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ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 A RECORD OF PROGRESS DURING 
 A HUNDRED YEARS 
 
 1785-1885 
 
 BY 
 
 ROMESH C. DUTT, I.C.S., CLE. 
 
 LATE OFFICIATING COMMISSIONER OF ORISSA, AND SUPERINTENDENT OF 
 ORISSA TRIBUTARY STATES IN INDIA 
 
 SOMETIME MEMBER OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL OF THE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR 
 
 OF BENGAL 
 
 AUTHOR OF 'civilization IN ANCIENT INDIA,' ETC. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 CHATTO & WINDUS 
 
 1897 
 
||H tl 1 ifCT!lilT1 ^ ''**w-JiBUH tl H 
 

 CONTENTS 
 
 PAOE 
 
 PREFACE ......... vii 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON (l785 1815) . 1 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY (1815 — 1835). . 28 
 
 CHAPTER ni. 
 
 THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON (1835 — 1865) . 6l 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE (1865 — 1885) . ^^ 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 CONCLUSION . . . . . . . .120 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 INDIAN EXPENDITURE IN 1887 AND 1897 . . . l6l 
 
 MG40(i67 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2008 with funding from 
 
 IVIicrosoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/englandindiarecoOOduttrich 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The present year has been a year of rejoicing all over the 
 British Empire in all parts of the globe ; in India it has 
 been the most disastrous year since the country passed 
 under British rule. A severe plague has all but depopulated 
 the great cities of one province ; a destructive earthquake i 
 has ruined the towns and villages of another ; and a famine, f 
 the most widespread in its area ever known in India, has ♦ 
 desolated the country from one extremity to the other. ( 
 
 But the famine of 1 897 is only one of a series of such 
 calamities which have visited India almost periodically 
 within the present century. Famines are a thing of the 
 past in Western Europe ; in India every generation, every 
 period of twenty years, has its tale of distress to tell. The 
 year of the accession of the Queen was marked by a severe 
 famine which desolated Northern India, and counted its 
 victims by the million. The year of the Indian Mutiny 
 was the commencement of the next twenty years, marked 
 by three great famines — the famines of the Noi*th-West, 
 of Orissa, and of Behar. The year in which the Queen 
 assumed'the^ title of the Empress of India was the year of 
 a more terrible famine in Madras, which swept away five 
 millions of the people of Southern India. And the year 
 of the Queen's TJiamond Jubilee has, unfortunately, been 
 
viii ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 marked in India by another widespread famine which 
 embraces the greater part of India within its sphere^ and 
 which, in spite of relief operations, is hkely to count its 
 victims by the million. The years 1 837, 1 857, 1 877, and 1 8gl. 
 are sad landmarks in the modern history of India — land- 
 marks not of progress and prosperity, but of desolation and 
 disasters. '^^=?5r:=::T^?6*r^--^:**?*~^g^ 
 
 Englishmen will not contemplate these facts with com- 
 plaisance. It is not gratifying to know that a country, 
 possessing a rich and fertile soil, and a frugal and industrious 
 population, is still subject to recurring famines after a 
 century and a half of British rule. It is not pleasant to 
 learn that, after an uninterrupted peace of forty years, the 
 I people of India show no signs of increasing prosperity and 
 » greater security from distress. And it is sad to contem- 
 plate that, in spite of a civilized administration, of the 
 construction of railways and canals, of the vast extension 
 of cultivation, and of the prosperity of foreign trade, India 
 is still periodically desolated by calamities such as are 
 unknown in Europe. 
 
 The great famine in Bengal of 1770 aroused the attention 
 of Englishmen to the defects of the East India Company's 
 administration in the last century, and was followed by the 
 Regulating Act in 1774, by Pitt's India Act in 1784, and 
 by Lord Corn walli s*s Per man ent Settlement of Bengal in 
 1793. Unless we are greatly mistaken, the sad events of 
 the present year will once more direct the attention of 
 Englishmen to Indian affairs, and will lead to reforms which 
 are urgently needed. Under the Company's rule, the 
 renewal of the Charter every twenty years was an occasion 
 for an inquiry into Indian affairs. We have lost the 
 salutary effect of those periodical inquiries now, and the 
 direct administration of India by the Crown has, along with 
 
PREFACE ix 
 
 many great and obvious advantages, this one disadvantage 
 — that the administration is virtually responsible to none. 
 But although the periodical inquiries into Indian adminis- 
 tration have unfortunately been discontinued, recent events 
 are directing the attention of Englishmen to Indian affairs, 
 and will before long require some investigation into the 
 condition of the Indian people. Thoughtful men will ask 
 themselves if the recurrence of destructive famines, five 
 times within the forty years of the direct government of, 
 India by the Crown, indicates the normal state of a rich 
 and fertile country ; and if the death of eight or ten 
 millions of human beings from starvation, within this period, 
 indicates the normal condition of an industrial and frugal 
 population living in uninterrupted peace. These are ques- 
 tions which will require some definite inquiry and some 
 definite answer. 
 
 And if an impartial inquiry be made into these matters, 
 as it must sooner or later, it will be found that the present 
 administration of India, honest and able as it undoubtedly 
 is, has drifted into some serious blunders. And the worst 
 of these blunders is its inordinate expenditure, which is \ 
 impoverishing the people, and making them defenceless y 
 against droughts and famines. It will be found that the 
 continuous increase of the State-demand from the produce ^^ 
 of the soil, which is virtually the only means of subsistence I 
 for the mass of the people in India, is making them in- I 
 capable of saving in good years, and resourceless in bad 1 
 years. It will be found that the imperial policy of f 
 England in the east, to secure a ' scientific frontier,^ and 
 to maintain an adequate army against Russia at the cost 
 of India, is exhausting that rich and fertile country. It 
 will be found that a system oF almost unlimited borrowing 
 of English capital, and ortricreasing the public debt of 
 
X ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 India in times of peace, drains the resources of the 
 country for the payment of the interest in gold. And it 
 will be found that the non-representation of the views and 
 opinions of the people in the administration of the country 
 makes it weak and uninformed in essential matters, wanting 
 in touch with the people, and ignorant of the real cpi>dition 
 and even the real poverty of the voiceless millons. 
 
 ' It is an inherent condition of human affairs/ says John 
 r Stuart Mill in his work on ' Representative Government/ 
 I * that no intention, however sincere, of protecting the 
 I interests of others, can make it safe or salutary to tie up 
 I theijc;^c)wn^ hanjls. "^ And the events of the last forty years 
 prove that it is necessary, in order to protect the vital 
 interests of the people of India, to give them some voice 
 in the administration of their own affairs, and to concede 
 to them some form of representation such as it is safe and 
 wise and practicable to concede in India. Different classes 
 of British manufacturers and merchants, capitalists and 
 planters, have the means to press tlieir demands on the 
 Indian Government for the remission of particular duties, 
 or the construction of new lines of railway, for the 
 maintenance of special labour laws, or for accelerating or 
 retarding reforms in civil or criminal laws ; and the 
 Government of India has, not unoften, shaped _rtg_a£i& 
 in furtheranceof the interests of such. da^^^^ The people 
 of India have no such means to press their demands even 
 for necessary and reasonable reforms ; they have no con- 
 stitutional methods for expressing their wishes or explain- 
 ing their views ; and their interests are not adequately 
 protected, because they are not constitutionally repre- 
 sented. Instances in which the interests of the people 
 have suffered in the past, because not duly represented, 
 can be cited without number; nor is it possible to ade- 
 
f 
 PREFACE xi 
 
 quately safeguard their interests in the future unless they 
 be represented in some manner in the Government of 
 their country. ' By their own hands oinly/ continues Mill, 
 ' can any positive and 3uratle improvement of their cir- 
 cumstances in life be worked out ;' and the time is near 
 when Englishmen will see it fit and desirable to allow to 
 the people of India some voice and some power, duly 
 guarded, in improving their circumstances in life. 
 
 A brief retrospect of the past history of India on such 
 an occasion as this may enable us to understand Indian 
 problems, and may help the cause of reform ; for the history 
 of British rule in India has been a history of reforms in the 
 past, and justifies the hope for reforms in the future. The 
 forlorn pessimism which recognises no progress in Indian 
 administration in the past is both foolish and false ; while 
 the conventional optimism which shrinks from any reforms 
 in Indian administration in the future is equally silly and 
 hurtful. The problems before us at the present moment are 
 momentous and serious, and, in order to face those problems 
 with an unbiased mind, we must honestly and gratefully 
 recognise the progress which has been effected in the past, 
 and earnestly and hopefully strive after needed reforms 
 in the future. As an Indian who has carefully studied the 
 history of his country during the present century, who has 
 witnessed the great events which have taken place in India 
 during the last forty years, and who has taken his humble 
 share in the work of Indian administration during a 
 quarter of a century, the writer of these pages has honestly 
 endeavoured to place the real needs of his country and 
 the views of his countrymen before the British public. 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to add that the present little 
 work is not meant to be a review of the general history 
 of India, but is rather a review of reforms and popular 
 
xii ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 progress in India in the past, and a forecast of the reforms 
 needed in the future. I have not attempted to narrate in 
 detail the story of wars and conquests, of military triumphs 
 and annexations. The triumphs of peace effected by such 
 rulers as Cornwallis and Bentinck, Munro and Elphinstone, 
 Canning and Ripon, are more relevant to my purpose, and 
 have been narrated more fully, because they have an abiding 
 influence in benefiting and elevating my countrymen. And 
 behind the work of these great and gifted rulers of India, 
 I note the influence of those great English statesmen at 
 home who have led great movements towards reform and 
 progress in England, who have inspired reforms and progress 
 in India, and who have given their names to the ages in 
 which they lived. I have referred again and again to their 
 work and to English history, because the history of progress 
 in England and the history of progress in India have flowed 
 in parallel streams. Indian history, or rather the history 
 of Indian progress under British rule, is unintelligible with- 
 out a reference to the history of progress in England. 
 
 Such a clear understanding of the causes of progress in 
 the past inspires us with hope for progress in the future. 
 And in the midst of the calamities which have overtaken 
 India in the present year, and amidst the difficulties which 
 surround Indian administration in the future, there is the 
 solacing fact that the times are in our favour, that reforms 
 in England must lead to reforms in India, and that India 
 forms a part of that great modem empire which has accepted 
 progress and self-government as its dominating ideas. 
 
 ROMESH C. DUTT. 
 
 Sandgute, 
 
 August^ 1897. 
 
ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON. 
 1785—1815. 
 
 The recent celebration of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee 
 naturally recalls to mind the memorable events, within 
 and beyond the limits of the United Kingdom, which 
 have led to the consolidation of the British Empire 
 during the present century. Our attention is called to 
 those bold enterprises, and to that policy of wisdom, 
 which have helped to draw closer various nations, living 
 in different latitudes and under different skies, who 
 agree, however, in rendering a common homage to the 
 Queen of England. And along with the story of the 
 extension and consolidation of the British Empire, the 
 still more instructive story of social, moral, and intel- 
 lectual progress, and of the advancement of the people 
 in influence and power, is vividly brought to our mind 
 by the great festival of the present year, a festival 
 
 1 
 
2 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 unique in the history of England, a festival of the 
 completion of a sixty years' reign. 
 
 Such an occasion seems to be appropriate for placing 
 before the British public a brief record of the progress 
 which India has made under British rule. The story 
 of the rise of the Indian Empire has been told in 
 voluminous works, as well as in short and entertaining 
 books, and it is not with the purpose of repeating a 
 twice-told tale that this little work has been under- 
 taken. Our main object in the present narration will 
 be to tell the story of progi'ess, and trace the steady 
 advancement of the people. The current of popular 
 progress is often obscured in history by the shadow of 
 larger events; but, nevei-theless, this obscure stream 
 spreads over and vivifies the land from age to age, and 
 is worth more to the people than the most glorious wars 
 and brilliant victories which historians love to narrate. 
 
 It is needless to remind our readers that, in tracing 
 the history of progi-ess in India, it will be our duty to 
 frequently refer to extraneous causes — to those great 
 impulses which are making for progress in England and 
 in Europe. These causes are not always explained by 
 the historians of India with sufficient distinctness. Filled 
 with a legitimate admiration for the great actors on the 
 scene, the historians of India often forget that those 
 actors receive their cue from Europe, and that their 
 most memorable acts are determined by great European 
 movements. We have heard it said by responsible 
 statesmen in India that the destinies of that country 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 3 
 
 should never be brought under the varying influences 
 of English politics. That there should be a certain 
 consistency in the policy of the Indian Government is 
 a proposition which needs to be stated to receive 
 universal assent. But that India should move in an 
 orbit entirely her own, and beyond the influence of the 
 great movements of modem Europe, is neither possible 
 nor desirable. 
 
 To us the modern history of India is unintelligible 
 without a reference to the modern history of England. 
 We are unable to grasp the policy of Lord Wellesley 
 in India without comprehending the policy of Pitt in 
 Europe. We fail to follow the great reforms inau- 
 gurated in India by Munro, Elphinstone, and Bentinck, 
 without knowing something of the parallel reforms 
 eft'ected in England at the same period by men like 
 Cobbett and Brougham, Canning and Grey. The 
 vigorous policy of Dalhousie receives its true ex- 
 planation from the foreign policy of Palmerston ; 
 and the Liberal measures of Ripon are unintelligible 
 without a reference to the Liberal measures of Gladstone. 
 Throughout this century the rulers of India, whether 
 under the East India Company or under the Crown, 
 have drawn their inspiration from England, and the 
 great movements which mark the history of modern 
 England have left their impress on the history of 
 modern India. In trying to elucidate the history of 
 India, therefore, we shall frequently have to turn for 
 light and guidance to episodes in English history, which 
 
 1—2 
 
4 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 are sufficiently familiar to Englishmen, but whose far- 
 reaching results are little suspected. 
 
 The story of the rise of British power in India 
 virtually begins from 1745. But we pass by the events 
 of the first forty years, the events of the age of Clive 
 and Hastings, because they have been made familiar 
 to the English reader by that most charming of his- 
 torical painters. Lord Macaulay. And the subject 
 is worthy of his matchless pencil. There is no period 
 of English history, probably, which is lighted by such 
 brilliant tints or shaded by such dark shadows as this 
 first period of British conquests in India. The strange 
 incidents which led to^he^ transfer of the sujpreme 
 power in India froni^ Jhe grasp of the Great Mogul to" 
 a company of traders from the West, hitherto little 
 known in Asia, have in them all the romance which 
 lightens the adventures of the most daring adventurers 
 in unknown seas and lands, like Columbus or Gama, 
 Cortez or Pizarro. As an Anglo-Indian poet sings : 
 
 ' History never told 
 I Of monarch-merchants, heroes wandering far, 
 ' A stranger tale of traffic or of war !' 
 
 On the other hand, this strange tale of traffic and 
 of war is disfigured by incidents which throw sombre 
 shadows over the scene it depicts. Englishmen in the 
 last century heard of the tale with concern, and became 
 anxious for their good name abroad, and this feeling 
 found eloquent expression in that most august of pro- 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 5 
 
 ceedings which even the British Parliament has ever 
 witnessed, the impeachment of Warren Hastings. 
 
 To the end of his life, Edmund Burke felt that 
 he had failed in the mightiest endeavour which he 
 had made in the cause of justice and of right. But, 
 nevertheless, if ever any man succeeded in vindicating 
 right and justice, that man was Edmund Burke. As 
 one of the greatest of Tfvihg writers in England has 
 pointed out, ' the side that is defeated on a particular 
 issue is often victorious in the wide and general out- 
 come. Looking back across the ninety years that 
 divide us from that memorable scene in Westminster 
 Hall, we may see that Burke had more success than at 
 first appeared. If he did not convict the man, he over- 
 threw a system, and stamped its principles with lasting 
 censure and shame. . . . That Hastings was acquitted 
 was immaterial. The lesson of his impeachment had 
 been taught with sufficiently impressive force — the 
 great lesson that Asiatics have rights, and that Euro- „ 
 peans have obligations ; that a superior x?ic,^. is houad J 
 to observe the highest curi'ent morality of the time in 
 all its dealings with the subject race. Burke is entitled 
 to our lasting reverence as the first apostle and great 
 upholder of integrity, mercy, and honour, in the 
 relation between his countrymen and their humble 
 dependents.'* 
 
 Warren Hastings left India in 1785, and our present 
 story begins from this date. The great Pitt had taken 
 * ' Burke/ by John Morley. 
 
6 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 charge of his duties as Prime Minister of England in 
 the preceding year, and held that high post continu- 
 ously for seventeen years ; and the policy of the rulers 
 of India during these years was a reflection of the policy 
 of Pitt in Europe. In the very first year of his tenure 
 of oflice Pitt passed his famous India Bill of 1784, which 
 placed the civil and military transactions of the East 
 India Company under a Board of Control in England ; 
 and the British Goveminent thus l)ecame directly re- 
 sponsible for the proper administration of Indian 
 affairs. The period of Clive and Hastings came to a 
 natural end. -^--...-^c-^sc^--'*^^*--^*--^^ 
 
 Lord Rosebery has, in his Life of Pitt, dispelled a 
 widespread misapprehension, and has shown that Pitt, 
 who is generally regarded as a great war Minister, was 
 really the greatest peace Minister that ever held office 
 in England. His soul was bent on securing, not the 
 triumphs of war, but the triumphs of peace. Three 
 times he brought forward his scheme of Parliamentary 
 Reform — the last time in 1785 ; but England was not 
 yet ripe for it, and in spite of the zeal and ability 
 of Pitt, his endeavours failed. In the same year he 
 brought forward his generous and statesmanlike Irish 
 scheme, proposing to admit Ireland to a participation 
 of the commercial advantages of Great Britain, and 
 denouncing in jthe strongest terms, t^e past treatment 
 of^ Ireland by England. But on this question also 
 English prejudices prevailed ; and one of the first and 
 best opportunities for really uniting the two countries 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 7 
 
 passed away. In 1787 a small colonizing expedition 
 was sent to Australia, and the foundation was laid on 
 which has been built up in these hundred years the 
 great self-governing Australian colonies of the present 
 day. In the following year Pitt, prompted by Wil- 
 berforce and supported by Burke and Fox, induced the 
 House of Commons to take the burning question of 
 the slave trade into consideration, and the Bill for its 
 provisional regulation was passed shortly after. And in 
 1792 Pitt made his great speech on this great subject, 
 which all authorities consider the highest effort even of 
 his genius. He was so weak and exhausted that he 
 took some medicine before he began to speak ; but 
 when he once began, his long and powerful oration 
 showed no signs of weakness, and during the last twenty 
 minutes he seemed nothing less than inspired. His 
 great rivals on the opposite side were carried away by 
 his eloquence ; Fox and Wyndham were loud in their 
 admiration ; Sheridan was passionate in his praise, and 
 Grey was equally enthusiastic. Such were the noble 
 reforms which Pitt endeavoured to secure during the 
 first nine years of his administration, from 1784 to 
 1793 ; and these yeai-s witnessed the first gi'eat reforms 
 in the government of India. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, the successor of Wan-en Hastings, 
 landed in Calcutta in 1786. The appointment of this 
 nobleman of high character as Governor -General of 
 India was in itself a sign of the times ; and Cornwallis 
 did not belie expectations. The Company ''s servants 
 
8 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 had from the very commencement found the task of 
 civil administration in India more difficult than the 
 task of defeating ill -disciplined Indian armies in the 
 field. Lord Clive, the victor of Plassy and the 
 conqueror of Bengal, had signally failed in his system 
 of civil administration. Under his system the ad- 
 ministration of law and justice, as well as the collection 
 of revenue, was still left in the hands of the Nawab of 
 Bengal and the two deputy Nawabs of Patna and 
 Murshidabad; and the revenue when collected was 
 supposed to be made over to the Company. In the 
 meantime the Company's servants were busy with the 
 Company*'s trade, and also with making colossal private 
 \ fortunes, with which they hoped to retire to England, 
 as fast as possible. Thus, the supreme power, which was 
 responsible for the well-being and protection of the 
 people, did not concern itself with the administration 
 of the country ; while the Nawab and the deputy 
 Nawabs and their subordinates, who were_eiitrusted 
 with the entire administration, did not feel that re- 
 sponsibility for the good of the people which the 
 supreme power alone can feel. They were collecting 
 revenue for the Company, and were not scrupulous as 
 to the means employed ; and the Company, so long as 
 it obtained the revenue, believed itself free from the 
 I responsibilities of administration. Thus, under a dual 
 
 I system of government neither party felt responsible for 
 good administration, and the people were grievously 
 oppressed. The English, as the supreme power in the 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 9 
 
 land, naturally got the odium for this state of things ; 
 and the thoughtful writer of the ' Siyar-ul-Mutakherin ' 
 lamented that 'the new rulers paid no attention to the 
 concerns of the people of Hindustan, aiidt suffered them 
 to be mercilessly plundered, oppressed and tormented 
 by officers of their own appointing.** 
 
 Warren Hastings totally upsef^the system of Lord 
 Clive. He arrested the deputy Nawabs, and brought 
 them down to Calcutta. A judicial inquiry was made 
 into their conduct and administration, and their 
 authority was abolished for ever. He i-emoved the 
 central revenue offices from^Murshidabad and Patna 
 to Calcutta, and placed them ujider the supervision 
 of English officials under the name of the Board of 
 Revenue. He abolished the judicial powers of local 
 landlords or zemindars', and appointed an English officer 
 in each Tfistrict under the misleading name of Collector 
 for the purposes of administration. The Collector was 
 responsible for the collection of revenues; he was the 
 Civil Judge ; and he was also the Criminal Court in his 
 district. A code of regulations was drawn up for the 
 guidance of Collectors; and two Sadar Courts of Appeal 
 were established at Calcutta. 
 
 These measures give evidence of Warren Hastings**s 
 energy, vigour, and power of organization; but they 
 also give evidence of his arbij^raty exercise of, power. 
 He swept away by a stroke of his pen the system which 
 had prevailed before ; he took away from local chiefs 
 and Zemindars the power and the responsibility of 
 
10 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 keeping peace within their vast territories; he rejected 
 all co-operation on the part of the people in the ad- 
 nimistration of their own concerns ; and he set up 
 young Englishmen, ignorant of the law and the 
 customs"bF the country, to administer ciyil and criminal 
 justice, to collect revenues, to repress crime, to maintain 
 peace, and ih be sole authority in all matters of ad- 
 ministration in their districts. The system could not 
 succeed, and did not succeed. 
 
 When Lord Cornwallis came to India, his great 
 endeavour was to make these young district Collectors 
 upright and honest administrators. The Collectors 
 used to draw salaries varying according to their work, 
 and in no case exceeding about c£^l,500 a year; but 
 their irregular and additional gains amounted to a 
 great deal more. The pagoda tree was shaken to some 
 effect in every district by the very men appointed as 
 the heads of districts. Lord Cornwallis abolished these 
 irregular gains of the district Collectors ; and he forced 
 the Court of Directors to grant them adequate salaries. 
 He also effected a great improvement in the administra- 
 tion, which has unfortunately been lost to us since, by 
 separating the revenue and executive work from the 
 judicial work. He limited the powers of Collectors to 
 revenue work only; and he appointed magistrates and 
 judges in all districts for the performance of judicial 
 work. And Lord Cornwallis also established four 
 Provincial Appellate ^.Courts, in Calcutta, Dacca, Mur- 
 shidabad and Patna, between the District Courts and 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 11 
 
 the Sadar Appellate Courts established by Hastings. 
 All these measures bear the impress of Cornwall is's 
 judicious mind, his noble English instincts, and his 
 desire to rule India on those principles of equity and 
 justice which are recognised in all civilized countries, 
 rather than by despotic power. In the words of a 
 writer, who writes with an intimate knowledge of his 
 subject, ' The Cornwallis Code, whether for revenue, 
 police, criminal and civil justice, or other functions, 
 defined and set bounds to authority, created procedure, 
 by a regular system of appeal guarded against the mis- 
 carriage of justice, and founded the Civil Service of 
 India as it exists to this day." In one respect only 
 Cornwallis failed to rectify the mistakes of his pre- 
 decessor: the almost^ntire exclusion of the people of 
 India from the^,administration of their country was 
 continued. The result proved disastrous in the end. 
 
 We pass by the story of Comwallis''s Mysore war, an 
 account of which will be found in every book on Indian 
 history. Tipu Sultan was humbled, and ceded one half 
 of his territories, which were divided among the English 
 and their allies. He also consented to pay three millions 
 towards the expenses of the war, and sent his two sons 
 as hostages for the fulfilment of the terms. The peace 
 was concluded in 1792. 
 
 But the crowning glory of Lord Comwallis''s adminis- 
 tration was the Permanent Settlement of the land 
 revenues of Bengal, effected in 1793. The condition of the 
 landed classes in Bengal — both landlords and cultivators 
 
12 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 — had been reduced to the last stage of misery through 
 the blunders as well as the rapacity of the Company's 
 servants and their Indian subordinates. The great 
 famine of 1771 had desolated Bengal, and had carried 
 away a third of the population of that fertile and 
 populous province. Cultivated fields had relapsed into 
 jungle, and villages had become the home of the wild 
 beast. The viojorous administration of Warren Hastinos 
 gave the country some security and rest ; but his frequent 
 and punctual calls for revenue, and his system of settling 
 estates with the highest bidders, ruined the old landed 
 houses of Bengal. Estates were sold to speculators; 
 and money-lenders acquired vast properties, and screwed 
 up rents in order to pay the demands of the Govern- 
 ment. The result was disastrous. ' I may safely assert,' 
 wrote Lord Cornwallis, ' that one-third of the Com- 
 pany's territory in Hindostan is now a jungle, inhabited 
 only by wild beasts.' 
 
 The proposal was then made to settle the estates at a 
 revenue fixed for ten years. The inadequacy of such 
 a measure was, however, apparent to the Governor- 
 General. ' Will a ten years' lease induce any proprietor 
 to clear away that jungle, and encourage the ryots to come 
 and cultivate his lands, when at the end of that lease 
 i he must either submit to be taxed, cul UbHum, for his 
 -^ newly-acquired lands, or lose all hopes of deriving any 
 I benefits for his labour ?' Lord Cornwallis therefore 
 I desired the settlement to be permanent, and the settle- 
 ment was made permanent in 1793. 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 13 
 
 Those who judge the policy of Indian rulers merely 
 by the amount of revenue which it produces have con- 
 demned this act of Lord Cornwallis. Those, however, 
 who judge it by happiness which it secures to the people 
 of India will admit that no single measure of the 
 British Government that can be named has been so 
 beneficial to the people, and therefore to the Govern- 
 ment under which they live. Cultivation has largely 
 extended in Bengal within these hundred years, mainly 
 owing to the Permanent Settlement, and the profits from 
 this extension have remained with the people, and have 
 bettered their condition. And as the Government asks 
 for no increase of revenue from the landlords of Bengah * 
 they have stopped the landlords from obtaining increase 
 from cultivatoi-s, except on the most reasonable grounds. 
 Bengal cultivators to-day are therefore more prosperous 
 and self-relying, more free from the grasp of the money- 
 lender, and better able to withstand the first onset of 
 famines than cultivators elsewhere in India. For all 
 this — for the increased happiness which has been secured 
 to over 50,000,000 of people in India — the credit is due 
 to the large-hearted policy and the benevolent wisdom 
 of Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 Among the direct benefits which the British Govern- 
 ment have derived from the Permanent Settlement of 
 Bengal, there are two of a specially marked character 
 which require to be mentioned. It is not easy, says a 
 writer whom we have already quoted, to over-estimate 
 the advantage of having a wealthy, influential, and 
 
 / 
 
14 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 / privileged class who have everything to lose and nothing 
 I to gain by revolution ; and during the Mutiny of 1857, 
 ^ such disaffection as had broken out in Bengal soon dis- 
 appeared, and ' the Sepoys took to the villages and the 
 ^ jungles, and then they literally melted away before the 
 I impassive demeanour, the want of sympathy, and the 
 J silent loyalty of the zemindars/ In the second place, 
 \ in years of scarcity and famine, which seem to recur 
 ? periodically in India, the co-operation of the zemindars, 
 
 both in raising funds and in carrying out relief opera- 
 tions, has been of inestimable value ; and in the present 
 distressful year the premier zemindar of Bengal has 
 distinguished himself by a donation amounting to about 
 i?100,000. 
 
 Sir John Shore, afterwards Lord Teignmouth, suc- 
 ceeded Cornwallis as Governor-General, and ruled India 
 from 1793 to 1798. Under his administration the 
 Permanent Settlement was extended to the Province of 
 Benares. But the current of peaceful reforms was now 
 disturbed by the turmoil of war, which had already 
 broken out in Europe, and which led to a change of 
 policy in India. For about twenty years — ^from 1794 
 to 1815 in Europe, and from 1798 to 1818 in India — 
 the record of peaceful reforms is poor ; the annals are 
 full of the incidents of war. Consistently with the 
 plan which we have laid down for ourselves, we shall 
 rapidly pass over these incidents, until we come again 
 to a new period of peace and reforms. 
 
 Pre-eminently a peace Minister, Pitt avoided being 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 15 
 
 drawn into a war as long as he could. When the 
 Revolution broke out in France in 1789, and the Bastille 
 was taken, Pitt remained unmoved and firm amidst the 
 wildest excitement. In 1790 Pitt wrote that England 
 meant to persevere in the neutrality which it had 
 hitherto scrupulously observed with respect to the 
 internal dissensions of France ; and even in 1792 Pitt 
 hoped to keep England free from the war. But the 
 public feeling in England was too strong for Pitt. 
 After the events of August 10, 1792, the British 
 Government recalled their Ambassador from Paris ; and 
 after the execution of Louis in 1793, they ordered the 
 ex-Envoy of France to leave England, which virtually 
 meant a declaration of war. France replied by an open 
 declaration of war. 
 
 Into the events of the war, which continued for eight 
 years, from 1794 to 1801, it is notour purpose to enter. 
 The British Navy won renowned victories and swept 
 the seas, but the British Army made only scattered, 
 feeble, and ineffectual efforts. These feeble and in- 
 effectual expeditions by land cost England no less than 
 60,000 men up to 1801, without securing any great 
 advantages, and Macaulay therefore has some grounds 
 for calling Pitt an incapable war Minister. 
 
 But Pitt's policy should be judged, not by the result 
 of the expeditions he sent out to the Continent, but 
 also by the great coalitions he formed against 
 Napoleon ; and if the coalitions, too, failed, it is be- 
 cause no human endeavours were then of any avail 
 
16 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 against that great genius of war. Napoleon demolished 
 the first coalition by his brilliant Italian campaign, and 
 Austria, the last ally of England, laid down her arms 
 and concluded a treaty with the conqueror in 1797. 
 The indefatigable Pitt formed a second coalition, 
 arming Russia and Turkey, Naples and Austria, against 
 France ; and he even refused the First Consul's offers 
 of peace, hinting that there could be no peace until 
 ' the restoration of that line of princes which for so 
 f many centuries maintained the French nation in 
 I prosperity at home, and in consideration and respect 
 * abroad." Napoleon sent his famous reply, alluding to 
 the English revolution to which the Hanover line of 
 kings owed the English throne ; but his most effectual 
 reply was given in the field of Marengo. The second 
 coalition was demolished, and Austria concluded peace 
 with France in 1801. Pitt resigned in the same year, 
 after holding the post of Prime Minister for seventeen 
 years, and England concluded the Peace of Amiens 
 ^ with France. 
 
 The two coalitions spoken of above had been secured 
 by a vast expenditure of treasure. In 1795, and again 
 in 1797, the British Exchequer guaranteed loans 
 aggregating to over <£'6,000,000 in consideration of 
 Austria maintaining her armies in war against France, 
 and subsidies were also given amounting to over 
 ^,000,000. The total addition made to the national 
 debt of England during these eight yeai^ up to 1801 
 was the fabulous sum of over o£'334,000,000 ! 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 17 
 
 While Pitt made such vast sacrifices to maintain the 
 war against France, his endeavours to crush every 
 opposition at home were still more strenuous, and per- 
 haps regrettable. The question of Parliamentary 
 Reform which had engaged his attention in the earlier 
 days of peace was shelved for ever, and the advocacy of 
 such reform was now treated as a crime. In Scotland 
 the Reform Party was persecuted and punished with 
 appalling severity. Muir, a member of a convention 
 with revolutionary aims, was transported for fourteen 
 years. Palmer, a clergyman, was transported for seven 
 years for circulating a paper in favour of Parliamentary 
 Reform. Skirving, Margarot, and Gerrald were trans- 
 ported. In England the Habeas Corpus Act was 
 suspended from 1795 to 1801. One Act enlarged 
 the list of treasonable offences, and another Act 
 forbade all public meetings of more than fifty persons 
 without the superintendence of a magistrate. And 
 regulations and restrictions were imposed upon the 
 press. It is fair to Pitt to state that he rather 
 yielded to the public sentiment than led it. ' The / 
 public in its terror called for more and more ; Parlia- 1 
 ment passed every repressive measure with something \ 
 like acclamation ; it was not the coercion of a people ! 
 by a Government, it was the coercion of a Govern- | 
 ment by the people.*** 
 
 If such things could take place in England, it may 
 be imagined that the state of things was a hundred 
 
 * Lord Rosebery's ' Pitt/ p. 167. 
 
 2 
 
18 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 times worse in Ireland. Between the Catholic Party, 
 agitating for emancipation, and the Ulster Protestants 
 there was a feud worse than war. There were murders 
 and roastings on one side, there were picketing and 
 scourging, hanging and house-burning, on the other. 
 The French sent expeditions to Ireland in 1796 and 
 again in 1798, and in the last year the Irish rose in 
 open rebellion, and were repressed with cruel and 
 atrocious severity. 
 
 Harassed by a war abroad, and probably more 
 
 harassed by the state of things in Ireland, Pitt resolved 
 
 on a great measure. Ireland must be united with 
 
 England. There must be one Parliament, not two ; 
 
 and this must be effected by any means by which it 
 
 was possible to secure the object. In 1799 the Irish 
 
 Parliament rejected the propositions of the Government 
 
 for a union. Then followed a system of coercion and 
 
 I bribing to secure the object. ' The corruption was 
 
 i black, hideous, horrible ; revolting at any time, 
 
 I atrocious when it is remembered that it was a nation'^s 
 
 I birthright that was being sold.** Out of 300 members, 
 
 sixty-three were bribed or coerced to vacate their seats, 
 
 and men favourable to the Union were elected, and the 
 
 measure of Union was passed in 1800. ' The whole un- 
 
 I bribed intellect of Ireland was opposed to it,** but the 
 
 \ object aimed at was secured, and Ireland was united 
 
 with England under one Parliament, so as to present a 
 
 united front to the enemy. 
 
 "*"^ * Lord Rosebery's 'Pitt,' p. 189. 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 19 
 
 We have dwelt at some length on these transactions 
 in Europe because the history of India during the 
 closing years of the eighteenth centuiy and the opening 
 years of the present century is unintelligible without a 
 knowledge of Pitt's European policy. Lord Morning- 
 ton, who ruled India from 1798 to 1805, was Pitt's : 
 friend and imitator. Before coming out to India, he 
 had asked Pitt for a peerage of Great Britain, and Pitt 
 had procured one for him by using his influence with 
 the King. Arrived in India, Lord Mornington followed I 
 the policy of Pitt as closely as a European policy can 
 be imitated in India. In 1799 Lord Mornington re- 
 ceived the high title of Marquis Wellesley of NoiTagh, 
 and when he grumbled that an English marquisate had 
 not been conferred on him, he received a just but 
 friendly rebuke from his patron and friend. In 1805 
 Wellesley was recalled from India, and reached England 
 in time to see his dying friend. There is scarcely a 
 more touching episode in the history of the times than 
 the friendship between the great Commoner who swayed 
 the destinies of England and the gr6at Marquis who 
 swayed the destinies of India. Death alone closed the 
 friendship in 1806. 
 
 Pitt's engrossing idea was to unite Europe against 
 the power of ^Napoleon. Wellesley's engi-ossing idea 
 was to unite India under the paramount power of 
 England against a possible invasion of the French. 
 Pitt granted subsidies to European Powers to maintain 
 armies ^n~ war against the common enemy. Wellesley 
 
 2—2 
 
20 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 modified this policy so as to make it suitable to the 
 conditions of India. To grant subsidies to the Indian 
 potentates, and to maintain their inefficient troops in 
 readiness, would have been waste of money. He there- 
 fore obtained subsidies If dm "tKose potentates in order 
 to maintain British armies in their dominions. By 
 this skilful adaptation of Pi tt% policy he succeeded in 
 uniting India under the supreme power of England. 
 
