THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT OF JAMES J. MC BRIEE /l^h i rfldJNV'MJr ^UBRARYQ*. i-UBRARY^ CALIF0% r ^.OF O P* - Yf*-^/ > VI J S -S* * miniiiw lilFT! lilli^ 3n#^ y ft#H8n-3 ^%. C jjf*** 1 -*. ? 1 % S (fi Q 3 YWBL Ti \ f i 5* \ ^L * g? 35 /^C5p IDNVSOl^ ^ ^dOV/ 1 T""* , ^L^^ Sg ||i 5 ^ILIBRARY^ $E4JBRAR\ I 4 > ' o-a MEMOIRS OF GEORGE BUCHANAN. MEMOIRS LIFE AND WRITINGS GEORGE BUCHANAN. DAVID IRVING, A. M. EDINBURGH : FRINTID FOR BELL AHD 8RADFUTE, AND A. LAWKIE ; AND LONGMAN, HURST, REES, AND ORMI, LONDON. 1807. AU*. Zr<>-wrii & C: Printers, Edinburgh. DA 727 PREFACE. i he intellectual endowments of George Buchanan reflect the highest splendour on the land of his nativity ; and every scholar who derives his origin from the same coun- try, is bound to cherish and revere his me- mory. Nor is his reputation confined to his native soil, and to the sister kingdoms ; he has received the homage of every learn- ed nation of Europe. The most fastidious of his cotemporaries recognized him as the prince of poets : and by a rare felicity of genius which yet remains without a parallel, he attained to the same preeminence as a writer of prose. His profound and masterly treatise I)c Jure Regrri apud Scotos y excited the universal odium of those who imagined it absolutely unwarrantable to resist the wildest encroachments of arbitrary power ; a 3 . 712480 VI but it has taught modern philosophers to discuss the principles of political science with new freedom and energy. These are not the hardy assertions of a recluse who amuses himself with ad- vancing singular opinions ; they are abund- antly confirmed by the authority of many distinguished writers of various nations, and of every age from Buchanan's to that in which we live. The high estimation in which he was held by the greatest of mo- dern scholars, will in some measure appear from the subsequent memoirs : but it may not here be superfluous to exhibit the pre- vious testimonies of several British authors of distinction, who flourished during the two centuries which have intervened since his death. Archbishop Spotswood denominates him " a man so well deserving of his country as none more." a Nor can that worthy and able primate be suspected of any undue partiality in his favour. Bishop Burnet has remarked that " in his writings there appears, not only all the beauty and graces of the Latine tongue, Spotswood's Hist, of the Church of Scotland, p. 325. Vll but a vigor of mind and quickness of thought, far beyond Bembo, or the other Italians, who at that time affected to revive the purity of the Roman stile. It was but a feeble imitation of Tully in them ; but his stile is so natural and nervous, and his reflections on things are so solid, (besides his immortal poems, in which he shews how well he could imitate all the Roman poets, in their several ways of writing, that he who compares them, will be ofren tempt- ed to prefer the copy to the original,) that he is justly reckoned the greatest and best of our modem authors." Cowley, speaking of the writers who have executed poetical versions of the psalms, de- nominates Buchanan " much the best of them all, and indeed a great person.'" Dryden, notwithstanding his political prejudices, has likewise mentioned him in terms of high commendation. " Buchan- an indeed for the purity of his Latin, and for his learning, and for all other endow- ments belonging to an historian, might be plac'd amongst the greatest, if he had not '' Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. i,^p. 3H. c Cowley':* pref. to b'.^ Pinchriqua Odes. Vlll too much lean'd to prejudice, and too ma- nifestly declar'd himself a party of a cause, rather than an historian of it. Excepting only that, (which I desire not to urge too far on so great a man, but only to give caution to his readers concerning it,) our isle may justly boast in him, a writer com- parable to any of the moderns, and excell'd by few of the ancients." d Sir William Temple, another very po- pular writer, was also among the number of his admirers. " Thus began the restor- ation of learning in these parts, with that of the Greek tongue ; and soon after, Reuchlyn e and Erasmus began that of the purer and ancient Latin. After them Bu- chanan carried it, I think, to the greatest heighth of any of the moderns before or since.."' Lord Monboddo, whose opinion on this d Dryden's Life of Plutarch, p. 56. * Reuchlin has found an industrious biographer in his coun- tryman J. H. Maius ; whose publication bears the title of " Vita Jo. Reuchlini Phoicensis, primi in Germania Hebrai- carum Grsecarumque, et aliarurn bonarum Literarum Instaura- toris." Durlaci, 1687, 8vo. ' Temple's Essay upon the Ancient and Modern Learning, n. 161. ix subject at least is not singular, prefers his history to that of Livy. " I will begin with my countryman Buchanan, who has written the history of his own country in Latin, and in such Latin, that I am not afraid to compare his stile with that of any Roman historian. He lived in an age when the Latin language was very much cultivated ; and among the learned it was not only the only language in which they wrote, but a living language ; for they spoke no other when they conversed toge- ther, at least upon learned subjects. ... In such an age, and with all the advantages of a learned education, did George Buchanan write the history of Scotland from the ear- liest times down to his own time : and I hesitate not to pronounce that the stile of his narrative is better than that of Livy ; for it is as pure and elegant, is better com- posed in periods not intricate and involved like .those of Livy, and without that affect- ed brevity which make's Livy's stile so ob- scure. Even in speeches, in which Livy is supposed to excel so much, I think his com- position is better ; and he has none of those short pointed sentences, the vibrantes sentcn- twice, which Livy learned in the school of declamation." 15 Dr. Stuart, though one of the most stre- nuous defenders of Queen Mary, could not dissemble the literary excellence of Buchan- an. " He passed with propriety from the school to the cabinet, and felt himself alike a scholar and a courtier. In poetry he was deemed unrivalled by his contemporaries. He is more nervous, more various, more elegant than the Italian poets. He has imitated those of Rome with greater grace and purity. His psalms, in which he has employed so many kinds of verse, display admirably the extent and universality of his mind, the quickness and abundance of his fancy, and the power and acuteness of his judgment. In history he has contend- ed with Livy and Sallust. The chequered scenes of his life had given him a wide ex- perience of the world, and he was naturally of a thoughtful disposition. He treats ac- cordingly the transactions of men with great prudence and discernment. . . . His learning is admirable ; his penetration bet- * Monboddo's Origin and Progress of Language, vol. v, p. 22<). ter than his learning. The vigour of his mind, the interest of his manner, the dig- nity of his narrative, the deepness of his remark, the purity of his diction, are all conspicuous." 11 ( Sir James Mackintosh is not the least elo- quent of his distinguished admirers. " The science which teaches the rights of man, the eloquence that kindles the spirit of free- dom, had for ages been buried with the other monuments of the wisdom and relics of the genius of antiquity. But the revival of letters first unlocked only to a few, the sacred fountain. The necessary labours of criticism and lexicography occupied the earlier scholars, and some time elapsed before the spirit of antiquity was trans- fused into its admirers. The first man of that period who united elegant learn- ing to original and masculine thought was Buchanan, and he too seems to have been the first scholar who caught from the ancients the noble flame of republic- an enthusiasm. This praise is merited by his neglected, though incomparable tract, Be Jure Regni, in which the prin- h Stuart's Hist, of Scotland, vol. is, p. 244. Xll ciples of popular politics, and the max- ims of a free government, are delivered with a precision, and enforced with an energy, which no former age had equalled, and no succeeding has surpassed." The fate of a man entitled to such splend- id encomiums must certainly excite con- siderable interest. But even from greater characters than these, he has obtained more enthusiastic commendation : Grotius de- scribes him as Scotia illud numeric that Scot- ish divinity. The history of Buchanan is the history of an individual unrivalled in modern times. To have selected so important and so difficult a subject, may seem to require an apology : but if important subjects were only to be investigated by men endowed with every qualification, the number of li- terary productions would be prodigiously diminished. These memoirs claim no other merit than that of good intentions ; and they may possibly suggest a fortunate un- dertaking to some more competent enquir- er. A few years previous to Buchanan's death, Mackintosh's Defence of the French Revolution, p. 309. Xlll some of his numerous friends felt a laudable solicitude to secure authentic memorials of so illustrious a character. With this view, Sir Thomas Randolph addressed a letter to Young, which is not unworthy of our pre- sent attention. " After my verie hartie commendacions. Beinge lately mouid with the remembrance of my maister Mr. G.Buchanan by the sight of a booke of his, De Jure Regni apud Scotos y and callinge to mynde the notable actes of his lyfe, his studie, his trauayle, his danger, his wisdome, his learninge, and, to be short, as muche as could be wished in a man ; I thought the kinge your maister more hap- pie that had Buchanan to his maister, then Alexander the Great that had Aristotell his instructor. I thought you very lukye that had his daily company, ioynid in office of lyke seruice, and thanckid God not a litle for my self, that euer I was acquaintid with him. For one that hath so great acquaint- ance as he hath with many learnid, and compaignons of his lyfe, and that hath so wel deseruid of the worlde, I maruaille that no man hath written of it ; beinge a thinge so common vnto all famous per- XIV sonnes, and most peculiar to the best learn- id. Heerin I might chiefiie blame you, my good freind Maister Yonge, so neere vnto him, so deere vnto him, that nothinge can be hid of that which you desyre to knowe. If you say that tyme yeat seruithe, and that he yeat liuethe whose life I wishe to be sett foorthe, surelie yeat I say vnto you that yf it be donne after his deathe, many thinges may be omittid that were worthie of fa- mous memo! ie, by him to be better knowen then after his deathe. The cause of the wrytinge against the grey friars is knowen to many: but afterwardes howe chey preuail- id against him, that he was fayne to leaue his contrey, howe he escapid with great hazard of lyfe at Godes hand, the thieues on the borders, the plague in the north of Kngland, what reliefe he found heere at a famous knightes handes, Sir John Rains- forde, the onlie man that maintaynid him against the furie of the Papistes ; none doth knowe so well as him self, or can giue bet- ter notes of his life then him self can. As he liuith vertuouslie, so I doubt not but he will dye Christianly, and [this] may be add id when the former is perfectlie knowen. XV This is desirid by many, specially lookid for at your handcs, that can best doe, and are fittest to trauayle in so worthie a worke. As I craue this at your handes, so shall you command what is my power. And thus wishinge vnto yow, my good freind, harte- Jy well, I take my leaue. London, the 15th of Marche 1579." k It is certainly to be regretted that Sir Peter Young declined the task which was thus sug- gested with such commendable zeal; foritwas evidently in his power to exhibit a copious and authentic account of his admirable col- league. About the crisis to which our at- tention is now directed, Buchanan, at the request of his friends, composed a brief memoir of the principal events of his long and variegated life. This biographical tract displays his wonted modesty and elegance : but it descends no later than the period of his final return to Scotland ; and the whole of it only occupies seven small pages. Nor is the author sufficiently careful to mark the chronological succession of the events which he there records. This rapid sketch, so far as it extends, is however our safest * Buchanani Epistolse, p. 19. XVI guide. An edition of it was long after- wards published by Sir Robert Sibbald ; who added several biographical notices, and augmented the number of the testimonies collected by oir Thomas Pope Blount. The name of Buchanan, it may be almost superfluous to remark, occurs in every col- lection of general biography. The article inserted in the very curious work of Bayle, is extremely defective: this acute and sin- gular man seems to have been but little acquainted with the productions of Bu- chanan, and still less with the genuine cha- racter of their author. But to the learned and indefatigable Le Clerc our obligations are not inconsiderable. This writer, who, in the year 1706, inserted in one of his pe- riodical publications a dissertation De George Buchanan et de ses Ouvrages, had evidently perused his works with attention, and had formed no injudicious estimate of his per- 1 and literary merits. Still however no other separate memoir had been undertaken, or at least had made its appearance. During the earlier part of last century, George Crawfurd addressed to the 1 Le Clcrc, BibJiotherjue Choisic, torn, viii, p. 106. xvu gentlemen of the name of Buchanan, pro- posals for writing and publishing the life of this illustrious scholar ; but his project seems not to have been received with ade- quate encouragement. He proceeded how- ever to the completion of his work : and in the year 1751, after the author's decease, proposals for printing it were issued at Glasgow, but with no better success. 111 A biographical account of Buchanan was also composed by Mr. Wodrow ; n and, like Crawfurd's production, it still remains un- published. These manuscript works I have never seen. At a more recent period, the task of writing his life was successively re- commended, by the earl of Buchan, to Dr. Stuart and to Dr. Dunbar : and either of those able men could have invested the sub- ject with charms, which the reader will in vain expect to discover in the Subsequent pages. If however we consider the com- plexion of Dr. Stuart's history of Scotland, his declining this undertaking can certain- ly excite very little regret: but the elo- quence and superior candour of Dr. Dun- m Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman, p. 309- * Love's Vindication of Buchanan, p. 40: XVlll bar would have enabled him to display the variegated excellence of Buchanan with powerful effect. Although no regular account of his life was composed by Mr. Ruddiman, yet from the labours of that learned and worthy man I have derived very important aid. His edition of the works of Buchanan is entit- led to high commendation. The plan of such a collection was originally formed by George Mosman ; and the impression was actually proceeding in the year 1702. p Af- ter a few sheets had been completed, the property was transferred to Robert Free- bairn, printer to the king, and Ruddiman was by him engaged in the undertaking j q but the edition did not make its appearance till the year 1715. It reflects equal credit on the printer and on the editor. Ruddiman's masterly acquaintance with philology, and with the history of his native country, had eminently qualified him for his laborious task. The accuracy of the text, and the utility of his illustrations, are equally con- o Edinb. 1715, 2 torn. fol. p Sibbaldi Comment, in Vitam Buchanani, pra:f. . 87. 8vo. a2 and passing a night directly under the original beam. 5 Buchanan's father died of the stone at a pre- mature age ; and, about the same period, his grandfather found himself in a state of insolven- cy. The family, which had never been opulent, was thus reduced to extreme poverty : but his mother struggled hard with the misery of her condition; and all her children, five sons and three daughters, arrived at the age of maturity. The third son, whose extraordinary attainments have rendered the family illustrious, is reported by oral tradition, which must not however be too rashly credited, to have been indebted for the rudiments of learning to the public school of Killearn ; which long continued to maintain a very considerable degree of celebrity. Mid- Leowen, which stands on the banks of the Blane, d is situated at the distance of about two miles from the village ; and it may be conjectured that the future poet and statesman daily walked b Nimmo's Hit. of Stirlingshire, p. 368. Edinb. 1777, 8vo. c In the year 1531, a lease of two farms near Cardross was granted hy Robert Erkine, commendator of Dryburgh and Inchmahome, to Agnes Heiiot and three of her sons, Patrick, Alexander, and George, (Anderson's Life of Smollett, p. 12, 5th edit. Edinb. 1806, 8vo.) d Triumphant even the yellow Blane, Tho' by a fen defac'd, Boasts that Buchanan's early strain Consol'd her troubl'd breast ; That often, muse-struck, in her lonliest nook The orphan boy por'd on some metred book. Richardson. to school, and bore along with him his meridian repast. A considerable number of trees, which he is said to have planted in his school-boy days, are still to be seen in the immediate vicinity of his native cottage : a mountain ash, conspicuous for its age and magnitude, was lately torn from its roots by the violence of a storm ; but tw r o fresh scions which arose from its ruins, have been nourished and protected with anxious care. Nor is the name of his mother without its rural me- morial ; a place which had been adapted to the purpose of shielding her flock, is still denominat- ed Heriot's Shiels. 6 Buchanan, if we may credit a writer whose authority is extremely slender, was afterwards removed to the school of Dunbarton/ His un- folding genius recommended him to the favour and protection of his maternal uncle James He- riot ; who, apparently in the year 1520, sent him to prosecute his studies in the university of Paris. It was here that he began to cultivate his poet- ical talents ; partly impelled, as he informs us, by the natural temperament of his mind, partly by the necessity of performing the usual exercises prescribed to younger students. Buchanan did not profess to be one of those bright geniuses who can acquire a new language every six weeks : e Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xvi, p. 105. I Mackenzie's Lives of Scots Writers, vol. iii, p. 156. A3 he incidentally suggests that his knowledge of Latin was the result of much juvenile labour/ The Greek tongue, in which he likewise attain- ed to proficiency, he acquired without the aid of a preceptor. 1 " Within the space of two years af- ter his arrival at Paris, his uncle died, and left him exposed to want in a foreign country. His misery was increased by a violent distemper, which had perhaps been occasioned by poverty and mortification. And in this state of hopeless languor, he returned to Scotland at the critical age of sixteen. Having devoted the best part of a year to the care of his health, he next assumed the character of a soldier, and served along with the auxiliaries whom the duke of Albany had conducted from France. The Scotish forces, commanded by the regent in person, marched towards the borders of England ; and, about the end of October 1,523 laid siege to the castle of Werk. The auxiliaries carried the exterior wall by assault, but could S Buchanani Re mm Scotic. Hist. p. 4. h Buchanani Eptstol.-e, p. 2J. Fruterias seems to extol his eloquence in the Greek as well as in the Latin language ; but if he composed Greet verses, he certainly did not publish them. Me, Buchanani felix cognomine, vates, Se eriperet nostris perpetuum ex oculis ? llle, cui geminx dives facundia lingux Ponit honoratis xmula serta comis; Ouemque adeo Musx (sic sint mea gloria Musx) Et docuere saexos et didicere modoi. Frutsrii Reliquix, p. I'll. hot long occupy the station which they had won. The large area between the two ramparts, in- tended as a receptacle, during the time of war, for the cattle and stores of the neighbouring pea- santry, was at this crisis replenished with ma- terials of a combustible nature. When the gar- rison found themselves repulsed by the French soldiers, they set fire to the straw, and speedily expelled their enemies by the flames and smoke. During the two following days, the assailants persisted in battering the inner wall: when they had effected a sufficient breach, the French auxi- liaries again rushed to the attack, and surmount- ed the ruins ; but were so fiercely assaulted by missile weapons from the inner toWer, which was yet entire, that after having sustained some loss, they were compelled to retreat, and repassed the Tweed. The duke finding his native troops disaffected, and the army on the English fron- tiers too formidable from its numbers, removed his camp on the eleventh of November ; and as he marched towards Lauder after midnight, his army was terribly annoyed by a sudden storm of snow. 1 Buchanan, who belonged to a fierce and war- like nation, seems to have caught some portion of the military ardour. It was his youthful cu- riosity respecting the profession of arms which 1 Buchanani Reram Scctic. Hist- p. 65, 8 had prompted him thus to mingle in danger ; and he was persuaded that between the studies of literature and of war a very close affinity ob- tains." In his history of Scotland, written at an advanced age, he often describes feats of chival- ry with great animation. But his experience in the course of this inglorious campaign, did not render him more enamoured of a military life : the hardships which he had undergone, reduced him to his former state of languor ; and during the rest of the winter he was confined to bed. In the beginning of the ensuing spring, when he had completed the eighteenth year of his age, he was sent to the university of St. Andrews. Patrick Buchanan, his eldest brother, was matri- culated at the same time. 1 On the third of Oc- k " Cum in patria valetudini curandx prope annum dedisset, cum auxi- liis Gallorum qui turn in Scotiam appulerant, studio rei mi. it arts cognosctnda in cast. est profectus." ( Bucbanani Vita, ab ipso scripta, p 2.) In his dedication of Jepbtbes, he expresses himself thus : " Neque enim inter rei militans et hterarum stadium ea est, quam plerique falso putant, discor- dia ; sed summa potius Concordia, et occulta quxdam naturas conspiration ' 1 hibbaldi Comment, in Vitam Buchanani, p. 65. The following verses of Buchanan are devoted to his brother's memory, and are equally ho- nourable to both. Si mihi privato fas indulgere dolori, Ereptum, frater, te mihi jure fleam ; Nostra bonis raros cui protulit artibus aetas, Et nivea morum simplicitate p-res. At si gratandvm laetis est rebus amici, Gratulor immensis quod potiare bonis : Omnia quippe pias vitae et sinceriter acta Prsmia securus non peritura ter.es. Buchanan. Epigram, lib. ii, 23. 9 tober 1525, George Buchanan received the de- gree of bachelor of arts ; and it appears from the faculty register, that he was then a pauper, or ex- hibitioner. 111 At this period the famous John Mair taught logic in St. Salvator's College. Buchanan informs us that it was to attend his prelections that he had been sent to St. Andrews, and that he afterwards followed Mair to France. 1 ' Dr. Irving has very confidently averred, that he was now a dependant on the bounty of this ve- nerable commentator on Peter of Lombardy ; and the same assertion has been industriously re- peated by Dr. Mackenzie, and other writers of a similar denomination. If it could be established ,n Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman, p. 312. n " Hunc in Galliam aestate proxima sequutus, in flammam Lutheranz sectx, jam late se spargentem, incidit : ac biennium fere cum iniquitate fortunz colluctatus, tandem in Collegium Barbaranum accitus, prope triennium classi grammaticam discentium praefuit." ( Buchauanl Vita, p. H.) The context might lead us to suppose that Buchanan followed Mair to France in the summer of 1524 : but the meaning of the passage un- doubtedly is, that he returned to France the summer after Mair. From a subsequent note, it will appear that his appointment to a regency in the College of St. Barbe took place in 1529. His return to that coun- try must therefore be referred to the year 1527. Dr. Mackenzie's account of the connection between Mair and Bu- chanan is extremely curious. " Being informed that he was a youth of excellent parts, and reduced to great necessities, he sent for him in the beginning of the year 1524, and took him into his service, he being then in the 18th year of his age. The next summer his master going over to Paris, he took Buchanan alongst with him, and kept him in his service there for two years, but not thinking his service a suitable encouragement for so great a genius, he procured for him a regency in the College of St. Barbe, in the year 1526. For all which good offices done to him by his learned and worthy master, he returned his thanks in the following scan- 10 by any adequate degree of evidence, the charac- ter of Buchanan must consequently be subjected to severe reprehension ; for he mentions his sup- posed benefactor in terms which convey no sug- gestion of gratitude. Of this generous patron- age however there is not even the faintest sha- dow of evidence ; and the tale manifestly origi- nated from Dr. Irving's misinterpretation of a very unequivocal passage in Buchanan's account of his own life. dalous epigram. ...And this was the first time he showed his ingratitude to his benefactors, which, as we shall show, was the great and unpardonable blemish of his whole life." (Lives of Scots Writers, vol iii, p. 157.) This account is to be regarded as little better than pure fiction ; but the praise of invention is not solely due to Mackenzie. " He who had eat his bread," says Dr. Irving, " and liv'd under his discipline, both in St. An- drews, and in the Sorbon, the space of five years, might have afforded him an handsomer character than, Wo cognamine Major : but 'tis a frequent stratagem of supine and treacherous souls to give a large return of malice and reproach to their benefactors, in lieu of thankful acknowledgments." (Historic Scatica Nomenclature, p. 163. Edinb. 1682, 8vo.) Irving and Mackenzie have deduced all these preposterous inferences from the sub- sequent passage in Buchanan's account of his own life. " Primo vere ad Fanum Andrex missus est, ad Joannem Majorem audiendum, qui turn ibi dialecticen, aut verius sophisticen, in extrema senectute docebat. Hunc in Galliam iestate proxima sequutus, in flammam Lutherans sects, jam late se spargentem, incidit." Buchanan's obnoxious epigram is entitled " In Joannem solo cognomento Majorem, ut ipse in fronte libri sui scrip- sit." ^Lib. i, 51.) Cum scateat nugis solo cognomine Major, Nee sit in immenso pagina sana libro, Non mirum titulis quod se veracibus ornat : Nee semper mendax fingere Creta solet. Hector Boyce regarded the writings of Mair in a more favourable light : " Joannes Major theologus eruditissimus, etijus scripta haud aliter quam illuminatissimai faces magnum Christians religioni attulere fulgoreru." ( Ahtrdanemium Episcoptritm Vita, f. xxvii, b. Paris. 1522, 4tO.) II Upon his return to France, he became a student in the Scotish College of Paris. On the tenth of October 1527, he was incorporated a bachelor of arts, and he received the higher degree next March." During the following year, 1.529, he was a candidate for the office of procurator of the German nation ; but his blind compatriot Ro- bert Wauchope, afterwards archbishop of Ar- magh, was elected for the ninth time. Buchan- an was thus repulsed on the fifth of May, but on the third of June he was more successful." 1 The university of Paris being frequented by students from various countries, they were distributed in- to four classes or nations. What was termed the German nation, comprehended the Scotish academics. P Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman, p. 313. ** " Georglus Buchananus Scotus," says Bulseus, " nationis Germanics: procurator electus anno 1533." (Hist Universitatis Parisiensis, torn v, p. 935.) This date is most probably erroneous ; for Buchanan was then tu- tor to the earl of Cassilis. Mr. Chalmers, quotes the authority of the re- gister of the Scotish College, which the late Principal Gordon had in- spected at his request. A man who had only to ascertain the chronolo- gy of a single academic, was less obnoxious to negligence or inadvertency, than he who had to ascertain that of five hundred. Bulseus has exhibit- ed many dates which are manifestly inaccurate ; but his work consists of six volumes in folio. Mr Innes, who was a member of the university of Paris, varies from both these writers. Buchanan, he remarks, c< came back to Paris a. d. 1527, and upon proof of his being made batchelor of arts in the university of St. Andrews, he was, according to the privilege cur Scotish universities enjoyed in those times in Paris, admitted to the same degree in that university, and commenced master of arts in April 1528, and in June 1530, he was elected one of the four procurators." f Critical Essay on tie Ancient Inhabitant! of Scotland) voL i, p. 314.) 12 Before this period, the tenets of Luther had begun to be widely disseminated, and to second the prepossessions of young and ingenuous minds. Buchanan, on his return to Paris, was caught by the spreading flame. His Lutheranism seems to have exposed him to new mortifications ; for af- ter he had discovered his attachment, he conti- nued for the space of nearly two years to struggle with the iniquity of fortune. At the expiration of that term, he was appointed a regent or pro- fessor in the College of St. Barbe, where he taught grammar for about three years. His eminent qualifications for such an employment will not be questioned ; but his services seem to have procured him a very inadequate remunera- tion. In an elegy apparently composed during this period of his life, he exhibits a dismal pic- ture of the miseries to which the Parisian pro- fessors of humanity were then exposed. It opens with the subsequent lines. Ite leves nugae, sterilesque valete Camcenae, Grataque Phoebseo Castalis unda choro : Ite, sat est : primos vobiscum absumpsimus annos, Optima pars vitas deperiitque meae. Quaerite quem capiat jejuna cantus in umbra : Quaerite qui pota carmina cantet aqua. Dulcibus illecebris tenerum vos fallitis cevum, Dum sequitur blandae carmen inerme ]yr. Debita militias molli languescit in umbra, Et fluit ignavis fracta juventa sonis. 13 Ante diem curvos senium grave contrahit artuv, Imminet ante suum mors properata diem : Ora notat pallor, macies in corpore toto est, Et tetrico in vultu mortis imago sedet. Otia dura captas, prceceps in mille labores Irruis, et curis angeris u?que novis. Nocte leves somnos resolutus compede fossor Carpit, et in mediis nauta quiescit aquis: Nocte leves somnos carpit defessus arator, Nocte quies ventis, Ionioque mari : Nocte tibi nigree fuligo bibenda lucernse, Si modo Calliopes castra sequenda putes : Et tanquam Libyco serves curvata metallo Robora, et Herculea poma ferenda manu, Pervigil in lucem lecta atque relecta revolves, Et putri excuties scripta sepulta situ. Ssepe caput scalpes, et vivos roseris ungues, Irata feries pulpita saepe manu. Hinc subitte mortes, et spes praerepta senectte, Nee tibi fert Clio, nee tibi ^hoebus opem. The poverty which then attended the profes- sors of polite literature/ he has delineated more forcibly towards the close. r " Quis porro non indignetur," says Budseus, " earn disciplinam et professionem qua; omneis alias complectitur, atque intra suum orbem coercet, quae suis finibus singulas quasi architectonico jure circumscribit, a schola Parisiensi (quae ut metropolis sit ipsa omnium scholarum, et censeatur : omnium (ut opinor) ipsarum bona venia et assensione licet) inscitia temporum, et pauperie in re literaria facta, e numero discipli- narum exauctoratam esse ? e praesidiisque ejectam Palladis, atque ejus xere dirutam ?" (De Pbilologia, f. xxii. Excudebat Jodocus Badius Ascen- sius, 1532, 4to.) Budseus and Cardinal du Bellay induced Francis the first to allot an annual stipend to public professors of the learned lan- guages ; and Castellanus afterwards exerted his influence with the same 14 Denique quicquid agis, comes assidet improba egestas, Sive poem a canis, sive poema doces. Bella gerunt urbes septem de patria Horoeri : Nulla domus vivo, patria nulla fuit. ^ger, inops patrios deplorat Tityrus agroj, Statius instantem vix fugat arte famem. Exul Hyperboreum Naso projectus ad axem, Exilium Musis irnputat ille suum. Ipse Deus vatum vaccas pavisse Pher3E2S Creditur, ^Emonios et numerasse greges. Calliope longum crelebs cur vixit in aevum ? Nempe nihil doti quod numeraret erat. Interea celeri cursu delabitur setas, Et queritur duram tarda sentcta famem : Et dolet ignavis studiis lusisse juventam, Jactaque in infidam semina mceret humum > Nullaque maturis congests viatica canis, Nee faciles portus jam yeperire ratem. Ite i,:itur Musae steriles, aliumque ministrum Quarite : nos alio sors animusque vocat.' This elegy, which is the first in the order ot arrangement, was perhaps the first in the order of composition. It was apparently in the year 1.529 -hat he began to teach in the College of St. Barbe : he must therefore have commenced his professorial functions about the age of twen- ty-three. Muretus began to teach in the arch- iepiscopal College of Auch at the earlier age munificent prince to confirm so useful an establishment. (Regii Pita Guilielmi Budai, p. 44. Paris. 1540, 4to. Gallandii Vita Petri Catttllani, p. 49. Paris. 1674, 8vo.) s Bucbanani Elegia i. Q/um miiera tit ctnditio doccntium liUrat bumaniore: Lutcti*. 15 oi eighteen $ and at the same age Philelphus read lectures on eloquence to a numerous audi- tory in the university of Padua." If the elegy was actually composed about this period, the new employment to which the author alludes was evidently that of superintending the studies of a young Scotish nobleman. Gilbert Kennedy, earl of Cassilis, who was residing near the College of St. Barbe, having become acquaint- ed with Buchanan, admired his literary talents, and was delighted with his conversation. He was therefore solicitous to retain so accomplish- ed a preceptor ; and their closer connection pro- bably commenced in the year 1532. The first work that Buchanan committed to the press, was a translation of the famous Thomas Lina- cre's rudiments of Latin grammar ; which he inscribed to Lord Cassilis, " a youth of the most promising talents, and of an excellent disposi- tion/* This Latin version was printed by R. Stephanus in 1533. After he had resided with his pupil for the term of five years, they both returned to Scot- land.* At this period, the earl had probably at- * Jos. Scaligeri Confutatio Fabulse Burdonum, p. 451. * Shepherd's Life of Poggio Bracciolini, p. 254. Liverpool, 1802, 4to. * The chronology is still unsettled. Mr. Ruddiman supposes him t hare begun teaching in the College of St. Barbe in the year 1526: but for the office of a professor he was not qualified till 1528, when he was created master of arts ; and even under the date of June the third 1529, his name, according to Mr. Chalmers, occurs in the register of the Scot* 16 tained to the age of majority ; and Buchanan might only embrace a favourable opportunity of revisiting his relations and friends. Their con- nection however did not immediately dissolve. While he was residing at the earl's seat in the country, he composed a little poem which ren- dered him extremely obnoxious to the ecclesias- tics, an order of men whom it is generally hazard- ous to provoke. In this poem, which bears the title of Somnium, and is a happy imitation of Dunbar/ he expresses his own abhorrence of a monastic life, and stigmatizes the impudence and hypocrisy of the Franciscan friars. The holy ish College. Buchanan relates that in the former seminary he taught about three years, and at the expiration of that term., was engaged by Lord Camilla. In the dedication of his version of Linacre, published in 1533, he remarks that he had been employed in superinteiidu ?g that nobleman's studies during the preceding year. From a comparison of these dates, it is obvious that he was admitted as a regent or professor in 1529, and resigned his office in 1532. The biographical narrative proceeds thus: ' lnterea cum Gilbertus Cassilissx comes, adolescens nobilis. ii< ea vicinia diversaretur, atque ingenio et consuetudine ejus oblectaretur, eum quinquennium secum retinuit, atque in Scotiam una reduxit. Inde cum in Gahiam ad pristina studia redire cogitaret, a rege est retentus." Lord Cassilis retained him as his domestic tutor from 1 532 till 1 537, and hav- ing then completed the course of his studies, carried him to Scotland. Buchanan does not aver that their former relation still subsisted. To- wards the close of the year 1536, King James found the earl of Cassilis residing in France. (Leslaeus Be Rebut Gestu Scotorum, p. 421.) He returned to Scotland in the ensuing May, and was most probably ac- companied by that young nobleman and his preceptor. This supposition will readily account for Buchanan's subsequent connection with the court. ' Compare Buchanan's Somnium (Frat. Frater. xxxiv.) with the poem entitled " How Dunbar wes desyred to be ane Frier ;" which occurs in Lord Hailes's Ancient Scott'ub Fumt, p. 25. Edinb. 1770, 12mo. 17 fathers, when they became acquainted with this specimen of his sarcastic wit, speedily forgot their professions of meekness, and resolved to con- vince him of his heterodox presumption in dis- paraging the sacred institutions of the church. It has repeatedly been alleged that Buchanan had himself belonged to a religious order which he has so frequently exposed with the most ad- mirable powers of ridicule ; z but this seems to have been a tale fabricated by the impotent ma- lice of his theological enemies. That he had ac- tually assumed the cowl, has never been affirmed by any early writer sufficiently acquainted with his history : it is not however improbable that during the convenient season of his youthful mis- fortunes, the friars were anxious to allure so pro- mising a novice ; and this suggestion is even coun- tenanced by a passage in one of his poetical pro- ductions.* It was a circumstance extremely for- z " Georgius Bucbananus Minorita eiccucullatut, Bacchieut bistrio, et atbeuf foeta, inquit Gilbertus Genebrardus Chronologia ad annum m.d.lxxii. De religione enim Catholica pessime est meritus, et ideo contumeliosas voces facile viro religioso dono, cui majoris fuit momenti pietas quam eruditio." (Dempsteri Hist. Euletiast. Gentis Scotorum, p. 108. Bononise, 1627, 4to.) V\r rcligiosus must be translated, a man who wore a cer- tain habit ; for such impudent defamation exhibits a curious proof of hw religion. The same passage is quoted with seeming approbation by Spondanus, Annalium Baronii Continuation torn, ii, p. 456. a Ergo cave ne te falso sub nomine mendax Simplicitas fors transversum seducat, et illuc Unde referre pedem nequeas, trahat ; et puerum oliro Me quoque pene suis gens hxc in retia mendax Traxerat illecebris, nisi opem mihi forte tulisset Ccelitus oblata Eubuli apientia cani. BvcHANANi Franciicajius, p. 2, 18 tunate that he never surrendered his understand- ing to the tyrannical control of any ecclesias- tical corporation, but left his bold and vigorous faculties to speculate with the freedom of a phi- losopher, and with the sincerity of a Christian. The earl of Cassilis seems to have reflected no discredit on his preceptor. When he afterwards mingled in the political transactions of those turbulent times, he distinguished himself by his sagacity, his firmness, and his integrity : but his country did not long reap the benefit of his ser- vices ; and Buchanan lived to record his virtues and his premature death. b The father had been assassinated in Scotland, 6 and the son was poison- ed in France. In the year 1558 he was associat- ed in a splendid embassy to the French court ; but after they had concluded their mission, the earl of Cassilis and three of his colleagues, together with several of their retinue, were suddenly ar- rested by one common destiny. Buchanan had determined to resume his former occupations in France ; but King James, the fifth of that name, retained him in the capacity of pre- ceptor to one of his natural sons. This son was not, as has generally been supposed, the celebrat- ed James Stewart who afterwards obtained the re- gency, but another who bore the same baptismal name. d His mother was Elizabeth Shaw, of the b Buchanan! Hist. p. 268, 283, 306, 310. c Buchaiiani Hitt. p. 268. Epigram, lib. ii, 9. * Man's Censure of Ruddiraan, p. 349. 