Zalim Singh, of the Hara tribe of Chouan Raj- poots *, was son of Perthi Raj, an officer of rank in the service of Gooman Singh, Raja of Kotah. The father must have been in high estimation, as we find not only one of his daughters married to his prince, but the son, at the age of twenty, com- manding a force against the troops of the Raja of Jeypoor, whom, with the aid of Mulhar Row Holkar, he defeated. Some time after this event, a misunderstanding between Gooman Singh and his young leader induced the latter to go to the court of Odeypoor, the ruler of which employed him against the Mahrattas with such success, that they were driven from Mewar ; but in a subse- * The tribe of Hara have produced many celebrated men. Ram Singh Hara, who was an Omrah of high rank, and a commander of nine thousand horse, was esteemed one of Au- rungzebe's best Generals. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 489 quent action fought near Oojein, Zalim Singh not only experienced a reverse, but fell a wounded prisoner into the hands of his enemies. He was at this period a chief of reputation. The prince of Odeypoor had bestowed upon him a Jaghire, and had added to the title of Raja, to which he had a hereditary right, the appellation of Rana. He had been before invited by his nephew, Omeid Singh, Raja of Kotah, to take upon himself, as Minister, the settlement of that principality; and he now contemplated this proposition as a means of restoring his fallen fortvme. During his con- finement he became acquainted with several of Sindia's officers, but particularly with a Brahmin of the name of Lallajee Belial, who had the charge of the collection of the tributes of the Rajpoot princes. Zalim Singh made a proposal, that he should be sent to Kotah, supported by Sindia's authority, by the aid of which and his own efforts he not only expected to reduce the rebellious lords of that principality to obedience, but to restore the country to a state of prosperity that would enable it to pay its tribute regularly ; — and as a farther inducement to incline the Mahratta prince to adopt this measure, an increase of twenty- five thousand rupees was offered to be made in the annual amount. This proposition was accept- ed; and Zalim Singh, accompanied by his friend Lallajee Belial, and a small party of Sindia's Pagah, or household troops, went to Kotah, where 490 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES his arrival was welcomed by Omeid Singh, who immediately appointed him his minister, and vo- luntarily resigned into his hands the exclusive ad- ministration of affairs. The impression made by this act, combined with the energetic character of Zalim Singh, and the decided support of the Mah- rattas, prevented any formidable opposition to the establishment of his authority ; and in the progress of the contests in which he became engaged with the refractory Thakoors, or Barons of Kotah, he exliibited a severity which struck terror into his enemies. Averse to war, he appears early to have commenced that system by which he has in the course of forty-five years raised a principality, whose revenue, when he was appointed minis- ter, or rather regent, was not more than four lacks of rupees, to forty lacks. Amidst scenes of plunder, confusion, and anarchy, when vio- lence, weakness, rapacity, and ambition, led alike to ruin', the calm temper, the clear mind, the profound art, and the firm energy of ZaHm Singh took advantage of the errors of all around, with- out ever committing one himself. He early shew- ed that, at a period when none were trust- ed, he might be confided in. His character for courage and wisdom was soon so well established, that it was deemed dangerous to have him as an enemy ; and so far was he from offering provoca- tion, that, instead of assuming the high tone of a Rajpoot chief, he readily acknowledged the para- AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 491 mount authority of the Mahrattas, terming himself a Zemindar, or landholder, and cultivator. He was, in fact, too weU satisfied with the substance of power to quarrel about its shadoAv. Bred to business, he was at once the farmer, the merchant, and the mi- nister. In every transaction his tone was that of fairness and moderation ; and though he, no doubt, from the first, cherished objects of the greatest am- bition, these were never paraded, nor did good fortune (and the lives of few men offer a parallel of success so complete and uninterrupted) ever alter, or in the least disturb, his equal course. He appears, within a very short period of his first ad- vancement to power, to have enjoyed the same character he does at this moment ; and while his territories were kept in the highest state of cul- tivation, the additions made to them were ob- tained more by art, intrigue, and accident, than by force. But the greatest increase of revenue arose from the confiscation and improvement of the large and ill-managed estates of the nobles of the principality, which were chiefly usurpa- tions upon the weakness of former princes. To enable him to give full effect to these changes in the internal administration of the country, Za- lim Singh was most sedulous in establishing and maintaining links of amicable connexion with every foreign prince and chief, from the principal mon- archs of India to the most desperate freebooters. In a sea of trouble the territories of Kotah became 492 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES a harbour where there was comparative repose ; and the convenience which all found in having occasional resort to this asylum, created a general interest in its continued security. The policy of Zalim Singh led him to purchase at any price, ex- cept a violation of his faith, the friendship and protection of the prevaiUng power of the mo- ment ; which gave him confidence to pursue his views of aggrandisement at leisure. His object was never lost through hurry to obtain it. All means, except such as might compromise a repu- tation which was his strength, were employed to effect his purposes : neighbouring districts were rented, fugitives received, treasure taken in depo- sit, powerful leaders conciliated, those in distress relieved, and every act had, both in substance and manner, a discrimination as to time and the temper of the parties concerned, which gave to this extraordinary man aU the chances of the troubled times, with few, if any, of the hazards. But against the latter he took care to be well pro- vided : he formed at an early period a small but efficient body of troops, which were gradually aug- mented in numbers with his increasing resources, and were always, from their formation, equipment, good pay, and the high character of their selected commanders, among the very best of their class. To detail minutely all the steps by which Zalim Singh has raised Kotah to its present condition, would be tedious. His character, talents, and the AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 493 means he used, have therefore been thus generally described ; a short account of his progress to the great power and influence he has obtained will suffice. The town of Kotah, and its original lands, are chiefly situated in Harrow tee *, one of the largest provinces in the Soubah of Ajmeer ; but the pos- sessions of this Raj, or principality, have gradu- ally extended over other parts of Central India. Among the first possessions which Zalim Singh obtained, were the fort and lands of Shahabad : the garrison of which, being seduced by him from their duty, put their governor to death. The relations of the latter hastened with their complaints of this violence to Madhajee Sindia; but with him Zalim Singh had a powerful mediator in his friend Lallajee Belial, and the payment of a sum of money, Avith the promise of a regular tribute for Shahabad, not only obtained pardon for the act, but a grant from the nominal Emperor of Delhi, vesting the government of that place in the prince of Kotah, in whose name Zalim Singh al- ways acted. Hardly a year passed after the accession of Za- lim Singh to full power, in which he did not add to his territories by obtaining grants or leases of dis- * This province, which adjoins Malwa, is stated by sonne to have received its name from the tribe of Hara. This, how- ever, appears a doubtful etymology. 494 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES tricts or villages, or by giving protection to small Kotrees, or estates of Rajpoot lords, who repaid him with their service and attachment. The fall of the Rajas of Narwar, and neighbouring petty states, and the decrease of the influence and power of the Puar family of the Mahrattas, were alike turned to his benefit. But the greatest advance of his fortune may perhaps be attributed to Am- bajee Inglia. This powerful and wealthy leader, who had been held in high estimation by Madha- jee Sindia, when nominated by his successor Sou- bahdar of Gualior, contracted the most intimate ties with Zalim Singh; and while he made Kotah the residence of his family and depot of his trea- sures, he took every opportunity of favouring and adding to the strength of its ruler. The same de- scription of connexion, established* with Amba- jee, was cultivated with the other high officers of Dowlet Row Sindia, who governed countries or commanded armies in his vicinity. His friendship indeed was the first object of all these, as it gave them a respected asylum for themselves or families in the hoiu of trouble; and the care Zalim Singh took to keep well with the principal ministers of Sindia, whose necessities he occasionally relieved, * Zalim Singh was, in tbe latter years of Ambajee's life, the only person he trusted ; and it is generally beHeved that a con- siderable part of the wealth which he had accumulated was deposited at Kotah, and became, on his death, the property of the regent. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 495 made hiin certain that no casual or temporary protection he might give to offenders, or public defaulters, would be seriously resented. The fact is, for reasons that have before been stated, nothing could be more useful or desirable to a government like Sindia's, than to have those half-dependent leaders of its armies and managers of its provinces, with whose services it could not dispense, but whose power it could not always controul, look to such protection as that afforded by the regent of Kotah, M ho, though firm in maintaining the pledges he gave, was not only moderate and conciliating, but leant always to the superior power. His wealth (and he early became rich) made him a convenient medium ; for in all settlements between Mahratta states and their offending servants a fine is the first object. The security of Zalun Singh, if he did not advance the money, was so good, that no banker hesitated a moment in accepting it; and we find him extending this aid, not merely to high officers of state, but, as in the case of Kurreem Khan, akeady mentioned, to the most lawless characters. From all these settlements he must have derived great profit, for the parties in whose favour he interposed had commenced with giving him the pledge of their wealth and family, and placing themselves, in fact, com- pletely in his power. The most alarming event which ever threatened his deep-laid schemes of po- licy, was the rise of JesAvunt Row Holkar, a prince 496 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES unrestrained by any common obligations, and to whose violence and rapacity the prosperity of Ko- tah offered a tempting point of attack. The mode in which this danger was evaded for a course of years, exhibits a remarkable illustration of the ability of Zalim Singh. The principality he go- verned had at one time paid tribute to each of the three great Mahratta famiUes, Sindia, the Puar, and Holkar ; but it was the policy of all Rajpoot princes, to give no tribute unless to those who could enforce the right. The condition of the Holkar government after the death of Alia Bhye had deprived it of the power to enforce its claims; and a large arrear was due. This was demanded by Jeswunt Row, and paid; but far- ther exactions were dreaded. To evade these, Zalim Singh estabHshed the most intimate friend- ship with Ameer Khan ; and when that chief selected Sheerghur, one of the forts of the princi- pality of Kotah, as a place of security for his fa- mily and property, he gave a complete pledge that his whole influence, then great among the plun- derers of India, would at all times be exerted to save that country from their depredations. To this connexion may, in a great degree, be attributed the profound tranquiUity that state enjoyed dm^- ing the very worst times with which Central In- dia has been afflicted- While Zalim Singh, by that singular union of art, pliancy, firmness, and wisdom, which has been AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. described, not only continued to preserve himself, but also to increase his territories amid the wars and revolutions of Central India, his ambition led him to interfere with the politics of the Rana of Odeypoor. It is not meant to enter on the details of the intrigues and operations this interposi- tion occasioned. These, after occupying him for thirty-five years, have terminated in a manner that has neither added to the advancement of his interests, nor his reputation. We may believe that the motives which originally led Zalim Singh to meddle with the affairs of this celebrated but decayed principality, were worthy of his name ; but, disappointed, in the first instance, in his higher and juster views by the weak character of the Rana, as well as by the feuds and vices of the nobles, and, next, foiled in his intrigues by the baser art and greater rapacity of the Mahrattas, his measures degenerated into those of a mean and selfish policy. Latterly, to accomplish a marriage between the Rana and the daughter of the Maha Row of Kotah (which was a great honour for the latter), he made a show of re- tribution to this unfortunate State by splendid promises of rich presents, and renewed efforts to relieve the country from the intolerable miseries still inflicted by the Mahratta leaders ; but the expectations he excited on this occasion were poorly fidfiUed ; and he brought forward accounts VOL. I. 2 k 407 498 THE RAJPOOT PEINCES and claims against the Rana, swelled by items*, to the amount of twenty-nine lacks of rupees, that would have disgraced the character of the most sordid Hindu banker. The liberal policy, how- ever, of the British government, which sought to conciliate all parties, prevented the farther dis- cussion of this question. Several districts f in Odeypoor, of which Zalim Singh had possession, were restored to the Rana ; whilst the tribute of Shahabad, and some other rights, were ceded in perpetuity to Zalim Singh, as a compensation for what he had lost by this arrangement. By the treaty concluded at Delhi, Zalim Singh was exempted from all farther tribute:]: to the Mahrattas; but he agreed to pay an equal amount to the British government. This was a mode of settlement he had long wished for; and though his \vary policy had excited some doubts of his sin- * The Rana, besides being loaded with numerous petty charges for clothes and other articles at advanced prices, with high compound interest upon bonds granted by ministers whose acts he had disowned, was charged nearly nineteen lacks of rupees due for expenditure beyond receipts on the districts of Jehazpoor and Sauganeer, the possessions which Zalim Singh had wrested from him. t Jehazpoor and Sauganeer. X The tribute formerly paid to the Mahrattas is now paid to us. We account to Sindia for his share ; Holkar's and a small tribute to the Paishwah we gain, which is all that Kotah pays for our protection. That state also engages to furnish troops, at our requisition, according to its means. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 499 cerity* during the contest in which the British were engaged sixteen years ago with Dowlet Row Sindia and Jeswunt Row Holkar, the result proved that he had not acted unwisely ; for when he per- ceived that the British government had at last decided on the course it meant to pursue, and had resolved to assume that paramount authority among the states of India which belonged to the magnitude of its power, Zalim Singh did not then hesitate regarding the part he was to act. He at once rejected all his former connexions, and at- tached himself exclusively to that state, to which, * Zalim Singh's sincerity was doubted by Colonel Monson, w ho, when he reached Kotah in his flight before Holka, desired more from this chief than he could have been expected to grant. But there are two occurrences of that period which should be mentioned, as illustrative of Zalim Singh's sense of honour and his habitual caution. When Holkar reached Kotah, where he halted some days, he learnt that there were two of Colonel Monson's guns in the place, and demanded them. The Rana, though he paid a considerable contribution without much difficulty, yet resisted the demand for the guns with the greatest pertinacity ; nor would he give them up till Holkar actually invested the place, and obliged him to comply. He is said to have been so much distressed by this occurrence, that he ate no food that day. While Holkar remained at Kotah, the Rana refused to visit him, but after he had crossed the Chum- bul with his army, a meeting of a singular kind was agreed on : Holkar in one boat with a few armed men, and the Rana in another with an equal number, pushed off at the same moment from the opposite banks; they met in the middle of the stream, and after a conference of a few minutes, returned. 