 The Nizanr of Hyderabad had maintained some 
 French battalions; Lord Mornington induced him to 
 disband these battalions in 1798, and to receive and 
 pay for aTBritish force in his dominions. Tipu Sultan 
 I of Mysore had proposed to conclude an offensive and 
 defensive alliance with the French. Lord Mornino-ton 
 
 o 
 
 resolved to crush this Mysore chief. An English army 
 under General Harris marched on Seringapatam, the 
 capital of Mysore. Tipu died like a warrior, sword 
 in hand, in 1799, and the power of the house was 
 extinguished for ever. 
 
 The fall of Mysore was followed by the fall of 
 Tan] ore and the Camatic. Lord Mornington, now 
 Marquis of Wellesley, dealt with both in his own 
 arbitrary way. He deposed the reigning prince of 
 Tan] ore, and placed a rival on the throne, on the con- 
 dition of transferring the entire administration jo the 
 i British ! And on the death of the Nawab of the 
 Carnatic he allowed one of the rival heirs to succeed 
 on condition of a similar transfer. The Raja of 
 Tanjore and the Nawab of the Carnatic henceforth 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 21 
 
 became political pensioners; their dominions passed / 
 under the administration of the British in 1801. / 
 
 The Mahrattas were the only remaining power in 
 India. Guided by the genius of the celebrated Nana 
 Farnavis, they had declined to enter into any 'sub- 
 sidiary ' treaty, and Wellesley therefore waited for an 
 opportunity to bring them to his snare. The oppor- 
 tunity came at last. In 1802 there were disputes be- 
 tween two claimants for the post of Peshwa, the head 
 of the Mahratta confederacy. Baji Rao, one of the 
 claimants, was worsted in battle, fled to the western 
 coast, and saw nothing but ruin before him. In 
 this extremity he signed the obnoxious treaty which 
 the Mahrattas had declined so long, and agreed to 
 receive a British force, if the British would help 
 him to the coveted post of Peshwa. This was the 
 celebrated Treaty of Bassein, signed on December 31, 
 1802. 
 
 Baji Rao was placed on the Peshwa's throne at Puna in 
 1803. The other Mahratta powers, Sindia, Holkar, and ^ 
 the Bhonsla, were staggered by this triumph of Welles- / 
 ley's diplomacy, which introduced the British into the 
 arena of their politics. War was the inevitable result, 
 but into the details of this war it is needless for us to 
 enter. Arthur Wellesley, afterwards the famous Duke 
 of Wellington, crushed the power of the Mahrattas in 
 the south in the celebrated battles of Assaye and 
 Argaon ; and Lord Lake defeated their army in the 
 north, and entered Delhi, the ancient capital of 
 
 1 
 
%% ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 Hindustan, as a conqueror in 1803. From this date 
 the British became the Supreme Power in India. 
 
 But Wellesley's troubles were not yet at an end. 
 Sindia and the Bhonsla concluded ' subsidiary ^ alliances 
 with the British, the former renouncing all claims to 
 the regions north of the Chambal, and the latter ceding 
 Cuttack and Berar. The Gaekwar of Baroda, another 
 Mahratta chief, also ceded some territory for the 
 maintenance of a ' subsidiary ** force. But Holkar 
 remained yet unsubdued, and while the war with 
 "Holkar was still proceeding, Sindia threw off his 
 allegiance to the British, and joined Holkar, once 
 more to uphold the common Mahratta cause. Thus 
 complications began again ; the East India Company 
 were alarmed at the unending wai-s of Wellesley, and 
 scarcely veiled their disapprobation of his action in 
 their letters. But they retained the conquests while 
 they disapproved of the wars, and Wellesley replied to 
 them with cutting irony : ' The general fame of your 
 equity and magnanimity would have precluded any 
 supposition that in condemning the justice of our cause 
 you would retain the fiiiits of our success, or enjoy the 
 benefits of the peace while you repudiated the necessity 
 and the policy of the war." Wellesley was recalled in 
 1805. 
 
 We have seen before that Pitt's second coalition 
 against Napoleon failed in 1801. Pitt retired from 
 office, and the preliminaries of the Peace of Amiens 
 between France and England were settled in the same 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 23 
 
 year. But the peace was of short duration. War 
 broke out again in 1803, and in the following year the 
 English nation recalled to the office of Prime Minister 
 the one man in England who had shown a capacity 
 to continue it with tenacity of purpose, if not with 
 success. Pitt took his seat in the House of Commons 
 on May 18, the very day on which his great antagonist 
 was proclaimed Emperor of the French. 
 
 Pitt's wai- policy was the same as before, but on a 
 grander scale. He matured a gigantic alliance with the 
 European Powei-s. Russia agreed to bring 500,000 
 men against France. Austria signified her adherence to 
 the new coalition. Prussia was still hesitating, and 
 had not yet joined, when the coalition was crushed. 
 
 Napoleon had collected his grand army at Boulogne, 
 bent on striking a mortal blow at England, and was 
 only waiting for his fleet. News came to him, however, 
 that his fleet had retreated to Cadiz. News also 
 reached him of the great coalition which England and 
 Russia and Austria had joined, and which Prussia was 
 about to join. There was not a moment to be lost; 
 Napoleon changed his plans and marched into Austria. 
 England heard with dismay that the Austrian General, 
 with 30,000 veteran troops, had been surrounded at 
 Ulm, and had suri'endered to the great conqueror. A 
 few days after, tidings of the victory of Lord Nelson at 
 Trafalgar cheered the English nation, and Pitt's health 
 was drunk as the saviour of Europe. But Pitt replied 
 almost in pathetic terms, ' Europe is not to be saved by 
 
24 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 any single man.** How true'^these words were Englishmen 
 knew, when they learnt a few weeks after that the 
 invincible Napoleon had crushed Austria and Russia in 
 the field of Austerlitz on December 2, 1805. The 
 armies of Austria and Russia were scattered, peace was 
 being negotiated, the third coalition against Napoleon 
 was at an end. The news killed Pitt. 
 
 The last scene of the drama of Pitt's life is well 
 known. Pitt was at Bath when the tidings of 
 Austerlitz reached him. He opened the packet and 
 was staggered. He asked for some brandy and 
 swallowed one or two drams ; had he not, he must have 
 fainted. On January 9 he set out for home. As he 
 entered his villa on the 12th, his eye fell on a map of 
 Europe. ' Roll up that map,"* he said ; ' it will not be 
 wanted these ten years." Two days after, Wellesley, 
 just returned from India, came to see Pitt, and had a 
 long interview. This was the last interview that Pitt 
 gave to anyone; he saw none but his family and 
 physicians after this. He steadily declined, and on 
 January 23 the greatest statesman of England was 
 dead. 
 
 The death of Pitt made no change in the policy of 
 England. His successors, Grenville and Portland and 
 Percival and Liverpool, continued the war, and the 
 genius of Wellington gave it a new turn in Portugal 
 and in Spain. But it was Napoleon's fatal blunder in 
 Russia which ruined his hitherto invincible army and 
 caused his downfall. He hastened to Paris, raised a 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 25 
 
 new army, and sustained his first great defeat at 
 Leipzig. Never did even Napoleon's genius shine 
 brighter than in his defence of France against the 
 countless armies of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, but all 
 attempts were unavailing, and the great Emperor 
 abdicated and was sent to Elba. His return from that 
 island, and the eventful ' hundred days," ending in the 
 final defeat of Waterloo, are among the most stirring 
 and momentous events in modern history. His star 
 was set, and the policy inaugurated by Pitt bore its 
 fruit nine years after his death. 
 
 In India the unending wars of Lord Wellesley led to 
 a reaction, and his successors, Corn wal lis and Barlow 
 and Minto, were for peace. But the problem which 
 was left unsettled by Lord Wellesley became ripe for 
 solution when Lord Moira came out as Governor- 
 General in 1813. After the conclusion of a war with 
 Nepal, the new Governor-General, now Marquis of 
 Hastings, found himself face to fiice with the Mahrattas 
 and the Pindaris. 
 
 Never had any war a more complete justification 
 than the war of Lord Hastings against the Pindaris. 
 They were professional freebooters, who had risen 
 to power with the decline of the great hereditary 
 houses of India, and now ravaged the country from 
 the Junuia to the Coromandel coast. The cause 
 of security and peace, the cause of civilization and 
 progress, demanded the subjugation of these free- 
 booters, and Lord Hastings made preparations on a 
 
26 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 scale hitherto unknown in India. Cornwallis had 
 brought 30,000 men against Tipu Sultan, and Lord 
 Wellesley had assembled 60,000 against the Mahrattas. 
 Lord Hastings called together the armies of the three 
 presidencies, which, together with contingent and 
 irregular troops, numbered 120,000. The armies 
 moved up from the north, west, and south, and closed 
 round the enemy. The Pindaris were crushed in 1818, 
 and mostly settled down as peaceful cultivators, and 
 India knew no more of this race of plunderers. 
 
 The proceedings against the Mahratta powers were 
 concluded about the same time. Baji Rao, who had 
 first brought the British iiito the arena of Mahratta 
 politics l)y the Treaty of Bassein in 1802, now chafed 
 under the controfoT^Iiis new friends ; and the other 
 Mahratta chiefs were eager to join the common cause. 
 But the gallantry of the British troops, European and 
 Indian, strangled all opposition. Sindia yielded to 
 British pressure, and concluded a treaty in 1817. Baji 
 Rao attacked a small British force at Khirki with 
 18,000 horse in November of the same year, but was 
 repulsed by Elphinstone and fled. The Bhonsla of 
 Nagpore also attacked 1,400 Indian Sepoys with his 
 18,000 troops at Sitabaldi in the same month, but 
 was repulsed and fled. Holkar's army mmdered 
 their Queen, who desired to be at peace with the 
 British, and plundered the baggage of the British, 
 but were crushed by Sir John Malcolm at Mehidpur in 
 December. Baji Rao's dominions were annexed to the 
 
THE AGE OF PITT AND WELLINGTON 27 
 
 Company's dominions in February, 1818, and now form 
 the Bombay Presidency. And a few months after Baji 
 Rao himself was aiTested by Sir John Malcolm and re- 
 tired as a pensioner. The power of the Mahrattas, 
 who were virtually the masters of India for about a / 
 hundred years, from the time of the decline of the t 
 Moguls, was thus effectually crushed ; and henceforth / 
 the English had no rivals in India east of the Sutlej. / 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY. 
 
 1815—1835. 
 
 It is a relief to turn from the annals of war, however 
 glorious, to the annals of the peace which succeeded. 
 It is a relief to turn from the account of battles and 
 invasions to the account of those measures of reform 
 and advancement which elevate nations and add to the 
 happiness of mankind. And never was there any period 
 when Europe and India made more real progress within 
 the lifetime of one generation, than during the twenty 
 years which succeeded the Napoleonic wars and the last 
 Mahratta wars. 
 
 England had paid heavily for the Napoleonic wars. 
 Her public debt had increased from i:^J^68,000,000 to 
 the fabulous sum of <£'800,000,000. Her taxation had 
 increased enormously, until in 1814 it had risen to £6 
 for each person in the country, a rate unknown upon the 
 earth, excepting then. All proposals of Parliamentary 
 Reform and of Catholic emancipation had been post- 
 poned, the Habeas Corpus Act had been susj^ended, and 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 29 
 
 Englishmen had submitted to coercive Acts the like 
 of which have been unknown since then. All Liberal 
 measures were suspended at home and abroad. Slavery 
 flourished ; and during the first seven years of the 
 present century English ships conveyed annually across 
 the Atlantic 40,000 negroes, one half of whom perished 
 at sea or soon after landing. The British Parliament 
 abolished the slave trade by two Acts in 1807 and 1811, 
 but allowed slavery to continue. 
 
 The settlement of Europe which followed the battle 
 of Waterloo was framed in this spint. In the Congress 
 of Vienna, the triumphant allies undid much of the good 
 which had been effected by the French Revolution, and 
 forced nations to submit to conditions they had out- 
 grown. Italy was forced back under the hateful rule of 
 Austria. In Germany every petty despot was reseated on 
 the throne he had occupied before. Holland and Belgium 
 were crushed together into one kingdom. Norway was 
 annexed to Sweden. The old partition of Poland 
 was confirmed, and a people numbering 15,000,000 
 were formally handed over to Russia, Austria, and 
 Prussia. 
 
 ' It was a severe disappointment,** says a learned and 
 impartial historian, ' when the English Minister was seen 
 joining Talleyrand in upholding legitimacy, and for the 
 sake of that principle, and to preserve on its old lines 
 the balance of European power, himself demanding the 
 destruction of the liberty of Belgium and of Geneva, 
 and calmly acquiescing in the absorption of much of 
 
30 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 Saxony, the final division of Poland, and the destruction 
 of Norway. ... It was no use to ignore the fact that 
 the French Revolution had given a great impulse to the 
 ideas of constitutional freedom. Even the conquests of 
 Napoleon, followed as they always were by democratic 
 changes, had fostered these ideas in the very countries 
 which had suffered most from them ; and when it 
 appeared that all hopes and promises of freedom were 
 entirely illusory, insurrections of the deceived peoples 
 burst out in several parts of Europe.'* For half a 
 century the people struggled against the fetters which 
 the Congress of Vienna had forged for them, and within 
 half a century they broke the chains in most parts of 
 Europe. France turned out the incorrigible Bourbons ; 
 Italy threw off the yoke of Austria ; the petty despots 
 of Germany were restrained ; Belgium freed herself 
 from Holland ; Norway received an autonomous con- 
 stitution. 
 
 But we must turn from this digression to the story of 
 England. The harvest of 1816 was bad, and the price 
 of wheat rose to 106s. the quarter. Factories were 
 closed, iron furnaces blown out, coal-pits were shut up. 
 Employment was scarce, misery pervaded the land, and 
 acts of violence by bands of starving men were frequent. 
 In the midst of this universal misery the demand for 
 reforms was once more heard. The famous William 
 Cobbett promoted the great movement, and his words 
 
 * Rev. Dr. Bright's * History of England/ vol. iii. (1890), 
 pp. X370, 1371. 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 31 
 
 sank deep into the minds of the people. Hampden Clubs 
 multiplied, and the voice of the people waxed powerful. 
 Lord Liverpool was the Prime Minister of England 
 for fifteen years, from 1812 to 1827 ; but Lord Castle- 
 reagh, the leader of the House of Conmions, was the 
 real Minister. He was identified with the spirit of a 
 repressive Government, and during the seven years after 
 Waterloo he did much to repress popular movements 
 and stifle refonns. 
 
 In 1819 the Manchester reformers held a meeting of 
 60,000 persons, and a military force was sent against 
 them. Mounted yeomanry dashed among the defence- 
 less multitude, and the meeting was dispersed. Mounds 
 of human beings lay on the ground, crushed down and 
 smothered ; and men, women, and children were carried 
 from the field, killed or injured. This was followed by 
 the famous six Acts passed by the Parliament. English- 
 men were not to assemble in larger numbers than fifty. 
 Magistrates obtained large powers to search houses 
 suspected to contain weapons. Military exercises were 
 forbidden. Newspapers were restrained. The move- 
 ments for reform were restrained for a time — for a 
 time only. 
 
 Castlereagh destroyed himself in 1822. The country 
 did not grieve at his death ; and when he was buried, 
 the mob of Westminster cheered in triumph. He was 
 succeeded as leader in the House of Commons by the 
 noble-minded Canning, a great statesman, a gifted 
 orator, a true Liberal at heart. His appointment as 
 
32 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 leader of the House of Commons, under Lord Liver- 
 pool, who was still Prime Minister, marks a turning- 
 point in English history, and is the first official re- 
 cognition of that Liberalism which was growing in 
 England. Reforms, which had been delayed so long, 
 came trooping in. The barbarous criminal laws of 
 England, which inflicted the punishment of death on 
 slight offfences, were being slowly modified : a hundred 
 felonies were exempted from capital punishment in 18^3. 
 The equally barbarous laws which kept the working- 
 classes bound as serfs to the British soil, and in con- 
 venient subordination to their employers, were repealed 
 in 1824, and combinations of workmen to obtain better 
 wages were no longer forbidden. Last, though not the 
 least, was the subject of the emancipation of the 
 Catholics, who were still debarred from sitting in the 
 House of Commons or holding important offices under 
 the Crown. Canning nobly fought for the complete 
 emancipation of Catholics from all disabilities. 
 
 Nor was Canning^s foreign policy less glorious. He 
 checked thethree despotic Powers of Europe — Austria, 
 Russia, and Prussia — who had formed what was called 
 a Holy Alliance, and had taken up an attitude of 
 hostility against reforms. He recognised the indepen- 
 dence of the South American colonies, Buenos Ayres, 
 Mexico, and Columbia, and thus ' called the new world 
 into existence to redress the balance of the old.' And 
 he strove for the independence of Greece, until, in 
 i 1827, a treaty was concluded, to which France was a 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 33 
 
 party, converting Greece into a self-governing country 
 — an autonomous vassal State under Turkey. 
 
 Lord Liverpool died in 1827, and Canning now 
 became Prime Minister. High expectations were enter- 
 tained from his tenure of office, but fate willed other- 
 wise. His Ministry was scarcely fully formed before 
 Canning died, in August, 1827. But the good causes 
 for which he had fought triumphed. The Catholic 
 Emancipation Bill was passed into law in 1829, and 
 the complete independence of Greece was recognised by 
 Europe in 1830. 
 
 George IV. died in 1830, and his death was followed 
 in due course by a dissokition of Parliament. Before 
 the polls were opened for a new election, news came 
 that the French had expelled their Bourbon King, 
 Charles X., and recovered their liberties under Louis 
 Philippe. The news created a deep impression in 
 England, and public meetings were held everywhere to 
 express approval of the new Revolution in France. This 
 universal feeling influenced the elections, and the new 
 Parliament was decidedly in favour of reform. The 
 French Revolution of 1830 directly led to the Revo- 
 lution in the Netherlands, resulting in the separa- 
 tion of Belgium and Holland ; and in England it 
 hastened the Parliamentary reform which statesmen had 
 been vainly trying to effect for nearly half a century. 
 
 The Duke of Wellington, who was Prime Minister 
 after Lord Liverpool, was neither in favour of healthy 
 popular revolutions in Europe nor of reforms in 
 
34 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 England. Belonging to the school of statesmen who 
 had worked in the Congress of Vienna for the settle- 
 ment of Europe on the old basis, he never understood 
 the progress of his time, and never looked with favour 
 on popular movements. 
 
 When Lord Grey declared in the House of Lords 
 that the country was looking forward to Parliamentary 
 reform, the Duke haughtily replied that the country 
 possessed a legislature which answered all good purposes, 
 and that as long as he was a Minister he would resist 
 all measures of reform. This was almost a menace ; 
 but the time had gone by when either the country or 
 the Parliament would submit to it, even from the Duke 
 of Wellington. Shortly after the opening of Parlia- 
 ment, the Government was defeated and resigned ; and 
 the Whigs, who had been excluded from power for 
 nearly a generation, now triumphantly came to power. 
 Lord Grey, the tried champion of reform, became Prime 
 Minister, and it was understood and felt, in Parliament 
 and all over the country, that the battle for reform was 
 about to commence, and that the battle was not to end 
 until the reform was effected. 
 
 On March 1, 1831, Lord John Russell introduced 
 the Reform Bill in the House of Commons. It met 
 with a tremendous opposition, and was read a second 
 time by a majority of a single vote. Shortly after 
 the Ministry sustained a defeat, and resigned. The 
 Parliament was dissolved, and the country was called 
 upon to pronounce its judgment on the Reform Bill. 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 35 
 
 The country spoke in no uncertain voice. The 
 popular enthusiasm was irresistible. The Ministers 
 secured an overwhelming majority in the new Parlia- 
 ment. Lord John Russell again introduced a Reform 
 Bill on June 24, 1831, and its third reading was passed 
 by a majority of over a hundred. The Bill was now 
 sent up to the House of Lords, and its fate was watched 
 with intense interest. Peeresses attended the House 
 evening after evening to listen to the debate, and their 
 daughters and relations were provided with seats below 
 the bar. The space about the thione was thronged 
 by foreigners ; and among them sat the illustrious 
 reformer. Raja Ram Mohan Rai, who knew how 
 tenaciously the Brahmans of India defended their caste 
 privileges, and who now witnessed with wonder how the 
 Brahmans of England fought for theirs. The prolonged 
 debates left no doubt as to the fate of the Bill ; it was 
 thrown out by a large majonty on October 7. 
 
 For the third time within the same year, Lord John 
 Russell introduced a Reform Bill in the House of 
 Commons on December 18. It was finally passed 
 without a division, but was lost once more in the 
 House of Lords in May, 1832. Earl Grey now de- 
 manded of the King the power to create some fifty new 
 peers to secure the passing of the Bill. The King 
 refused, and the Ministry resigned. 
 
 Meanwhile, the excitement in the country had become 
 intense. The congregation of the unions held, on May 7, 
 a meeting at Birmingham, 150,000 strong, and their 
 
36 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 lofty union hymn declared their calm resolution to 
 obtain their rights. They sang : 
 
 * God is our guide ! no swords we draw, 
 We kindle not war's battle-fires ; 
 
 By union, justice, reason, law, 
 We claim the birthright of our sires. 
 
 We raise the watchword, Liberty ! 
 
 We will, we will, we will be free !' 
 
 And, after the hymn was sung, every man of the 150,000 
 bared his head, and slowly and solemnly uttered the 
 vow: 'With unbroken faith, through every peril and 
 privation, we here devote ourselves and our children to 
 our country''s cause.'' 
 
 Scenes like this were now frequently witnessed all 
 over the country. Political unions met continually. A 
 petition signed by 25,000 men at Manchester asked 
 the House of Commons to giant no supplies till the 
 Bill was passed. The Birmingham union, now 200,000 
 strong, held a meeting, and resolved to pay no taxes 
 till the Bill was passed. The Common Council of the 
 City of London declared that all concerned in stopping 
 the passage of the Bill were enemies to their country. 
 
 Dark schemes of the use of force by the Government 
 were suspected. The Duke of Wellington was under- 
 stood to be pledged ' to quiet the country in ten days,** 
 and an attempt at military government was looked for. 
 The gates of the barracks at Birmingham were closed 
 on a Sunday, and the soldiers sharpened their swords 
 on the grindstone. They were supplied with ball cart- 
 ridges, and were booted and saddled day and night. 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 37 
 
 But the people''s voice triumphed. The King failed 
 to form a Tory Ministry. Earl Grey returned to office 
 with power to create as many new peers as were needed. 
 The House of Lords did not wait for this humiliation. 
 The Duke of Wellington and a hundred other peers, 
 majestically sullen, walked out of the House, and 
 withdrew from farther opposition to the Bill. The Bill 
 became law on June 7, 1832.* 
 
 Down to the date of the Reform Bill the repre- 
 sentative system in England was grossly imperfect and 
 comipt. Two-thirds of the membei^ of the House of 
 Commons were elected through the influence of peers 
 and other influential men. Seventy members were 
 returned from places which had scarcely any popu- 
 lation. Old Sarum, with not a single inhabitant, sent 
 up two members, and Gatton, with seven electors, also 
 sent up two members, the right to appoint whom was 
 valued at ^100,000. Seats were offered for sale, and 
 Hastings had been so often sold for o^6,000 that her 
 market price was fixed at that sum. The members 
 who bought their seats sold their votes, and thus their 
 outlay was made remunerative. The Reform Bill 
 changed all this, and political power passed from the 
 peers to the* middle class. 
 
 Among the new members who took their seats in 
 this first reformed Parliament was an ardent young 
 
 * It bestowed the privilege of the franchise in towns upon 
 occupants who paid a rental of £10 ; in counties upon those 
 who paid a rental of £40. 
 
38 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 man of twenty-three, who was destined to take an 
 important share in the transactions of the Parliament 
 and the country for sixty years to come : we mean 
 Mr. Gladstone. 
 
 The years which followed were years of activity in 
 the direction of reforms and of Liberal legislation, but 
 it would be travelling far out of our province to narrate 
 all these reforms, and we must therefore content our- 
 selves with a bare mention of the more important 
 measures. The most glorious work of the reformed 
 Parliament was the abolition of slavery. In the West 
 Indian possessions of Great Britain there was a slave 
 population numbering G00,000. Clarkson, Wilberforce, 
 and Buxton had aroused the national conscience on 
 the subject, and the time had come for wiping out this 
 blot on English history. The abolition of slavery was 
 decreed in 1833, and a compensation of i?20,000,000 
 was granted to slave-owners. 
 
 Other reforms were then taken in hand. Education 
 was in a backward state in England, and in 1833 „ 
 there was one person in eleven of the population 
 attending school. A small gi^ant was now made to 
 promote national education. The employment of 
 children in factories was restricted in the same year. 
 The laws which encouraged lazy pauperism, and dis- 
 couraged honest industry, were reformed in 1834. The 
 heavy and prohibitive tax of fourpence on each copy of 
 a newspaper was reduced to a penny, and the fetters on 
 journalism were thus knocked off in 1836. Criminal 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 39 
 
 laws were further modified. In 1837 was formed the 
 Anti-Corn-Law League, whose work, promoted by the 
 ever-memorable Cobden and Bright, bore fruit in the 
 abolition of com laws nine years after. And in 1837 a 
 young Queen ascended the throne of England. 
 
 We have now narrated, as briefly as we could do it, 
 the story of progi^ess in England during the eventful 
 years between the battle of Waterloo and the accession 
 of the Queen to the throne. It was needful that this 
 story should be told, however briefly, as the history 
 of India during this period is unintelligible without 
 a reference to English history. The same spirit of 
 reform, and the same desire to promote the happiness 
 of the people, marked the policy of England and of 
 India during this progressive age ; and the noble and 
 liberal-minded statesmen who guided the destinies of 
 England during this age, worked side by side with states- 
 men equally great and large-hearted, who ruled the 
 destinies of India. To try to read Indian history apart 
 from English history would be an endeavour to under- 
 stand a result without knowing the cause. The same 
 moving force determined events in both countries ; the 
 extension of privileges to the people of India during 
 this period is the counterpart of the Reform Act in 
 England ; and Munro, Elphinstone, and Bentinck were 
 inspired by the same reforming spirit and the same 
 desire to benefit humanity as Canning, Grey, and Lord 
 John Russell. To the story of India, therefore, we now 
 turn. 
 
40 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 We have referred before to the administrative reforms 
 which were introduced by Lord Cornwallis. But his 
 measures, judicious and liberal in their conception, 
 were vitiated by one mistake. He had found the 
 administrative officers of his time, both Europeans and 
 Indians, self-seeking and corrupt. He purified the 
 European service by increasing the pay of officers and 
 elevating their status; but, on the other hand, with an 
 Englishman's prejudices, he regarded the Indians as 
 altogether unfit for judicial and administrative work, 
 and excluded them from all real share in the task of 
 f administration. The results of this exclusive policy were 
 disastrous. 
 
 We may accept it as an axiomatic truth that no 
 great and civilized country can be successfully ruled by 
 foreigners without the co-operation of the people. 
 But Hastings and Cornwallis had forgotten this great 
 truth. And ' it seems also to have been forgotten that 
 for centuries prior to the introduction of European 
 agency, law and justice had been administered solely by 
 natives ; yet society had been held together, and there 
 had been times when, according to the testimony of 
 travellers and historians, India had been populous and 
 flourishing, the people thriving and happy.'* The 
 powerful landlords of Bengal had been charged with 
 the task of repressing robbery, violence, and crime 
 within their estates ; Hastings and Cornwallis deprived 
 
 . * Mill and Wilson's ' History of British India ' (1858), vol. vii. , 
 p. 280. ^' "^ 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 41 
 
 them of this power, and placed it in the hands of 
 European judges. Elsewhere the village communities 
 had maintained peace and repressed crime within villages; : 
 but this old institution had also been disorganized by] 
 the advent of the British rule. 
 
 Lord Wellesley was occupied with constant wars, and 
 could pay little attention to internal administration. 
 After him Lord Comwallis came a second time to India 
 in 1805, but died in the same year, and during the 
 short rule of Sir George Barlow, who succeeded, little 
 was effected. Lord Minto then came to India and 
 ruled the country from 1807 to 1813, and during his 
 administration the unwisdom of the exclusive policy 
 began to be manifest 7n the increase olTcrime all over 
 the country. 
 
 Robbery increased to a fearful extent, life and 
 property in the British dominions became unsafe, and 
 the country was kept in perpetual alarm. Writing in 
 1810, Lord Minto himself recorded in a minute that ' a 
 monstrous and disorganized state of society existed 
 under the eye of the supreme British authorities, and 
 almost at the very seat of that Government to which 
 the country might justly look for safety and protection. 
 The mischief could not wait for a slow remedy ; the 
 people were perishing almost in our sight ; every week's 
 delay was a doom of slaughter and torture against the 
 defenceless inhabitants of very populous countries.'' A 
 violent remedy was accordingly sought for and adopted. 
 Actuated by that exclusive policy which still found 
 
4^ ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 favour with the Government, two European Superin- 
 tendents of Police were appointed, one for Bengal and 
 one for the Upper Provinces, with vast powers to arrest 
 on suspicion and on the suggestion of informers. The 
 remedy was almost worse than the evil. Inhabitants 
 \ of villages were indiscriminately arrested on insufficient 
 I or false information, and detained in gaol for long 
 I periods without trial. In one district in Bengal 2,071 
 I persons were arrested between May, 1808, and May, 
 I 1809, and remained in gaol for about two years without 
 I a trial. Many died in prison. 
 
 I It then began to dawn on some of the ablest of the 
 Company "^s servants that an efficacious administration of 
 justice in India was only possible by allowing a real 
 share of the work to the people of the country. Sir 
 Henry Strach ey, Circuit Judge of the District of 
 Calcutta, declared : ' In a civilized populous country like 
 India, justice can be well dispensed only through the 
 natives themselves.** And Colonel Munro of Madras, 
 who knew the people of India probably better than any 
 of his contemporaries, asserted the truth, which was 
 , then almost a heresy to most of the Company's 
 servants : ' If we pay the same price for integrity, we 
 f shall find it as readily amongst natives as Europeans.** 
 Lord Minto was succeeded by the Marquis of 
 Hastings in 1813, as we have seen before, and it was 
 during his administration that the principle advocated 
 by Munro was gradually adopted in practice. Thomas 
 Munro had come out to India at the early age of nine- 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 45 
 
 teen in 1780, when Warren Hastings was waging his 
 wars against Hyder AH of Mysore. A prolonged 
 period of settlement work gave him ample opportunities 
 for displaying that sympathy for the people and jealous 
 regard for their rights which distinguished this noble- 
 minded Scotchman, and it also gave him a thorough 
 insight into the life and manners and institutions of the 
 Indian villager. Like most Europeans who have mixed 
 with the people in their homes, and not merely in the 
 precincts of law-courts, he formed a favourable opinion 
 of their simplicity, their integrity, and truth. ' They 
 are simple, harmless, honest,"* he wrote, ' antl have as i r 
 much truth in them as any men in the world." 
 
 In 1814, after a stay of six years in Europe, Munro 
 was again sent out to India by the Court of Directoi-s 
 as Biincipal Commissioner for the revision of the 
 internal administmtiori.pf the Madras territories. It 
 would be beyond the scope of the present work to 
 naiTate in detail the work performed on this occasion ; 
 but the regulations which he recommended, and which 
 were passed in 1816, are a monument of his high 
 statesmanship and his deep sympathy for the people of 
 India. Briefly, the regulations extended the powers of 
 native Indian judges, and thus the principal share in the 
 administration of civil justice was transferred to them. 
 An attempt was also made to maintain and legalize the 
 village Pancht/ets and to invest the headmen of villages 
 with power to dispose of simple suits ; but this plan 
 eventually failed, as such village institutions cannot 
 
44 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 survive when the people are permitted at the same time 
 to take their causes to higher courts. One retrograde 
 step was taken, in transferring the functions of the 
 magistrate from the judge to the revenue-collector, and 
 thus combining judicial and executive functions, which 
 had been separated by Lord Cornwall is. This step was 
 possibly required by the circumstances of the times ; 
 after a lapse of eighty years, this combination of 
 different functions is a source of much irritation and 
 well-grounded complaint in India. 
 
 In the Mahratta War, which followed shortly after, 
 Munro acted in a manner which commanded the admi- 
 ration of his comrades in arms in India, and of high 
 authorities in England. Sir John Malcolm, who had 
 himself taken a prominent part in that war, as we have 
 seen before, writes with genuine admiration of Munro's 
 plan and operations : ^ 
 
 ' Insulated in an enemy's country, with no military 
 means whatever (five disposable companies of sepoys 
 were nothing), he forms a plan of subduing the country, 
 expelling the army by which it is"occupied, and collect; 
 ing the revenues that are due to the enemy, through 
 the means of the inhabitants themselves, aided and 
 supported by a few irregular infantry, whom he invites 
 from neighbouring provinces "lor that jjurpose. His 
 plan, which is at once simple and great, is successful in 
 a degree that a mind like his could alone have antici- 
 pated. The country comes into his hands by the most 
 legitimate of all modes, the zealous and spirited efforts 
 
THE AGE OP CANNING AND GREY 45 
 
 of the natives to place themselves under his rule, and 
 to enjoy the benefits of a Government which, when 
 administered by a man like him, is one of the best in 
 the world.** 
 
 The last sentence of the above extract contains the 
 true secret of the British conquest of India and the 
 maintenance of British rule in India. It is often stated 
 that India has been conquered by the sword, and should 
 be held by the sword. Administratoi^ who have spent 
 their lifetime in India know the hollowness of this 
 statement. The people in India submitted to the 
 British rule because it was infinitely better than that 
 which obtained in India at the close of the last 
 century. And the people of India are content to live 
 under that rule because it is more liberal and advanced, 
 affords better security to life and property, and gives 
 greater scope to progress and advancement, than any 
 other rule which it is possible to have at the present 
 day. And Thomas Munro was one of those men who 
 at an early day of the Company's rule gave it the 
 beneficent character which it has assumed. 
 
 In the House of Commons the gi-eat Canning com- 
 mended the action of Munro with his accustomed 
 eloquence : ' He went fnfo tlie field with not more than 
 five or six hundred men, of whom a very small pro- 
 portion were Europeans, and marched into the Mahratta 
 territoriesjto take possession of the country which had 
 been ceded to us byjthe Treaty of Poona. The popula- 
 tion which he subjugated by arms, he managed with 
 
46 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 such address, equity, and wisdom, that he established 
 an empire over their hearts and feelings.' 
 
 In 1820 Sir .Thomas Munro received a fitting reward 
 for his long and meritorious service : he was sent out as 
 Governor of Madras. In the following year he heard 
 with sorrow and regi'et that Canning had resigned his 
 office of President of the Board of Control. On that 
 occasion he wrote a memorable letter to the great 
 British statesman, in which he reiterated the convictions 
 of his lifetime. We have room only for one extract : 
 
 ' Our present system of government, By excluding all 
 natives from power, and trustV and emolument, is much 
 more efficacious in depressing, than all our laws and 
 school-books can do in elevating their character. We 
 are working against our own designs, and we can expect 
 to make no progress while we work with a feeble instru- 
 ment to improve, and a powerful one to deteriorate. 
 The improvement of the character of a people, and the 
 \ keeping them, at the same time, in the lowest state of 
 j dependence on foreign rulers, to which they can be 
 
 I reduced by conquest, are matters quite incompatible 
 * with each other. 
 