19 family of Sauchie ; and he died in the year 1548. It was perhaps in the year 1537 that Buchanan entered upon his new charge ; for in the course of that year, the king made an arrangement with respect to his four sons. 6 The abbacies of Mel- rose and Kelso were secured in the name of Bu- chanan's pupil, who was the eldest. What lettered society he now enjoyed in his native country, can only be gleaned from his poems. Notwithstanding the complexion of his religious sentiments, he was admitted to the hos- pitable and elegant table of Gavin Dunbar, arch- bishop of Glasgow ; who probably was not aware that his inviting Buchanan to a banquet would contribute more to the perpetuation of his fame, than all the ecclesiastical and civil honours to which he attained. The poet has recorded his gratification in glowing terms. PrcEsulis accubui postquam conviva Gavini, Dis non invideo nectar et ambrosiam. Splendida coena, epulae lautse ambitione remota, Tetrica Cecropio seria tincta sale : Ccetus erat Musis numero par, nee sibi dispar Doctrina, ingenio, simplicitate, fide. Ipse alios supra facundo prominet ore, Qualis Castalii prseses Apollo chori. Sermo erat aetherei de majestate tonantis, Ut tulerit nostrae conditionis onus : i Ut neque concretam divina potentia labem Hauserit in fragili corpore tecta hominis : e Leslu de Rebus Cestii Scotorum, p. 425. B2 20 Nee licet ia servi dominus desccndeiit aitus, Natur'am exuerint membra caduca suam. Quisquis adest dubitat scholane immigrant in aulam, Am magis in mediam venerit aula scliolam. Juppiter jEthiopum convivia solus habeto, Dum mihi concedas pisesulis ore frui. f In his history, Buchanan commemorates this prelate as a learned and worthy man. He had been preceptor to James the fifth ; obtained the archbishopric in 1522 f and in 1527 was nomin- ated chancellor.* Sir Adam Otterburn, a poet, a lawyer, and a statesman, also occurs in the list of his friends. He appears to have been a man of considerable influence in the Scotish court : he was a mem- ber of the privy council.' 1 and king's advocate ; k and he frequently visited England in a diploma- tic capacity. Buchanan has addressed him in one of his epigrams, and another of them is pro- fessedly transformed from Otterburn's hexamet- ers. 1 Of his poetical works, however, not f Buchanani Epigram, lib. i, 43. 8 Leskeus de Rebu9 Gestis Scotorum, p. 381. h Buchanani Rerum Scotic. Hist p. 270. i Rymer, torn xiii, p. 736, 739, 744. k Rymer, torn xiv, p. 91, 113, 481. The name of Otterburn occur* in almost every Scotish commission dated within a considerable period. His earliest appellation is Adam Otterburn of Auldham ; but he is after- wards styled Sir Adam Otterburn of Reidhall. Some original letters of Otterburn and of Archbishop Dunbar are preserved among the Cottor MSS. A copy of a letter from Dr. Thomas Magnus to the former, oc- curs in Calig. B. vii, 121. I Buchanani Epigram, lib. ii, 15, 16. 21 single fragment is known to exist ; and his name has only glided into the history of Scotish litera- ture, because he was the friend of Buchanan ; who was equally capable of bestowing reputation, and of affixing perpetual ridicule. But he soon experienced the danger of ex- tending his ridicule to the orthodox. The pre- ferment of a profane scoffer at priests must have augmented their spleen ; and the Franciscan friars, still smarting from his Somnium, found means of representing him to the king as a man of depraved morals, and of dubious faith. m But on this occasion their obstreperous zeal recoil- ed upon themselves. By comparing the humi- lity of their professions with the arrogance of their deportment, James had formerly begun to discover their genuine character ; and the part which he supposed them to have acted in a late conspiracy against his own life, had not contributed to diminish his antipathy. Instead of consigning the poet to disgrace or punishment, the king, who was aware that private resentment would improve the edge of his satire, 11 enjoined m " Et cum non satis justas tree sua immodicx causas inveiiirent, ad commune religionis crimen, quod omnibus quibus male propitii trant intentabant, decurrunt, (Buchanani Vita, p. 3.) See also the dedication of his Franciscanut. n " Rex Buchananum, forte turn in aula agentem, ad se advocat, et ignarus ofFensionis quae ei cum Franciscanis esset, jubet adversus eos car- men scribere." (Buchanani Vita,^. 3.) Instead of ignarus, read gnarus or non ignarus. It was King James's knowledge, not his ignorance, of the poet's warfare with the Franciscans, that must have suggested him as al- ready prepared to second his own resentment. Buchanan's biographical sketch was a posthumous publication ; but in the dedication of his Fran- B3 c 22 ' him in the presence of many courtiers to renew his well-directed attack on the same pious fa- thers. Buchanan's late experience had however taught him the importance of caution : he deter- mined at once to gratify the king's resentment against the friars, and to avoid increasing the resentment of the friars against himself. In pur- suance of this fine project, he composed a kind of recantation, which he supposed might delude the Franciscans by its ambiguity of phrase. But he found himself doubly deceived : the in- dignation of the king, who was himself a satiric- al poet, p could not so easily be gratified ; and the friars were now impelled to a higher pitch of resentment. James requested him to compose another satire, which should exhibit their vices in a more glaring light. The subject was copious, tucanuz, which he himself committed to the press, the story is related with that consistency which a very slight correction will impart to the pre- ceding passage. " Is mihi continuo multis audientibus imperavit, ut in Franciscanos aliquid, idque etiam acriter, scriberem : non quod mihi in eo genere facultatem existimaret esse praicipuam, sed quod me, opinor, sti- mulis privati doloris incitatum, acriorem injuria publicas fore vindicem speraret." The poem to which he alludes, is apparently the Palinodia at the end of his Fratrei Fraterrimi, consisting of two parts. It is not however urprizing that the friars declined such a compliment. P Sir David Lindsay's " Answer to the Kingis Flyting" verifies this assertion ; but no genuine productions of the royal author are known to be extant. " Chrirtis Kirk of the Grene," appears with sufficient evi- dence to have been composed by James the first ; and ' The Gaberlun- zieman," as well as " The Jollie Beggar," is imputed to his descendent without any competent authority. These two ballads, which possess un- common merit, may be found in Mr. Pinkerton's Select Scot'ub Ballads, vol. ii, p. S8, 33. 23 and well adapted to the poet's talents and views. He accordingly applied himself to the composi- tion of the poem afterwards published under the title of Franciscanus ; and to satisfy the king's impatience, soon presented him with a specimen. This production, as it now appears in its finished state, may without hazard be pronounced the most skilful and pungent satire which any na- tion or language can exhibit. He has not ser- vilely adhered to the model of any ancient poet, but is himself original and unequalled. To a masterly command of classical phraseology, he unites uncommon felicity of versification ; and his diction often rises with his increasing indig- nation to majesty and splendour. The combina- tions of his wit are variegated and original ; and he evinces himself a most sagacious observer of human life. No class of men was ever more completely exposed to ridicule and infamy ; nor is it astonishing that the Popish clergy after- wards regarded the author with implacable hat- red. The impurities and the absurdities which he rendered so notorious, were not the spontane- ous production of a prolific brain ; their ignor- ance and irreligion presented an ample and in- viting harvest. Of the validity of his poetical ac- cusations, many historical documents still remain. Buchanan has himself related in plain prose, that about this period some of the Scotish eccle- siastics were so deplorably ignorant, as to suppose Martin Luther to be the author of a dangerous book, called the New Testament . q But the church being infallible, he speedily recognized the hazard of accosting its retainers by their proper names. At the commencement of the year 1 539, many individuals suspected of Lutheranism were involved in the horrible scenes of persecution. Towards the close of February, five were committed to the flames, nine made a formal recantation of their supposed errors, and many were driven into exile. Buchanan had been comprehended in the general arrest ; and to the eternal infamy of the nation, his invaluable life might have been sacrificed to the rancour of an unholy priesthood/ After he was committed to custody, Cardinal Beaton endeavoured to ac- celerate his doom by tendering to the king a s JBuehanani Rerum Scotic. Hist. p. 291. Perizonii Hist. Sxculi Sex- tidecimi, p. 233. Lugd. Bat. 1710, 8vo. r Dr. James Laing, a most impudent and malignant writer, has re- corded a silly story of Buchanan's having been convicted of eating the paschal lamb like a Jew. " A Jacobo quintc.est vocatus, et de quses^ tiione proposita examinatus, atque interrogatus, quomodo ausus fuisset quicquam tale centra consuetudinem ecclesias Catholicx tentare. Homo sacrarum literarum imperitissimus, simulque impudentissimus ita regi re- epondit ; Tu domine similiter debes agnum paschx comedere, si vis salutem Consequi : quo audito responso rex statim obstupuit, et admiratus est au- daciam sive potius hominis insaniam." (De Vita et Moribus atque Rebut Gestis Hdtreticorum nostri Temporis, f. 39. Paris. 1581, 8vo.) This tale has been repeated by various other writers ; and among the rest by Da- vid Chalmers. (Camerarius De Scotorum Fortitudim, Doetrina,et Pietate,p. 389. Paris. 1631, 4to.) It is too idiotical to demand a serious refutation. Bale, who supposes Buchanan to have been a fervent preacher of the gospel, had caught tome vague rumour with respect to his suffering mar- l 25 sum of money as the price of his innocent blood. Of this circumstance Buchanan was apprized by some of his friends at court ; and his knowledge of the king's unfortunate propensity to avarice must have augmented all the horrors of his situ- ation. Stimulated by the thoughts of increasing danger, he made a successful effort to regain his liberty ; while his keepers were fast asleep, he escaped through the window of the apartment in which he was confined. 8 Directing his wan- dering steps towards the southern part of the island, he had soon to encounter new disasters. When he reached the frontier of the two king-, doms, he was molested by the freebooters who at that time were its sole inhabitants ; and his life was again exposed to jeopardy from the con- tagion of a pestilential disease, which then raged iyrdom : " A Sodomae tyrannis, mitratis, rasii, et unctii, ob divins veri- tatis assertionem, igne tandem sublatum ferunt." {Scriptoret Britannia, cent, xiv, p. 226. Basil. 1559, fol.) Among the works of Buchanan, he enumerates " Axiomata quaedam, lib. i." 9 " The poet," says Mr. Chalmers, " was imprisoned in the castle of St. Andrews, from which he was delivered by the interposition of Beaton, a nephew of the archbishop of Glasgow." (Life of Ruddiman, p. 315.) In support of these assertions, he refers to the collection of Jebb, vol. ii, p. 486 ; but unfortunately the passage in question relates the captivity, not of Buchanan, but of Queen Mary. " lis ne cesserent jamais qu' silt ne fut mise en prison dans un fort chasteau ; on dit que c'est Saint Andre - en Escosse ; et ayant demeure" miserablement captive pres d'un an, fut delivree par le moyen d'un fort honneste et brave gentil-homme du pays, et de bonne maison, nomme" Monsieur de Beton, &c. Voila done cttte reyne en liberte." Consult Brantome, Viet dei Damet Jlluttret d* f ranee t p. 135. 26 in the north of England. On his arrival in Lon- don, he experienced the friendship of Sir John Rainsford, an English knight ; who is recorded to have been the only person that maintained him against the fury of the Papists. 1 Of this generous protection, Buchanan was not after- wards unmindful ; he has immortalized his be- nefactor by consecrating a poem to his memory." It was apparently at this unpropitious crisis, that he addressed himself to Thomas Cromwell and to King Henry ; x from whom he however seems to have obtained no relief. Several of his little poems remain as memorials of his necessi- ties ; for his untoward fate frequently compelled him to resort to this humiliating exercise of his exalted genius. No man was however less dis- posed to the servility of adulation; and when the iniquity of fortune subjected him to the dire- ful expedient of thus soliciting patronage, it must r Buchanani Epistolae, p. 20. u Hunc, Ransforte, tuo cineri Buchananus honorem Dat meritum, duro cultus in exilio. Men generosa atavos non est mentita vetuttos : Pace tua est pietas cognita, Marte man us. Cultus erat simplex, sine luxu splendida mensa, Ara domus miseris, area benigna bonis. Non libertatem fandi peregrina tyrannis, Non animum fregit patria serva tuum. Ment invicta malis fesso de corpore cessit, Jam pulso exitii servitiique metu. Buchanan. Epigram, lib. ii. 24. * Buchanani Miscell. xiii, xv. 27 have cost his proud spirit many a bitter pang. During the age of Buchanan, and indeed at a much later period, men of letters were not ex- tremely jealous of their independence : y from the peculiar state of society, they were very fre- quently thrown upon the' immediate protection of some great personage ; and the prevalent no- tions relative to prerogative and subordination were such as mankind are now ashamed to re- cognize. The royal ears of Elizabeth and her successor were regaled with language of the most absurd and execrable denomination : how mean- ly did Bacon stoop from the awful sublimity of his genius, to nurse the childish vanity of a mo- narch, whose elevation had only rendered him contemptible ! The aspect of political affairs in England was not calculated to secure Buchanan's attachment to that nation ; he was anxious to escape from a country which he saw exposed to the wanton cruelties of a brutal tyrant. The civilization of France, as well as the particular intimacies which he had formed in that country, led him to adopt the resolution of returning to Paris. But he found on his arrival that Cardinal Beaton was V Nee tamen interea sua pauper carmina vates Vendere, nee blandus circum strepere ostia cessat Nobilium, et prohibere suis a faucibus atram Obsccenamque famem : quid enim, quid speret ab illis Amplius ? O meritis impar sed gratia tantis ! Hospitalii Epistol*, p. IS4, 28 Residing there in the character of an ambassador. 2 Andrew Govea, a native of Portugal, invited him to Bourdeaux ; nor did he hesitate to embrace an opportunity of removing himself beyond the influence of the cardinal's deadly hatred. Of the College of Guienne, lately founded in that city, Govea had been nominated principal ; and Bu- z Mr. Pinkerton has proposed some chronological objections to which it will here be necessary to advert. " The date 15S9 on the margin is er- roneous ; and, not to mention that it occurs again afterwards, it disagrees with the ' brevi post* in the text, after transactions of 1537 : nor doe Buchanan mention Mary of Guise, who arrived in June 1538, after he had left Scotland : nor was Cardinal Beton in France in 1539, though Buchanan found him there in 1538, the real year of his escape. Yet, in his unchronological history, he dates the event 1539: if not an error of the press in the vitiated first edition." ( Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii, p. 352.) In this part at least of his history, Buchanan's chronology seem* unex- ceptionable ; and it would indeed have been singular enough if he had forgotten the number of a year which to him was so eventful. Nor is there the smallest room for suspecting an error of the press : having mentioned the transactions of 1537, he proceeds to relate an event " prox- imo qui hunc secutus est anno ;" and afterwards introduces the persecu- tion which ensued " initio anni proximi." " Initio anni proximi, qui fuit m.d. xxxix. Lutheranismi suspecti complures capti sunt : sub finem Februarii, quinque cremati : novem recantarunt : complures exilio dam- nati. In his fuit Georgius Buchananus, qui, sopitis custodibus, per cubi- culi fenestram evaserat." (Buchanani Rcrum Scotic. Hist. p. 277.) That this persecution occurred in 1539, is almost as certain as any event in Scotish history ; and Buchanan may safely be supposed to have known what relation it bore to his own troubles. The purport of Mr Pinker- ton's suggestion, " nor does Buchanan mention Mary of Guise," is not sufficiently obvious : Mary of Guise had no particular title to be men- tioned in the life of George Buchanan. It is indeed certain that Car- dinal Beaton was in France in 1538, but it it not therefore certain that jie was not in France in 1539. It is not the province of a historian to record every little embassy of every denomination. The cardinal would gladly embrace any proper opportunity of visiting that country ; where lie had been dexterous enough to obtain the bishopric of Mirepoix. (Les- ' v-us De Reins Cestis Scolorum, p. 426.) 29 chanan, evidently through his interest, was now appointed one of the professors. Here he must have fixed his residence before the close of the year ; for to Charles the fifth, who made his so- lemn entry into Bourdeaux on the first of De- cember 1539, a he presented a poem in the name of the college. b The task assigned him at Bourdeaux was that of teaching the Latin language. For an occu- pation of this kind, he seems to have entertained no particular affection ; but although sufficiently laborious, it never impaired the native elevation of his mind. He now prosecuted his poetical studies with a degree of ardour which may ex- cite admiration ; during the three years of hit residence at Bourdeaux, he completed four tra- gedies, together with various other poems on miscellaneous subjects. It was then, and indeed at a much later period, the common practice of academical students to exercise themselves in the representation of Latin dramas. In dramatic poetry, the taste of the French nation was still rude and grotesque ; for they had not begun to extricate themselves from the absurdities of the early mysteries and allegories. With the view of familiarizing the collegians to the more cor- rect and elegant models of the ancient theatre, a De Lurbe, Chronique Bourdeloise, f. 42, b. b Buchanani Silvse, i- Ad Carolum V. Impcratortm, Burdegala Losfitit publico svtcfftum, nomine SebolK Burdegalcnsis, anno M.o.xxxix. 30 Buchanan with his usual intrepidity made a sudden incursion into this province of literature. The earliest of his dramatic compositions bears the title of Baptistes. He had at a former pe- riod applied himself to the study of the Greek language without the aid of a tutor, and as an useful exercise had then executed a close transla- tion of the Medea of Euripides. He now deliver- ed a poetical version to the academical stage, and afterwards, at the earnest request of his friends, suffered it to be printed. Those two tragedies c " Medeam," says Buchanan, " non in hoc scripseram, ut ederetur, sed cum Graecis Uteris absque magistro darem operam, ut verba singula inter scribendum diligentius expenderem : amicis importune flagitantibuj edidi, cum Latinas literas Burdegalas docerem, ac fabulam singulis annis pueris dare cogerer. In ea cum multa negligentius elapsa essent, post ali- quot annos retractavi earn, et quxdam in ea vulnera ita sanavi, ut adhuc cicatrices alicubi appareant. Tres reliquas majore cum labore ibidem effudi." (EfittoU, p. 25.) By comparing this with a passage in his life , it appears that he has here expressed himself with somewhat of the ne- gligence of familiar correspondence. " Ibi in scholis, qux turn sumptu publico erigebantur, triennium docuit : quo tempore scripsit quatuor tra- gcedias, quae postea per occasiones fuerunt evulgatae. Sed qux prima omnium fuerat conscripta (cui nomen est Baptista) ultima fuit edita, ac deinde Medea Euripidis." (Bucbanani Vita, p. 4.) Buchanan must have executed first a literal, and afterwards a poetical translation of the Medea . he mentions the Baptittts as the earliest of his dramatic poems, which were all composed at Bourdeaux ; but he had formerly translated the other tragedy as a private exercise. Deinde must refer to the order of compo- sition, not of publication. The dates of the first^editions cannot easily be ascertained. His Medea is inscribed " Ad Illustrissimum Principem Joan- nem a Lucemburgo, Iveriaci Abbatem." It must have been published previous to the year 1547 ; for Jeande Luxembourg, who was consider- ed as a man of talents and eloquence, was then promoted to the bishopric of Pamiers. (Du Verdier, Bibliotleque Francoiie, far Juvigny, torn, ii, p. 454.) Buchanan merely addresses him as abbot of Ivry. The earliest 31 were performed with a degree of applause which almost exceeded his hopes. He afterwards com- posed his Jephthes, and translated the Alcestis, another drama of his favourite author. These last productions, as he originally intended them for publication, were elaborated with superior di- ligence. The tragedy of Jephthes is conformable to the models of the Grecian theatre, and is not desti- tute of interest. The subject is highly dramatic ; it is a subject which Buchanan's great exemplar Euripides might have been inclined to select. The situation of a father who had unwarily sub- jected himself to the dreadful necessity of sacri- ficing a beloved and only child, d the repugnant edition of Jephtlet which has been traced is that of Paris, 1554, 4tq, Apud Guil. Morelium. His version of the Alcesth was printed there in the same form in 1557, Apud Mich. Vascosanum. The two translated dramas occur in a collection entitled " Tragcediae Selects ^Eschyli, Sophoclis, Euripidis." Excudebat H. Stepbanus, 1567, 8vo. The Baptistts was pub. lished by H. Charters in 1578, 8vo ; and in the course of the same year was reprinted at Frankfort in the same form by Andrew Wechel. There is a collective edition of Buchanan's " Tragcedix Sacrae et Exterae," Apud Petrum Sanctandreanum, 1597, 8vo. Mr. RuJdiman edited the versions from Euripides with the original text. Edinb. 1 722, 8vo. Of Buchanan's tragedies there are many other editions, which it would be superfluous to enumerate. d " Jephtha's daughter," says Dr. Jortin, " was devoted to God, and to the service of the high priest, and of the tabernacle. It is strange that any commentator should have imagined that she was sacrificed." (Jortin's Tracts, vol. i, p. 380.) The commentators who adopt that opi- nion are justified by the respectable authority of Joscphus. belden could discover no vestige of any paternal power of thus devoting children who did not belong to the tribe of Levi. It is not pretended that Jeph- 32 and excruciating sensations of the mother, the daughter's mingled sentiments of heroism and timidity, are delineated with considerable felici- ty of dramatic conception. The tender or pa- thetic was not however the special province of Buchanan ; whose talents were bold, masculine, and commanding. It has been urged by Hein- sius and by Vossius, that in this tragedy the an- cient rule respecting unity of time is grossly vio- lated ; because the daughter of Jephtha is known to have bewailed her virginity for the space of two months. 6 But in Buchanan's drama there is no allusion to that circumstance ; and if he has exposed himself to critical reprehension, it is only because he has neglected such scrupul- ous advertency to the national rites of his per- sonages. The Baptistes, although inferior to the other tragedy in dramatic interest, is more strongly impregnated with the author's characteristic sen- timents. Its great theme is civil and religious liberty. The poet frequently expresses himself with astonishing boldness : his language relative to tyranny and priestcraft is so strong and un- disguised, that it could not then have been toler- tha sacrificed his daughter " ex jure aliquo," but merely to fulfil a vow which it would have been piety to violate. On the subject of this vow, a chapter occurs in Selden De Jure Naturali et Gentium juxta Disciplinary ELraorum, p. 530. Lond. 1640, foL c Heinsius de Tragasdix Constitutione, p. 204. Vossii Institutione* JPoeticsRj p. 18. 33 fited in many colleges ; and the acquiescence of Buchanan's learned auditory suggests no unfa- vourable opinion of the flourishing seminary to which he belonged. Some of his expressions bear a very easy application to the late conduct of Cardinal Beaton. Vulgo ita modo vivituf, Nostrique coetus vitium id est vel maximum. Qui sanctitatis plebem imagine fallimus : Prsecepta tuto liceat ut spernere Dei ; Contra instituta nostra si quid audeas, Conamur auro evertere advrrsarios, Tollere veneno, subditisque t^stibus Opprimere : falsis regias rumoribus Implemus aures : quicquid animum offenderit, Rumore falso ulciscimur, et incendimus Animum furore turbidum, et calumniis Armamus irse ssevientis impetum. f In the tragedies of the ancient Greek poets, what is termed the prologue is always an essential part of the drama ; but the prologue of the Bap- tistes resembles those of Terence* Buchanan seems to have adopted this method, because it afforded him an opportunity of preparing his au- ditors for the bold sentiments which they were about to hear. The same subject was afterwards selected by several other poets. A drama with the title of Baptistes occurs among the works of Schonaeus j f " Buchahani Baptistes, p. 23. 34 and another, written by Nicholas Grimoald, and entitled Archnpropheta, sive Johannes Baptista, was published at London in the year 1591. 8 Milton had directed his attention to no fewer than a hundred different subjects for tragedy, and among others, to that of .lohrt- the Baptist. Of this projected drama he has sketched a faint out- line ; b which it may be no uninteresting task to compare with the plan of Buchanan. Grotius has remarked that Buchanan, so ad- mirable in other respects, has not sufficiently maintained the gravity of the ancient buskin ;' and it is indeed obvious that his tragedies are not the most perfect of his compositions. The dis- approbation of Heinsius, who like Grotius was also a dramatic poet, is however expressed too forcibly : the tragedies of Buchanan he mentions not merely without applause, but even with some degree of contempt. k Some of his objections are E Warton's Hist, of English Poetry, vol. iii, p. 60. h Milton's Poetical Works, by Todd, vol. iv, p. 504. i Grotius to Thuanus : " Tibi hsec mittuntur, Praeses Illustrissime, qui post Scotiae illud numen redivivam nobis reduxisti tragoediam : nisi quod et Buchananus ipse, in aliis vir maximns, a cothurni gravitate degenerare videtur." Grotii Epistolas, p. 1. Amst. 1687, foL k " Duos certe excellentes hac aetate viros, M. Antonium Muretum, Latinse puritatis nostro aevo principem, Georgium item Buchananum, poetam eximium, quorum ingeniis nihil impervium fuisse dicas, nemo ho- die non novit : qui cum se huic scenae crediderunt, alterum in cothnrno, alteram in socco pedem habuisse dicas ; adeo nee legem se tenere putant, neque mentem ad antiquitatis regulam deflectunt Illius Caesare equidem, hujus autem Jephte humilius vix quicquam ciici potest ; cum vix unquam assurgant." Heinsius de Tragcedis Constitutione, p. 200. 35 manifestly frivolous ; and he might almost be suspected of an oblique intention to establish his own superiority. Buchanan, who was distin- guished for the elevation of his genius, was cer- tainly capable of imparting to his tragic heroes sufficient pomp of diction ; but he was too com- petent a judge of propriety to invest every scene with the same heroic swell. The diction of Eu- ripides, whom he apparently selected as his mo- del, is very remote from the standard which some modern critics have attempted to introduce. The original tragedies of the Scotish poet are not however free from considerable blemishes. Al- though his subjects are scriptural, he frequently alludes to classical mythology, and to physical objects with which the Hebrews were totally un- acquainted. To some of the characters in Jeph- thes he assigns Greek names ; and the chorus in very familiar terms mention the wealth of Croe- sus, who was not born till about six hundred years after Jephtha. These are glaring examples of impropriety ; but similar errors have been com- mitted by poets who are sometimes regarded as infallible. The Persians of ^Eschylus speak of Jupiter and Hermes ; and in the Electra of So- phocles, the characters are very familiar with the Pythian games. Nor is it unworthy of remark that Heinsius, who claimed the honour of being the first critic that comprehended the system of c2 36 Aristotle, 1 and who censured his predecessors with such freedom, has himself exhibited many gross violations of propriety; has in the same tragedy blended angels with the Furies, Michael with Aiecto, Tesiphone with Gabriel, and Me- gaera with Raphael. 1 " Of his dramatic performances Buchanan enter- tained a very modest opinion; but if we recol- lect the circumstances under which they origi- nated, they cannot fail of impressing a lasting sentiment of admiration. Their composition was a task which his academical station imposed : he completed the four tragedies in the compass of three years, while engaged in the laborious oc- cupation of teaching grammar to young students, I Heirisii Responsio ad Balsacium, p. 4. 525. " L'art de la poesie," ays De Croi, " qu' Aristote et qu' Homere nous avoyent laisse, avoit ete ignore" jusqu' a luy." (Response au Discturs de Balsac, p. 10.) m Salmasii Epistola ad Menagium, p. 77. 4to. Balzac had published a M Dissertation sur une Tragedie intitulce Heroics Infanticides" in which the merits of that composition of Heinsius were very fairly discussed. The poet was however of a different opinion ; as he soon afterwards testified by his "^Epistola, qua Dissertation! Balsacii ad Heroden Infantkldam, res- pondetur." Lugd. Bat. 1636, 8vo. Jean de Croi, who afterwards as- sailed him in another quarter, was eager on this occasion to vindicate hi fame : his work bears the title of " Response a la Lettre, et au Discours de Balsac, sur une Tragedie de Heins, intitulee Herodes Infantirida" Geneve? 1642, 8vo. The controversy was terminated by the formidable interference of Salmasius ; who had recently been engaged in another contest with Heinsius, respecting what is termed the Hellenistic language. His tract is entitled " Ad ^gidium Menagium Epistola, super Herode Infanticides viri celeberrimi Tragcedia, et Censura Balsacii." Paris. 1644, 8vo. It is reprinted in the collection of his Epistola. LugA Bat. 1656", 4ta. Balzac't dissertation occurs in his Oeuvrts Dfoencj, p. 1 10. 37 and while he even regarded his life as insecure from the deadly malice of Cardinal Beaton and the grey friars. Whatever may be the defects of those productions, they are at least superior to any of the Latin dramas which had been compos- ed by modern poets. This province had been sufficiently cultivated by the scholars of Italy 11 and Germany ; but with a degree of success which leaves them verj far behind the author of Jephthes. Most of their performances, when compared with those of Buchanan, will appear extremely unclassical and grotesque. At the pe- riod when he was thus reforming the classical theatre in France, the productions of Betuleius and Macropedius were received with applause in Germany. His translations from Euripides must have con- tributed, as well as his original compositions, to revive the genius of the ancient drama. These versions are executed with no inconsiderable fe- licity. The diction of Alcestis surpasses that of Medea; yet to his learned cotemporaries the last appeared so highly classical, that strong suspici- ons were entertained of his having published in his own name a genuine relique of antiquity. See Mr. Walker's Historical and Critical Essay on the Reviral of the Drama in Italy. Edinb. 1805, 8vo. " i.odem certe modo," says H. Stephanas, " furti insimulatum fuisse Geofgium Buchananum audivi, quum ejus Medea (id est Euriptdit Me- dea ab eo Latine versa) in lucem prodiit. In dliqua enitr. bibliotheca- latentem hanc Latinam Medeam surripuisse, ac suam Undem fecisse. c3 38 The same tragedy had been translated by Ennius, whose version is not preserved. 15 At a later pe- riod two tragedies of Euripides were translated by Erasmus ; q and his attempt is mentioned with becoming respect by his accomplished successor. It was probably the example of Buchanan that prompted other excellent scholars to similar en- terprizes : translations from the Greek dramatists were afterwards executed by Jos. Scaliger, Chres- tien, and Grotius/ Sed quum talis sit ha:c versio ut vel dignissima antiquitate (ad multos praesertim locos quod attinet) dici queat, habent quo suam accusationem. excusent." (De bene Jmtituendis Graca Lingua Studiis, p. 116.) P Ennii Fragmenta, p. 307, edit. Columns. Neapoli, 1 590, 4to. 1 Erasmi Operu, torn, i, col. 1131, edit. Clerici. r Dr. Bentley remarks that Buchanan, Scaliger, Grotius, and other mo. dern poets, have not sufficiently adverted to the prosody of the Greek dramatists. " All the moderns before had supposed, that the last syllable of every verse was common, as well in anapaests, as they are known to be in hexameters and others : so that in poems of their own composing, the last foot of their anapaests was very frequently a tribrachys, or a trochee, or a cretic ; or the foot ended in a vowel or an m, while the next verse begun with a vowel or an h. In every one of which cases an error was committed : because there was no licence allowed by the ancients to the last syllable of anapaests; but the anapxst feet run on to the paroemiac, that is, to the end of the sett, as if the whole had been a single verse. This, I said, was a general rule among the Greek poets ; and even Sene- ca, the Latin tragedian (to shew he was conscious of this rule, that 1 have now discover'd) never ends an anapaestic verse with a cretic, as Buchan- an, Scaliger, Grotius, &c. usually do; though sometimes indeed he does it with a trochee, but even that very seldom, and generally at the close of a sentence. Even envy itself will be forced to allow that this discovery of mine, if it be true, is no inconsiderable one." (Dissertation upon Pha- liris, p. 132.) This discovery, though perhaps of less consequence to the world than the author imagined, ought not to be entirely overlooked. r>.r>ult likewise the eame writer's Efistola ad Millium, p. 26, and Ruddi* 39 Buchanan's original tragedies have been trans- lated into several languages/ One of Milton's biographers has ascribed to that immortal poet an English version of the Baptistes : but his opinion is not authorized by the slightest vestige of evi- dence, either historical or internal ; and his per- severing observations on the subject exhibit a very curious and entertaining specimen of anti- quarian argumentation. 1 man De Metrit Buchananais, p. 8. Dr. Bentley, as Mr. Ruddiman re- marks, has committed a metrical blunder while in the very act of chas- tising Mr. Boyle for his ignorance. s For the subsequent notices relative to the Italian and French transla- tions, I am almost entirely indebted to the distinguished politeness of Mr. Cooper Walker, whose acquaintance with the history of the drama is confessedly unrivalled- It is with no trivial satisfaction that I here com- memorate so respectable a name among the warmest encouragers of my present undertaking. " L'lefte, Tragedia di Giorgio Bucanano, recata di Latino in volgare da Scipione Bargagli." In Venezia per Matteo Valentini, 1600, l8vo. " Jephte - , ou le Voeu, Tragedie traduite du Latin de Bucanan par Flo- rent Chrestien." Printed with " Le Premier Chapitre des Lamentations de Jeremie en vers." Orleans, Loys Rabier, 1567, 4to. Paris, Robert pstienne, 1573, 8vo. Mamert Patisson, 1587, 12mo. With the " Frag, mens de Louis de Masures." M. Patisson, 1595, 12mo. A specimen of this version may be found in the late excellent edition of Du Verdier's Bibliothejue Franqeise, torn, i, p. 585. The same tragedy was translated into French by Francois Perrin, and by Nicolas le I'igne, Sieur de Condes ; but neither of their versions is known to have been printed. In one of his valuable publications, Mr. Walker informs us that on the same subject with this drama of Buchanan, a French opera and an Italian tragedy were composed during the last century. (Historical Memoir on Italian Tragedy, p. 264, 338. Lond. 1799, 4t0.j " Baptiste, ou la Calomnie, Tragedie traduite du Latin de Bucanan, par M Brinon." Jean Osmont, 1613, 12mo. " I believe," says Mr Walker, " Brinon translated also Jcphtbes." c Peck's New Memoirs of the Life and Poetical Works of Mr. John 40 In the learned dramas represented in the Col- lege of Guienne, the well-known Michel de Monta^ne was a frequent performer. About the period when Buchanan was appointed a professor, he there commenced his ac demical studies at the early age of six years. Before his return home, which took place in his thirteenth year, Milton. Lond. 1740, 4to. The translation originally appeared with this title : " Tyrannical Government Anatomized : or, a discourse con- cerning evil counsellors ; being the Life and Death of John the Baptist." 