2 K 2 500 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES as an instrument for the restoration of peace and good order, he became the most important of al- lies. The promptitude and energy with which he entered into the war against the Pindarries and Holkar, were early rewarded by the cession of four fine districts*, valued at four lacks of rupees, and rendered more desirable to him from their con- tiguity to his territories. Zalim Singh has lost no subsequent opportunity of evincing the sin- cerity of his friendship to the British government. In every effort to establish order in countries ad- joining the territories of Kotah, great benefit has always been derived from his aid. In the settle- ment of Sondwarra, one of the most turbulent dis- tricts in Malwa, his troops, which co-operated with those of the British, acted with a forwardness that proved at qnce the disposition of their prince, and their own gallantry. The siege and storm of NareUa was an achievement which re- flected the highest credit upon their zeal and efficiency. The death of Omeid Singh, the Maha Row of Kotah, which occurred a short time ago, has been seriously felt by Zalim Singh ; and it was certainly, next to the death of the latter, the event most likely to disturb the tranquillity of that state. The late Maha Row and the Raj Rana had for nearly half a century maintained their mutual relations * Gungraur, Dug, Putchpahar, and Gurrote. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 50 J with the most perfect concord. The former, de- voted to his religious duties, appears neither to have had the desire nor the ability to manage the affairs of his principality ; and while he devolved every thing upon his uncle, the Raj Rana, the lat- ter, pleased with the substance of power, studiously gave all its exterior to his nominal prince, whom he treated on every occasion with habitual regard and respect. A natural desire, however, to perpe- tuate the influence of his family, made Zalim Singh stipulate, when he formed an alliance with the British government, that it should maintain his descendants as ministers, or, in other words, as Regents of Kotah. This engagement, from the actual condition of the parties, has already pro- duced great embarrassment ; which may be ex- pected to increase on the death of Zalim Singh, already above eighty years of age, bhnd and paralytic, and to all appearance on the very verge of dissolution. A few months will probably ter- minate his long, laborious, and eventfiU life. This incident, whenever it does occur, will be a se- lious misfortune to his country and to Central India ; for his influence and example confer benefit beyond the limits of his own possessions. The character of Zalim Singh has been already ' given, and events have been narrated which shcAv that it is not without very serious defects: to these must be added, the weakness of superstition, and a firm belief in witchcraft. But though we 502 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES may be disgusted with his avarice, and contemn the art and worldly policy he has on many oc- casions displayed, it will be difficult to find an example of a prince similarly situated, who has preserved and increased his territories, while he promoted the peace and happiness of his subjects, at so few sacrifices of reputation. If his mind has had recourse to art, it was to escape from evils which he could by no other means avert: if he has been eager for gain, it was less with a desire of hoarding, than to possess himself of powerful means of defence against the dangers with which he was surrounded. His wealth enabled him to meet demands he could not evade, to purchase assistance when urgently required, and to main- tain a force that made him always in some de- gree feared and respected. His avowed object was to avoid war; though he was above seek- ing exemption from that evil by a sacrifice of his pledged faith. When Jeswunt Row Holkar was in distress after his defeat by Sindia at Indore, his agent and a banker, who had gone to Kotah to realize the tribute due by that state, were pe- remptorily demanded to be delivered up by Ba- laram Inglia, one of Dowlet Row Sindia's gene- rals, who was at the head of a large force in the vicinity of the city. The demand was firmly re- sisted; nor did the preparations for an assault on the town alarm ZaUm Singh into any compro- mise of his character ; and the affair terminated AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. in the advancement of his fame, and the increased reliance of all ranks upon his protection. It has been already mentioned that Zalim Singh rented a nmnber of districts from other states, which were a source both of profit and influence. His manner of managing his territories is sin- gular, and partakes of the energy that belongs to his whole character. He seldom rents any large districts to one person, but places them under the administration of well-quaHfied officers, who have regular pay, and who, dividing the whole into small portions, either rent, give in manage- ment, or settle with the villagers, or Ryots, as suits the usages of the inhabitants, or convenience of the period. The peasantry are treated by Zalim Singh with justice, not tempered, however, by kindness or in- dulgence. Throughout his country a strictness, if not a spirit of severity, mixes with his manage- ment; and he has endeavoured with success to establish a very complete command over his Ryots, by possessing himself of a number of moveable ploughs and labourers, who on any symptoms of local insubordination, or refusal to accede to his terms, are sent in detachments to cultivate the fields of the disaffected. In any other times than those of the last thirty years, this rigid system would not have succeeded; but the territories of Kotah have always afforded a security to life and property, which has made crowds of fugitives re- 503 504 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES sort to them, and not only enabled him to brmg large tracts into cultivation, but to build some new towns, and improve others in an extraordinary degree ; above all, Jalra Patun^ has been the fa- vourite object of his care. This child of his cre- ation, for such it may be termed, whether we refer to the regularity of the plan, the spacious- ness of the principal streets, the excellent construc- tion of some of the houses, the beauty of the buildings, or the wealth of the inhabitants, al- ready vies with the proudest cities of India, and will long remain a monument of the taste as well as liberal munificence of Zalim Singh. It is not necessary, after the details given of the princes of Ragooghur and Kotah, to enter minutely into the history of any other chiefs of the same class ; a very cursory mention will suffice. The Rajpoot prince of Doongurpoorf claims to be a senior branch of the reigning family of Odey- poor ; and this right is tacitly admitted by the highest seat being always left vacant when the prince of the latter country dines. No race of men are more particular in giving and demand- ing those distinctions which relate to birth, than ^Zaj^ /' y * * Jalra Patun is upon the Chandrabhaga river. . f Doongurpoor is the principal town in the small province of |*^t-i^ChS«g£^*"Bagur, that hilly tract which lies between Guzerat and the \j ,5f country of Odeypoor. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. the Rajpoots ; nor are the rights of the individual at all affected either by his being in a reduced condition, or the adopted child of the family whose inheritance he claims. The allegiance of persons who have no title to it from blood, leads to a con- clusion, that this, like every part of the Hindu system, was constructed with the view of givii7g permanence to that separation of classes by which it is distinguished. Dynasties could have been perpetuated by no means except by a latitude in the law of adoption, which renders it almost impossible a family should ever be extinct from want of a representative. The princes of Doongurpoor have among theii* military adherents, a few Thakoors, or lords, and some Rajpoots of their own tribe; but the majo- rity of their subjects are Bheels ; and there can be no doubt they conquered the greater portion of their principality fi'om that race. The ancestors of the present family became, at an early period, dependent on the Emperors of Delhi, and remain- ed so until the Mahrattas invaded Central India, when they were compelled to pay tribute to the chiefs of that nation. When Malwa and the neighbouring provinces fell into their late state of anarchy, the prince of Doongurpoor, with a view of saving his country from being plundered, enter- tained bands of Arabs and Sindies, who soon, however, despising his authority, laid waste the covmtry they were hired to protect. From these 506 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES insolent and insubordinate soldiers, the principa- lity of Doongurpoor was relieved by the British government, under whose protection it is fast re- ^ covering from the misery and desolation to which it had been reduced. The history of Banswarra, which is also in the province of Bagur, is nearly the same as that of Doongurpoor. Its princes are descended from a younger brother of that family, and their ad- herents and subjects are composed of the same classes. Like Doongm'poor, it has also been rescued from a condition of extreme misery, and has become a dependency of the English govern- ment, to which both states pay a small tribute. The Raja of Pertaubghur is descended from a junior branch of the family of Odeypoor. His principality occupies nearly the whole of the small province, or rather district, of Kantul. The ancestors of the reigning prince were officers of the Delhi emperors; and one of them, Salim Singh, was a favourite with Mahomed Shah, who granted him permission to coin money in his own name: the revenue of the countries immediately West of the river Chumbid is paid in rupees of this currency *. The present Raja, Sawut Singh, who is the son of Salim Singh, was tnbutary to Holkar, but is now a dependent on the British government. * Called Salim Shye. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 507 The Rajas of Jabooah and Rutlam have been already noticed. The descendant of Kishen Doss still rules over the former principality, and is tri- butary to the Holkar state : his country is chiefly inhabited by Bheels, but they are of the cultivat- ing class, and the town and territories of Jabooah, though they have suffered much, are rapidly im- proving. Purbut Singh, of Rutlam, (who is a tributary to Dowlet Row Sindia) is a weak incompetent prince ; but, from being at the head of a large and power- ful family, has great influence, and can upon emer- gency call a numerous band of his kindred and clansmen into the field. This he evinced, when threatened, a few years ago, with an attack by Bap- poo Sindia, to whom his tribute had been assigned. The Mahratta chief no sooner marched towards Rutlam accompanied by a small army, and with the avowed intention of using force to realize his claims, than a summons was sent by Purbut Singh to all his relations and adherents, who, though most of them were subjects of other states, deem- ing the duty of rallying round their chief para- mount to every call, hastened to his relief. In three or four days a body of twelve hundred Raj- poots (almost all mounted) were collected, and hostilities would have ensued but for the interfer- ence of the British government, which guaranteed an engagement for the future regular payment of the tribute due by this Raja to Sindia, on condition 508 THE RAJPOOT PUINCES that the peace of the covmtry should not be again disturbed, or its prosperity checked, by the visita- tion of Mahratta troops. The benefits of this gua- rantee were afterwards extended to a number of petty chiefs, similarly situated in condition and relation to their Lords Paramount with the Raja of Rutlam. It is to be remarked, that chiefs of the class here mentioned, have never drawn any subsistence from plunder, and stand quite distinct from those leaders who are described under the general term of Grassiahs *, a name not limited to the Malwa province, but known in several others, particularly Guzerat, where it denotes, as in Central India, chiefs who, driven from their possessions by invaders, have established and maintained a claim to a share of the revenue, upon the ground of their power to disturb or prevent its collection. The character of the Tankah, or forced tribute of the Grassiah chiefs, merits a few words. The greater part of Central India, since the invasion and conquest of the first Bajerow (and probably long before), has been held on loose and inter- mixed ten vires. The establishment of the usual predatory claims f of the Mahrattas preceded their usurpation of the sovereignty of this country; and * The word Grassiah is derived from Grass, a Sanscrit word, which signifies a mouthful; and has been metaphori- cally applied to designate the small share of the produce of a country which these plunderers claim. t Choute, Daishmookh, &c. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 509 to secure the success of the latter measure, the conquerors were obliged to compromise, and, in fact, share the revenues with many of the native chiefs of the mihtary class, who, taking refuge in the woods and mountains, gratified their re- sentment by destroying possessions they could no longer enjoy. These excesses produced a com- pact either between the government and the ex- cluded chiefs, or between the latter and the heads of districts and villages; a settled sum was agreed to be paid, as a Tankah, or contribution, on the condition of the inhabitants being ex- empt from plunder, and, indeed, an implied one of protection. This usage has existed ever since the Mahratta government was introduced, with con- stant variation as to particular parts of the coun- try, but with little as to the general principles on which it was levied. The payment of forced tri- bute, which originated in necessity, was only con- tinued from the same cause. It followed, there- fore, that the chief who succeeded to the power of distressing and plundering the country, was usually recognized as possessing the claim to this contribution. Large towns seldom paid forced contribution to the Grassiahs ; w hich was principally collected from villages. Of these, and the amount paid by each when the Tankah was fixed, a list was kept by the officers of government, and it was admitted as a charge in the revenue accounts. This exaction, 510 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES on its first establishment, was comparatively mo- derate, seldom exceeding twenty rupees annually, and sometimes as low as two rupees upon a village; but, as the country became desolate, the burden was not diminished, the freebooters com- pelling the inhabitants who remained to pay for those in their vicinity who had deserted. On any delay or refusal of the tribute, the Grassiah chief drove away the cattle, or seized some of the inhabitants, often women and chil- dren, who were rigidly confined till payment was made. Murders, or even the infliction of wounds, were rare ; but when the troops of the state inter- fered, a regular petty warfare ensued, in which if the Grassiah chief was compelled to fly, he soon returned and repeated his excesses till his demands were complied with. The Grassiah chiefs are all Rajpoots. They are very numerous in Central India ; and from being of the sanle tribe, from intermarriages, and from motives of common interest, they were so leagued together, that it would have been difficult, had it been desirable, to destroy them ; but the ob- ject was to connect their interest with that peace and good order which they had so long violated. This has been effected. Instead of money pay- ments, a commutation has in many cases been given in land, that these plunderers might become industrious ; and where this arrangement has not been made, the amount fixed in lieu of their AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 511 claims is paid by the Government officers, and they are no longer permitted to employ then' adherents in collecting it — a practice which, while it was oppressive to the inhabitants, afforded them the means of disturbing the tranquiUity of the country. Several of the Grassiah chiefs had settled in Sondwarra; but this large district, which stretches from Gungraur to Oojein North and South, and from Aggur to the Chumbul East and West, received its name from a class of more ancient and more desperate plunderers, called Sondies. They are often called Rajpoots, but are a mixture of all classes, or rather descendants of a mixed race. In their origin they were probably out- casts ; and thek fabulous history (for they consider themselves as a distinct people) traces them from a prince, who, in consequence of being born with the face of a tiger, was expelled to the forests, where he seized upon women of aU tribes, and became the progenitor of the Sondies, or, as the term implies, " mixed race," some of whose leaders soon after settled in Malwa, where they have ever since maintained themselves as petty Zemindars, or landholders, as well as plunderers. That the Sondies have a claim to antiquity, there can be no doubt ; but we have no record of their ever having been more than petty robbers, till the accident of their lands being divided among four or five local authorities, always at variance and often at war with each other, combined with 512 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES the anarchy of Central India during the last thirty years, raised them into importance as successful freebooters. Though often opposed to the Grassiahs who are settled in the same tract, a congeniahty of pursuit has led to their being much associated with the latter, and particularly since the insanity of Jeswunt Row Holkar. From that date neither life nor property was secure with- in the range of the lawless bands of Sondwarra, most of whom, from breeding their own horses, were well mounted. At the peace of Mundissor, the Sondies were estimated in number at twelve hundred and forty-nine horse, and nine thousand two bundled and fifty foot, all subsisting by plunder; for the possessions they claimed as their own were in a state of complete desolation. The reduction of this formidable body of robbers appeared essential to the re-establishment of tranquillity ; and two strong British detachments (one of which had a battering-train), a few of Holkar's horse, and a very efficient and well- equipped body of Kotah troops under a distin- guished leader*, proceeded on this service. The Grassiah and Sondie chiefs were required to give up theu' forts, and to surrender their horses to be sold for the benefit of their owners ; and to induce * Mehrab Khan. This able soldier is recently dead, but not before he had established complete security in that part of Sondwarra which belongs to the principality of Kotah. AND CHIEFS OF CEXTRAI. INDIA. 