 \ ' There can be no hope of any great zeal for improve- 
 ment, when the highest acquirements can lead to nothing 
 beyond some petty office, and can confer neither wealth 
 i nor honour. While the prospects of the natives are so 
 I bounded, every project for bettering their characters 
 t must fail ; and no such projects can have the smallest 
 I chance of success unless some of those objects are 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 47 
 
 placed within their reach for the sake of which men 
 are urged to exertion in other countries. This work 
 of improvement, in whatever way it may be attempted, 
 must be very slow, but it «ill. he. iu. proportion, to the 
 degi^ee of confidence which we repose in them, and to 
 the share which we give them in the administration of 
 public affairs. All that we can give them, without 
 endangering our own ascendaiicy, should be given. All 
 real military power must be kept in our own hands ; 
 but they ought with advantage, hereafter, to be made 
 eligible to every civil office under that of a member 
 of the Government."* 
 
 Lord Amherst succeeded Lord Hastings in 1823, 
 and was engaged in a war with the King of Burma, 
 which ended in the acquisition of the important 
 provinces of Assam, AiTacan, and Tenasserim in 1826. 
 Sir Thomas Munro rendered much hetp in sending 
 troops to this war, and received the thanks of the 
 Governor-General. When on the eve of leaving India, 
 ripe in years and in honours. Sir Thomas died of cholera 
 on July 6, 1827, a month before the death of his great 
 friend, George Canning, then Prime Minister of England. 
 Nearly half a century before, Thomas Munro had first 
 landed at Madras as a cadet, and after having worked 
 his way there as an ordinary seaman, because he could 
 not pay for his passage. How much is India indebted 
 to that poor friendless seaman ! 
 
 What Sir Thomas Munro did for Madras, Mountstuart 
 Elphinstone did for Bombay. He had come out to 
 
48 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 India in 1796, at the early age of seventeen, and in 
 1803 had the honour of riding by the side of the future 
 Duke of Wellington at his great victories at Assaye 
 and Argaon. So much was Arthur Wellesley impressed 
 with the coolness of the young civilian, that he remarked 
 that Elphinstone had mistaken his profession, and ought 
 to have been a soldier. 
 
 Years passed on, and when the last Mahratta War 
 broke out in 1817, Elphinstone was Resident at Poona. 
 He understood Baji Rao much better than his friend 
 Malcolm, but tried to maintain peace with him as long 
 as he could. He left Poona just in time, and then beat 
 back Baji Rao's 18,000 cavalry with his small force of 
 less than 3,000 troops at the battle of Kirki, as has 
 been stated before. Elphinstone'^s daring and successful 
 resistance to the Peshwa was commended by George 
 Canning in the House of Commons in the following 
 well-chosen words : 
 
 ' Mr. Elphinstone (a name distinguished in the litera- 
 ture as well as in the politics of the East) exhibited, on 
 that trying occasion, military courage and skill which, 
 though valuable accessories to diplomatic talents, we 
 are not entitled to require as necessary qualifications 
 for civil employment. On that, and not on that 
 occasion only, but on many others in the course of this 
 singular campaign, Mr. Elphinstone displayed talents 
 and resources which would have rendered him no mean 
 general in a country where generals are of no mean 
 excellence and reputation.' 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 49 
 
 The Deccan was annexed to the British dominions in 
 1818, ana then began Elphinstone's most arduous, and 
 probably most memorable, work — the settlement of the 
 Deccan. 
 
 We have said little about the settlement work of 
 Munro in Madras, and we will say little of the settle- 
 ment work of Elphinstone in Bombay. Land tenures 
 in India are of a somewhat complicated nature, and the 
 details of the settlements made with tenants in Madras 
 and in Bombay will not interest the general reader. It 
 is enough to state that in neither of those provinces 
 was there a class of landed proprietors answering to the 
 landlords or zemindars of Bengal ; and settlements were 
 accordingly made with the cultivators or ryots direct, 
 after a survey of their holdings. This is known as the 
 Ryotwari Settlements d^^ opposed to the Zermijdari^ Settle- 
 mentot Bengal ; and Munro was practically the author 
 of the Ryotwari Settlement. The principle was sound, 
 but it was vitiated by one mistake. 
 
 In Bengal Lord Comwallis had made a Permanent 
 Settlement in 1793. High authorities had approved of 
 this step, and promised its extension to other parts of 
 India. The Marquis of Wellesley declared in Parlia- 
 ment, in 1813, that the situation of the natives of 
 India had been ameliorated, and the rights of property 
 secured, by the Permanent Settlement, the extension of 
 which to other provinces was alone wanting to ensure 
 its entire success. And Lord Grenville, agieeing with 
 the Marquis of Wellesley, suggested the insertion in the 
 
 4 
 
50 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 new Act of a provision binding the Government of India 
 to extend to the Upper Provinces the system introduced in 
 Bengal. Nevertheless, when the time came, Permanent 
 Settlement was not extended to any other provinces 
 in India. The Governments of Bengal and Madras 
 'tenaciously adhered to the principle of permanency, 
 and maintained that the interests of the Government 
 and the expectations of the people, justified by previous 
 promises and regulations, required that a settlement in 
 perpetuity should be made, either immediately or after 
 a brief interval. They were, however, positively pro- 
 hibited from carrying the measure into effect without 
 the previous sanction of the Court (of Directors), and, 
 in obedience to these orders, the an*angement was in- 
 ' definitely deferred.*** It was thus that the Upper 
 j Provinces of Bengal and the Province of Madras failed 
 I to obtain the benefits of a Permanent Settlement, and 
 \ when Elphinstone concluded the settlement of the Deccan 
 a Permanent Settlement was out of the question. 
 
 The result has been most unfortunate. Throughout 
 Madras and Bombay, and the Upper and Central 
 Provinces of India, the land revenue .is. Jiicre.ased at 
 every settlement, and the condition of the cultivators 
 has not improved, as it has inipTO^^ in Bengal, with 
 TEe improvement and extension of agriculture. Four- 
 fifths of the population of India are dependent on land 
 for subsistence, and in spite of every endeavour at 
 
 * Mill and Wilson's ' History of British India,' vol. viii., 
 p. 380. 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 51 
 
 moderation, the assessments made at every new settle^^ 
 ment mean an^increased deniand^om the^po^ulation^ 
 of India. And it is not possible that the condition of 
 the mass of the people in India will materially improve, 
 or that they will be able to provide against droughts 
 and recurring famines, until the constantly-increasing 
 demand from the produce of land is permanently 
 fixed. 
 
 In civil and criminal administration Elphinstone 
 followed the principle adopted by Munro in Madras, 
 and maintained the old village system as far as possible. 
 The village head man, or Patel^ maintained peace within 
 the village, and could inflict light punishments for petty 
 offences ; and village Parichyets adjudicated civil suits. 
 As in Madras, however, the Panchyets were neglected i 
 when the people were permitted to talce their cases to 
 higher courTs", and this hais noflbeeh an unmixed good 
 for the country. And, lastly, the arrangements adopted 
 in Madras for the union of police and magisterial duties 
 in the hands of the revenue-collector was implicitly ; 
 followed in Bombay. f 
 
 In 1819 Elphinstone'*s meritorious services were re- 
 warded by his appointment as Governor of Bombay, 
 and he held that high appointment for eight years, 
 from November, 1819, to November, 1827. How ably, 
 how justly, and how sympathetically, he performed the 
 duties of his post is known to every Indian, and has 
 been described in a few words by Bishop Heber, who 
 visited him in 1825. The Bishop writes : 
 
 4—2 
 
62 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 ' He is evidently attached to, and thinks well of, the 
 country and its inhabitants. His public measures, in 
 their general tendency, evince a steady wish to improve 
 their present condition. No Government in India pays 
 so much attention to schools and public institutions for 
 education. In none are the taxes lighter ; and in the 
 administration of justice to the natives in their own 
 languages, in the establishment of Panchyets^ in the 
 degree in which he employs the natives in official situa- 
 tions, and the countenance and familiarity which he 
 extends to all the natives of rank who approach him, 
 he seems to have reduced to practice almost allThe 
 reforms which had struct me as inosTl-equired in the 
 system of govern iiiefft^ijSued in those provinces of our 
 Eastern Empire wHich I had previouTlyvisil^t*^ 
 
 It is pleasant to read this account of a state of things 
 which has unfortunately now passed away. With the 
 increase of British population in Indian towns, and with 
 the closer connection which now exists between India 
 and England through steam and telegraph, the ad- 
 ministration of India has improved in various ways; 
 but it has deteriorated in one way. Englishmen now 
 see less of real Indian life, and mix less with the Indian 
 people than they did of old. The reign of affection is , 
 gone ; the reign of law is come — of cold officialism on 
 the one side,'lSiSror constitutional agitation on the 
 other. The change had already commenced in Elphin- 
 stone"'s time, and that far-seeing statesman wrote feelingly 
 of the change in speaking of Sir John Malcolm : 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 53 
 
 'Malcolm ceiiainly has wise and enlarged views of 
 policy; and, among them, the kind and indulgent 
 manner in which he regards the natives — though per- 
 haps originating in his heart as much as in his head — 
 is by no means the least important. It appears to 
 particular advantage in his feelings towards the native 
 army, and in the doctrines he has inculcated regarding 
 them. It is melancholy to think that he is not young, 
 and that he is the last of the class of politicians to 
 which he belongs. The later statesmen are certainly 
 more imperious and harsher in their notions, and are 
 inferior in wisdom, inasmuch as they reckon more on 
 force than he does, and less on affection."" 
 
 One of the great acts of Elphinstone's administration 
 after he became Governor of Bombay was the codifi- 
 cation of the law. The task was twofold : firstly, to 
 revise and reduce to system the existing regulations of 
 the Bombay Council ; and, secondly, to compile a digest 
 of the custoiiis and usages of the people. " The first part 
 of the work was well done, amfThe- Bombay law was 
 codified in twenty-seven regulations subdivided into 
 chapters and sections. The second part of the work, 
 in which Elphinstone took the utmost interest, was an 
 attempt in advance of the time, and was never properly 
 done. 
 
 The principal aim and object of Elphinstone's 
 administration, however, was to ameliorate the condi^ 
 tion of the people, and to raise their position and 
 status, and to this object Elphinstone for ever remained 
 
54 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 true. In 1822 he wrote to Sir Thomas Munro, that, 
 ' besides the necessity for having good native advisers 
 in governing natives, it is necessary that we should 
 pave the way for the introduction of the natives to 
 some share in the government of their own country.** 
 In 182^^ he recorded, in his famous minute on educa- 
 tion, that 'it may not be too visionary to suppose 
 a period at which they (the natives of India) might 
 bear to the English nearly the relation which the 
 Chinese do to the Tartars, the Europeans retaining the 
 government and the military power, while the natives 
 filled a large portion of the civil stations, and many 
 of the subordinate employments in the armj^/ And in 
 1826, in the year before he left India, he reiterated 
 this opinion in a letter to Henry Ellis : ' It has always 
 been a favourite notion of mine that our object ought 
 to be to place ourselves in the same relation to the 
 natives that the Tartars are in to the Chinese, retaining 
 the government and military power, but gradually 
 relinquishing all share in the civil administration, 
 except that degree of control which is necessary to give 
 the whole an impulse and direction." 
 
 In November, 1827, a few months after the lamented 
 death of his friend Sir Thomas Munro in the Madras 
 Presidency, Elphinstone handed over the administration 
 of Bombay to his equally esteemed friend. Sir John 
 Malcolm. His acts still live in Bombay in the loving 
 memory of the people, and the greatest educational 
 institution in that town bears his name. In 1817 the 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 55 
 
 Hindu College was founded in Calcutta, mainly through 
 subscriptions raised by the Hindus of Bengal ; ten years 
 after, in 1827, .£^7,000 was subscribed in Bombay, 
 and the Elphinstone Institution was opened in 1834. 
 
 In the very year in which Sir Thomas Munro died 
 in Madras, and Mountstuart Elphinstone left Bombay, 
 Lord William Bentinck was apj^pinted to succeed Lord 
 Amherst as Governor-General of India. Bentinck's 
 early career was checkered and eventful. At the age 
 of twenty he had, as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 24th 
 Light Dragoons, taken a part in the unfortunate cam- 
 paign of 1794, in Flanders, against the French Revolu- 
 tionary army, and seven years after he was with the 
 Austrian army when it was defeated at Marengo by 
 Bonaparte. In 1803 he had come to India as Governor 
 of Madras, succeeding Lord Clive, the son of the con- 
 queror of Bengal, but a mutiny in the army, which 
 broke out three years after, led to his recall. We 
 find him then in Sicily and in Italy, planning with 
 the Duke of Orleans, afterwards Louis Philippe, King 
 of France, for the emancipation of Italy; and after 
 capturing Genoa in 1814, he restored to the Genoese 
 their old constitution, and called on the Italians to 
 struggle and be free. He was„ certainly p^ ^^J,-, 
 
 Englishmen who conceiyed^thejdea of a free a^ 
 Italy ; but the victorious allies wanted to keep up the 
 old regime, and the Congress of Vienna forced Italy 
 under the hated rule of Austria in 1815. Twelve years 
 after this he was appointed Governor-General of India, 
 
56 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 and he landed in India in 1828, at the mature age of 
 fifty-four. 
 
 To narrate all the events of Lord William's adminis- 
 tration of seven years would be travelling beyond the 
 scope of the present work. It is enough to state that 
 he followed in Bengal the policy which had been 
 inaugurated in Madras and Bombay by Munro and 
 Elphinstone, and which was now the settled policy of 
 England towards India. Nor was the policy merely 
 dictated by sentimental causes ; pecuniary reasons as 
 well as the exigencies of efficient administration 
 required that the natives of the country should take 
 an important share in it. The systematic employment 
 of natives of India in administrative offices was ren- 
 dered necessary by the cost ^ of a purely British 
 administration, and by the inability of the Indian 
 revenue to meet it. And it was by adopting this 
 remedy, as well as many others, that Bentinck changed 
 the deficit of a million into a surplus of two millions 
 before he left India. ^^-^'^^ — ■- — - — ^^.^.w^.^=«''^?^-^ 
 
 There were other memorable acts which Bentinck 
 performed in India and for India. By his vigorous 
 and persistent exertions, the perfidious system of mur- 
 ders known as Thagi was virtually stamped out in India. 
 Against the advice of many eminent Orientalists, and 
 at the supposed risk of creating a mutiny in the 
 country, the Governor-General abolished the infamous 
 rite of Sati, i.e., of allowing widows to burn themselves 
 on the funeral pyre of their husbands, which had crept 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 57 
 
 in as a custom among the Hindus without any sanction 
 in their ancient religion. And also against the ojiinioiis. 
 of Orientalists, Lord Bentinck, advised by Macaulay 
 and Metcalfe, declared English to be the official language 
 of India, and promoted and fostered English education 
 among the people of India. English education has 
 drawn the people of India clpsei\J;o Europe and to the 
 civilization of modern times ; and, looking on the 
 policy merely from a pecuniary £oint of view, English 
 education has made^thechefip administration of India 
 possible. 
 
 It was while Lord Bentinck was ruling India that the 
 charter of the East India Company was renewed in 
 _ 1833^ ha ppily the same year in which the first reformed 
 Parliament sat in Westminster. The new charter 
 accordingly contains clauses in the liberal spirit which 
 then animated the English nation, but, in justice to 
 Lord Bentinck, it should be recorded that one of the 
 most liberal clauses, relating to the admissipja of the 
 natives of India to higher appointments, was inserted 
 at the instance of that large-hearted statesman. 
 Twenty years atler the renewal of the charter, Sir 
 Charles Trevelyan placed on record in his evidence 
 before the. Select Committee of 1853 the following 
 opinion : 
 
 ' To Lord William Bentinck belongs the gi-eat praise 
 of having placed our dominion in India on its proper 
 foundation in the recognition of the great principle that j 
 India is to be governed for the benefit of the Indians, / 
 
58 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 and that the advantages which we derive from it should 
 only be such as are incidental to, and inferential from, 
 that course of proceeding." 
 
 This is a great principle and a high ideal, and it 
 cannot be said that England has always been able to 
 act up to this ideal during the sixty years which have 
 elapsed since the time of Lord William Bentinck. 
 Nevertheless, it is a gain in the cause of good adminis- 
 tration to strive after a great principle, and the 
 principle that India should be governed for the benefit 
 of the Indians has never been entirely lost sight of 
 since the time of Bentinck. 
 
 It is, we venture to think, now clear to our readers 
 that the marked progress in India between the date of 
 Waterloo and the date of the accession of the Queen is 
 intimately connected with, and is the result of, the 
 progress in England during the same period. In both 
 countries this period witnessed great and important 
 concessions to the people. In both countries abuses 
 were removed, the government was improved, and the 
 wise principle of carrying on administration for the 
 good of the people, and through the people, was recog- 
 nised. And in both countries the progress of the mind 
 kept pace with the reform of administration. The 
 brightest literary period in England within the present 
 century is the period between Waterloo and the accession 
 of the Queen, when Byron and Shelley wrote their finest 
 poems and Scott wrote his immortal novels, when 
 Dickens and Macaulay and Carlyle and a host of other 
 
THE AGE OF CANNING AND GREY 59 
 
 brilliant writers began their literary careers. And in 
 India the period of Macaulay, Elphinstone, and Malcolm, 
 of Tod and Grant Duff, of Bishop Heber and Horace 
 Hayman Wilson, has never been excelled in literary 
 culture. Nor was this culture confined to Europeans 
 alone. Indians imbibed liberal ideas, co-operated with 
 Englishmen in the cause of education and progress, and 
 gave the first indications of that healthy modern 
 literature which has been produced in the present 
 century under British influence. Raja Ram Mohan Rai 
 was the most brilliant product of this age of progress, j 
 He helped the cause of English education and of social J 
 progress, he gave his support to Lord William Ben- | 
 tinck in abolishing the cruel rite of Satiy he established | 
 a pure theistic Hindu Church in the midst of idolatrous j 
 surroundings, and he formed the Bengali prose of, 
 modern times. Raja Radha Kanta Deb was his rival, 
 and was the great champion of orthodox opinions, and 
 the great Sansc rit lexicon which he compiled remains 
 still the best work of the kincl. Poetry also received a 
 great development, and Iswar Chandra Gupta, the 
 master of a prolific and easy style of versification, 
 formed a new school, which numbered many talented 
 writei-s who have since greatly developed and beautified 
 their native tongue. While such progress was made in 
 the vernacular, the young men who flocked to the 
 Hindu College, founded in 1817, came out with a warm 
 and enthusiastic appreciation of Western thought and 
 literature, which has had the most beneficent effect on 
 
60 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 the social, moral, and intellectual progress of modern 
 India. And as English education spread in the 
 country, the people of India became more and more fit 
 to take a wider share in judicial and administrative 
 work, for which Lord William Bentinck had opened 
 the way. 
 
 Such are the far-reaching results of European pro- 
 gress on the advancement of India. Englishmen are 
 familiar with the names of Brougham and Canning, of 
 Russell and Grey, who led this progress at home. 
 Nor should Englishmen cherish with less veneration or 
 with less affection the names of those equally great 
 and good men who spread the light of European pro- 
 gress and culture in the Far East, who recognised the 
 natural rights of the people of India, who elevated 
 their status, and who confided in their loyal co-operation 
 in the cause of good government. Greatest among 
 these, the people of India cherish the names of Munro, 
 Elphinstone, and Bentinck. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 THE AQE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON. 
 
 1835—1865. 
 
 At an early hour on the morning of June 20, 1837, two 
 messengers of high degree came to Kensington Palace 
 with a message of the highest import. The palace was 
 wrapped in silence in the light of the morning, and it 
 was with some difficulty that they obtained admission 
 into a room. There they rang the bell once, twice, but 
 were informed by the servant that her Royal Highness 
 the Princess Victoria was asleep, and must on no 
 account be disturbed. ' We a re come ," replied the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chamberlain, 
 for the messengers were no others, ' on business of State 
 ^^ the QuEENj_and even her sleep musf g;ive way to 
 that.' In a few minutes the Queen came into the room 
 in a loose white nightgown and shawl, her hair falling 
 on her shoulders, tears in her eyes, but perfectly 
 collected and dignified. And the Archbishop and the 
 Lord Chamberlain summoned her to the most illustrious 
 throne in the world. 
 
62 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 The Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, was summoned, 
 and the young Queen met the Privy Council at eleven 
 o'clock. ' Never,' says Charles Greville, ' was anything 
 like the first impression she produced, or the chorus of 
 praise and admiration which is raised about her manner 
 and behaviour, and certainly not without justice.' Such 
 were the golden opinions won on the first day of her 
 reign by the Sovereign whose benign rule of sixty years 
 has recently been celebrated, and of whom our chil- 
 dren's children will say with perfect truth : 
 
 ./ 
 
 * Her court was pure ; her life serene ; 
 
 God gave her peace ; her land reposed ; 
 
 A thousand claims to reverence closed 
 In her as Mother^ Wife, and Queen.* 
 
 Lord Melbourne had succeeded Lord Grey as Prime 
 Minister in 1834. With the exception of a few months, 
 during which Sir Robert Peel had held the office in 1835, 
 Lord Melbourne continued in that post ; and he was well 
 fitted to give the young Queen that friendly guidance 
 which she needed. He attended on her with watchful 
 and disinterested care, and there sprang up between the 
 Minister and his Sovereign a mutual respect and affection 
 which never faltered. Graceful in presence and fasci- 
 nating in his manners, of a genial disposition towards his 
 friends, and fair, and even generous, towards his opponents. 
 Lord Melbourne was eminently fitted to conciliate all 
 parties. With all these amiable qualities, however, Lord 
 Melbourne was not a strong man ; or, rather, his strength 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 63 
 
 consisted in letting things alone. The enthusiasm 
 which the Reform Act of 1832 had created had died 
 away. Whig members of the old school were opposed 
 to hasty reform, while ardent reformers were dis- 
 appointed at the slow progress made. And while the 
 Liberal camp was thus divided in opinion, Lord Mel- 
 bourne allowed matters to slide, never taking things 
 quite seriously, and checking the ardour of his colleagues 
 by his apparent indolence. Indeed, Lord Melbourne 
 studiously concealed all trace of seriousness in his 
 official work ; and earnest men who wished to engage 
 his attention were filled with despair when they found 
 the Prime Minister sprawling on a sofa, or balancing a 
 chair, or blowing a feather about the room, in the 
 midst of his work. 
 
 Difficulties of a serious nature arose shortly after the 
 Queen'*s accession. In Canada there was open rebellion 
 in 1837 an(ll838, and Lord Durhaoj, a man of advanced 
 views but of impulsive character, was sent out as Com- 
 missjoner. He advised that a national, as contrasted 
 with a local, feeling should be fostered by the union of 
 the separate provinces and races, and that the principles 
 of self-government should be supported by extending 
 the powers of the ColoniaH*arliament and the Legis- 
 lative Assembly. Lord Durham was recalled in dis- 
 grace, through the influence of more moderate men ; 
 but a Canada Bill, based on his sound and excellent 
 report, was passed in 1840, and saved that colony to 
 England. 
 
64 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 The question of slavery was not yet completely 
 settled. A sudden change is always attended with 
 troubles, and the postponement of complete emancipa- 
 tion, and the introduction of a temporary system of 
 apprenticeship, had made things worse. There was 
 disaffection in Jamaica, and Sir Robert Peel spoke, 
 and Carlyle wrote, in support of the wrong course. 
 The slaves were, however, emancipated in 1838, and a 
 Jamaica Bill was passed, after considerable mutilation, 
 in 1839. 
 
 Concession to Ireland was an item in the paiiy pro- 
 gramme of the Liberals ; and a Poor Law, a Tithe Bill, 
 and a Corporation Bill were passed after considerable 
 difficulty. In England, the voters who had elected the 
 reformed Parliament were disappointed with the slow 
 progress made, and the declaration of the Liberal 
 leaders, that they did not intend to push reform any 
 further, gave rise to popular discontent and to what is 
 known as Chartism, 
 
 The aspirations of the people found expression in a 
 formula known as the PeoplaVXlharter, which claimed 
 five political points, viz., universal suffrage, vote by 
 ballot, annual Parliaments, abolition of the property 
 qualification for a seat in Parliament, and payment of 
 members. A national petition, signed by over a million 
 men, was submitted to the House of Commons ; riots 
 took place in different towns ; and for a period of about 
 ten years — from 1838 to 1848 — Chartism made itself 
 felt from time to time. The movement then died away, 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 65 
 
 but one of the five political points has been accepted, and 
 some others have been closely approached. 
 
 While the feeble Government of Lord Melbourne 
 was grappling with these various difficulties, with an 
 uncertain majonty in the House, there was one member 
 of the Government who certainly gave no indication of 
 feebleness. Lord Palmerston had entered Parliament 
 in 1807, the year after Pitfs death, and had been 
 Secretary-at-War during those eventful years which 
 witnessed the gradual downfall of Bonaparte. In 1830, 
 when Lord Grey became Prime Minister, Palmerston 
 became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and he 
 continued to hold that post under Lord Melbourne. 
 Strong in supporting the influence and interests of 
 England abroad, imperious and even self-asserting in 
 his actions, he made his power felt, not only by foreign 
 nations, but also by his colleagues. His vigorous but 
 somewhat arbitrary policy sometimes committed Eng- 
 land to acts of questionable wisdom in Europe, while 
 in the Far East it led to more questionable wars ana 
 occasionally to disasters. 
 
 A jealousy of the growing influence of Russia in- 
 fluenced his policy throughout the period of his tenure 
 of power, and as early as 1838 he endeavoured to 
 re vivify Turkey as a check on Russian power. In 1840 
 he contracted a Convention with thrige European Powers 
 for armed interference in support of Turkey, and in the 
 following year a treaty was concluded by which Egypt 
 once more submitted to Turkey. 
 
 ■-—■-— ~. 5 
 
\ 
 
 I 
 
 66 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 In China Lord Palmerstou's policy led to a war. The 
 Chi nese^hadxlosed their ^orts against Indian opium, and 
 this led to the war known as the Opium War. ' Re- 
 duced to plain words,' says the historian of ' Our Own 
 Times,** ' the principle for which we fought in the 
 China War was the right of Great Britam to_fpi:ce_a_^ 
 
 i peculiar trade upon a foreign people, in spite of the 
 protestations of the Government, and all such public 
 opinion as there was of the nation.'' Mr. Gladstone 
 denounced the war with indignation, but the war went 
 on. The Chinese island of Chusan was captured, the 
 British fleet proceeded to the mouth of the Pekin River, 
 and a preliminary treaty was signed in 1841. The 
 Chinese still persevering in their opposition, Ningpo 
 was taken and Canton was threatened. The Chinese 
 at last yielded, and signed the Treaty of Canton in 
 1842, throwing opeji^jiYe^pjoa'ts . tp . the British trade, 
 "^^eding Hong Kong, and pajing^^Ja^e ilid§mnity. 
 
 In India the forward policy of England led to a 
 serious disaster. Lord Auckland arrived in India as 
 Governor-General in 1836, and the jealousy of Russia, 
 which inspired Lord Pahnerston'^s foreign policy in 
 Europe, shaped also the foreign policy of India. The 
 Shah of Persia had, by the advice of the Russian 
 envoy, besieged Herat, but the appearance of a British 
 force in the Persian Gulf induced the Shah to raise 
 the siege. England's object was thus gained, and the 
 gate to Iijid ia was safe. But Lord Auckland proceeded 
 farther. He deposed Dost Muhammad, the able ruler 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 67 
 
 of Afghanistan, and placed Sh ah Su^a „^jL^-the -throne, 
 with the support of a British army, in 1840. The 
 Afghans remained quiet for a time, a false confidence 
 was bred, and a part of the British army was sent 
 away from Kabul. But the storm broke in the follow- 
 ing year. The British envoys were killed, and then 
 followed the disastrous and fatal retreat of 4,500 troops 
 and 12,000 camp-followers from Kabul, pursued by the 
 vindictive and triumphant Afghans. The sepoys, with- 
 out proper clothing or shelter in an Afghan winter, 
 entered the defiles between Kabul and Jellalabad. 
 Thousands of them were killed by the volleys of their 
 pui^uers, or died of hunger and privations, and fell 
 down on the snow never to rise again. Of the entire 
 body of over 16,000 men, only one solitary survivor 
 reached Jellalabad to tell the tale of the humiliation 
 and disaster. 
 
 Lord Ellenborough succeeded Auckland in 1842. A 
 British army of retribution was forthwith sent to 
 Afghanistan, the Afghan chief was defeated, and Kabul 
 was reoccupied. The great bazaar of Kabul, with its 
 artistic_structures, was blown up by the conquerors, but 
 they wisely decided not to leave a force in Kabul again. 
 Dost Muhammad, who had been living in India, was 
 reseated on the throne of Kabul, and the British army 
 returned to India. 
 
 Shortly after the conclusion of the Afghan War, Lord 
 Ellenborough annexed Sindh to the British dominions, 
 an act the justice of which was questioned at the time 
 
 5--2 
 
68 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 by Major Outrani, and has never been fully vindicated. 
 EUenboroiigh also reduced the army of Siiidia's state, 
 and settled matters satisfactorily in Holkar^s dominions. 
 Far more important, however, than these military 
 transactions which historians love to narrate, was the 
 great work of the land revenue settlement of the 
 North-Western Provinces of India, which was carried 
 out about this time, but which writers on Indian 
 history scarcely stop to mention. 
 
 We have seen that in Bengal the settlement was 
 made with landlgrds, and that in Madras and Bombay 
 it was made with the tenants direct. In the North- 
 Western Provinces the village-community system was 
 found to be in a more perfect state than in Bengal, 
 and it was wisely decided, therefore, to take the village 
 or Mahal as the unit for the settlement of revenue, 
 and settlements were thus niade with villages, instead 
 of with either landlords or tenants. This North- 
 Western system is called the Mahalwari Settlement^ and 
 the first regular Mahalwari Settlement of the North- 
 Western Provinces occupied no less than sixteen years, 
 from 1833 to 1849. The authorities were now dead 
 against a Permanent Settlement ; the settlement in the 
 North-Western Provinces was therefore made for thirty 
 years, and the excessively high rate of two-thirds of the 
 rental was demanded and obtained as the Government 
 revenue. 
 
 We have remarked before that the English rulers of 
 India have always found it more difficult to organize a 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 69 
 
 wise system of civil administration than to defeat Indian 
 armies in the field, and the present case is an instance 
 in point. A demand of two-thirds of the rental caused 
 more real hardship toTHe people atiai-ge thafi all flie 
 military transactions within the lifetime of the genera- 
 tion, and the hand of the Britishjt^-^atherer was felt 
 by the village communities as heavier than even^ the 
 tyranny of previoi^^:^ers. After a bitter experience 
 of many years, it was determined, in 1855, that the 
 Government share should be reduced to one-half of 
 the assets, but the proposal of a Permanent Settle- 
 ment, raised again in 1860, was rejected. Each new 
 settlement, therefore, sweeps awa^^. jato t he^ Jmperi al 
 treasury all the profits which the landed classes m 
 other countries are permitteel to derive from the rise 
 of prices and the extension of cultivation, and a per- 
 manent improvement in the condition of the cultivating 
 classes -has thus become impossible ijQjbwiia^^^.^^ 
 
 In the Central Provinces of India a settlement was 
 made, between 1835 and 1838, for twenty years, and 
 two-tjnrds^ofji^j^^^ 
 
 Government. After the annexation of Nagpur and 
 Berar by Lord Dalhousie, and after the Indian Mutiny 
 which followed, a local administration was formed 
 in the Central Provinces in 1862. A regular settle- 
 ment was then made. The leading man in each estate 
 or village, who collected rent from the tenants and 
 paid it into the treasury, was recognised as the pro- 
 prietor under the name of Malguzar ; and the settle- 
 
70 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 ment made with him is known as the Malguzari Settle- 
 ment of the Central Provinces. 
 
 To complete our account of land revenue settle- 
 ments, which form the most important basis of British 
 administration in Ind i a7*we'*Tia ve *^nTyt o' acfJ^lfilct 
 a settlement was made in Oudh after the annexation 
 of that province and the suppression of the Mutiny. 
 The landlords of the province were known as Talukdars, 
 and the settlement is therefore known as the Talukdari 
 Settlement of Oudh.* 
 
 While these settlement operations, vitally affecting 
 agriculture and tte landed jdasses, were proceeding in 
 the Northman Provinces of India, a great reform, in the 
 interests of manufacturers and labourers rather than 
 in those of agriculture, was carried after a strong and 
 historic opposition in England. The Liberal Govern- 
 ment of Lord INIelbourne expired in 1841, Sir Robert 
 Peel became Prime Minister for the second time, and he 
 found himself face to face with the great question of 
 
 ■^ It would be convenient to remember the five distinctive 
 names for the five principal land systems in British India : 
 
 (1) The Zemindari s^^ffi oFBSgal^'TfKIemenT with land- 
 lords called Zemindars. 
 
 (2) The TaluMari system of Oudh, a settlement with land- 
 lords called Talukdars. 
 
 (3) The Malguzari system of the Central Provinces, a settle- 
 I ment with landlords called Malguzars. 
 
 \ (4) The Ryoticari system of Madras and Bombay, a settlement 
 
 \ with tenants called Ryots. 
 
 \ (5) The Mahalwari system of the North-West, a settlement 
 
 \ with villages called Mahals. 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 71 
 
 the abolition of the Com Laws. The agitation had 
 commenced with the commencement of the Queen's 
 reign, and had gained force by the accession of Cobden 
 and Bright, whose names are among the brightest among 
 the bright names of the reformers of this century. 
 The Corn Laws kept up the price of bread, and though 
 this might be a gain to the landed classes, it caused 
 hardship to manufacturers and labourers. And as 
 England had already changed from a great agricultural 
 to a great manufacturing country, it was obvious that 
 the interests of the larger portion of her population 
 required the abolition of the Corn Laws. 
 
 In 1842 Peel had somewhat modified the duties on 
 corn, and reduced or abolished duties on 750 other 
 articles which were taxed in those days. But the crisis 
 came in 1845. The recent prosecution of O'Connell, 
 the greatest of Irish leaders and the most beloved of 
 Irish patriots, had caused a sensation in the country. 
 The intense poverty and misery of the Irish tenants, 
 under extravagant and grasping landlords, had been 
 revealed by the Devon Commission, and had deepened 
 the sense of wrong. Then came the failure of the 
 potato crop in Ireland in 1845, which threatened a 
 famine, and the crops of England and Scotland were 
 also seriously injured. Peel himself belonged to the 
 landed classes which were interested in keeping up 
 the Corn Laws ; but Peel was a Prime Minister and 
 felt the high responsibilities of a Prime Minister. He 
 could not reconcile himself to maintaining the Corn 
 
72 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 Laws, which within a few weeks might bring on the 
 country the horrors of a famine. Unable to convince 
 his colleagues, he resigned. 
 
 But no other man in England was fit to guide the 
 nation at the crisis, and Peel was recalled to his post. 
 He returned, and proposed the total repeal of the Corn 
 Laws. The Tories fiercely opposed the proposal, and 
 Disraeli earned his fame by a bitter resistance to the 
 proposed reform. On the other hand, Peel was 
 supported by the whole strength of the Opposition, 
 as well as by his more advanced followers. In this 
 manner the Prime Minister triumphed against most of 
 his party by a majority of nearly 100 on May 15, 
 1846. There was a danger yet in the House of Lords ; 
 but the Duke of Wellington, who was still the autocrat 
 of that House, was wiser now than he had been at the 
 time of the Reform Bill of 183J^. With his usual 
 candour, he said to his brother peers, 'You cannot 
 dislike it more than I do ; but we must all vote for it.** 
 The Bill was passed. 
 
 And here we must take leave of these two eminent 
 men — Peel and Wellington — who had exercised so pro- 
 found an influence on the destinies of their country. 
 The Tories regarded Peel as a deserter from their cause, 
 and avenged themselves by out-voting him on another 
 question, and Sir Robert Peel resigned. His closing 
 words on leaving office in 1846 were almost pathetic. 
 I ' It may be," he said, ' that I shall be sometimes re- 
 } membered with expressions of good-will in the abodes 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 73 
 
 of those whose lot it is to labour and earn their daily 
 bread by the sweat of their brow. I trust my name 
 will be remembered by those men with expressions of 
 good -will when they shall recruit their exhausted 
 strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter 
 because no longer leavened with a sense of injustice/ 
 Four years after this Peel died, in 1850, from injuries 
 received from a fall from his horse in Hyde Park. 
 The eloquence of Mr. Gladstone in the House of 
 Commons, and the tears of the Duke of Wellington in 
 the House of Lords, testified to the universal feeling of 
 the nation. Two years after this the great Duke him- 
 self passed away. 
 