1642. Mr. Peck not being at first aware that this is only a version of the Baptittes, had employed a very curious series of arguments to prove that as it could not possibly be composed bv any body else, it must consequent- ly have been composed by Mr. Milton ; and he had moreover compiled many historical annotations to illustrate Mr. Milton's evident aliusions to cotemporary transactions. Though he at length discovered his error in supposing it to be an original work, he was sorry to lose his argu- ments and his annotations: he therefore published this version as Mil- ton's, and retained all that he had formerly written, interspersed indeed with some qualifying phrases which only serve to heighten the ridicule. The preface to his new edition opens in the following manner. " His Baptistes is the sixth of Mr. John Milton's nine most celebrated English poems ; and one of the hitherto unknown pieces of his whereof I am now to give an account." (Memoirs of Milton, p. 267.; Another specimen may not be unacceptable. " This leads to the question, And how will you now prove Milton to have been the translator ? To this I answer, many of the coi.jectures which I have above offered to prove him the au- thor, will, I apprehend, yet stand good to prove him the translator. For the peculiar way of spelling ; the whole manner and turn of the stile ; the choice of the persons reflected upon ; the invectives against the clergy ; the great spirit of liberty which runs throughout the work ; and above all, the design and timing of the translation, do all, I imagine, prove him to have been the translator ; especially if we add to all these this one other argument, and I think it is a strong one, viz. that there was no one else, I think, but he then living (at least of that party) who could have done it in such a masterly way as here we ste it " (P. 281;. '1 he following specimen of the translation is one of the most favourable that are to be 41 he personated the principal characters in the La- tin tragedies of Buchanan, Muretus, and Garen- taeus. Those learned men, together with Gru- chius, he has commemorated as his domestic pre- ceptors." Montagne relates that when he afterwards saw Buchanan in the train of Marshal de Brissac, found ; but it certainly comprehends nothing unattainable by talent* Tery inferior to those of Milton. Te quicquid aer continet laxo inu ; Qusecunque tellus, &c. Whutere the ayre in its loose bosome bears ; Whatere the earth can procreate, or sea Within its waters nourish ; thee their God All do acknowledge, and by thee alone Finde their creation. In a constant way, Thy laws once given, freely they obey. At thy command the spring with flowers paints The fertile fields, and fruits the summer yields ; Autumne pure wine abundantly affords, And winter with white frost the hills attires ; The crooked rivers rolle into the sea Huge heaps of waters ; the sea ebbs and flows ; The silver moon illuminates the night, The golden sun the day ; and views this orb With never-resting brightnesse. u Essais de Montagne, liv. i, chap. xxv. Sir Robert Sibbald supposes Buchanan to have resided in the country as Montagne's tutor. (Com- ment, in Vitam Buchanani, p. 1 3.) Montagne has also mentioned Mure- tus, Gruchius, and Garentaeus, as his domestic preceptors. Like Bu- chanan, they were professors in the College of Guienne, where he was domesticated for several years ; but that any of the four was entertained in his father's house, is a conjecture manifestly devoid of foundation. Mr. Ruddiman, who likewise adopts this conjecture, places Buchanan's supposed rustication with Montagne between 1542 and 1544. But it is- evident from the essay to which I have referred, that Montagne did net leave the College of Guienne before the year 1546. 42 that illustrious poet alluded to his having form- ed a project of composing a work on education, in which he intended to exhibit the discipline of his old pupil as a proper exemplar. This project he seems never to have executed. It was per- haps his intention to write a philosophical poem on the subject ; but he might relinquish the de- sign in consequence of having commenced an- other didactic work soon after the period to which Montagne refers. Buchanan's attention to the interests of ele- gant and useful learning was unremitting. In a Sapphic ode addressed to the youth of Bour- deaux, he reminds them of the dignity and im- portance of the liberal arts, and particularly of that art which he had himself cultivated with such eminent success.* The exertions of such a preceptor cou ! d not fail of improving the taste of his pupils ; but the splendour of his poetry seems to have conferred upon the college a substantial benefit of another kind. This seminary was more remarkable for the learning of its members, than for the amplitude of its endowments. The penury of their provision was so sensibly felt that Buchanan, probably at the suggestion of his col- leagues, addressed a poetical representation to Francis Olivier, chancellor of the kingdom/ On this occasion the powerful influence of the ancient * Buchanani MiscelL c ? Buchanani Elegia v. 43 lyre w^s revived : Buchanan afterwards inscrib- ed to the chancellor an elegant ode, in which he commemorates his liberality and promptitude in ameliorating their condition. 2 Olivier seems to have been warmly attached to the interests of polite literature, and of its professors. He is highly celebrated in the poems of De l'Hospital, the most distinguished of his successors in the chancellorship. Turnebus addressed to him a similar petition in behalf of the royal professors at Paris/ The social intercourse which Buchanan enjoy- ed at Bourdeaux may be supposed to have been neither inelegant nor uninteresting. That city had long evinced its respect for learning. In an- cient times it could boast of a flourishing acade- my," and of the poetical talents of its citizen Au- sonius, by whom the merits of several cotempo- rary professors have been commemorated. The foundation of the college to which Buchanan belonged was completed in the year 1534, when his friend Govea was invited from Paris to offi- ciate as principal. In 1573, the College of the z Buchanani Miscell. iv. a Delitix Poetarum Gallorum, torn, iii, p. 1045. > Bulaei Hist. Universitatis Parisiensis, torn. i,tp. 46. c Gabriel de Lurbe, Chronique Bourdeloise, f. 42. Bourdeaux, 1594, 4to. This v ork, originally written in Latin, was translated by the au- thor ; who was an advocate of Bourdeaux. The French edition is more copious A work entitled VAntiquite de Bourdeaus, et de Bourg, was published by Vinetus. A second edition, corrected and enlarged, was printed at Bourdeaux in quarto in the year 1574. 44 Jesuits was instituted by the liberality of*M. is moiesta est caeteris molestiis, Non intueri Julium.* Buchanan, like other poets, seems to have been a pedestrian. These Verses, written while his an- xious mind was suspended between hope and fear, may with some probability be referred to the cri- sis of his relinquishing Bourdeaux for new adven- tures. To this elegant compliment the subse- quent verses of Scaliger may perhaps be supposed to bear an allusion. Felix Georgi, lacte* venae pater, Quae ditat immensum mare j Quid barbarorum voce squallentem absona, Merisque nugis obsitum, Inepturientem non ferendis artibus, Audi re memet postulas ? Plectrumne Phcebo temperante Marsya's Tentabit ictum pollicis ? Amabiles Thalia si faciat modos, Garrire pica gestiet ? Te, natum ad alta Pegasi cacutnina, Tepente susceptum sinu Regina sacri magna Calliope soni Liquore non noto imbuit j Deditque palmam ferre de tot gentibus, Latina quot colit cohors. Puris beata voce tessellis nitor Perstringit aures Candidas ; n Buchanani Epigram, lib. i, 4& 48 Ficxuque ducta vena dulcis aurco, Quam sustulit, iterat sitlm. O me superbum, mole sublatum nova, Te litteratorum Deo! Desideratum abesse me, ut scribis, doles, Quod aliquid esse me putes. Tu te ipse contemplator, in quo cuncta sunt, Et vota lenies tua.a Scaliger has composed another little poem in celebration of his illustrious friend : neither of the two is remarkable for felicity of expression ; but they both serve as testimonials of the favour- able opinion entertained of Buchanan by a critic who despised most of his literary cotemporaries. Heri legebam nuper allatum mihi Sapidum, tenellum, molle carmen, aureum, Intelligendum vel puellis omnibus, Si splendor, atque puritas, decus, nitor, Animum subire luculentum ullum queat ; Intelligendum non facile doctis viris, Nisi mentis excitetur ardor efficax, Sententiarum propter ardorem merum. De me ut loquaris, ut ego de me ipso Ioquar, Intelligebam primulum ut simplex puer : At ubi vir esse, ubi esse volui intelligens, Vocis serena luce perculsus tuse, De intelligent! intelligens nihil fui. Hoc te volebam sic monere, ne petas Me velle respondere; non enim audeo: Hocque esse respondere, non respondco.* Q Jui Scaligeri Poemata, torn, i, p. 166. Jul. Scaligeri Poemata, torn, i, p. 321. 49 Julius Ctesar Scaliger, according to the narra- tive of his son Joseph, was born on Friday the twenty-third of April 1484, in the castle of Ri- pa, situated at the head of the Lago di Garda. He was the second son of Benedetto della Scala, de- scended of the royal house of Verona ; which was despoiled of its principality by the republic of Venice. As Benedetto had commanded the armies of Matthias king of Hungary, and like- wise enjoyed the favour of the emperor Frede- rick, the Venetians regarded him as a dangerous remnant of his illustrious family. Two days af- ter his wife had been delivered of this child, they made an attempt to seize the mother and her two sons ; but notwithstanding her critical situation, she escaped from the castle, and fled to her father the count of Lodronio. Such is the genealogy which Joseph Scaliger has claimed in his unfor- tunate epistle to Janus Dousa; p and his father in most of his works is continually alluding to the same splendour of ancestry. But the validi- ty of their pretensions is extremely dubious. The Italian scholars, as one of them has remarked,* 1 and as evidently appears from various documents, were generally disposed to consider their royalty P Jos. Scaliger de Vetustate et Splendore Gentis Scaligerae. Lugd. Bat. 1594, 4to. This epistle, or rather treatise, occupies the first fifty- seven pages of the collection of the author's Epittola. Lugd. Bat. 1637 Svo. * Imperial!* Mueum Historicum, p. 64. Venet. 1640, 4to. P 50 as purely fictitious. Scioppius, who attacked the dead father and the living son in a most atro- cious manner, advanced many arguments in proof of their mean extraction/ The character of this author renders every thing connected with his piivate veracity sufficiently equivocal: but on the other hand, many circumstances contribute r Scioppii Scaliger Hypobolimxus. Moguntix, 1607, 4to. In the course of the following year Scioppius was exposed, in a volume entitled " Sa'irx dux, Hercules tuam Fidem sive Munsterus Hypobolimxus, et Virgula Divina." The author of the two satires, as Scaliger has often re- marked in his epistles, was Daniel Heinsius, who was then in the twenty- seventh year of his age. He was born at Ghent in 1561. Placcius has im- properly ascribed the " Confutatio Fabulx Burdonum" to Janus Rutger- sius. (TheatTum Anonymorum et Pseudonymorum, torn, i, p. 37. Hamb. 1708, 2 torn, fol.) The title indeed bears " i. R. Batavus, Juris Studiosus ;" but Scaliger has repeatedly mentioned it as his own production. On the eleventh of June 1608 he thus wrote to Janus Gruterus : " Occupatis- simus hos dies fui in scripto quod adversus Burdonistas adorno. Nomen non apponam, neque meum qui scrips! neque ejus quern anonymum hujus auctorem facio." (Scaligeri Epist-J>e, p. 793.) He was willing that it should be considered as the composition of Rutgersiys, a young scholar of the highest promise. Placcius is also mistaken in referring the publi- cation of this work to the year 1609: it was subjoined to the second edition of the two satires of Heinsius. " Accipe nunc," said Scaliger to Casaunon on the twenty-eighth of August 1608, " satyram Heinsii, tri- ente auctiorem. ut et fabulx Burdonianx confutationem." (Episttlx, p. 353.) To some editions is likewise appended a tract entitled " Vita et Parentes Gasp. Schoppii, a Germano quodam contubernali ejus conscrip- ta" This German was perhaps Eilhardus Lubinus; who appears to have written some tract in disparagement of Scioppius. (Hid. p. 725 ) Scioppius afterwards published a work which he pretended had long been suppressed by the artifices of the Calvinists. It bears the title of " Op- orini Grubini -imphotides Scioppianx ; hoc est Responsio ad Satyram Menippxam Josephi Burdonis Pseudc- Scaligeri pro Vita et Moribus Gasp. Scioppii." Paris. 1611, 6re. It seems to have been printed in Ger- many. 51 to undermine the credit of the younger Scaliger's hyperbolical and romantic narrations ; nor can the answer which he returned to Scioppius be deemed satisfactory with respect to any of the material points of debate. It is not true that his father was born in the castle of Ripa ; he was born in the city of Verona. 5 If he was actually knighted by the emperor, it is certainly an ex- traordinary circumstance that he should never have assumed so honourable a distinction. It is apparently false that his original appellation was either Julius Caesar Scaliger of Burden, or count of Burden. 1 To accuse these very learned men of downright falsehood, may perhaps appear ex- 5 Bayle, in his short account of Verona, has published the letters of naturalization which Scaliger obtained from Francis the first ; and he is there denominated " natif de la -ville de Veronne en Itallie." In those let- ters, his name and addition were unquestionably recited from his own memorial or petition. Gyraldus, the cotemporary and friend of Scaliger, denominates him * JuL Scaliger, qui prius Burdonis cognomine fuit, Veronensis, apprime eruditus." (De Poetii suorum Temporum, dial, ii, p. 415. j In the letters of naturalization he is termed " Julius Caesar de l'Escalle de Bordoms, Docteur en Medeciue." M. de la Monnoye conjectures with great pro- bability that instead of Bordomi we ought to read Birdonis, and that the omission of a point over the letter i in the manuscript occasioned the mistake. ( Menagiana, torn, iii, p. 452.) Those letters contain no hint of his being descended of royal ancestors, born in the castle of Ripa, and adorned with the honour of knighthood. If Scaliger's high pretension* had been well-founded, he would not have failed to state them in h memorial ; and if they had been thus stated, the titles of so honourable a subject must certainly have been recited in the instrument which con- stituted him a citizen of France. The date of this curious document is 1528. Bayle published it from a copy communicated by BaTUzluSJ D2 52 tremely harsh and indecent ; but it is not easy to admit many of their assertions relative to this subject, which seems to have interested them above all others* With all their splendid en- dowments, they were subject to errors which might serve to reconcile the more obscure part of mankind to their obscurity. The paltry dis- tinction of being regarded as the spawn of a house which had once been royal, presented charms sufficient to decoy them from that manly integrity which is a higher ornament than royal- ty can bestow. And yet, such is the motley texture of the human mind, those very men were adorned by many virtues ; and were more- over distinguished by a larger portion of genius and erudition than ever fell to the share of an- other father and his son. The father's original profession was that of arms ; and he is represented as having performed prodigious feats of strength and valour. After having fought under the banners of the emperor, he retired to Ferra'ra, where he experienced the liberality of the reigning duke. It was here per- haps that he became a pupil of the famous Ludo- vicus Caelius Rhodiginus, whom he has repeated- ly mentioned as his preceptor," and who was pro- fessor of eloquence in that university before his removal to Padua.* The poverty of his present u JuL Scaligeri Poetice.lib. iii, cap. cxxvi, Poemata, torn, i, p. 30P. T Tomaiini Elogia Virorum Illustrium, torn, ii, p. 3. 53 condition led Scaliger to form a determination of assuming the habit of St. Francis: he according- ly resorted to the university of Bologna, and com- menced his acquaintance with the writings of the subtle doctor; but his affection for a monastic life soon began to cool. The Franciscans he af- terwards hated with as much cordiality as his friend Buchanan ; and never willingly inter- changed a single word with any member of that pious fraternity. Having passed into Piedmont for the purpose of visiting some of his fellow- students to whom he was much attached, he ob- tained the command of a troop of light horse from the French general who presided in that province; and, according to the report of his son, he performed such gallant service that he recom- mended himself to the personal notice of Francis the first. In the midst of his warlike broils he did not forget the pursuits of literature His ac- quaintance with a physician of Turin produced an accidental bias towards the study of- medicine; which he began to prosecute with all the ardour incident to so vigorous a mind. His military duty and nocturnal lucubrations, added to the inclemency of the sky, subjected him to a violent attack of the gout ; but he had no sooner reco- vered his strength than he recurred with his wonted eagerness to the occupations of war and letters. Hitherto he was unacquainted with the Greek tongue ; and although he had already ex- d 3 54 ceeded the thirty-fifth year of his age, he applied himself to its acquisition with the utmost perti- nacity and success. This intenseness of study having excited a fit of the gout more excru- ciating than the former, he determined to abandon the profession of a soldier. The bishop of Agen, who was related to some of his particu- lar friends in Piedmont, having persuaded Scali- ger to accompany him to his diocese as a milita- ry protector, it was the learned warrior's destiny to be there arrested by the charms of Andiette de Roques Lobeiac, a hopeful damsel of thirteen. Scaliger was more than triple that age, but he was a scholar, and a soldier, and possessed the still superior recommendation of a tall and noble per- son- It is not however astonishing that the rela- tions of Andiette, who was descended of a good family, should hesitate as to the expediency of her accepting the hand of a wrong-headed adven- turer. They contrived to defer the match for the space of three years ; but having persisted in his scheme with that pertinacity which characterized all his actions, he was at length successful. With this amiable woman, who became the mother of fifteen children, his union was fortunate in every respect ; she not only inherited landed proper- ty, but possessed other recommendations of a more valuable nature. She composed the wan- derings of his desultory life ; diverted the current of his native irritability ; released him from the 55 ordinary cares of domestic economy ; watch- ed over him during the periodical returns of his gout, with the sedulity of a servant, and the ten- derness of a wife. Scaliger now established him- self as a physician at Agen, where he spent the remainder of his days. His name was yet un- known in the republic of letters ; but notwith- standing the irregular tenor of his life, he had provided a large fund of erudition, and panted to signalize himself as a literary gladiator. Eras- mus had now attained to the summit of reputa- tion, and Scaliger selected him as an antagonist not altogether unworthy of himself. In the year 1528 Erasmus had published his Ciceronianus, a very ingenious dialogue in which he exposes the laborious trifling of the professed Ciceronians; and in 1531 Scaliger published what he terms an oration in defence of Cicero against Erasmus. The very title of his work affords a proof of his having mistaken the question; for it was not the scope of the other production to extenuate the me- rits of Cicero himself, but to explode the prepos- terous notions of those servile admirers who hesi- tated to employ a single word or phrase, unless it had been sanctioned by the authority of their favourite author. But if Erasmus had called Ci- cero a blockhead and a rascal, and had himself been entitled to those appellations, Scaliger coald hardly have attacked him in a more ferocious manner. His interference was the more imper- tinent, as he defended Cicero in a style by no 56 mean* Ciceronian. Erasmus had hitherto been unacquainted even with the name of the writer who now assailed him with such rudeness; and from internal evidence he was firmly persuaded that at least the principal part of the oration had been composed by Hieronymus Aleander. y As he did not condescend to reply, his conduct was the most mortifying which he could possibly have adopted. Scaliger finding himself thus treated with silent contempt, prepared a second oration still more injurious than the first ; but it was not printed till after the death of the illus- trious man whom he had loaded with unmerited and unprovoked insults. 2 In his subsequent pro- y Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. i, p. 517. a Scaliger'i invectives were afterwards reprinted in one volume : " Jul Caes Scaligeri adversus Desid. Erasmum Orationes du*, Eloquentia; Romans vindices : una cu.n ejusdem Epistolis, et Opusculis aliquot non- dum vulgaris." Tolosx, 16 A, 4to. Sixteen of his letters relative to this contest occur in the Amanitatci Literaria, torn, vi, p. 508, torn, viii, p. 554. Bayle, in his account of Erasmus, has detected the younger Scaliger in several inaccurate assertions with respect to his father's de- clamations. ^ Jos. Scaligeri Confutatio FahuU BurJonum, p. 3 1 3, edit. 1617.) The editor of those two orations was P. J. Maussac. Colomies, Bib~ liotbeque Choitie, p. 1 1 2.) It was likewise by his zealous care that one of Scaliger's posthumous works was rescued from oblivion " Aristotelis Historia de Animalibus, Julio Cassare Scaligero interprete, cum ejusdem Commentariis." Tolosae, 1619, foL His admiration of Scaliger, as will appear from the tubsequent quotation, was fervent enough. " Om- nes, erudite lector, qui paulo humaniores sunt, et gustum aliquem habent bonarum literarum, statim fassuri sunt, Jul Cats. Scaligerum omnes su- perioris svi eruditos, et arte dicendi, et scientiarum varietate, longe post terga reliquisse." (Maussaci Prolegomena.) It is surprizing that so learn- ed a mai ..oulu have entertained this opinion, but not surprizing that a rsan who entertained it should himself write in so indifferent a style. #7 ductions, he alternately mentions Erasmus with admiration and contempt. With the same fu- rious illiberality he afterwards commenced his attack on Cardan, not the least famous of his co- temporaries. His work entitled De Subtilitate, ad Hieronymum Cardanum, was printed at Paris in the year 1557; and a more dogmatical or cap- tious book never made its appearance. That he was urged to these contests by the simple love of truth, cannot easily be supposed : he hoped to acquire immortal renown by asserting his supe- riority over men whose names were so familiar to the learned of every nation ; and the spirit which he commonly evinces is that of a literary ruffian. The productions which have chiefly perpetuated his fame are the two treatises on poetry, and the principles of the Latin language : in these he dis- plays wonderful sagacity and erudition, but is fre- quently misled by an inherent love of paradox and contradiction. Huet represents him as a man of a vast and elevated genius, but of a very bad taste in poetry ; a and it must be acknowledged that the judgments which he pronounces on some of the principal poets of antiquity, have deservedly The talents of Scaliger were of the first order, but his diction is not un frequently barbarous and disgusting. Among the correspondence of Gesner is a poor letter from Sylvius Caesar the son of J. C. Scaliger. (Gesneri Efistolm Medicinalet, f. 182. Ti- guri, 1577, 4to.) Sylvius, according to Thuanus, " portoit les armes, et ne s$avoit pas beaucoup." (Tbuana, p. 196.) Huetiana, p. 90, 58 superseded his claims of infallibility. His owrf efforts as a poet have but little tendency to recommend him as a critic : his verses, which a- mount to a very formidable number, are for the most part elaborately composed, and frequently are pregnant with ingenious and subtle thought ; but they are inelegant, harsh, and obscure. Hav- ing exceeded the seventh-fourth year of his age, this singular man was numbered with the dead on the twenty-first day of October 1558. Jo- sephus Justus Scaliger, who was his tenth child, had then completed his eighteenth year. He was born at Agen on the fifth of August 1540, and died at Ley den on the twenty-first of .Ja- nuary 1609. During the last four years of his life, Julius was half a Lutheran; and Joseph re- nounced the Popish doctrines at an early crisis. With respect to their comparative excellence in literature, different opinions have been entertain- ed : Morhoff awards to the father the praise of superior genius ; b but Jortin characterizes the son as " the best critic and the greatest scholar that ever was born." c His knowledge of languages b Morhofius de Pura Dictione Latina, p. 266. c Jortin's Tracts, vol. ii, p. 147. Of the life of Joseph Scaliger, n* very satisfactory account has yet appeared. The hest materials occur in his own correspondence, and in that of his learned cotemporaries. Hein- sius published two orations on his death. Lugd. Bat. 1C09, 4to. An- other on the same subject was pronounced by Baudius, who writes very elegantly in prose and in verse. (Baudii Epistol* et Oratlones ,p. 632.) The opinions of many authors relative to Scaliger have been industriously cI- - ft 59 was prodigious ; and yet Latin was almost the only one which he did not acquire without the aid of a preceptor. For the short space of two months he attended the Greek lectures of Turnebus at Paris; and afterwards by his undirected exertions surmounted the difficulties of that tongue with incredible rapidity . d His Greek have been pre- ferred to his Latin verses. The reflection that Scaliger, Cujacius, Muretus, and Ramus, were self-taught scholars, ought to operate as a most powerful incentive on the mind of the ingenuous youth, debarred from the usual avenues of intel- lectual improvement. About the period when Buchanan was accus- tomed to visit Agen, Joseph Scaliger was yet in his infancy ; but he inherited his father's high admiration of the Scotish poet. To Buchanan lected by Colonics. (Gallia Orientalis, p. 118). A sketch of his life may be found in Niceron, torn, xxiii, p. 279. d " Igitur vix delibatis conjugationibus Graecis," says Jos. Scaliger, " Homerum cum interpretatione arreptum uno et viginti diebus totum didici : poetical vero dialecti vestigiis insistens grammaticam mihi ipse formavi : neque ullam aliam didici, quam qua: mihi ex analogia verbormm Homeficorum observata fuit. Reliquos vero poetas Graecos omnes intra quatuor menses devoravi." (Epiitol*, p. 51.) This is certainly astonish- ing enough ; but Huet's mode of refutation is not less singular. " - perimcnto tandem meo comperi inania hec esse Scaligeranae ostentationis specimina; qualia multa sparsim adspersit operibus suis vir ille, excellentis cxteroquin doctrinae etingenii, sed nimium admirator et praedicator sui." (Huetii Comment arius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus, p. 38. Hag. Com. 1718, 12mo.) Here the vanity of Scaliger is exposed with equal vanity; for vnless Huet supposed his capacity equal to Scaliger's, he could not thus have appealed to his own experience. 60 he awarded a decided superiority over all the I*atin poets of those times. 6 During the term of his residence in the Col- lege of Guienne, the satirist of the Scotish cler- gy did not find himself totally secure from dan- ger. Cardinal Beaton, in a letter addressed to the archbishop of Bourdeaux, requested him to se- cure the person of the heretical poet; but as this letter had been intrusted to the care of some in- dividual much interested in the welfare of Bu- chanan, he was suffered to remain without mo- lestation. Still however he found himself annoy- ed by the threats of the cardinal and the grey friars : but the death of King James, and the appearance of a dreadful plague in Guienne, al- leviated his former apprehensions. Having resided three years at Bourdeaux, he afterwards removed to Paris. In 1544 he was officiating as a regent in the College of Cardinal le Moine j f and he apparently retained the same " Buchananus unus est in tota Europa omnes post se relinqueni in Latina poesi." (Prima Scaligcrana, p. 37.) In his history of Scotland, Buchanan has contrived to mention the son of his deceased friend. " Jo- sepi.us Scaliger Julii filius legendum censet Scotobrigantas. Is juvenis quanta sit eruditione et judicio, quaque in vetustis scriptis conferendis in* dustria, et abstrusis sensibus eruendis acumine, monumenta ab eo edita testamur." (Rcrum Scotic. Hist. p. 42.) f In the very brief sketch of his own life, Buchanan makes no allusion to his having taught in that college : the fact may however be establish- ed by several circumstances. In his fourth elegy, he mentions Gelida 24 his associate ; and that learned Spaniard is known to have belonged to the College of Cardinal le Moine. Mcreri asserts that Buchanan, 7*nmebu, a.nd Muretus, taught in that college at the same time; an(j 61 station till 1547. About the former of these periods he was miserably tormented with the gout. The ardour of his fancy was however un- diminished : in an interesting elegy, composed in 1544, and addressed to his late colleagues Tastaeus and Tevius, he exhibits a dismal picture of his own situation ; and gratefully commemorates the assiduous attentions of his present associates Tur- nebus and Gelida. O animae, Ptolemree, mece pars altera, tuque Altera pars animsc, Tevi Jacobe, meje, Scire juvat quid agam ? vivo modo, si modo vivk Pondus iners, anima: corpus inane suit. Sed tamen ingratas ceu vivi ducimus auras, Kt trahit examines) languida vita rnoram. Ignea vis febris rapido sic perfurit sestu, Ut minus /Etntei stcviat ira rogi. Torrida concretis lapidescunt viscera grumis, Et latebras renum calculus urit atrox :e Ut Cereris possint, ut Bacchi munera credi Tacta Medusseis obriguisse comis. though the general accuracy of this writer is not conspicuous yet his tes- timony may be added to the other indications. Nicolas Bourbon, roy- al professor of Greek at Paris, who died at a very advanced age in 1644, assured Menage of the same circumstance. " J'ai oiii dire la meme chose au Pere Bourbon, qui etoit un bon regitre de semblables choses." (Menage, Anti-BailUt, torn, i, p. 328.) S Dr. Stuart specifies the stone as Buchanan's mortal disease : " Af- flicted with the stone, and pressed down by the infirmities of old age, he felt the approach of his dissolution, and prepared for it like a philosopher." (Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii, p. 242.) This seems to be one of the bold asser- tions for which his work is so remarkable. His character of Buchanan is admirably delineated, but it is considerably indebted to the aid of a good invention. w Sed tamen hscc nostri lcvis est accessio raorbij Et pars immensi vix numeranda rnali : Humor enim cunctos late diffusus in artus, Qua jungunt flexus ossibus ossa suos, Obsedit caecas pigro marcore lacunas, Cunctaque torpenti frigore membra ligat. Ex humeris pendent sine robore brachia laxa, Nee fluidum cervix sustinet segra caput : Genua labant, et crura tremunt, lassique recusant, Tam celeres nuper, me modo ferre pedes. Sic ego defunctus jam vivo, mihique superstes, Et vitas amisso munere fata moror : Quodque mihi superest fugitivae lucis, id ornne Dividit in pcenas Parca severa meas.^ Having finished the description of his case, he in- troduces the names of several individuals to whom he seems to have been attached. Denique vos animis talem me fingite, quales Ad tumulos manes credit adesse timor ; Qualia pinguntur miseris simulacra figuris Terrificas Mortis, mortiferaeque Famis. At neque Tastaeus, nee Tevius assidet, ore Suaviloquo longum qui vetet esse diem : Ntc mihi delicias blandi facit oris Alanus, Nee lepida alludit garrulitate Petrus : Nee recreant animum doctis sermonibus aegrum Caetera Vasconicae turba diserta scholas. h Buchanani Eleg. iv. Ad Ptolemttum Luxium Taitaum t et yacobum Tevi- um, cum articulari morbo laboraret. m.d.xliv. The second of Buchanan's Sih* is a pastoral entitled " Desiderium P. L. Tastasi." From these two productions it may be collected that Tastseus was a native of Gas- cony, and that he had been associated with Euchznan in the College of Guienne. 63 Sed nee amicitiae mihi pectora cognita cert*s In mediis hie me deseruere malis. Saepe mihi medicas Groscollius explicat herba^ Et spe languentem consilioque juvat : Saepe mihi Stephani solertia provida Carlt Ad mala praesentem tristia portat opem. Turnebus Aonii rarissima gloria coetus OfBciis vacuum non sink ire diem : Cseteraque ut cessent, Gelid^e pia cura sodalis Et patris et patriae sustinet usque vicem. Carolus Stephanus, whose medical aid Buchan- an has thus acknowledged, was a doctor of phy- sic of the faculty of Paris ; and, like many of his relations, was equally distinguished as a scholar and as a printer.' 1 After having produced various i Henricus Stephanus, or Eitiennt, established a press at Paris about the year 1500. His son Robertus was born in 1503, and died in 1559. He had continued the same business at Paris; but in 1552 be betook himself to Geneva, where he died in the communion of the reformed church. He was eminently skilled in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin laaguages. He chiefly distinguished himself by his edition of the Hebrew scriptures, and by his Thesaurus Lingua Latin*. His brothers Franciscus and Carolus wer printers at Paris. The former was also a bookseller ; and in the print- ing business was associated with his step-father Simon Colinaus. Carolua, among other Works of his own composition, published the Thesaurus M. Tullii Cicerenis. 1556, fol. This book is now sold " insano pretio." The second Henricus Stephanus, who was the son of Robertus, was born at Paris in 1528 and died at Lyons in 1598. Most of his impressions were executed at Paris, but he had also a press at Geneva. Notwithstanding his eminence as a printer and as a scholar, he failed to amass riches; and he is even reported to have closed his long and useful life in an hospital. " Cum patriam oblivisci non posset," says Cornelius Tollius, " Lugdu- nuni se contulit ; ubi opibus, atque ipso etiam ingenio destitutus, vitae, et tot exafitlatis pro republica literaria laboribus, in noscomio finem fecit." (Appendix ad Pierium ds LiteraUrnm Infelkitate, p. 88.) For this assertion. 64 works in the Latin and French languages, he died at Paris in the year 15(34. In the College of Cardinal le Moine Buchanan was associated with colleagues worthy of himself; with Turnebus and Muretus, two of the most eminent scholars of modern times ; and with Jo- annes Gelida, who, though of inferior fame, has also been characterized as a man of great acute- ness and erudition. It is remarked by M. de Marolles that three of the most learned men in the world then taught humanity in the same col- lege." The first class was taught by Turnebus, the second by Buchanan, and the third by Mu- retus. 1 Tollius quotes no authority ; and it is to be hoped that he had been mis- informed. Robertus the brother of H. Stephanus was disinherited on ac- count of his attachment to Popery ; but he succeeded his father at Paris as printer to the king. He wrote various fugitive poems in Greek and Latin. He is supposed by Maittaire to have died in 1588. His son Franciscus having embraced the reformed religion, established a press at Geneva. Paulus the son of the second H. Stephanus was also a Protes- tant : having settled at Geneva, he printed various works in a correct manner, and contributed to support the reputation of the family. He is the author of several Latin poems. The third Robertus, son of the se- cond, began to be distinguished at Paris as a printer about the year 1588. He was a writer of Greek and Latin verses ; and translated into French the first two books of Aristotle's rhetoric. The version was completed by a nephew who bore the same riame. Antonius tne son of Paulus was printer to the French king during the earlier part of the seventeeth cen- tury. Of the name of Stephanus there were other printers, whose his tory cannot be traced with sufficient accuracy. Consult Almeioveen De Vit'u Suphanerum, Amst. 1683, 8vo ; and more particularly Maittaire'* Itiitoria Slepbanorum. Lond. 1709, 8vo. k Marolles, Abrege" de 1' Hist, de France, p. 324 , quoted by Teissier. \ Moreri, Dictionaire Historique, art. Murrt. 65 Adrianus Turnebus, if any reliance may be placed on the dubious authority of Dempster, was the descendent of Scotish ancestors ; m and it is at least certain that his original name furnishes us with a plausible argument of his compatriotism. His French name, it seems to be admitted, was originally Tournebeuf; 11 which is a correct trans- lation of the Scotish Turnbull. Pie was born however at Andely near Rouen in Normandy in the year 1512. Having been sent to Paris in the eleventh year of his age, he soon rose to great distinction as an elegant and profound scholar. The history of his academical promotions has not been very accurately detailed ; but he is known to have taught humanity at Toulouse, and af- terwards, through the influence of Petrus Gal- m " Scotum fuisse," says Dempster, " acta familix leguntur, ut mihi ssepe referebat v. cl. filius ipsius, summus Lutetise senator, quem virtutum non nominls modo haeredem immaturum ex sacro ordine ante triennium mors rapuit." ( Hist. Ecclcsiast. Gent. Scotorum, p. 624. ) If Dempster had quoted the authority of a living voucher, it would have been less suspi- cious. n Mollerus de Scriptoribus Homonymis, p. 790. Hamb. 1697, 8vo. His common French name Turnebe is formed from his Latin name Tur- nebus. Of the same process many other instances might be specified. The original name of the Genevan reformer was Cauvin : this he La- tinized Calvinus, and afterwards adopted Calvin as hia vernacular name. The original name of one of his learned antagonists was Baudouin, after- wards transformed into Balduinus and Balduin. Pasquier sometimes speaks of Tournebu, sometimes of Tournebus. Bubeus mentions a " Ja- cobus de Tournebu, bursarius et primarius Collegii Gervasiani anno 4522." (Hist. Universitatis Parisiertsis, torn, vi, J>. 918.) Turnebi Adversaria, lib. ii, cap. i, Oratio habita post J. Tusani E 66 landius, to have obtained a Greek professorship at Paris. To this was added, in 15.52, the ap- pointment of Greek printer to the king ; but on being nominated, in 1555, royal professor of phi- losophy and of the Greek language, he resigned his typographical charge. p To the infinite re- gret of learning and virtue, he died on the twelfth of June 1565. It was his earnest request that his body should be interred without the usual cere- monies of the Popish church ; and at nine o'clock in the evening of the same day, it was according- ly deposited in the earth by a small number of his friends. He had lived without any open avowal of his affection for the reformation ; " but on being interrogated a few days previous to his death, he professed his abhorrence of Popery/ The earnestness with which both parties claimed him as their associate, affords a strong proof of the importance attached to his name. He has Mortem, cum in ejus locum suffectus est, p. 31. Jacobus Tusanus died in the year 1546. (Bulaeus, torn, vi, p. 944.) P Maittaire, Historia Typographorum aliquot Parisiensium, p. 50, 56. Load. 1717, 8vo. ' Leodegariisa Quercu Oratio Funebris de Vita et Morte Adriani Tur- nebi, p. 102. This oration occurs among the miscellaneous works of Turnebus. Argentorati, 1600, fol. His Adversaria form a separate vo- lume of the same size. His poems are reprinted in the Belitia Poetarum Gallorum, torn iii. J_e Laboureur has republished a poem entitled " Pol- trotus Meneus Adriani Turnebi." (Additions aux Memoires de Michel de Castelnau, torn, ii, p. 226.) He seems however to have entertained doubt* of its genuineness. r Epistola qua; vere exponit Obitum Adriani Turnebi. Paris. 