613 them to accept these conditions, every attention was promised to their rights ,as landholders, and lands were offered at their native villages, to sucii as had none, on very indulgent terms. *The im- pression of the power of the English government, the complete union and cordial co-operation of all the Native states who had possessions in Sond- warra, combined with the active and spirited conduct of the troops employed, particularly those of the Raj Rana Zalim Singh, soon made the Sondies lose all hopes of successful resistance. Some of their forts were taken by storm, others were abandoned, several of the strongest were razed to the ground ; and the dispirited plunderers, assailed at every quarter, and with all their wonted places of refuge barred against them, had no alter- native but to deliver up their horses, and to make, while they could, favourable settlements as culti- vators. These they not only obtained, but such of their claims for forced contribution, as had been long recognized and established, were admitted. The Sondies, since they consented to live as peaceable inhabitants, have been treated with kindness and indulgence ; but, from a consideration * In the arrangements I made for reducing tliese frcelxutters to order, or rather intimidating them into submission, I took care the force should be so much above the service as to pre- clude every hope of successful opposition. This in all such warfare is a most important point, and one to which our sin- gular condition in India requires the greatest attention. VOL. I. 2 L 514 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES of their character, it has heen thought prudent to keep for some time a force in thek country, to pre- vent the revival of those habits which have so long rendered them the bane and terror of Central India, Complete success has hitherto attended these ef- forts ; and Sondwarra is fast rising into that state of prosperity to wiiich it is entitled from the fer- tility of its soil. Another large division of the province of Mal- wa, which lies almost directly East of Sondwarra, received its name, like that district, fi'om a race of plunderers, who, emigrating some centuries ago from Odeypoor, rose, during the decline of the Mo- ghul empire, into consequence, and who under the direction of two brothers, Mohun Singh and Pur- seram, possessed themselves of fifteen hundred small towns and villages. The name of this Raj- poot tribe is Omut ; and the country they seized has been called after them, Omutwarra. It was, with the reservation of five districts to mark the superiority of the elder brother, divided equally between Mohun Singh and Purseram, the former taking the title of Rawul, or chief, and the latter of Dewan, or minister ;■ — but they exercised dis- tinct authority over theu' respective sections; for Omutwarra was not divided by distinct limits of territory, but by the system of inter- mixed rule* over the same village, so common * The countries over which this divided rule is estabhshed are called Duaiiiilee, or two governments. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. among the. Mahrattas, which was established by the two Rajpoot chiefs throughout tl^ir posses- sions. The successors of the Rawul, who fixed their residence at Rajghur, became tributary to Sindia ; while those of the Dewan, now estabHshed at Nursinghur *, ranked themselves among the dependents of the Holkar family. The estabhsh- ment of power in the hands of two powerful chiefs made Omutwarra become a complete contrast to Sondwarra. It was, before the time of Jeswunt Row Holkar, a well-governed fertile tract, and yielded a considerable revenue ; but within the last twenty years it has suffered much, being, from its situation, more exposed than almost any other part of Malwa to the depredations of the plun- derers by whom that province has been so long overrun. It is, however, now rapidly recovering, and will, no doubt, early attain its former pro- sperity. The rugged tract which lies between the Ner- budda and the \^indhya range has often been men- tioned. The banks of that river, from Hindia to opposite Baglee, have been seized by some Gond chiefs, the principal of whom are Kooshal Singh f , of Erwass, and Anoop Singh, of Singhur. These and theu' adherents, after some warfare, have all * Puttun, near Rajghur, was the capital fixed upon by Pur- seram ; but Dewan Atchee Singh, the ablest of his successors, built the fort of Nursinghur. t This chief is lately dead. 2l 2 516 THE RAJPOOT PUINCES been settled, through the liberality, or by the medi- ation, of the British government. In the same description of country which stretches from below Baglee to Onkar Mundatta, the banks of the Ner- budda were infested by bands of robbers, of whom the principal was the Bheelalah family of Sillanah, whose chiefs, particularly Ruttun Singh and Mun- droop Singh, of Buckutghur, had extended their ravages as far North as Oojein and Indore, and as far South as the vicinity of Asseerghiu- and Boor- hanpoor. They have, like others, submitted to the British government, which has adjusted their claims to Tankah, or contribution, from the go- vernments of Sindia and Holkar. The chiefs on the Nerbudda are generally called Mowassee, which refers to the place they have chosen for their residence, Mowass signifying, in the colloquial dialect of the country, a strong hold or fastness. The description of the governments, principalities, and tnbes of Central India would be incomplete without an account of the Bheels who inhabit the wild and mountainous tracts which separate Malwa from Nemaur and Guzerat. This extraordinary class of people merit more than a cursory notice. They are as singular in their origin as their ha- bits ; but, while every thing connected with them excites curiosity, theii^ dispersion over rugged mountains, their extreme ignorance and prejudices, and their repugnance to confidential intercourse AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 517 with all except their own tribe, present serious obstacles to our obtaining a full and correct know- ledge of their history. It will be sufiicient for the present purpose, to offer some conjectures regarding the origin and progress of the tribe ; to notice the classes into which they are divided ; and, in conclusion, to give as much of the local history of one or two of their most remarkable chiefs, as will elucidate their past and present condition in that quarter of Hindustan. The Bheels are quite a distinct race from any other Indian tribe, yet few among the latter have higher pretensions to antiquity. The adoption of their usages and modes of life by other classes of the community, and the fruit of the intercourse of their females with both Mahomedans and Hindus, have led to the term Bheel being applied as a general name to all the plunderers who dwell in the mountains and woody banks of rivers in the Western parts of India ; not only Bheelalahs and Coolies, who have an affinity to them, but many others *, have been comprehended in tliis class. But these are in no manner (JDeyond the common occupation of plurider) connected with the real Bheels, who have from the most remote ages been recognized as a distinct race, insulated in * The plundering tribes of INleenabs, Moghees, Ramoosees, and Gonds, are often classed with Bheels. 518 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES their abodes, and separated by their habits, usages, and forms of worship, from the other tribes of India. The account given by their modern genealogists and minstrels, differs from what we learn of this race in ancient Hindu works*; but the popular tradition, though fabulous as to their origin, may perhaps, as far as relates to their more recent his- tory, be considered the most authentic. According to it, Mahadeo, when sick and unhappy, was one day reclining in a shady forest, when a beautiful woman appeared, the first sight of whom effected a complete cure of all his complaints. An in- tercourse between the god and the strange female was established, the result of which was many children, one of whom, who was from infancy alike distinguished by his ugliness and vice, slew the favourite buU of Mahadeo, for which crime he was expelled to the woods and mountains, and his descendants have ever since been stigma- tized with the names of Bheelf and Nishada, * In a Sanscrit vocabulary, at least seven hundred years old, the term Bheel occurs to denote a particular race of barbarians subsisting chiefly on plunder, and found more particularly in the mountainous woody tract of the Nerbudda. But we have still earlier mention of them in the celebrated Hindu poem of the Mahabharat, which is certainly a work of a remote era. The Bheels are not only minutely described, but a long fabu- lous account given of their origin. t The common appellation of this race is Bheel, but they are also termed Nishada. Major Henley mentions the com- AND CHIEFS OF CENTPiAL INDIA. 519 both of which are Sanscrit terms that denote outcasts. The same tradition lays the scene of their first residence and exploits in the comitry of Mar war, or Joudpoor, from whence, driven South by other tribes, they settled among the mountains that form the Western boundary of Malwa and Candeish, in the lofty ranges of tlie Vindliya and Satpoorah, and the woody and rugged banks of tiie Mhye, the Nerbudda, and the Taptee, where, protected by the strong natui'e of the country from the op- pression which had driven them into exile, they have since dwelt, subsisting partly on their in- dustry, but more on the plunder of tlie rich landholders in their vicinity. The truth of this account of their emigration from Joudpoor* and Odeypoor, is supported by the local history of the Rajpoot princes of that quarter, which states that the lands were con- quered from the Bheels, and by the fact that almost all the revered Bhats, or minstrels, of the tribe, stiU reside in Rajpootana, whence they make annual, biennial, and some only triennial visits to the Southern tribes, to register remark- mon application of tin's term to one of the tribes on the Nerbudda. * The countries of Joudpoor or Odeypoor are usually termed, in Indian history, Marwar and Mewar. I use, to prevent mis- takes by the English reader, the more recent names of these countries, taken from their present capitals. 520 THE KAJPOOT rPtlNCES able events in families, particularly those con- nected with their marriages, and to sing to the delighted Bheels the tale of their origin, and the fame of their forefathers. For the perform- ance of these rites and duties there are fixed dues ; but the Bhat, when a man of sanctity and reputation, receives from the Tui-vees, or chiefs, he visits, presents that have no limit, except the ability of the donor. The Bheels of Malwa and neighbouring pro- vinces have no record of ever having possessed the plains of that country ; but they assert, and on authentic grounds, that they long maintained ex- clusive possession of the hilly tracts under their leaders, many of whom were as distinguished by their character as by their wealth and power. The accounts we have of the comparatively recent conquest of Doongurpoor, Banswarra, Jabooah, Burwanee, and other principalities, fully esta- blish the truth of this pretension. The Bheels have, by the various changes in their condition, been divided into distinct classes, which may be denominated the village, the cul- tivating, and the wild or mountain Bheel. The first describes a few, who from ancient residence or chance have become inhabitants of villages on the plain (though usually near the hills), of which they are the watchmen, and are incorporated as a portion of the community : the cultivating Bheels are those who have continued in their peaceable AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 521 occupations after their leaders were destroyed or driven by invaders to become desperate free- booters: and the wild, or mountain Bheel, com- prises all that part of the tribe, who, preferring savage freedom and indolence to submission and industry, have continued to subsist by plunder. The peculiar usages of these classes will be no- ticed in another part*. Here no more of their respective history can be given, than that each has alternately decreased, or increased, in its num- bers and character, according to the fluctuations in the neighbouring governments. AVhen these have been strong and in prosperity, the village and cidtivating Bheels have drawn recruits from their wilder brethren ; while weakness, confusion, and oppression have had the usual effect of driving the industrious of this tribe to desperate courses; but amid all changes there is always a disposition in every branch of this community to re-unite, which is derived from their preserving the same usages and the same forms of religion. There can be little doubt, from what has been stated, that the Bheels of this quarter, originally driven South by tlie Rajpoots who were expelled by the Mahomedans ft'om Hindustan, have within two or three centuries lost many of the petty principalities they had established in the hills ; but * This bubject belongs to a future chapter, which will treat of the character and Ubagts of the inhabitants of Central India. 522 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES another great change in this community has been the consequence of these revolutions. The re- lations of the petty Rajpoot princes have increased beyond the power of the heads of their family to provide for them. Bred to no occupation but that of arms, many of them have adopted desperate courses, and associated in their predatory life with Bheels; they have intermarried with that class, and hence have originated a number of tribes, among which the Bheelalah is the principal. This part of the subject will be noticed hereafter. It will in this place be sufficient to make a short mention of some of the principal Bheel leaders in Malwa and Nemaur, and the present condition of that class. The fastnesses between Baglee and Mund- leysir are chiefly inhabited by Gonds; but the plundering class who lately occupied them had amongst their followers men of desperate fortunes from Hindustan and other quarters* of India. Along the Vindhya range from Jaum to the West- ward of Mandoo, which is wholly inhabited by Bheels, a considerable part of these have for more than a century owned allegiance to the family of Nadii* Singh, a Bheelalah chief. He is the fourth * Some Native soldiers who had deserted from the Madras army ten years ago, were found in the service of these free- booters. They gave themselves up, and were forgiven, but . e^ipelled the country. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 523 in descent from a person who obtained power from the favour of a royal governor of Mandoo, to whom his spirit and enterprise had been useful in punish- ing a tribe of plunderers called Mounkur. The history of Nadir's ancestors presents the same vicissitudes as that of other predatory chiefs; his own life, from occurring during the late troubles of Central India, has been the most remarkable. He had fixed his residence at Jaumniah, a small village of his father's, near Mandoo, but he at- tained little cele])rity till the death of his uncle, Jessoo Potail; upon that event (which took place sixteen years ago) Nadir came forward as the chief plunderer of the Vindhya range. He was courted and favoured by Jeswunt Row Holkar, and it was not till after his death that Nadir issued from the mountains, and began to plun- der and lay waste the plains. His name, when the English entered Central India, was the terror of the Southern parts of that country; and when the present cantonment w^as established at Mhow, which is on the very verge of his mountains, he had about two hundred horse, and between six and seven hundred foot. The liistory of this free- booter henceforward is short: he was compelled to conform to the change that had occurred, and while he was deterred, through a dread of the power of the British government, from continuing to plunder, he was invited by its liberality to place himself under its protection. Almost all 524 THE RAJPOOT PRINCES his adherents, who were from distant countries, were discharged, and a number of his Bheels were taken into the EngHsh service. His nephew and son were placed in command of them, and the members of this formidable plunderer's family, as well as his followers, were through these means gradually familiarized to an intercourse with that community, from which they had been long sepa- rated, and of which they had been the bane. The progress of Nadh' Singh's reform was slow, for he was personally very dissipated, and of rooted bad habits; but this every day became of less consequence, as the intercourse with his de- pendents weakened his power. Many of his crimes subsequent to his submission were par- doned; but a dehberate murder of some unarmed travellers, committed by his orders, put him be- yond farther toleration or indulgence. He was, at the time his guilt was discovered, on a visit to his Bhcelalah relations, the chiefs of Sillanah, where he had gone, attended by five hundred armed adherents, to celebrate the marriage of his son, Bheem Singh, with a daughter of that family. A mandate* to his former associates was received at the very moment when the marriage was completed, directing his seizure. The order * When I issued this mandate to Nadir Singh's relations and chief officers, I took care that sonne British troops should be prepared to enforce the order if disobeyed ; but they were not required to act. AND CHIEFS OF CENTRAL INDIA. 525 was obeyed; he was brought to Nalcha, where his guilt was investigated and proved before the assembled Zemindars* and Bheel chiefs of the neighbouring country. The mild sentence of ba- nishment for Hfe was passed upon him; and he is now a prisoner at Allahabad, while his son, a fine ladf of fovu'teen years of age, has succeeded to his authority. No event was ever more conducive to the tranquillity of a country than this act df jus- tice. There is no part of Central India where hfe and property are safer than amid the late dreaded Bheels of Nadir Singh. Some of this race have not yet abandoned their habits ; but their robberies are upon a very Umited scale to what they were a few years ago, and measures are in progress that will, it is expected, soon complete the reformation of a class of men, who, believing themselves doomed to be thieves and plunderers, have been confirmed in their destiny by the oppression and cruelty of neighbouring goveniments, increased by an avowed contempt for them as outcasts. The feehngs this system of degradation has pro- duced must be changed ; and no effort has been left untried to restore this race of men to a better sense of their condition than that which they at pre- * For all the particulars of this remarkable transaction, vide my letter to Mr. Secretary Metcalfe, 9th May, 1820. t Bheem Singh resided, for three years, almost entirely at my head-quarters, where his education was carefully at- tended to. 52G THE HAJPOOT P31I1SCES. sent entertain. The common answer of a Bheel, when charged with theft or robbery, is, " I am not to blame, I am Mahadeo's thief" In other words, my desthiy as a thief has been fixed by God. It is this superstitious impression which offers a great, but not insurmountable obstacle (as it has been too rashly termed) to their reform. From what has been effected, we may pronounce with con- fidence that they will be reclaimed to good order and industrious habits; but we must expect this result through means that elevate, rather than depress, this singular race of human beings. Enough, however, has been said to illustrate the local history of the Bheels; their character and pecuHar habits will be treated of in another place; but it is impossible, from the prescribed limits of this work, to give so complete a descrip- tion as could be desired of a class of men, who, whether we consider their well-founded pretensions to remote antiquity, their remarkable separation from the other tribes of India, or the importance of withdrawing them from habits which render them the enemies of order, merit the minutest at- tention of the English government. CHAPTER XII. Government of the States of Central India, The established government in Central India during the reign of tlie kings of that country, and from their fall till the invasion of the Mahrattas, was of the same form as that of other parts of India under the Mahomedan sway. The province of Malwa, which was one of the greatest Soubahs or divisions of the empire of Delhi, was imder a Soubahdar, or viceroy, who had a Dewan or minister, and other officers of his petty court and army, while the country was managed by Collectors, and aU the other inferior officers be- longing to the Moghul system. The government of the Mahrattas was, both in shape and substance, taken from the institutions of theu' own country, and from those they found estabUshed in the countries which they conquered ; but to understand the form of their administration, as it exists at this moment, it will be necessary to 528 GOVERN MEXT OF THE STATES give an account of each part of which the whole is constructed, from the Mahratta chief and his prin- cipal officers, civil and military, down to the indi- viduals who constitute the ancient and respected municipal establishment of the smallest village. The governments founded by the families of Sindia, Holkar, and the Puar, have nearly the same form; they consist of a chief or ruler, to whom no fixed title has yet been given, different members of the same family having assumed vari- ous designations *. In theory, the power of the ruler is absolute; but with the most revered Hindu writers f, it is not deemed of divine * Madhajee Sindia styled himself Potail. His successor is called both Maharaja and Alijah, Hindu and Mahomedan titles, the first signifying Great Prince, ar.d the latter, The High in Dignity. Mulhar Row Holkar was called Soubahdar, or governor, of Malwa ; his successors have contented them- selves with the Hindu title of Maharaja, which, though in fact high, is through courtesy become very common. t The duties of kings, their dues and origin, are described in the following passage of the Mahabaratha, one of the most sacred of the Hindu volumes. Bheeshma said, " Without a ** ruler no country can prosper; health, virtue, &c. are of no " avail, two will invade the property of one, and many again " will attack two; thus men will eventually destroy each other, " as the various species of fish. A Raja protects the people ** as a large fish the smaller. In this manner mankind were ** continually oppiessing each other, when they went to Brah- " ma to give them a ruler. Brahma directed Menu to be- ** come their Raja. He replied, I fear a sinful action. Go- vernment is arduous, particularly so among ever lying men. OF CENTRAL INDIA. origin. According to these authorities, a Raja, or riiler, was first created, and since continued. " They said unto him, Fear not, you will receive a recom- " pense, of beasts a fiftieth part, and thus also of gold; we ** will give you a tenth of corn, increasing your store, a be- " coming duty of damsels, and on disputes and gaming. " Men exalted in wealth or science shall be subordinate to " you as gods are to the great Indra: thus become our Raja " powerful and not to be intimidated ; you will govern us in " peace, as Koorun does the Yukshus. Whatever meritorious " actions are performed by subjects protected by the Raja, a " fourth part of the merit shall belong to you. Thus, let *' those who desire advancement hold the Raja superioi' to " themselves (as he defends the people), as a disciple the reli- *' gious instructor, as the gods the divine Indra. Let them, " when in his presence, adore the man who is Raja. The " Raja despised by others is a cause of pain to all ; therefore *' let them give him the canopy and umbrella, clothes and " ornaments, food and drink, dwellings, seats, couches, and all " accommodations. " Goodhista asked Rheeshma, What is the reason that a " Raja, who in his birth, life, death, members, &c. resembles " all other men, should be as it were adored and respected by " powerful heroes, and all mankind, and that on his happiness *' or misery that of all those depends ? Bheeshma replied, I " will relate the institution of government. There was not " either governor or government, judge or judgment; men " with justice mutually protected each other; they became " weary of this, and practised partiality, and their under- " standing was darkened by sin and passion, &c." The sage proceeds to slate that this condition of aflairs produced the ne- cessity for a Raja or king being nominated as the head of a distracted community. VOL. 1. 2 M 530 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES because men, when they fell from good ways, required a head or chief; but this relation to his people is described in his being termed their de- fender and protector, for which he is said to be entitled to a revenue; and the tribute to which he has a claim for the duties he performs, is stated generally in the sacred Volumes of the Hindus ; but on the other hand, none of these have any passages which imply a check, or limit, beyond those of a moral or religious nature, on their Rajas ; and, consistent with this theory, the heads of the Mahratta governments in Central India are, like other Hindu princes, deemed absolute. Although the Mahratta chiefs of Central India are absolute, they practically exercise their autho- rity under many restraints. The first founders of the Mahratta governments were military leaders ; and though habituated to the exercise, and often the abuse of arbitrary power, stiU they were men tutored and corrected by the vicissitudes they had experienced. They professed themselves, and to a certain degree were, till lately, under the controul of the Paishwah. They preserved the plain ha- bits of their nation, and were connected by the ties of blood and familiar intercourse with many of their principal officers, a gi^eat proportion of whom, and particularly those employed in civil ^duties, were, from their being of the sacred order of Brahmins, considered as exempted from the punishment of death. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 531 The principal Mahratta iiilers in Malwa belong to the Sudra tribe, and this circumstance, as it as- sociated them with the lower orders, has perhaps had a salutary effect in mitigating the exercise of despotic power. Though often marked by cupi- dity and rapacity, there are rare instances of their being cruel, and they have uniformly shewn atten- tion to the estabhshed forms and institutions of the countries they have conquered ; but the restraints imposed by such habits and considerations, though great, are not of that obligatory nature to alter the character of their power; the chief or ruler, as before stated, being in fact, in his person, the go- vernment. The principal officers employed by the Mahratta chiefs in Central India take both their name and duties from those established at ^°''^''"' raent Om- Poona. cers. The Dewan, who may be termed the prime Dewan. minister, has the superintendence and chief con- troul over every department in the state. The head civil officer is the Furnavese*, (a F^^na- vese. term almost synonymous with that of minister of finance) who receives the accounts of the renters and collectors of revenue. It is not only his duty * The name of Furnavese used by the Mahrattas is a com- pound of the Persian term, Ferd Navees, or the writer of sheets, i. e. by imphcation, official documents. The names of all their other principal officers are Persian compounds, ex- pressive of the duties each has to perform. 2 M 2 532 GOVERNMEKT OF THE STATES to exhibit schedules of the actual revenue, and to form estimates of probable receipt and expendi- ture, but also to inspect all accounts of public dis- bursements of every description, which he regu- lates, and upon which he is a check. It is his duty to prepare in his office all Sunnuds or grants of Jaghires, Enam lands, &c. and commissions to officers appointed to any public situation. Mozumdar. The Mozumdar is next to the Fumavese ; his department may be termed a register-office, in which all Sunnuds, gi^ants, or commissions *, are regularly entered. Chitnavese. The Chitnavese is a secretary of state, in whose office is carried on all political correspondence, as directed by the prince, either public or confi- dential. siccana- The Siccauavese is keeper of the seal of the prince, which he affixes to all letters, orders, and grants, keeping in his office an exact register of all such documents. Potana- The Potauavesc is the treasurer ; in his office are kept all accounts of sums received into the , state treasury, as well as of all disbursements. * These commissions, after being made out in the office of the Furnavese, are sent to the Dewan, in whose presence the date and seal are affixed. They are then returned to the Furnavese, who writes upon them the word *' Roojoo," or " Shew," and are finally brought to the Mozumdar, who writes upon them in Mahratta " Udnia Purwana," or " By order." vese. vese. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 533 The Dufturdar is the keeper of state papers, Dufturdar. relative to the receipts and disbursements of the revenue. He is also an intendant of finance, and though some of his duties are distinct, he may perhaps be deemed a deputy of the Furnavese, to whose department he belongs. All revenue accounts, as well as disbursements of every description, are forwarded direct to the Dewan, who sends them to the Furnavese, by whom they are given over to the Dufturdar, who, after examining them, submits them to the inspec- tion of the Furnavese, to whom it is his duty to point out what appears correct and admissible, or otherwise. The Dufturdar has in his office a great number of Muttasuddies, or clerks, the principal of whom are employed in an office* where abstract state- ments are formed of the whole public accounts of the Government, and in which all matters re- garding its finances are brought into as clear and general a point of view as possible. The keeper of this office is next in rank to the Dufturdar. In it the statements termed Turjumaf , from the Persian Avord signifying explanation or rather translation, are made; also the abstracts termed Khutounee, or exact and arranged ac- counts of expenditvire during the year. * This office is termed the Ek Burjee Duftur. t Hence the well-known word Dragoman. 534 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES The above chief civil* officers of the state have under them a number of assistants and writers, termed Karkoons, Muttasuddies, agents and clerks, to aid them in the duties of their depart- ments. Bukshee In the Mahratta armies, the prince is deemed the Deputies. Sirdar or commander ; next to him is the Bukshee or paymaster, who is vested with the principal charge and responsibility, and is considered ac- countable for aU military expenses and disburse- ments. This trust confers influence on him, if not authority!, above those mihtary chiefs who are occasionally put in command of forces, and upon whom his department is always a check. It must here, however, be noticed, that this officer is only responsible for payments and the interior economy of the troops that receive their pay direct from the treasury of the state. He has no concern with those who are in the service of chiefs or com- * The rank and precedence of these civil officers exist only in the theory of the Mahratta governments. The talents of individuals and the favour of princes often exalt a person at the head of the lowest of these offices to the highest consider- ation. For instance, among these civil officers at Sindia's court, the Siccanavese has most influence, and the minister is not at the head of any office, nor even styled Dewan, but is called Mookhtarkar, or the head of the administration. t The Bukshee possesses sometimes also the complete mili- tary command as well as the civil arrangements of the army with respect to finance. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 535 manders, who have Jaghires, or lands, and mahi- tain their own contingents. The officers under the Bukshee, as well as al- most all the officers who hold situations in the civil administration, are Mahratta Brahmin Pundits, or writers. These sometimes rise from their indivi- dual merit, but more generally from hereditary claims, the most prejudiced attention to which pervades the whole system of Mahratta govern- ment. The usual military grades* in the cavalry and infantry of the Mahratta chiefs in Central India are the same as in other Indian armies; but the persons of most influence in these bodies are a host of Karkoons, or agents of the Bukshee, to whom their pay and accounts are exclusively in- trusted ; one of these is attached to every detach- ment and corps, and from their duties they become the superiors of the military officers, whose actions they not only usually controul, but dkect. There are many other officers f in the Mahratta * These are, Sirdar, Tokdar, and Rissaldar in the cavalry, and Subadar, Jemadar, Havildar, and Naick in the infantry; latterly the imitation of English discipline introduced English names to different ranks, and it was not unusual to hear of a Colonel Durjun Singh, Captain Mehrab Khan, and Adjutant Shaik Ahmed. + This class of officers includes the heads of the following departments : — The Jamdar Khanah, or wardrobe department: 536 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES governments in whom great trust and responsi- bility are vested ; who, however, are considered more as belonging to the household of the prince, than to the state, and who have little concern (ex- cept what his personal favour may give them) with the general administration of its affairs. Huzoori- The employment of that singular description of ahs. officers called Huzooriah, or servants of the pre- sence, by the Mahratta princes of Central India, has been borrowed from the usages of the Poona court. Huzooriahs* are personal attendants of the chief, generally of his own tribe, and are usually of respectable parentage ; a great proportion of them are hereditary followers of the family of the prince they serve, and whose confidence they are supposed to enjoy. They are the usual envoys t6 The Jowaher Khanah, or jewellery department. The Sillah Khanah, or armoury ditto. Furrash ditto, or camp equipage ditto. Feel ditto, or elephant ditto. Tope ditto, or ordnance ditto. Shutur ditto, or camel ditto. The Havildar and Naib liavildar of the Pagah or household troops of the ruler are officers of rank. The horses in this corps being all the property of the prince, makes it considered as quite distinct from the army of the state. The Pagnavese, or keeper of the accounts of this body of troops, is deemed a situation of trust and consequence. The office of Khasjee Walah, or chief steward of the Prince's personal property and possessions, is one of high confidence. * Derived from the Persian, Huzoor implying presence. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 537 subjects on occasions of importance, and are con- sidered as the representatives of their master. Their appearance supersedes all other authority, and disobedience to the orders* they convey is termed an act of rebellion. There formerly existed in the Poona state an R»m shas- tree and officer, who was nominally at the head of the ad- Neeaee mmistration of justice, and was entitled Ram Shastry. Under him were a number of local judges, called Neeaee Desf. This system was never introduced by the Mahratta leaders who formed governments in Central India. The ruler and his chief officers have in those states reserved to themselves the exclusive regulation, if not the administration of justice, which has at times been as profitable as any source of revenue they en- joyed. The exercise of judicial authority over districts civil offi- distant from the capital devolves much on civil J — officers called Komisdars, or collectors, (a name °""^ '**^* given whether they manage or rent the country to which they are nominated;) but to these are always attached deputies from the Dewan, the Furnavese, and each of the other high func- * To enforce these orders, when the party does not attend to thena, the Huzooriah at the last extremity burns his turban an act which usage has rendered tantamount to proclaiming the disobedient person traitor. t This word is a compound of Neeaee, justice; and Des, country; and signifies " a local judge." 538 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES tionaiies of the state, and this deputy takes, in the district in which he is employed, the name of the head of his department. A Komisdar*, whose authority extends over many districts, appoints from himself separate Komisdars to the head of each, sending with them persons f to perform the duties of each distinct office, who are skilled in the proper mode of keep- ing the accounts according to prescribed forms. In each of the different Tuppahs, or circles}: of villages, the deputed Komisdar keeps a Karkoon, or agent ^, if they are under management. If rented, the whole is left to the renter, with whom, unless in extreme cases, the government officers do not interfere. A Jaghiredar, or proprietor, to whom lands have been gTanted, whether for service or in free gift, exercises civil and military jurisdiction over his own domain, and has, to aid him, officers || of * A corrupt compound of Kumarra, the Hindustani verb to collect, and Dar, a Persian adjunct. t This class of petty revenue officers has no connexion with the persons deputed from the heads of the government. X This varies from seven and eight to twenty and thirty villages, sometimes more. § This person is in some parts called a Tehsildar, but the duties that office implies in other states is in the Mahratta states of Malwa performed by the Komisdar in his own person, or through a Karkoon, or agent. II The civil officers employed in management of countries, &c. are known under the name of Mamlutdar, or local officers, OF CENTRAL INDIA. 539 similar names and duties with those of the prince who is his paramount lord. When troops are sent to a distance on service, they are generally placed under a distinct Sirdar, or military commander, with a Karkoon, or agent, from the office of the Bukshee, who keeps the accounts and regulates the pay. If there is any part of the Pagah, or household troops, a person * from the Pagnavesef office attends them; and the troops of Jaghu-edars, when employed, are provided with their pay, and have their accounts settled by officers whose name and duties are the same as those serving under the prince. It has not been unusual, particularly when the country was in a state of confusion, to depute officers high in the state (generally military leaders) to govern large tracts of territory, in which either the revenue of lands, the tribute of Rajas, or the receipts of collectors, were assigned to them for theii' current and extra expenditure. But these leaders, who have always taken advantage of the times to usurp as much power as they could from the government which employed them, can- while the state-officers at the seat of government, and those they depute, are by the Mahrattas termed Daruckdar, or the executive officers of the ruler. Both these terms are adopted by the Mahrattas from their Mahomedan predecessors, most of whose forms they have preserved in their administration. * This officer is at once a paymaster and accountant. t Vide note page 536. 540 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES not be classed among its officers, or considered as belonging to its regular system of administration. When part of the army of a Mahratta prince is serving with a Collector for his protection or sup- port, he gives instructions to the commander; he also makes advances on account of the pay of the troops, but has no concern with its distribution, nor, indeed, with any interior arrangements. The Sebundy, or revenue corps, necessary for the country, are maintained entkely by the Collector, who charges for their support against the revenue of the countries under his management; with these troops the Government has no direct con- cern. Zemindar The collector is aided by one or more Zemindars of Pergunnahs. They have separate officers, at the head of whom is the Canoongoe, who is next to the Zemindar, and like him belonging to the land on which he has dues. In the office of the Canoongoe of the Pergunnah, or district, the re- cords of every village including its inhabitants, lands, and every thing relating to its interior ad- ministration and revenue, are kept. In the Mahratta governments of Central India, the pay of each officer, from the Dewan, or mi- nister, to the lowest rank, is upon a calculation of his current and contingent expenses. The mi- nister, for example, receives pay for a palankeen, for an elephant, for state servants, and is allowed a certain quantity of provisions. He has, besides. and Ca noongoe OF CENTRAL INDIA. fixed pay in money for his personal salary and support. It is usual to commute the latter allow- ance for a Jaghire*, or estate, which is, however, seldom, if ever, made hereditary. The Dewan has, independent of this pay from the prince, certain claims on the collection of every district. He has a due, called Bheitf, of two rupees each harvest (or four rupees per an- num) from every village t in the country. He has also in some places an anna, or sixteenth part of a rupee — in others, half that amount — from the pay of the Sebundies, or militia of the countrv. The Bukshee is paid in the same manner as the Dewan, but has no Bheit, or due, from the vil- lages, though he has a right to small stoppage^ from the troops, which makes his avowed income very large. The Furnavese has an allowance for a palan- keen and a horse, with a smaller establishment of servants and less pay than the Dewan, or Bukshee ; * Tantia Jogh has two villages (one in Indore, and the other in the Deypalpoor Pergunnah) in Jaghire, as a com- mutation for his pay as Dewan. Their aggregate value is alfout twenty thousand rupees per annum. t Bheit is, in its original meaning, a present to a superior. X This means a registered village, which sometimes contains several hamlets or small villages, called Dependencies. § Every horseman who rides his own horse has a stoppage made of one rupee per mensem from his pay, as the due of the Bukshee. 541 542 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES and his due from each village is exactly one half of the minister's, or two rupees per annum. A similar amount from the same sources is collected by the Mozumdar, or register; but that officer, though he has an equal due, has less pay and establishment than the Furnavese, whose deputy he may be termed. The whole of the officers in the civil and military employment of the state are paid in this way; the amount varies, but the principle is the same. The collectors of districts, besides an establishment and a pay proportioned to their charge, have a Bheit on each village of two rupees per annum; and their petty Dewan, Furnavese, and Mozumdar, besides their pay, share in the collections under this head*. This notice of the mode of paying Mahratta officers was necessary, as it explains much of their system of internal administration. It connects them with every village, and opens a wide door for abuses of all kinds. It need not be added, after the account which has been given of the Mahratta fa- milies who have exercised power in Central India, that neither the chiefs of that nation nor their subordinate officers, have ever limited themselves to their ordinary allowances; but stiU they have * Zemindars and officers of this class have also claims to Bheit, and in many parts of INIalwa the villages are assessed as high as twenty and twenty-one rupees annually for this one demand of public officers. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 543 been uniformly particular in recognizing such as the amount to which alone they were justly entitled. When the Mahrattas became masters of Central India, they preserved some of the forms, but set aside, or left to perish from neglect, the most usefrd establishments of the Moghul government. Among these fell every institution for the admi- nistration of justice ; and though in a few prin- cipal towns, of which a proportion of the inha- bitants were Mahomedans, a Cazi, or judge, was continued, his duties were limited to drawing up contracts of marriage, or writing and registering bonds and deeds of sale in his own tribe. It was thought that as all the civil officers employed at court, or in the management of countries, were well-educated Brahmins*, they would, aided by the municipal officer of the country, be quite competent to the judicial as well as the revenue administration. But the fact was, (as has been before stated) that, with the exception of Alia Bhye, justice became, from the first estabhshment of the Mahrattas, a source of profit to those who had power for the moment, from the military prince upon his throne, to the lowest Brahmin, who, as a delegated Karkoon, or agent, tyrannized over his village. * These, with hardly one exception, were from the Deckan and Concan : numerous hordes of this tribe having followed their successful countrymen into Central India and Hindustan. 544 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES Before an account is given of the mode of ad- ministering what remains of the forms arid sub- stance of justice in the Mahratta government of Central India, it will be necessary to take a view of the construction of their power in their country, where there are many chiefs, who, though subject to the general authority of these Southeni invaders, and recogniizing different leaders of that nation as their superiors, are yet independent within their own limits, and exercise sovereign sway over their respective possessions and subjects. Bhopal, which is the only Mahomedan govern- ment of any consequence in Central India, has always tiU very lately been more or less under Mahratta influence, though it never formally recognized the supremacy of that nation. Its nabobs have pre- served the usages of the Moghuls, both in the name and duties of its officers. The minister is termed the Dewan — his office the Dewan Dufter. The principal revenue and registering officers are called Mustoffee, and their offices Mustoffee Dufter. There are in this petty state a Mufti, Cazi, and other officers of justice, and the civil managers are known by the name of Amil, and the military leaders by the same appellations as were applied to the commanders of bodies of equal numbers under the Delhi government. The tributary princes and chiefs of the Rajpoot tribes, though they acknowledge Mahratta rulers as their lords paramount, have distinct juris- OF CENTRAL INDIA. 545 diction within their respective limits, and a sepa- rate form of administration, which it will be ne- cessary to describe. The Hindu head of a principality is an here- ditary and absolute prince. He is, in general, the chief* of his clan, which, in some respects, ex- tends his power, but in others limits and checks it. The principles of his rule over his own tribe and his other subjects, are quite distinct. His relations and kindred, who are termed Thakoors, have in general independent estates f, for which they pay a certain sum, or give military ser- vice, (sometimes both,) to their superior. They preserve, however, the exclusive management of their lands, but with Umited authority, which does not extend to hfe ; and there is a check on their mal-administration, from an acknowledged right of appeal, on the part of their subjects, to the prince or paramount lord. The principle of this part of a Rajpoot prin- cipality differs little from the feudal system which formerly existed in Europe, and is liable to the same vicissitudes in the relations and powers of the respective parties. The theory is, that, though * A Hindu prince in Central India is called Rawul, Rana, or Raja. His common appellation in his tribe is Bapjee, or father ; and he is sometimes flattered with the name of Purthi Nath, or lord of the earth. t The estates of Rajpoot Thakoors of tliis description are called Kottrees. VOL. I. 2 N 546 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES the Raja has general supremacy, the Thakooi' owmg him service and allegiance is master of his own soil and subjects, with the limitations stated; but it is a remarkable part of this construction of government, that the transfer of the revenue of these Thakoors to another sovereign does not ne- cessarily imply a transfer of their allegiance. The Rajpoot princes in Central India who held their lands from the Moghul government, gave service for them ; but this was commuted by the Mahratta leaders for a money tribute. Service, it is true, may still be given from the ability of the Mahratta chief to exact it, or a desire of the Raj- poot to obtain favour by volunteering it; but both parties are quite agreed that it is not a right; and it happens fi^equently that, when a Mahratta leader attacks a Rajpoot prince, the Bhyebundee, or " bond of kindred," makes those who pay tri- bute to the former send aid to the latter, if they owe him allegiance; nor would it be deemed a just act to punish* a person for granting such aid. * The Raja of Rutlam, when threatened in A. D. 1818 by an attack from Bappoo Sindia, was joined by numerous younger brethren of his family, which included several sub- jects of Sindia, Holkar, and the Puar Raja of Dhar. I re- monstrated, but was told that the persons in question were neither prohibited by law nor usage from acting as their fealty dictated. I next specifically called upon two of these (thel Rajas of Kutch-Barode and Moultan, tributaries of Dhar)] to return to their homes; their answer was, " they would obey OF CENTRAL INDIA. 547 The Thakoors of the Rajpoot states, like an- cient barons, claim a right of advising their prince; and, when his measures are in theu' opinion ruin- ous, they often assemble, and endeavour to sway him to a contrary course, or, in extremes, to op- pose him. There is, indeed, an equality of biith and tribe with their princes, which, when com- bined with the possession of a strong-hold, gives a character of rude independence to these chiefs, which keeps them in a state of constant warfare with the prince to whom they profess allegiance. The eldest son of a Rajpoot prince is called Kowur, and is very frequently employed as a vice- gerent* by his father. The principal Rajpoot princes have, for the conduct of theu' government, a Kamdar, or mi- nister, whose duties correspond with those of tlie Dewan of the Mahratta states. They have a Duf- turree, or keeper of records, whose office is similar to that of the Furnavese. There is also a Moonshee, or secretary. There are many other public officers. every order but one that condemned them to the disgrace of deserting their elder brother when in danger." * This is at present the case in the Raj of Pertaubghur, Baglee, and of Nursinghur. In the former two the princes employed have the entire confidence of their respective fathers; in the latter, Soobah Singh, having disqualified himself by constant intoxication for the functions of rule, has been com- pelled to resign them to his son, but he still preserves the name of Raja, with a liberal provision for his maintenance. 