 On the defeat of Peel, in 1846, a Liberal Government 
 was formed, with Lord John Russell as Prime Minister ; 
 and Palmerston once more became Foreign Secretary. 
 It was a year of temble distress in Ireland, and the 
 frequent and cruel evictions of tenants by landlords 
 added to the misery of the people. Fair rent and 
 fixity of tenure were the obvious remedies for the evil, 
 but the influence of landlords was yet supreme, and no 
 land legislation for Ireland was undertaken till after a 
 quarter of a century. O'Connell, the great leader of 
 the Irish, died in 1847. Fiercer spirits took the lead 
 and gave darker counsels, while the distress of the 
 evicted tenants became intense. On reading a report 
 of the evictions and of the misery of the tenants. 
 Sir Robert Peel exclaimed that he did ' not think the 
 records of any country, civil or barbarous, presented 
 
74 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 materials for such a picture.' A rebellion broke out 
 and was suppressed in 1848. 
 
 The year 1848 was a memorable year, not only in 
 Ireland, but all over Europe. In France Louis Philippe 
 was deposed and a republic was proclaimed, and the 
 influence of the Revolution spread everywhere. In 
 Italy the King of Sardinia invaded Lombardy to free 
 it from the yoke of Austria. In Austria the great 
 Hungarian patriot Kossuth rose in arms. In Prussia 
 the King conceded the demands of reformers. In 
 Germany the supporters of German unity established 
 a National Assembly at Frankfort. But these ardent 
 movements did not lead to immediate results. The 
 Sardinians were defeated in the battle of Novara in 
 1849, and the dream of Italian independence was 
 given up for a time. In Germany the effort towards 
 unity broke down. The rising of the Hungarians was 
 crushed by Austria, aided by Russia, with a cruelty 
 which was a shame to civilization. ' The Austrians," 
 said Lord Palmerston, ' are really the greatest brutes 
 that ever called themselves by the undeserved name of 
 civilized men." Palmerston sympathized with the move- 
 ments of the people, but would not render them any 
 active help ; and he was charged in Parliament, not 
 without reason, with intermeddling with revolutionary 
 tendencies without dreaming of supporting his advice 
 by war. Palmerston made the memorable reply that 
 * there are two objects which England ought particu- 
 larly to aim at — the one is to maintain peace ; the other 
 
 \ 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 75 
 
 is to count for something in the transactions of the 
 world."* 
 
 The step which Pahnerston took shortly after ' to 
 count for something "* was not a happy one. The house 
 of a Maltese Jewya British subject^ was sacked by the 
 mob of Athens, and the Jew demanded compensation 
 from the Greek Goveniment. Lord Palmerston sup- \ 
 ported this claim, and sent the British fleet to the Piraeus I 
 to enforce the claim, and the Greek Government yielded | 
 in 1850. Such coercive action against a small Power, j 
 for reasons which were almost ridiculous, was unworthy 
 of a great Power, and was naturally criticised in the 
 House of Commons. Mr. Gladstone made a magnificent 
 speech, in the coui*se of which he exclaimed : ' It would 
 be a contravention of the law of nature and of God if ; 
 it were possible for any single nation of Christendom to \ 
 emancipate itself from the obligations which bind all ; 
 other nations, and to aiTogate, in the face of mankind, v 
 a position of peculiar privilege.** This charge was ' 
 powerful and just, but Lord Palmei-ston knew the 
 prejudices of his hearers, and he rose to the occasion. 
 He spoke for five hours, ' from the dusk of one day to 
 the dawn of the next,"* with all his wonderful vigour 
 and skill. He defended the principles on which he had 
 acted in every point ; and he asked his hearers whether 
 those principles ' are proper and fitting guides for those 
 who are charged with the government of England ; and 
 whether, as the Roman in days of old held himself free 
 from indignity when he could say, Civis Romanus sum, so 
 
76 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 also a British subject, in whatever land he may be, shall 
 feel confident that the watchful eye and the strong arm 
 of England will protect him against injustice and wrong." 
 Although opposed by Peel and Disraeli and Gladstone, 
 Lord Palmerston earned his hearers with him. Civis 
 Romanics settled the business, and the vigorous Foreign 
 Minister secured a majority of fifty-six in suppoi-t of 
 his policy. 
 
 Probably this signal triumph rendered Lord Palmer- 
 ston still more arbitrary than before, still more reliant 
 on his own opinion and policy, in disregard to the 
 wishes of the Cabinet and of the Queen. In 1851 
 Louis Napoleon treacherously overturned the French 
 Republic, broke down all opposition, massacred the 
 citizens who resisted and who did not resist, and waded 
 through the blood of his countrymen to supreme power. 
 There was a strong feeling in England against his 
 conduct, and the Queen desired that the British Ambas- 
 sador at Paris should take no part in the transactions. 
 Great was her surprise to learn that the Foreign 
 Minister had already expressed his entire approval of 
 the action of Napoleon. Some correspondence followed, 
 and Palmerston was dismissed from his office. But 
 Lord Russell's Government survived this incident only 
 by a few months. Palmerston succeeded in defeating 
 the Government over the Militia Bill, the Ministry 
 resigned in February, 1852, and Lord Derby succeeded 
 as Prime Minister. 
 
 While these events took place in England, Palmer- 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 77 
 
 stones masterful policy was shaping the foreign policy 
 of India. Sir Henry Hardinge, one of the heroes of 
 the Peninsular War, had succeeded Ellenborough as 
 Governor-General in India in 1844, when Peel was 
 Prime Minister of England, and was forced to carry on 
 one of the most memorable wars of moderji India. The 
 great Ranjit Singh had freed the Punjab from the 
 Afghan yoke, and had made the Sikhs the greatest 
 native power in India ; but he had the wisdom to 
 recognise the greatness of England, and had remained 
 true to his treaty with her. But when his controlling 
 wisdom and restraining hand were withdrawn by death 
 in 1839, there was no power left in the Punjab which 
 could manage the mighty and disciplined Sikh army. 
 Dhalip Singh, the son of Ranjit, was a boy ; the regent 
 mother and her favourites were afraid of the Sikh 
 soldiery ; and the traitors who wielded the power of 
 the State sought to save themselves by launching the 
 formidable battalions on British territory. In Novem- 
 ber, 1845, 60,000 Sikh soldiers crossed the Sutlej, and 
 thus hurled themselves against that adamantine break- 
 water of British power against which every successive 
 Indian power had hitherto striven fruitlessly, and only 
 dashed itself to pieces. 
 
 Two battles, such as the British had never yet 
 fought in India, were fought in December. In the 
 second of these engagements British cannon, says an 
 eye-witness, were dismounted and the ammunition blown 
 into the afr, British squadrons were checked in mid- 
 
78 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 career, and battalion after battalion was hurled back 
 with shattered ranks. But the enemy's position was 
 finally carried after sunset. Two more battles followed 
 in January and February, 1846, the last, at Sobraon, 
 being the hardest-fought battle in the history of 
 British India. The treacherous leader of the Sikli 
 army fled at the first assault, and broke the bridge 
 behind the army, but the army fought with tSe valour 
 of heroes and the enthusiasm of Crusaders. The British 
 won at last, but the victory was dearly won with the 
 loss of more than 2,000 troops killed and wounded. 
 The power of the Sikhs was, however, broken for a 
 time, and a peace was concluded by which the British 
 frontier was extended from the Sutlej to the Ravi, 
 and the Sikh army was reduced. 
 
 Lord Hardinge was succeede3 by Lord Dalhousie in 
 1848, and there was trouble yet in store for him. He 
 was forced into a fresh war with the Sikhs in the first 
 year of his administration, and the war was concluded 
 in two sharp engagements. At Chilianwalla the British 
 commander, Lord Gough, rashly tried to carry the 
 Sikh intrenchment in the evening, and was defeated in 
 his endeavour, with the loss of over 2,400 officers and 
 men. The news of the disaster was received with 
 astonishment and anger by Englishmen all over the 
 world. Englishmen were unused to defeat, and never 
 had English arms sustained such a reverse in the 
 open field in India. A cry rose in England for the 
 removal of the General, and Sir Charles Napier, the 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 79 
 
 conqueror of Sindh, was appointed in his place. But 
 Lord Gough had retrieved his reputation in the mean- 
 time by crushing the Sikhs at Gujrat, and the Sikh 
 War was concluded. The question then arose whether 
 the kingdom of Dhalip Singh, a minor, should be 
 annexed for the sins of the unruly soldiers. Lord 
 DalHousie decided the question in his own fashion, and 
 annexed the province, declaring that he could not be 
 turned aside from fulfilling his duty ' by a feeling of - 
 misplaced and mistimed compassion for the fate of a i 
 child.' " ' — ^ -*^<x^_^ I 
 
 Lord Palmerston's influence was now in the ascendant, 
 and other annexations followed thick and fast. British 
 merchants j-nd captains had been roughly treated in 
 Burma, and this led to a Burmese War and the 
 annexation of Pegu, or Lower Burma, in 1852. The 
 Raja of Satara had died in 1848, adopting an heir on 
 his death-bed, a custom which has been recognised in 
 India during 3,000 years. Lord Dalhousie ignored the 
 custom, and annexed Satara. The Raja of Jhansi died 
 in 1853, and his widow desired to adopt an heir. 
 Dalhousie declined to recognise the adoption, and 
 annexed the State. The Raja of Nagpur also died in 
 1853. Lord Dalhousie refused to sanction the adoption 
 of an heir, and Nagpur was annexed to the British 
 tenitory. 
 
 The admirers of Lord Dalhousie have attempted to 
 justify these proceedings by theories which provoke a 
 smile in the unbiassed reader. To the unbiassed reader 
 
80 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 an open and undisguised conquest is less repulsive than 
 annexations made under the cover of specious sophistry. 
 The only true defence which Dalhousie's conduct admits 
 of is the defence made by the learned and philosophical 
 writer of the ' Expansion of England/ The deeds of 
 Dalhousie are as difficult to justify, says the impartial 
 writer, as the seizure of Silesia or the partition of 
 Poland. ' But these acts, if crimes, are crimes of the 
 same order as those of Frederick — crimes of ambition, 
 and of an ambition not by any means selfish."* 
 
 Lord Dalhousie also obtained Berar from the Nizam 
 of Hyderabad for the maintenance of the Nizam's con- 
 tingent, and added it to the British dominions. And 
 Dalhousie's last act in India was the annexation of 
 Oudh, which had been under misgovernment for many 
 years. Oudh was added to the British possessions on 
 February 13, 1856, and on the 29th of the same month 
 Lord Dalhousie made over charge of his duties in India 
 to his successor. Lord Canning. 
 
 We turn with pleasure from Dalhousie's annexations 
 to those great public works and educational measures 
 with which Dalhousie''s name is more pleasantly con- 
 nected. Before he went out to India, Lord Dalhousie 
 had, as President of the Board of Trade, a great deal 
 to do with the extension of the railway system in Great 
 Britain ; and he was virtually the father of railways in 
 India. He pushed on the work so vigorously that 
 
 * < The Expansion of England,' by Sir J. R. S eeley , K.C.M.G , 
 p. 315. London r Sfacmilian and Co., 1895. ^^'"' 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 81 
 
 before the end of 1856 thousands of miles were under 
 construction or survey. Dalhousie also threw the ports 
 of India open to the world, and during his administra- 
 tion the export of raw cotton increased from dPl, 500,000 
 to over .£^3,000,000, and the export of grain from 
 less than .^1,000,000 to near <^3,000,000. The ad- 
 vantages which India has derived from the facilities 
 afforded to communication and export are acknowledged 
 on all hands. But the impartial historian is bound, in 
 the interests of truth, to note some consequences which 
 have ensued, and which are not generally noted. The 
 manual industry of India cannot compete with the ; 
 steam and machinery of England. And the facilities J 
 afforded to trade have, within the memory of men still \ 
 living, killed the weaving and other old industries of ' 
 India, and forceST millions of artisans to the labour of , 
 the field or other humble pursuits. 
 
 Dalhousie also introduced the telegraph system in 
 India, and, following on the lines of the universal 
 penny postage of Great Britain and Ireland, he intro- 
 duced the half-anna postage in India. Another of 
 Dalhousie's beneficial acts was to give effect to Sir 
 Charles Wood's famous despatch of 1854 on educa- 
 tion. English education had been sanctioned in India 
 by Lord William Bentinck ; Sir Charles Wood's de- 
 spatch made the vernaculars of India the steps which 
 led up to English education. In the year after Lord 
 Dalhousie left India, Acts were passed establishing 
 thi'ee Indian Universities, which have since been increased 
 
 6 
 
82 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 to ^ve^ and these ^\e Universities and numerous schools 
 and colleges are now educating nearly 5,000,000 of 
 pupils in India. 
 
 But we must hasten now to those great events which 
 absorbed public attention during the momentous years 
 of 1854 to 1857. After the fall of Lord Derb/s 
 Ministry in December, 1852, Lord Aberdeen became 
 Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston became Home 
 Secretary, and Mr. Gladstone became Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer. Mr. Gladstone was now indispensable 
 in this office. In the previous year he had exposed Mr. 
 Disraeli's unfortunate Budget, and had replied to his 
 taunts and sarcasms, with a dignity, ability, and power 
 which marked him out as the foremost authority in 
 England on finance. And in 1853 he introduced his 
 own Budget in a speech of five hours, which held the 
 House spell-bound, and which astonished and gratified 
 the country. 
 
 ^Here was an orator,' says Mr. Gladstone's bio- 
 grapher, ' who could apply all the resources of a 
 burnished rhetoric to the elucidation of figures; who 
 could make pippins and cheese interesting, and tea 
 serious ; who could sweep the widest horizon of the 
 financial future, and yet stoop to bestow the minutest 
 attention on the microcosm of penny stamps and post- 
 horses.'* Public men and private friends joined in a 
 chorus of eulogy; the Queen wrote to congratulate 
 
 ^ 'The Right Hoo. William Ewart Gladstone/ by George 
 W. K Russell (London, 1896), pp. 117, 118. 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 83 
 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and large classes of 
 people felt that life was rendered easier and cheaper by 
 Mr. Gladstone's Budget. 
 
 But the attention of all England was soon turned to 
 another direction. Mr. John Bright was once walking 
 with one of his sons, then a schoolboy, past the Crimean 
 Monument in London. The boy caught sight of the 
 solitary word ' Crimea ' inscribed on the monument, 
 and asked his father what it meant. John Bright 
 made the emphatic reply, ' A Chime.*' It is not our 
 object here to discuss Mr. Bright"*s opinion, or to 
 inquire if the war was a crime ; but it is necessary to 
 mention that Engliand drifted into that war without 
 intending it and clearly knowing why, and that 
 England lost 24,000 of her brave soldiers, and added 
 ^41,000,000 to her national debt, in order to support 
 and prolong misrule in Europe. 
 
 Aberdeen wished and intended to avoid the war ; 
 but Lord Palmerston was as jealous and mistrustful 
 of Russia now as he had shown himself to be in the 
 first years of the Queen's reign. Although a Home 
 Secretary, he exerted pressure on the Prime Minister, 
 and forced the Government first into a close combina- 
 tion with the French Emperor, and then into acts 
 which made the war inevitable. The demand of rival 
 Churches for the custody of sacred places in Palestine, 
 supported by France and Russia respectively, was 
 followed by a claim on the part of the latter Power 
 to a protectorate over all the Greek subjects of ^^urkey. 
 
84 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 In July, 1853, Russia occupied the Danubian Provinces 
 in support of this claim. The English and French fleets 
 entered the Dardanelles in the following October, and 
 war was formally declared in March, 1854. The 
 incidents of the war are well known, and need not 
 be repeated here. Aberdeen's Ministry fell as the war 
 proceeded, and Palmei-ston, the principal author of the 
 war, was called to the high post of Prime Minister 
 of England in February, 1855. And Palmerston re- 
 tained his post as Prime Minister from this date 
 until his death in 1865, with a brief inteiTuption of 
 one year. 
 
 The Crimean War was concluded in 1856, and the 
 
 , peace which followed declared the neutrality of the 
 
 I Black Sea, to which all mercantile marines were to 
 
 I be freely admitted, but from which the ships of war 
 
 *■ of all nations were to be excluded. Persia had in the 
 
 meantime found her opportunity, and na3^ captured 
 
 Herat; but she was compelled to withdraw from that 
 
 town by a peace concluded in 1857. In China Lord 
 
 Palmerston's action was of a more questionable nature. 
 
 The capture by the Chinese authorities of the crew of 
 
 *^ a schooner called. the ^/Torc^, which was a Chinese vessel, 
 
 but hoisted the British flag without any right, created 
 
 complications, and eventually led to war. The causes 
 
 of the war were so inadequate, and the proceedings 
 
 were so unjust, that the House of Commons passed 
 
 what was virtually a vote of censure. But Lord 
 
 Palmerston was the idol of the nation ; he dissolved 
 
 I 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 85 
 
 the Parliament, and was returned by a triumphant 
 majority. 
 
 Dark clouds had in the meantime gathered on the 
 Indian horizon, and the Indian Mutiny broke out in 
 1857. It is not our purpose in the present work to 
 examine the causes of that great outbreak, or to narrate 
 the incidents of the war, which have been fully told by 
 many able writers. There can be no doubt that Lord 
 Dalhousie's hasty and unjust annexations had ranged 
 influential chiefs against the British power in India, and 
 had spread a well-founded alarm among others, whose 
 turn might come next. These men found the sepoy an 
 easy instrument in their hands, and the introduction of 
 the Enfield rifle in the place of the old ' Brown Bess ' 
 enabled them to whisper a story that the British 
 Government intended outrage on the religion of the 
 Hindu and the Musalman alike by the use of a cartridge 
 greased with the fat of the hog and the cow. The alarm 
 spread like wildfire ; sepoys broke out in open mutiny ; 
 and the whole country was in flame. 
 
 Then followed deeds of horror and of cruelty, on 
 one side as on the other, which need not be narrated in 
 this work. In the words of an impartial historian, 
 whom we have quoted before : ' The contest seemed to j 
 lie between two savage races, capable of no thought but \ 
 that, regardless of all justice or mercy, their enemies \ 
 should be exterminated. Deeds of cruelty on one side • 
 and the other were perpetrated, over which it is necessary 
 to draw a veil, and a spirit of bloodthirsty recklessness 
 
86 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 was exhibited which, in cahner times, fills the mind with 
 horror.'* 
 
 It is our pleasing duty to record that, in the midst of 
 the storm of anger and indignation which raged among 
 Englishmen in India at this period, there was one man 
 who remained true to the dignity of his post and to 
 the principles of British justice. Lord Dalhousie was 
 succeeded in 1856 by Lord Canning, son of the great 
 George Canning who had virtually guided the affairs 
 of Great Britain from 1822 to 1827, and had fought 
 for the emancipation of the Catholics and the in- 
 dependence of Greece. When the son of such a 
 father was appointed Governor -General of India, and 
 was entertained by the Court of Directors at a 
 banquet, he uttered those memorable and almost pro- 
 phetic words which have now become historic : ' I wish 
 for a peaceful time of office ; but I cannot forget that 
 in our Indian Empire that greatest of all blessings 
 depends upon a greater variety of chances and a more 
 precarious tenure than in any other quarter of the 
 : globe. We must not forget that in the sky of India, 
 { serene as it is, a small cloud may arise, at first no 
 I bigger than a man's hand, but which, growing bigger 
 I and bigger, may at last thi'eaten to overwhelm us with 
 ruin.' 
 
 When the great cloud arose, a year after Canning's 
 arrival in India, Canning behaved as his great father 
 
 * Rev. Dr. Frank Bright's < History of England,' Period IV. 
 (London, 1893), p. 328. 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 87 
 
 might have behaved under similar circumstances. In 
 the midst of ahnost universal frenzy, he remained un- 
 moved. ' There is a rabid and indiscriminate vindictive- 
 ness abroad," he wrote to the Queen in September, 1857, 
 ' even among those who ought to set a better example. 
 . . . Not one man in ten seems to think that the hang- 
 ing or shooting forty or fifty thousand men can be 
 otherwise than practicable and right.'' 'For God's 
 sake,' he wrote to Lord Granville about the end of the 
 same year, ' raise your voice and stop this ! As long as 
 I have breath in my body, I will pursue no other policy 
 than that I have been following : not only for the 
 reason of expediency and policy above stated, but 
 because it is immutably just. I will not govern in 
 anger. Justice, and that as stem, as inflexible, as law 
 and might, can make it, I will deal out. But I will 
 never allow an angry and undiscriminating act or word 
 to proceed from the Government of India as long as I 
 am responsible for it.' 
 
 This is noble, and almost sublime. But what is 
 perhaps still more touching is his zealous fear for the 
 reputation and good name of his countrymen, even at 
 the very moment when they were assailing him with 
 bitter invectives for his unfaltering moderation and 
 justice. On one occasion, when the outcry against 
 Lord Canning was bitter and vehement, he showed the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal some papers illustrating 
 the brutality of some of the special tribunals. The 
 Lieutenant-Governor urged their publication, by way 
 
88 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 of reply to his calumniators. ' No,' said Lord Canning, 
 locking up the papers in his drawer; 'I had rather 
 submit to any obloquy than publish to the world what 
 would so terribly disgrace my countrymen.' Such was 
 the great Englishman who was at the helm of affairs in 
 India in 1857, and by whom the Indian Mutiny was 
 eventually quelled. 
 
 The Indian Mutiny sealed the fate of the East India 
 Company. The great extension of the British Empire 
 in India had suggested to thoughtful minds in England 
 the desirability of bringing the administration directly 
 under the Crown. It was felt that a Company which 
 was drigmatly^ formed of traders could not be the 
 rulers of a vast empire. The power of the Company, 
 too, had been reduced from time to time, and it was 
 felt that no useful object was gained by keeping alive 
 that venerable but purposeless institution any longer. 
 The Indian Mutiny emphasized this feeling, and Lord 
 jPalmerston now introduced his India Bill, transferring 
 f the Government of India from the East., India Company 
 f to the Crown. But the great Minister was not destined 
 to carry out this measure ; an unexpected incident drove 
 him from office. An attempt was made against the 
 life of the Emperor of the French, and it was dis- 
 covered that the chief conspirator, Orsini, had pre- 
 pared his plans in England. Lord Palmerston proposed 
 to alter the law, and to make conspiracy to murder 
 a felony. This appeared to the English nation an 
 undue submission to French demands. The Bill was 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 89 
 
 defeated in the House of Commons, and Palmerston 
 resigned. 
 
 Lord Derby formed a Conservative Ministry in 
 Februaiy, 1858, and prepared his India Bill, which, 
 however, was a failure. It was then proposed that 
 the principles should be discussed in the House, and 
 that a Bill, the joint production of both parties, should 
 be introduced. This was done, and the new Bill was 
 passed in August, 1858. The East India Company 
 ceased to exist, and their territories and powers were 
 vested in the Queen. 
 
 On November 1, 1858, a great Darhar was held in 
 ^^Allahabad, and smaller Darhars were held in other 
 district towns in India, in which the famous proclama- 
 tion, announcing that the Queen had assumed the 
 government of India, was read in the midst of the 
 acclamations of the people. And elderly men in India 
 still recall with pleasure, and nan*ate to their children, 
 the spectacles which they witnessed forty yeai's ago, 
 connected with the transfer of India from the Company 
 to the Crown.* 
 
 It was proclaimed then, in eloquent words, that 
 justice and religious toleration would guide the Queen's 
 
 * The present writer has pleasant recollections of the Darhar 
 in a Bengal district town which he attended on this occasion. 
 Cheers from thousands of men accosted the message that the 
 Queen had assumed the government of India ; and BrShmans 
 held up their sacred thread and uttered a blessing which has come 
 to be iYMQ—Mahdrdnt DirgJiajiM Haun, i.e, 'May the Great 
 Queen live long.' 
 
90 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 policy. An amnesty was granted to all who had risen 
 against the Company'^s rule, except those implicated 
 in murders. The Governor- General of India became 
 also the Viceroy of India. Non-officials, European 
 and Indian, were admitted to legislative councils to 
 represent the wishes of the people. The Company's 
 army was amalgamated with the Queen's army. The 
 / Sadar Courts of Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras were 
 f amalgamated with the Supreme Courts of those Presi- 
 ^ dencies, and were called High Courts. In the following 
 year the pitiful plea by which Dalhousie had annexed 
 so many Provinces was swept away, and the right of 
 Indian princes and chiefs to adopt heirs on failure of 
 natural heirs was recognised. 
 
 Many useful and beneficent measures were passed 
 during the remaining years of Lord Canning's rule in 
 India. The Indian criminal law was codified in that 
 remarkable work at which Macaulay had assisted — 
 the Indian Penal Code. The Civil and Criminal 
 Procedure Codes were also drawn up. But important 
 as these measures are, they sink into insignificance 
 when compared with those greater measures which 
 Lord Canning adopted to ameliorate the condition of 
 the masses in India — the agricultural population. Lord 
 Cornwallis had permanently settled the revenue which 
 the Government demanded from the landlords of Bengal. 
 Lord Canning passed the famous Act of 1859, by which 
 he restrained the landlords from demanding undue en- 
 hancement of rents from cultivators. Thus the beneficent 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 91 
 
 work of Cornwallis was completed, and the protection 
 which had been granted by him to the landlords was 
 extended to the cultivators. 
 
 Another noble and generous work was attempted 
 by Lord Canning. A teiTible famine desolated the 
 North -Western Provinces of India in 1860. Such 
 relief as it was possible to organize was organized ; and 
 when the calamity was over, the new Viceroy tried to 
 seek out the true preventive for such calamities. To 
 an earnest and sympathetic administrator like Canning 
 the tnie remedy revealed itself at once. He marked 
 that at each recurring land settlement the Govem- 
 - ment could increase its demand from the produce of 
 the land. He marked that the extension of cultiva- 
 tion and improvement in the prices of crops could not, 
 under such a system, benefit the Indian tenant as it 
 would benefit the British farmer. He comprehended 
 that under this system the people of India could save 
 nothing, and could have nothing to fall back upon 
 in years of bad harvesT? AiTd^Iie had the courage to 
 recommend that the Permanent Settlement, which had 
 proved so beneficial to the people of Bengal, should 
 be extended to other parts of India. 
 
 The Secretary of State for India accepted this wise 
 and liberal view, and authorized Permanent Settle- 
 ments to be granted to estates in parts of the country 
 where a full and fair rate had been imposed under 
 existing settlements. And he concluded his memorable 
 despatch by describing the proposal as ' a measure 
 
9a ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 dictated by sound policy, and calculated to accelerate 
 the development of the resources of India, and to insure 
 in the highest degree the welfare and contentment of 
 all classes of her Majesty "'s subjects in the country."* 
 f Had Lord Canning lived ^\e years longer, India 
 might have received the much-coveted boon. But the 
 gi^eat statesman died in 1862, shortly after his return 
 from India, and his large-hearted wisdom was not 
 inherited by his successors. The proposal was dis- 
 cussed for twenty years, and finally abandoned in 1883. 
 But the terrible famine which has overtaken the whole 
 of Northern India in the present year will convince 
 unbiassed and impartial judges that the decision of 
 1883 needs a revision, and that the remedy proposed 
 by the first and greatest of India'*s Viceroys is the only 
 remedy for bettering the condition of the mass of the 
 people in India. 
 
 The beneficent administration of Lord Canning had 
 a moral effect on the progress of the people, and we 
 will pause for a moment to speak of their intellectual 
 and moral culture during this period. 
 
 It was during Canning'*s administration that the 
 great reformer and scholar of Bengal, Iswar Chandra 
 Vidyasagar, undertook those social and literary reforms 
 which have endeared his name among his countrymen. 
 It was during Canning*'s administration that the greatest 
 modern poet of India, Madhu Sudan Datta, composed 
 his noble epic in the Bengal language. An Indian 
 lawyer, Rama Prasad Rai, son of the eminent Ram 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 93 
 
 Mohan Rai of whom we have spoken in another 
 chapter, was appointed a Judge of the newly-created 
 High Court of Calcutta. The Civil Service of India 
 had been thrown open to competition, and the first 
 batch of Indian youths came to England to com- 
 pete for this service during Canning's administra- 
 tion. One of them succeeded in the examination of 
 1862 ; other Indian students qualified themselves for 
 the Bar; and the steady increase in the number of 
 Indian students who have come to England during the 
 last thirty yeai-s has drawn India closer to England, 
 and has helped in the sj)read of English ideas among 
 the educated classes of India. 
 
 Lord Elgin succeeded Lord Canning in 1862, but 
 died in India in the following year. He was succeeded 
 by Sir John Lawrence, who had saved the Punjab during 
 the Mutiny. Lawrence's foreign policy has been well 
 described as ' masterly inactivity,"* a policy which Lord 
 Palmerston himself was steadily pursuing in Europe 
 during the closing years of his life. Lord Palmerston 
 had become Prime Minister for the second time in 1859, 
 after the fall of the Derby Ministry. Great events 
 were now taking place in Europe and in America, but 
 Lord Palmerston, whatever his sympathies might have 
 been, declined to be drawn from an attitude of strict 
 neutrality. 
 
 The first and the greatest event of the period was the 
 War of Italian Independence. The French Emperor 
 first helped the Italians, and then deserted them in his 
 
94 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 own way; but the Italians succeeded in the object 
 of their long endeavours. The first Italian Parliament 
 met in 1861, and Victor Emmanuel assumed the title of 
 the King of Italy. Lord Palmerston sympathized with 
 the Italians, but did not render any active help. 
 
 When the Civil War broke out between the Northern 
 and Southern States of America, Lord Palmerston 
 maintained the same neutrality. ' The only thing to 
 do,** he said, ' seems to be to lie on our oars, and to give 
 no pretext to the Washingtonians to quarrel with us, 
 while on the other hand we maintain our rights and 
 those of our fellow-countrymen.''* The war was closed 
 in 1865, and the States remained united. 
 
 In 1863 the tyranny of the Russian authorities 
 drove thePoles into insurrection. The action of the 
 Russian Government was described by Lord Napier, 
 the English Ambassador at St. Petersburg, as ' a design 
 to make a clean sweep of the revolutionary youth of 
 Poland.'' The sympathy of England for the oppressed 
 Poles, and her disapproval of the policy of Russia, 
 found expression in debate after debate in both Houses 
 of Parliament, and Lord Russell went so far as to lay 
 down six points embodying a perfect amnesty and com- 
 plete constitutional arrangements. But England would 
 go no farther, and when the French Emperor made a 
 proposal to take action in the matter. Lord Palmerston 
 refused to join. The remonstrance of England was 
 
 * ' Viscount Palmerston, K.G.,' by the Marquis of Lome, K.T. 
 (London, 1892), p. 206. 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 95 
 
 useless when unsupported by force, and the Polish 
 insurrection was crushed by Russia with cruel and 
 barbarous severity. Men and women were flogged, 
 shot, and hanged, and droves of prisonei-s, including 
 the flower of the Polish youth, were exiled to Siberia, 
 or perished on the way under the hardships they 
 suffered. 
 
 The Danish War excited still greater resentment 
 in England. Bismarck demanded the annexation 
 of Schleswig-Holstein to Germany. England sym- 
 pathized with Denmark, and the recent marriage of 
 the Prince of Wales with a Danish l*rincess had drawn 
 closer the relations between the two countries. A 
 conference was held in London in 1864, but did little 
 good. The French Emperor, who had been hurt by 
 England's refusal to join him in support of Poland, 
 now refused to join England in support of Den- 
 mark. There was absolutely nothing for it but 
 to leave the Danes alone. ' We abstained," explained 
 Lord Palmerston, 'in taking the field in defence of 
 Denmark for many reasons — from the season of the 
 year, from the smallness of our army, and the great risk 
 of a failure in a struggle with all Germany by land.'* 
 Denmark, unsupported, fought and was beaten, and 
 the duchies were ceded to Prussia and Austria. 
 
 The non-intervention of England in the cause of 
 Denmark aroused bitter feelings among a section of the 
 
 * * Viscount Palmerston, K.G.,' by the Marquis of Lome, K.T. 
 (London, 1892), p. 211. 
 
96 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 English people, specially as England had been prose- 
 cuting her little wars in the East. There was a third 
 Chinese war in 1859 and 1860, by which England 
 obtained a favourable treaty. There was a Japanese 
 war in, ISgSj and Japanese ports were opened to trade. 
 And there was an Ashantee war in 1864, which was 
 not skilfully managed, and English troops fell a prey 
 in large numbers to the pestilential climate. Mr. 
 Disraeli attacked the Government on the Danish 
 question, and urged that 'the course pursued by 
 Government has failed to maintain their avowed policy 
 of upholding the independence and integrity of Den- 
 mark, and has lowered the just influence of the country 
 in the capitals of Europe.' And Sir John Hay attacked 
 the Government in reference to the unskilful manage- 
 ment of the Ashantee War, and exclaimed that 'the 
 responsibility lies on the Cabinet, the men who had 
 betrayed Denmark and truckled to Germany, who had 
 convulsed China and devastated Japan/* 
 
 Such were the bitter charges which were brought 
 against the veteran statesman, whose long career was 
 now drawing to a close. In October, 1865, Lord 
 Palmerston died at the ripe age of eighty-one. He 
 had entered Parliament in 1807, and had been Secre- 
 tary at War when England was fighting with the great 
 Bonaparte. He was Foreign Secretary when the Reform 
 Bill was passed and when the Queen ascended the throne. 
 He was Home Secretary when the Crimean War broke 
 out, and he concluded that war as Prime Minister. 
 
THE AGE OF PEEL AND PALMERSTON 97 
 
 And he remained the Prime Minister of England from 
 1855 to his death in 1865, barring a short interval of 
 one year. It may truly be said of him that he had 
 more influence in shaping the foreign policy of England 
 in Europe and in the East, during the lifetime of nearly 
 two generations, than any other man in England. And 
 Englishmen were proud of him, and of his never-failing 
 zeal in upholding the interests and the influence of 
 England throughout the world. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 THE AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE. 
 
 1865—1885. 
 
 The cry for reform was heard once more in England. 
 As early as 1852, Lord John Russell had attempted a 
 further extension of the suffrage by a Reform Bill, but 
 he was turned out of office before it proceeded further. 
 A second Reform Bill had been introduced by him in 
 1854, but was withdrawn on the outbreak of the Crimean 
 War. Mr. Disraeli had then framed a Reform Bill 
 under Lord Derby's Government in 1859, but the Bill 
 contained little of real reform, and it failed. 
 
 Lord Russell had again introduced a fresh Reform 
 Bill under Palmerston's Government in 1860 ; but 
 Lord Palmerston himself was lukewarm or hostile, and 
 the Bill had to be withdrawn. It was then felt that 
 there would be no more talk about reforms as long as 
 Lord Palmerston lived. The amusing story is often re- 
 peated, that when Lord Palmerston was asked by his 
 butcher why he and his colleagues did not bring in 
 a new Reform Bill, the Prime Minister answered, 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 99 
 
 ^ Because we are not geese r Ardent reformers chafed 
 under the controlling influence of the cynical old states- 
 man. Bishop Wilberforce wrote in 1863 : ' That 
 wretched Pam seems to me to get worse and worse. 
 There is not a particle of veracity or noble feeling that 
 I have ever been able to trace in him. He manages the 
 House of Commons by debauching it, making all parties 
 laugh at one another.** But, nevertheless, the large class 
 of Palmerston''s admirers liked the veteran statesman, 
 who mocked at enthusiasm, who keenly supported 
 England's interests abroad, and who jocosely burked 
 all efforts for reform at home. There was one earnest 
 man especially who was bent on reform, and whom 
 Palmerston looked upon with some distrust. Once he 
 said to Lord Shaftesbury : ' Gladstone will soon have 
 it all his own way ; and, whenever he gets my place, 
 we shall have some strange doings.** 
 
 Lord Palmerston died in 1865, and then Mr. Glad- 
 stone had it ' all his own way." Lord John Russell, the 
 aged statesman who had spent half his life in endeavours 
 after reforms, now became Prime Minister, and Mr. 
 Gladstone introduced his Reform Bill in March, 1866. 
 Once more the Reform Bill was ill received. Con- 
 servatives and Moderate Liberals combined against it, 
 and formed, in Mr. Bright'^s words, the Cave of Adullam, 
 into which was invited everyone who was in distress and 
 everyone who was discontented. 
 