1565, 4t. 67 been characterized as a man adorned by every virtue ; and no individual seems to have been more generally revered by his cotemporaries. The secret of his art of pleasing has thus been re- vealed by H. Stephanus : Cur placuit cunctis Turnebus ? cur tot amici Illi, vix hostes unus et alter erant ? Cur placuit cunctis ? tot linguis lingua diserta Totne illi potuit conciliare viros ? Cur placuit cunctis ? an quod certare videbant Judicii dotes dotibus ingenii ? Cur placuit cunctis ? cunctis placuitne quod artcs Excoluit Graias, excoluit Latias ? Cur placuit cunctis ? an quod totusque lepores Spiraret, totus quod lepidosque sales ? Causae equidem sunt hae : sed et hcc est maxima causa, Hie placuit cunctis, quod sibi non placuit. s Turnebus died at an age which to a literary man is supposed to be the prime of life ; but he died not before he had attained to the highest reputation by his academical prelections, and by the various works which he has bequeathed to posterity. In several of the German universities, it was customary for the professors, when in their public lectures they quoted the authority of Tur- nebus and Cujacius, to move the right hand to their cap, in token of the profound veneration with which they regarded their memory/ His un- 9 Herodotus Latine. Excudebat H. Stephanus, 1566, foL * Pasquier, Recherches de la France, p. 834. E2 68 abating ardour of study rendered him conspicuous at a period when study was a genial passion; and, like Budaeus, he even devoted several hours of his nuptial day to the pursuits of literature. His learning was variegated, elegant, and pro- found. He was equally a master of Greek and Ro- man philology. Ir was the great object of his la- bours to illustrate the reliques of ancient genius; and for thib department he was eminently qualified by his sagacity and erudition. It was indeed object- ed by a cotemporary scholar of high reputation, that in reviewing the writings of the ancients, he was too fond of proposing conjectural emenda- tions." This lault is however incident to most critics of prompt and keen discernment : they are more apt to render suspected passage 1 , what they ought to have been, than what they originally were. His Latin versions are executed with great fidelity and skill/ One of his accomplished friends has remarked, that in his writings he was as violent against those who merited his indignation, as he was gentle in his manners towards men of worth and learning. v On several occasions he has indeed manifested considerable warmth. Respecting some of the works of Cicero which he had illustrated by his observations, he was led into a controversy with u Victorii Variae Lectiones, p. 425, edit. Florent. 1582, fol. x Huetiusde Interpretatione, p. 158. Paris. 1661, 4to. y Lettrea d'Etienne Pasquier, torn, i, p. 556. 69 Ramus and his admirer Audomarus Talaeus. 8 Though in an earlier work he had mentioned him with high respect, 1 it must be acknowledged that even Ramus himself he treated with abundant contempt. Turnebus was also embroiled with Bodin, another writer of superior endowments. Bodin published an edition of the Cynegetics of Oppian, accompanied with emendations which Turnebus immediately claimed as his. b He how- z Talxus, among other works, published a compendium of rhetoric. The learned Mr. Chalmers speaks of the rhetoric of Tulaus or Tully! (Life of Ruddiman, p. 90. The same notable writer has exhibited an- other specimen of his classical erudition in the preceding page ; where he enumerates " Cicero's Epistles de Senectute, de Amicitio ; Terence's Co- medies and Elegies ; Ovid's Tristium." And this, forsooth, is the per son who talks of Buchanan's iguorance. a Turnebus de Methodo, p. 1. b Bodin's edition includes a poetical version, and a commentary. " Op- piam de Venatione libri IIII Joan. Bodino Andegavensi interprete. Ad D. Gabrielem Boverium Andium Episcopum, His accessit Commenta- rius varius ec multiplex, ejusdem interpretis." Lutetia, apud Mubadem Vascosanum, 1555, 4to. The edition of Turnebus soon followed. 'Otvi- uv* ' AvaZ,<*-Z$ iu f 'Aknvrixea* (iiSkitt i. Ktmnyinxuv (iiSxix '. Parisiis, apud Adr. Tumtbum typographum regium, 1555, 4to. After the various read- ings and emendations, Turnebus has subjoined an address which evi- dently alludes to the conduct of Bodin. " Septem abhinc annis It-vner emendaveram Oppianum de Venatione, partim animi conjectura, partim li- bri veteris ope. Eas emendationes quidam usurpavit, et sibi donavit, quas tamen non putabam tanti, ut in furtivis rebus esse deberent : eas a nobis vindicatas et recuperatas esse nemo conqueri debebit. Nam rerum furtivarum lege aeterna est auctorita*. Non me latet," &c. The fol!ow ing manuscript notice occurs in the margin of the copy which belonged to Isaac Casaubon, and which is now deposited in the British Museum. " Is est Jo. Bodinui, qui tamen hoc negat, et de Turnebo conqueritur. Ego iurnebum veium scio loqui." The complaint to which L'asaubon refers is a passage in Bodin's Mctbodai ad FaciUm Historiarum Cognilionm, E3 70 ever claimed them without that violence of in- vective which philologers have so frequently displayed on similar occasions ; and according to Bongars, this plagiarism of Bodin was notorious among their countrymen. Marcus Antonius Muretus was considerably - younger than Buchanan and Turnebus. He was born at the village of Muret near Limoges, on the twelfth of April 1526. Like several other scho- lars of the greatest name, he was his own precep- tor.' 1 He was successively a public teacher of hu- manity, philosophy, or jurisprudence, at Auch, Villeneuve d'Agen, Paris, Bourdeaux, Poitiers, and Toulouse. At Toulouse he fell under suspi- cion of an abominable crime, and even incurred some hazard of being committed to the flames ; p. 94. Paris. 1566, 4to, " Quos ego libros cum Latino versu et com- mentariis illustrassem, quidam grammaticus eosdem libros oratione soluta, quantum libuit de meo labore detrahens, iterum pervulgavit." The ver- sion of Oppian which accompanies the elegant edition of Turnebus was printed by G. Morel. The literal translation of the Cynegetics is by the admirable editor ; the poetical translation of the Halieutics by Laurentius Lippius. c " Jam edidisse ilium lectiones Turnebi in Oppianum pro suis, nemo nostrorum ignorat." See a letter from Bongars to Rittershusius, publish- ed by Colomie's, Gallia Oricntalh, p. 83. Haga Comiti*, 1CG5, 4to. d Sammarthani Elogia Gallorum Doctrina Illustnum, p. H5. e Menage, who intended to publish a life of Muretus, has endeavour- ed to ascertain the order of his regencies ; but notwithstanding his con- summate knowledge of literary history, he seems to have left the subject involved in considerable doubt. ( ' Anti-BailUt, torn, i, p. 327.) The fu- neral oration of Bencius contains various error* relative to the history of Muretus beforo his settlement in Italy. (Jos. Scaligeri Confutatlo Babul* Burdonum, p. 4J1.) 71 tmt a counsellor of the parliament having com- municated to him a dark intimation of his danger in a solitary line of Virgil/ he fled towards Italy with the utmost terror and precipitation. His consternation, among other effects, produced a mobility in his ears. 2 Having thus abandoned his native country in the year 1554, he fixed his residence at Venice, where he opened a public lecture in the Franciscan monastery. 11 He after- wards removed to Padua, and received pupils into his house ;' and here he was again suspected of f Heu fuge crudeles terras, fuge littus avarum. S Casauboni Animadversiones in Athenieum, lib. x, cap. i. -" Casau- bonus notat," says Petrus Petitus, " a viris fide dignis se accepisse, visas manifesto aures moveri viro cuidam eruditissimo, cum per Allobrogum fines transiens vivicomburii periculum sibi a magistratu imminere intel- lexisset : quod diceretur nefandi criminis reus Tolosa in Italiam fugere. Ex quibus circumstantiis conjecture licet, hunc virum eruditissimum, Muretum fuisse, quern constat sodomise accusatum flammas fuga evasisse." (Commentarn in tres priores Aretai libros, p. 17. Lond. 1726, 4to.) The same conjecture had been adopted by another writer. (Colomesii Opus- cula, p. 39.) Procopius, who represents Justinian as a mere ass, has averred that the resemblance also obtained in the article of. moving ears. 'HA&w rt xovri 'i-xi&a.i- ffu%vu oi ffBtopivuv Ghilini, Teatro d'Huomini Letterati, vol. i, p. 165. i Joan. Mich. Bruti Epistplx Clarorum Virorum, p. 401,403. Lugd. 1561, Svo. The correspondence of Muretus and Lambinus, reprinted 72 the same foul ciime. k Six years after his settle- ment in Italy, he was invited to Rome by Car- dinal lppolito d'Este; and in the house of that illustrious churchman, and of his brother Lodo- vico, who had arrived at the same high prefer- ment, he continued till the time of his death. By his various writings, and by his prelections in the Roman university, he now acquired a repu- tation almost unrivalled. He successively filled with the same applause, the departments of phi- losophy, civil law, and humanity. 1 At the se- date age of fifty, he entered into holy orders. The younger Scaliger, if his sentiments be faith- fully represented, was disposed to regard him as a mere atheist; nor is it difficult to conceive that the rank soil of Rome produced atheistical priests in great abundance. Erythraeus, who extols his piety with much grimace, has recorded it as a memorable circumstance that when his health permitted, he daily celebrated mass with many tears. He died at Rome on the fourth of June 1585, and left a moral character which it is not too harsh to consider as extremely dubious. 1 " Of the abominable crime repeatedly laid to his charge from the very rare collection of Brutus, may be found in Ruhrrkenius't edition of Muretus, torn, i, p. 379. k- Mureti Opera, torn, i, p. 390. I Bencii Orationes, p. 241. Erythrsei Pinacotheca, torn, i, p. 11. m Gallia quod peperit, pepulit quod Gallia monstrum, Qtsetn Veneti profugum non potuere pati, 7^ he fSLH pefhaps Uwioeeilf : he must either have been very guilty, or very unfortunate." A ru- mor likewise prevailed of his having polluted his hands with blood. He was besides accused of an intemperate use of wine ; and when a benefice suddenly converted him into a saint, he himself acknowledged that the former part of his life had been sensual and gross. p The evidence of his speculative atheism is certainly incompetent ; but the injurious imputations attached to his personal character, derive the strongest confirmation from Muretum esse sibi civem jussere Quirites, Et tumulo extinctum composuere suo. Vivere nam potius qua debuit urbe cinaedus ? Impius et quanam dignius urbe mori ? Bez;e Poemata Varia, p. 144. n There is one charge of which Muretus may very readily be acquit- ted ; namely that of having composed an impious book, De Tribus Jm- pvstoribvi, on the three impostors, Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet. This book has with the utmost confidence been imputed to many authors, of different ages, and of the most opposite denominations ; but it is extreme- ly evident that such a book never existed. See M. de la Monnoye's " Lettre a M. Bouhier sur le pretendu livre des trois Imposteurs." ( Mc- nagiana, torn, iv, p. 374.) " Sed crimen istud," says Erythraeus, " illudque, quod in Gallia ho- minem occiderit, et interdum vino se ad ebrietatem onerarit, si vera for- ent, posset mquisjirvenlHtis excusatione defendere." ( Pinacotbeca, torn, i, p. 1 3.) Sodomy and murder being mere peccadillos, ought by all means to be extused in a lad of spirit. P Cnrae magis mi est, lustra jam decern miser Cjualibus in vftiis defixus ipse erraverim ; Cum me, Dei vix jam manente imagine, Mortifera induerat fcedam voluptas in suem. Mureti Opera, torn, i, p. 766. 74 the profligate strain of his writings. 01 The obsequi- ousness with which he adapted himself to the pes- tiferous meridian of Rome, cannot but be regard- ed as an indication of practical atheism : in two of his elegant orations, he has exerted all his skill to embalm the loathsome putrescence of Charles the ninth ; and hij elaborate encomium on the massacre of St. Bartholomew must be remember- ed to his eternal infamy/ The guilt of those ex- ecrable proliticians who produced this unparallel- ed scene of butchery, is hardly to be compared to that of the enlightened scholar who could calm- ly extol so damnable a deed. To suppose Mu- retus an atheist, is more charitable than to sup- pose the contrary. 5 * The conduct of Muretus was Jesuitical enough ; but the excellent Dr. Jortin is mistaken in supposing that he was literally a Jesuit. (Lift f Erasmus, vol. ii, p. 13.) This mistake, which had also been commit- ted by Thomasius, seems to have originated from the circumstance of his funeral oration having been pronounced by the Jesuit Bencius. r " O nociem illam memorabilem et in fastis eximiaj alicujus notas ad- jectione signandam, quae paucorum seditiosorum interitu regem a pne- senti ca:dispericulo,regnum aperpetua civilium bellorum formidine liber- avitl Qua quidem nocte Stellas equidem ipsas luxisse solito nitidius arbitror ; et flumen Sequanam majores undas volvisse, quo citius ilia impuroruni hominum cadavera evolveret et exoneraret in mare. O fcelicissimam mulierem Catharinam regis matrem," &c. Mureti Opera, torn, i, p. 177. s Menage professes to regard his memory with " toute sorte de vener- ation: aiant appris du Jesuite Bencius, que les neuf dernieres annees de ta vie il etoit d'une devotion si fervente qu'il pleuroit en disant la messe.'' (Anti-BailUt, torn, i, p. SI 9.) A funeral oration, composed by a Jesuit, and delivered in Rome, is certainly the most slender authority that could 75 These disgraceful characteristics of the man render the most elegant of his works less palat- able. He was however a scholar of the first mag- nitude. He has written in prose and in verse with the same purity and elegance : but his chief distinction is that of an excellent philologer ; for although his diction is very seldom unclassical, yet he rarely evinces the native elevation of a poet or orator. Before he had been accused at Toulouse, and consequently before he had as- sumed the consummate hypocrisy of a Roman courtier, Buchanan addressed t? him some verses in commendation of his tragedy of Julius Casar.* Buchanan, Turnebus, and Muretus, although they spent the best part of their lives in scholas- tic occupations, contracted none of the peculiari- ties incident to their profession. It was a cus- tomary remark of the famous poet Ronsard that easily be produced in favour of clerical piety. All that can be concluded from the elegant flourishes of Bencius is, that Muretus never dreamed of piety till he became a priest. (Oratknes, p. 248.) He was tempted with a benefice of five hundred crowns a year ; and for retaining that benefice it was necessary " qu'il char.tast messe et fist deux lecons la semaine." (Scaligerana,^. 164 v When Erythraeus remarks that he said mass as oft- en as his health would permit, we may perhaps conclude that in general it permitted him just as often as he found it expedient, namely twice every week. The Latin hymns which he published while a layman are not to be regarded as a proof of his devotion ; for, as he has taken care to inform his reader, their composition was a task imposed upon him. 1 This tragedy of Muretus was printed among his Juvenilia. Paris. 1553, 8vo. The collective edition of his works which I use is that pub' lished by the very learned David Ruhnkenius. Lugd. Bat. 1789, 4 torn* 8vo. 16 those admirable scholars, together with Anthony Govea, all of whom were his intimate friends, presented nothing of the pedagogue except the gown and cap. 11 Ronsard had been accustomed to live with men of courtly manners, and may be considered as no incompetent judge of polite- ness. Joannes Gelida v another member of the same college, and an associate to whose pious care Bu- chanan acknowledges himself to have been so much indebted, was a native of Valencia; which "was likewise the birth-place of Joannes Ludovicus Vives, one of the most enlightened men of his age. x Gelida emigrated from Spain at an early period of life, and prosecuted his academical stu- dies at Paris. In that university, his talents pro- cured him the appointment of a public teacher of what was then called philosophy. His stature was somewhat diminutive; but as his natural acuteness was accompanied with powerful lungs ar.d a clear voice, he appeared to .ureat advan- tage in the disputations. But the unprofitable and barbarous science in which he had been ini- tiated, was now beginning to be exploded: the " Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, tpm. iv, p. 99. x Vives, who was a layman, and a member of the university of Ox- ford, was born at Valencia in the year 1492, and died at Bruges on the *ixth of May 1540. Georgius Fabricius classes him with Erasmus and- BixUeus: Judicio Vives, sermonis flumine Era.mus, Doctrinae prima* laude Budaeus habet. 77 exertions of Jacobus Faber Stapulensis, and other champions, had at length introduced into that flourishing seminary a more genuine species of philosophy. Gelida, at the mature age of forty, began to discover that he had hitherto been exer- cised in laborious trifles ; but his mind still re- tained its youthful elasticity, and he determined to retrace the course of his studies. He now ap- plied himself, for the first time, to the attentive perusal of Cicero and other Roman authors of classical fame ; and afterwards, with great avidi- ty, to the acquisition of the Greek tongue, which he had entirely neglected in his earlier years. His strenuous perseverence soon conducted him to uncommon proficiency as a polite scholar; and it is this useful part of his history that enti- tles him to a more conspicuous station among the accomplished friends of Buchanan. Gelida is said to have presided over the college to which Buchanan now belonged; but as it is certain that he afterwards removed to Bourdeaux to act as Govea's surrogate, this statement may justly be suspected of inaccuracy. Leaving a widow and a little daughter, he died at Bourdeaux on the nineteenth of February 1556, after having exceeded the age of sixty. His friend Julius Sca- liger composed the subsequent lines in honour of his memory. 78 Qui toties animam Gelida mihi magne dedisti, (Namque anima est, anima quin mihi fama prior) Si quantum accepi, quantum tibi debeo, pendam, Grata nee aversus deserat ora pudor, O animae hujos, adhuc possis ut vivere, tecum Partior has, fati quas dedit aura, vices. Quod si non licet, at quantum licet, accipe famam, Hinc tibi si qua tamen vivere fama potest. Qaod si fama tibi es, nee nostro cedis honori, Sit sat, velle tibi, nee potuisse dare.' Gelida has been celebrated by Thuanus as a man of an excellent capacity ; but his academic- al engagements seem to have precluded him from a more extensive communication of the treasures which he had amassed. Before he ex- tricated himself from the prevalent barbarism of the schools, he published some work relative to Aristotle's logic ; and at the time of his death, it was supposed that he must have left composi- tions ready for the press. A collection of his fa- miliar epistles was afterwards edited by one of his pupils, rather from a principle of respectful gratitude, than from a conviction of their being adequate to the opinion which had been conceiv- ed of so great a man. 2 They relate to subjects V Jul. Scaligeri Poc-mata, torn, i, p. 312. 2 Johannis Gelida; Valentini Epistol.-e et Carmina. Rupellx, 1571, 4to. The poems thus announced in the title-page, merely consist of two epitaphs on Buda:us, and an " Exhortatio de servanda Amicitia." The epitaphs had already been published by Louis le Roy. (Regii Vita G. Bu- at sufficient authority, other two Scotish names ; those of John Rutherford and William Rams.,v. e Govea had relinquished his office at Bourdeaux in the intention of resuming it after an interval d Schotti Bibliotheca Hispanica, p. 617. ' John Rutherford, say his biographers, was a native of Glasgow. Previous to his visiting the continent, he had taught philosophy at St. Andrews ; and having after his return from Portugal resumed his former situation, he ended his days in St. Salvator's College. (Dempster Hist. Ecclesiast. Gent. Scotor. p. 566. Mackenzie's Lives of Scott Writers, vol. iii, p 137.) Dr Mackenzie professes to have derived part of his informa- tion from two of Rutherford's publications : Comment, in lib. Arist. de Arte Metrica. Edinb. 1557, 4to. De Arte Diuerendi lib. 4. Edinb. 1580, 4 to. One circumstance however contributes to render his assertions ex- tremely dubious : from the title of the last work, as exhibited by Mr* Herbert, it appears that Rutherford was a native, not of Glasgow, but of Jecibuigh : " Commentariorum de Arte Disserendi libn quatuor, Joan- ne Retorforti Jedbur^eeo Scoto author e." Edinb. 1577, 4to. ( Typographic- al Antiquities, vol. iii, p. 1499.) William Ramsay, says Dempster, was the companion of Buchanan'* studies in France, and was likewise associated with him at Coimbra. Haviag quitted Portugal, he was appointed a professor in the university of Leyden, which had recently been founded. He afterwards taught philosophy at St. Andrews; where he died about the year 1590. He composed a Judicium de Lusitan'u. The rest of his productions are care- fully preserved in manuscript in the library at Leyden (Dempster, p. 564.) Jacobus Ramseius, J. C. is enumerated by Meursius among the Leyden professors of philosophy and eloquence. Athena: Batavj, p. 351.) Gifanius, in the postscript of his letter to Buchanan, mentions one Ram- say as the intim ite friend of his correspondent : " Iidem illi populares tut, familiares mei, esse nunc isthic doctissimum virum D. Ramseum, qui olim Vitebergx professor fuit, et vertisse eum quoque multa epigram- mata commemorabant. Quare cum ille tibi perfamiharis sit, rogo te, mi domine, ut et eum admoneas ut suamsymbolam coiiferat." (Buchan- ani Epistola, p. 7.) Dempster, Meursius, and Gifanius, may possibly al- lude, however inaccurately, to the same individual. F 82 of two years ; and in the mean time had delegat- ed his authority to Gelida. But death arrested him in his native country. Gelida was then con- stituted principal of the College of Guienne, which he continued to govern till the time of his de- cease. Govea died in the year 1548; and Bu- chanan, in a short epitaph, gratefully comme- morated the services which he had rendered to literature. Alite non fausta genti dum rursus Ibere Restituis Musas, hie Goveane jaccs. Cura tui Musis fuerit si mutua, nulla Incolet Elysium clarior umbra nemus. f During the lifetime of this worthy man, Bu- chanan and his associates had found their situa- tion at Coimbra sufficiently agreeable ; but after they were deprived of his protection, the Portu- gueze began to persecute them with unrelenting bigotry. The harmless professors were at first assailed by the secret weapons of calumny, 'and in due time were loudly accused of imaginary crimes. Three of their number were thrown in- to the dungeons of the inquisition, and after hav- ing been subjected to a tedious imprisonment, were at length arraigned at the infernal tribunal. According to the usual practice, they were not confronted with their accusers ; of whose very names they were ignorant. As they could not be convicted of any crime, they were overwhelm- ' Buchanani Epigram, lib. ii, If. S3 ed with reproaches, and again committed to cus- tody. Buchanan had attracted an unusual degree of indignation. He was accused of having written an impious poem against the Franciscans ; yet with the nature of that poem the inquisitors were totally unacquainted. The only copy which he had suffered to escape, was presented to his native sovereign ; and before he ventured beyond the borders of France, he had even adopted the pre- caution of having the circumstances of its com- position properly represented to the Portugueze monarch. He was also charged with the heinous crime of eating flesh in Lent ; and yet with re- spect to that very article, not a single individual in Portugal deemed it necessary to practise absti- nence. Some of his strictures relative to monks were registered against him ; but they were such as monks only could regard as criminal. He was moreover accused of having alleged, in a convers- ation with some young Portugueze, that with respect to the eucharist, St. Augustin appeared to him to be strongly inclined towards the opini- on condemned by the church of Rome. Two witnesses, whom he afterwards discovered to be Ferrerius and Talpin, made a formal deposition of their having been assured by several respect- able informants, that Buchanan was disaffected to the Romish faith.* * " Alii duo testes Joannes Tolfinus Normannus, et Joannes Ferrerius e Subalpina Liguria," &c. (Bvchanam Vita, p. 6.) Read Talpinui. F 2 84 After the inquisitors had harassed Buchanan and themselves for the space of nearly a year and a half, they confined him to a monastery, for the purpose of receiving edifying lessons from the monks ; whom, with due discrimination, he re- presents as men by no means destitute of hu- manity, but totally unacquainted with religion. In their custody he continued several months ; and it was about this period that he began his version of the psalms, afterwards brought to so happy a conclusion. That this translation was a penance imposed upon him by his illiterate guard- ians, is only to be considered as an idle tale. h It is much more probable that a large proportion of the good monks were incapable of reading the psalms in their native language. The rational and elevated mind of Buchanan had received " Jean Talpin, Docteur et Chanoine Theologal a Perigueux l'an 1570," was a native of Constances in Normandy. He is the author De Lurbe, Chronique Bourdeloise, f. 42. i Montagne has characterized him as " le plus grand principal de France." (Essais, liv. i, chap, xxv.) " Ah avunculo," says Vasconcellus, " Burdigalam missi sumus, ad capiendum ingenii cultum, in celebri gym- nasio quod ibi eo tempore florebat sub moderamine Andreje Goveani Lu- titani.ex Pace Julia oriundi, viri gTavissimi." (Vita Jacobi Menatii Vas- eincelli, ab ipso coB*cri/>te, p. 3.) " Vjr de universa Aquitania et Uteris, ut 95 bra on the ninth of June 1548, after having reached the age of about fifty. His friend Vine- tus, in an epistle to Andreas Schottus, has com- memorated him as a man of liberal sentiments, and as an encourager of learning. k He does not however belong to the list of authors. Anthony Govea was the youngest and the most renowned of these brothers. While he prosecut- ed his studies in the College of St. Barbe, he made very unusual progress in ancient literature and philosophy ; and at Avignon and Toulouse, he afterwards applied to the stud) of jurisprudence with the same assiduity and success. He studied at Toulouse about the year 1.539 ; but before that period he had taught humanity in the College of Guienne. In 1542 he was a regent in some Pa- risian college under his uncle : and in the course of the ensuing year, he was engaged in a dispute with Ramus' which occasioned prodigious com- bustion in that university. Ramus, it is well known, had laudably undertaken to impugn the philosophy of Aristotle ; and Govea, notwith- standing his youth, was the first who entered the lists against him. He was seconded by Perionius, and other strenuous advocates of old opinions; and the contest at length rose to such a height i quls alius, optime meritus, homo pius, doctus, et ad regendam juventu- tern omnino natus." (Schotti Bibliotheta Hispanica, p. 617.) % Schotti Bibliotheca Hispanica, p. 475. 1 A biographical account of Ramus, who certainly was no ordinary character, was published by Nicolaus Nancelius, one of the regents of hi* college. ( Vita Pttri Rami, Paris. 1599, 8yo.) 96 that it was determined by a royal mandate. Govea afterwards returned to the College of Guienne, where he was left by the colony which departed for Coimbra. He successively taught jurisprudence at Toulouse Cahors, Valence, and Grenoble," to crowded auditories ; but when France began to be annoyed with the tumults of a civil war, he retired into Italy, and found an honourable asylum at the court of Savoy. From the duke he is said to have obtained the offices of counsellor, and master of the requests. He died at Turin at the age of about sixty. Man- fred, one of his sons, was also a man of learning : he published several works, among which are La- tin poems, and annotations on the writings of '"Julius Clarus p . Anthony Govea, according to m Launoi de Varia Aristotelis Fortuna in Academia Parisiensi, p. 59. Werenfelsii Dissertatio de Logomachiis Eruditorum, p. 58, edit. Amst. 1702, Svo. n Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, ii, p. 467. Bayle's criticisms on this part of Thuanus's narrative are misapplied. (Dictionairc Hhtorique H Critique, art. Govea. He supposes the historian to affirm, in the fol- lowing passage, that Govea was invited by Ferretus to teach jurisprud- ence at Avignon. " Ab iEmilio Ferreto, qui Avenione jus civile doce- bat, cum Lugduni privatis studiis intentus desideret, ad illius perplexa scientias professionem evocatus est ; in qua rursus exiguo tempore tantos progressus fecu." The purport of these words evidently is, that Ferre- tus induced Govea to betake himself to the study of law; for he certainly had not the power of inviting him to an academical chair. Thuanus expressly affirms that Govea first taught jurisprudence at Tou- louse. Julius Scaliger, in an epigram Ad Groeanum, apparently alludes to his having delivered prelections in that city; a part of his history which Bayle is inclined to represent as erroneous. ^Scaligeri Poemate, torn, i, p. 178.) Pancirolus de Claris Legum Interpretibus, p. 296. " Ghilini Teatro d'Huomim Lettcrati, toI. ii, p. 189. 97 Thuanus, was the only man of that age who, by the common consent of the learned, was consi- dered as a verv elegant poet, a great philosopher, and a most able civilian.* 1 The purity of his La- tin ftyle is highly commended by the same ad- mirable hiftorian. Besides his juridical writ- ings and his answer to Ramus, he published Latin poetns, editions of Virgil,' Terence/ and some of the works of Cicero, and a Latin trans- lation of Porphyry's introduction to Aristotle's logic. Joseph Scaliger represents him as an ex- cellent French poet/ But his chief praise is that of having been deemed the most formidable rival of Cujacius. He is highly extolled by Gra- vina, the most elegant civilian of the last cen- tury ; u and Cujacius himself had awarded him 1 Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, ii, p. 468. r H. Stephanus in the dedication of his Virgil has discussed the merits of Govea's edition with his usual freedom. ' See Wassii Senarius, sive de Legibus et Licentia Veterum Poetarum, p. 243. Oxon. 1687, 4to. 1 " Goveanus doctus erat vir, et valens dialecticus, optimus poeta Gal. licus: nee enim Hispanum judicavens, adeo bene Gallice loquebatur." (Prima Scatigcrana, p. 86.) He is likewise mentioned with great respect in Scaliger's Caitigationes in Festum, p. Ii. In Sanderus's catalogue of" fa- mous Anthonies;" the name of Govea has not been omitted ; but the no- tices of this writer are slight and unsatisfactory. ^Sanderus Dc Clarit Antoniis, p. 184. Lovanii, 1627, 4to.) u " Ingenium habuit varium et velox, ut rerum ab eo turn in philoso- phia, turn in humanioribus Uteris, turn in jure civili agitatarum finerfl ante initium animadverteres. Neque ullum fuit involucrum, unde non *e celeriter ac feliciter expediret." Graving Orlgines Juris Civilii, p. 127. 6 98 the superiority over all the interpreters of the Justinian law in ancient or modern times. Govea was the intimate friend of Buchanan ; who has recorded his attachment in immortal verse. Muretus thus addresses him in one of his epigrams : Summe poetarum quos secula nostra tulerunt, Cui sacra Castalii fluminis unda subest, Accipe non tetrica juvenilia carmina fronte, A domino limam jussa subire tuam, Ut tibi si (quod vix ausim sperare) probentur, Olim se lucem posse videre putent : Sin minu3, aeterna damnentur, ut omnia, nocte, Aspectu tanti facta beata viri.* Jacobus Tevius, the friend of Buchanan and Govea, was a native of Braga. Having complet- ed his studies in the university of Paris/ he ob- tained a regency at Bourdeaux ; where, as we have already seen, he was associated with Bu- chanan. After his removal to Coimbra, he com- posed a historical work, 2 which has been highly x Mureti Opera, torn, i, p. 693, edit. Ruhnkenii. y Schotti Bibliotheca Hispanica, p. 479. 2 Commentarius de Rebus a Lusitanis in India apud Dium Gestis, an- no salutis nostra: m.d.xlvi. Jacobo Tevio Lusitano Autore. The de- dication to King John is dated Coimbra, March the first 1548. This worlc of Tevius occurs in the collection entitled Hisfania Illustrate/, torn. ii, p. 1347. Dempster has absurdly affirmed that its real author was Bu- chanan (Hiit. EcUtiast. Gent. Scotor. p. 1 10.) Antonius, who has probably confounded him with some other writer, mentions Tevius by the name of Didacus, or Diego. In the epistle prefixed to the second edition of Beza's poems, he it erroneously called Joannes Tevius. 99 commended for the elegance of its Latinity.* Schottus informs us that he also published some orations, as well as some Portugueze and Latin poems. It was his intention to compose a gene- ral history of his native country ; but this plan he did not live to execute. Buchanan has repeatedly testified his affection for this associate of his learned labours. When Tevius published his historical commentary, Bu- chanan furnished him with a very happy address to King John ; b which is prefixed to the various editions of that work. In his elegy to Tastaeus and Tevius, he addresses him with all the warmth of friendship : O animas, Ptolemase, mese pars altera, tuque Altera pars anirnse, Tevi Jacobe, raese.c In a little poem inscribed to Anthony Govea, he has strongly indicated his regard for each of these Portugueze scholars. Si quicquam, Goveane, fas mihi esset Invidere tibive, Teviove, Et te nostro ego Tevio inviderem, Et nostrum tibi Tevium inviderem. Sed cum me nihil invidere sit fas Vel tibi, Goveane, Teviove, Si fas est quod amor dolorque cogit, Vobis imprecor usque et imprecabor, Uterque ut mihi sed cito rependat , a Vasaci Rerum Hispanicarum Chronicon r cap. iv, b Buchanani Opera, torn, ii, p. 102. c Buchanani Elegiarum liber, iv. g2 100 Hoc parvum ob facinus malumque poenas : Te mi Tevius invidere possit, Tu possis mihi Tevium invidere. Ambobus mihi si frui licebit, Coelum Diis ego non suum invidebo, Sed sortem mihi Dii meam invidebunt.d Hieronymus Osorius, bishop of Sylves, has likewise illustrated a portion of the Portuguese history with more than common elegance. 6 He was born at Lisbon in 1 506, and died at Tavilla in 1J80. At the request of King John, he had taught theology in the newly-founded university of Coimbra. As a Ciceronian, he stands unrival- led among his countrymen ; and in the judgment of Metamorus, may even contend with Longo- lius, or any other imitator of the Roman orator. 1 Ascham was also of opinion that, since the days of Cicero, no author had written with greater purity and eloquence ; s but Lord Bacon, who was however a less competent judge of style, has characterized his vein of composition by the epithet watery* The most celebrated of his productions seem to be his five books De Gloria. This treatise bears the form of a di- alogue ; and one of the interlocutors is his ve- ry learned friend Antonius Augustinus, arch- d Buchanani Hendecasyflabon liber, v. e Osorii de Rebus Emmanuelis Regis Lusitanix Invictissimi Virtute er Auspicio Getis libri duodecim. Olysippone, 1571, fol. f Metamorus de Academiis et Doctis Viris HispaniaB, p. 815. 8 Aschami Epistolx, p. 268. h Bacon of the Advancement of Learning, p. 36. 101 bishop of Tarragona, in whom Spain deservedly glories as a philologer and civilian of the first order. 1 Osorius attracted the particular at- tention of English scholars by his epistle to Queen Elizabeth, and his subsequent altercation with Haddon." This was certainly no despicable antagonist ; though Osorius and his zealous friend Manuel d'Almada 1 have treated him with the utmost contempt. His work De Justitia Osorius inscribed to Cardinal Pole ; who was himself dis- tinguished for the elegance of his Latinity. Gyraldus has enumerated several of the Por- tugueze who had cultivated Latin poetry ; but to Didacus Pyrrhus, m who is one of the interlo- cutors in his second dialogue, he assigns the su- periority over all the rest. Hermicus Caiadus, i His edition of V^rro Be Linguq Latins Fabricius and other writers have referred to the year 1557. .A copy in my possession bears Rm 102 Georgius Coelius, p and Michael Sylvius," flourish- ed during the earlier part of the sixteenth cen- tury ', and their poetical attempts were not alto- gether slighted by the fastidious scholars of Italy. Ignatius Moralis, LudovicusCrucius, and Manuel Pimenta, who succeeded them, were likewise poets of a temporary reputation. Crucius exe- cuted a paraphrase of the psalms ; r and in the preface, he has treated his predecessor Buchanan with abundant acrimony. This is only what might have been expected from a Portugueze Jesuit ; but his own compositions are nearly con- signed to irremediable oblivion, while those of Bu- chanan continue to resist the overwhelming stream of time. Achilles Statius and Thomas Gorrea likewise aspired to distinction as writers of Latin verse, but they were more conspicuous for their merit as philologers : the former, in par- ticular, is entitled to a station among the most learned of his countrymen. Besides Anthony Govea, Portugal produced se- veral other civilians. 5 The name of Amatus Lu- P Sadoleti Epistolae, p. CI 2. Bembi Epistolae Familiares, lib. vi, p. 730. Clenardi lipistolse, p. 244. q This poet was the son of Diego da Silva, count of Fortalegre ; and having been educated for the church, he rose to the dignity of a cardinal. (A. de Macedo Lusitania Infulata et Purpurata, p. 242.) He died at Rome in the year 1556. 1 Spain, though Latin poetry was not much cultivated in that coun- try, likewise produced a complete paraphrase of the psalms. It was ex- ecuted by the famous Benedietus Arias Montanus. Antverp. 1574, 4to. ' Dock de Authoritate Juris Civilis, p. 318. < 103 sitanus is inserted in the catalogue of illustrious physicians ;* and Hector Pintus who was a pro- fessor at Coimbra, is represented as a learned and eloquent divine." But the most famous of the Portugueze theologians was Franciscus Forerius, who had distinguished himself in the council of Trent, and who presided over the Dominican monastery of Almada Hill. x Manuel Alvarez, an acute and learned Jesuit born in the island of Madeira, is regarded as one of the ablest gram- marians of modern times/ Petrus Nonius, a native of Alcazar do Sal, and a professor in the university of Coimbra, is denominated by Oso- rius the prince of mathematicians ;' apd the learned of various nations have assigned him a conspicuous station among the cultivators of sci- ence. Such was the general state of learning among the Portugueze during the century which pro- duced George Buchanan. In science and in li- terature, that nation had evidently made no in- considerable advances ; and its progress had only been retarded by the despotism of the state, and by the more intolerable despotism of the church. 1 Castellani Vitae Illustrium Medicorum, p. 24J. Antv. 1617, 8vo. Gesner however represents him as " homo temerarius et indoctus." (EpittoU Medicinahst f. 105.) u Schotti Bibliotheca Hispanica, p.524. * Colomesii Italia et Hispania Orientals, p. 238. y Walchii Hist. Crit. Linguae Latin*, p. 193. Lipsiae, 1716, 8to. 7 Osorius de Rebus Gestis Emmanuelis, p. 424, 104 But to a country which fostered Jesuits and the inquisition, the generous frame of Buchanan'* mind was ill adapted. From a passage in his al- legorical poem entitled Desiderium Lutetia, it may be conjectured that after his release from the mo- nastery, the universities of Coimbra and Evora were equally ambitious of retaining him as a member. Et me tympana docta ciere canora Lycisca, Et me blanda Melaenis amavit, Iberides ambee, Ambae florentes annis, opibusque superboe : Et mihi dotales centum cum matribus agnos Ipsi pomisere patres, mihi munera matres Spondebant clam multa : meum ncc munera pectus, Nee nivei movere suis cum matribus agni, Nee quas blanditias tenera; dixere puellct, Nee quas delicias tenerse fecere puellcc. Quantum ver hyemem, vietum puer integer aevi, Ter viduam thalamis virgo matura parentem, Quam superat Durium Rhodanus, quam Sequana Mundam, Lenis Arar Sycorim, L'geris formosus Iberum, Erancigenas inter Ligeris pulcherrimus amnes j Tantura omnes vincit nymphas Amaryllis Iberas. By these two nymphs, we are apparently to un- derstand Coimbra and Evora ; as under the per- a Buchanani Silvac, iii. These rivers, Luriui, Munda, Syttrit, mdI6t- rut, are the Douro, Mondego, Segre, and Ebro. Coimbra is situated on the banks of Mondego ; and the " Muses of Mondego's bowers" are not altogether unknown to the classical scholar. Et per quas pulchro sinuosus flumine Munda Transit, ubi virides excelsa Conimbrica campos Despicit, Aonjis sedes gratissima Musis Vasconcellus de tuo ex Ebora Discessu. 