2 N 2 548 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES some of whom hold their situations, as in Mahratta states, from hereditary claims; but this is not, in the instances of Dewan, and other offices of high trust, ever recognized as constituting a right to employment. The officer who has charge of the pay and dis- bursements of their troops is called Bukshee ; but much of the revenue of such states being paid in Kottaree. kind, the statiou of Kottaree, or keeper of the public granaries, (which is a trifling one in the Mahratta government,) is, in many of the Raj- poot principalities, one of primary importance; and it is not unusual to combine the offices of minister and keeper of the granaries in the same individual. The territories of the Rajpoot princes in Cen- tral India, with the exception of Kotah, are chiefly administered by the Thakoors, among whom they are distributed. Khalsa, or Government lands, are generally kept in the hands of the minister, who commonly manages such parts as he does not rent, through the heads of the villages, and deputes petty officers to collect the revenue, as occasion requires. In the territories of Kotah, very nearly the same system of administration and the same gradations of rank exist among the Government officers* * The names of several of these officers are changed ; for instance, Komisdars are called Billahdars in the Kotah coun- try ; but there is no essential difterence in their functions. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 549 as in the Mahratta territories; but while all the officers of the other states in Central India are paid by shares of grain and fees from the villages, the superior wisdom of Zahm Singh has in some degree banished from his prosperous country these ill-defined exactions, and a regular salary in money is given from tlie treasury to all persons in his employment. The Rajpoot chiefs employ their own tribe in the army*, but seldom, if ever, in civil stations. If the authority of a prince of this tribe is vested in a Rajpoot chief, the person so elevated is termed Foujdar, or commander; but this is only a temporary office, created generally for a particular service which tlie prince cannot conduct in person. AVhen a noble is raised by his favour to power, but without distinct office, he is termed a coun- sellor! or mediator; such person being generally deemed a channel of intercourse between the prince and his subjects. The reason for not employing Rajpoots in the civil offices of these petty governments is, in the first place, their unfitness from want of education ; and in the second, their insubordinate and am- ■* In the army they hold the first commands. Rajpoot rulers, who, though of the small revenue, have high rank, like the Raja of Rutlam, have a hereditary leader of the Herawul, or van-guard, (the first rank in the army) as well as one of the Chundawul, or rear-guard. t I'he Hindu name of this officer is Bhanjgurree. 550 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES bitious Spirit. These stations (but particularly that of Kamdar, or minister,) are generally filled by Brahmins, Bunnias (merchants), or persons of the Kaist, or writer tribe. The lowest Grassiah, or plundering chief, in Central India, has his minister, and other officers proportionate to his lands and followers; and his authority over his adherents is, in theory, as abso- lute as that of the highest prince; but in the ex- ercise of it he is more restrained : for, being weaker, he is in greater danger of defection or opposition, or of those feuds which any attack upon life among the military tribes never fails to occasion. The principal chiefs of the Bheels, who are usually termed Bhomeahs, are almost all of the Bheelalah * tribe. They exercise the most absolute power; and their orders to commit the most atro- cious crimes are obeyed by their ignorant but at- tached subjects, without a conception on the part of the latter that they have an option, when he, whom they term their Dhunnee, or lord, issues the mandate. During the examination into the guilt of Nadir Singh, when taking the evidence of some female prisoners, it appeared that the father and husband of one of them, a girl about fourteen years of age, had been instruments in committing the murder * The Bheelalah claim a descent, by their father, from the Rajpoots, their mother being of the Bheel tribe. OF CENTRAL INDIA. of which he was accused. She was asked if they put the deceased to death; " Certainly they did," was her firm reply; " but they acted by the " Dhunnee's, or lord's order." " That may be true," it was remarked, " but it does not clear them ; for " it was not an affray, it was a deed perpetrated jn " cold blood." " Still," said the girl, " they had the " Dhunnee's order." The person* conducting the examination shook his head, implying it Avould not be received in justification. The child (for she was hardly more) rose from the gi'ound where she was sitting, and, pointing to two sentries who guarded them, and were standing at tlie door of the room, exclaimed, with all the animation of strong feeling, " These are your soldiers ; you " are their Dhunnee; your words are their laws; " if you order them this moment to advance and " put me, my mother, and cousin, who are now " before you, to death, would they hesitate in " slaying three female Bheels? If we are innocent, " would you be guilty of our blood, or these faith- " ful men?" After this observation, she reseated herself, saying, " My father and husband are Na- " dir's soldiers." The Bheel chiefs have a power over the lives and property of their own subjects ; but this the ♦ I superintended the trial of Nadir Singh, aided by one of my assistants, Captain T. D. Stuart, who noted the expres- sions in the text in the proceedings. 551 552 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES construction of the community compels them to exercise with caution, and the rights of the dif- ferent tribes or families, of which the force of the principal chiefs is formed, are defended by an hereditary Turwee, or head, to whom they owe obedience, and who, though he may become the subject of a principal chief, maintains an inde- pendence proportionate to the strength and at- tachment of his followers. There is seldom much revenue, except plunder, in one of these Bheel chiefships ; but even in this matter they have a rude species of government, for which there are officers* distinct from those Turwees, or heads of * Nadir Singh, the p/incipal Bheel chief of the Vindhya range, had the following officers : A Dewan, or minister, who kept the few records of this barbarous petty state. A collector of dues from hamlets. This officer also received all cattle and plunder that were stolen, and distributed the shares according to estabhshed usage; he also served out grain, &c. from the chief's stores to men proceeding on plundering expeditions. A Havildar, or commander of horse, whose duty, inde- pendent of his military command, was to take charge of cattle at the time they were captured, and make them over to the Collector, who never went on such expeditions. A head executioner. This man always attended the chief. A keeper of prisoners. An intelligencer and road- watcher, whose duty was to ob- tain information of unprotected villages and travellers. This was an office of much trust. All the officers of this plundering chief had their pay in OF CENTRAL INDIA. 553 families, who with a certain number of men are bound to attend him. The form of government of every community in Central India having been generally described, it is next necessary to notice the judicial and military systems of the various rulers and chiefs who exercise authority in that country. The municipal and village institutions of India Admiui- ^ ^ ^ stration of are competent, from the power given them byjnsti.e. the common assent of all ranks in the country, to maintain order and peace within their respective circles. These local authorities have been che- rished or neglected, according to the disposition of the sovereign. But, as far as we can trace the history of Central India, their rights and privileges have never been contested, even by the tyrants and oppressors who slighted them; while, on the other hand, all just princes have founded their chief reputation and claim to popularity on at- tention to them. The police now existing in Central India merits P"'>^«- but a short notice. It is solely regulated by the Collector of the district, who intrusts it to petty officers, termed Tannahdars, who are posted in different places with small parties, and whose duty is to apprehend murderers, thieves, and other delinquents. In large and populous towns, established shares of the scanty produce of the few fields they cultivated, and of the booty taken. 554 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES where a good police is of most consequence^ it is placed under an officer called the Cutwal, who has an establishment of armed men for the apprehension of malefactors and offenders of every description. A discretionary power of fine, imprisonment, and slight punishment, is vested in this person. The character of the police in the principal towns of Central India, under the Mahratta government, may be judged, when it is stated, that the office of Cutwal is publicly rented, and that the police is considered as a source of profit, not of expenditure, to the state. It would be useless to make farther observations upon a system which must be more directed to private gain than to public good. It is proper, however, to state, that this shameless traffic in jus- tice is of late introduction, even among Mahratta princes, and is chiefly limited to them. In the territories of Zalim Singh, the ruler of Kotah, a good and efficient police* has been established; but this extraordinary personage has for more than forty years added to his other functions that of chief magistrate of his own territories. In each of the towns of Central India, there is * Zalim Singh has formed a very extended system of es- pionage throughout his territories by the means of a large and well-educated corps of Brahmin Hirkarrahs. There is a most remarkable connexion, both in the formation and employment of his corps of spies, with that formed in Mysore, which is fully described by Colonel Wilks in his Report on that country. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 555 a Zemindar, who is considered as the head of the landholders and cultivators ; a Chowdiy, cfv head of the Bunnia or mercantile tribes; and a Meh- tur, or head of every other class of the inhabitants down to the lowest : these are hereditary offices, and, though instances frequently occur where bad conduct causes the party to be superseded, it is always by one of the same family, and the measure generally originates with the class of which they are the head, not with the Government.* The above persons, who are paid by a share in the land, or by dues or fees from theu' respective tribes, exercise a jurisdiction in their different classes, and settle, by their own decision, or by the aid of a Punjayet, or court, all disputes they can adjust, without reference to the officers of govern- ment. In all cases of serious disputes or crunes, impartial collectors of districts, or governors of towns, invariably call to their assistance the heads of the caste to which the complainants and defen- dants belong; and it may be stated that, in pro- portion as justice is administered through this channel, or otherwise, it is popular, or the reverse, with the people. The Zemindars, Chowdries, and * The interference of Government is regarded with great jealousy, and is never exercised without causing much dis- content; besides, the object is not answered, for it is the con- fidence of those under him that gives weight and influence to the head of the tribe, and that contidence will never be given to the creature of authority. ^56 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES Mehturs, though they are deemed the natural protectors and advocates of then* tribes, are also the supporters of order and authority, and, as such, bound to prosecute and punish offenders. Criminal cases are referred to the Prince of the country, unless under circumstances where prompt military execution is deemed necessary. No officer under the rank of a Sir Soubah, or go- vernor and commander of a province, (who has had specific power delegated to him,) can inflict the punishment of death. If a murder or robbery be committed, the party or parties suspected are apprehended and ex- amined by the manager of the town or district, who either hears the case himself, or calls in the aid of a Punjayet, or tribunal of not less than five of the principal public functionaries or inhabitants, to investigate the circumstances. The local offi- cers of government, the Furnavese of the district, the Zemindar, and the Canoongoe, or keeper of the land records, are invariably members of this court of inquiry, for so it may be called. An abstract of the evidence and opinion of this description of Punjayet, which often conducts its proceedings in the presence of the Collector, is transmitted to the Dewan, who, after receiving the orders of the Prince, directs either that the prisoner be released, or punished. These Pun- jay ets are called by petty Mahratta collectors, more, perhaps, for their own safety, than from OF CENTRAL INDIA. 557 any regard for the form or substance of justice. The tribunal is chiefly resorted to by persons who desire to avoid the complaints and accusations to which they would be exposed, if they decided on capital crimes* without having recourse to it. Powerful governors of provinces are not so guarded, and often determine without any reference. Pun- jay ets are seldom called in criminal cases, when the offence is committed at the capital, or its vi- cinity; but even in such cases they are at times assembled, and when the abstract of proceedings is submitted to the Prince, he takes the opinion of a Shastry, or learned Brahmin, regarding the sentence that should be awarded, and the punish- ment is usually in conformity with the Plindu law. * A report was made to me, that a murder was imputed to a Fakeerat Nolye. I stated that, as it had occurred in Sindia's country, I could have no concern with it, and requested the Collector of the district in which it occurred to proceed in the usual course. A Punjayet was appointed, and on my express- ing the wish, the following copy of the proceedings sent to Dowlet Row Sindia was transmitted to me. " Tarjumah, or abstract of the proceedings of a Punjayet held at Nolye, as registered in the Komisdar's office at that place. " A Fakeer, called Gool Shah, inhabitant of Nolye, gave " his daughter in marriage to Emam Khan, a young Patau of " Bhopal, having stipulated that the youth was to turn men- " dicant : this he agreed to, and both drank sherbet from the " same cup, one of the ceremonies of initiation. It appears 558 GOVEHNMENT OF THE STATES In offences of a spiritual nature, when the case is clear and the facts undeniable, the most learned Brahmins are called to aid, by their advice, the judgment of the Prince; but where the facts are disputed, there must, if justice is not disregarded, be a Punjayet; and though that is also chiefly " some garden-ground and a well were given as the bride's " portion, " Gool Shah had three Chelahs, or disciples, Emam Shall, " Madoo Shah, and Goolzar Shah; these people being envious '* that Eman Kham should be preferred to them, determined to '* take his life, but failed in the first attempt by his refusing to " eat some poisoned sweetmeats. Upon this they attacked *' and wounded him so severely with a sword, that he died ten •* days afterwards. The Chelahs fled, and all search for them '* proved ineffectual; but the Fakeer was confined six months, " when a Punjayet was assembled, consisting of the heads of " tribes and people of respectability in Nolye, who came to " the following decision : '' That, as no proof had been obtained of Gool Shah being " concerned in the murder of Emam Khan, he should be re- *' leased from confinement; but, should the Chelahs who have *' absconded be hereafter laid hold of and confess that they " acted by order of Gool Shah, then he is to pay the price of " blood." (This is the literal translation of the expression used.) •* Dated ^2d Mohurrum 1228 Fasislee, 9th Cartick 1878 Sumbhut. (Signed) " Kazee Mahomed Fuzil u Deen. Bin Mahomed Omar, on the part of the Mahomedans. LuCKMEE Chund, Chowdry, on the part of the Bunnias. Letchmun Doss, Chowdry, on the part of the Zemindars OtJKAR MuL, Chowdry of Zemindars ." OF CENTRAL INDIA. 