 The Cave increased in strength, and Mr. Gladstone 
 saw there was little hope of the Bill being passed. This 
 
 7—2 
 
100 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 roused him to the utmost, and in winding up the debate 
 on the second reading, on April S8, Mr. Gladstone made 
 one of those great speeches which mark epochs in the 
 history of the British Parhament. Foreseeing the fate 
 of his Bill, he concluded his impassioned speech with 
 words which have become memorable for all age : 
 
 ' Time is on our side. The great social forces which 
 move onwards in their might and majesty, and which 
 the tumult of our debates does not for a moment impede 
 or disturb — those great social forces are against you ; 
 they are marshalled on our side ; and the banner which 
 we now carry in this fight, though perhaps at some 
 moment it may droop over our sinking heads, yet it 
 soon again will float in the eye of Heaven, and it will 
 be borne by the firm hands of the united people of the 
 three kingdoms, perhaps not to an easy, but to a certain, 
 and to a not far distant, victory." 
 
 The speech had its effect, and the second reading was 
 carried by a majority of five. This showed, however, 
 that the ultimate fate of the Bill was sealed ; and the 
 Government was defeated shortly after, and resigned. 
 The scenes of 1832 were then repeated. Ten thousand 
 people assembled in Trafalgar Square, and voted for 
 reform. Great meetings were held in the large towns 
 of the Northern and Midland counties, and pressed for 
 reform. Gladstone's name was received everywhere with 
 tumultuous acclamation. He had become the popular 
 hero of the day ; he was hailed as the leader of 
 the progressive party. 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 101 
 
 The demands of the people were not made in vain. 
 Lord Derby formed a new Ministry, and Mr. Disraeli 
 introduced a Reform Bill. The more ardent Con- 
 servatives were grieved, and Lord Cranborne (after- 
 wards Lord Salisbury) resigned his place as Indian 
 Secretary, and attacked Mr. Disraeli in the Quarterly 
 Review. But Mr. Disraeli wjis helpless : the Con- 
 servatives could not hold together without granting a 
 reform, and a reform such as Mr. Gladstone wanted. 
 Mr. Disraeli's Bill was modified in all important points 
 at the dictation of Mr. Gladstone, and when the Bill 
 went up to the House of Lords the Duke of Buccleuch 
 humorously remarked that the only word of the original 
 Bill which remained unaltered was the first word, 
 'Whereas.' The Bill was passed in August, 1867,* 
 and Mr. Disraeli prided himself that he had ' dished 
 the Whigs.' 
 
 On the continent of Europe a great event had taken 
 place in 1866. Bismarck steadily pursued his policy to 
 unite Germany under the leadership of Prussia, and the 
 war with Austria which broke out in 1866 promoted 
 the object he had in view. A peace was concluded after 
 the great battle of Sadowa, the existing German Bund 
 was dissolved, and Austria withdrew from the new 
 arrangements of Germany. A Northern and a Southern 
 German confederacy were formed ; and Prussia, in- 
 corporating Hanover and other northern States in her 
 
 * The Bill granted household suffrage in the boroughs, and a 
 £12 franchise in the counties. 
 
102 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 dominions, became the leader of the Northern Con- 
 federacy. England maintained a policy of neutrality 
 as before. She had a little war of her own in Abyssinia, 
 which was brought to a satisfactory conclusion by Napier 
 at Magdala in 186.7. The cost of the war was enormous, 
 and a part of it was debited to India, under the plea 
 that the necessity of the war haS arisen chiefly from 
 the effect which the impunity of the King of Abyssinia 
 would have upon the Eastern mind, and therefore on 
 the interests of the Indian Empire ! The debiting of 
 the cost of an African war to India was bad ; the 
 argument used to justify it was worse. 
 
 Lord John Russeirs task was done when the Reform 
 Bill of 1867 was passed, and the aged statesman, now 
 in his seventy-sixth year, retired from politics. In the 
 following February Lord Derby resigned his Premier- 
 ship on account of his failing health. The ancient 
 leaders of Parliament thus retired from the scene one 
 by one, and left the field open to those who have been 
 the leaders of our generation. It is remarkable that 
 while we had six Prime Ministers during the first 
 thirty years of the Queen's reign — Melbourne, Peel, 
 Russell, Derby, Aberdeen, and Palmerston — we have 
 only had four Prime IMinisters during the next 
 thirty years of her reign — Disraeli, Gladstone, Salis- 
 bury, and Rosebery. 
 
 Lord Derby's resignation was accepted in February, 
 1868, and Mr. Disraeli was appointed Prime Minister. 
 His tenure of office on this occasion was, however, short. 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 103 
 
 The question of the Irish Church came up for discussion, 
 and Mr. Gladstone introduced three resolutions, declaring 
 that, in the opinion of the House, the Irish Church 
 should cease to exist. The Government was defeated 
 in the debates, and at the new elections, which took 
 place in the latter end of the year, the Liberals had a 
 majority of over a hundred. The Conservative Ministry 
 resigned, and Mr. Gladstone became Prime Minister in 
 December, 1868. The Duke of Argyll became the 
 Indian Secretary; John Bright was President of the 
 Board of Trade; Mr. Lowe and Mr. Goschen, and 
 Lords Hartington and Ripon, Dufferin and Kimberley 
 were in the Cabinet. 
 
 The history of the next five years is a history of 
 great reforms. A strong Liberal spirit inspired the 
 Ministry and the nation alike, and Liberal measures 
 were passed in quick succession. On March 1, 1869, 
 Mr. Gladstone introduced his momentous Bill for the 
 disestablishment of the Irish Church in a gi'eat speech 
 of three hours, and Mr. Bright supported it in a speech 
 of infinite beauty and pathos. The second reading was 
 carried by a majority of over a hundred, and the Bill 
 was passed into law in July. 
 
 Next came Mr. Gladstone's Bill to reform the Irish 
 land laws. The crying need for the reform had been 
 felt for over a quarter of a century, but the influence 
 of landlords was great, and had hitherto obstructed 
 legislation. Half measures, worse than no measures, 
 had been adopted to relieve the distressed Irish tenant. 
 
104 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 but legislators had shrunk from bestowing on him any 
 sort of tenant-right. 'Tenant-right was landlord's 
 wrong,' Lord Palmerston had said, in his bantering 
 manner, and this sorry jest was considered as the final 
 word on the controversy. But a statesman of a different 
 stamp had now undertaken to redress the wrongs of the 
 Irish tenants. Mr. Gladstone's object was to protect 
 the tenant from eviction as long as he paid his rent, 
 and to secure to him the value of improvements which 
 his industry had made; and the proposed protection 
 was therefore not unlike that which Lord Canning had 
 bestowed on Bengal tenants over ten years before. The 
 Bill was introduced in February, 1870, and was passed 
 in the same year. 
 
 In the same year was introduced the great measure 
 for a national and compulsory system of elementary 
 education. Mr. Forster's Bill met with great opposi- 
 tion, and there was prolonged discussion as to details, 
 but the English nation had made up their minds on 
 the subject. The Bill was at last passed, providing 
 school accommodation for all the children in England, 
 and exerting pressure on parents to fulfil their duty 
 in training their children. The beneficent results of 
 this great measure are obvious after the lapse of a 
 quarter of a century. Foreigners who were in England 
 before 1870, and who are revisiting the country now, 
 find a striking and remarkable change for the better, 
 not only in the general conduct and manners, but 
 also in the habits of prudence and foresight and in 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 105 
 
 the moral behaviour, of the lower classes in Eng- 
 land.* 
 
 Other reforms followed in the succeeding years. The 
 long- vexed question of religious tests at the Universities 
 was settled ; the abolition of purchase in the army 
 was decreed ; the army was reorganized and the 
 country was divided into districts with central depots 
 for the home battalions ; and the Civil Service was 
 thrown open to public competition. But the country 
 was becoming tired of the Liberal Government. 
 Foi-ster's Ballot Bill was thrown out by the Lords 
 in 1871, but was passed in the following year; Mr. 
 Goschen's Bill for the reform of local government and 
 taxation was thrown out ; Mr. Lowe''s proposed tax on 
 matches, introduced with the punning motto. Ex luce 
 lucellmn^ was opposed and thrown out. The foreign 
 policy of the Government was also strongly criticised. 
 
 The great Franco-Prussian War broke out in 1870. 
 The French Emperor, who had come to be regarded 
 with distrust by all European Powers, was hurled from 
 his throne. The Empire was abolished, and a French 
 Republic was proclaimed. The King of Prussia assumed 
 the title of Emperor of Germany, and all German States 
 were to some extent united under him. Two French 
 
 * The present writer had the good fortune to be in England 
 in the stirring years 1868, 1869 and 1870 ; and nothing has 
 impressed him more, in re- visiting England in the nineties, than 
 the remarkable change in the lower classes. The worst signs of 
 degradation which one noticed in the lowest classes thirty years 
 ago seem to have altogether disappeared. 
 
106 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 provinces were wrested from France, and added to 
 Germany. England had remained neutral during the 
 war, and her conduct was sharply criticised. 
 
 Russia threw off the restrictions imposed upon her 
 after the Crimean War by neutralizing the Black Sea, 
 and England could take no action to prevent this. 
 America demanded compensation for loss inflicted on 
 her by privateers fitted out in England; the Alabama 
 claims were submitted to arbitration, and the verdict 
 went against England. All these events lowered the 
 popularity of the Government, although its action in 
 each of these cases was strictly correct. Finally, a 
 fresh Ashantee War broke out in 1873, and it was 
 after immense difficulty brought to a successful con- 
 clusion by Sir Garnet Wolseley. But Gladstone's 
 ministry had fallen in the meantime. The Parliament 
 had been dissolved, the Conservatives had a majority 
 of fifty after the new elections, and Mr, Disraeli became 
 Prime Minister in 1874. 
 
 The first administration of Mr. Gladstone, which 
 closed in 1874, was contemporaneous with the rule, 
 in India, of two of the ablest and best Viceroys who 
 have ever gone out to that dependency since it passed 
 under the direct rule of the Crown. Lord Mayo, who 
 succeeded Sir John Lawrence in 1869, was an Irish 
 nobleman, remarkably well fitted for the post of an 
 Indian Viceroy. Noble and coui-tly in his demeanour, 
 genial and affable in his manners, he won a larger 
 share of personal love and respect than ordinarily falls 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 107 
 
 to the lot of Governor-Generals in India. His strong 
 common-sense and generous instincts were a safer guide 
 in the complications of Indian administration than a 
 mere knowledge of details acquired by long residence 
 in India, and his indefatigable industry in the cause 
 of the welfare of the people whose concerns he ad- 
 ministered enabled him to effect improvement in 
 various departments. ITie immense extension of roads, 
 railways, and canals which took place under his ad- 
 ministration greatly developed the resources of the 
 country, while his provincial decentralization scheme 
 infused fresh life into the administration of the different 
 Provinces. It is sad to contemplate that an assassin's 
 knife terminated his noble and useftil career at Port 
 Blair in 1872. 
 
 He was succeeded by Lord Northbrook, an adminis- 
 trator of Liberal pnnciples and strong practical sense, 
 which left its impress on his Indian administration. 
 A famine broke out in Behar in 1874, and to Lord 
 Northbrook belongs the credit of having, for the fii*st 
 time in the history of British India, succeeded com- 
 pletely in relieving distress and preventing deaths in 
 an Indian famine. After the famine was over, the 
 Prince of Wales visited India in 1875-76, and the 
 outbui'st of loyalty which the visit evoked from all 
 sections of the people in all parts of India forms one 
 of the most memorable events of modern Indian 
 history. 
 
 Mr. Disraeli had become Prime Minister in 1874, 
 
108 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 and a change came over the spirit of England^s poHcy 
 towards Afghanistan. The policy of maintaining that 
 "'""country as a strong, independent but friendly State 
 had been accepted by successive Viceroys — Lawrence, 
 Mayo, and Northbrook — and had been consistently 
 acted upon. But a new policy was now mooted, viz., 
 that English ^agents should be established in the heart 
 of Afghanistan in order to control that power more 
 effectually. Lord Salisbury, now Secretary of State for 
 India, sent a despatch embodying the new policy in 
 January, 1875. Lord Northbrook, strong in the 
 strength of his own convictions, remonstrated. In 
 the following year he again differed from the Secretary 
 of State on the financial policy of India. He received 
 a censure, and resigned. 
 
 Lord Lytton was then sent out to India, entrusted 
 with the duty of giving effect to the new policy towai'ds 
 Afghanistan. He had instructions to find an excuse 
 for sending a mission to Kabul, and for insisting on 
 the keeping of an English resident in Afghanistan. 
 The mistake which previous (xovemor-Generals had 
 guarded against was no^isaaujiitted. 
 
 The first great act of Lord Lytton in India was, how- 
 ever, auspicious, and called forth an outburst of loyalty 
 from the Indian people. On January 1, 1877, Lord 
 Lytton proclaimed to the princes and people of India 
 that the Queen of England had assumed the august 
 title of the Empress of India. This was announced to 
 an imperial assemblage in the historic town of Delhi, 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 109 
 
 and it was also announced in similar meetings in every 
 district town in India. But while the great message 
 was thus notified amidst circumstances of pomp and 
 splendour, the shadow of a great famine was already 
 darkening over Southern India. Crops had failed 
 through want of seasonable rain, and the measures 
 taken to relieve the people were inadequate. The 
 disaster grew to be the most terrible and fatal which 
 has ever visited India within this century, and jive 
 millions of the population of India died from starvation, 
 or from diseases caused by insufficient nourishment. 
 The destruction of life from the most calamitous and 
 prolonged wars pales before this great and terrible 
 disaster, the like of which has not been known in the 
 modem history of any other country or nation. 
 
 In the following year Lord Lytton declared war 
 against Kabul. He had tried to gain his object by 
 negotiations, and had failed ; and to his demand that 
 an English representative should be received in 
 Afghanistan the ruler of that country had replied by 
 a request for the relaxation of that condition. In the 
 meantime, the Amir had received a Russian mission, 
 and an English mission with an escort of over 1,000 
 men had been refused. The result was war. The 
 Prime Minister of England, now Lord Beaconsfield, 
 disclosed that the true object of the war was to form a 
 ' scientific frontier.** > ^^ ' ''' * ''' ^ ' "^ ^'"'*'' "^^'^ m.tft^s-Mn . ^^^^^ 
 
 The British army was completely successful, and the 
 Amir fled, only to die. His son, Yakub Khan, presented 
 
110 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 himself at the British camp, and signed the Treaty of 
 
 Gundamuck in May, 1879. The Indian Government 
 
 I agreed to pay the Amiy d|P60,00P a year, and the Amir 
 
 I ceded the ' scientific frontier,'' and agreed to allow a 
 
 I British representative to reside in Kabul. The treaty 
 
 I gave rise, as on a previous occasion, to a false sense of 
 
 I security, and a British resident was sent to reside in 
 
 I Kabul. 
 
 In September the terrible news was received that the 
 British resident with his escort had been murdered. A 
 fresh invasion of Kabul took place in October, and a 
 new Amir, Abdur Rahman, was placed on the throne. 
 In 1880 the Conservative Government was overthrown 
 in England, and Lord Lytton resigned his post in 
 India, and was succeeded by Lord Ripon. A defeat of 
 the British army at Maiwand was promptly I'etrieved by 
 General Roberts by a splendid victory, and as soon as 
 matters were a little settled the English withdrew from 
 Afghanistan. 
 
 The enormous cost of this Afghan war has been 
 succeeded by a steady increase in the cost of the Indian 
 army, mainly owing to the extension of the Indian 
 frontier. The requirements of the imperial policy of 
 England with reference to Russia have also caused an 
 increase in the strength of the Indian army, so as to 
 allow of a powerful field army being placed beyond 
 the Indian frontier, in addition tp the army required tq_ 
 keep internal peace in India. It is neither equitable nor 
 possible for India to meet all this additional expenditure. 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 111 
 
 The extreme poverty of the people of India is becoming 
 patent every day, and the administration of the country 
 is now virtually starved to meet the growing imperial 
 expenditure. The developments which have taken 
 place in the frontier policy of India, during the last 
 twenty years, under the direction of Her Majesty's 
 Government in England, render it imperative that 
 England should bear a portion of the cost of maintain- 
 ing her Asiatic empire. The proposal has been made 
 by high authorities, and is both equitable and unavoid- 
 able, and we will revert to it further on. 
 
 While the Afghan war was going on in the East, 
 Europe was the scene of a sanguinary war. An insur- 
 rection in Bulgaria had been repressed by Turkey with 
 barbarous cruelty, which made all Europe indignant. 
 Mr. Gladstone, who had retired from politics some time 
 before, appeared once more upon the scene, and roused 
 the indignation of the English nation by impassioned 
 speeches, which were, perhaps, the most powerful that 
 even he ever made. Russia undertook, single-handed, 
 the redress of the oppressed Christians in Turkey, and 
 declared war in 1877. The Turks made a gallant 
 resistance, but the Russians eventually triumphed, and 
 forced Turkey to conclude the Treaty of San Stefano in 
 March, 1878. 
 
 The jealousy of Russia had not died out in England. 
 A British fleet appeared in the Sea of Marmora, and 
 7,000 Indian troops were summoned to Malta. The 
 Treaty of San Stefano was submitted for the considera- 
 
112 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 tion of the Powers at the Berlin Congress, and the 
 Berlin Treaty was signed in July, 1878. North 
 Bulgaria obtained its independence and South Bulgaria 
 obtained a sort of self-government ; Servia and Monte- 
 negro were freed ; Bosnia and Herzgovina were placed 
 under Austria ; Batoum and Kars were left to Russia ; 
 Greece obtained an improved frontier ; and England 
 obtained the island of Cyprus. The 'integrity of 
 Turkey J** thus mutilated, was once more preserved. 
 
 In the meantime, complications had arisen in South 
 Africa, and the Transvaal was annexed to the British 
 dominions in 1877. A war with the Zulus followed in 
 the next year, and a British force was destroyed by the 
 Zulus at Isandlana early in 1879. The disaster was 
 retrieved, and the country of the Zulus was divided 
 among the leading native chiefs. 
 
 The course of events in Bulgaria, in Afghanistan, 
 and in Zululand had greatly impaired the popularity 
 of Lord Beaconsfield's Government. Mr. Gladstone'*s 
 famous ' Midlothian Campaign " of 1879 had also shaken 
 the Government, and when the Parliament was dissolved 
 in 1880, Mr. Gladstone went forth on his second ' Mid- 
 lothian Campaign." ' The walls of the Tory Jericho of 
 the North went down before the blast of his trumpet ;' 
 the son of the Duke of Buccleuch, then the most 
 notable Scottish peer, was defeated on his own ground ; 
 the Tory party was routed in the North, and only 
 nine Conservatives were returned from Scotland. The 
 Liberals were returned to Parliament in an overwhelm- 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 113 
 
 ing majority over the Conservatives and the Irish 
 Home Rulers combined. The Queen sent for Lord 
 Hartington. Lord Hartington and Lord Granville 
 explained to Her Majesty that the victory was Mr. 
 Gladstone's, and that the Liberal party would be 
 satisfied with no other leader. The same evening 
 Mr. Gladstone kissed hands, and became Prime Minister 
 of England for the second time. 
 
 Ireland again claimed the attention of Mr. Glad- 
 stone. A succession of bad harvests had caused much 
 suffering and discontent among the tenants. A Land 
 League was formed which advised tenants not to pay 
 rents, and acts of violence were perpetrated. Mr. 
 Gladstone went, as before, to the root of the matter. 
 The Government carried a Land Act in 1881, gi-anting 
 what is called the three Ps to tenants — fair rents, 
 fixity of tenure, and freedom of sale. The Land 
 League was then forcibly suppressed, and after the 
 murder of Lord Cavendish and Mr. Burke in Dublin, a 
 strong Crimes Act was passed and firmly administered. 
 The country was quiet for the next two yeai's. 
 
 But the Liberal administration was greatly impeded 
 by the entanglements of foreign wars which were forced 
 on Mr. Gladstone. The Boers of the Transvaal chafed 
 under the British Government, and rose in rebellion in 
 1881. The British force was defeated at Laing's Nek 
 and at Majuba Hill, and the Boers secured a sort of 
 independence under the suzerainty of England. 
 
 In Egypt Arabi Pasha inaugurated the policy of 
 
 ' ' "-"■'■'-'- - --- -■ • S - 
 
114 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 ' Egypt for the Egyptians,' and fortified Alexandria and 
 riTassed troops. Englaiid interfered, against the wishes 
 of many of the prominent Liberals, and Mr. Bright 
 resigned his office rather than be a party to a policy 
 of war. Admiral Seymour bombarded the forts of 
 Alexandria, and at Tel-el-Kebir Sir Garnet Wolseley 
 crushed Arabi Pasha, who was banished to Ceylon. 
 The power of the Khedive was restored, but the British 
 have, since then, continued to occupy Egypt. 
 
 The Egyptian policy of England led to fresh com- 
 plications. The tribes in the Soudan rose under the 
 ' Mahdi," and a British force was surrounded and anni- 
 hilated. The famous Gordon was sent to settle matters. 
 He reached Khartoum in February, 1884, defended the 
 town against the besiegers for one year with extra- 
 ordinary energy and resource, and vainly asked for 
 succour. In January, 1885, Khartoum fell with its 
 heroic defender. 
 
 The Liberal Government was now doomed, but it 
 succeeded in passing one great measure before it laid 
 down its power. The great Reform Act of 18B2 had 
 taken away the political power in the country from 
 the peers and a limited number of influential families, 
 and had vested it in the great middle classes. The 
 Reform Act of 1867 had extended the suffrage, and 
 had given the working - classes a share in the ad- 
 ministration. But it had left a distinction between 
 the boroughs and the counties, and virtually the work- 
 ing-classes in the boroughs were allowed a franchise 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 115 
 
 from which the working-classes in the counties were 
 excluded. The defect was remedied, and the system of 
 representation was made complete by the third Reform 
 Act, which placed the votei*s in the counties and those 
 in the boroughs on the same footing. The Lords at 
 first threw out the Bill on the ground that it made 
 no provision for the redistribution of seats. A re- 
 distribution scheme had, therefore, to be introduced, 
 and Mr. Gladstone agreed with Lord Salisbury as to 
 its details. The Reform Act was passed in December, 
 1884, and the Redistribution Act in the following 
 year. Mr. Gladstone resigned in June, 1885, and 
 Lord Salisbury became Prime Minister. 
 
 It remains now only to say one or two words about 
 India during Mr. Gladstone's second administration. 
 Lord Ripon had gone out to India with a desire to 
 govern the country on Liberal lines, and his administra- 
 tion was far-sighted and wise. We have seen before 
 that he withdrew British troops from Kabul after the 
 affairs in that country had been settled to some extent. 
 He ^^Y^ealed the fetters which his predecessor had 
 placed on^Tlie vernacular press of India ; and he 
 showed his trust and confidence in the people of India 
 by introducing a scheme of local self-government. 
 The experience ancUocal- knowledge of .the people 
 ai*e of great value in the administration of local affairs 
 in every Indian district, and Lord Ripon\ measure 
 secured this to a somewhat larger extent than had been 
 done before, and thus gave a somewhat wider scope to 
 
 8—2 
 
116 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 Indians in the management of their own concerns. The 
 Municipal Act was also recast, the election of the 
 members by the rate-payers was provided for, and 
 the members were permitted to elect their own chair- 
 man. 
 
 Lord Canning had granted a substantial protection 
 to the cultivators of Bengal in 1859. The Act of 1859 
 was revised in 1868, but it had become now necessary to 
 extend its provisions by a fresh Act. Lord Ripon in- 
 stituted inquiries in every district, and thus obtained a 
 valuable mass of facts and opinions from men who were 
 familiar with details, and were competent to speak on 
 the subject. On these valuable materials he framed a 
 Tenancy Act, which was passed, with some modification, 
 by his successor. Lord Dufferin, in 1885. ITiroughout 
 the period of his administration. Lord Ripon worked 
 with a single-hearted desire to benefit the people placed 
 under him ; and his endeavours were crowned with 
 success, firstly in some extension of powers to the 
 educated people of India, and secondly in the ample 
 protection given to the uneducated cultivators. 
 
 Lord Ripon left India in 1884, amidst manifestations 
 of the people's love and loyalty such as have been 
 seldom witnessed in India. And an imaginative and 
 grateful Hindu poet, who sings of India reviving under 
 the British Rule, records in feeling verse : 
 
 * That form, yet fair, with tremor shakes, 
 As slowly she responsive wakes 
 
 At Bentinck's, Canning's, Ripon's call !' 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 117 
 
 We close our story here, as the events of the last 
 twelve years are too fresh for a historical review. It has 
 often been said, and said correctly, that India has been 
 conquered, not by the sword, but by good government, 
 and that she is retained, not by the sword, but by good 
 government. The sword is required to repress occa- 
 sional local disturbances among hill tribes, or to keep 
 out foreign invaders; but the sword did not conquer 
 the people, and could not keep the people for a single 
 generation without good government. The people of 
 India, although extremely pacific, are a power, and 
 that power was drawn to the support of the British 
 rule from the very commencement by good government. 
 In the days of anarchy which succeeded the Mogul rule 
 in India, the people of India were drawn spontaneously 
 to the rule which gave them security and peace, and 
 which, in spite of many blunders, is honest in its 
 purpose, and beneficent in its work. The leading men 
 in Bengal welcomed the British power in the days 
 of Clive and Hastings ; the village communities of 
 Northern India hailed the triumphs of the Marquis 
 of Wellesley; and the harassed peasantry of Madras 
 and Bombay supported the British power in the days 
 of Munro and Elphinstone. 
 
 The history of British conquests is the history of 
 popular support, which has never wavered in the cause 
 of a civilized administration. And this popular support 
 witnessed no change and no decadence, even when 
 mutinous sepoys rose in thousands in the dark days of 
 
118 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 1857, and threatened to engulf the British power in 
 ruin. 
 
 Within the forty years which have since elapsed, 
 there have been no great wars within the limits of 
 India, and in as far as it is permitted to us to anticipate 
 the future, there will be no wars so long as the people 
 are held together by a wise and a progressive government. 
 The strongest suppoii: of the British rule in India is an 
 enlightened administration which draws towards it the 
 sympathy and the co-operation of the people. The 
 strongest tie which links India to England is the tie 
 of a beneficent and progressive rule. These words 
 have often been said, but those who know India well, 
 those who have passed their lifetime in the work of 
 administration among the people of India, know that 
 these words are not vain platitudes. Indian districts 
 contain vast populations, managed by a handful of 
 officials. We ourselves have been in charge of many a 
 district in India, with a population of two or three 
 millions, with no troops within a hundred miles of the 
 district, and with a Civil Police numbering less than 
 ^00. The real strength of the position of a district 
 officer and his ten or twelve subordinate executive 
 officers, under such circumstances, is the support ren- 
 dered by the two or three million villagers themselves 
 — rendered without question or hesitation, because 
 they feel confidence in the justice, the good faith, the 
 honesty of the rule which the handful of officials repre- 
 sent. Without this silent but effective support, the 
 
AGE OF DISRAELI AND GLADSTONE 119 
 
 British army were vain against a population like that 
 of India; and with this support, which can always be 
 secured by a wise and progressive administration, the 
 British army has scarcely any work in the settled 
 districts of India. 
 
 Much has been written of late against the Indian 
 press, and the agitation of the people. But the worst 
 criticisms of the press are criticisms, not against the 
 British rule, but against the errors of administration, 
 against blundering methods and faulty procedure. And 
 the most influential agitation of the people is an agita- 
 tion, not against the British government, but with a 
 view to improve the administration, to bring it more 
 in touch with the people, and to make it less liable to 
 the mistakes incident to a foreign rule. To these 
 matters we will recur in the next chapter. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 The object which we placed before ourselves in under- 
 taking this little work was to show that the administra- 
 tion of India is determined by the current of opinions 
 in England, that progress in India is stinmlated by 
 English progress, and that the history of India under 
 British rule is shaped by those great influences which 
 make for reforms in Europe. This is a fact which is 
 often overlooked by the historians of India, but Indian 
 history is unintelligible to us without this explanation. 
 From the time of the great Pitt to the time of Mr. 
 Gladstone, English influences have inspired the rulers 
 of India ; English history and Indian history have run 
 in parallel streams. The reforms and wars of Pitt in 
 Europe had their influence on the reforms of Comwallis 
 and the wars of Wellesley; and popular progress in 
 England under Canning and Grey led to the extension 
 of privileges granted to the people of India by Munro, 
 Elphinstone, and Bentinck. The able and vigorous. 
 
CONCLUSION 121 
 
 if somewhat hectoring, policy of Palmerston was re- 
 flected in the vigorous but ill-judged acts of Auck- 
 land and Dalhousie ; and Mr. Gladstone's Liberal 
 measures during his fii*st and second administrations 
 were reflected in the Liberal administrations of Mayo, 
 Northbrook and Ripon. India has advanced with 
 England, has occasionally blundered with England, but 
 has in the long run moved onwards, however slowly, in 
 the path of progress chalked out by England. 
 
 To the people of India this is a great consolation. 
 We feel assured by the knowledge that we have thrown 
 in our lot with a nation, not only one of the greatest 
 on earth, but also one of the most progressive. We 
 feel assured by the belief that, under the wise dispensa- 
 tions of Providence, the progress of England is our 
 progress, England'*s gain our gain. And we feel assured 
 by the idea, which is as true as it is encouraging, that 
 every generation of English statesmen necessarily exert 
 their influence on Indian administration, that their 
 endeavours stimulate our progress, their successes lead 
 to our reforms. 
 
 It is necessary to remember these facts, to repeat 
 them and to emphasize them, because they serve to 
 dispel many illusions. They dispel the illusions of 
 forlorn and faint-hearted pessimists, who can see no 
 progress in India, because we are not moving at the 
 rate they would prescribe, and in the lines they would 
 lay down. But if we are correct in our narration and 
 estimate of facts in the preceding chapters, surely the 
 
12^ ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 history of India during a hundred years has been em- 
 phatically a history of progress. In the greater pro- 
 tection now afforded to life and property, in the 
 spread of education and culture, and in the extension 
 of popular rights and privileges, we have moved on- 
 wards, and we expect to move onwards still, as long as 
 our fortunes are linked with the fortunes of England. 
 The times are with us, and the signs of the times are so 
 clear that he who runs may read. 
 
 On the other hand, there is a class of extreme and 
 unreasoning optimists who are so well satisfied with the 
 present condition of India that they desire no progress 
 in the future. All criticism, however moderate, annoys 
 them by disturbing their roseate view of things, and every 
 proposal of reform fills them with alarm. Thoughtful 
 Indians, who suggest improvements in the present 
 methods of administration, are pronounced by them to 
 be discontented and disloyal; and political bodies in 
 India, which express the wishes and aspirations of the 
 people, are branded by them as seditious. 
 
 Unreasoning optimism makes a mistake here. Rightly 
 viewed, the influential political bodies in India are the 
 strongest supports of the British rule. Those bodies con- 
 sist of the leaders of the Indian communities, educated, 
 intelligent, loyal by their own interests, interpreters 
 between the rulers and the people, men who have every- 
 thing to gain by the continuance of the British rule, 
 men who have staked everything on that rule, men who 
 have everything to lose by the severance of India from 
 
CONCLUSION 123 
 
 England. Their view of things is not always the official 
 view ; and it is a gain, therefore, when the official view 
 is so constantly and prominently placed before the 
 public, that the non-official view should also find some 
 expression. Their criticism is not always pleasant to 
 officials ; but public criticism is always beneficial to the 
 cause of good government, and it is a notable fact that 
 the administration is purest in those parts of India 
 where public criticism is the strongest. They do not 
 speak with the knowledge of details which officials can 
 justly lay claim to ; but their general views and opinions 
 are not necessarily wrong, and it is a gain to know what 
 the views of the leaders of the people are. It would be 
 a wise policy, therefore, to treat the influential political 
 bodies in India with courtesy and respect even when 
 their suggestions cannot be accepted ; it would be an 
 unwise policy to repress or discredit them in the eyes of 
 the nation. To discredit or repress them would be to 
 allow opportunities to wilder spirits, who are kept 
 down by the influence of the educated classes. It 
 would be exchanging criticism which we hear, and 
 methods of work which we see, for less educated and 
 less legitimate criticism which we shall not hear, and 
 daiker methods of work which we shall not see. The 
 worst enemies of England could not devise a policy 
 more disastrous to her interests ; and sections of English 
 politicians and of the English press, which are seeking 
 to discredit and repress the movements of the educated, 
 loyal, and intelligent communities of India, are playing 
 
124 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 into the hands of England's enemies, and are creating 
 difficulties for the British rule in India. 
 
 We have spoken of forlorn pessimists who can see 
 no progress in the past, and of unreasoning optimists 
 who desire no reforms in the future. Between these 
 extreme sections it is possible to take our stand on the 
 safe ground of rational optimism. Our readers who 
 have accompanied us through the preceding pages will 
 have seen that, while narrating, as clearly and emphati- 
 cally as we could, the progress that has been made by 
 the Indian administration, we have not hesitated to 
 indicate its mistakes and point out its blunders. And 
 while we have taken pains to describe fully the reforms 
 which have been effected in the past, we have not shrunk 
 from hinting at the legacy of difficulties which has been 
 left to us, and which we shall have to face in the future. 
 To describe those difficulties fully, and to explain their 
 remedies clearly, would require a separate work ; but 
 nevertheless our review of the past administration of 
 India were vain if it did not point to some obvious 
 reforms needed in the future. 
 
 The gravest difficulty which English administrators 
 have to face in India lies in the extreme poverty of the 
 Indian population. Four-fifths of the population of 
 India depend upon agriculture, and administrators who 
 have passed their lifetime among the Indian cultivators 
 are aware of their state of almost hopeless poverty and 
 indebtedness. Except in Bengal, where the condition 
 of the cultivator is secured by the Permanent Settle- 
 
CONCLUSION 125 
 
 hient and by sound land laws, the Indian cultivator is 
 generally in the hands of the money-lender, never 
 saving or hoping to save, paying his rent and 
 his interest after the annual harvest if it is a good 
 one, and getting into debt immediately after. It is 
 estimated from official records that one -fifth of the 
 Indian rural population, or between 40,000,000 and 
 50,000,000 of people, are insufficiently fed even in 
 years of good harvest. The other four-fifths are 
 tolerably well off* in good years, but if the rains hold 
 off for a single year and the crops fail, they are without 
 help or resource, and they depend upon their paddy 
 lendei's, or on their landlords, or on the State for 
 help. The stores of paddy in the country, as has \ 
 been proved by inquiries in the present year of famine, I 
 are insignificant, and the mass of the agricultural i 
 population live year after year on the year's pro- / 
 duce. And their poverty, their chronic indebtedness, 
 and their want of resource, form one of the gravest 
 problems which we have to face. 
 
 There have been no serious wars within the geo- 
 graphical limits of India during forty years; cultiva- 
 tion has extended as rapidly as the population of 
 the country ; communications by rail and steamer have 
 been opened ; and all the causes which in other lands 
 conduce to the prosperity of a nation have been in . 
 operation. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the people 
 of India, outside the permanently settled provinces, are 
 in hopeless poverty, and every year of a bad harvest is 
 
 r 
 
 / 
 
126 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 a year of scarcity or of famine. Five times within 
 this peaceful period of forty years, large areas of the 
 country were desolated by that terrible calamity. In 
 1860 and in 1866 the loss of life was terrible ; in 1874 
 it was prevented by the noble and determined endeavours 
 of Lord Northbrook ; in 1877 the operations of relief 
 broke down, and five millions of the people were swept 
 away from Southern India ; and in the present year, 
 in spite of the excellent arrangements made for the 
 relief of sufferers, the death rate has been high in the 
 famine-stricken provinces. It is sad to contemplate 
 this state of the population of India after over a 
 hundred years of British rule, and after forty years of 
 profound internal peace. If there be a cause for this 
 state of things, it must be found out ; if there be a 
 remedy for this, it must be applied. 
 
 At such a crisis as this any unseasonable optimism, 
 which conceals from us the real poverty of the Indian 
 people, is hurtful to the interests both of England 
 and of India. Figures often mislead us unless rightly 
 explained. We have been told that the trade of India 
 has increased by leaps and bounds, and the increase in 
 trade must mean the prosperity of the people. We 
 have been told that the total value of India's exports 
 and imports has increased from Rs. 20,000,000 to over 
 Rs. 200,000,000 within the present reign. The export 
 of tea from India has risen from nothing to 150,000,000 
 pounds ; the export of cotton has increased from nothing 
 to 11,000,000 hundredweight; the production of jute 
 
CONCLUSION 127 
 
 has increased from almost nothing to 1,000,000 tops ; 
 the export of wheat has risen from nothing to 750,000 
 tons ; coal is produced every year to the extent of 
 3,000,000 tons, and there is increase in the production 
 or expoi-t of various other articles which form articles 
 of trade. Twenty thousand miles of railway have been 
 constructed, and steamers ply in all the navigable rivers 
 of India. 
 