105 , i .son of Amaryllis he exhibits an adumbration of his beloved Paris. If the poet had intended his allusion for the Portuguese metropolis, he would not have omitted to mention the Tagus aurijer y or golden Tajo. Buchanan found that his prospect of being promoted by the Portugueze monarch was some- what precarious ; and he therefore determined to abandon a country in which he had experienced such unworthy treatment. Having embarked in a Candian vessel which he found in the port of Lisbon, he was safely conveyed to England. Here however he did not long remain, though he- might have procured some creditable situation, which he himself has not particularized. The political affairs of that nation bore a very unpro- mising aspect ; and he was therefore more anxious to visit the accomplished associates whom he had left in France. In France he arrived about the beginning of the year 1.553. The siege of Metz was raised about the same period; and at the earnest request of his friends, he composed a poem on that event. b This was a task which he undertook with considerable reluctance : several other poets, most of whom were of his acquaint- ance, had already exercised their talents upon the same occasion ; and he was unwilling to en- ter into a competition. On this subject his friend b Buchanani Miscellaneorum liber, viii. Ad Henrkum II. Francix Rtgtm dt ttluta urtit M.tdiomaUUum Obtidione, 106 Melin de St. Gelais had written a poem, which he commends as erudite and elegant. St. Gelais was once a tavourite poet at the French court ; d and Buchanan has celebrated him in verse as well as in prose. Mellinura patrio sale carmina tingere jussit, Parceret ut famse Musa, Catulle, tuse. c To the French nation Buchanan appears to have been strongly attached ; and, in return, they were proud in regarding him as their coun- tryman by adoption/ His sentiments on thus revisiting France, he has warmly expressed in a poem composed on the occasion. It is entitled Adventus in Galliam. Jejuna miserse tesqua Lusitaniae, Glebaeque tantum ferules penuriae, Yalete longum. At tu beata Gallia Salve, bonarum blanda nutrjx artium, Ccelo salubri, fertili frugum solo, Umbrosa colles pampini melli coma, Pecorosa saltus, rigua valles fontibus, c Buchanani Vita, p. 7. 1 Melin de St. Gelais, say* Pasquier, " produisoit de petites fleurs, et non fruicts d'aucune duree, c'estoient des mignardises qui couroient de /ois a autres par les mains des courtisans et dames de cour, qui luy estoit une grande prudence. Parce qu' apres sa mort, on fit imprinter un recueil de ses ccuvres, qui mourut presque aussi tost qu'il vist le jour." (Recbercbet de la France, p. 613.) His life occurs in Niceron, torn, v, p. 197. e Buchanani Epigrammatum lib. i, 57. t " In Levinia Scotiae provincia ad Blanum amnem natus, sed adop- tione nostras ; qualis Antonius Goveanus Lusitanus, summus et ipse Bu- chanani amicus, dici et exist imari volebat." Tuuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, iv, p. 99. 107 Prati virentis picta campos floribus, Velifera longis amnium decursibus, Piscosa stagnis, rivulis, lacubus, mari j Et hinc et illinc portuoso littore Orbem receptans hospitem, atque orbl tuas Opes vicissim non avara impertiens j Amoena villis, tuta muris, turribus Superba, tectis lauta, cultu splendida, Victu modesta, moribus non aspera, Sermone comis, patria gentium omnium Communis, animi fida, pace florida, Jucunda, facilis, Marte terrifico minax, Invicta, rebus non secundis insolens, Nee sorte dubia fracta, cultrix numinis Sincera, ikum in exterum non degener : Nescit calores lenis aestas torridos, Frangit rigores bruma flammis asperos, Non pestilentis pallet Austii spiritu Autumnus aequis temperatus flatibus, Non ver solutis amnium repagulis Inundat agros, et labores eluit. Ni patrio te amore diligam, et colam Dum vivo, rursus non recuso visere Jejuna miserae tesqua Lusitaniae, Glebasque tantum fertiles penuriae.* Of Buchanan's attainments the French were more competent judges than the Portugueze. Before the reign of Francis the first, science and literature had indeed begun to revive ; but under the generous protection of that accomplished monarch, their progress was rapid and brilliant. b S Buchanani Fratres Fraterrimi, xxviii. h " Nam ut hujus optimi post homines natos principis caetera decora, tnajore concipienda fortassis ore, et nuper concepta, omittam, et de Uteris 108 Buchanan's talents were not long permitted to remain inactive. Soon after his return to Paris, he was appointed a regent in the College of Bon- court ;' and in the year 1555, he was called from that charge by the celebrated Comte de Brissac, who entertained him as the domestic tutor of his son Timoleon de Cosse. To that warlike noble- man he addressed a very poetical ode after the capture of Vercelli, k an event, which occurred in the month of September 1553 ; and on the twen- ty-eighth of July 1554, he dedicated to him the tragedy of Jephthes. Of the value of such tri- butes the count was not insensible : in the dedi- cation, Buchanan acknowledged himself already potissimum agam, qux mex partes sunt, nullus unquam ex omni memo- ria omnium astatum et temporum benignius et prolixius easmuneratus est. Nemo majora pramia constituit doctrinae et eruditioni, nemo uberiora : nemo juventutis studia ad discendum acrius inflammavit : cum aestima- tione doctrin.x, non census amplitudine, homines pendere soleret, doctis tacerdotia mandaret, honores deferret, ad res gerendas adhiberet, benefi- ciis augeret, omni liberalitatis genere complecteretur." Turnebi Oratio habita post J. Tusani Mortem, p. 29. i His regency in this college, as well as in that of Cardinal le Moine, Buchanan has himself neglected to mention. That he taught in the Col- lege of Boncourt is evident from a passage in a letter addressed to him by Nicolaus Nancelius. " Specimen frequens et nobile jam turn edidisti, cum inde ab annis circiter triginta, tu Lutetise in Becodiano profitereris, ego eodem tempore in pralio [lege Pnrlieo] (ubi regii turn juvenes Stuarti vestrates discebant) sub Ramo antesignano, longe ea aetate eloquentissimo et disertissimo Romuli nepotum, militarem doceremque." (Buchanani EpistoU, p. 35.) The date of this epistle is March the fifteenth 1583 ; for Nancelius had not then heard of Bushanan's death. He returned to France in 1553, precisely thirty years antecedent to that date. k Buchanani Miscell. xxiii. Ad Ccrolum Cossaum Brixiaci Dynastam, port eaptat Vercellas. 109 indebted to his politeness and to his liberality ;' and their closer connexion ensued in the course of the subsequent year. At that period the mar- shal presided over the French dominions in Italy; whither Buchanan was invited to attend his hope- ful pupil. m Marshal de Erissac lived in a state of princely magnificence. Though much of his life had been spent amidst the tumults of war, he appears to have been a man of a liberal mind, and to have cultivated an acquaintance with eminent scholars. During his campaigns, he was accom- panied by men of learning;" and the society which he now enjoyed with Buchanan, must have been productive of mutual satisfaction. In the preceptor of his son, he recognized a man capable of adorning a higher station ; and he accordingly 1 Me autem absentem," says Buchanan, " nee ulla alia re quam li- terarum commendatione tibi cognitum, ita complexus es omnibus huma- nitatis et liberaiitatis officiis, ut si quis ingenii mei sit fructus, si qua vigi- liarum velut fcetura, ea merito ad-te redire debeat." One of his odes is entitled De Amore Cossai et Aretes ( Mhcell. iii.) ; and he has also written the epitaph of his illustr;ous friend. (Epigram, lib. ii, 25.) m " Inde evocatus in Italiam a Carolo CossjeoBrixiacensi, qui turn se- cunda fama res in Iigustico et Gallico circa Padum agro gerebat, nunc in Italia, nunc in Gallia, cum filio ejus Timoleonte quinquennium haesit, usque ad annum millesimum quingentesimum sexagesimum." (Bucbanani Vita, p 7. Mr. Ruddiman is apparently mistaken in referring his new engagement to the year 1554. Buchanan's connexion with Brissac continued five years, and terminated in 1560: but between 1554 and 1560, the space of five complete years intervenes. His dedication is dat- ed at Paris on the twenty-eighth of July 1554, and contains no allusion to any domestic connexion with the count. n Buchanani Pra:f. in Jephthen* no treated him with the utmost respect and defer- ence. He was even accustomed to place him at the council board among the principal officers of his army. To this singular honour Buchanan was not entitled from his actual acquaintance with the theory or practice of war : he had re- commended himself by the intuitive sagacity of his comprehensive mind ; and his original admis- sion arose from a circumstance entirely accident- al. He happened to enter an apartment conti- guous to the hall in which the marshal and his officers were engaged in discussing some measure of great importance ; and on being arrested by their debates, he could not refrain from murmur- ing his disapprobation of the opinion supported by the majority. One of the generals smiled at so unexpected a salutation ; but the marshal hav- ing invited Buchanan into the council, enjoined him to deliver his sentiments without restraint. He accordingly proceeded to discuss the question with his wonted perspicacity, and to excite the amazement of Brissac and his officers. In the issue, his suggestions were found to have been oracular. H. Stephani Orationes II, p."16S. Franc. 1594, 8vo. Menage has related an anecdote of another complexion. " Bucanan avoit e"te" precep- teur det enfant de M. de Brissac. Comme il etoit un jour a sa table, il lui arriva dans le temps qu'il mangeoit du potage bien chaud, de laisser aller un vent qui fit du bruit : mais sans s'e'tonner, il dit a ce vent qui e"toit sorti comme malgr lui; Tu as bien fait de sortir, car j'allois te b ruler tout vif, Puiique la conversation est sur ce iu>et, j diray encore ce qui Ill Buchanan's pupil neither discredited his fa- ther nor his preceptor : he was afterwards distin- guished for his bravery, and for his acquaintance with military science ; and his literary attain- ments were such as reflected honour on a young nobleman, destined for the profession of arms. p His career was short and brilliant ; at the age of twenty-six, it was terminated by a musket-ball at the siege of Mucidan. q When committed to Bu- chanan's tuition, he was about twelve years of age. As he was intended for a military life, his attention was directed to other objects as well as to literature; and his preceptor, in the mean time, found sufficient leisure for his favourite pursuits. Many of his hours were devoted to the study of theology. At that asra, religious controversy exercised the faculties of a large pro- portion of mankind ; and he was likewise anxi- ous to place his faith on the solid foundation of reason. His poetical studies were not however entirely neglected. It was apparently about this period that he conceived the design of his philo- j'ay scu de M. de Racan. Le Cardinal du Perron jouant aux e*cheta avec Henry IV. dans le temps qu'il pla9oit un cavalier, il lui arriva la mme chose qu' a Bucanan en mangeant sa soup. Le cardinal pour couvrir cette liberty, dit ; Au moins, Sire, il n'est pas parti sans trompette. M. de Ra- can m'a assure - qu'il avoit entendu l'un et 1'autre. Ces sorres d'inconve- niens peuvent arriver a tout le monde dans les meilleurs compagnies, et Ton ne devroit pas s'en offenser." (Menagiana, torn, ii, p. 1 33.) P Brantome, Vies des Hommes Illustres et Grands Capitaine* Fran- cois de son temps, torn, iii, p. 409. q Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, ii, p. 707, 112 sophical poem Be Sphcera ; which his future avo- cations did not suffer him to draw to a conclu- sion. It is addressed to his interesting pupil. Tu mihi, Timoleon, magni spes maxima patris, Nee patriae minor, Aonii novus incola montis, Adde gradum comes, et teneris assuesce sub annis Castalidum nemora et sacros accedere fontes, Nympharumque choros, populoque ignota profano Otia, nee damno nee avarae obnoxia curae. Tempus erit, cum tu, veniat modo robur ab annis, Spumantes versabis equos in pulvere belli Torvus, et in patriam assurges non degerter hastam. Interea genitor Ligurum sine fulminet arces, Germanosque feros et amantes Martis Iberos Consiliis armisque premet, Francisque tropaeis Littora Phoebaeas decoret testantia flammas. r During the five years of his connexion with this illustrious family, Buchanan alternately re- sided in Italy and France. In the mean time, se- veral of his poetical works were published at Pa- ris. In 1556 appeared the earliest specimen of his poetical paraphrase of the psalms ; s and his version of the Alcestis of Euripides was printed in the course of the subsequent year. This tra- gedy he dedicated to Margaret, the daughter of Francis the first ; a munificent princess, whose favour he seems to have enjoyed/ Nor was it r Buchananus de Sphxra, p. 1 14. $ Ruddiman's Vindication of Buchanan, p. 129. * " Quod si audacius," says Buchanan, " a me factum videatur, earn tu potissimum culpam prjestes oportet : quae me tua auctoritate ad scri- 113 improper to submit a Latin drama to her inspec- tion ; for with the principal writers of that lan- guage she had contracted a familiar acquaint- ance." Brantome has extolled her as a prodigy of virtue and wisdom. x In the fortunes of ac- complished scholars, she interested herself with a generous warmth ; and it was to her friendly zeal that the excellent De l'Hospital was indebt- ed for his elevation. To this princess, who was at length married to the duke of Savoy, many of the chancellor's poems are addressed ; and she is likewise celebrated by Salmonius Macrinus, and by various other authors of eminence. Buchan- an's ode on the surrender of Calais was published in the year 1558. The same subject exercised the talents of De l'Hospital, Turnebus, and many other poets. His connexion with the count terminated |in the year 1 560, when the flames of civil war had already seized the deluded nation. It was per- haps the alarming state of France that induced Buchanan to hasten his return to his native coun- try. The precise period of his return has not been ascertained : but it is certain that he was at the Scotish court in January 1562 ; and that, in the month of April, he was officiating as classical bendum impulisti, et in arenam productum omni favoris genere pross- queris et foves." Hospitalii Epistolae, p. 24. Gallandii Vita Castellani, p. 43. z Brantome, Vies des Dames Illustres de France de son temps, p. 322, H 114 tutor to the queen, who was then in the twen- tieth year of her age. Every afternoon she per used with Buchanan a portion of Livy. y This author is not commonly recommended to very young scholars ; and indeed the study of the Latin language is known to have occupied a con- siderable share of her previous attention. She; had been sent to France in the sixth year of her age, and had acquired every accomplishment that could adorn her station. The charms of her per- son were so conspicuous as to place her above the most elegant of her fair cotemporaries ; z and the polish of her mind corresponded to the na- tive elegance of her external form. She was ac- quainted not only with the Scotish and French, but also with the Italian and Spanish languages i and her knowledge of the Latin tongue was such J In a letter from Randolph to Cecil, dated at Edinburgh on the thir- tieth of January 1561-2, the following passage occurs. " Ther is with the quene one called Mr. George Bowhanan, a Scottisfie man, verie well. lerned, that was schollemaster unto Mons r de Brisack's sone, very godlye and honest." On the seventh of April, Randolph wrote thus from St. Andrews to the same statesman : " The queen readeth daily after her dinner, instructed by a learned man Mr. George Bowhannan, somewhat of Lyvie. " Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman, p. 3 1 9, 330.) 2 " Fcemina," says Julius Csesar Bulenger, " omnium sui sa:culi cor- poris dignitate rr.axime Conspicua, humanitate, prudentia, liberalitate, exi- mia, sed variis miseriis toto vitas tempore exercita." (Hist, sui Temporis, p. 252. Lugd. IC19, foL) On the tragical story of this accomplished and ill-fated princess, a Spanish author famous for his prolific vein has composed a poem in five books. See Lord Holland's elegant and animat- ed Accwnt tf tht Life and Writings of Lcpe de fega, p. 87. Lond. 1806, av. 115 as modern ladles have not very often surpassed.* In the fourteenth year of her age, she pro- nounced before a splendid auditory of the French court, a Latin declamation against the opinion of those who would debar the female sex from the liberal pursuits of science and liter- ature. This oration, which she had herself com- posed, she afterwards translated into French ; but neither the original nor the version has ever been published. b Some of her Italian and French verses are however preserved. Mary was un- a " In optimis quiiusque Europse Unguis perdiscendis," say3 Georg* Con, " plurimum studii locabat ; tanta autem erat suavitas sermonis Gal- lici, ut in eo facunda doctissimorum judicio haberetur, nee Hispanicum aut Italicum negfexit, quibus ad usum magis quam ad ostentationem, aut volubilitatem, utebatur ; Latinum intelligeb.it melius quam efferebat ; ad poetices leporem plus a natura quam ab arte habuit." (Vita Marie Stuart*, p. 15, apud Jebb.) o La Croix du Maine, Bibliotheque Franchise, torn, ii, p. 90. Bran- tome, Vies des Dames Illustres de France, p. 114. c Most of them are collected by Mr. Laing. ( Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii, p. 217.) Two of her French poems, which have escaped the ifeque minim : multas enim historias legunt, peccare, ut ait Flac- cus, docentes." The opinion of Grotius is more liberal, and perhaps more philosophical. Crede nihil nostris, aut omnia crede puellis : Lectricis mores pagina nulla facit. Qux casta est, totum leget incorrupta Catullum : Illi nil tutum est quae capit, et capitur. Grotii Poemata, p. 251. e " Et dum impotentix sux indulgent, ilium sponte sua sacerdotum licentise infensum acrius incendunt, et Lutherame causse minus iniquum reddunt." (Buchanani Vita, p. 3.) 117 ed himself a member of the reformed church of Scv>tland ; and this accession to their cause was duly appreciated by the leaders of the party. The earl of Murray was then rising towards that summit of power which he afterwards attained. He was one of the few Scotish nobles of the age who reverenced literature, and patronized its professors/ His own education had not been ne- glected ; he had been committed to the tuition of Ramus, g who then presided over the College of De Prele at Paris. For Buchanan he soon pro- cured a station of some dignity and importance: as commendator of the priory of St. Andrews, he enjoyed the right of nominating the principal of St. Leonard's College ; and a vacancy occurring about the year I566, h he placed Buchanan at the head of that seminary. 1 The masterships of the f Patrick Cockburn is perhaps the earliest wrker who has celebrated his patronage of literature. " Accedit etiam generosissimi adolescentis Jacobi Steuardi, illustrissimi et invictissimi Scotorum quondam regis filii inclyti, regio plane ingenio et moribu9 praediti, patroni ac Maecenatis mei benignissimi, seria et pia adhortatio." f De Vulgari Sacm Sciptur* Pbrati libri duo, f. 2. Paris. 155S, 8vo.) This work is dedicated to James Stewart. i Turneri Maria Stuarta Ionocens, p. 13, edit. Colon. 1627, 8vo. h Sibbaldi Comment, in Vitam Buchanani, p. 65. i It appears from the original statutes, as quoted by Mr. Man, that the right of nominating the principal of St. Leonard's College was per- petually vested in the prior of St. Andrews. (Censure of Ruddiman, p. 94.) And at the time of Buchanan's appointment, the priorship was held by his patron the earl of Murray. In the act of privy council respecting his resignation of the principality, and appointment to the office of pre- ceptor to the king, the subsequent clause occurs. " Albeit the present- ation, nomination, and admission of the master of the said colledge per- .H3 118 Scotish colleges are generally conferred on eccle- siastics : this practice does not however, in each instance, result from the fundamental statutes, but from the influence of established modes. It has indeed been asserted that Buchanan was not a mere layman, but a doctor and professor of di- vinity.'' This supposition is evidently devoid of foundation; and its author ought to have recol- lected the distinction between doctors by ofticc, and doctors by faculty ) The tenure of his ap- pointment would seem to have imposed the task of delivering occasional lectures on theology; and the skill with which he discussed the subject of prophetic inspiration is commemorated in the unpublished history of Calderwood. ra The theo- logical prelections of a gay and satirical poet must have excited no ordinary curiosity. Bu- chanan was a man of universal talent ; and the Mined of old to the prior of St. Andrews, yet the same right and patron- age presently appertains to our sovereign lord, as well by reason of the raws of the realm, as because the priory of St. Andrews presently vaiks destitute of a prior or commendatar." Here the expression is somewhat incorrect ; hut the sense evidently is, that the right of presentation then belonged to the king, merely because the priorship was vacant. By reason of the laws of the realm," that right reverted to the crown in case of such a vacancy. k Man's Censure of Ruddiman, p. 94. I Doctores igitur," says the learned Dr. Forbes, " scholastici, sive ecclesiasti-i, prout a parochiarum pastonbus distinguuntur, duorum sunt gene uii Alii sunt doctores officio, nempe, publici professores: alii sunt doctores facultate. (Foibesii Irniuum Amatoribus Veritatis it Path in i cltiia Scoticana, p. 305. Aberdonia-, IG'29, 4 to.) m Man's Censure of Ruddiman, p. 95. 119 ^tudy of theology had recently occupied a con- siderable share of his attention. On his return to Scotland, he determined to publish in a correct manner, the poetical works which he had composed at many different periods of his variegated life. His paraphrase of eighteen psalms had already appeared as a specimen ; and the whole version having received the polish of His masterly hand, he committed it to H. Ste- phanus. That famous printer is represented as having long deferred the impression ; and it is at least certain that the manuscript was in his cus- tody so early as the year 15G2. n Its suppression might be imputed to various causes ; but accord- ing to the very learned Hadrianus Junius, he had protracted the edition with the secret view of claiming this version as his own, in the event of Buchanan's decease. IVJany circumstances ren- der this supposition highly improbable ; and it must be recollected that Junius regarded with manifest hostility, the man to whom he imputes so flagitious a scheme. The date of this first complete edition is uncertain ; for it has been absurdly omitted in the book itself. p It was printed by Henricus Stephanus and his bro- n Maittaire, Historia Stephanorum, p. 256. Junii Animadversa, p. 390, edit. Roter. 1708, 8vo. P Psalmorum Davidis Paraphrasis Poetica, nunc primum edita, authorc (ieorgio Buchanano, Scoto, poetarum nostri sruculi facile principe. Ejus- detn Davidis Psalmi aliquot a Theodoro Beza Vezelio versi. Psalmi ali- quot in versus item Gnecos nuper a diverts translati. Apud Henricum Stepbanum,et ejus fratrtm Robert urn Stiphanvm, typ*graphum trgtum. Ex pri- 120 ther Robertus. In the year 1566 they publish- ed a second edition, which includes the author's tragedy of Jephthes. Buchanan, in the title- page of both impressions, is styled " Poetarum nostri saeculi facile princeps :" and his paraphrase was recommended to the learned world by the poetical encomiums of several respectable schol- ars ; by the Greek verses of H. Stephanus, Fran- ciscus Portus, and Federicus Jamotius, and by the Latin verses of Stephanus and Castelvetro. The name of Jamotius is not so familiar to learn- ed ears, but he was a man of considerable erudi- tion. He was a native of Bethune in Artois, and by profession a physician. q Castelvetro, an Ita- vilegio regis. 8vo. The subsequent editions are very numerous ; but I shall only mention some of the more remarkable. The earliest commen- tator on this work was Nathan Chytraeus; who published an edition with scholia adapted to the use of younger students. Francof. 1585, 12mo. That of Alexander Yule, or Julius, is illustrated with an ecphrasis, which' had been partly sketched by Buchanp.n himself. Lond. 1620, 8vo. But the best edition of Buchanan's paraphrase is that published by Robert Hunter, professor of Greek at Edinburgh, and John Love, master of the grammar school of Dalkeith. Edinb. 1737, 8vo. It is neatly and correctly printed by die Ruddimans ; and beside the notes of the as- sociated editors, it contains the illustrations of Chytraeus, Yule, Ruddi- man, and Burman. Andrew Waddel, A. M. prepared for publication " G. Buchanan's Paraphrase of the Psalms of David, translated into Eng- lish prose, as near the original as the different idioms of the Latin and English languages ^vill allow : with the Latin text and order of construc- tion in the same page." Edinb. 1772, 8vo. q Andreae Bibliotheca Belgica, p. 216, edit. Lovan. 1643, 4to. Among other works, Jamotius published the fo'.lowing. " Varia Poemata Grseca ft Latina." Antverp. 1593, 4to. " Galeni Paraphrasis in Menodoti Exhortationem ad Liberalium Artium Studia, Annotationibus illustrata." Lutetiae, 1583, 4to. He also published an edition of Tryphiodorus, C r ompanied with a poetical translation, and with notes. 121 lian critic of high reputation, is still regarded ai one of the most subtle commentators on Aris- totle's poetics/ Of Buchanan's superlative ge- nius, Stephanus was a zealous admirer : it was he who conferred upon him the appellation of chief poet of the age ; and this honourable title was af- terwards recognized by the scholars of France, Ita- ly, Germany, and other countries. 5 Of this cele- brated printer, it may safely be affirmed that he was at least as much inclined to censure as to com- mend : his cotemporary Joseph Scaliger, though very willing to applaud his erudition, has cha- racterized him as a man of an arrogant and mo- rose temper ; and even his son-in-law, the can- did and amiable Casaubon, however anxious he might be to conceal his infirmities, has occasion- ally mentioned him in terms of similar import. The erudition of Stephanus was however exten- sive and profound ; insomuch that he is justly regarded as the most learned printer who has yet appeared. He was one of the best Grecians of that laborious age ; and was eminently skilled in the Latin as well as in his vernacular language. r Castelvetro, says Dr. Bentley, " was one of the most iingenious and judicious and learned writers of his age ; and his books have at this pre- sent such a mighty reputation, that they are sold for their weight in sil- ver in most countries of Europe." (Dissertation upon Pbalaris, p. cii.) The life of Castelvetro, written by Muratori, it published with the col- lection of his Opere Crithbe. Berna, 1727, 4to. It is likewise prefix- ed to the magnificent edition of Le Aims del Pitrarca brevementt esposte per- Lodovico Castelvetro, printed at Venice in the year 1756 in two volumes quarto. 5 H. Stephani Orationes II, p. 1,64. 122 The Greek tongue he studied before the Latin ; and this unusual method he afterv\ards recom- mended as the most eligible/ The services which he rendered to the cause of literature were such as entitle him to perpetual gratitude : before his time, Greek books were extremely rare ; and the numerous editions which proceed- ed from his press, are generally distinguished for their correctness and elegance. Of his own com - positions it is more difficult to speak. By his Thesaurus Lingua Grace?, as well as by some of his philological annotations, he undoubtedly ren- dered essential service to classical learning ; but his efforts at a higher species of excellence are for the most part attended with very indifferent success. He produced an infinite number of little works, which certainly display but a slender share of judgment. Among other critical lucu- brations, he published a dissertation De Criticis Veteribus Gracis et Latinis ; u and on such a sub- ject, a curious and interesting treatise might f Estienne, Traicte de la Conformity du Langage Frangois avec Ie Orec, pref. Paris, 1569, 8vo. The same method of study is strenuously recommended by Dr Sharpe. " Hence it should seem more natural to begin with Greek than with Latin ; to descend with the stream than to strive against it. The Latin is derived from the Greek, and the know- ledge of the latter is a proper introduction to that of the former : it is to begin aright, entering the house by the door ; nor would it be less pre- posterous to learn a corollary before you learn the theorem from which it is deduced, than to learn Latin, which is the offspring of the ^olic dialect, before you have learned Greek." (Origin and Structure of th^ Greek Tengue,f. 10, edit. Lond. 1777, 8vo.) u Parisiis, 1587, 4ta 123 nave been expected from so learned a man : this dissertation however is sufficiently trifling and jejune. Another book he has professedly writ- ten on the Latinity of Lipsius ; but a great part of it is occupied with considerations respecting a war with the Turks. This, says Scaliger, ap- peared so ridiculous, that some person proposed to entitle it " De Lipsii Latinitate adversus Tur- cam." He was judiciously advised by Thuanus and by P. Pithoeus to restrict himself to the pub- lication of ancient authors ;* a plan by which he would have contributed more effectually to the advancement of learning. Stephanus, who was ambitious of universal ex- cellence, might perhaps expect to obtain the same preeminence among the Greek, as was due to Buchanan among the Latin paraphrasts of the psalms. But, like his countryman Serranus, he did not complete the version of which he pub- lished a specimen. A Greek translation had formerly been exhibited by Apollinarius ; and at a more recent aera, others were executed with different degrees of success by iEmilius Portus, Petavius, and Duport. The Latin versions amount to a very large number ; and by every competent and impartial judge, the superiority has always been awarded to Buchanan/ In this x Vavassor de Epigrammate, p. 201. y The subsequent lines occur in a little poem of Barlaus, prefixed to a harsh and inelegant version of the psalms by Jer. Hoelzlin, professor of Greek in the university of Ley den. Lugd. Bat. 1630, 8vo. 124 renowned work, he has employed no fewer than twenty-nine varieties of metre ; and each of them with the utmost propriety and skill. The adaptation of the measures, the harmony of the verse, the elegance and purity of the diction, the pious and dignified strain of the phraseology, would have been sufficient to secure a high re- puration independent of his original composi- tions. This production indeed displays all the spirit and freedom of an original : the poet seems unfettered by the necessity of adhering to a pre- scribed train of thought ; and he often rises to all the enthusiasm and sublimity of his divine prototype. His version of the hundred and fourth psalm might alone have conferred upon him the character of a poet. z The next in me- rit is perhaps the hundred and thirty-seventh ; which he has clothed in elegiac verse that has seldom or ever been surpassed. His work is pro- fessedly a paraphrase ; and indeed it would be impossible to execute a strict translation with Jessxi numeros, et sacri carmina vatis, Et quondam profugi nobile regis opus, Otia sceptrorum, facilesque in vota tiaras, Aptavit fidibus Scotia docta suis ; Et cecinit seris victura poemata seclis, Qualia majestas postulet ipsa Dei. z Several other Scotish poets have attempted to rival this exquisite ver^ sion. See a collection entitled Octufla ; hoc est octo Paraphrases Poetics Psalms civ, Autboribus totidcm Scotis. Edinb. 1696, 8vo. This collection also includes the critical tracts of Dr. Barclay and Dr. Eglisham. Lau- der has reprinted the prose as well as the verse, in his Poetarum Seotqrum Muse Sacr*. Edinb. 1739, 2 tom. 8vo. 125 any degree of elegance. That he has frequently dilated the original thought, is sufficiently evi- dent ; but no translator has been more successful in retaining the spirit and essence. It is not cer- tain that Buchanan was intimately acquainted with the Hebrew language ; but he must have consulted with diligence the principal commen- tators on the book of psalms. He is reported to have enjoyed the particular friendship of Fran- ciscus Vatablus ; and to have derived from that famous professor some more curious elucidations of the Hebrew text.* From his admirable version, he has carefully excluded such expressions as are strictly and solely applicable to subjects of classical mytho- logy ; but as he had adopted a classical language, it would have been utterly impossible to exclude every word or phrase, capable of suggesting the mythological allusions of his Pagan predecessors. The ancient Pagans often addressed Jupiter, whom they regarded as the supreme being, in a strain of phraseology which may reverently be applied to the true God; b and sometimes per- a " Doctlssimus poeta," says Dr. Barclay, " sequutus Francisci Vatab- li psalmorum interpretationem ; quem Parisiis Hebraicse linguse pro- fessorem habuit summe amicum et familiarem. Itaque consulebat curiose fontes ipsos, et linguam qua psalmos cecinit tepus propbeta. Unde dedu- cit aliquando plus sententix quam apparaat in vulgaris editionibus." (Judicium de Certamine Eglisemmii, p. 1 4.) b " Et qui Jovem principem volunt," says Minucius Felix, " fallunt- ur in nomine, sed de una potestate consentium." (Qctavius, p. 145, edit. Ouzelii, 1672.} 126 haps a Christian could not select words more suit- able to the devotional ideas that may arise in his mind. When he writes in a language which derives its vital principles from a people whose objects of worship were fictitious, he cannot ex- press himself without employing words originally appropriated by mythology : the boundaries of speech are already ascertained, and the only ex- pedient that remains is a happy and judicious adaptation. Buchanan has however been cen- sured by a late writer. *' In the translation of a psalm," says Lord Woodhouselee, " we are shocked when we find the almighty addressed by the epithets of a heathen divinity, and his attributes celebrated in the language and allu- sions proper to the Pagan mythology. . . .In the entire translation of the psalms by Johnston, we do not find a single instance of similar impro- priety. And in the admirable version by Buchan- an, there are (to my knowledge) only two pass- ages which are censurable on that account. The one is the beginning of the ivth psalm : O pater, O hominum divumque aeterna potestas ! which is the first line of the speech of Venus to Jupiter, in the 10th iEneid : and the other is the beginning of psalm lxxxii, where two entire lines, with the change of one syllable, are bor- rowed from Horace : Regum timendorum in proprios greges, Reges in ipsos imperium est Jov* . 127 In the latter example, the poet probably judged that the change of Jovis into Jovte removed all objection ; and Ruddiman has attempted to vin- dicate the divum of the former passage, by ap- plying it to saints or angels : c but allowing there were sufficient apology for both these words, the impropriety still remains ; for the associated ideas present themselves immediately to the mind, and we are justly offended with the liter- al adoption of an address to Jupiter in a hymn to the creator." d Whatever may be the general effect of the two passages, it may at least be af- firmed that those particular words are employed without any degree of impropriety. In the ori- ginal scriptures, the angels are repeatedly de- nominated gods : and Jova is manifestly the te- tragrammaton of the Hebrews, or that name of the supreme being which consists of four letters. To insert the word Jehovah in the translation of a psalm, certainly cannot be deemed reprehens- ible/ Some feeble attempts have been made to dis- c Ruddiman's Vindication of Buchanan, p. 161. J Woodhouselee's Principles of Translation, p. 254. e Drusii Observationes Sacra, p. 6. f Dr. Pitcairne commences his version of the hundred and fourth psalm with the following line. Dexteram invictam canimus Jovamque. This genuine reading occurs in the Octupla, which was published during the .lietime of Dr. Pitcairne. Ruddiman and Lauder have very impro- perly substituted Jovem. 128 possess Buchanan of his high preeminence in this department. Dr. Eglisham had the vanity to suppose himself capable of executing a para- phrase, superior to that of his illustrious coun- tryman ; and was even so infatuated as to exhibit a version of the hundred and fourth psalm in contrast with his. On Buchanan's translation of that psalm, he at the same time published a fu- rious criticism ; which he concludes very com- placently, by submitting his lucubrations to the judgment of the university of Paris. His fever of vanity was however expelled, and by a very vio- lent remedy. Dr. Johnston, who was aware that the reputation of his native land was closely connected with that of Buchanan, 6 exposed the phrensy of Eglisham in a galling satire ; and Dr. Barclay, another learned physician, refuted his captious criticisms, and exposed the puerility of the version which he had exhibited in so ha- zardous a position. Arthur Johnston was one of the best Latin poets of the age in which he flourished. His original compositions are distinguished by a spi- rit of classical elegance ; and he has executed a complete paraphrase of the psalms', which is re- garded as superior to that of every other poet t Si qua Caledonio facta est injuria vati, Scotia, te, regem tangit et ilia tuum. Te penes iilius sunt incunabula, ab illo Parva licet, magnum, Scotia, nomen habes. Jonstoni Hypermorus Medicaster. 