559 composed of religious men, some Government offi- cers, the Zemindar and Canoongoe of the town or district (whether Brahmins or not), attend the trial. The same rules apply regarding Caste disputes: when the case is clear, the heads of the caste de- cide; but, when doubtful, a Punjayet is assembled with the usual officiating officers, aided by a Punj, formed of the heads and most respectable men of the class to whom the accusers and accused be- long. Cases of disputed debts and property are usually settled among the parties ; but, when re- ferred to Government, Punjayets sit upon them, and a reluctant party is often compelled* to sul)mit to arbitration, and to abide by the award, wliicli, if he be found guilty, is sometimes imprisonment, but more frequently the seizure and sale of his property to satisfy the demands against him. The Potails aid the police in seizing crimi- nals, and they have a limited jurisdiction of a similar character to that exercised by the heads of castes in towns. It is their duty to punish slight offences, to settle aU trifling disputes, and, where they conceive their personal decision will not be satisfactory, to call a Punjayet, which is composed of the most respectable inhabitants, who are often, * This is done by a process called Tuckaza, a word which, in its literal sense, means "dispute," but which inlaw signification means as much force as can without violation of usage be adopted, to force a defendant to meet the appeal of a plaintift. 560 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES if the case be of any consequence, aided by the Punjayets and principal men of the neighbouring villages. The general object of these village Punjayets is to accommodate matters between the parties, as it is their interest to prevent the interference of the Government officers as much as possible. Where, however, the affair is serious, the Putwarry, or accountant of the village, notes the particulars, and sends a copy to the Collector. In cases where the interests of the state are at all concerned, it is deemed a punishable crime in the Potail to sup- press them. Disputes about boundaries* are * The most common cases of litigation among villagers are about boundaries and claims to lands. Upon these they are too violent to settle them among themselves, and they are in- variably the subject of the longest and most intricate investi- gation by Punjayets; but as such must always inchide men who have some interest in the question, their decisions are seldom satisfactory. Oaths, ordeals, and every mode is resorted to, to accommodate or decide these disputes. The following account of a boundary settlement made by Captain A. MacDonald, my assistant, will explain the extraordinary manner in which these are sometimes adjusted. " Himmut Singh and Sheo Singh, Thakoors of Gorbeylee and Burkairee, had a dispute regarding a tract of ground, part of which had been long cultivated by the latter, who during the last year farther encroached on it by ploughing up more of the land in question. " At the instigation of the Collector of Narrainghur, Him- mut Singh caused cattle to be driven into the fields of the dis- puted tract, with a view to injure the crops. The latter, how- OF CEXTPvAL INDIA. 501 never settled by the village authorities. In all differences between individuals respecting debts and petty thefts* the decision of the Bhye is suffi- ever, resorted to precisely the same means for retaliation, and the crops hoth of Burkairee and Gorbeylee sufiered slightly from the cattle grazing upon them. *' The Collector of Narrainghur, ostensibly to settle the quarrel, but most probably to aid Himmut Singh, sent some Pagah horse, who, advancing with a show of attack, received some shots from the matchlockmen of Sheo Singh, and two men were wounded for their audacity. " A stony ridge, of easy ascent from the West, and abrupt from the East, nearly equidistant from the two villages, would seem to mark their natural boundaries. This ridge runs about three coss nearly North and South ; on the West is Burkairee, on the East Gorbeylee. On the Burkairee side also is the small disputed tract separated from the other fields of the village by a narrow, stony, barren stripe of land, and from those of Gorbeylee by a broader stripe of the same nature. " Along each of these barren spots are shewn small heaps of stones piled up, running nearly parallel with the ridge, and denoting lines of demarcation; that of the two lines chosen by each chief as the true boundary, being the one most dis- tant from his own village, in order that the disputed lands might be brought within his own limits. It was agreed, therefore, that each paity should produce five men acquainted with the local merits of the question, who should decide upon the true line by taking a solemn oath. The first five that were brought by the Gorbeylee chief, on being questioned, denied all knowledge of the subject which they were to swear to illustrate. But an equal number were soon forthcoming from Gorbeylee and neighbouring villages. The oaths were admi- nistered, and each party swore to the identity of that line VOL. I, 2 o 562 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES cient. There is a right of appeal; but this, when the judgment is supported by a Punjayet, is sel- dom made, except there is very glaring partiality or oppression. whidh was in favour of their chief. Thus failed the first at- tempt at adjustment. ** The parties were now asked, if they would acknowledge that to be the true line which should be traced by a respectable man wearing the hide of a newly-killed buffalo. To this pro- position both willingly assented. Dullah, Potail of Burkai- ree, having been approved, a buffalo was killed and its head placed on a heap of stones, which Sheo Singh declared to be his Northern boundary. When the skin was stripped off, Dul- lah covered himself with it, and proceeded, followed by the parties, from the spot where the head of the animal was placed, in a direction nearly South, and taking a new line a few yards nearer to Burkairee, but to the East of the disputed tract, thus giving up the cultivated lands to the Burkairee chief." It is curious to observe, that the local officers of Holkar and Ghuffoor Khan, who were present at the settlement of this dispute, were, as well as all the other parties, perfectly satisfied with the result of this last and most solemn appeal which can be made by Hindus in such cases. Vide Captain MacDonald's letter to G. Wellesley, Esq. 23th October, 1820. Major Henley, in his Notes, observes upon this practice, which is as common in the Eastern as the Western parts of Malwa, " That after the Potail, or other respectable man, has " walked the boundary, his family and cattle are watched for " several days, and if any thing that has life, and was in " health when the ceremony was performed, dies before the " fixed period of probation (which is generally written) it is " deemed a judgment upon falsehood ; the man is disgraced, *' and the settlement rendered null and invalid.'* OF CENTRAL INDIA. 563 Jaghiredars, who have the exckisive adminis- tration of their own lands, can decide all cases that are not capital ; and even in these they have the power of putting to death the offender, if he is of a tribe of noted and avowed thieves (of which there are many in Central India) ; but not if he belongs to an industrious class ; and above all they cannot punish capitally any Wuttundar, or here- ditary village-officer. The above observations shew that the Mahratta princes of Central India, when their possessions were in a settled state, observed in their admi- nistration of criminal and civil justice the same system as the Paishwah and other Hindu riders ; and within the last two years the Punjayets have been generally revived in the states of Holkar, of the Puars of Dhar and Dewass, and in several of the districts of Sindia. Indeed, there are some of the latter, in which these established and re- spected courts have never been wholly disused*. The principal Rajas of Central India have the same forms of justice as the Mahrattas. With both, however, the punishment of the most heinous crimes in men of high rank is seldom carried far- ther than a confiscation of their lands. This lenity, which usually proceeds from fear, or from political * The rich districts of Mundissor and Katchrode have, under a family of hereditary Renters, enjoyed comparative quiet; and in them, as well as Nolye and other provinces, Pun- jayets have always existed. 2 o 2 564 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES motives in punishing capital offences, has con- duced much to the continuation of those feuds which pervade the whole Rajpoot country, in which murders in retaliation are very common. The police of Zalim Singh, the regent of Ko- tah, has been noticed. He is himself the head criminal and civil judge of his country ; but, though always stern and rigid, his decisions (where policy does not interfere) are remarkable for their wisdom and justice. He substitutes at his court (to which he brings all cases except the most trifling) a few men of high character and knowledge in the place of Punjayets. To these persons, who are in his service, he usually com- mits the investigation of every case of conse- quence, and, after receiving their report, is aided by their knowledge and experience in giving his own judgment. A mode of having select individuals who form a permanent Punjayet, or special court, to aid the prince, prevails in several large towns of Central India. In Rutlam* this duty is deemed here- * Particular persons, who enjoy high characters, are al- ways as a matter of course members of Punjayet courts in many of the large towns of Malwa. The names of men who in better times performed this duty in the towns of Oojein and Indore, are still cherished ; and at present there are in Rutlam some of the principal inhabitants who have in the revered character of Punj, or belonging to the Punjayet, gained much celebrity. The Punj of Rutlam may, in fact, be said to form a constituent part of its government, and they exercise a right of defending OF CENTRAL INDIA. 565 clitary in some of the principal families, and is considered a high distinction; and those enjoying it are regarded witli veneration by the people. In the administration of criminal justice among the Rajpoots of Central India, the ruler or lord is its inhabitants from oppression, as well as of adjusting its disputes. This is in some degree to be referred to a consider- able part of its population being formed of settlers from the neighbouring towns of Tandia and Peeplawud, who fifty years ago fled from violence and oppression to Rutlam, then ruled by the virtuous Rany Amrut Bhye, from whom they obtained a kind of charter, in which their immunities were specified. The heads were as follows : " 1st. That no dispute among thsmselvcs should be carried *' out of their own society to the Government officers for in- *• quiry or decision. " 2d. That they should be exempt from the power of any " officer of the Government, or of any Sepoy, coming to their ** houses to summon them as delinquents, or criminals. " 3d. That if their women had illicit intercourse (with *' men not their husbands or protectors), the}' should not be " held as having committed any offence against the Govern- " ment ; nor be punishable in any manner by the Government *' for such crimes.^' The chief persons of this colony became the Punj, or ma- gistrates of their own people ; and as disputes occurred between them and others of the inhabitants, the heads of the latter were nominated to sit in Punjayets with them to adjust these differences. This duty has become hereditary in several fa- milies, and the Punjayet court of Rutlam has, and still main- tains, a just fame for its integrity and wise decisions. The principal persons are called Mookhs, or Presidents; and oae of these is so respected, that his house is a sanctuary for cri- minals. 560 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES deemed absolute; but in some cases of murder, theft, burglary, or of persons entering a house se- cretly with any design against the honour of the females of the family, the master of the house may slay the party without being accountable to his chief. In common cases the murderer is seized and brought for examination before the prince, or his minister, who acts sometimes from his own judgment, but oftener with the assistance of a Punjayet, consisting of Government officers and heads of classes, as has been described under the Mahratta system of administration. Punjayets are employed in the Rajpoot states in all civil matters of importance ; nor woidd a decision, where pro- perty was concerned, be deemed satisfactory or just, unless the chief had resorted to the aid of one of these courts composed of the most respect- able of the inhabitants of the country. The nearest relations of a murdered person, or the man who has suffered loss by theft, are at once the complainants and accusers. On every occasion the prisoner is allowed the aid, if he de- sires it, of a friend; in civil cases both the plaintiff and defendant may have persons to assist them, should they be unequal to advocate their own cause; but there are never any Vakeels*, or * There is no part of our administration that is regarded with more alarm by Natives than that branch of our system of justice which establishes Vakeels, or renders them necessary. They argue, with prejudice, but not altogether without reason, OF CENTRAL INDIA, 567 lawyers, in these Punjayets. The aid of Shastries and Mookhs, or men learned in the law, is called for, if he requires it, by the prince, when he pro- nounces judgment; and in cases where the Pun- jay et has to award, the members are usually chosen from men who have knowledge both of Hindu law and usage; and if those require assistance, they can always have it by calling in learned persons. Witnesses are not sworn by Punjayets, unless doubts are entertained of their ci'edibiHty ; they are cross-questioned and threatened, but seldom, if ever, punished. A prisoner's confession is in- variably received as the best and most positive proof that can be obtained of his guilt. In every case a person tried by a Punjayet may appeal to the Raja, or chief, who can reverse the decision, and order another Punjayet: such instances are, however, rare; but the accused or condemned person may, even after the chief's decision, appeal to the ordeal, which generally requires that he should put his arm into boiling water or oil, or have a red-hot iron placed on his hand, a leaf of the sacred Peepul* being first bound upon it. If he is scalded by the liquid, or burnt by the iron, he is guilty, and the sentence is carried into execution. If unhurt, the miracle that this artful class promotes a spirit of litigation, and that their being necessary is a proof of the too great length and per- plexity of our regulations. * Ficus Religiosa. 568 GOVEll2^MENT OF THE STATES is received in testimony of his innocence ; the man is considered a favourite of the Divinity, and not only released, but generally receives presents. These appeals are not unfrequent, and cidprits, aided by art, or the collusion of those who have the conduct of the ordeal, sometimes escape. In both the territories of the Mahratta and Raj- poot rulers of Central India, the supposititious crime of witchcraft is punished with more severity than any other; but the punishment is almost al- ways inflicted by the prince, by individuals, or by the rabble; and there is seldom any reference to a Punjayet, for even the forms of justice are in such cases neglected. This subject, however, belongs more to the superstitious usages than to the in- stitutions of the country, and will be fully noticed hereafter. The forms of Punjayets differ in many places, but the principles by which they are regulated are every where the same. These courts, as they now exist in Central India, may be divided into two classes : the first, (composed of government officers and heads of caste) who aid the prince, or his chief functionaries, in investigating civil and criminal cases; and the second, Punjayets of arbitration. The former are mere courts of inquiry, which have little, if any fixed character ; and as they depend, both in their formation and proceedings, on the will of the prince and his delegated officers, they can hardly be deemed an established and recog- nized part of the Government. Courts of arbi- OF CENTRAL INDIA. 569 tration may he termed public and private. AVheii the parties are at issue on any case relating to property, and appeal to the ruling authority, a Punjayet sits, in which each is entitled to name an equal number^ and the government appoints an officer as vimpire, who presides. Those concerned have, however, a right to object to this person, if they deem him partial; and, as the court is one which cannot be constituted but through their own assent, the objection, if persevered in, compels the nomination of another. In private arbitration the government is not appealed to; but in aU cases where the parties refer ]3y mutual consent to a court of arbitration, they bind themselves (as has been stated) to abide by its award. A^Tien a party complains to a prince, or the local officer, against a debtor, or a man that has injured him, a Punjayet (should his complaint be deemed just) is generally ordered, and the Go- vernment intei-poses to compel* the defendant to answer. The members of the Punjayet are selected by the general suffrage of their fellow-citizens; and, whether in the lower or higher ranks, a person, who has once established a reputation for talent and integrity in these courts, is deemed a per- manent member. It is a popular distinction, and becomes, therefore, a point of fame. A person is estimated in proportion as he is free from suspi- * This is done by the Tuckaza, as before explained. 