 We have no desire to minimize the prospeiity of the 
 English trade with India which these figures indicate ; 
 but when they are brought forwai'd to prove that the 
 material condition of the industrial and agricultural 
 population of India has improved, a great fallacy is 
 committed. Among the many blessings which England 
 has conferred on India, > the encouragement of Indian 
 industries is not one. The increase in the value of 
 imports into India really means that the manual 
 industries of India have died out in an unequal compe- 
 tition with the steam and machinery of England. And 
 the increase in the value of exports from India means 
 that vast quantities of, Jfood and raw material have 
 to be sent out from India to pay for imported English 
 goods. In the early days of the Company's rule, fabrics 
 produced by Indian weavers supplied the markets of 
 Europe, and men still Ifvirig can remember the days 
 when every village in the weaving districts had its 
 looms, and millions of Indian weavers were supported 
 by that profitable industry. How this industry was 
 gradually strangled and destroyed, first by protective 
 
15^ ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 duties imposed on Indian goods in England,* and then 
 by an unequal competition ; how Indian weavers who 
 were content with threepence or fourpence a day found 
 themselves ruined by the cheaper products of English 
 looms ; and how the weaver communities of India were 
 compelled to abandon their trade, and to depend on 
 agriculture or petty trade, or on humble and ill-paid 
 appointments in public or private offices — all this forms 
 one of the saddest chapters in the history of British 
 India. What happened to the weavers has also happened 
 to the other industrial classes. The production of lac 
 
 ^ ' It is also a melancholy instance of the wrong done to India 
 
 / by the country on which she has become dependent. It was 
 
 f stated in evidence (1813) that the cotton and silk goods of India 
 
 $ up to the period could be sold for a profit in the British market 
 
 *? at a price from 50 to 60 per cent, lower than those fabricated 
 
 in England. It consequently became necessary to protect the 
 
 latter by duties of 70 and 80 per cent, on their value, or by 
 
 positive prohibition. Had this not been the case, had not such 
 
 prohibitory duties and decrees existed, the mills of Paisley and 
 
 Manchester would have been stopped in their outset, and could 
 
 t scarcely have been again set in motion, even by the power of 
 
 i steam. They were created by the sacrifice of the Indian 
 
 % manufacture. Had India been independent, she would have 
 
 i retaliated ; would have imposed preventive duties upon British 
 
 I goods, and would thus have preserved her own productive 
 
 I industry from annihilation. This act of self-defence was not 
 
 (permitted her ; she was at the mercy of the stranger. British 
 goods were forced upon her without paying any duty, and the 
 foreign manufacturer employed the arm of political injustice to 
 keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he 
 I could not have contended on equal terms.' — Mill and Wilson's 
 I * History of British India' (London, 1858), vol. vii., p. 385. 
 
CONCLUSION 129 
 
 dyes has died out since the importation of aniline dyes, 
 and Indian workers in metals and in leather can scarcely 
 hold their own against imported goods. Millions of 
 artisans have been ousted from their occupations, and 
 have taken to agriculture, and the pressure on the 
 resources of the soil has thus increased with the de- 
 cadence of our industries. We have ourselves seen, 
 and all Indian administrators who have spent years of 
 their life in the old weaving districts have seen, that 
 the old villages of weavers are often overgrown with 
 jungle, temples constructed by those classes are in 
 decay, large irrigation tanks excavated by them are 
 silted up, and have not been redug or replaced by other 
 tanks. The villages know not their artisan population 
 who flourished there of old ; they have dispersed all 
 over the country as agriculturists, or have crowded to 
 towns as petty traders. ' Leave off weaving ; supply 
 us with the raw material, and we will weave for you,' 
 was virtually what the East India Company said to 
 the Indian weaver at the beginning of the century,* 
 and this mandate has been only too scrupulously and 
 cruelly followed. 
 
 Cotton and jute are grown in India in fields which 
 produced or would have produced rice or wheat. 
 Nearly one - half of the large eastern district of 
 Maimansingh, about 6,000 square miles in area, pro- 
 duces jute instead of rice, and many other Bengal 
 
 * Mill and Wilson's ' History of British India,' vol. vii., 
 p. 385. 
 
 9 
 
130 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 districts produce the same fibre in smaller quantities. 
 Cotton is grown over large areas all over India, where 
 rice or wheat might have been grown. The produc- 
 tion of these fibres on a large scale in India supplies 
 the manufactories of Great Britain with materials for 
 their looms. At the same time the extension of cotton 
 and^ute cultivation in India shows that it must be 
 more profitable than rice or wheat in the areas in 
 which they are grown. The profit remains in the 
 country, with the cultivators, where the State demand 
 from the soil has been permanently limited ; but over 
 the larger portion of India the recurring settle men ts,_ 
 securing a steady Jncrease_Jji^__Uie State demand, 
 sweep away the increased profits ^to^Jbeiniperial 
 exchequer, and leave the tillers of the soil no better 
 off* than before. 
 
 Railways and carrying steamers in India have been 
 constructed with English capital, and thejnterest and 
 profit come to England. Nevertheless, these improved 
 means of communication benefit the country in a variety 
 of ways, and not the least beneficent effect is the 
 opening up of markets for suiplus produce. Large 
 tracts of the country, the produce of which had scarcely 
 any market in the olden days beyond the local demand, 
 have benefited by these new means of connnunication, 
 and the prices of the produce have generally risen in 
 India. But in this case also, the increased profit remains 
 with the people where the State demand has been 
 permanently limited. In the greater portion of India 
 
CONCLUSION l3l 
 
 it is claimed by the State. Indeed, land revenue settle- 
 ments are made for short periods in tracts where new 
 lines of railway are under constiiiction, in order that the 
 benefits conferred by the new lines may be secured by 
 the State at the expiration of such short periods. 
 
 New products like tea are now grown in India ; but 
 they are grown mostly by English companies with 
 English capital. The profit comes to England, and 
 does not benefit the Indian agriculturist. And the 
 special law under which labourers for tea-gardens are 
 recruited has been described as ' slave-law "^ in India. 
 Women and boys are sometimes seduced or kidnapped 
 to the gardens, and ignorant men are supposed to con- 
 tract to work for years, and are arrested and punished 
 if they attempt to run away. 
 
 Imports of gold on private account, and not for 
 j)urposes of coinage, have averaged annually more 
 than dC2,500,000, and it is fondly imagined that this 
 gold is secretly hoarded by the cultivators of India! 
 Unreasoning optimism does not stop to calculate that, 
 if this gold was shared equally by the population of 
 India, the share of each cultivator would be about two- 
 petite in tJie year^ the price of one glass of beer in 
 England, the price of one day^s nce-meal in India ! 
 As a matter of fact, the annual import of gold repre- 
 sents the wear and tear in the gold jewellery and 
 brocades, etc., which are almost the only luxury of the 
 wealthier classes in India. The import of gold into 
 India no more indicates the wealth of the Indian ciilti- 
 
 9—2 
 
182 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 vator than the import of silk hats and kid gloves froni 
 Paris indicates the wealth of the British farm-labourer. 
 
 We have dwelt on these facts, not with the idea of 
 over-colouring a picture which is sufficiently dismal in 
 its true outlines, but in order that we may clearly 
 recognise the hard fact of the extreme poverty of India "" 
 — a fact which is often obscured by misleading trade 
 figures. Trade and public works, carried on or con- 
 structed in a country with its own capital, are evidence 
 of the material prosperity of the people. In the case 
 of India they are profitable investments of English 
 capital, and while they undoubtedly benefit India in a 
 variety of ways, they have not secured the object of 
 materially improving the condition of the agricultural 
 and artisan classes of India. 
 
 Well-informed writers, who obtain their information 
 from official records, know this ; they admit the extreme 
 poverty of the agricultural classes ; and they have re- 
 corded the dismal fact that nearly one-fifth of the 
 rural population of India are insufficiently fed, even in 
 ordinary years. But the cause of this poverty is often 
 misunderstood, and it is often attributed to the reckless 
 increase of the population. It can be proved, however, 
 by figures, that though the people of India marry early, 
 they do not increase at a higher rate than the people 
 of many European countries. Within the period of 
 the Queen's reign the population of the British Islands 
 has increased from 25,000,000 to 40,000,000, not count- 
 ing 10,000,000 more who have found homes beyond the 
 
CONCLUSION 188 
 
 seas. In India, excluding new annexations and con- 
 quests, the population has not increased at this rate ; 
 nor has it increased out of proportion to the extension 
 of cultivation. In the British Islands the wealth per 
 head of the population has increased from i?144 to j 
 c£^302, while the incidence of taxation remains the j 
 same ;* in other words, the proportion of taxation to » 
 wealth has gone down to one half within the Queen'*s ^ 
 reign. In India we have no figures to show if the 
 wealth per head of the population has increased at 
 all ; but the incidence of the taxes derived from the 
 agricultural classes, from land, from salt, and from 
 local cesses, has considerably increased. 
 
 Our readers will pardon our dwelling at some length 
 on this subject. No subject which is before the public 
 now affects the well-being of a larger number of human 
 beings and of British subjects; and no subject has a 
 more melancholy interest in this year, when, in the 
 midst of the exuberant prosperity of all parts of the 
 British Empire, India alone sends us a tragic tale of 
 poverty, famine and death. But we have dwelt on this 
 subject, not with the object of raising a discordant note 
 in a year of jubilation, but because it is necessary that 
 we should recognise a hard, undeniable and melancholy 
 fact in order that we may find out its true remedy. 
 Two remedies will suggest themselves to our readers ; 
 the first is a protection of Indian industries, the second 
 
 * * National Progress during the Queen's Reign/ by Michael /' 
 G. Mulhall. (Londo^TTlouTledge and Son8,lgSft.7 f 
 
134 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 is a permanent limitation of the State demand from the 
 soil. The first is probably not within the range of 
 practical politics in these days, and we will say no more 
 about it. The second would be the saving of India. 
 
 We have already explained elsewhere this remedy for 
 bettering the condition of the Indian agriculturists. 
 It is a remedy which was adopted in Bengal by Lord 
 Cornwallis in the last century, which has saved the 
 greater part of Bengal from famines, and has secured 
 to the cultivators and landlords the increasing profits 
 from the soil. It is a remedy which was extended to 
 Benares by Lord Teignmouth towards the close of the 
 last century, and which was proposed for all India by 
 Lord Canning after the famine of 1860. The, very men- 
 tion of a permanent settlement of land revenues frightens 
 many modern Indian administrators, but surely the prin- 
 ciples of such a settlement could be accepted and applied 
 to the varying circumstances of each Province. That 
 this is a reform urgently needed will scarcely be denied 
 by unbiassed men. So long as fresh revenue settlements 
 are made every thirty, twenty, or even fifteen years, 
 securing an increase in the demaiid from the soil, it is 
 i idle to talk of improvement in the rnaterial condition 
 ' of the people of India. A severe famine is desolating 
 the greater part of India in the present year, but the 
 settlement officer is still at his work. A large increase 
 in the State demand has been obtained from the Central 
 Provinces of India, and a large increase is expected in 
 the Province of Orissa, where settlement operations are 
 
\ 
 
 CONCLUSION 135 
 
 now proceeding. It were well if the people of the 
 Central Provinces and of Orissa were assured that this 
 large increase is the last, that henceforward England 
 desires the cultivators of India to reap the increase in 
 the income from the soil. A permanent limitation to 
 the State demand from the soil would be a fitting gift 
 from their gracious Queen-Empress in this year of the 
 Diamond Jubilee to the impoverished people of India.* 
 
 * It gives us much pleasure to quote, in support of our view, 
 the following passages from the article on Indian Affairs in The 
 Times of April 27, 1897 : 
 
 * Among the conditions which make for the permanent pros- 
 perity of agricultural races, fixity of tenure holds a foremost 
 place. Throughout almost all India the Government lets the 
 land to the people on thirty years leases, and subject to certain 
 provisions can, and as a matter of fact does, raise th© rei 
 the expiry of each term. It thus secures the unearned incri'- 
 ment for the State, and is enabled to provide for currency and 
 other fiscal contingencies by keeping a firm hold on land. But 
 shrewd observers assert that the absence of a permanent settle- 
 ment operates as a discouragement to improvement, and that as 
 a matter of fact the Government pays dearly for its power to 
 raise the rent by checking the prosperity of the people. . . . 
 
 * The time has arrived for the expiry of the thirty years' settle- 
 ment of 1867, and the Orissa landholders ask the Government 
 to redeem its pledges. They declare that " all the conditions 
 precedent to the fulfilment of the promise of a permanent 
 settlement have now been satisfied " ; that " the fullest inf or. S 
 mation has now been gathered in regard to the points noted / 
 in" the law of 1816, and in other legislative Acts, as necessary f 
 to enable a permanent settlement to be fairly made ; and that ^^ 
 the economic history of the province in the past and its actual 
 necessities in the present alike point to the expediency of the . 
 
 
136 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 But it will be asked, If the State demand from the 
 soil be thus limited, how will it be possible to meet the 
 growing expenditure of India ? This brings us to the 
 second reform we have to propose : the growing public 
 expenditure of India requires to be checked to some 
 extent. The military expenditure of India, specially, 
 has gi'own beyond all proportion to the resources of the 
 country ; and this has happened in the lifetime of a 
 generation which has lived in profound peace, and has 
 witnessed no serious war within the natural frontiers of 
 India. Every official who has taken a share in the work 
 of Indian administration is aware that the civil ad- 
 ministration of the country has been starved to find 
 ways and means for the military expenditure. High 
 and responsible rulers of different Provinces in India 
 i have protested in no uncertain voice against a system 
 t which takes away, once every five years, an increasing 
 
 ♦ measure. Amid a long series of promises, pledges, and fluc- 
 tuations of policy, spread over ninety-three years, there are 
 doubtless conflicting statements and loopholes through which 
 the Government might find an escape. But no man who brings 
 to the subject the eye of an Impartial historian can doubt that 
 the pledge was originally given as an inducement to the pacifi- 
 cation of the province, and that it has been renewed since in 
 various forms. ... 
 
 * The request for the fulfilment of that promise is not made 
 by political agitators, but by a body of loyal proprietors who 
 have done their utmost to strengthen the hands of the Govern- 
 ment in all times of need, and who believe that fixity of tenure, 
 more than any other measure, will enable them and their tenants 
 to resist famine.' 
 
CONCLUSION 137 
 
 share o f the proYJg cigL£?X£S^^ ^'^^ J"^P^^^^ expendi- I 
 ture.* 
 
 It should be understood that this great increase in the 
 military expenditure is not due to wars in India, for there 
 have been no real wars within India during forty years, 
 but to expeditions and defence works outside the limits 
 of India. Conquests in the east as far as the frontiers 
 of China and the dominions of France, conquests in the 
 north in the wild and mountainous regions of Chitral, / 
 and the extension of the frontier line in the west into / 
 Afghanistan and Beluchistan, have been made and are j 
 maintained from the resources of India. These wild 
 tracts, the Shan States of Burma in the east, and the 
 mountains in the north and the west, can yield little 
 revenue. The cost of maintaining troops, comnumica- 
 tions, and defence works in such tracts is enormous, and 
 the old and peaceful Provinces of India are made to pay f 
 for these costly possessions outside the limits of India. * 
 A hope was held out to the people of India, and cP j 
 
 * * The Madras Governor describes this system as alike de- 
 moralizing to the provinces, by rendering steady progress 
 impossible, and to the Supreme Government of India, by en^ 
 abling it to present a show of solvency without having recourse 
 to extra taxation. The Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, who | 
 rules one-third of the whole Indian population, tersely sum- | 
 marizes the actual results on each five years as " two years of t 
 screwing and saving and postponement of works, two years of 7 
 resumed energy on a normal scale, and one year of dissipation J 
 of balances, in the fear that, if not spent, they will be annexed t 
 by the Supreme Government directly or indirectly at the next f 
 revision."'— TAe Times^ June 7, 1897, Article on Indian Affairs, i 
 
138 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 pledge was given in the Queen''s gracious Proclamation 
 of 1858^ that the cost of military expeditions outside 
 the limits of India would not be charged.. to Indian 
 revenues. Trans -frontier expeditions and conquests 
 could not be undertaken out of Indian revenues under 
 this pledge. The difficulty is got over by comprehend- 
 I ing Burma and Chitral, Afghanistan and Beluchistan, 
 I under the name of ' India." Is this not paltering with 
 the people of India in a double sense, keeping the word 
 of promise to our ear and breaking it to our hope ? 
 A Royal Commission is now sitting to apportion 
 / expenditure as between England and India, and much 
 valuable evidence has been given on the subject of the 
 military expenditure of India. The evidence of Sir 
 Henry Brackenbury, the military adviser to the Viceroy 
 of India, is so important and so clear on the point we 
 are now discussing, that we will quote it for our readers 
 from an Indian journal. Sir jfenry says • v^^ 
 •^ ' In the first place, I would say that the army in 
 India is largely in excess of the requirements for the pre- 
 servation of internal order in India. The strength of 
 the army in India is calculated to allow of a powerful 
 field army being placed on or beyond the Indian -frontier, 
 in addition to the obligatory garrisons required for 
 keeping order in India. The necessity for maintaining 
 in India the powerful field army in addition to the 
 obligatory garrisons is caused by the approach of a 
 great military power into a position which enables her 
 directly to threaten Afghanistan, to which we are under 
 
CONCLUSION 139 
 
 treaty obligations, and indirectly to threaten the security 
 of India itself. The foreign policy of India is directed 
 entirely from England by Her Majesty ""s Government, ^ 
 and it is a part of British foreign policy generally — ^ 
 indeed, the object of Britjsh foreign policy, as I believe/ 
 it to be — to secure Great Bri tain's rule over her empire/ 
 If we desired to maintain British rule in India only fo# 
 India's sake, then I think it would be fair to mak| 
 India pay to the uttermost farthing everything that i| 
 could be shown was due to Britain's rule over Indial 
 But I cannot but feeljhat l^ioland's interest — o^ 
 Britain's interest — in keeping India under British rule is\ 
 enormous. India affords employment to thousands of \ 
 Britons, India employs millions of English capital, and ; 
 Indian commerce has been of immense value to Great * 
 Britain. Therefore, it seems to me that India, being 
 held by Great Britain not only for India's^ke, but for 
 Great Britain's sake, the latter should pay a share of 
 the expenditure for this purpose. And in estimating 
 what that share should be, I think that England should 
 behave generously to India, because, in the first place, 
 England isa rich country, and India is a poor country. 
 It is not altogether a fair basis for a parallel between 
 comparative richness and poorness, but it is one that may 
 be worth bringing to notice, and that is the income-tax 
 of India as compared with the income-tax of this 
 country. In India you have an income-tax of 2 J per 
 cent. — about sixpence in the pound — of which the pro- 
 duct is less than a million sterling. In England one 
 
140 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 penny produces considerably over two millions. Indian 
 taxation is chiefly derived from land revenue and the 
 salt duties, and these fall ultimately on the^ poorer 
 classes.'* 
 
 Sir Henry Brackenbury'^s opinion and arguments are 
 sound, emphatic and clear, and we have no doubt 
 Englishmen will be convinced of the justice and the grow- 
 ing necessity of contributing something to the cost of 
 maintaining their great Asiatic empire, extending far 
 beyond the natural limits of India, from which English 
 commerce derives so much benefit. The shape which 
 this contribution should take is a matter which deserves 
 some consideration. It has been proposed that a fixed 
 annual grant of about i?l ,000,000 should be made from 
 the Imperial to the Indian Exchequer. Our own idea 
 is, that such a fixed grant would be a loss to England, 
 and would be no gain to India. The influences which 
 make for increase in military expenditure are so strong 
 in India, that the Imperial grant would soon be lost in 
 the ever-widening gulf of frontier expenses, and the 
 Indian tax-payer would not be benefited. We would 
 propose, therefore, that Great Britain should pay some 
 fixed proportion, however small it might be, of the entire 
 military expenditure of India. This would give the 
 tax-payers of Great Britain a control, which Indian 
 tax-payers cannot ask for, over the entire Indian military 
 expenditure. Sir Henry Brackenbury has said that if the 
 question of the Indian frontier was done away with alto 
 * The Bengalee, March' ^0^ 1897. _ 
 
CONCLUSION 141 
 
 gether, the Indian army might be reduced by 20,000 
 British troops and 50,000 Indian troops. This means 
 about a third of the entire Indian army. Equitably 
 and reasonably, therefore, England might be asked to 
 pay a third share of the entire military expenditure 
 of India. But if she pays even a fourth or a fifth of that 
 expenditure, she would perceptibly relieve the Indian 
 tax-payer. And the relief would come less from the 
 contribution, directly made, than from the control over 
 Indian military expenses which English tax- payers 
 would then jealously exercise. From the nature of 
 things, the Indian tax-payer cannot exercise that con- 
 trol. When the Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief 
 consider some new exj^enditure necessary, there is no 
 authority in India that can ask the reason why. The 
 Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief are no doubt 
 alive to the necessity of the utmost economy ; but the 
 most conscientious of spending departments in the 
 world would work all the better for some efficient 
 control. 
 
 We have dwelt so long on the subject of military 
 expenditure, as it is probably the most prominent item 
 of public expenditure in India. But the whole subject 
 of Indian finances requires the most careful considera- 
 tion ; for the rate at which public expenditure under all 
 heads has increased in India during the last thirty or 
 forty years is alarming. The average annual revenue 
 of Great Britain in 1851 to 1860 was ^68,000,000 ; 
 the average in 1881 to 1890 was ^^88,000,000 ; and the 
 
V 
 
 Ui feNGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 average during the last six years has been about 
 X'^lOOjOOOjOOO. The revenue has thus slowly increased 
 with the increase of population, and during a period of 
 between forty and fifty years it has increased about 
 50 per cent. But what are the figures for India ? The 
 annual revenue in 1857 — i.e., after Dalhousie's last 
 annexations, was Rx. 32,000,000; the annual revenue 
 now, including railway receipts;^ j^pv^ Rx. 90,000,000 ; 
 I in other words, the revenue obtained from the country 
 has nearly trebled in forty years. 
 
 Let us turiTEo the public debt. The National Debt 
 of the United Kingdom was ^£^826,000,000 in 1860. 
 In 1896 it was 6^652,000,000, including the Suez Canal 
 shares. In other words, the National Debt has been 
 reduced by ^^174,000,000 in thirty-six years. In India 
 the National Debt was i?51,000,000 in 1857— i.^., before 
 the Mutiny. After the Mutiny it swelled to i^7,000,000 
 in 1862 ; and in thirty years from that dateTt went up 
 to~nearly .£^200,000,000.* In other words^ instead^j^ 
 being reduced, the National Debt was doubled within 
 thirty years of internal j)eace m India, 1862 to 1892. 
 It is scarcely a wise policy to add to the National 
 Debt in times of peace. If the people of India had 
 any voice in the management of their finances, they 
 would have opposed such increase in the National 
 Debt ; they would have tried to reduce it, as it has 
 been reduced in England. 
 
 * £107,000,000 in England, and Rx. 103,000,000 in India. 
 
CONCLUSIOK 143 
 
 No doubt a large portion of the increase in the National 
 Debt is due to the construction of railways and other 
 public works in India. But a careful and prudent 
 Government would have encouraged the construction 
 of such works by piivate companies, without incurring 
 debts, and without guaranteeing profits. English 
 capital is undertaking vast public works all over 
 Europe and in distant parts of the world, and surely 
 English capital and enterprise would have opened out 
 the high trade routes of India without the necessity of 
 Gove rnment outlay. In exceptional cases, the Govern- 
 ment may construct protective railways from its normal 
 resources, but generally the construction of railways 
 should be left to private enterprise. At present the 
 Government of India has to remit about six millions 
 a year to England for its railway obligations, and this is 
 an important item of what are known as ' Home Charges." 
 A word or two about these charges are necessary. 
 
 The annual exports from India exceed the annual im- 
 ports of merchandise and treasure by over i?20,000,000. 
 For this excess of exports over imports India receives ^ 
 no commercial equivalent ; it is a steady drain on the | 
 resources of Indk. It comes to England partly as in- * 
 terest and profits on English capital invested in railways 
 and other works in India, partly for army charges, and 
 partly as the cost of the government of India from 
 England. Roughly speaking, six millions are remitted / 
 to England for railway obligations, six millions for 
 army charges, and some five or six millions more for 
 
144 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 stores, pensions, interest for ordinary debt, and other 
 liabilities. Obligations contracted must be acquitted, 
 and the serious drain on the resources of India must go 
 on from year to year. But a prudent Government 
 should endeavour to reduce its liabilities from year to 
 year — its army charges and its rail\vay oblig^^ the 
 
 quantity of its imported stores, and the number of its 
 European officials to whom pension has to be remitted 
 out of India. It is by thus reducing liabilities in 
 
 \ England and expenditure in India that it is possible to 
 
 I relieve our impoverished population. 
 
 \ These, then, are the remedies we have to propose 
 
 for the poverty of the Indian masses. Indian problems 
 
 are not the puzzles they are sometimes represented to 
 
 be ; Indian phenomena are not governed by other laws 
 
 ^ than those which govern the Universe. ' If a country,** 
 
 I said John Bright iu^lSSS^,' be found possessing a most 
 
 ^ fertile soil, and capable of bearing every variety of pro- 
 
 t duction, and that notwithstanding the people are in a 
 
 state of extreme destitution and suffering, the chances 
 
 are there is some fundamental error in the government 
 
 of that country." The en*or was specified by M r. Gla^ .. 
 
 stone in 1893, when he said, ' the expenditure of India, 
 
 and specially the military expenditure, is alarming.^ 
 
 The remedies we Have proposed are sim])le. A limit, 
 should be fixed to the State-demand from the produce 
 of the soil, which is now virtually the sole means of the 
 nation's subsistence. after the decadence of the industries. 
 And the expenditure of the Indian Government should 
 
CONCLUSION 145 
 
 be reduced, and England should contribute a fixed pro- 
 portion of the military expenditure of India. 
 
 The third reform that we have to suggest is some 
 healthy change in the system of administration. The 
 administrative machinery has undergone some recent 
 changes in towns and in seats of government ; citizens 
 in large towns are now allowed to manage their own 
 concerns under some control ; and a certain number of 
 members are elected by the people to take their seats 
 in Legislative Councils. But it may truly be jaid that j 
 in rural tracts, the rude machinery of administration j 
 which was set up a hundred years ago, though modified f 
 and improved from time to time, has undergone no | 
 substantial and radical change. The One-Man Rule | 
 which was set up in every district by Warren Hastings 
 remains radically the same after the lapse of over 
 a century. The comprehensive and fantastically varie- 
 gated powers with which the district officer was in- 
 vested may have been a necessity in the early days of 
 the British rule, but are unsuited to the present con- 
 dition of India; they impede progress and make 
 British administration more unpopular than it need 
 be. The times call for a change, and it would be 
 true statesmanship to introduce a change so greatly 
 needed. 
 
 It would be difficult, within our limited space, to 
 describe ftilly the powers which a district officer in 
 India now exercises. We shall, therefore, specify 
 only such of his powers as relate to the administra- 
 
 10 
 
146 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 tion of justice. The district officer is the head of 
 the police in his district ; he directs investigation into 
 heinous cases ; he receives and peruses diaries sent up 
 by investigating police-officers ; he forms his opinion 
 of a case from the perusal of these police diaries ; and 
 if the case appears to him to be true, he directs the 
 case to be sent up for trial. When the case comes up, 
 the district officer sends it to one of his own subordinate 
 magistrates for trial, and he prosecutes the case through 
 a subordinate police-officer. If the subordinate magis- 
 trate who tries the case is what is known in India as a 
 second-class or a third-class magistrate, and if he con- 
 victs the prisoner, the prisoner's appeal lies to the 
 district officer. We shall suppose that his appeal is 
 rejected, and a sentence of hard labour passed on him 
 is confirmed ; the district officer is again the head of 
 the local gaol, and sees how the prisoner is worked 
 in gaol. To sum up, the district officer is the police- 
 officer who directs the police investigation ; he is the 
 superior magistrate who has the prisoner tried by his 
 own subordinate; he is the prosecutor who prosecutes 
 the prisoner ; he is the appellate court who hears the 
 appeal if the prisoner is tried by a second or third 
 class magistrate ; and he is the head-gaoler who super- 
 intends the prisoner's work in the gaol. 
 
 The above is a brief account of the duties of a dis- 
 trict officer in respect of criminal cases. It is scarcely 
 possible to conceive that such duties of the police and 
 the judge, of the prosecutor and the appellate court, 
 
CONCLUSION 147 
 
 are still kept in the same hands in any part of Her 
 Majesty'^s dominions. The arrangement is needlessly 
 making British administration unpopular in Indian 
 districts ; the educated people of India have loudly | 
 and frequently protested against it; and Englishmen? 
 educated in the traditions of English law, have con- 
 demned the arrangement as opposed to all principles of 
 equity and justice. * 
 
 We have closely observed the work of Indian district 
 officers for over a quarter of a century, and it is not our 
 intention to say a word against district officers as a class. 
 It is doubtful if there is any class of officei-s in any part 
 of the British Empire who are charged with more severe 
 and difficult duties than the Indian district officer. And 
 we doubt very much if any class of officers in the world 
 perform, on the whole, their difficult work more zealously, 
 conscientiously, and ably. The charge which we bring 
 is not against the men, but against the method — a 
 method which was rudely shaped over a hundred years 
 ago, and which has been allowed to remain radically \ 
 unaltered in India, in spite of all judicial reforms which / 
 have taken place in England within this period.* 
 
 While some modification in the present method of 
 district administration is thus urgently called for, it is 
 also necessary to entrust the people in villages with 
 
 * We have shown elsewhere that the present defective 
 arrangement in India can be modified without any material 
 addition to expenditure. Into the details of such modification 
 it is unnecessary to enter here. 
 
 10—2 
 
148 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 some powers to deal with purely village concerns. 
 Extreme centralization has been one of the mistakes of 
 the existing system of rural administration in India. 
 Disputes of a petty nature have to be brought up for 
 decision in law-courts often twenty or thirty miles 
 away from the scene of the dispute, and at such a 
 distance the cases are often decided on the evidence of 
 tutored witnesses. Civil causes and claims of money- 
 lenders are also adjudicated in the law-courts with all 
 the formalities of law. The authority of village elders 
 and of \i\\&^^mwh2/ets is^ne, and there is a rush of 
 jf^ the agricultural population to law-courts, and to con- 
 sequent impoverishment and ruin. 
 
 Village unions are now in the course of formation in 
 different parts of India. It is possible to vest these 
 bodies with some power to settle local disputes, and to 
 adjudicate simple money - claims, and generally to 
 manage the concerns of their villages. The subject is 
 a large one and a difficult one, but if the principle 
 be recognised, and an endeavour be made to carry it 
 out, the experience of officers who have passed their 
 lifetime in the work of Indian administration will 
 surely suggest practicable methods of making the 
 villagers of India partakers in the duty of administering 
 their own concerns. The endeavour was made by 
 Munro and Elphinstone early in this centuiy, and it 
 f failed because village courts cannot exist side by side 
 f with higher tribunals empowered to adjudicate the 
 ' iianie cases. This mistake may now Tie avoided, and 
 
CONCLUSION 149 
 
 with our experience of the last eighty years we may 
 surely make the attempt again with greater chance of 
 success. 
 
 The fourth and last reform which we venture to 
 suggest is one which the educated classes in India have 
 repeatedly urged, and urged with reason. A good 
 government is a blessing to a country, but a good 
 government conducted, as far as possible, by the people 
 themselves is a higher blessing, because it elevates a 
 nation. A benevolent administration such as India 
 enjoys, is the first essential for the well-being of a 
 country, but it is also essential that the people of the 
 country should have a real and important share in con- 
 ducting that administration. These are principles 
 which have been recognised in modem times even 
 by less civilized conquerors than the English, even 
 by the Musulman conquerors of India and the 
 Tartar conquerors of China. And these are principles 
 which were acted upon, as far as was then possible, 
 by early English i-ulei-s like Munro, Elphinstone, and 
 Bentinck. But it must be admitted that within the 
 last sixty years there has been no marked advance in 
 this respect, commensurate with the marked progress of 
 education in India. In the meantime the pledges given 
 over sixty years ago have been repeated on the most 
 solemn occasions, but the pledges remain virtually un- 
 redeemed. 
 
 At the renewal of the East India Company's Charter 
 in 1833, it was declared in an Act of Parliament, 
 
/ 
 
 150 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 Act 3 and 4, William IV., c. 85, § 87 : ' That no 
 native of the said temtories (India) nor any natural- 
 born subject of her Majesty's resident therein shall, by 
 reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, 
 colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any 
 place, office, or employment under the said Govern- 
 ment.' 
 
 On the occasion when the Empire of India passed 
 from the Company to the Crown, her Majesty the 
 Queen declared in the famous Proclamation of 1858 : 
 ' And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our 
 I subjects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and im- 
 partially admitted to offices in our service, the duties 
 of which they may be qualified by their education, 
 ability and integrity, duly to discharge.** 
 I And on the occasion when her Majesty the Queen 
 
 assumed the august title of Empress of India, her 
 Viceroy, Lord Lytton, declared at the Delhi Imperial 
 Assemblage oh January 1, 1877 : ' You, the natives of 
 India, whatever your race and whatever your creed, 
 have a recognised claim to share largely with your 
 I English fellow subjects, according to your capacity for 
 I the task, in the administration of the country you 
 I inhabit. This claim is founded on the highest justice. 
 I It has been repeatedly affirmed by British and Indian 
 I statesmen, and by the legislation of the Imperial 
 I Parliament. It is recognised by the Government of 
 I India as binding on its honour, and consistent with all 
 I the aims of its policy.' 
 
 i 
 
CONCLUSION 
 
 151 
 
 These are clear and emphatic pledges, given by 
 England with the honest desire to redeem them, 
 pledges which every schoolboy in India knows by 
 heart, and desires to see redeemed. Yet how imper- 
 fectly these promises have been fulfilled will appear 
 from the figures given below, compiled from the India 
 List of the present year (1837), and showing the higher 
 appointments in the principal civil departments, held by 
 Europeans and Indians respectively, in the five populous 
 and advanced Provinces of India : 
 
 Nature of Appoiutmeute. 
 
 Bengal. 
 
 North- 
 west. 
 
 Punjab. 
 
 Bombay. 
 
 Judges of High Courts and 
 Chief Courts 
 
 District and Sessions and 
 Divisional Judges 
 
 Members of Board and Com 
 missioners 
 
 District Magistrates and Col 
 lectors and Deputy Com 
 missioners 
 
 Chief Engineers, Superin 
 tending Engineers and 
 Executive Engineers, 
 including Irrigation 
 Branch 
 
 Higher Education OflBcers . . 
 
 Higher Police Officers 
 
 Civil Medical Officers 
 
 Special Gaol Officers 
 
 Forest Officers 
 
 23 
 
 If the figures given above be correct, and they have 
 been compiled from the names given in the India List 
 
15^ ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 for the current year, then it will appear that out of 
 over a hundred district and divisional judges in the five 
 advanced Provinces of India, only 8 are Indians ; that 
 out of nearly two hundred district officers, only 7 are 
 Indians ; that there are 16 Indian doctors of the higher 
 rank out of over two hundred ; that there are 3 Indian 
 higher police officers out of over two hundred; and 
 the number of Indian engineers is only 18 out of 
 over two hundred. The proportion of Indian officers 
 in the higher grades of the Postal, the Telegraph, and 
 the Opium Departments is still smaller ; and the pro- 
 portion of Indian officers in the less advanced Provinces 
 is, of course, very much smaller. It is said that a 
 sudden change in the personnel of the different services 
 is undesirable, and that it is necessary to have a fair 
 proportion of Englishmen in all the civil departments 
 of the Indian Service. Making every allowance for 
 these alleged reasons, it is still impossible for any un- 
 biassed judge to run his eye over the figures given, and 
 to say that an honest endeavour has been made within 
 the last sixty years to give to the people of India a fair 
 share of the higher appointments. 
 