129 except Buchanan. Of Buchanan's superiority he professes to have been abundantly aware ; but some of his fervent admirers have attempted to elevate him " above all Greek, above all Roman tame." Lauder, a man notorious for his impos- tures, was the first who endeavoured to establish Johnston's reputation on the ruin of Buchanan's; and his project found an immediate abettor in Mr. Benson v an English gentleman of some small scholarship, and of more than sufficient confi* dence in his own powers. Buchanan's defence against Lauder was undertaken by Mr. Love f against Benson, by Mr. Ruddiman, a more for- midable antagonist. Not satisfied with over- whelming Johnston with hyperbolical praise, Mr. Benson had laboured to prove that Buchan- an's paraphrase is unworthy of the commenda- tion which it has received : but his magisterial and shallow criticisms were most completely ex- posed by that excellent grammarian ; whose ela- borate performance, though perhaps somewhat deficient in compression, may still be recom- mended for its intrinsic value. The elegant and melodious version of John- ston is almost entirely restricted to the elegiac measure, in which he had attained to great pro- The controversy between Lauder and Love produced many pam- phlets ; but the only one that I have seen is the first part of Lauder's Ca- lumny Display d. Of that work there are at least other two parts. In tht catalogue subjoined to this volume, 1 have mentioned Love's companion of Buchanan and Johnston on the authority of Mr. Chalmers, p. 137. I 130 ficiency. In the hundred and nineteenth psalm alone, h,;> metre is varied; and each stanza is ex- hibited in a new species of verse. Buchanan's plan of varying the measure according to the characteristics of the poem, was evidently more eligible to a writer who possessed such versatility of talent. His friend Beza has likewise adopted a variety of metres ; but he has not perhaps se- lected them with equal judgment. Sir Thomas Hope, who was king's advocate from 1626 till 1641, and who is well known to Scotish lawyers, mu-t also be commemorated among the Scotish poets who have executed La- tin paraphrases of this sacred book. His ver- sion still remains in manuscript ; and its merit is not perhaps sufficient to render its publication an object of much solicitude. h Buchanan's paraphrase continues to be read in the principal schools of Scotland, and perhaps in those of some other countries. Lauder's attempt to supplant it by that of Johnston proved unsuc- cessful. During the lifetime of Buchanan, it had begun to be introduced into the schools of Germany ; and its various measures had been accommodated to appropriate melodies, for the purpose of being chanted by academics.' Pope h Hope's version of the hundred and fourth psalm may be found in Lauder's Poetarum Scotorum Must* Sacrx, torn, ii, p. xxvi. To this famous lawyer Johnston has addressed one of his epigrams. (Jonstoni Poemata, p, 374. Middelb. Zeland 1642, 16to.) i Nathanis Lbytrxi prxf. in Collectanea in Buchanani Paraphrasin Psal- 131 Urban the eighth, himself a poet of no mean ta- lents, is said to have averred that " 'twas pity it was written by so great a heretic, for otherwise it should have been sung in all churches under his authority." k The famous Bishop Bedell " lov- ed it beyond all other Latin poetry;" 1 and Ni- colas Bourbon, who was himself a poet of consi- derable celebrity, declared that he would rather have been the author of this paraphrase than archbishop of Paris. m When Buchanan consigned his psalms to the printer, he was probably engaged in superintend- ing the classical studies of Queen Mary ; and to that most accomplished and hopeful princess, he gratefully inscribed a work destined for immor- tality. His dedication has received, and indeed is entitled to the highest commendation for its terseness, compression, and delicacy. Nympha, Caledoniae quce nunc feliciter or* Missa per innumeros sceptra tueris avos j Quae sortem antevenis mentis, virtutibus annos, Sexum animis, morum nobilitate genus, morum. The edition of Chytraus, which has frequently been reprinted, is accompanied with the music. Dempster mentions an earlier edi- tion of Buchanan's psalms, " quos musicis legibus accommodavit Jo. Servi- anus, et edidit Lugduni anno m.d.lxxix." (Hist. Ecclesiast. Gent. Scotor. p. 109.) k Sir John Denham's preface to his Version of the Psalms. Lond. 1714, 8vo. 1 Burnet's Life of Bishop Bedell, p. 77. Lond. 1685, 8vo. i* Menage, Observations sur les Poesies de M. de Malherbe, p. 995. j2 132 Accipc (sed facilis) cultu donata Latino Carmina, fatidici nobile regis opus. Ilia quidem Cirrha procul et Permesside lympha, Pene sub Arctoi sidere nata poli : Non tamen ausus eram male natum exponere foetum," Ne mihi displiceant quae placuere tibi. Nam quod ab ingenio domini sperare nequibant, Debebunt genio forsitan ilia tuo.fr Buchanan recommended himself to the queen by other poetical tributes. One of his most beautiful productions is the epithalamium which he composed on her first nuptials. q This attrac- tive subject had also excited the poetical talents of De PHospital and Turnebus ; but the rival composition of Buchanan displays a fertility of fancy, and a felicity of diction, which preclude all comparison. His encomium on his native land it would be unpardonable to overlook. Ilia rpharetratis est propria gloria Scotis, Cingere Venatu saltus, superare natando n This verse is sometimes misunderstood. It evidently allude* to the practice of exposing deformed or sickly infants. " I durst not however expose my unpromising offspring." Invideo Pisis, Laurenti, nee tamen odi, Ne mihi displiceat quse tibi terra placet. Politiani Opera, sig. gg. 5. Venet. 1498, fol. V This famous epigram is imitated by Johnston in the dedication o his psalms, and by Dempster in that of his Latin version of Montgomery 't Cberrie and Stat- *> Buchanani Silvae, iv. r " Nostra autem astate," says Crinitus, " [Scotorum] complures cum Ca- rolo Francorum rege Italiam invaserunt, qui sub ejus signis militarent : sunt *nim in dirigendi* maxime sagittis viri acres atque egregii." (De Htna- 133 Flumina, ferre famem, contemnere frigora et acstus ; Nee fossa ct muris patriam, sed Marte tueri, Et spreta iccolumem vita defendere famam ; Polliciti scrvare fidem, sanctumque vereri Numen amicitise, mores, non munus amare.* Artibus his, totutn fremerent cum bella per orbem, Nullaque non leges tellus mutaret avitas Externo subjecta jugo, gens una vetustis SedibuG antiqua sub libertate resedit. Substitit hie Gothi furor, hie gravis impetus hxsit Saxonis, hie Cimber superato Saxone, et acri Perdomito Neuster Cimbro. Si volvere priscos Non piget annales, hie et victoria fixit Prascipitem Romana gradum : quern non gravis Auster Reppulit, incultis non squalens Parthia campis, Non aestu Meroe, non frigore Rhenus ct Albis Tardavit, Latium remorata est Scotia cursum : Solaque gens mundi est, cum qua non culmine montis, Non rapidi ripis amnis, non objice silvae, Non vasti spatiis campi Romana potestas, Sed muris fossaque sui confinia regni Munivit : gentesque alias cum peileret armis Sedibus, aut viqtas vilem servaret in usum Servitii, hie contenta suos defendere fines Roma securigeris pratendit mocnia Scotis : Hie spe progressus poska, Carronis ad undam Terminus Ausonii signat divortia regni. ta Disciplina, p. 56, edit. Lugd. 1554, 8vo.) It was however a general cha- racteristic of our ancestors to place very little reliance on missile weapon*. * One of the most learned of Buchanan's friends had bestowed similar praise. Si cui simplicitas, et priscae ssecula vitae, Sors sine dissidiis, mens sine fraude placet, Ne Scotix dextras, hirsutaque pectora spernat : Haud bene junguntur luxus et arma simul. Jul. Scahceri Poemata, torn, i, p. 55.5. I s 134 Neve putes duri studiis assueta Gradivi Pectora mansuetas non emollescere ad artes, Haec quoque, cum Latium quateret Mars barbarus orbem, Sola prope expulsis fuit hospita terra Camoenis.' The elegant poem which he composed on the birth of his future pupil King James, affords an interesting proof of the early solicitude with which he regarded his destiny, as connected with the welfare of his native country. Vos quoque felices felici prole parentes, Jam tenerum teneris puerum consuescite ab annis Justitiae, sanctumque bibat virtutis amorem Cum lacte ; et primis pietas comes addita cunis Conformetque animum, et pariter cum corpore crescat, Non ita conversi puppis moderamine clavi Flectitur, ut populi pendent a principe mores. Non career, legumque minse, torvseque secures Sic animos terrent trepidos formidine pcense, Ut verae virtutis honos, moresque modesti Regis, et innocui decus et reverentia sceptri Convertunt mentes ad honesta exempla sequaces." Several of his miscellaneous poems of less im- portance relate to the same accomplished prin- cess; who was not insensible of his powerful claims upon the protection of his country. In the year 1564, she had rewarded his literary me- rit by conferring on him the temporalties of the 1 Archbishop Usher has remarked that this part of the poet's encomi- um belongs to Ireland, the Scotia of the ancients. " Quod de sua cecinit poeta optimus, de nostra Scotia multo rectius possit usurpari." (VcUrum Mfiitolarum H'ibctnharum SyZ/^praef. Dublin. 1632, 4to.) u Buchauani Silvae, viii. 135 abbey of Crossragwell ; which amounted in an- nual valuation to the sum of five hundred pounds in Scotish currency.* But while he thus enjoyed the favour of the queen, he did not neglect his powerful friend the earl of Murray. To that nobleman he inscribed his FrancisC'inus during the same year. The date of the earliest edition is uncertain ; but the de- dication was written at St. Andrews on the fifth of June l. r )64>, when he was perhaps residing in the earl's house. He at the same time prepared for the press his miscellany entitled Fratres Fraterrimi ; a collec- tion of satires, almost entirely directed against the impurities of the Popish church. The absurdity of its doctrines, and the immoral lives of its priests, afforded him an ample field for the ex- ercise of his formidable talents ; and he has alternately employed the weapons of sarcastic irony and vehement indignation. His admirable wit and address must have contributed to pro- mote the cause which Luther had so ardently espoused ; and Buchanan ought also to be class- ed with the most illustrious of the reformers. Guy Patin was so fascinated with his satirical powers, that he committed to memory all his epigrams, his Franciscans, and his Fratres Fra- x Mr. Ruddiman has published the writ of privy seal, dated at Holy- roodhouse on the ninth of October 1 564. (Animadversions, p. 86.) The abbacy was then vacant " throw the deceis of umquhile Master Cjuintene Kennedie late abbot thairof." Quintin Kennedy, a man of learning, was the brother of Buchanan's late pupil. (Douglas's Peerage of ScotlanJ,p. 136.) 136 terrimi. After having particularized some oi Buchanan's verses, he subjoins, Virgil never pro- duced better, but it has required fifteen centu- ries to produce a poet like Virgil. y This lively and intelligent physician was evidently no bigot : "many decided Papists have however mentioned the heretical poet with enthusiasm ; though such indeed as expected preferment, have constant- ly interposed a formal caution relative to his he- resy/ To these satires, which seem to have been com- posed in Scotland, Portugal, and France, he pre- fixed a poetical dedication to his friend Carol us Utenhovius. Buchanan and Utenhovius appa- rently maintained a particular intimacy ; aid they have repeatedly interchanged poetical com- pliments. Carolus Utenhovius was born at Ghent in the year 1536. His grandfather Nicholas was distin- guished by his rank, his prudence, and his erudi- tion ; and his father, who bore the same baptism- al name with himself, was considered as a man of piety and eloquence. The friend of Buchan- an prosecuted his studies at Paris with more than * Lettres de Guy Patin, torn, i, p. 592. a " Eorum nemo est," says Scioppius, " cui idem quod Buchanano con- tigerit, ut in quovis carminum genere summam obtineret : cujus quidem rei laude omnem etiam antiquitatem provorat ; ut tanta ilia ingenii, vere unici et incomparabilis, ornamenta ad impietatem con versa fuisse, vehe- menter non ipsius m gis quam reipublicx causa dolendum sit." (De Rbetoi tear urn Exereitationum Generibus, p. 26.) Gaddius characterizes him as " historicus, poeta maxima? famx, propter hasresin non nisi cum venia memorandus, ingenio vere unico et incomparabili ornatus." (Dt Serip- twribus non Eetlttientidt, torn, i, p. 87.) 137 common success. His birth seems to have been superior to his fortune ; for he engaged himself as preceptor to the daughters of Jean de Morel, so highly celebrated for their literature.* He afte wards visited England in the train of Paul de Foix, the French ambassador; and his poetic- al incense recommended him to the notice of Queen Elizabeth. Having entered into the ma- trimonial state, he settled at Cologne ; where he died of an apoplexy in the year 1600. Thu- anus represents him as a wanderer all his life, but still constant in his love of poetry. His works chiefly consist of miscellaneous verses, composed in seven different languages, ancient and modern. He was long understood to be en- gaged in preparing an edition of the Dionysiacs of Nonnus, together with a Latin translation ; and, in the opinion of Falkenburgius, he was ex- cellently qualified for the task. b This edition however did not make its appearance. a Their names were Camille, Lucrece, and Diane. The eldest, whft is the most famous of the three, wrote verses in Greek, Latin, and French. Her Greek epigram on their father's death is quoted by Sammarthamis. (Elogia Gallorum Doctrina Illustrlum, p. 78, edit. Paris. 1630, 4to.) Bu- chanan has addressed an ode to this learned lady. ( Misccll. xxviii.) Their mother, as well as their father, was a writer of verses. ^ Menage, Remarqucs sur la Vie de Pierre Ayrault, p. 1 90. > b Falkenburgii Epist. ante Nonnum. Antverp. 1.569, 4to. Freherus has erroneously imputed the intended edition of Nonnus to C. Utenhovi. US the father. (Tkeatrum Virorum Eruditione Clarorum, p. 1330.) c Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, v, p. 847. Andres Bibliotheca Bel- gica, p. 129. Sweertii Athenae Belgicx, p. 172. Adami Vit.-e Germano- rum Philosophicis et Humanioribus Literis Clarorum, p. 443. Du Ver- dier, Bibliotheque Franchise, torn, i, p. 310. La Croix du Maine, Biblior theque Francoise, par Juvigny, torn, i, p. 119. 138 In the year 1561, Buchanan published another eol! ction, consisting of Elegit, )ilv The ancient Latin poets, and even Ovid himself, adopted the same xcuse. Nam castum esse decet pium poetam Ipsum ; vereiculos nihil necesse est. Catullus. 151 The poets of that aera seem to have entertained an opinion that no man was entitled to their con- fraternity, unless he had offered an early sacri- fice on the altars of Venus. This notion they might partly imbibe from their perpetual study of the Roman authors ; the principal Latin poets of antiquity had bequeathed for their use abund- ant examples of elegant obscenity. The mo- dern Italians, whether laymen or priests, did not hesitate to follow ancient precedents : some of the productions of Antonius Panormita, 1 Pontan- Crede mihi ; mores distant a carmine nostro : Vita verecunda est, Musa jocosa mihi. Ovid. Innocuos censura potest permittere lusus : JLasciva est nobis pagina, vita proba. Martial. Est jocus in nostris, sunt seria multa libellis : Stoicus has partes, has Epicurus agit. Salva mihi veterum maneat dum regula morum, Ludat permissis sobria Musa jocis. Ausonios. Muretus, whose juvenile poems are not altogether unexceptionable has however insinuated the futility of such allegations. Nil immundius est tuis libellis, Nil obscenius, impudiciusque ; Et vis te tamen ut putemus esse Numa Fabricioque sanctiorem. At sententia nostra ea est, Noalli, Quisquis versibus exprimit Catulluni, Raro moribus exprimit Catonem. Mureti Opera, torn. i p. 70. i For the benefit of studious youth, a complete edition of the Htrm** pbroditus of Antonius Beccatellus of Palermo has at length been publihed, in a collection entitled Quinine Jllustr'mm Ptctarum fatm in fonri*. 152 us, and Bembus, verge upon the very extremi- ty of wantonness and impurity. The^e examples passed to other nations ; Secundus, Bonefonius, and many eminent poets beside, vied with each other in the elegance of their language, and the grossness of their ideas. And, what may perhaps be regarded as still more extraordinary, in the scholastic compilations published during that pe- riod for the use of Latin versifiers, this department is very seldom neglected : the Epithetorum Opus of Jo. Ravisius Textor exhibits the most obscene words in the Latin language, studiously illustrated by accurate quotations from ancient and modern poets. A long train of Catholic priests have ex- patiated on the languors of love and the ecstacies of enjoyment : as they were doomed to perpetual celibacy, they must either have entertained a hardy contempt of moral reputation, or supposed that such productions would be regarded as mere efforts of a poetical fancy. Even the renowned queen of Navarre, who is represented as a woman of consummate virtue, did not blush to write what few modern ladies would profess to read." Paris. 1791, 8vo. It is no particular disparagement to the excellent Mr. Roscoe, that he was unacquainted with this precious collection. (Aife of Lorenzo de Medici, voL i, p. 71, 4th edit.) k The poems of Queen Margaret, the well-known sister of Francis the first, are chiefly of a serious cast, and some of them are very pious ; but in her novels, composed in imitation of Boccaccio, she indulges herself in the utmost freedom of description. She perhaps entertained an opi- nion similar to that of Martial ; 15'd There are some poets, says Bayle, who are equal- ly chaste in their verses and in their conduct ; others who are neither chaste in their conduct nor in their verses : some there are unchaste in their verses, and yet chaste in their conduct ; and whose fire is entirely confined to the head. All their wanton liberties are sports of fancy ; their Candidas and their Lesbias mistresses of fic- tion. 1 Dr. Stuart's suggestion ought therefore to have been delivered in more cautious terms : and Mr. Warton has likewise mentioned Buchan- an's amatory verses in a manner which betrays some degree of precipitancy." 1 These observa- Lex haec carminibus data est jocosis, ' Ne possint, nisi pruriant, juvare. Many of her novels are apparently founded on real incidents. To omit other instances, she has given a circumstantial account of the assassination of Allessandro de' Medici. See " L'Heptameron des Nouvelles de tresillustre et tresexcellent princesse, Marguerite de Valois, Royne de Navarre," f. 44, b, edit, de Paris, 1560, 4to. The collection of her poems bears the title of " Marguerites de la Marguerite des Princesses, tresillustre Royne de Navarre." Lyons, 1547, *vo. To this accom- plished princess, who was equally conspicuous for her beauty and for her virtue, Buchanan ha3 addressed one of his epigrams. (Lib. i, 11.) 1 Bayle, Eclaircissement sur les Obscehitez, iv. m " Milton here, at an early period of life, renounces the levities of love and gallantry. This was not the case with Buchanan, who unbecoming, ly prolonged his amorous descant to graver years, and who is therefore ohliquely censured by Milton in the following passage of Lycidas, hitherto not exactly understood, v. 67. Were it not better done, as ttlcrs use, To sport with Amaryllis in the shade, Or with the tangles of Neara's bair f The Amaryllis to whom Milton alludes, is the Amaryllis of Buchanan ihe subject of a poem called Desidtrium Lutctix, a fond address of consi- 154 tions, which are merely historical, do not insi- nuate the expediency of following a bad example, however prevalent. Buchanan has repeatedly expressed his compunction for having been guilty of such levity ; n nor is it incumbent on his bio- grapher to commend the youthful sallies which he himself condemned in his graver years. By some authors, and particularly by Mr. Benson, his delinquency has however been described in terms of illiberal and absurd exaggeration. While he presided over St. Leonard's College, derable length from an importunate lover It is allowed that the com - mon poetical name, Amaryllis, might have been naturally and accidentally' adopted by both poets ; nor does it at first sight appear, that Milton used it with any restrictive or implicit meaning. But Buchanan had another mistress whom he calls Nc&ra, whose golden hair makes a very splendid figure in his verses, and which he has complimented more than once in the most hyperbolical style." (Warton's Notes on Milton, p. 474, 2d edit.) That Buchanan prolonged hi3 amorous descant to graver years than Milton, cannot be denied ; but the opinion which he entertained of his love verses during a more advanced period of life, ought not to be overlooked. These notions Mr. Warton seems to have adopted too rash- ly. The Amaryllis of Buchanan is not his mistress, but the city of Paris ; and Nesera was the mistress of Tibullus, Marullus, Secundus Bonefonius, and five hundred poets beside. The allusion of Milton, with due deference to his commentator, is more simple and obvious : Ama- ryllis and Nesera are names very generally adopted by pastoral and ele- giac poets ; the question which Milton asks therefore is, whether it were not better to apply himself to the composition of amatory pastorals or of love elegies. n " Argnmenta enim fere levia sunt, et quorum hanc aetatem nescio pigeat magis an pudeat." (Buchanan! Epistola, p. 5.) " Elegias, Silvas, ac pleraque Epigrammata amicis poscentibus dedi, quorum nomina hie subjicere non est necesse. Hsec omnia, si per amicos licuisset, semp- iternx oblivioni consecrassem." (Ibid. p. 25.) Benson's Comparison betwixt Johnston and Buchanan, p. 42. 155 he appears to have enjoyed the esteem and con- fidence of the university. The public register bestows upon him the honourable title for which he was indebted to Stephanus. In 1566 and the two ensuing years, he was one of the four elec- tors of the rector ; and was nominated a prorec- tor by each of the three officers who were suc- cessively chosen. 1 * For several years, he was like- wise dean of faculty.* 1 Of the general assembly of the national church, convened at Edinburgh on the twenty-fifth of December 1563, Buchanan had sat as a member; and had even been appointed one of the commis- sioners for revising " The Book of Discipline." In that commission he had been associated with the Earl Marischal, Lord Ruthven, the bishop of Orkney, and several other persons of distinction/ He was also a member of the assembly which met at Edinburgh on the twenty-fifth of June 1567; and on that occasion had the honour, though a layman, of being chosen moderator. 8 The nation was now in a state of anarchy ; and Buchanan was soon to assume the character of a politician. The late conduct of Queen Mary, whom he once regarded in so favourable a light, had offered such flagrant insults to virtue and de- P Sibbaldi Comment, in Vitam Buchanani, p. 65, 4 Sibbaldus, p. 16. r Love's Vindication of Buchanan, p. 61. s Keith's HUt. of Scotland, p. 572. 156 eorum, that his attachment was at length con- verted into antipathy. Having placed her affec- tions on the earl of Both well, a man of the most profligate manners, she deemed it expedient to remove every object which might obstruct their mutual views. The pusillanimous and ill-fated king was murdered on the tenth of February 1567; and it is but too evident that his deluded consort was not unacquainted with the nefarious plot by which he fell. The nation indignant- ly pointed to the actual murderer ; but she pro- tected him from the vengeance of the law, and distinguished him by public marks of her favour. On the twenty-fourth of April, Bothwell, accom- panied by a numerous train of horsemen, seized the person of his sovereign ; and her conduct very clearly evinced that this expedient had ei- ther been suggested by herself, or at least had been adopted with her entire approbation. Hav- ing precipitately obtained a divorce from his law- ful wife, his infamous nuptials with the queen were solemnized on the fifteenth of May, about three months after he had assassinated her former husband. A series of actions so unprecedented and so atrocious could not fail of producing un- bounded indignation. But the schemes of Both- well were not yet accomplished : his extreme so- licitude to secure the person of the young prince, excited new apprehensions ; and a powerful con- federacy was at length formed for the purpose of 157 defeating the design which he had evidently con- ceived. Both parties had recourse to arms, and Ma- ry followed her new husband to the field. But when the hostile armies encountered each other,hefound his followers so little disposed to engage, that he abandoned the queen in the midst of her parley with the confederates, and quitted the scene with precipitation. She now found herself in the power of her indignant subjects ; and was cer- tainly exposed to treatment which cannot be re- membered to their honour. As her undiminish- ed passion for the ruffian who had destroyed her peace and her reputation, would not permit her to yield to their proposal of dissolving so inde- cent a marriage, they readily perceived the con- sequences of suffering her to retain that power which she had abused. They formed the resolu- tion of securing her person ; and she was com- mitted to strict custody in the castle of Loch- levin. Her policy induced her to accede to the proposition of resigning her crown, and to invest her natural brother the earl of Murray with the regency. On the second of May 1568, she escaped from her prison ; and soon afterwards found herself at the head of a numerous army. The defeat at Langside terminated her prospects of being speedily reinstated in her authority. She now retired into England, where she hoped to find an asylum: but she soon discovered that she had reposed her confidence in a most perfidious 158 and cruel rival. Having incautiously offered to subrrit her cause to the cognisance of the Eng- lish queen, she thus furnished a pretext for de- grading her to the level of an English subject ; and she was most ungenerously detained in a state of captivity. Elizabeth required the regent to empower delegates to appear before her com- missioners; but as his principal adherents declin- ed so hazardous an office, he was reduced to the ignominious necessity of attending in person. His associates in this commission were the earl of Morton, Bothwell bishop of Orkney, Lord Lind- say, and Pitcaii ne commendator of Dunfermline. He was also accompanied by Buchanan, Maitland of Lethington, Balnaves of Hallhill, Macgillof Ran- keilor, and some other individuals of inferior at- tainments. Balnaves and Macgill bore the cha- racter of able civilians ; and the abilities of Mait- land were of the first order. The delegates no- minated by the unfortunate queen were Dr. John L< sley, bishop of Ross, a man eminently distin- guished for his talents and learning, Lord Living- ston, Lord Boyd, Lord Herreis, Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar, Sir James Cockburn of Skirling, and Gavin Hamilton, commendator of Kilwin- ning. On the fourth of October 1,568, the confer- ence was opened at York before the commission- ers of Elizabeth, but in the course of the ensuing month it was transferred to Westminster. This Angular transaction was managed with great ad- 159 dress on both sides. Nor was Buchanan the least powerful of Murray's coadjutors: he composed in Latin a detection of Queen Mary's actions, which was produced to the commissioners at Westmin- ster, 1 and was afterwards circulated with great industry by the English court. His engaging in a task of this kind, as well as his mode of execut- ing it, has frequently been urged as a proof of his moral depravity ; and, to augment his delin- quency, the benefits conferred upon him by the queen have been multiplied with much ingenui- ty." It is certain that she granted him the tem- 1 Laing's Hist, of Scotland, vol. i, p. 161,241, 2d edit. u " On the head," says Dr. Stuart, " of his ingratitude to Mary, the evidences, I fear, admit not of any doubt or palliation. Mary invited him from France to Scotland with a view that he should take the charge of die education of her son ; and till James should be of a proper age to re- ceive instruction, she appointed him to be chief master of St. Leonard's College in the university of St. Andrews." (Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii, p. 246.) These assertions are well combined, and are only liable to one material objection. That Mary invited him from France, nominated him preceptor to her son, and appointed him principal of St. Leonard's College, are bold surmises totally unsupported by evidence. In the common editions of Buchanan's life, he is said to have been appointed the preceptor of King James " anno millesimo quingentesimo sexagesi- mo quinto." These words however are most evidently an interpolation; and in some of the earlier editions, for example those printed at Her- born in 1616 and 1624, they do not occur. James was not born till the nineteenth of June 1566; nor was Buchanan appointed his preceptor till a fter Mary had been expelled from the kingdom. Mr. Chalmers has em- ployed what he deems a conclusive argument of his having nevertheless been indebted to the queen for his original nomination. " Buchanan says ex- pressly in his history [p. 386.], ' Ut ex iis, quos mater, antequam se regno abdicarat, filio tutores nominaverat." (Chalmers, p. 329.) The learned critic evidently supposes the Latin word tutor to signify a preceptor; with what accuracy, no school-boy need be informed. By referring a few 160 penalties of the abbey of Crossragwell ; and be- yond this single point the evidence cannot be extended. Nor was this reward bestowed on a man who had performed no correspondent ser- vice-,. He had officiated as her classical tutor, and had composed various poems for the enter- tainment of the Scotish court: but the immortal dedication of his psalms was alone equivalent to any reward which she conferred. If Buchan- an celebrated her in his poetical capacity, and before she ceased to be an object of praise, it certainly was not incumbent upon him to ap- prove tlie atrocious actions which she afterwards performed/ The duty which he owed to his country was a prior consideration; and with that dutv, his further adherence to the infatuated princess was utterly incompatible. T earl of Murray and his associates returned to Scotland in the beginning of the ensuing year. This work of Buchanan/ which was not publish- pages back, he might have discovered that the tutorei or guardians nomi- nated by the queen were the duke of Chutelherault, and the earls of Murray Lennox, Argyle, Athole, Morton, Glencairn, and Mar. (Bu- chanan. Rerum Scotic. Hut. p. 365. x Nunquam ita quisquam bene subducta ratione ad vitam fuit, Quin res, aitas* usus semper aliquid apportet novi, Aliquid moneat : ut ilia quae te scire credas, nescias, Et qua; tibi putaris prima, in experiundo ut repudies. Terentius. y De Maria Scotorum Regina, totaque ejus contra Regem conjura- tione, fcedo cum Bothuelio adulterio, nefaria in maritum crudelitate et rabie, horrendo insuper ct deterrimo eju6dem parricidio, plena, et tra- 161 ed till 1.571, seems to have been intrusted to Dr. Thomas Wilson; Who is supposed, \yith great plausibility, to have added the " Actio contra Marians Scotorum Reginam," and the Latin translation of Mary's first three letters to the earl of Bothwell. 2 From a manuscript notice insert- ed in a copy which belonged to Mr. Herbert, it appears that the Actio was by some ascribed to Sir Thomas Smith, but by the annotator himself to Wilson, 3 of whom he must apparently be sup- posed to have had some personal' knowledge. gica plane Historia. 8vo. This unchssical title, as Mr. Laing suggests, must have been fabricated by the editor. A translation, with the fol- lowing title, soon afterwards made its appearance. " Ane DetectioVn of the Duinges of Marie Queue of Scottes, touchand the murder of hir hus- band, and hir conspiracie, adulterie, and pretensed mariage with the Erie Bothwell : and ane Defence of the trew Lordis, mainteineris of the Kingis Graces ctioun and awrbaoritie. Translated out of the Latine quhilke was written by G. B." Hvo. Black letter. These two publica- tions are without date, place, or printer's name ; but they are supposed to have issued from the press of John Day. The first of them appears to have been circulated at London before the first of November 1571; the second before the close of the same month. (Laing, vol. i, p. 242, 243.) This translation was unskilfully executed by some Englishman, in imitation of the Scotish idiom and orthography. It was afterward* transformed into the genuine Scotish language, and reprinted at St An- drews. " Ane Detectioun of the Doingis of Marie Quene of Scottis," &c. ImprentU at Sanctaitdrcis be Robrrt Lekbi evict, 1572. Black letter. The Scot, ish version occurs in Mr. Anderson's Collectims, vol. it : but with respect to the history of the publication, this editor has committed more than one mistake. Other three editions of the English detection, but in a modernized style, appeared at London in ltJ51, 1689, and 1721. A Frencl. trauma- tica bears, in the title page ; " A Edimbourg par Thomas Waltem, 1572." It appears to have been printed by the Huguenot, at Rochelle. (Laing, vol. i, p 25o, 259.) * Laing's Hist, of Scotland, vol i, p. 243. 8 Herbert's Typographical Antiquities, vol. iii, p. 1C9. L 162 Wilson was at that time master of the requests, and afterwards secretary of state. Some of the sentiments, and the general texture of the com- position, are such as cannot easily be supposed to have proceeded from Buchanan ; and, in the present enquiry, it is of more consequence to ascertain that it was not written by him, than who was its real author. " It resumes," says Mr. Laing, " the detail of the same facts contained in the Detection, with the tedious repetition na- tural to one author, when retracing the footsteps of another, whom he strives only to surpass in violence : superadding such local description, and vulgar reports as a keen enquirer, who had visited Scotland in person, might collect from Lesly, and other Scots, whom he examined on the subject. The Detection is a concise historic- al deduction of facts ; a rapid narrative, written with that chaste and classical precision of thought and language, from which each sentence acquires an appropriate idea, distinct from the preceding, neither anticipated, repeated, nor intermixed with others; and the style is so strictly historical, that the work is incorporated in Buchanan's history a most without alteration. But the Action against Mary is a dull declamation, and a malignant in- vective, written in professed imitation of the an- cient orators, whom Buchanan has never imitat- ed ; without arrangement of parts, coherence, or a regular train of ideas ; and without a single 163 passage which Buchanan, in his history, has deigned to transcribe. A man inured to extem- porary eloquence, whose mind is accustomed on- ly to popular arguments, and his tongue to prompt, and loose declamation, never writes with such lucid arrangement, with such accuracy of thought, or compression of style, as a professed author, who thinks no labour too great for what is bequeathed to posterity ; and the virulent Ac- tion against Mary no more resembles Buchanan's Detection, than the coarse and verbose ribaldry of Whitaker, or the elegant yet diffuse rhapsodies of Burke and Bolingbroke, the correct and class- ical precision of Junius or Hume." 5 The regent, to whom Buchanan was so cor- dially attached, did not long survive those trans- actions. On the twenty-third [January 1570, he was shot in the street of Linlithgow by Ha- milton of Bothwellhaugh, whom his clemency had formerly rescued from an ignominious death. The assassin had been confirmed in his inhuman enterprize by the approbation of his powerful kinsmen. The indignation of Buchanan was na- turally roused against the house of Hamilton ; and he had sufficient cause to suspect that their purposes were not yet completely effected. Un- der these impressions, he addressed an admoni- b Laing's Hist, of Scotland, vol. i, p. 247. c Buchanan has written the earl's elogium and epitaph in very affec- tionate terms. (Rerum Static. Hist. p. 385. Epigram, lib. ii, 29.) L2 164 tion to the faithful peers ; d in which he earnestly adjured them to protect the young king, and the children of the late regent, from the perils which seemed to await them. It was apparently in the course of the same year, 1570, that he composed another Scotish tract, entitled Cbamaleon* In this satirical production, he very successfully ex- poses the wavering politics of the famous secretary Maitland. The secretary, who was justly alarm- ed at the prospect of being publicly exhibited in such glaring colours entertained a suspicion that the work was to issue from the press of Robert d Ane Admonitioun direct to the trew Lordis, Mantenaris of the Kingis Graces Authoritie. M. G. B. Imprentit at Striviling be Robert LeHprevicl, 1571, 8vo. Mr. Laing remarks that another edition was printed by Lekprevick in the course of the same year ; and a third was " imprinted at London by Iohn Daye, accordyng to the Scotish copie," 1571, 8vo. This tract is inserted in The Harletan Miscellany, vol. iii, p. 395. " The MS. copy of it in the Cottonian library," says Mr. Goodall, " is dated 1570: and it is probable that it was first printed that year. There is another edition of it by Lekprevick in 1571, which has anew paragraph concerning a pretended third conspiracy of Sir James Hamilton, which i> neither in the MS. nor in the first edition, nor in the later editions by Mr. Ruddiman or Mr. Burman." (Examination, vol. i, p. 342.) This writer first supposes, and without any necessity, that the admonition was print- ed in 1570 : in the course of the next sentence, he assumes that it actual- ly was printed during that year, and even speaks as if he had inspected the imaginary edition : and lastly he quotes other two editions which never existed ; for the work in question was neither republished by Rud- diman nor by Burman. This is a very adequate specimen of Mr. Good- all's mode of vriting ; nor shaH I again advert to his misconceptions and misrepresentations. c Of Buchanan's CbamaUon, the copy preserved among the Cotton MSS. bears the date of 1 570. This tract was first printed in the Miscellanea Stotica. Lond. 1710, 8vo. It occurs in both editions of the author's work*. 165 Lekprevick ; and on the fourteenth of April 1571 , his emissary Captain Melvin searched, for the third time, that printer's house in Edinburgh. This search took place about eleven o'clock on a Saturday night ; but Lekprevick being warned of his danger, had previously disappeared with such papers as seemed to threaten disagreeable consequences/ The Chameleon, if it was actual- ly delivered to the printer, seems to have been suppressed by Maitland's vigilance ; for it re- mained in manuscript till the beginning of last century. The style of these two productions is at least equal in vigour and elegance to that of any other composition in the ancient Scotish lan- guage ; though it is sufficiently obvious that the happy genius of the author cannot there appear in its genuine splendour. " When we read," says an accomplished and able writer, " the com- positions of Buchanan in his native tongue, how completely are his genius and taste obscured by those homely manners which the coarseness of his dialect recals ; and how difficult is it to be- lieve that they express the ideas and sentiments of the same writer, whose Latin productions vie with the best models of antiquity !" g Soon after the assassination of his illustrious friend, Buchanan was removed to a situation of no inconsiderable importance ; he was appointed f Dalyell's Illurtrations of Scotish History, p. 130. Edinb. 1806, 8v. I Stewart's Life of Robertson, p. 43. Edinb. 1801, 8vo. 1.3 166 one of the preceptors of the young king. For this preferment he was apparently indebted to the privy council, and others of the nobility and gentry, who assembled in consequence of that disasterous event, for the purpose of regulating the affairs of the nation. 11 Having appeared be- fore the council, he resigned his office of princi- pal in favour of his friend Patrick Adamson, pro- bably the famous poet who was afterwards arch- bishop of St. Andrews. 