570 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES cion of being actuated by influence or corruption ; and to have fame as a Punj* is an object of am- bition with the poorest inhabitant of the hamlet as well as the highest and wealthiest citizen. To sit upon these courts is conceived a duty which every man is bound to perform. The members receive no payf ; their attendance is regulated with at- tention to general convenience ; but, after consent- ing to sit, it is not to be evaded, and Government sometimes interferes to supersede by its authority frivolous excuses for absence. There must be five persons, as the heads of a Punj ay et; the other members are indefinite, being * To be an established member of the Punj, or court, gives distinction ; but to be the Mookh, or president of the court of Punjayet, is the highest distinction a citizen can have. Mad- hoo Seit, the opium-merchant, was long Mookh of the Pun- jayet courts of Oojein, and had great fame. Those who now preside over this court in Rutlam have been mentioned. t Major Henley, who has had recourse to these courts at Shujahalpoor, makes in his notes the following observations upon these points : " At first the persons summoned as members of these courts " noticed the expense they incurred by being called from their *' families and homes; and a small per diem allowance for sub- " sistence was in consequence granted for a short time. After- . *' wards it occurred that the persons employed had been without *' an exception either Potails or Putwarries, which classes of *' village-officers being liberally endowed by the state in both " Pergunnahs, it would seem Government had a right to claim ** their occasional services under such circumstances as those ** here stated. This was explained to them, and the allowance ** rescinded. The decisions of a Punjayet thus composed have " invariably proved satisfactory. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 571 more or less, according to the case and the con- venience of the parties. The junior members come and go during the examination, and some- times, if the trial is long, absent themselves for days or weeks ; but the principal persons who have been originally nominated give an undivided attention to what is before them ; and their au- thority among the other members is proportionate to their reputation, and in cases of arbitration, relative to land or property, they may be deemed judges, while their assessors are not unUke a jury. The Punjayet is expected to be unanimous in its award, but it is not indispensable that it should be so. A very large majority* is, however, required to make its opinion or decision respected, and the power it has, with the concurrence of the Govern- ment officer, to expel any obstinate or contuma- cious member, generally secures unanimity, which is very essential to the continuance of an institution of its character. The Governments in Central India have settled fines and fees upon all cases brought before a Pun- * Major Henley, speaking of these courts, states in refer- ence to usage in the Eastern parts of Malwa : " The decision is, prima faciei required to be unanimous, but, should one member of the court persist in objecting, his protest is to be recorded. In the event of two members dissenting, the pro- ceedings are nullified. The decree passed is subscribed by the court, the Government officers in attendance, and lastly by the parties themselves ; its execution is then ordered by the appropriate authority, and the document recorded in the office as a bar to renewed litigation on the same subject." 572 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES jayet, which vary according to the nature of the case and the wealth of the parties. The fine which is levied* on the person who loses the cause, is the heaviest; while the feef from the party who gains it, is proportionably light. This prac- tice, and the shame of being found with a bad cause by the most respectable men of their own tribe, checks a spirit of litigation, which would not appear to have ever been very prevalent in this country. Fees were never given as a matter of course to the members of Punjayets in Central India : such gifts would, according to the answer of many old and respectable inhabitants, (who have been re- ferred to) have soiled their proceedings. But it is here necessary to state that the natives of this pro- vince have been for the last twenty years so ex- posed to an arbitrary military power, under which every form of justice was contemned, that they may be disposed to exaggerate the merits of a sys- tem, which is, in many districts, like a tale of other times. It cannot, however, be against the character of such an institution :]:, that its merits are over- * This fine is called Goonagaree, or " penalty for crime." t This fee is termed Shukaranna, or, " an offering of gratitude." X Nothing can exceed the feelings which the Natives both of high and low rank express regarding courts of Punjayets. I was appealed to in a case of some consequence from one of Dowlet Row Sindia's civil officers, to allow such a court to sit at the British cantonment of Mhow j which I dechned. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 573 rated, and that it is cherished in the memory of those for whose benefit it has been estabUshed. Punishments beyond those awarded by Pun- jay ets were entirely at the discretion of Govern- ment ; and throughout Central India, with few exceptions, this power has been exercised for the emolument of the ruler and his officers. Murders are usually atoned for by heavy fines ; and of late years not only crimes, but disputes between any two parties, have been openly regarded, at the principal Mahratta courts, as sources of revenue. ^Vhen any party engaged in such contentions appUes for justice, the quarrel is considered not as to its merits, jjut as to what it is likely to produce ; and shamelessly given, or sold, to a person* who Indore was next proposed; I desired the parties to go there, and directed his agent with me to write to Tantia Jogh, the minister of Holkar, that I hoped the proceedings of the Pun- jayet would be just and impartial. The following is his answer : " The General has sent Kurreem Borah and Adam Borah '^ here, that there may be a Punjayet on the management of " Puanghur and Dohud. Here every thing of the kind is, and " must be correct. Besides, in a Punjayet, partiality to father " or son is quite impossible : how can it be evinced towards '' others ?" This, it may be said, is mere profession ; but it shews the respect and veneration in which even those who exercise al- most absolute power hold, or pretend to hold, this mstitution. * A Huzooriah of Sindia's brought me a letter from the acting resident at Gualior, and one from Hindee Row Ghat- kia, begging my support ^to the son of Bajee Row Jeswunt, formerly a Subadar of part of Malwa, in an aft'air in which 574 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES is nominated by the prince to examine and decide ui^on the contested cause. A favourite Huzooriah is sometimes deputed; and in such instances, whe- ther the case be decided by the local manager, or a Punjayet, the fees and claims to remuneration of the " servant* of the presence" are distinctly his interference could not be admitted without creating dissen- sion in a family. On being asked if this was not known at Gualior, the Huzooriah replied, " Certainly they knew it very well, but this Tunta Punta (dispute) has been given to Jes- wunt Row's son, and beyond such jobs he has only one poor village to subsist himself and adherents." I, however, pre- vented any profit upon this occasion, as such could only be ob- tained by throwing a family, that had been reconciled with much trouble, into disorder again ; and Sindia's right to inter- fere in their affairs rested on very slight grounds. Vide private letter to Captain J. Stewart, 12th September, J820. * The following is a literal translation of an order, with the seal of D. R. Sindia, brought by one of his Huzooriahs, who was sent to aid in establishing claims of a complainant. It specifies all his fees. (Seal of D. R. Sindia.) " Dowlet Row Sindia to Bhojah Bugwan, inhabitant of Rutlam. (Arabic year Soorsun 1231.) " Hurchund Seit, of Oojein, has claims against you, of ** which you decline coming to a fair arrangement : so it is " represented. This order is in consequence given, that on *' receiving it you may come to a fair adjustment. For this " purpose the Circar has deputed Govinda Munguttia, Huzoo- ** riah, whose Mussalla (douceur) is fixed at five hundred ru- " pees, and a Kummer Kolah of a hundred rupees, besides his " daily subsistence at five rupees in money. The mainte- " nance of him, a .Tawos (Hirkarah) who attends hirri, and his OF CENTRAL INDIA. 575 specified, and must be defrayed. This practice was, during the disturbed times of the province, very general, but is now much limited to the government of Dowlet Row Sindia. The Bheels, and other classes of noted thieves, being unable to ransom their lives, generally suffer for capital crimes. They are usually hung, or be- headed. Imprisonment is common ; and state prisoners, who it is desired should not live, are sent to an unhealthy hill fort, where either the cHmate, starvation, or slow poison, terminates theu^ existence. Hindu rulers, though often ciniel, are seldom sanguinary, and public execu- tions are rare ; but torture is a common expedient, sometimes to discover the guilt, but oftener to compel men to reveal wealth. Neither rank, sex, nor caste, has guarded individuals from its in- fliction, as is fully shewn by many examples in the history of this country. Capital punishment among the petty Rajpoot states is unfrequent, in the ratio of the weakness and poverty of these princes : a fear (particularly when the culprit is a man of rank, or belongs to a strong family or tribe,) to incur by an act of " horse, is also to be given. A daily payment is also to be ** made to him as a farther house expense of two rupees and a " quarter. Given in the month, &c. &c. N. B. Mussalah is, literally, a compound of spices, or seasoning. It is here used metaphorically for douceur. Rum- mer Kolah means ungirding the loins, which the Huzooriah will not do till this fee is paid. 576 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES power, the resentment of the friends and relations of the criminal, combined with a desire of obtain- ing money, makes them in most cases commute the punishment (however atrocious the guilt) for a fine. When petty Rajpoot Princes desire the death of either a guilty or innocent individual, they have recourse more usually to secret assassination than to public execution. Robberies, like mur- ders, are seldom openly punished with death, ex- cept when the robbers are poor, and hardened offenders; restoration of property almost always obtains pardon. The character of the different classes of the inhabitants of Central India will be hereafter given ; and it will be found, that the commission of crimes of a capital nature is much limited to particular tribes. The Bheels have a rude system of justice. Their chiefs punish, more or less, according as their power renders them indifferent to the opinion of their adherents; but the first among them are too dependent on the attachment of the Turvies, or heads of families, who support them, to venture often on arbitrary acts of violence with their own people. If a murder, robbery, or theft, be committed, the chief, or family of the sufferer, demands reparation. If refused, immediate resort is had to acts of retaliation or reprisal ; and, as this provokes farther violence, it often happens that several lives are lost to avenge a single murder, or fifty head of cattle plundered in consequence of or CENTRAL INDIA. 577 one having been stolen. These proceedings are, however, only the effusions of sudden rage; and the elders of the tribes, when that is cooled, inter- fere, and in all quarrels or disputes, gi^eat or trifling, they have resort to Punjayets. These often consist of several hundred members, as every person connected with the plaintiff or defendant sits upon them: they generally assemble under the shade of a tree, and settle the terms on which the murder, robbery, or theft is to be compounded. Fines in cattle or money are high upon murders ; but Bheel Punjayets never inflict death. If the crime committed be of so atrocious a nature as not to be compounded or forgiven, the cidprit is pursued and destroyed by those whom this act has made his enemies ; but he must be put to death in what they term an affray, that is, in warm blood; — to take the life of each other coolly, is revolting to their usages. The proceedings of Punjayets of the Bheels are not written; but the memory of the most re- markable of the awards is long preserved in the tradition of the tribes concerned, and they are quoted on the authoi'ity of their elders as pre- cedents for future decision. When one of these rude courts meets, a buffalo and a large quantity of liquor are made ready ; and the moment the ceremony of breaking a stick, or throwing a stone into a revered stream, announces that the feud is stanched, or the dispute settled, the buffalo is VOL, I. 2 P 578 GOVERNMENT OF THE STATES slain, and the copious di'aughts of liquor which are liberally taken by all parties, make them soon forget that they were ever enemies. The military branch of the government of the Mahratta chiefs in Central India has been de- scribed. The system differs in no degree from that established in the Deckan and every other quarter. Their cavahy are divided into the usual classes. First, Pagah, or household, which means horses belonging to the chief, rode by his relations, hereditary servants, or hired men, called Bargheers. Secondly, Sillahdars, or per- sons who find thek own horses, and serve at a cer- tain sum as an average pay per month. There has hitherto been, as described in the historical part of this work, a third class with these Mah- ratta armies, who served for booty ; but they are now almost extinct, and can never be revived but by the return of those times of anarchy and gene- ral plunder in which they originated. All these bodies are governed by a very loose disciphne; and the demands they have against their leaders (for they are always in arrears) create recurring mutinies, which weaken the little subordination that exists. The consequence is, that, unless in extreme cases, any punishment beyond discharge from the service is very unfrequent; but when these do occur, they are quite arbitrary, depend- ing upon the will of a commander, who seldom or ever observes even the form of a trial. OF CENTRAL INDIA. 579 The infantry of the Mahratta governments in Malwa are of two descriptions: the first (which was for a long period the only kind in the service of the chiefs) is the common iiTegular match- lockmen, either of the country or foreigners: Mewatties, Patans, Mekranies, Sindies, and Arabs, who are hired on higher pay, on account of their supposed superior courage, particularly the last, who have a just reputation for theu* valour and skill in defending forts and walled towns. The control of these loose bodies of irre- gular infantry is left to their respective leaders, who manage them agreeably to the estabUshed usages of their tribe ; and offenders are punished according to the custom of the .class to which they belong. Besides these troops, the Mahratta chiefs of Central India had numerous corps of regular in- fantry and parks of cannon, which have been be- fore described; these, which were long under Eu- ropean officers, were clothed, disciphned, and governed, as far as the constant interference of the Mahratta superiors with the officers and the w^ant of regular pay would admit, upon the sam*^ principles as an European army. The army of the Nabob of Bhopal ^^as been noticed: the troops maintained by the Rajpoot princes and chiefs (with the exception of Zalim Singh, who has a military estabhshment not dis- similar to that of the Mahratta chiefs,) were in 680 , GOVERNMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA. common times their relations and personal re- tainers, who generally served on horseback for the lands they enjoyed. On emergency, these petty rulers also hired foreign mercenaries. The former were ruled by the usages of the tribe to which they belonged; the latter were under their respective leaders; but the want of ability of the princes, who entertained these bodies at a moment of ne- cessity, to pay them, generally subverted all order, and in many instances led to these professed ser- vants of the state becoming its real masters, and the cruel oppressors both of the chief and his sub- jects. In such cases, it is superfluous to add that little subordination or miUtary discipline remained, beyond what the concurrent voice of the officers, who became a species of military aristocracy, thought essential for self-preservation. These bo- dies of irregular and turbulent foreign mercenaries have been all expelled from Central India; and the military branch of the government of the Rajpoot chiefs is now (with few exceptions) intrusted solely to their own tribe and immediate de- pendents. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 3 1158 00688 7219 LONDON: PRINTED BY S. AND R. 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