 The question is not about the salary of a few hundred 
 or a few thousand appointments being drawn by English- 
 men or by Indians ; the question is, if Indians of educa- 
 tion, ability, and integrity should still be virtually 
 excluded from a real share in directing the civil ad- 
 ministration of their own country. The question was 
 decided over sixty years ago by Lord William Bentinck 
 
CONCLUSION 153 
 
 in respect of the subordinate judicial and executive 
 services ; and it remains for some equally large-hearted 
 statesman of the present day to settle it in reference to 
 the higher services. Such a settlement of the question 
 is inevitable ; England desires, and India expects, that 
 the pledges which England has given to the people of 
 India shall be honourably redeemed. 
 
 Closely connected with this question is the question of 
 an extension in the principle of representation : not re- 
 presentation in the sense in which it is understood in 
 England, but representation in the sense in which it 
 has been introduced in India, and has worked well. 
 The elective principle was introduced in a limited 
 way in district and municipal committees by Lord 
 Ripon during his wise and beneficent administra- 
 tion of India, and, under the more recent India 
 Councils Act of 1892, elected members are allowed to 
 take their seat in Legislative Councils. The measures 
 which were introduced, almost experimentally, have 
 worked well, and the local knowledge possessed and 
 the intelligent interest evinced by elected members, have 
 greatly contributed to good administration. Educated 
 Indians have asked that the elective principle may now 
 be extended, and that elected members be allowed to 
 take a larger share in the administration of the country. 
 The request is reasonable and just, and, judging from 
 our experience of recent years, a concession in this 
 direction is likely to be beneficial. 
 
 There is no abler or more devoted body of public 
 
154 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 servants in the world than the English administrators 
 who have undertaken the government of India ; but it 
 is no reflection against these alien rulers to state that 
 frequent and serious mistakes might be avoided, and 
 more complete success in civil administration might be 
 secured, if they availed themselves, to a greater extent 
 than they have yet done, of the opinion, the advice, 
 and the co-operation of the enlightened leaders of the 
 people. In the highest centres of the Indian Govern- 
 ment, in the Council of the Secretary of State, in the 
 Executive Council of the Viceroy, in the Secretariats 
 and Executive Councils of the Provincial Governments, 
 Indian opinion is unrepresented. And in the Imperial 
 Parliament which controls the administration of India, 
 the people of India have no representative, and the 
 proposal made some time ago of sending up one or two 
 members from each Indian Province has been heard 
 of no more. No great and civilized country like India 
 is ruled in the present day under a form of government 
 in which the people are so utterly unrepresented. 
 
 The time is now come when, in the face of the grave 
 difficulties which sun-ound us, and in which Indian 
 leaders are peculiarly fitted to advise and to help, the 
 English rulers of India may consider it desirable to 
 associate themselves more largely with those men whom 
 the people of the country may elect to give expression 
 to their feelings, their wishes, and their aspirations. 
 
 India has outgrown the form of administration 
 which was framed on the assumption of the govern- 
 
CONCLUSION 155 
 
 ment by the Crown, foi-ty years ago, and after the 
 suppression of a great rebellion. Education has spread 
 in the country "within these forty years; millions of 
 Indians have been educated in English and vernacular 
 schools in India ; thousands of them have travelled in 
 Europe and completed their education in j England. 
 Steam and telegi-aph have brought the people of India 
 closer to England ; loyal and influential political bodies 
 have taught them the methods of constitutional agita- 
 tion ; and the very spread of the idea of imperial federa- 
 tion has inspired them with the hope that India, 
 though only a dependency, has deserved, and will i*eceive, 
 some measure of self-government, along with the other 
 parts of England's world-wide empire. 
 
 A feeling of unrest is perceptible in India, not of 
 unrest under the British rule, but of unrest under a 
 form of government framed forty years ago, and which 
 no longer suits the circumstances of the present day. 
 There is danger in exaggerating this feeling, but it 
 were folly to close our eyes to it altogether. And the 
 secret of this feeling of unrest is this, that educated 
 Indian opinion and sentiment and ambition are struggling 
 against that cast-iron form of administration which 
 has not expanded with the times. Indian opinion 
 seeks to be heard, and is not heard ; Indian feeling 
 seeks to be represented, and is not represented. It is 
 easy to condemn this desire as discontent, or even dis- 
 loyalty, but Englishmen must know that it is neither 
 one nor the other. It is a natural feeling produced 
 
156 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 by antiquated methods of government after the country 
 has outgrown those methods. It is a feeHng which 
 EngHshmen would have felt to-day, if the old system 
 of representation had not been reformed by the Acts of 
 1832, 1867, and 1884. 
 
 England now stands at the parting of the ways in 
 regard to Indian administration. She can continue to 
 rule India regardless of the wishes of the people, and 
 according to the method constructed forty years ago. 
 She can continue to keep the door closed against any real 
 representation of Indian opinion and Indian feeling in the 
 government of the country. She can refuse to allow to 
 the people of the country a real and legitimate share in 
 conducting and directing the administration. She can 
 turn a deaf ear to the growing demand to make the 
 administration more liberal, more in touch with the 
 people, more in consonance with the progress of the 
 times. And she can decline the counsels and the co- 
 operation of the people in her endeavours to ameliorate 
 their condition, to readjust finances, and to face 
 scarcities and famines. England has the power to pro- 
 ceed on these lines if she thinks it a wise course. 
 
 There is yet a second course which England can 
 adopt. Without yielding in the slightest degree her 
 hold over India, she may yet admit the children of the 
 soil into a larger share of administrative power. Strong 
 in maintaining order among the various races and 
 nationalities of India, she may yet seek to minimize the 
 chances of disorder and the causes of discontent by 
 
CONCLUSION 157 
 
 allowing some system of representation to those races. 
 Determined to hold the balance evenly among the 
 different Indian communities, and to rule with firmness 
 as well as with justice, she may still invite the natural 
 leaders of those communities to partake more largely 
 in the work of administration, and to enlighten the 
 Government with their views and opinions on questions 
 affecting their welfare. And maintaining her strong 
 rule over the great continent peopled by nearly 
 three hundred millions of men, she may yet allow that 
 vast population some carefully guarded system of repre- 
 sentation, some method of being consulted and heard in 
 the management of their own concerns. 
 
 The second course would strengthen, not weaken, the 
 power of England in India. The one weak point in 
 English administration in India is that want of sym- 
 pathy which Elphinstone deplored sixty years ago, that 
 want of touch with the people which keeps the Govern- 
 ment ignorant of their real wants and feelings, that 
 want of intimate local knowledge which leads even a 
 wise administration into blunders and mistakes which 
 sometimes result in serious consequences. It is pos- 
 sible to remove this want by inviting the repre- 
 sentatives of the people themselves to co-operate 
 more largely in the work of administration, and it is 
 possible to enlist the natural ambition of leading 
 Indians, the growing aspirations of educated Indians, 
 and the willing advocacy of the press itself in the cause 
 of British administration, instead of estranging them 
 
158 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 by an exclusive policy. An exclusive policy is, under 
 the present circumstances, both weakness and folly ; a 
 policy of recognising the just influences and aspirations 
 of the people is a policy of strength as well as of 
 wisdom. The former policy makes the British ad- 
 ministration liable to errors and mistakes, and makes 
 the entire public opinion of the country keen and eager 
 to criticize those mistakes. The latter policy would 
 lessen the chances of mistakes, and would enlist the 
 public opinion of India in the work of rectifying 
 those mistakes. The former policy needlessly creates 
 difficulties by excluding the people's co-operation and 
 estranging their public opinion ; the latter policy would 
 smooth the work of administration by throwing it partly 
 on the people themselves, and would enlist Indian public 
 opinion in the cause of Indian administration. The 
 former is a difficult and a thankless task ; the latter 
 would be an easy and a grateful task. 
 
 The power of England in India is strong, and 
 every official, who has worked in India, knows that 
 England needs be immensely strong amidst the vast 
 and various populations of India. But they are foolish 
 advisers who say that England's strength lies in an 
 exclusive policy, in a policy of suspicion and of dis- 
 trust. They mislead England who urge that her strength 
 lies in debarring the people of India from the higher 
 spheres of administration, and in estranging public 
 opinion and the press. And they create difficulties in 
 the work of administration who argue that England's 
 
CONCLUSION 159 
 
 strength lies in repressing the natural ambition and 
 aspirations of the people. As we have said before, 
 this is the one weak point in the present administration 
 of India : the administration is not in touch with the 
 people, does not represent the wishes and feelings of 
 the people, does not enlist the co-operation and the 
 sympathy of the people. It is the one weak point of 
 British rule in India that it is not sufficiently cognizant 
 of the feelings of the people, that it does not suffi- 
 ciently accept the co-operation of the natural leaders 
 and representatives of the people, and that it is con- 
 ducted by a handful of alien rulers, who, however able 
 and well disposed, do not know the people, cannot mix 
 with the people, and are less in touch with the people 
 to-day than English administrators were in the time 
 of Munro and Elphinstone. This is the one cause to 
 which may be traced many of the mistakes in adminis- 
 tration described in this chapter. 
 
 The time is come when an endeavour may be 
 made to remedy this defect. The time is come when 
 in the midst of the difficulties of the present admini- 
 stration, in the midst of poverty and famine, of financial 
 distress, and of general unrest, some methods of concilia- 
 tion may be adopted, and a larger share of confidence 
 and of work may be reposed on the people. The time 
 is come when the rulers of India may bestow on the 
 people of India a carefully -guarded ^system of repre- 
 sentation, and a larger share in civil and military 
 administration. We read in ancient history that the 
 
160 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 Roman conquerors of Gaul admitted the chiefs of the 
 conquered nations to seats in the Roman Senate House 
 and to commands in the imperial army. The modern 
 nation whose proud boast it is to have inherited the 
 imperial power and the imperial instincts of ancient 
 Rome cannot rule a greater and more civilized empire 
 in a different spirit — in a spirit of jealousy, distrust, 
 and exclusiveness. And if we have read the history 
 of the last hundred years aright, we find in it not only 
 the story of steady constitutional progress in the past, 
 but the promise of constitutional progress in the future. 
 And we found on it the hope that with the advance- 
 ment of England in the future, as an imperial power 
 in the world, the people of India shall obtain some 
 share, such as it may be considered feasible and wise to 
 concede, of those representative institutions and that 
 system of self-government which are the birthright of 
 the nations united to-day in paying a common homage 
 to the Queen of England. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 INDIAN EXPENDITURE IN 1887 AND 1897. 
 
 The Indian Budget for the current year has been published 
 in England after the preceding pages were written, and 
 we take the liberty of placing before our readers in this 
 Appendix a few figures showing the alarming increase in 
 taxation and expenditure in India in recent years. During 
 the decade 1887-1897 there has been in the British Isles an 
 accumulated net remission of taxation of £21,000,000,"^ and 
 during this decade there has b'een'nbl'emlssion of taxation 
 in India (except a modification of cotton duties, made in the 
 interests of Lancashire), but there has been an accumulated 
 imposition of new taxation amounting in the aggregate to 
 Rx. 29,000,000. This is the essential difference between 
 the financial policy of England and the financial policy 
 of India in times of uninterrupted peace. The strain of 
 taxation is relaxed in England in times of peace ; the 
 strain of taxation goes on ever increasing in India. 
 
 Let us now turn to figures. Excluding revenue, which 
 is collected but refunded, and excluding railway receipts, 
 
 * The figures in this Appendix are taken from a Special 
 Article in the Daihj Chronicle of August 5, 1897. 
 
162 
 
 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 the revenues of India have increased thus in the last ten 
 years : 
 
 [Rx. = nominally £1.] 
 1887-1888 1897-1898 
 
 (Accounts). (Budget). 
 
 Rx. Rx. 
 
 I. Land Revenue: 
 
 i. Land 
 
 ii. Forest 
 
 Total 
 II. Tributes 
 
 III. Opium 
 
 IV. Taxation : 
 
 i. Salt 
 
 ii. Stamps 
 
 iii. Excise 
 
 iv. Provincial rates 
 
 V. Customs 
 
 vi. Assessed taxes . 
 vii. Registration ... 
 
 Total 
 V. Miscellaneous ... 
 Total Revenue... 
 
 23,141,300 
 1,121,700 
 
 24,263,000 
 
 743,600 
 
 6,089,100 
 
 6,636,200 
 3,832,000 
 4,501,000 
 3,027,400 
 1,316,800 
 1,411,500 
 310,200 
 
 21,035,100 
 
 986,700 
 
 53,117,500 
 
 25,601,800 
 1,753,000 
 
 27,354,800 
 
 901,600 
 
 3,156,200 
 
 8,698,800 
 4,782,600 
 5,653,800 
 3,616,000 
 4,375,900 
 1,836,800 
 439,700 
 
 29,403,600 
 
 366,800 
 
 61,183,000 
 
 It will be seen from the above figures that the loss in 
 Opium Revenue is made up by the increase in Land 
 Revenue, and that Rx. 8,000,000 more are raised by 
 Taxation in the current year than what was raised ten 
 years ago. It is estimated that of this increase, something 
 above Rx. 3,000,000 represents the natural increment in the 
 revenues due to growth in population, etc. The balance 
 of Rx. 5,000,000 means an increase in the incidence of 
 
APPENDIX 163 
 
 taxation during a period of profound peace in India. It 
 is an increase which should be unnecessary in times of 
 peace, and is both inexpedient and unjust. 
 
 Let us examine the figures once more. The total in- 
 crease in revenue in tliese ten years is over Rx. 8,000,000. 
 Rx. 5,000,000 out of this increase are contributed by the 
 State demand on land and bvtax on salt. The two 
 articles on which the poorest of the poor depend for 
 their subsistence in India, viz., the produce from land 
 and salt, contribute the largest increase in the revenues 
 during the past decade. This, again, is both inexpedient 
 and unjust. 
 
 Let us now turn to the net expenditure for 1887-88 
 and 1897-98. The figures are set forth below. 
 
 [Rx. = nominally £l.] 
 
 1887-1888 1897-1898 
 
 (Accounts). (Bniliret). 
 
 Rx. Rx. 
 
 I. Collection of Revenue : 
 
 i. Land .S,486,700 ... 4,166,700 
 
 ii. Forest 719,800 ... 1,076,100 
 
 iii. Taxes 1,114,100 ... 1,474,900 
 
 iv. Assignments 1,467,300 ... 1,55.3,300 
 
 Total ... 6,787,900 8,271,000 
 
 II. Debt Services 4,695,200 ... 2,708,700 
 
 III. Civil Services : 
 
 i. Departments 11,410,600 ... 13,778,600 
 
 ii. Miscellaneous 3,974,200 ... 5,242,400 
 
 iii. Buildings and roads 3,667,100 ... 3,919,300 
 
 Total ... 19,061,900 22,940,300 
 11— g 
 
164 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 [Rx. = nominally £l.] 
 1887-1888 1897-1898 
 
 IV. Military Services : 
 
 (Accounts). 
 Rx. 
 
 (Budget). 
 Rx. 
 
 i. Army 
 
 li. Military Works . . . 
 iii. Special Defence ... 
 
 19,357,100 .. 
 
 1,191,700 .. 
 
 456,000 .. 
 
 . 23,314,200 
 
 1,181,200 
 
 19,400 
 
 Total ... 
 
 21,004,800 
 
 24,514,800 
 
 V. Commercial Services: 
 
 
 
 Net cost of Post Office, 
 Railways, Irrigation 
 
 '1 3,053,500 .. 
 
 . 2,728,700 
 
 VI. Railway Construction 
 
 81,000 .. 
 
 7,300 
 
 VII. Famine Relief and\ 
 
 Insurance /*** 
 
 91,400 .. 
 54,775,700 
 
 . 3,666,200 
 
 Total Expenditure . . . 
 
 64,837,000 
 
 The first thing which strikes one in examining these 
 figures is the alarming increase in expenditure, within a 
 period of ten years of profound peace. In these ten years 
 the revenues have increased by Rx. 8,000,000, while the 
 expenditure has increased by Rx. 10,000,000. The largest 
 increases are in Famine Relief and Insurance, in the Civil 
 Services, and in the Military Services, there being an in- 
 crease of between Rx. 3,000,000 and Rx. 4,000,000 under 
 each of these heads. One or two remarks under each of 
 these heads will suffice. 
 
 The increase under the head of Famine Relief and In- 
 surance is consequent on the poverty of the people and of 
 recurring famines. The special expenditure under this head 
 cannot be altogether saved until the general condition of 
 the people has improved. Till then the impoverished 
 i people must be taxed in order to be saved from death. 
 
APPENDIX 165 
 
 The Civil Services show an increase of nearly Rx. 4,000,000, 
 a million out of which may be put down to Exchange. It 
 is a notorious fact that the price of food has risen in India 
 fifty per cent, or more within these forty years ; but natives 
 of India, employed in Government offices as clerks or 
 ministerial officers on a humble pay of about a shilling a 
 day, have been allowed no compensation and no increase 
 of pay for their increased cost of living. But European 
 officers, who are supposed to make remittances to Europe 
 to their families or friends, or for the purpose of saving, 
 are allowed a special compensation from the Indian 
 Exchequer because the rupee has gone down in value in 
 comparison with gold. And in the higher Indian services, 
 recruited in England, a distinction in remuneration is made 
 virtually on the ground of colour and race ; the European 
 is allowed an Exchange compensation, and the Indian who 
 has entered the same service by the same examination in 
 London is allowed none. To such acts of unfairness and 
 petty self-seeking the most conscientious governments will 
 sometimes descend when the people governed are allowed 
 no voice and no influence in the administration of their 
 country. 
 
 Lastly, the Military Services show an increase of over 
 Rx. 3,000,000. The military expenditure in 1887 was 
 heavy enough, because the hunt for a ' sci entific fronti er * 
 had been made by Disraeli and Lord Lytton years before, 
 and an extended frontier had already increased the military 
 expenditure of India. The further increase within the 
 last ten years shows the steady growth in the costliness 
 of the Indian army which neither the poverty of the 
 people nor famines can retard for a moment. The military 
 department, we have said elsewhere, is under no effective 
 control ; the people of India have no voice in its arrange- 
 
166 ENGLAND AND INDIA 
 
 ments ; and the people of England do not trouble them- 
 selves about it so long as they do not pay. And so it 
 comes to pass that nearly one half of the net revenues of India 
 is spent on the military services. For the total budgeted 
 revenue of the current year is Rx. 61,000,000, and the cost 
 of collecting this revenue is Rx. 8,000,000. The net revenue, 
 therefore, is Rx. 53,000,000, and Rx. 24,500,000 out of this 
 is spent on the military services. 
 
 India cannot be prosperous and contented until her 
 military expenditure is revised and reduced. And in justice 
 and in equity, lingland should bear a portion of the cost of 
 that army which she maintains in India in furtherance of 
 her imperial policy, and in defence of her Eastern Empire 
 from which she benefits so largely in her trade and in the 
 profitable employment of her capital. A contribution of 
 a fixed proportion of the Indian military expenditure from 
 the English exchequer would be an act of simple justice 
 which England owes to India, would secure an effective 
 control over that expenditure, and would be a real relief 
 to the people of India, suffering from chronic poverty, 
 I increasing taxation, and recurring famines. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 BILLING AND SONS, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD. 
 
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 His Excellency (Eugene Rougon). With an Introduction by ERNEST A. ViZETELLY. 
 
 The Dram-Shop (L'Assommolr). Edited by E. A. Vizctelly. 
 
 The Fat and the Thin. Translated by Ernest A. Vizetelly, 
 
 Money. Translated by ERNEST A. ViZETELLY. 
 
 The Downfall. Translated by E. A. ViZETELLY. 
 
 The Dream. Translated by ELIZA CHASE. With Eight Illustrations by JEANNIOT. 
 
 Doctor Pascal. Translated by E. A. ViZETELLY. With Pomait of the Author. 
 
 Lourdes. Translated by ERNEST A. ViZETELLY. 
 
 Rome. Translated by ERNEST A. ViZETELLY. 
 
 Paris. T rans lated by ERNEST A. ViZETELLY. [/h preparmti»H. 
 
 SOME BOOKS CLASSIFIED IN SERIES. 
 
 ♦*♦ For fuller cataloguing, see alphabetical arrangement, pp. 1-26. 
 
 The Mayfair Library. Post 
 
 A Journey Hound My Room. By X. de Maistrb. 
 
 Translated by Sir HENRY ATTWELL. 
 Quips and Quldditiea. By W. D. Adams. 
 Tho Agony Column of 'Th« Times.' 
 Melancholy Anatomised : Abridgrment of BURTON. 
 Poetical Ingenuities. By W. T. Dobson. 
 The Cupboard Papers. By Fin-Bec. 
 W. B. Oilbert's Plays. Three Series. 
 longs of Irish Wit and Humour. 
 Animals and their Masters. By Sir A. Helps. 
 Social Pressure. By Sir A. Helps. 
 Curiosities of Criticism. By H. J. Jennings. 
 The Autocrat of the Breakfast-Table. By Oliver 
 
 Wendell Holmes. 
 Pencil and Palette. By R. Kempt. 
 Little Essays: from Lamb's Letters. 
 rorensic Anecdotes. By Jacob Larwood. 
 
 Svo, cloth limp, 2s. 6d. per Volume. 
 Theatrical Anecdotes. By Jacob Larwood. 
 Witch Stories. By E. Lynn Linton. 
 Ourselves. By E. Lynn Linton. 
 Pastimes and Flayers. By R. Macc.recor. 
 New Paul and Virginia. By W. H. Mallock. 
 The New Republic. By VV. H. Mallock. 
 Puck on Pegasus. By H. C. Pennell. 
 Pegasus Re saddled. By H. C. Pennell. 
 Muses of Mayfair. Edited by H. C. Pennfll. 
 Thoreau : His Life and Aims. By H. A. PAGE. 
 Puniana. By Hon, Hugh Rowley. 
 More Puniana. By Hon. HUGH ROWLEY. 
 The Philosophy of Handwriting. 
 By Stream and Sea. By William Senior. 
 Leaves from a Naturalist's Note-Book. By Dr. 
 Andrew Wilson. 
 
 The Golden Library. Post 8vo, cloth limp, 2s. per Volume. 
 
 Diversions of the Echo Club. Bayard Taylor. 
 Songs for Sailors. By W. C. Bennett. 
 Lives of the Necromancers. By W. Godwin. 
 The Poetical Works of Alexander Pope. 
 Scenes of Country Life. By Edward Jesse. 
 Tale for a Chimney Corner. By Leigh 1 1 u N T. 
 
 The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table, 
 
 Oliver Wendell Holmes. 
 La Mort d'Arthur: Selections from MaLLORV. 
 Provincial Letters of Blaise Pascal. 
 Maxims and Reflections of Rochefoucauld. 
 
 By 
 
 Handy Novels. Fcap. Svo, cloth boards, IS. 6d. each. 
 The Old Maid's Sweetheart. By A. St. Aubyn. ( A Lost Soul. By W. L. Alden. 
 Modest Little Sara. By Alan St. Aubyn. Dr. Palliser's Patient. By Grant Allhw. 
 
 Seven Sleepers of Ephesus. M.E.Coleridge. I Monte Carlo Stories. By Joan Barrett. 
 
 Taken from the Enemy. By H. Newbolt. 
 
 Black SpiriU and White. By R. A. Cram. 
 
 My Library. Printed on laid paper post Svo, half^Roxburghe, 25. 6d. each. 
 ClUtlon and Examination of William Bhakspeare. I Christie Johnstone. By Charles Readh. 
 
 By W. s. Landor. Peg Woffington. By Charles Reade. 
 
 The Journal of Mau rice de Gnerin. ' The Dramatic Essays of Charles Lamb. 
 
 The Poclcet Library. Post 8vo, printed on laid paper and hf.-bd., 2s. each, 
 fhe Essays of Elia. By Charles Lamb. 
 mobiftson Crusoe. Illustrated by G. CRUIKSHANK. 
 Wiamt and Oddities. By Thomas Hood. 
 
 • Barber's Chair. By Douglas Jerrold. 
 
 "*"-"""-• By Brillat-Savarin. 
 
 • lfiltt%re*n. &c. By Thomas Moore. 
 IgkHnfi imtkjt. Edited t - - 
 
 1 by £. OLLimft. 
 
 White's Natural History of Selbome. 
 Gulliver s Travels, &c. By Dean Swift. 
 Plays by Richard brinsley Sheridan. 
 Anecdotes of the Clergy. By JACOB LARWOOD. 
 Thomson's Seasons, illustrated. 
 Autocrat of the Breakfast Table and The Professor 
 %% the Br«akia«t Tablt. By O. W. Holmbs. 
 
CHATTO & WINDUS, in St. Martin's Lane, London, W.C. aj 
 
 THE PICCADILLY NOVELS. 
 
 Library Editions of Novels, many Illustrated, crown 8vo, cloth extra, 3s. 6d. each. 
 
 By MORT. & FRANCES COLLINS. 
 
 Transmigration. | Trom Midnight to Hid* 
 
 Blacksmith d Scholar. night. 
 
 The Village Comedy. | Tou Play me Fall*. 
 
 By E. H. COOPER. 
 Oeoffory Hamilton. 
 
 By V. CECIL COTES. 
 Two Glrlt on a Barge. 
 
 By C. EGBERT CRADDOCK. 
 
 His Vanished SUr. 
 
 By H. N. CRELLIN. 
 
 Romances of the C" 
 
 By Mrs. ALEXANDER. 
 
 A Life Interest | Monas Choice < By Woman's Wit 
 
 By F. M. ALLEN. 
 Green as Grass. 
 
 By GRANT ALLEN. 
 
 The Great Taboo. 
 Dnmaresq's Daughter. 
 Duchess of Powysland. 
 Blood Royal. 
 Ivan Greets Master- 
 piece. 
 The Scallywag. 
 At Market Value. 
 Under Sealed Ordert 
 
 Phlllstia. 
 
 Strange Stories. 
 
 Eabvlon. 
 
 For Maimle's Sake, 
 
 In all Shades. 
 
 The Beckoning Hand. 
 
 Ihe Devil's Die. 
 
 This Mortal Coll. 
 
 The Tents of Shem. 
 
 By MARY ANDERSON. 
 Othello's Occupation. 
 
 By EDWIN L. ARNOLD. 
 Phra the Phoenician. | Constable of St. Nicholas. 
 
 By ROBERT BARR. 
 Tn a Steamer Chair. 1 A Woman Intervene!. 
 From Whose Bourne. | Revenge I 
 
 By FRANK BARRETT. 
 The Woman of the Iron Bracelets. 
 The Harding Scandal. | A Missing WitneM. 
 
 By 'BELLE.' 
 Vathti and Esther. 
 
 By Sir W. BESANT and J. RICE. 
 Ready-MoneyMortlboy. 
 
 Mv Little Girl. 
 With Harp and Crown. 
 This Son of Vulcan. 
 The Golden Eutterf 7. 
 The Honks of Theleiua. 
 
 Bv Cellas Arbour. 
 Chaplain of the Fleet. 
 The Seamy Side. 
 The Case of Mr. Lacraft. 
 In Trafal(;%r s Bay. 
 The Ten Years Tenant. 
 
 By Sir WALTER BESANT. 
 
 All Sorts and Condi 
 
 tions of Men. 
 The Captains' Room. 
 All in a Garden Fair. 
 Dorothy Forster. 
 Uncle Jack. 
 The World Went Very 
 
 Well Then. 
 Children of Oibeon. 
 Herr Paulus. 
 For Faith and Freedom. 
 To Call Her Mine. 
 The Revolt of Man. 
 
 By PAUL BOURGET. 
 A Living Lie. 
 
 By ROBERT BUCHANAN. 
 
 The Bell of St. Panl'i. 
 The Holy Rose. 
 Armorel of Lyonesse. 
 S.Katherine's bv Tower 
 Verbena Camellia Bte* 
 
 phanotls. 
 The Ivory Gate. 
 The Rebel Queen. 
 Beyond the Dreams of 
 
 Avarice. 
 The Master Craftsman. 
 The City of Refuge. 
 
 The New Abe<ard. 
 Matt. I Rav'hel Dene. 
 Master of the Mine. 
 The Heir of Linne. 
 Woman and the Man. 
 Red and White Heather. 
 Lady Kllpatrlck. 
 MURRAY. 
 
 Shadow of the Sword, 
 
 A Child of Nature. 
 
 God and the Man. 
 
 Martyrdom of Madeline 
 
 Love Me for Ever. 
 
 Annan Water. 
 
 Foxglove Manor. _ __ 
 
 ROB. BUCHANAN & HY. 
 
 The Charlatan. 
 
 By J. MITCHELL CHAPPLE. 
 The Minor Chord. 
 
 By HALL CAINE. 
 The Shadow of a Crime. I The Deemster. 
 A Son of Hagar. | 
 
 By ANNE COATES. 
 Rie's Diary. 
 
 By MACLAREN COBBAN. 
 
 The Red Sultan. | The Burden of IsabeL 
 
 By WILKIE COLLINS. 
 
 Armadale. [ AfterDark. 
 No Name. | Antonina 
 Basil. I Hide and Seek. 
 The Dead Secret. 
 Queen of Hearts. 
 My liflsceUanies. 
 The Woman in WUt*. 
 The Moonstone. 
 Man and Wife. 
 Poor Miss Finch. 
 Miss or Mrs. 7 
 The New Magdalea. 
 The Frozen De^p. 
 
 The Two Destinies. 
 The Law and the Lady. 
 The Hannted Hotel. 
 The Fallen Leaves. 
 Jezebel's Daughter. 
 The Black Robe. 
 Efrt and Science. 
 • I Bay Ho.' 
 Little Novell. 
 The Evil Genius. 
 The Legacy of Cain. 
 A Rogue's Life. 
 9Und Love. 
 
 M. CROKER. 
 
 The Real Lady HlMa. 
 Married or Single? 
 Two Masters. 
 IntheKingdomofKerry 
 Interference. 
 A Third Person, 
 
 the Old Seraglio. 
 By MATT CRIM. 
 The Adventures of a Fair Rebel. 
 
 By S. R. CROCKETT and othen< 
 
 Tales of Our Coast. 
 By B. 
 
 Diana Harrington. 
 Proper Pride. 
 A Family Likeness. 
 Pretty Miss Neville. 
 A Bird of Passage. 
 •To Let.' I Mr. Jervls. 
 Village Tales A Jangle 
 Tragedies. 
 
 Bv WILLIAM CYPLES. 
 Hearts of Gold. 
 
 By ALPHONSE DAUDET. 
 
 The Evangelist ; or, l-ort Salvation. 
 
 By H. COLEMAN DAVIDSON. 
 
 Mr. Sadler s Daughters. 
 
 By ERASMUS DAWSON. 
 
 The Fountain of Youth. 
 
 By JAMES DE MILLE. 
 
 A Castle in Spain. 
 
 By. J. LEITH DERWENT. 
 
 Our Lady of Tears. | Circe s Lovers. 
 
 By DICK DONOVAN. 
 Tracked to Doom. I The Mystery of Jamaica 
 
 Man from Manchester. | Terrace. 
 The Chronicles of Michael Danevitch. 
 
 By RICHARD DOWLINQ. 
 Old Corcoran s Money. 
 
 By A. CONAN DOYLE. 
 The Firm of Glrd)estone. 
 
 By S. JEANNETTE DUNCAN. 
 A Daughter of To-day. I Vernon s Aunt. 
 By G. MANVILLE FENN. 
 The New Mistress. I The Tiger Lily. 
 
 Witness to the Deed. I The White Virgin. 
 
 By PERCY FITZGERALD. 
 Fatal Zero. 
 
 By R. E. FRANCILLON. 
 One by One. I Ropes of Band. 
 
 A Dog and his Shadow. Jack Doyle s Daughter. 
 A Real Queen. I 
 
 Prefaced by Sir BARTLE FRERE. 
 Pandurang Hart. 
 
 BY EDWARD GARRETT. 
 The Capel Girls. 
 
 By PAUL GAULOT. 
 The Red Shlits. 
 
 By CHARLES GIBBON. 
 Robin Gray. I Of High Degree. 
 
 Loving a Dream. | The Golden Shaft. 
 
 By E. GLANVILLE. 
 ' ■ The Golden Rock. 
 
 Tales from the Veldt 
 
 The Lost Heiress. 
 A Fair Colonist. 
 The Fossicker. 
 
 By E. J. GOODMAN. 
 The Fate of Herbert Wayne. 
 
 By Rev. S. BARING GOULD. 
 Red Spider. | Eve. 
 
 By CECIL GRIFFITH. 
 
 CorlntMa Marazlon. 
 
38 CHATTO & WINDUS, in St. Martin's Lane, London, W.C. 
 
 The Piccadilly (3/6) Novevs— continued, 
 
 By SYDNEY GRUNDY. 
 The Days of his Vanity. 
 
 By OWEN HALL. 
 The Track of a Storm. | Jetsam. 
 
 By THOMAS HARDY. 
 Under the Greenwood Tree. 
 
 By BRET HARTE. 
 A Waif of the Plains. ' - - • 
 
 A Ward of the Golden 
 Gate. [Springs. 
 
 A Sappho of Green 
 Col. Starbottle's Client. 
 Susy. I Sally Dows. 
 Bell-Rlnger of Angel's. 
 
 A Protegee Of J&ck 
 
 Hamlin's. 
 Clarence. 
 Barker's Lack. 
 Devil's Ford, [celslor.' 
 The Crusade of the ' Ex- 
 Three Partners. 
 
 By JULIAN HAWTHORNE. 
 
 appearance. 
 The Spectre of the 
 Camera. 
 
 Garth. 
 
 EUice Quentin. 
 
 Sebastian Strom*. 
 
 Dust. 
 
 Fortune's Fool. 
 
 By Sir A. HELPS. 
 Ivan de Biron. 
 
 By L HENDERSON. 
 Agatha Page. 
 
 By Q. A. HENTY. 
 Rujub the Juggler. I The Queen's Cuj, 
 Dorothy's Double. | 
 
 By JOHN HILL. 
 The Common Ancestor. 
 
 By Mrs. HUNQERFORD. 
 
 Nora Creina. 
 An Anxious Moment. 
 April's Lady. 
 Peter's Wife. 
 
 Lady "Verner's Flight. 
 The Red-House Mystery 
 The Three Graces. 
 Professor's Experiment. 
 A Point of Conscience. 
 
 By Mrs. ALFRED HUNT. 
 The Leaden Casket. I Self- Condemned. 
 That Other Person. | Mrs. Juliet. 
 
 By C. J. CUTCLIFFE HYNE. 
 Honour of Thieves. 
 
 By R. ASHE KINO. 
 A Drawn Game. 
 
 By EDMOND LEPELLETIER. 
 Madame Sans Gene. 
 
 By HARRY LINDSAY. 
 Rhoda Roberts. 
 
 By HENRY W. LUCY. 
 Gideon Flevce 
 
 By E. LYNN LINTON. 
 
 Patricia Kemball. 
 Under which Lord? 
 ' My Love I ' | lone. 
 Faston Carew. 
 Sowing the Wind. 
 
 The Atonement of Learn 
 
 Dundas. 
 The World Well Lost. 
 The One Too Many. 
 Dulcie Everton. 
 
 By JUSTIN McCarthy. 
 
 A Fair Saxon. 
 Linley Rochford. 
 Dear Lady Disdain. 
 Camiola. 
 
 Waterdale Neighljours. 
 My Enemy's Daughter. 
 Miss Misanthrope. 
 
 Donna Quixote. 
 
 Maid of Athens. 
 
 The Comet of a Season. 
 
 The Dictator. 
 
 Red Diamonds. 
 
 The Riddle Ring. 
 
 The Three Disgraces. 
 
 By JU5TIN H. MCCARTHY. 
 
 A London Legend. | The Royal Christopher. 
 
 By QEORQE MACDONALD. 
 Heather and Snow. | Phantastes. 
 By L. T. MEADE. 
 A Soldier of Fortune, I The Voice of the 
 In an Iron Grip. | Charmer. 
 
 By L. T. MEADE and CLIFFORD 
 HALIFAX, M.D. 
 Dr. Rumsey's Patient. 
 
 By LEONARD MERRICK. 
 This Bta?e of Fools. | Cynthia. 
 
 By BERTRAM MITFORD. 
 The Gun Kunner. l The King's Assegai. 
 
 The Luck of Gerard Renshaw Fanning's 
 Ridgeley. | Quest. 
 