1 The circumstance of his being permitted to nominate a successor, may be considered as an additional proof of the high es- timation in which his character was held. The privy council now admitted Adamson to the prin- cipality; but it does not appear from the univers- h The act of privy council, which Mr. Ruddiman has inserted in hi* notes on Buchanan's life, commences thus : " The Lords of Secret Coun- cil and others of the Nobility and Estates, being conveened for taking or- der in the affairs of this common-wealth, among other matters being carefull of the King's Majestie's preservation and good education, and considering how necessary the attendance of Mr. George Buchanan, Mas- ter of St. Leonard's Colledge within the University of St. Andrews, upon his Highness shall be, and that it behoves the said Mr. George to with- draw himself from his charge of the said colledge," &c. This record af- terwards mentions the priory of St. Andrews as being without a com- mendator. The arrangement must therefore have taken place soon after the regent's death. " As to its date," says Mr. Ruddiman, " I found none at the act itself; only at the top of the page is marked 1569." ( Animadversions, p. 67.) Our ancestors terminated the year on the twenty- fourth of March. i " He therefore compearing personally in presence of the said Lords of the Council, Nobility, and others of the Estates above-written, at their desire, and of his own freewill and proper motive, demitted and gave Over his charge and place of Master of the said Colledge in the favours of hi well-beloved Master Patrick Adarrrton, and no otberivisi" 167 ity records that he ever exercised his new func- tions. The prince had been committed during his in- fancy to the charge of the earl of Mar, a noble- man of the most unblemished integrity. In 1570, when Buchanan entered upon his office, he was only four years of age. The chief superintend- ence of his education was intrusted to the earl's brother Sir Alexander Erskine, '* a gallant well- natur'd gentleman, loved and honoured by all men " The preceptors associated with Buchan- an were Peter Young, and the two abbots of Cambuskenneth and Dryburgh, both related to the noble family of Mar. Young was respectable for his capacity and learning. His disposition was naturally mild ; and his prudent attention to his future interest rendered him cautious of of- fending a pupil, who was soon to be the dispenser of public favours. He was afterwards employed in several political transactions of importance, obtained the honour of knighthood, and received an annual pension of considerable amount. k . The lofty and independent spirit of Buchanan was not to be controlled by the mere suggestions of cold caution ; the honourable task which the voice of his country had assigned to his old age, he dis- charged with simple integrity, and was little so- k An account of the life of Sir Peter Young may be found in Dr. Tho- mas Smith's V ita quorundam Eruditissimorum ct Illustrium Firorum. Load* 1707, 4t0. licitous what impression the strictness of his dis- cipline might leave on the mind of his royal pu- pil. 1 James, who was of a timid nature, long remembered the commanding aspect which his illustrious preceptor had assumed." 1 Qt the un- 1 " Now the young king," says Sir James Melvil, " was brought up in Sterling by Alexander Areskine and my Lady Mar. He had four principal masters, Mr. George Buchuanan, Mr. Peter Young, the ab- bots of Cambuskenneth and Drybrugh, descended from the house oi Areskine. The laird of Drumwhasel was master of his household. Alexander Areskine was a gallant well natur'd gentleman, loved and ho- noured by all men, for his good qualities and great discretion, no ways factious nor envious, a lover of all honest men, and desired ever to see men of good conversation about the prince, rather then his own nearer friends, if he found them not so meet. The laird of Drumwhasel again was ambitious and greedy, his greatest care was to advance himself and his friends. The two abbots were wise and modest. 'My Lady Mar was wise and sharp, ar.d held the king in great awe ; and so did Mr. George Buchuanan. Mr. Peter Young was more gentle, and was loath to offend the king at any time, carrying himself warily, as a man who had a mind to his own weal, by keeping of his majesty's favour : but Mr. George was a Stoick philosopher, who looked not far before him. A man of notable endowments for his learning and knowlcge of Latin poesie, much honoured in other countries, pleasant in conversation, re- hearsing at all occasions moralities short and instructive, whereof he had abundance, inventing where he wanted." (Melvil's Memoires, p. 125. Lond. 1683, fol.) This is the first edition of the book; but Melvil war. the cotemporary, though not, as Mr. Innes asserts, the intimate friend of Buchanan. ra " King James," says Francis Osborn, " used to say of a person in high place about him, that he ever trembled at his approach, it minded him so of his pedagogue." ( Aivketo a Son, p. 19.) " For his know- ledge," says John Hall, " he had some glancings and nibblings, the severity of the excellent Buchanan forced into him in his younger time, and after conversation somewhat polish'd." ( Grounds and Reasons of Monarchy, p. 30.) This tract Mr. Toland has inserted in his edition of " The Oceana of James Harnngton, and his other Works." Lond. 1700, id. ' 169 courtly discipline to which he was subjected, two instances have been recorded ; but with re- gard to their authenticity, every enquirer shall be left to decide for himself. The king having caught a fancy for a tame sparrow which belong- ed to his play-fellow the "master of Mar, solicited him without effect to transfer his right : and in endeavouring to wrest it out of his hand, he de- prived the poor little animal of life. Erskine having raised due lamentation for its untimely fate, the circumstances were reported to Buchan- an ; who lent his young sovereign a box on the ear, and admonished him that he was himself a true bird of the bloody nest to which he belong- ed. A theme which had one day been prescrib- ed to the royal pupil, was the conspiracy of the earl of Angus and other noblemen during the reign of James the third. After dinner, he was diverting himself with the master of Mar : and as Buchanan, who in the mean time was intent on reading, found himself annoyed by their obstreperous mirth, he requested the king to de- sist; but as no attention was paid to the suggest- ion, he threatened to accompany his next in- junction with something more forcible than words. James, whose ear had been tickled by the quaint application of the apologue mentioned in his theme, replied that he should be glad to see who would bell the cat. His venerable preceptor, who * See Wallace on Ancient Peerages, p. 424. 170 might have pardoned the remark, was perhaps offended with the mode in which it was uttered : he threw aside his book with indignation, and bestowed upon the delinquent that species of sholastic discipline which is deemed most igno- minious. The countess of Mar, being attracted by the wailing which ensued, hastened to the scene of his disgrace ; and taking the precious deposit in her arms, she demanded of Buchanan how he presumed to lay his hand upon " the Lord's anointed ?" To this interrogation he is said to have returned an answer, that contained a very unceremonious antithesis relative to the part which had received the chastisement. A man who was no stranger to polished society, can hardly be suspected of such unpoliteness to a lady ; unless we suppose her to have assumed a degree of insolence which rendered it expedient to convince her, by an overwhelming proof, that he disowned her authority. The young monarch's proficiency in letters was such as reflected no discredit on his early in- structors. He undoubtedly acquired a very con- siderable portion of scholastic knowledge, and attained to the command of a fluent and not in- elegant style. By some of the most illustrious of his cotemporaries, he has even been extolled as a prodigy of erudition : but the commenda- Mackenzie's Lives of Scots Writers, vol. iii, p. 180." Madam, I have whipt his .... ; you may kiss it if you pleat*." 171 tions bestowed upon a living potentate are gener- ally to be received with the utmost caution. His literary attainments are however commemo- rated in terms of respect by several eminent writ- ers, who cannot be suspected of the same partiality of judgment. Dr. Parr admits that he was pos- sessed of no contemptible share of learning; 13 and an admirable historian mentions his b Sibbaldi Comment, in Vitam Buchanani, p. 16. 179 inconveniences undoubtedly will arise : but if certain grammars were to be authoritatively in- truded on all the schools of a kingdom, no fu- ture opportunity would be left for that gradual improvement, which may be expected in every department of human art. If King James's re- gulations, which were probably authorized by an order of council, had continued to be enforced with any degree of rigour, the grammatical works of Ruddiman might never have been under- taken. If the Scotish geometers had been com- pelled to adhere to a particular text-book, Eu- clid would in all probability never have been il- lustrated by the labours of Dr. Simson and Mr. Playfair. In the month of July 1578, the parliament granted a commission " to certain noble, rever- end, worshipful, and discreet persons, to visit and consider the foundations and erections of the uni- versities and colleges within this realm ; to reform such things as sounded to superstition, idolatry, and popery ; to displace unqualified and unfit per- sons from the discharge of their offices in the said universities ; and to establish such qualified and worthy persons therein as they should find good and sufficient for the education of youth." These commissioners having failed to convene at the time specified, the business was consequently de- layed ; but it was afterwards expedited by a M 2 180 remonstrance from the general assembly. The delegates of the church particularized the uni- versity of St. Andrews as a proper subject for the first experiment of reformation : and the privy council enjoined the heads of that univers- ity to repair to Edinburgh on a certain day, and to submit their charters to the inspection of a commission which was now appointed. The commissioners who acted upon this occasion were th" earl of Lennox, Robert commendator of Dunfermline, George Buchanan, James Halibur- ton, and Peter Young. Having found much to alter and redress, they subscribed a memorial, dated on the eighth of November 1579; and their scheme of reformation was ratified by par- liament on the eleventh of the same month. This very curious memorial, which is written in the Scotish language, is known to have been the production of Buchanan.' The general plan is very skilfully delineated ; and it evidently pre- supposed the nation to abound in men of learn- i A " Copie of George Bucannan's Opinion ar.ent the Reformation of the Universitie of St. Androis, written with his owne hand in annt 1579, ut intus," is preserved in the Advocates Library. Buchanan's me- morial is recited at length in the act of ratification ; which Mr. Chal- mers has inserted in his appendix. For this notice respecting the ma- nuscript, 1 am indebted to my excellent friend Mr. Nintan Little, to whom these memoirs have ' many other obligations. Mr. Little, I may here observe in passing, has suggested to me that the commendatory versts beginning, " Nomen ab ore tibi," which were printed anony- mously among the testimonies collected by Dr. Barclay, are the produc- ts i. of an Italian author. (Petri Bizzari OpuicuL, f. 110. Venet. 1565, 8to.) 181 ing. The act of parliament which ratified Bu- chanan's scheme was afterwards repealed, in con- sequence of the confusion and uncertainty which the academics pretended to have arisen from the introduction of such material alterations. But they may fairly be suspected of having been un- willing to pursue the arduous path of erudition which had been prescribed : it was more easy to observe the old formalities of the schools, than to embrace so large a plan of discipline. The former act was repealed on the fourth of August 1621 ; and the general principles of the repeal- ing statute are such as might have been expected from one of King James's parliaments. To these legislators it seemed " .most equitable that the will of the founders should take effect, ex- cept where the same is repugnant to the true re- ligion presently professed within this kingdom." But it was certainly as far remote from the will of the founders, that their colleges should ever become seminaries of any new religion, as that the plan of scholastic discipline originally pre- scribed should be subjected to salutary innova- tions. If in one instance it was absolute sa- crilege to violate the tenor of their bequest, it must in all other instances have been the same. But as it had been found expedient to supersede their regulations with respect to the very essen- tial article of religion, it ought likewise to have occurred to the legislature, that to banish un- M3 182 profitable modes of study was a measure not less consistent with equity. Whatever may be their genuine origin, it is always proper to consider foundations of this knd as having originated in the pure motives of benevolence and public spi- rit ; and to promote their correspondence with the progressive nature of man, must be deemed perfectly consistent with the general principles which their authors ostensibly entertain. The merit of Buchanan, as must already have appeared, was not overlooked by his country- men ; and his consequence abroad had been in- creased by the respect which he secured at home. From the general state of religious opinions in the nation, as well as from the conspicuous cha- racter of the royal instructor, the Protestants on the continent seem to have conceived early hopes of finding in the Scotish monarch a power- ful accession to the common cause. So consi- derable was the influence of this illustrious scho- lar, that his favour was even solicited by the king of Navarre, afterwards so famous by the title of Henry the Great. In a letter addressed to Buchanan, that accomplished prince requested him to instil into the tender mind of his pupil, such sentiments as might conduce to their future attachment. This letter he intrusted to his faithful adherent Philip Mornay, a man highly distinguised for his literary" and political talents. k Colomesii Gallia Orientalis, p, 249. 183 In the progress of his voyage to England, Mor- nay fell into the hands of pirates, and it was car- ried off with the rest of the plunder ; but upon his arrival in London, he apprized Buchanan of his master's wishes. 1 The French Protestants were extremely solicitous for a matrimonial alli- ance between James and the king of Navarre's sister ; and at the suggestion of several persons of that class, R. Lemacon de la Fontaine re- quested Buchanan to promote a scheme which might essentially contribute to- the advancement of the reformed religion. T ,vo of his letters re- lative to this subject have been preserved ; but what encouragement the project received, is not known. Beza, the friend of Buchanan, and the terror of the Papists, addressed himself to the young king with similar views. In the year 1580, he dedicated to James one of his publications, in a strain sufficiently calculated to preengage his at- tachment to the Protestant interests." On this occasion, he wrote a short epistle to his early 1 " Quae te omnibus notum," says Mornay, " piis vero carissimum, fecit eximia virtus tua, vir clarissime, eadem regi Navarra patrono meo in primis commendavit. Dederat is mini literas ad te, ut quern tua educati- one omnium amore dignissimum facis, tua etiam cohortatione amicissimum ipsi efficeres." (Buchanani Epistola,^. 15.) This letter is dated at Lond on on the first of June 1577. m Buchanani Epistola?, p. 27, 28. a Bezse Icones Viroi um Doctrina simul et Pietate lllustrium : quibui adjectx tunt nonnulke pictune quas Emblemata vocant. Geneva, 1580, 4to. 184 friend. " Behold, my dear Buchanan, a notable instance of double extravagance in a single act ; affording an illustration of the characteristic phrensy of poets provided you admit me to a participation of that title. I have been guilty of trifling with a serious subject, and have dedi- cated my trifles to a king. If with your usual politeness, and in consideration of our ancient friendship, you should undertake to excuse both these circumstances to the king, I trust the mat- ter will have a fortunate issue : but if you refuse, . I shall be disappointed in my expectations. The scope of this little work, such as it is, you will learn from the preface ; namely that the king, when he shall be aware of the high expectations which he has excited in all the churches, may at the same time, delighted with those various and excellent examples, become more and more familiar with his duty. Of this work I likewise send a copy to you, that is, owls to Athens ; and request you to accept it as a token of my re- gard. My late paraphrase of the psalms, if it has reached your country, will I hope inspire you with the design of reprinting your own, to the great advantage of the church : and, believe me, it is not so much myself as the whole church that entreats you to accelerate this scheme. Fare- well, excellent man. May the Lord Jesus bless your hoary hairs more and more, and long pre- 185 serve you for our sake. Geneva, March the six- teenth 1580." In a former letter, Beza had congratulated him on the promising disposition of his royal pupil. " I could not suffer this safe messenger to depart without a letter, at once to convince you that, during your absence, I have carefully preserved and continually cherished your remem- brance, and to offer you, or rather the whole na- tion, my congratulations in reference to what you have signified to our friend Scrimger; namely that you are blest with a king whose childhood has already afforded such indications of piety and every virtue, as have excited in the public mind the hope and expectation of all that is desirable. God forbid that the same mischance which not long ago befel a neighbouring nation, should be- fall you : but may he rather grant that Scotland, being thus possessed of a king endowed with every accomplishment of body and mind, may at length repose from the domestic wars and assassinations with which it has so long been annoyed, and en- joy the blessings of holy peace. May the same merciful father rid you of your Medea, or Atha- lia : for I cannot find a name suitable to her misdeeds. With respect to our affairs, you will I hope receive complete information from our friend Young. From the perusal of your psalms I have derived incredible delight : although they P Buchanani Epistolx, p. 28. 186 are such as could only have proceeded from yourself, yet I wish, what to you will by no means be difficult, that from being good you would render them the best, or, if you please, bet- ter than the best. Farewell, excellent man, to- gether with all the good and pious. May the Lord Jesus preserve you in health and safety. Geneva, April the twelfth 1572." p These illustrious friends displayed a strong congeniality of disposition : they were animated with the same ardent spirit of independence, and were equally attached to the principles of the re- formation. From the same warmth of zeal that prompted them to the pursuit of excellence, they were sometimes betrayed into a violent and in- temperate style. The terms which Buchanan has applied to Queen Mary and q Archbishop Hamilton are such as can hardly be justified ; and Beza has often treated his literary antagon- ists in a very reprehensible manner. Beza, like his admirable correspondent, evinced an early predilection for poetry ; and he likewise execut- ed a complete paraphrase of the psalms. Their respective versions have repeatedly been associat- ed together ; r but, as Le Clerc has very properly P Buchanani Epistolae, p. 1 1 , collated with Bezac Epistolse Theologicx, f. 343. The variations are considerable. i Buchanani Epigram lib. ii, 30, 91. The archbishop, it ought how- ever to be recollected, was a profligate priest who had been privy to the murder of King Henry, and to that of Buchanan's patron the earl of Murray. r Morgiis, 1581, 8vo. Geneva, 1594, 8vo. 187 suggested, this was a comparison which Beza ought not so rashly to have hazarded. 5 Theodorus Beza was many years younger than Buchanan : he was born on the twenty- fourth of June 1519, at Vezelay a city of Bur- gundy. Both his parents were noble, and he received an education suitable to his birth. Un- der the tuition of Melchior Wolmar, first at Or- leans and afterwards at Bourges, he not only made uncommon progress in classical learning, but was also initiated into the principles of the reformed religion. Beza continued under his roof till the year 1535, when Wolmar re- turned to Germany, his native country. He* was then remanded to Orleans for the purpose of studying jurisprudence; but this was a pur- suit for which he entertained no' affection ; and instead of spending his eyes on Bartolus and Bald- us, he fed his youthful fancy with the strains of Homer and Virgil. Here he composed sever- al Latin poems, which being distributed in ma- nuscript, procured him a high reputation in that seminary. Having taken the degree of licentiate in 1539, he returned to Paris with very flattering prospects of ecclesiastical promotion. It was a- bout this time that he became acquainted with Buchanan; for whom he seems to have cherished the highest regard. He also enjoyed the society of Turnebus, Ant. Govea, Tevius, and other dis- * Lc Ckrc, Bibliotheque Choisie, torn, viii, p. 128. / 188 tin^uished members of the university ; and his Latin poems obtained the most flattering marks of their approbation/ The first edition was printed by Conradus Badius in the year 1.548. This collection includes many very lascivious verses, which, although he rejected them in the next impression, his Popish adversaries were ex- tremely solicitous to preserve from oblivion." These wanton prolusions he afterwards classed among the sins of his youth ; and he was destin- ed to employ his powerful talents for much no- bler purposes. Beza had completely imbibed the characteristic principles of the reformation ; and although the gaiety of youth, and the allure- ments of wealth, rendered him somewhat irreso- lute, yet he was too honest to acquiesce in cor- ruptions which were so palpable to his senses. Having adopted the resolution of entering into the open profession of the reformed faith, he bade adieu to his native country, and arrived at Ge- neva on the twenty-fourth of October 1548. In the course of the ensuing year, he accepted the * Bezae Epist. ad Dudithium, p. 6, ante Poematum edit, secund. *- midebat H. Stepbanus, 1569, 8vo. In this edition are inserted some of the poems of Buchanan. u The juvenile poems of Beza occur in the Delhi* Poetarum Gallorum, torn, iii, p. 78. His posthumous fame was vindicated by an anonymout author, in a work entitled " De Juvenilibus Theodori Bezae Poematit Epistola ad N C. qua Maimburgius, aliique Bezae nominis obtrectatores accurate confutantur." Amst. 1683, 12mo. This defence indicates suf- ficient zeal, but is not always very judicious. It was written by Jean Qraverol. fBayle, Otuvrct Divtntt, torn, iv, p. 606.) 189 Greek professorship at Lausanne. This charge he retained for the space of nine or ten years ; and at the expiration of that period, removed to Geneva, where he was ordained a minister, and continued to exercise his clerical functions till the time of his death. He was also associat- ed with his illustrious friend Calvin as a profess- or of theology. After having long enjoyed a very splendid reputation, he died at Geneva on the thirteenth of October 1605. x The zeal and talents which Beza displayed in the cause of re- ligion, rendered him one of the most conspicu- ous characters of the age. He has always been enumerated among the chief pillars of the re- formed church ; and his proficiency in polite li- terature must likewise have contributed to insure Buchanan's attachment. His works are numer- ous and miscellaneous ; and he generally writes with uncommon force and elegance. In his con- troversial writings, it must be acknowledged, he has frequently expressed himself without due re- gard to that spirit of meekness which so well be- comes the followers of Jesus Christ. His treat- ment of Sebastian Castalio, an excellent scholar and a worthy though unfortunate man, cannot x An account of his life was soon afterwards published by Antonius Fayus : it is entitled " De Vita et Obitu Clariss. Viri D. Theodori Bezse Vezelii." Genevse, 1606, 4to. His funeral oration was pronounced by Caspar Laurentius, the learned editor of Hermogenes. Genevas, 8vo. Many curious particulars respecting Beza may be found in the dic- tionary of Bayle. 190 easily be justified. With this elegant writer he was engaged in different controversies ; and cer- tainly did not hesitate to retail some of the most gross calumnies which had been propagated to his detriment. Castalio, with a degree of wis- dom and humanity of which that age did not furnish too many examples, had exerted his ta- lents to inculcate the maxims of religious tolera- tion ; and this laudable conduct ought alone to endear his memory to a more enlightened pos- terity. Calvin and Beza howevei entertained a different opinion ; they evinced themselves as hostile to liberty of conscience as the most furi- ous bigots of the Popish party. If their notions had evaporated in mere speculation, such won- derful inconsistency might have excited less re- gret : but they produced effects of a most de- plorable kind. Michael Servetus, a Spanish physician, having published a book which con- tained heterodox opinions, was, at the instigation of Calvin, arrested by the magistrates of Geneva, and inhumanly committed to the cflames. Cal- vin, Beza, and the other luminaries of that church, ought to have paused for a moment upon the obvious reflection, that their doctrines respecting the punishment of heretics w 7 ere an indirect vin- dication of all the holy butcheries perpetrated by another church, which they regarded with the most sincere detestation. Heretic is one of the most indefinite terras that belong to the univers- 191 al vocabulary : after having applied it to Calvin, the Romish inquisition might have doomed him to a cruel death, with at least as much equity as the Genevan inquisition extended to the unfor- tunate Servetus. The murder of this ingenious man must affix an everlasting stigma on the me- mory of those who urged his fate ; and yet, such is the natural obliquity of the human mind, many considerations must be admitted in palliation of so atrocious an action. y The genuine spirit of toleration is very imperfectly diffused, even in a country which has long been accustomed to boast of its illumination. Beza has addressed one of his Latin poems to Buchanan, 2 and on various other occasions has mentioned him with high respect. One of Bu- chanan's hendecasyllables, inscribed to Beza, seems to have been transmitted with a present of the author's poetical works. Calvin has likewise been enumerated among the eminent characters with whom he maintained a literary intercourse:* y It is Calvin's best apology that he adopted a hideous error from which very few of his cotemporaries were exempted. The execution f Servetus was approved even by Melanchthon, so highly, and indeed so justly, extolled for his comparative moderation. In one of his epistles t Calvin, the subsequent passage occurs. " Affirmo etiam vestros magistra- te juste fecisse, quod hominem blasphemum, re ordine judicata, mter- fecerunt." (Calvini Epistola, p. 306.; Every age has its peculiar de- formities ; and some of our present maxims will not fail to excite the ut- ter astonishment of the more enlightened tribes who are yet to people, the earth. z Bezae Poemata Varia, p. 18. [Exc. H. Sttfbanus], 1597, 4to. a Sibbaldi Comment, in Vitam Buchanani, p. 60. 192 but of their personal acquaintance, or epistolary correspondence, no evidence occurs. Buchanan has indeed written a poem entitled Joannis Cal- vini Epicedium ; b which is quoted with satisfac- tion by one of Calvin's most eloquent apologists. Another of the French Protestants who courted the favour of Buchanan's pupil was Joannes Ser- ranus. His splendid edition of Plato, consisting of three volumes in folio, was printed by H. Ste- phanus in the year 1578. The first volume he dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, the second to King James, d and the third to the senate of Berne; where he had found a place of refuge. After the completion of his laborious task, he wrote to Buchanan from Lausanne on the twenty-ninth of February 1578. " Sir, although I have not had the happiness to know you except by your learn- ed writings, I have honoured you for a long time, as do all those who love letters. In the course of last year, with the view of alleviating the misery incident to our condition, and even after the remarkable calamity of St. Bartholomew, I have endeavoured to follow your footsteps by teaching David to speak Greek ; though I ac- knowledge that my first attempt 6 does not afford b Euchanani Misceli. xxiv. c Alexandri Mori Calvinus, p. 4. d In the year 1581, H. Stephanus dedicated to King James his second edition of Xenophon. e Psalrr.orum Davidis aliquot Metaphrasis Grxca, Joannis Serrani. Adjuncta eregione Paraphrases Latina Georgii Buchanani. #at(/*iat H> Supbanus, 1575, 8vo. 19a me any encouragement to prosecute the under- taking; as in reality I did not commence it from the hope of praise, but contented myself with the salutary effects which I experienced from it as a remedy against my inquietudes. At all events, it furnished me with a pretext for solicit- ing your correspondence ; and I then wrote to you, without receiving any answer. Another occasion now presents itself: having, by the ad- vice of my friends, dedicated a portion of my la- bour to the majesty of your king, I have been inclined thus to address you, with the view of entreating you to love one who loves and honours you; and to do me the honour of presenting these volumes to his majesty, with such a recommenda- tion as your erudition and goodness shall deem suitable. You may thus oblige a man who will not forget this favour, but who will pray to God for your prosperity. I might find many subjects to discuss with you ; but in the expectation of receiving an answer that may encourage me to familiarity, I shall pray God to bless your happy old age, and to permit you to see in your most noble pupil the accomplishment of your good de- sires. Recommending myself very humbly, Sir, to your good graces, I entreat you to preserve me in those of the king. ... I send you a copy of Plato as a testimony, if you please, of the love and ho- nour which I bear you." f f Buchanani Epistolse, p. 1?. 194 Joannes Serranus who translated Plato, and Jean de Sevres who wrote the inventory of the history ol France," are known to be the same in- dividual, though the Latin is sufficiently remote from the French name. His version, though deficient in elegance, is commended for its fideli- ty and perspicuity . h Dr. Duport regarded him as an excellent Greek poet; and adjudged him a de- cided superiority over all others who had versified the psalms.' His Latin version of Plato, and his Greek version of select psalms, he executed at an early period of life ; and high expectations were entertained of his future eminence in the department of philology.'- But he was induced by laudable motives to apply his talents to other subjects, connected with his views as a Protest- ant. He is the reputed author of several anony- mous works relative to the history of France ;' S Sorel, Bibliotheque Franchise, p. 33S. *> Huetius de Interpretation, p. 172. i Duport, praef. in Metaph. Psalmorum. Cantab. 1666, 4to. k " Si diu fuerit superstes," says Languet, " meo judicio, habebitur in- ter clarissimos viros in re literaria ; nam est adhuc juvenis, et insiguiter doctus." I Ephtoltt ad Syttie'ium, p. 238, edit. Hailes.) 1 Placcii Theatrum Anonymorum et Pseudonymoruni, torn, i, p. 282. Deckheri de Scriptis Adespotis, Pseudepigraphis, et Supposititiis, Con- jecturas, p. 262, edit. Amst. 1686, 12mo. Biclii Epistola de Scriptis Adespotis, p. 37S. The epistie of Bayle is appended to that edition of Deckherus, and is reprinted among his miscellaneous works. Serranus acknowledges himself to be the author of the commentaries " De Statu Religionis et Reipublica: in Regno Gallix." (Heinsii Epistola Selcct'iora, p. 780.) 1 o this author Pasquief addressed two letters, on being in- formed that he had undertaken t<> write the history " de nos troubles." (Lcttru de Pasquier, torn, ii, p. 211, 217.) 195 and he engaged in a pertinacious controversy with John Hay, a Scotish Jesuit of considerable note among his brethren. 111 Though thus involved in ecclesiastical warfare, he indulged the pacific hope of a general and lasting union of the great divi- sions in the Christian church : he was led to a- dopt a plan" which had been entertained by Eras- mus, and which was afterwards revived by the piety and learning of Grotius; a plan which has never been attended with the slightest degree of success, and has only procured general odium to the excellent men by whom it was so fondly che- rished. The honest intentions of Serranus seem to have been strangely misrepresented ; p and even the memory of Grotius was persecuted with de- plorable malignity. Such a project indeed is evi- dently wild and impracticable: an infallible church can never acknowledge itself guilty of error ; q and m Sotvelli Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu, p. 459. n Serranus de Fide Catholica, sive Principiis Religionis Christianat, communi omnium Christianorum consensu semper et ubique ratis. Pam. 1597, fol. lb. 160?, 8vo. Erasmus de Sarcienda Ecclesiae Concordia. Grotii Opera Theologi- ca, torn. iii. P Casauboni EpistoUe, p. 474, edit. Almeloveen. Roter. 1 709, fol. What is stated by Cardinal du Perron with respect to his abjuration of the Protestant faith, seems to be totally destitute of foundation. (Perron- iana, p. 299.) 1 Every church indeed that imposes its articles as the only true inter- pretation of the scriptures, must necessarily be understood as asserting an arrogant claim to infallibility ; and the church of Rome only differs from some other churches in advancing this claim without any reserve or cir- cumlocution. The reformed churches are certainly more cautious and bashful ; but whether they are in reality more modest, is another quw * 2 196 it is to be hoped that a reformed church will ne- ver be induced to reform backwards. The personal history of Serranus, who was a native of Viviers or the adjacent district, is in- volved in obscurity/ It however appears that soon after the publication of his edition of Plato, he returned to France/ and there exercised the functions of a minister. He is reported to have died at the age of fifty, in the year ] .598. In the respective dedications of his Greek psalms, and of the second volume of Plato, he mentions Buchanan with high commendation. " I have been wonderfully charmed," he remarks, " with the erudite felicity of George Buchanan, a man indeed not only to be equalled to the greatest poets of our own age, but even of all learned an- tiquity.'" Rodolphus GuartheruSj an eminent minister of the reformed church of Zurich in Switzerland, tion. They all profess to regard the scriptures as the only standard of faith ; yet not one of them will permit its members to interpret the scrip- tures for themselves. Without the exercise of this privilege, the scrip- tures are no standard to us ; our belief is nothing better than a blind and bigoted reliance on the infallibility of the original imposers of articles. And whence did these article-mongers derive their authority to interprer the scriptures for all posterity ? r Oeuvres Diverses de Bayle, torn, iv, p. 648. Niceron, Memoires des Hommes Illustres, torn, iv, p. 316. Heinsii Epistobe Selectiores, p. 778. 1 " Mirifice vero inter cxteros poetas placuit mihi erudita felicitat Georgii Buchanani, vin profecto non tantum cum nostra: ajtatis, sed et cum totius eruditae antiquitatii summis poetis sequandi." (Serrani Did. fsalmorum Mftaphrtuit.) 197 ^addressed himself to Buchanan on a similar occa- sion. Having inscribed to the young monarch his homilies on the epistle of St. Paul to the Ga- latians, which were printed in the year 1.576, he transmitted two copies to Buchanan ; requesting him to present one to his hopeful pupil, and to re- tain the other as a token of the author's regard. Relative to this subject, four of their letters are extant ; u and they tend to exhibit our illustrious countryman in no unamiable point of view. His correspondent Gualtherus, the author of various works,* was a native of Zurich. In his youth he had eagerly applied himself to the study of polite literature ; he had discovered some talent for poetry, and had executed a Latin version of the Qnomasticon of Julius Pollux/ He afterwards acquired distinction as a theologian; and for the space of more than forty years, he exercised with great fidelity and diligence the pastoral care in fcis native city. 2 Buchanan, about this period of his life, corre- u Buchanani Epistola:, p. 16, 17, 20, 26. x Teissier, Eloges des Homme* Savans, torn, ii, p. 55. y Gualtherus is a contributor to the Dtlitia Poetarum Germanotum. His translation of Pollux was published without the Greek text, accom- panied however with annotations. Basil. 1541, 4to. It is mentioned in disparaging terms by Jos. Scaliger. (Epistola, p. 528.)- Beza has written the epitaph of Gualtherus, and that of his son. ( Ptemata Varia, p. 120> 121.) ' * Verheiden, Prastantium aliquot Theologorum Elogia, p. 200. Hag. Com. 1602, foL Boissardi Icones, torn, iv, p. 154. Adami Vitx Ger- manorum Theologorum, p. .592. N3 198 sponded with many other characters of distinc- tion : with some of them he was personally ac- quainted; the rest he attracted by the unrivalled splendour of his reputation. Tycho Brahe hav- ing published his tract De Nova Stella in the year 1573, did not neglect to present it to a man who, like himself, had essentially contributed to advance the intellectual fame of the northern na- tions. Buchanan was for some time prevented from acknowledging this gratifying mark of at- tention ; but he at length addressed a very ele- gant and polite letter to that renowned astrono- mer.* When King James, in the year 1590, vi- sited Tycho Brahe b at his castle of Uranienburg, he observed Buchanan's picture hanging in the library ; and immediately recognized the linea- ments of his deceased preceptor. This picture had been presented by Sir Peter Young, during one of his embassies to the court of Denmark. Although Buchanan did not professedly devote himself to the illustration of ancient authors, yet he bore a high reputation for critical sagacity. He was consulted by scholars of different nations; and some of his corrections have been published a Buchanani Epistolae, p. 1 4. * The Latin version of Hit Maiesties atn Sennet, which Gassendi ascribes to Tycho Brahe, was unquestionably executed by Lord Maitland. Tt is printed with the chancellor's name in the first edition of King James's " Meditatiovn vpon the xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, and xxix verses of the xy chapt. of the first buke of the Chronicles of the Kingis." Edinb. 1589, 4to. c Gaisendi Vita Tychonis Brahei, p. 123. Paris. 1654, 4to. 199 by Turnebus and Lambinus. d It cannot indeed be regretted that a man capable of originating works of such uncommon excellence, should not have devoted a larger portion of his life to illus- trate the reliques of ancient genius ; but his sa- gacity and erudition would have enabled him to secure a very high station in that department, preoccupied as it then was by scholars of the first magnitude. Whatever may be the fashionable estimate of our cotemporaries, the manly and ro- bust age of Buchanan entertained no contemptu- ous opinion of the character or occupation of those learned men, who contributed to restore the Greek and Roman authors to their original integrity. To acquire distinction as a classical commentator was one of the principal objects of youthful ambition: the splendid talents of Calvin were first exercised in illustrating a treatise of Seneca. 