 By J. E. MUDDOCK. 
 Maid Marilyn and Robin Hood. 
 Basile the Jester- j Young Lochlnvar. 
 
 By D. CHRISTIE MURRAY. 
 
 A Life's Atonement. 
 Joseph's Coat. 
 Coals of Fire. 
 Old Blazer's Hero. 
 Val Strange. | Hearts. 
 A Model Father. 
 By the Gate of the Sea. 
 A Bit of Human Nature. 
 First Person Singular. 
 
 Cynic Fortune. 
 The Way of the World. 
 BobMartin's Little GirL 
 Time's Revenges. 
 A Wasted Crime. 
 In Direst Peril. 
 Mount Despair. 
 A Capful o' Nails. 
 Tales and Poems. 
 
 By MURRAY and HERMAN. 
 
 The Bisifiops' Bible. I Paul Jones's Alias. 
 One Traveller Returns. | 
 
 By HUME NISBET. 
 
 • Bail Up ! ' 
 
 By W. E. NORRIS. 
 
 Saint Anns, | Billy Belle w. 
 
 By 0. OHNET. 
 
 A Weird Gift. 
 
 By Mrs. OLIPHANT. 
 
 The Sorceress. 
 
 By OUIDA. 
 
 Held in Bondage. 
 
 Strathmore. 
 
 Chandos. 
 
 Under Two Flagf. 
 
 Idalia. [Gage. 
 
 Cecil Oastlemaine'i 
 
 Tricotrin. | Pack. 
 
 FoUe Farine. 
 
 A Dog of Flanden. 
 
 Pascarel. | Signa. 
 
 Princess Napraxine. 
 
 Ariadne. 
 
 Two Littl* Wooden 
 
 In a Winter City. Shoes 
 
 Friendship. 
 
 Moths. I Raffino.' 
 
 Pipistrello. 
 
 A Village Commune. 
 
 Bimbi. | Wanda. 
 
 Frescoes, | Othmaj:. 
 
 In Maremma. 
 
 Byrlln, | Guilderey. 
 
 Santa Barbara. 
 
 Two Offenders. 
 
 By MARGARET A. PAUL. 
 
 Gentle and Simple. 
 
 By JAMES PAYN. 
 
 Lost Sir Massingberd. "i-u o_i_ji. 
 Less Black than We're 
 
 Painted. 
 A Confidential Agent. 
 A Grape from a Thorn. 
 In Peril and Privation. 
 The Mystery of Mir- 
 By Proxy. [bridge. 
 
 The Canon's Ward. 
 Walter s Word. 
 
 By WILL PAYNE. 
 
 Jerry the Dreamer. 
 
 By Mrs. CAMPBELL PRAED. 
 
 Outlaw and Lawmaker. I Mrs. Tregaskiss. 
 Cliristina Chard. | 
 
 By E. C. PRICE. 
 
 Valentina. | Foreigners. | Mrs. Lancaster s Rival. 
 
 By RICHARD PRYCE. 
 
 Miss Maxwell's Ailections. 
 
 By CHARLES READE. 
 
 High Spirits. 
 Under One Roof. 
 Glow worm Tales. 
 The Talk of the Town. 
 Holiday Tasks. 
 For Cash Orly, 
 The Burnt Million. 
 The Word and the WilL 
 Sunny Stories. 
 A Trying Patient. 
 
 Peg WofDngton ; and 
 Christie Johnstone. 
 
 Hard Cash. 
 
 Cloister & the Hearth. 
 
 Never Too Late to Mend 
 
 The Course of True 
 Love Never Did Run 
 Smooth ; and Single- 
 heart andDoubleface. 
 
 Autobiography of a 
 Thiel ; Jack of all 
 Ti ades ; A Hero and 
 a Martyr ; and The 
 Wandering Heir. 
 
 Griffith Gaunt. 
 
 Love Me Little, Love 
 
 Me Long. 
 The Double Marriage. 
 Foul Play. 
 Put Yourself in His 
 
 Place. 
 A Terrible Temptation. 
 A Simpleton. 
 A WomanHater. 
 The Jilt & otherStories ; 
 & Good Stories of Man 
 and other Animals. 
 A Perilous Secret. 
 Readiana ; and Bible 
 
 Characters. 
 
 By Mrs. J. H. RIDDELL. 
 
 Weird Stories. 
 
 By AMELIE RIVES. 
 
 Barbara Denng. 
 
 By F. W. ROBINSON. 
 
 The Rands of Justice. | Woman in the Dark. 
 
 By DORA RUSSELL. 
 A Country Sweetheart, i The Drift of Fate. 
 
CHATTO & WINDUS, in St. Martin's Lane, London, VV.C. 
 
 »9 
 
 Alone onWideWlde Sea. 
 The Phantom Death. 
 Is He the Man ? 
 Good Ship 'Mohock.' 
 The Convict Ship. 
 Heart of Oak. 
 The Tale of the Ten. 
 The Last Entry. 
 
 The Piccadilly (3/6) Novels — continued. 
 
 By W. CLARK RUSSELL. 
 Roand the Galley-Fire. I My Shipmate Ioui«e. 
 
 In the Middle Watch. "' "" " ~ 
 
 Cn the Fo'k'sle Head. 
 A Voyage to the Cape. 
 Book for the Hammock. 
 My»teryof 'Ocean Star' 
 The Romance of Jenny 
 
 Harlowe. 
 An Ocean Tragedy. 
 
 By BAYLE ST. JOHN. 
 A Levantine Family. 
 
 By JOHN SAUNDERS. 
 Guy Waterman. I The Two Dreamers. 
 
 Bound to the Wheel. | Th* Lion in the Path, 
 
 By KATHARINE SAUNDERS. 
 Margaret and Elizabeth I Heart Salvage. 
 Gideon's Rock. Sebastian. 
 
 The High Mills. I 
 
 By ADELINE SERGEANT. 
 Dr. Endicott 8 Experiment. 
 
 By HAWLEY SMART. 
 Without Love or Licence. I The Outsider. 
 The Master of Rathkelly. Beatrice & Benedick. 
 Long Qiii.a. \ A Racing Rubber. 
 
 By T. W. SPEIGHT. 
 A Secret of the Sea. I The Master of Trenance. 
 The Grey Monk. | A Minion of the Moon. 
 
 By ALAN ST. AUBYN. 
 A Fellow of Trinity. I In Face of the World. 
 The Junior Dean. Orchard Damerel. 
 
 MasterofSt.Benedlct'i. The Tremlett Diamonds. 
 To his Own Master. | 
 
 By JOHN STAFFORD. 
 Doris and I. 
 
 By RICCARDO STEPHENS. 
 The Cruciform Mark. 
 
 By R. A. STERNDALE. 
 The Afghan Knife. 
 
 By R. LOUIS STEVENSON. 
 The Suicide Club. 
 
 By BERTHA THOMAS. 
 
 Proad Maisie. | Tha Violin-Player. 
 
 By ANTHOriY TROLLOPE. 
 
 The Way we Live Nu\7. I DcarLorottgh's Family. 
 
 Fran Frohmcar. I The Land Leaguers. 
 
 By FRANCES E. TROLLOPE. 
 
 Like Ships upon the I Anne Fumess. 
 Sea. I Mabel's Progress. 
 
 By IVAN TURGENIEFF. &c. 
 
 Stories from Foreign Novelists. 
 
 By MARK TWAIN. 
 
 Tom Sawyer, DetectlTfl. 
 Pudd nhead Wilson. 
 The Gilded Age. 
 Prince and the Pauper. 
 Life on the Mississippi. 
 The Adventures of 
 
 Huckleberry Finn. 
 A Yankee at the Court 
 
 of King Arthur. 
 Stolen White Elephant. 
 £1,000,OCO Banknote. 
 
 Mark Tw&ins Choice 
 
 Works. 
 Mark Twain's Library 
 
 of Humour, 
 The Innocents Abroad. 
 Roughing It ; and The 
 
 Innocents at Home. 
 A Tramp Abroad. 
 TheAmeritan Claimant. 
 AdventuresTomSawyer 
 Tom Sawyer Abroad. 
 
 By C. C. FRASER-TYTLER. 
 Ulstress Judith. 
 
 By SARAH TYTLER. 
 Lady Bell. | The Macdonald Lau. 
 
 Buried Diamonds. The Witch Wife. 
 
 The Blackball G\^sts. | 
 
 By AIXeN upward. 
 The Queen against Owen | The Prince of Balklstaa. 
 
 By E. A. VIZETELLY. 
 The Scorpion : A Romance of Spain. 
 
 By WILLIAM WESTALL. 
 
 Sons of Belial. 
 
 By ATHA WESTBURY. 
 
 The Shadow of Hilton Fembrook. 
 
 By C. J. WILLS. 
 An Easy-going Fellow. 
 
 By JOHN STRANGE WINTER. 
 Cavalry Life and Regimental Legends. 
 A Soldier's Children. 
 
 By MARGARET W YNMAN. 
 My Flirtations. 
 
 By E 
 
 The Downfall. 
 
 The Dream. 
 
 Dr. Pascal. 
 
 Money. | Loardes. 
 
 By 'Z. Z.' 
 A Nineteenth Century Miracle. 
 
 ZOLA. 
 
 The Fat and the Thla. 
 Hit Excellency. 
 The DramShop. 
 Rome. I Parii. 
 
 CHEAP EDITIONS OF POPULAR NOVELS. 
 
 Post 8vo, illustrated boards, 2s. each. 
 
 By ARTEMUS WARD. 
 
 Artemxu Ward Complete. 
 
 By EDMOND ABOUT. 
 
 The Fellah. 
 
 By HAMILTON AIDE. 
 
 Carr of Carrlyon. | Confidences. 
 
 By MARY ALBERT. 
 Brcoke Finchlev s Dauehter. 
 
 By Mrs. ALEXANDER. 
 Maid. Wife or Widow/ | Valerie s Fate. 
 Blind Fate. 
 
 By GRANT ALLEN. 
 
 PhUistla. 
 
 Strange Stories. 
 
 Babylon. 
 
 For Maimie's Sake. 
 
 In all Shades. 
 
 The Beckoning Hand. 
 
 The Devil's Die. 
 
 The Tents of Shem. . 
 
 By E. LESTER ARNOLD 
 Fhra the Phoenician. 
 
 BY FRANK BARRETT. 
 
 The Great Taboo. 
 Dumaresq 8 Dausfhter. 
 Duchess cf Powysland. 
 Blood RoyaL [piece- 
 Ivan Greet's Master. 
 The Scallywa?. 
 This Mortal ColL 
 At Market Value. 
 
 Fettered for Life. 
 Little Lady Linton. 
 Between Life A Death. 
 The Sin of Olga Zassou- 
 
 Uch. 
 Folly Morrison. 
 Lieut. Barnabas, 
 Honest Davie. 
 
 I A Prodigal's Progress. 
 
 Found Guilty. 
 i A Recoiling Vengeance. 
 I For Love and Honour. 
 John Ford; and His 
 
 Helpmate. 
 The Woman of the Iron 
 bracelets. 
 
 By SHELSLEY BEAUCHAMP. 
 
 Grantiey Grange. 
 By Sir W. BESANT and J. RICE 
 
 Ready- Money Mortiboy 
 My Little Girl. 
 With Harp and Crown. 
 This Son of Vulcan. 
 The Golden Butterfly. 
 The Monks of Thelema. 
 
 By Cella's Arbour. 
 Chaplain of the Fleet. 
 The Seamy Side. 
 The Case of Mr. Lucraft. 
 In Trafalgar 8 Bay. 
 The Ten Years Tenant. 
 
 By Sir WALTER BESANT. 
 
 All Sorts and Condi- 
 tions of Men. 
 
 The Captains' Room. 
 
 All in a Garden Fair. 
 
 Dorothy Forster. 
 
 Uncle Jack. 
 
 The World Went Very 
 Well Then. 
 
 Children of Gibeon. 
 
 Herr Paulua. 
 
 For Faith and Freedom 
 
 To Call Her Mine. 
 The Bell of St. Paul's. 
 The Holy Rose. 
 Armorelof Lyonesse. 
 S.Katherine's bv Tower. 
 Veibena Camellia Ste- 
 
 phanotis. 
 The Ivory Gate. 
 The Rebel Queen. 
 Bey or d the Dreams of 
 
 Aval ice. 
 
 By AMBROSE BIERCE. 
 
 In the Midst of Life. 
 
 By FREDERICK BOYLE. 
 
 Camp Notes. I Chronicles of Ko man's 
 
 Savage Life. | Land. 
 
 BY BRET HARTE. 
 Califomlan Stories. f Flip. I Mamja. 
 
 Gabriel Conroy. APhylUsof the Sierras. 
 
 The Luck of Roaring A Waif of the Plains. 
 
 Camp. A Ward of the Golden 
 
 An Heiress of Red Dog. J Gate. 
 
30 
 
 ChATTO & WINDUS, in St. Martin's Lane, London, W.C. 
 
 Two-Shilling Novels— -continued. 
 By HAROLD BRYDQES. 
 Uncle Sam at Homo. 
 
 By ROBERT BUCHANAN. 
 
 The Martyrdom of Ha- 
 
 dellne. 
 The New Abelard. 
 Matt. 
 
 The Heir of Llnne. 
 Woman and the Man. 
 Rachel Dene. 
 
 Shadow of the Sword. 
 A Child of Nature. 
 God and the Man. 
 Love Me for Ever. 
 Foxglove Manor. 
 The Master of the Mine. 
 Annan Water. 
 
 By BUCHANAN and MURRAY. 
 The Charlatan. 
 
 By HALL CAINE. 
 The Shadow of a Crime, i The Deemster. 
 A Son of Hagar. | 
 
 By Commander CAMERON. 
 The Cruise of the ' Black Prince.' 
 
 By Mrs. LOVETT CAMERON. 
 Deceivers Ever. | Juliet's Guardian. 
 
 By HAYDEN CARRUTH. 
 The Adventures of Jones. 
 
 By AUSTIN CLARE. 
 For the Love of a Lass. 
 
 By Mrs. ARCHER CLIVE. 
 
 Paul FerroU. 
 
 Why Paul Perroll Killed his Wife. 
 
 By MACLAREN COBBAN. 
 The Cure of Souls. | The Red Sultan. 
 
 By C. ALLSTON COLLINS. 
 The Bar Sinister. 
 By MORT. & FRANCES COLLINS, 
 
 Sweet Anne Page. 
 Transmigration. 
 From Midnight to Mid- 
 night. 
 A Fight with Fortune. 
 
 Sweet and Twenty. 
 The Village Comedy. 
 You Play me False. 
 Blacksmith and Scholar 
 Frances. . 
 
 By WILKIE COLLINS. 
 
 My Miscellanies. 
 The Woman in White. 
 The Moonstone. 
 Man and Wife. 
 Poor Miss Finch. 
 The Fallen Leaves. 
 Jezebel's Daughter. 
 The Black Robe. 
 Heart and Science. 
 'I Say No I* 
 The Evil Genius. 
 Little Novels. 
 Legacy of Cain. 
 Blind Love. 
 
 Armadale. T AfterDark. 
 
 No Name. 
 
 Antonina. 
 
 Basil. 
 
 Hide and Seek. 
 
 The Dead Secret. 
 
 Oneen of Hearts. 
 
 Miss or Mrs. 7 
 
 The New Magdalen, 
 
 The Frozen Deep. 
 
 The Law and the Lady 
 
 The Two Destinies. 
 
 The Haunted Hotel. 
 
 A Rogue's Life. 
 
 By M. J. COLQUHOUN. 
 
 Every Inch a Soldier. 
 
 By DUTTON COOK. 
 
 Leo. I Paul Foster's Daughter. 
 
 By C. EGBERT CRADDOCK. 
 The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. 
 
 By MATT CRIM. 
 The Adventures of a Fair Rebel. 
 
 By B. M. CROKER. 
 Pretty Miss Neville. I A Family Likeness. 
 Diana Barrington. I Village Tales and Jungle 
 
 *To Let." I Tragedies. 
 
 A Bird of Passage. I Two Masters. 
 Proper Pride. I Mr. Jervis. 
 
 By W. CYPLES. 
 Hearts of Gold. 
 
 By ALPHONSE DAUDET. 
 The Evangelist ; or, Port Salvation. 
 
 By ERASMUS DAWSON. 
 The Fountain of Youth. 
 
 By JAMES DE MILLE. 
 A Castle in Spain. 
 
 By J. LEITH DERWENT. 
 Our Lady of Tears. | Circe's Lovers. 
 
 By CHARLES DICKENS. 
 Sketches by Boz. 
 
 By DICK DONOVAN 
 
 In the Grip of the Law. 
 From Information Re* 
 
 ceived. 
 Tracked to Doom. 
 Link by Link 
 Suspicion Aroused. 
 Dark Deeds. 
 Riddles Read. 
 
 The Man-Hunter. 
 Tracked and Taken. 
 Caught at Last I 
 Wanted I 
 Who Poisoned Hetty 
 
 Duncan ? 
 Man from Manchester. 
 A Detective's Triumphs 
 The Mystery of Jamaica Terrace. 
 
 By Mrs. ANNIE EDVVARDES. 
 
 A Point of Honour. | Archie Lovell. 
 
 By M. BETHAM-EDWARDS. 
 
 Felicia. | Kitty. 
 
 By EDWARD EGQLESTON. 
 
 Roxy. 
 
 By Q. MANVILLE FENN. 
 
 The New Mistress. I The Tiger Lily. 
 
 Witness to the Deed. | The White Virgin. 
 
 By PERCY FITZGERALD. 
 Bella Donna. I Second Mrs. Tillotson. 
 
 Never Forgotten. Seventy - five Brooke 
 
 Polly. Street. 
 
 Fatal Zero. | The Lady of Brantome 
 
 By P. FITZGERALD and others. 
 strange Secrets. 
 
 By ALBANY DB FONBLANQUE. 
 
 Filthy Lucre. 
 
 By R. E. FRANCILLON. 
 
 Olympia. l King or Knave? 
 
 One by One. Romances of the Law. 
 
 A Real Queen. Ropes of Sand. 
 
 Queen Cophetua. I A Dog and his Shadow. 
 
 By HAROLD FREDERIC. 
 Seth's Brother's Wife. I The Lawton Girl. 
 Prefaced by Sir BARTLE FRERE. 
 Pandurang Hari. 
 
 By HAIN FRISWELL. 
 One of Two. 
 
 By EDWARD GARRETT. 
 
 The Capel Girls. 
 
 By GILBERT GAUL. 
 
 A Strange Manuscript. 
 
 By CHARLES GIBBON. 
 
 Robin Gray. - — 
 
 For Lack of Gold. 
 What wUl World Say 7 
 In Love and War. 
 For the King. 
 In Pastures Green. 
 Queen of the Meadow. 
 A Heart's Problem. 
 The Dead Heart. 
 
 In Honour Bound. 
 
 Flower of the Forest 
 
 The Braes of Yarrow. 
 
 The Golden Shaft. 
 
 Of High Degree. 
 
 By Mead and Stream. 
 
 Loving a Dream. 
 
 A Hard Knot. 
 
 Heart's Delight. 
 
 Blood-Money. 
 By WILLIAM GILBERT. 
 Dr. Austin's Guests. I The Wizard of tha 
 James Duke. | Mountain. 
 
 By ERNEST GLANVILLE. 
 
 The Lost Heiress. I The Fossickcr. 
 
 A Fair Colonist. t 
 
 By Rev. S. BARING GOULD 
 
 Red Spider. | Eve. 
 
 By HENRY GREVILLE. 
 A Noble Woman. | Nikanor. 
 
 By CECIL GRIFFITH. 
 Corlnthla Marazion. 
 
 By SYDNEY GRUNDY. 
 The Days of his Vanity. 
 
 By JOHN HABBERTON. 
 Brueton's Bayou. | Country Luck. 
 
 By ANDREW HALLIDAY. 
 Every day Papers. 
 
 By Lady DUFFUS HARDY. 
 Paul Wynter's Sacrifice. 
 
 By THOMAS HARDY. 
 Under the Greenwood Tree. 
 
 By J. BERWICK HARWOOD. 
 The Tenth Earl. 
 
(tHAftt) A WiNdUS. iti St. Mdrtlri** Lade. Londfln, W.e. 
 
 a» 
 
 Two-Shilling Novels — continued. 
 By JULIAN HAWTHORNE. 
 
 Beatrix Randolph. 
 
 Love— or a Name. 
 
 David Poindexter • Dis- 
 appearance. 
 
 The Spectra of the 
 Can era. 
 
 Oarth. 
 
 EUice Qnentin. 
 
 Fortune ■ Fool. 
 
 Iftiai Cadogna. 
 
 Bebaatian Stroma. 
 
 Doit. 
 
 By Sir ARTHUR HELPS. 
 Xtaa de fiiron. 
 
 By a. A. HENTY. 
 XtfJUb the Jaggler. 
 
 By HENRY HERMAN. 
 
 ▲ LMkdlng Lady. 
 
 By HEADON HILL. 
 
 Samlira the Detective. 
 
 By JOHN HILL. 
 
 Treason Felony. 
 
 By Mrs. CASHEL HOEY. 
 
 The Lover a Creed. 
 
 By Mr5. GEORGE HOOPER. 
 
 The Houae of Raby. 
 
 By TIGHE HOPKINS. 
 
 Twizt Love and Duty. 
 
 By Mrs. HUNGERFORD. 
 
 A Maiden all Forlorn. I Lady Verner'i Flight 
 In Durance Vile. I The Red House Myitci y 
 
 Marvel. j The Three Oracea 
 
 A Mental Stroggl*. Unaatiafactory Lover. 
 
 A Modern Circa. | Lady Patty. 
 
 By Mr«. ALFRED HUNT. 
 Thomicroft a ModeL I Self Condemned. 
 That Other Peraon. | The Leaden Caaket. 
 
 By JEAN INQELOW. 
 Fatad to be Free. 
 
 By WM. JAMESON. 
 My Dead BeLT. 
 
 By HARRIETT JAY. 
 
 Tha Dark Colleen. | Queen of Connaught. 
 
 By MARK KERSHAW. 
 Colonial Facts and Fictlona. 
 
 By R. ASHE KING. 
 
 A Drawn Game. l Passion a Slav*. 
 
 * The Wearing of tha BaU Barry. 
 Oreen.' ] 
 
 By EDMOND LEPELLETIER. 
 
 Madame Sana Gene. 
 
 By JOHN LEYS. 
 
 Tha Lindaays. 
 
 By E. LYNN LINTON. 
 
 Patricia Kemball. 
 The World Well Lost. 
 Dnder which Lord 7 
 Pas ton Carew. 
 ' My Lots I ' 
 Zona. 
 
 By HENRY W. 
 •Idaon Pleyea. 
 
 By JUSTIN McCarthy. 
 
 The Atonement of Learn 
 
 Dundas. 
 With a Silken Thread. 
 Rebel of the Family. 
 Sowing the Wind. 
 The One Too Many. 
 '" LUCY. 
 
 Dear Lady Disdain. 
 Waterdale Neighbours. 
 My Enemy'a Daughter. 
 A Fair Saxon. 
 Linley Rochford. 
 
 Miss Misanthrope. 
 
 By HUGH 
 
 Camiola. 
 
 Donna Quixote. 
 
 Maid of Athens. 
 
 The Comet of a Seasoa. 
 
 The Dictator. 
 
 Red Diamonds. 
 
 MACCOLL. 
 
 wdr. Btranger'a Sealed Packet. 
 
 By GEORGE MACDONALD. 
 Heather and 8noi». 
 
 By AGNES IVLiCDONELL. 
 Quaker Couains. 
 
 By KATHARINE S. MACQUOID. 
 
 la Svil Eye. | Lost Rosa. 
 
 By W. H. MALLOCK. 
 — - I Tha Kaw EapuW*. 
 
 A Romance of the Nina- 
 taamth Oantvrp. 
 
 By FLORENCE MARRYAT. 
 
 Open I Seaame I I A Harveat of Wild Data. 
 
 Flighting the Air. | Written in Fire. 
 
 By J. MASTERMAN. 
 Half a dozen Dknghters. 
 
 By BRANDER MATTHEWS. 
 A Secret of the Sea. 
 
 By L. T. MEaDE. 
 A Soldier of Fortune. 
 
 By LEONARD MERRICK. 
 Tha Man who waa Good. 
 
 By JEAN MIDDLEMASS. 
 Touch and Go. | Mr. Dorillion. 
 
 By Mrs. MOLESWORTH. 
 Hathercourt Rectory. 
 
 By J. E. MUDDOCK. 
 Btoriea Weird and Won- I From the Bosom of tha 
 
 derful. Deep. 
 
 The Dead Man's Secret. | 
 
 By D. CHRISTIE MURRAY. 
 
 By the Gate of the Sea. 
 A Bit of Human Nature. 
 First Person Slnguli-r. 
 Bob Martin I Little Girl 
 Time a Revengpa. 
 A Wasted Crime. 
 In Direst PeiU. 
 Mount Deapalr. 
 
 A Model Father. 
 
 Joaeph a Coat. 
 
 Coa!a of Fire. 
 
 Val Strange. | Hearts. 
 
 Old Blazer a Hero. 
 
 The Way of the World. 
 
 Cynic Fortune. 
 
 A Lire s Atonement. _ _ , _ 
 
 By MURRAY and HERMAN. 
 One Traveller Returna. I The Bishopa Blbla. 
 Paul Jonea a Aliaa. | 
 
 By HENRY MURRAY. 
 A Game of Bluff. | A Bong of Sixpence. 
 
 By HUME NISBET. 
 ' BaU Up I ' I Dr.Bemard St. Vincent 
 
 By W. E. N0RR15. 
 Saint Ann s. 
 
 By ALICE O'HANLON. 
 The Unforeaeen. | Chance 7 or FataT 
 
 By QEORQES OHNET. 
 Dr. Rameau. | A Weird Gift. 
 
 A Last Love. | 
 
 By Mrs. OLIPHANT. 
 Whiteladiea. l The Greateat Hairaia la 
 
 The Primrose Path. | England. 
 
 By Mrs. ROBERT O'REILLY. 
 Phmbe a Fortunea. 
 
 By OUIDA. 
 
 Held In Bondage. 
 
 Strathmora. 
 
 Chandos. 
 
 Idalia. 
 
 Under Two Flags. 
 
 Cecil Castlemaina sQaf a 
 
 Tricotrln. 
 
 Puck. 
 
 FoUe Farina. 
 
 A Dog of rijuidan. 
 
 Paacarel. 
 
 Siena. 
 
 Prince u Napraxlua. 
 
 apraxu 
 rClty. 
 
 In a Winter City. 
 
 Ariadne. 
 
 Friendahi 
 
 Two Lit.Woodaa Bhoaa. 
 Moths. 
 Bimbl. 
 Pipiatrello. 
 A Village Commuaa. 
 Wanda. 
 Othmar 
 Freacoes. 
 In Maremma. 
 Ouilderoy. 
 RulBno. 
 Byrlin. 
 
 Banta Barbara. 
 Two Offendera. 
 Ouidaa Wiadom, Wit. 
 and Pathos. 
 
 Oantl 
 
 endahip. and Pathos. 
 
 By MARGARET AGNES PAUL. 
 
 all* and Simple. 
 
 By C. L. PIRKIS. 
 Lady Lovelace. 
 
 By EDGAR A. FOE. 
 Tha Mystery of Maria Roget. 
 
 By Mrs. CAMPBELL PRAED. 
 Tha Romance of a Station. 
 Tha Soul of Countess Adrlaa. 
 Outlaw and Lawmaker. 
 Christlaa Ohard. 
 
 By E. C. PRICE. 
 2[alaatlna. | Mrs. Laacastar'i Klvai 
 
 Tka Peral|nan. lOarald. 
 
 ^ ^ By RICHARD PRYCa 
 Mlaa KaxwaUt Af aallau. 
 
33 CMAttO & WiNbtJS. ttt ^t. tA&riin^k Lane. Lbfldofl. WX. 
 
 ..^dk 
 
 Two-Shilling Novels— continued. 
 By JAMES PAYN, 
 
 Bentinck'i Tutor. 
 
 Murphy's Master. 
 
 A County Family. 
 
 ikt Her Mercy. 
 
 Cecil's Tryst. 
 
 The Clyffards of Clyile. 
 
 The Foster Brothers. 
 
 Found Dead. 
 
 The Best of Husbands. 
 
 Walter's Word 
 
 Halves. 
 
 Fallen Fortunes. 
 
 Humorous Stories. 
 
 £200 Reward. 
 
 A Marine Residenct. 
 
 Mirk Abbey 
 
 By Proxy. 
 
 Under One Roof. 
 
 High Spirits. 
 
 Carlyon's Year. 
 
 From Exile. 
 
 For Cash Only. 
 
 Kit. 
 
 The Canon's Ward. 
 
 The Talk, of the Towm. 
 Holiday Tasks. 
 A Perfect Treasure. 
 What He Cost Her. 
 A Confidential Agent. 
 Glow-worm Tales. 
 The Burnt Million. 
 Sunny Stories. 
 Lost Sir Massingberd, 
 A Woman's Vengeance. 
 The Family Scapegrace. 
 Gwendoline's Harvest. 
 Like Father, Like Son. 
 Married Beneath Him. 
 Not Wooed, but Won. 
 Less Black than We're 
 
 Painted. 
 Some Private "Views. 
 A Grape from a Thorn. 
 The Mystery of Mir- 
 
 bridge. 
 The Word and the Will. 
 A Prince of the Blood. 
 A Trying Patient. 
 
 By CHARLES READE. 
 
 It Is Never Too Late to A Terrible Temptation. 
 
 Foul Play. 
 
 The Wandering Heir. 
 
 Hard Cash. 
 
 Singleheart and Double- 
 face. 
 
 Good Stories of Man and 
 other Animals. 
 
 Peg Woffingtou. 
 
 Griffith Gaunt. 
 
 A Perilous Secret. 
 
 A Simpleton. 
 
 Readiana. 
 
 A Woman Hater. 
 
 Mend^ 
 Christie Johnstone. 
 The Double Marriage. 
 Put Yourself in His 
 
 Place 
 Love Me Little, Love 
 
 Me Long. 
 The Cloister and the 
 
 Hearth. 
 The Course of True 
 
 Love. 
 The Jilt. 
 The Autobiography of 
 
 a Thief. 
 
 By Mrs. J, 
 Weird Stories. 
 Fairy Water. 
 Her Mother's Darling. 
 The Prince of Wales s 
 
 Garden Party. 
 
 By AMELIE RIVES. 
 Barbara Dering. 
 
 By F. W. ROBINSON. 
 Women are Strange. | The Hands of Justice, 
 
 By JAMES RUNCIMAN. 
 Skippers and Shellbacks. | Schools and Scholan. 
 Grace Balmaign's Sweetheart. 
 
 By W. CLARK RUSSELL. 
 
 H. RIDDELL. 
 
 The Uninhabited House. 
 The Mystery in Palace 
 
 Gardens. 
 The Nun s Curse. 
 Idle Tales. 
 
 The Romance of Jenny 
 Harlowe. 
 
 An Ocean Tragedy. 
 
 My Shipmate Louise. 
 
 Alone onWideWide Sea. 
 
 The Good Ship 'Mo- 
 hock.' 
 
 The Phantom Death. 
 
 Round the GaUey Fire. 
 
 On the Fo'k'sle Head. 
 
 In the Middle Watch. 
 
 A "Voyage to the Cape. 
 
 A Book for the Ham- 
 mock. 
 
 The Mystery of the 
 ' Ocean Star.' 
 
 By DORA RUSSELL. 
 
 A Country Sweetheart. 
 By GEORGE AUGUSTUS SALA. 
 
 Gaslight and Daylight. 
 
 By JOHN SAUNDERS. 
 
 3uy Waterman. I The Lion in the Path. 
 
 The Two Dreamers. | 
 
 By KATHARINE SAUNDERS. 
 
 Joan Merryweather. I Sebastian. 
 
 The High Mills. Margaret and £Uzft> 
 
 Heart Salvage. I beth. 
 
 By GEORGE R. SIMS. 
 
 The Ring o' Bells. 
 Mary Jane's Memoirs. 
 Mary Jane Married. 
 Tales of To day. 
 Dramas of Life. 
 Tiakletop's Crime, 
 
 My Two Wives. 
 
 Zeph. 
 
 Memoirs of a Landlady. 
 
 Scenes from the Show. 
 
 The 10 Commandments. 
 
 Dagonet Abroad. 
 
 By ARTHUR SKBTCHLEY. 
 
 A Uatc£ in the Dark. 
 
 Back to Life. 
 The LoudwaterTraged. 
 Burgos Romance. 
 Quittance in Full. 
 A Husband from the S( 
 
 By HAWLEY SMART. 
 
 Without Love or Licence. 
 
 The Plunger. 
 
 Beatrice and Benedick. 
 
 By T. W. SPEIGHT. 
 The Mysteries of Heron 
 
 Dyke. 
 The Golden Hoop. 
 Hoodwinked. 
 By Devious Ways. 
 
 By ALAN ST. AUBYN. 
 A Fellow of Trinity. J To His Own Master. 
 The Junior Dean. Orchard Damerel. 
 
 Master of St.Benedict's | In the Face of the World. 
 
 By R. A. STERNDALE. 
 The Afghan Knife. 
 
 By R. LOUIS STEVENSON. 
 New Arabian Nights. 
 
 By BERTHA THOMAS. 
 Cressida. I The Violin Player. 
 
 Proud Maisie. | 
 
 By W^ALTER THORNBURV. 
 Tales for the Marines. | Old Stories Retold. 
 
 By T. ADOLPHUS TROLLOPE. 
 Diamond Cut Diamond. 
 
 By F. ELEANOR TROLLOPE. 
 Like Ships upon the I Anne Furness. 
 Sea. I Mabel's Progress. 
 
 By ANTHONY TROLLOPE. 
 
 The Land-Leaguers. 
 The American Senator. 
 Mr. Scarborough's 
 
 Family. 
 GoldenLion of Granpere 
 
 Fran Frohmann, 
 Marion Fay. 
 Kept in the Dark. 
 John Caldigate. 
 The Way We Live Now. 
 
 By J. T. TROWBRIDGE. 
 Famells Folly. 
 
 By IVAN TURGENIEFF, &c, 
 Sto.ies from Foreign Novelists. 
 
 By MARK TWAIN. 
 
 A Pleasure Trip on the 
 
 Continent. 
 The Gilded Age. 
 Huckleberry Finn. 
 MarkTwain s Sketches. 
 Tom Sawyer. 
 A Tramp Abroad. 
 Stolen white Elephant. 
 
 By C. C. FRASER-TYTLER. 
 Mistress Judith. 
 
 By SARAH TYTLER, 
 
 Life on the Mississippi. 
 The Prince and tne 
 
 Pauper. 
 A Yankee at the Court 
 
 of King Arthur. 
 The £1,000,000 Bank- 
 
 Note. 
 
 The Huguenot Family. 
 The Blackball Ghosts. 
 What SheCameThrough 
 Beauty and the Beast, 
 Citoyenne Jaqneline. 
 
 The Bride sP£ 
 Buried Diamonds. 
 St. Mungo's City, 
 Lady Bell. 
 Noblesse Oblige. 
 Disappeared. 
 
 By ALLEN UPWARD. 
 The Queen against Owen. | Prince of Balkistan. 
 ' God Save the Queen 1 ' 
 By AARON WATSON and LILLIAS 
 
 WASSERMANN. 
 The Marquis of Carabas. 
 
 By WILLIAM WESTALL. 
 Trust-Money. 
 
 By Mrs. F. H. WILLIAMSON. 
 A Child Widow. 
 
 By J. S. WINTER. 
 Cavalry Life. | Regimental Legends.^ 
 
 By H. F. WOOD. 
 The Passenger from Scotland Yard. 
 The Englishman of the Rue Cain. 
 By Lady WOOD. 
 Sablna. 
 By CELIA PARKER WOOLLEY:- 
 
 Bacnel Armstrong ; or, Love and Theology. 
 
 By EDMUND YATES. 
 
 The Forlorn Hope. I Castaway. 
 
 Land at Last. 
 
 Ohetto Tragedies. 
 
 By I. ZANGWILL. 
 
 dies. 
 
 OQDtMi 8MALI AMP CQ. UMITtD, rRIHXBR9i ORKAT SAFFRON HlkL, K.C. 
 
 0^ 
 
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