6 The useful labours of verbal criticism have employed some of the most powerful intel- lects in which modern Europe can glory. That eminent philologers have written with pedantic prolixity, or judged with precipitation, or have attached an inordinate value to trifles f it would i These emendations are reprinted in Ruddiman's edition of Buchan- an, torn, i, p. xx, torn, ii, p. 103. Lambinus characterizes him as " vi omni doctrina praestans." " Neminem esse," says Turnebus, " existuno in Gallia paulo humaniorem, cui Georgius Buchananus non sit notus, non solum eximius poeta, verum etiam vir omni liberali eruditione non leviter tinctus, sed penitus imbutus." ( Adversaria, lib. i, cap. ii.) c Calvini Opera, torn, viii, edit. Amst. f Joseph Castalio shall supply us with an illustration. " Incrcdibili mp 200 not indeed be safe to dispute : but those who deny that they have contributed to the advance- ment of solid learning, ought to be superseded as incompetent judges. To treat with derision the memory of scholars who have subjected themselves to stupendous labours for the com- mon cause, must either be regarded as a proof of total ignorance, or of some more odious quality. In the library of the university of Edinburgh is a manuscript ascribed to Buchanan, consisting of annotations on the eclogues, georgics, and first Seven books of the JEneid of Virgil. These notes were inspected by Mr. Ruddiman, a com- petent judge of their merit ; who was of opinion that they had either been falsely imputed to Bu- nuper itohptatc perfudit Vergilionim nomen in marmore pervetusto in- uealptum," &c. To settle the mighty contention between c and /, he las written a tract entitled " De Recta Scribendi Vergili Nominis Ra- tione Commentarius:" and his exultation seems not so much to arise from his ascertaining the orthography of the name, as from his ascertain- ing it to be Vergilius instead of Virgilius. (Van* Letthnts el OfuscuU. Homx, 1594, 4to.) With respect to conjectural criticism, it would have been fortunate if tome scholars of eminence had formed the same estimate as J. M. Gesner " Conjecturas ingeniosas," says Ernesti, " laudabat magis quam probabat : et nihil magis quam dulces illecebras in judicando eavenaum monebat. Nee tamen ingenio, literis et doctrina diu subacto, nihil tri- buebat : quo et ipse non pauca feliciter correjut." ( Opuseula Oratorio, p. 331, edit. Lugd. Bat. 1762, 8vo.) " Nee semper, meo judicio," says the elegant Gravina, " vera lectio erit ea quae melior: scriptores enim, varia ditttacti scriptionis cura, industriam aliquando remittunt. Nequi hu- Bianum ingenium contendere ubique potest omnibus nervis : ideo ut in acie milites, etsi minus fortes, tamen, quia fessis integri succedunt, pugnant aliquantisper alacrius ; ita evenit,ut acutius aliquando comminiscinur in- terpretes, quam ipsimet auctoresinvenerunt," (Qriginetjurii Ci"7f,prat) 201 chanan, or had been extemporaneously commit- ted to writing, without any view towards publi- cation. They are adapted to the capacity of boys. 2 Among other scholars who solicited his con- tributions was Obertus Gifanius, a civilian and philologer of no inconsiderable reputation. One of his letters to Buchanan has been preserved i it is dated at Orleans on the sixteenth of Janu- ary 1.567. ?' Relying on your candour and good nature," says Gifanius, " I repeatedly wrote to you some months ago. Supposing my former letters to have miscarried, I now address you a third time ; and that more confidently through the encour- agement of your countrymen Gordon, Cunning- ham, Guthrie, and other youths whom I under- stand to be very dear to you, and with whom, much to my satisfaction and improvement, I here live upon terms of intimacy. If therefore my correspondence should prove irksome to you, which I should very much regret, recollect what vouchers I have it in my power to allege ; vouchers who will never disown their having in- stigated me ; such is their candour, such their sincerity, and such their regard for me, unworthy of it as I am. In those my former letters, I wrote I know not what respecting some passages of Caesar, in my opinion somewhat obscure, with the view of obtaining from you their elucidation. t Ruddimanni prnsf. in Buchanan, p. ixK 202 It you have made any remarks upon his com- mentaries, is I doubt not you have, it is now my request that you will communicate them to me. I shall take care to convince both yourself and the public that I do not, as that fellow Dionysi- us has with abundant impudence objected to me, 11 produce the emendations of others as my own, but most gratefully recognize every man's claims; and to you, should you liberally condescend to favour me, an obscure individual and a foreigner, with such a communication, I shall be particu- larly studious to mark my obligations. Although I am aware of your being admirably versed in writers of every denomination, yet 1 am chiefly anxious to procure your assistance with respect to Caesar, as I have determined speedily to pub- lish an edition of that author accompanied with note*, If you should however subjoin by way of ixi, and corollary, any remarks on Livy, Ovid, or ;er authors, you will thus strengthen the hment of one firmly attached before; and having already been bound to you by many ties, I shall then acknowledge them to be much aug- mented. There is another circumstance of which I wish you to be apprized, and which has fur- ii'Micd me with almost the only reason for ad- dressing you at this time. Plantin, a Flemish h Gifanius published an edition of Lucretius soon after that of Dionys- ius Lambinus had made its appearance ; and Lambinus, in his preface to the third impression, has in strong terms accused him of appropriating Ms labours. This charge is confirmed by Thomasius and Bayle. 203 printer who, if I am not deceived, is known to you, and who is remarkable for publishing works of value, is very solicitous to edit with a Latin version, all or the greater part of those Greek epigrams which form the Anthology. Having learned from those countrymen of yours that you have translated much from the Greek into the Latin language, and being habitually eager to procure for my friend Plantin all the assistance within my compass, it was extremely fortunate that I should meet with this Scotish merchant, who is well acquainted with you, and who was then hastening directly homeward : for I am persuaded that when you shall have received this account of Plantin's scheme, you will ap- prove of it, and will also promote it by sending him, as soon as possible, your versions of some of the epigrams. It is a favour which I entreat of you, but with due regard to your own conveni- ence ; for I would not be guilty of importunity. This is a person who is both worthy of being in- trusted with your verses, and encouraged by your good offices : he has already printed a very elegant edition of your psalms,' and is hardly ambitious of undertaking the impression of any productions except your own. With respect to other matters, although you receive abundant information from many correspondents, yet it will not I trust be disagreeable if I add my i Antverpise,1566, 12mo, 204 contribution. Your Jephthes and Franciseanas, translated into French by your friend Chrestien, are printing in this city. k An edition of Lyco- phron by my friend Canterus has very lately been published at Basil, together with the young- er Scaliger's translation, replete with antiquity, and in the style of Pacuvius. 1 Your astronomic- al poem is expected with the utmost avidity. Auratus having lately been presented with the title of Poeta Regius, and with a pension sufficiently ample, will, if I am not deceived, discontinue his professorial functions. Ramus is said to have published some very learned mathematical pro- legomena."" 1 Among the poetical works of Bu- chanan several translations from the Greek oc- cur : but Plantin's project was never carried in- to execution. Nor did Gifanius publish his in- tended edition of Caesar. Obertus Gifanius was a native of Buren in Gel- derland. Having taught jurisprudence and phi- k he Cordelier de Buchanan, fait en Francis. Geneve, 1567, 4to. The reason for substituting Geneva instead of Orleans is sufficiently ob- vious. I Basilese, 1566, 4to. This very obscure poet was illustrated by Can- terus at the age of twenty-four. Even at an earlier age, he produced a philological work of no vulgar erudition. (Nova Lectiones. Basil. 1564, 8vo.) Guilielmus Canterus was born at Utrecht in 1542; and died in. 1575. An ample account of his life may be found in Suffridus Petrus Be Scrip toribui Friiix, p. 111. Colon. Agrip. 1593, 8vo. His brother Theodoms Canterus wrote his Var'ut Lsctienet at the age of twenty. (Colomesii Of>uscula,p. 231.) Meursius published his edition of Lyco* phron at the age of eighteen. Lugd. Bat. 1597, 8vo. ra Buchanani Epistolx, p. 6. 205 losophy at Strasburg, and jurisprudence at Altdorf and Ingolstad, his literary fame procured him the patronage of the emperor Rodolph ; who confer- red upon him the honourable title of imperial coun- sellor, accompanied with considerable emolument. He was undoubtedly a man of no vulgar erudition ; but his moral qualities seem to have been of a more dubious nature. In his youth, he had em- braced the doctrines of the reformation ; but as his new creed was not sufficiently adapted to the meridian of Vienna, he reverted to Popery. His sordid love of money exposed him to the derision of Joseph Scaliger ; who informs us that although Gifanius was master of twenty-five thousand du- cats, he lived in a garret, and, to avoid the ex- pence of company-keeping, sent his wife to live at Nuremberg. From the same dignified mo, tives of economy, he exacted from his children the common offices of domestic servants. After having exceeded the age of seventy, this learned man died at Prague in the year 1604." Florent Chrestien, whom he mentions as the friend of Buchanan and the translator of some n Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, vi, p. 243. A catalogme of his works may be found in Andreas, Bibliotbeea Bclgica, p. 703, and in Sweertius, Athena Bilgicee, p. 586. A liit of books which Gifanhu left for publication occurs in the Amanitutes Literati*, torn, xii, p. 589. Bayle, who has given a short account of this scholar, was not aware of the publication of his posthumous production, entitled Obscr-vationts Sin- gularcs in Linguam Latinam. Franc. 1624, Svo. This work had been pil- fered by Scioppius. " Gifanius," says Christopher Wase, " rei anti- quaris peritia ultra atatem eminuit." (Dt Ltgibut tt LUentia VcUn% Ptetarum, p. 244.) 206 or his writings, was born at Orleans in 1540. His father, whose name was William, and who descended from a noble family of Bretagne, was a favourite physician of Henry the second ; and was likewise the author or translator of several works. Florent was his mother's fifth child, and was born in the seventh month of gesta- tion : in allusion to these circumstances, he assumed, when he wrote in Latin, the name of Quintus Septimius Florens Christianus. As he had attained to uncommon proficiency as a classical scholar, he was selected as a fit precept- or for the prince of Navarre. His pupil, af- terwards so conspicuous by the title of Henry the Great, is said to have regarded him with little kindness ; and to have bestowed upon him with considerable reluctance the office of keeper of the royal library. Chrestien, like his friend Bu- chanan, had perhaps enforced subordination ; to which royal pupils cannot be supposed to recon- cile themselves with much facility. At Orleans he was invested with some military command, which he discharged with bravery. Having af- terwards retired to Vendome, he fell into the power of the Leaguers upon the capture of that town ; but his pupil soon delivered him by pay- ing his ransom. He was one of the duke of Vendome's counsellors. His character was hat of an excellent scholar and a worthy man. He Jos. Scriigeri Poonnta, p. 40. Lngd. Bat. 115, 16to, 207 was regarded as one of the best Grecians of age; and Jos. Scaligerwas of opinion that France could not boast of another person who composed in Greek, Latin, and French, with equal felicity. He wrote many poems upon occasional subjects, but only an inconsiderable portion has been printed. 11 His translating those works of Bu- chanan must have afforded the author no trivial gratification ; for Ghrestien was both respected and feared by his brother poets. His satire, though it did not originate in a malevolent tem- per, was sufficiently formidable : and Ronsard, who had experienced its keenness, deemed him- self very fortunate in a reconciliation. In the year 1.596, his life was terminated at Vendome by a rapid fever.* 1 The only stain which affixes itself to his memory is that of apostasy. His at- tachment to the reformed religion had been p Janus Gruterus, or, according to his anagram, Ranutius Gherus, has inserted some of Chrestien's Latin verses in the Delitia Poetarum Gal/o- rum ; but many of diem had escaped his notice, and many more wert; never printed. Nine poems written by Chrestien in Greek, Latin, and Trench, occur in the collection entitled Chthtophori Tbuani Tumulus. Lutetian, 1583, 4to. He translated the Cynegetics of Oppiai. into French, and various other poems into Latin. His version of the Cyclops of Eu- ripides is appended to Casaubon Dc Satyrica Grxcorum Pocsi, et Romano- ruin Satira. Paris. 1605, 8vo. He likewise translated some of the dramas of JEschylus, Sophocles, and Aristophanes. His version of Mu- sa?us is reprinted in Rover's edition of that poet. Lugd. Bat. 1737, Bvo. Some of his epistles occur in the collections of Gabbema and Burman. See also Ep'ntres Francoises a M. dc la Scala, p. 58, 229, 386. 1 Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, v, p. 643. Sammarthani I p. 124. Niceron, Memoires des Homme s Illuetres, tcm. xxxiv, p. l'2'2. Beauchamps, Recherches sur les Theatres de France, torn, i, p. 434. 208 marked by no inconsiderable zeal ; and yet Fronto Ducasus, a learned and honest Jesuit who flourished soon afterwards, alludes to his recon- version as a circumstance well known/ If such conduct may admit of palliation, it was certainly excusable in France after the massacre of St. Bartholomew ; and the conversion of Petrus Pithceus, a man equally revered for his probity and learning, had been effected by the same aw- ful process of reasoning. Lucas Fruterius, the friend of Gifanius, is like- wise entitled to a place among the more remark- able correspondents of Buchanan ; to whom he has repeatedly addressed himself in affectionate terms. In an epistle, written, it must be con- fessed, with sufficient pedantry, he reminds Bu- chanan of a promise to aid him in a critical work with which he was then occupied. 8 This was his Verisimilia ; to which he was apparently an- xious that so brilliant a name should impart its lustre. From the same letter, it appears that they had been personally acquainted at Paris, subsequent to the nuptials of the Scotish queen. Her marriage was celebrated on the twenty-ninth of July 1565, and the letter of Fruterius was written on the first of February 1566/ A tra- dition formerly prevailed that Buchanan stole r Burmanni Sylloge Epistolarum, torn, i, p. 647. * Buchanani EpistoUe, p. 4. 1 Ruddinun's Animadversions, p. 65. 209 away from St. Andrews in one of his humorous moods, and without having communicated the project to any of his friends, made a voyage to France." This rumour has been supposed to de- rive considerable probability from the epistle of Fruterius. Fruterius, a native of Bruges in Flanders, was regarded by his cotemporaries as a young man of the highest promise ; x but a fatal accident soon arrested him in the career of glory which he hoped to run. After having heated himself by playing at tennis with too much eagerness, he unadvisedly swallowed a draught of cold water, and was immediately seized with a distemper which his constitution could not resist. Hj died at Paris in the month of March 1566J Al- though he had scarcely entered the twenty-fifth year of his age, he had arrived at uncommon proficiency in the study of philology, and had even executed a portion of the various plans which suggested themselves to his youthful ar- dour. Dousa, Gifamus, and other young Belgi- ans of talents and learning, were residing in Pa- ris at the time of his death. As Gifanius had u " I have heard it related an hundred times," says Mr. Ruddiman, " that Buchanan, when principal of St. Leonard's College at St. Andrews, without acquainting any of his friends of it, did make such a voyage td France." (Antiuisis, p. 139.) x Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, ii, p. 479. Miraei Elogia Illustrium Belgii Scriptorum, p. 199. Antv. 1602, 8vo. Andreae Bibliotheca Bel- jica, p. 623. Sweertii Athenx Belgicx, p. 517. Antv. 1628, foL y Gabbems pistobe, p. 650. O 210 watched his death-bed with uncommon solici- tude, he confided to him the sacred deposit of his manuscript productions ; but it soon appear- ed that he had confided in a treacherous friend. Gifanius, who deferred their publication on va- rious pretexts, had too evidently formed a design of appropriating the successful labours of this young philologer. Dousa urged him, with all the warmth of honest zeal, to discharge the trust which had thus devolved upon him ; and, when he found his persuasions ineffectual, subjected him to a legal prosecution. But it was only by means of a stratagem that he was at length ena- bled to obtain a transcript of the principal pa- pers. 3 These he committed to the press eighteen years after the death of Fruterius. The title- page of the collection bears an evident allusion to the conduct of Gifanius ;* whom Dousa has * Dousx Poemata, p. 339, edit. ScriveriL a JLuca; Fruterii Brugensis I.ibrorum qui recuptrari potucrunt Reliqnix. Antverpiae, 1584, 8vo. Prefixed is an epistle from Lipsius to Dousa the editor, which commences thus : " Vere mihi sstpe adfirmasti : inter pri- ia ingenia Iklgii nostri, imo Galliae, Lucas Fruterius fuit." The vo- lume includes " Julii Severiani Syntomata Rhetorices: nunc primum diligentia et studio Fruterii in lucem edita." This tract is very brief. Gruterus afterwards published a third book of the Verhimilla of Fruterius, ?nd some of his philological epistles. (Thesaurm Critics, toni. v, p. 339, 384.; A long epis>tle from this young Belgian occurs among those of Wuretus. (Lib. i, epist. xxv.) Two of his letters to Guilielmus Camer- as may be found in the collection of .Simon Abbes Gabbema, entitled ' Epistolarum ab Illustrious et Claris Viris Scriptarum C'enturix tres," p. 15, 629. Harlingas Frisiorum, 1G64, 8vo. The edition of Aulus Gellius printed at Geneva in 1 609 includes the annotations of Fruteriu*. Some of his unpublished poems are mentioned by Saiius. ( Onnnmij:c. littrarium, towuiii, p. 390.) 211 satirized with great keenness in several of his in- genious poems. The name of Peter Daniel, a scholar of no in- considerable erudition, is frequently mentioned with that of Buchanan ; with whom he appears to have been intimately connected. At the sug- gestion of several of their common friends, he addressed a letter to Buchanan for the purpose of urging the impression of those poetical works which had been promised many years before. This letter is short, and indicates the general re- spect.in which his correspondent was held. " Se- veral learned men/' says Daniel, " by whom you are very much este-eroed, have requested me to stimulate you, through the medium of a let- ter, to the publication of those iambics, epigrams, and odes, which we have now been expecting for the space of nearly ten years. This commission I certainly undertake with cheerfulness; and I adjure you by the sacred rites of the Muses, not to withhold from your friends what will so much conduce to the common advantage of men of letters, but to proceed, when your leisure shall permit, with the plan of collecting your scatter- ed productions. Their impression will be care- fully managed by my countryman Mamert Pa- tisson, who has married the widow of Stephanus, and whom you will find extremely disposed to comply with your wishes. Your books Dt? Sphcsra are also expected with anxiety : and if o2 212 you likewise transmit to me any other work which you have recently finished, you will at once fulfil both your promises, and preserve your writings from perishing. By this plan, they who ascribe your productions to themselves will be put to the blush ; and they will be derided who, under your name, either publish other men's works or their own ; as we readily supposed to have been done of late with respect to the verses on the admiral. Farewell, distinguished man. All the learned and pious salute you, especially Scaliger, La Hatte, b and Chrestien. Cujacius is in town, and it is rumored that he is speedily to open a school of civil law. If you have made any alterations in your paraphrase of the psalms, let me request you to send them." c Peter Daniel was a native of St. Benoist sur Loire, d but the principal part of his life was spent at Orleans. His profession was that of an advo- cate, and he held the office of bailli of the abbey of Fleuri. But he was zealously attached to cri- tical studies, and attained to uncommon famili- arity with ancient manuscripts. 6 Scioppius cha- fe Nicolai Hattsei Aurclii, regis et Aureliorum ducis secretarii, Car- men ad P. Danielem civem suum," is prefixed to Daniel's edition of the Qutrolut. Thuanus mentions " Nic. Hata actuarius publicus" as a viol- ent partisan of the League in the year 1587. (Hist, tut Temferis, torn, iv, p. 441, 467.) But it is not probable that this was the friend of the heretical poet. c Buchanani Epistolse, p. 1 2. " Baillet, Jugemens des Sc,avans, torn, ii, par. ii, p. 251. ' " Egregins et adolescens Petrus Daniel Aurelianus, et bonis Uteris 213 racterizes him as a storehouse of every species of antiquities/ He lived on terms of intimacy with some of the most distinguished scholars of the age : Scaliger and Turnebus acknowledge themselves indebted to him for the communication of his manuscript treasures. After his death, which happened in the year 1603, his manuscript libra- ry was purchased by Bongars and Paul Petau, for the sum of fifteen hundred livres. 5 His only publications were editions of Petronius, h Servius, 1 and of the curioUs relique entitled J^uerolus, sive Aulularia.* To this comedy, which had not formerly been printed, he prefixed the commend- atory verses of Buchanan. 1 Hubert Languet seems likewise to claim a share of our attention. His letter to Buchanan, dated ita deditus, ut nihil aliud in delitiis habere videatur : librorum autem ve- terum tarn cupidus, ut bibliothecas omnes pervestiget, et aliquid semper in lucem proferat, et libros vetustate sepultos velut redivivos hominum lectioni reddat." Turnebi Adversaria, lib. xxvi, cap. xxi. f Scioppius de Arte Critica, p. 13. 2 Mabillon de Liturgia Gallicana, prxf. Paris. 1685, 4t0. h Daniel's preface is reprinted in Burman's edition of Petronius Arbi- ter, p. 256. Traj. ad Rhen. 1709, 4to. i Parisiis, 1600, fol. k Paris. 1564, 8vo. Thig is the Aulularia of Plautus transprosed. An- other edition was afterwards published by Rktershusius; who has sub- joined the same comedy transformed into elegiac verse by Vitalis Blesen- is. Heidelb. 1595, 8vo. The notes of Daniel, and his dissertatioa respecting the author, are likewise retained. Pareus has inserted the prose Aulularia in his edition of Plautus, and has strangely enough im- puted it to Gildas. 1 Buchanani Opera, torn, ii, p. 102. o 3 . 214 at Delft on the twentieth of February 1581, will- illustrate the nature of their connexion. " By your virtue, and by the various and noble mo- numents of your genius, you have rendered your- self so conspicuous in the Christian world, that hardly a single lover of science and literature can be found, who does not regard you with the ut- most reverence and admiration. I consider it as an instance of no common felicity, that about twenty years ago, it was my lot not only to see you at Paris, and to enjoy your most pleasant and most learned conversation, but also to entertain you as my guest, together with those distinguish- ed men, Tumebus, Auratus r m Balduinus the ci- vilian," Sambucus the Hungarian, Carolus Clu-- sius, p and some others. We then heard you dis- cuss various subjects in a manner which tended very much to our edification and delight. To those circumstances I now allude for the purpose of trying whether I can suggest to your recollec- 111 Bayle, Dictionaire Historique et Critique, art. Dourat. Niceran, Memoires des Homines Illustres* torn, xxvi, p. 109. -His real nasie seems to have been Dorat. Bayle, art. Baudtuin. Niceroa, torn, xxviii, p. 255. Thuanus, torn, iv, p. 252. Boissardus, torn, iii, p. 44. Ghilini, vol. i, pi 86. Freherus, p. 1282. Pope Blount, Censura Celebriorutu Authorum; p. 551. Lond. 1690, fol. Bullart, Academie des Sciences, .torn, ii, p. 184. Joannis Fabricii Hist. Bibliothecae Fabriciana:, torn. iii p. 465. Bezse Poemata Varia, p. 109. * Meursius, p. 186. Andreas, p. 1 18. Sweertius, p. 116. Boissard- us, torn, ii, p. 3. Bullart, torn, ii, p. 114. Adami Vita GermaEoror* Medicorum, p. 407. 215 tion who I am : but whoever I am, assure your- self of my being a very warm admirer of your virtue. For several years, I have lived with Phi- lip Melanchthon, and I then seemed to myself to live happily . q Having after his decease been ex- posed to various chances, I have at length betaken myself to these regions, as to a haven more secure than any other that I could find, notwithstand- ing their having been agitated for many years by the storms of civil war. Even amidst these war- like tumults, the light of the gospel shines forth ; to us is announced the doctrine which points out the true path of salvation; and while the Spani- ards threaten devastation, the superstition which infects their minds is expelled from the churches. It wa9 the prince of Orange, the great ornament of our age, who commanded me to accompany him to this place. Supported by the vigour and acuteness of his mind, he has hitherto maintain- ed such a contest with the formidable power of the Spaniards as has procured him immortal glo- ry. After having under his auspices severed their tyrannical empire, these provinces have happily constituted various republics and churches, which being closely leagued together, have hitherto re- sisted the attacks of the enemy. The king of Spain having for several years endeavoured with- out success to overwhelm him by force, has at * Camerarii Vita MelanchthonU, p. 333. 216 length resorted to arras which do not seem alto- gether suitable to so great a monarch ; he has issued an edict in which he pronounces sentence of prescription, and endeavours, by proposing re- wards, to impel assassins to accomplish his murder. Since many falsehoods are there alleged against him, he has been induced by his friends to pub- lish an apology, for the purpose of vindicating his innocence against the calumnies of the Spani- ards. This apology I transmit to you/ During the winter, I have lived in these puddles of the Dutch, which nature seems rather to have in- tended for the habitation of frogs and eels than of men This town is however very handsome ; and at the distance of three hours journey stands Leyden, or Lujdunum Batavorum, as they now speak, the residence of Justus Lipsius, Janus Dousa the poet, and Donellus the French civi- lian,' men of learning and celebrity. From the vicinity of this town, we have a prospect of Ro- terdam ; a prospect which not only recals to my memory the great Erasmus, in whom it glories as a citizen, but also you : for I cannot suffici- ently express my astonishment, that such horrid places should produce men to whose talents nei- ther our own age, nor that of our fathers or grandfathers, has exhibited a parallel. Erasmus r The apology issued by the prince of Orange is supposed to have been vfritten by Languet. (Niceron, torn, hi, p. 305.) Gravina, p. 131. BrunqueUi Hist. Juris Romani, p. 377. 217 was invited to inform the youth of Ferdinand brother to the emperor Charles, but he declined this employment. I account you more fortunate and virtuous in not having refused to aid your country, when it called you to imbue the king's tender mind with those precepts which being ob- served in his riper years, will secure the happi- ness and prosperity of himself, and of all those to whom his dominion extends. Daniel Rogers, our common friend, who regards you with singu- lar veneration, was four months ago seized by the Germans serving under the king of Spain; nor has the queen of England, who had sent him upon an embassy to the emperor and some other , German princes, hitherto been able to obtain his release/ He was lately reported to have made his escape through the assistance of some woman ; but we have heard of his being retaken, and com- mitted to more rigorous confinement. I am ex- tremely concerned that such an accident should have befallen a worthy man, with whom I have cultivated a particular intimacy for many years. I am very anxious to learn, provided it should not be disagreeable to you, when you shall pub- lish your Scotish history. From Melvil, an ex- cellent man, you may know the state of my af- fairs. Fare well. " u 1 Langueti Epistolse ad Sydneium, p. 287. u Buchanani Epistolas, p. 31. Clarisiimo et Prastantiu'mo flrt, X)mi no Giorgio Busbanano, doming tuo et amino tbttrvando. 218 This letter must have been highly grateful to Buchanan's feelings : it expressed the warm ad- miration of a distinguished and truly honest man, whose applause was not rashly distributed ; and it recalled to his memory some of the learned as- sociates of his earlier years. Languet himself was equally conspicuous for his talents and for his virtues. He was the son of Germain Languet, governor of Viteaux in Burgundy ; and was born at that place in the year 1518. He prosecuted his studies at Leipzig under the excellent Came- rarius, for whom he maintained the highest re- gard. At an early period of life he had begun to entertain serious doubts respecting the doctrines of Popery ; and after having consulted the theo- logians of that city, he openly embraced the re- formed religion. He studied the laws in the university of Padua, where he received the de- gree of doctor, and afterwards removed to that of Bologna. Prompted by the innate curiosity of a philosophical mind, he determined to visit several other countries, and he even penetrated so far as Lapland. His profession of heretical opinions rendered his return to France less de- sirable : the best part of his life was spent among the honest Germans ; and for a long time he ex- ercised the charge of counsellor to the elector of Saxony, by whom he was likewise intrusted with different embassies. It was apparently during one of his embassies to the court of France, that 219 he became acquainted with Buchanan. Being suspected of having encouraged Gaspar Peucer to publish a Calvinistic exposition of the euchar- ist, he found it expedient to withdraw himself from the elector's service ; and he now retired to Holland, where he was intrusted by the prince of Orange with the management of some import- ant affairs. He died at Antwerp on the thirtieth of September 1.581. x During his last moments, he was very affectionately attended by the wife of his excellent and accomplished friend Mornay; and he expressed an earnest wish that her illus- trious spouse should, in the next work which he published, commemorate their mutual attach- ment and regard/ This dying request Mornay executed in the preface to a Latin translation of his treatise " De la Verite de la Religion Chrest- ienne." To his natural endowments Languet had united much variegated and accurate knowledge ; he was well acquainted with books, and still bet- ter with the dispositions and manners of mankind. His long experience of public affairs had render- ed him a very able politician, without diminish- x Bezahas written his epitaph. (Pcsmata Varia, p. 111.) y De Liques, Vie de Philippes de Mornay, Seigneur du Plessis Marlay, p. 57. Leyde, 1647, 4to. Marii Vita Huberti Langneti, p. 151. HuI.t, 1700, 12mo. This account of Languet was written by Philibert de la Mare, a counsellor of Dijon ; who appears from one of his epistles to N. Heinsius, to have been occupied in its composition about the year 1 660. (Burmanni Sylloge Epistolarum, torn, v, p 682) It was edited by J. P. Ludovicus, or Ludewig ; who has very strangely suppressed the name of the author. C J C 20 ing the native candour and probity of his mind His admirable sagacity was accompanied with the utmost modesty and benevolence. His literary performances exhibit sufficient proofs of a culti- vated and elegant mind ; and if his active life had been devoted to letters, he might have arrived at very high celebrity as a polite writer/ Besides the continental scholars who have al- ready been enumerated, there were various others who regarded Buchanan with particular affection! and whatever may be the notion of a few specu- lators of the present age, certain it is that his moral and intellectual qualities procured him, among the most enlightened of his cotempora- ries, the same high degree of respect. Daniel Rogers informed him that in Holland he had ma- ny zealous admirers, and, among the chief of them, Janus Dousa, and Philippe de Marnix de Ste. Aldegonde; men equally illustrious by the nobility of their birth, and by the superiority of their endowments. " The former of these," he subjoins, " I introduced to your acquaintance a The following is a list of the principal works of which Languet is the undisputed author. " Historica Descriptio suiceptaj a Cxsarea Ma jestate Executionis contra S. Rom. Imperii Rebelles." Sine loci indicio, 1568, 1569, 4to. Bremx, 1 735, 4to. The last edition was published by Ehrenreich Gerhard Coldwey. " Epistola; Politic* et Historicx ad Philippum Sydneium." Franc. 1633, 12mo. " Epistolx ad Joachimum Camerarium P. et Joachimum Camerarium F." Groningx, 1646, 12mo. " Epistolx Secretx ad August um Saxonias Ducem." Hake, 1699, 4to. Of the epistles to Sir Philip Sidney a valuable edition was published by the late Lord Hailes, Edinb. 1776, 8vo. 221 while you were residing in Paris ; and I now at his particular request transmit to you a copy of his poems, which have recently been published. The latter, whose intrinsic merit has rendered him the favourite of a most excellent prince,* you also knew at Paris. When I lately returned from my embassy to that prince, he addressed to you the letter which accompanies this." b Janus Dousa, born at Noortwyck in Holland in the year 1545, was, like Buchanan, a poet and a states- man. He enjoyed some of the highest civil ho- nours which his country could bestow; and hav- ing been appointed governor of Leyden, he de- fended it during a memorable siege with distin- guished bravery. He was one of the first cura- tors of the university founded in that city in 1575. He died in the year 1604, much lament- ed by the republic of letters. His moral character seems to have been blameless; and he held a very respectable station among the scholars of that learned age. His merits are highly celebrated in the poems of Jos. Scaliger, Grotius, Heinsius, and Baudius. His reading, according to Meursius, was multifarious, his memory almost incredible: he was the Varro of Holland, and the common oracle of the university. Nor was he more con- spicuous for his learning than for his humanity, candour, urbanity, and modesty. His amiable a The prince of Orange. b Buchanani Epistolje, p. IS. c Meursii Athens Batavae, p. 89. Lugd. Bat. 1625, 4to. 223 family was singularly attached to letters : five of his sons, namely, Janus, Francis, George, Ste- phen, and Theodore, were known as authors ; and the Latin poems of the first, who died be- fore he had completed his twenty-sixth year, have been preferred by Grotius to those of his father. d Ste. Aldegonde, another of Buchanan's friends, has also been classed among the illustri- ous characters of that age. e Descended of French lineage, he was born at Brussels in the year 153S; and after having equally distinguished himself as a politician and a man of letters, he died at Ley- den in the year 1.598. He was well acquainted with jurisprudence and theology ; with the He- brew, Greek, and Latin, as well as with several of the living languages. At the time of his death, he was engaged in a Flemish translation of the scriptures. Grotius has repeatedly mention- ed him in very respectful terms ; and his epi- taph was written by Heinsius in a strain of high admiration/ These were individuals entitled to Buchanan's esteem, and he certainly was not un- worthy of theirs. In the same epistle, which bears the date of August the thirtieth 1576, Ro- gers alludes to his friendship with another scho- lar of distinction. " Joannes Sturmius, in a let- ter which I lately received, earnestly entreats me d Grotius de Rebus Belgicis, p. 267. Amst. 1657, fol. e Bayle, art. Saiutt- Aldegonde. f Heinsii Auriacus, sive Libertas Saucia: accedunt ejudem Iambi, p. 121. LugcV Bat. 1602, 4to. 223 to send him some intelligence respecting you.- I now forward a letter of his, which however is of an old date." Sturmius, who was born at Sleida near Cologne in the year 1.507, was at the period of that correspondence rector of the College of Strasburg ; which under his auspices became the most flourishing in Germany. He was equally distinguished by his skill in ancient literature, and by his familiarity with the political affairs of his own times. Such was the benevolence of his disposition, that his house was regarded as a com- mon asylum for exiles, and a retreat for poor strangers : those in particular who had abandon- ed their country from motives of conscience, he entertained with unbounded generosity. This excellent, man died at an advanced age in the year 1.589, after having produced many elegant and learned works. 8 As a polite writer, he has been * An account of Sturmius may be fpund in the cunous work, of Bayle, and in many other biographical collections. Lord Monboddo talks of "em Sturmius, a German." (Origin and Progress of Language, voL iii, p. 390.) His illustrations of the rhetorical productions of Aristotle, Hermogenei, and Cicero, might alone have recommended him to his lordship's ac- quaintance. Among other original works, he published treatises " De Pe- riodis," " De Imitatione Oratoria," and " De Amissa Dicendi Centre* ' Beza has written his epitaph in terms of high respect. Si laudem p;etas ullam sincera meretur Veris suis cultoribus ; Eximix si qua est doctrinx gloria ; doctse Est si qua laus facundix ; Si summis imisque piis placuisse, malorum Hostem fuisse perpetem, Est vitas loc p - s testis vindexque prebztx, Ipsis crepantibus invwiis ; 224 classed with Cicero, Bembus, and Manutius. u His intercourse with Buchanan and Ascham contri- buted to render his name familiar to the scho- lars of this i&land. Among the epigrams of Bu- chanan, are three inscriptions for the portrait of Sturmius.' Roger Ascham, the accomplished friend of Sturmius, must not be excluded from the present enumeration. Buchanan and he were personally acquainted; 14 and they have celebrated each other in their respective writings. Ascham has bestow- ed high commendation on the tragedy of Jeph- thes. 1 The following epigram of Buchanan is ad- dressed " Ad Rogerum Aschamum Anglum, qui librum m cum honorifico elogio, et sui amoris sig- nificatione miserat." Ecquis te, Sturmi, vixit felicior ? ecquis Te mortuo beatior ? Non igitur, Sturmi, te lugeo, lugeo nullos Superesse nobis Sturirtios. Be 2* Poemata Varia, p. 135. * Sambucus de Imitatione Ciceroniana, f. 47, b Paris. 1561, 8vo. See aiso Bergenia de Naturali Pulchritudine Orationis, p. 707. Lipsiz, J720, 4to. i Buchanaiii Icones, p. 91. k Buchanani Epistolae, p. 30. I Ascham's English Work9, p. S20. n This book I have accidentally discovered in Williams's Library : if is a copy of the work of Fulvius Ursinus, entitled Virgiliui CollatUnt Scriptorum Gracorum Illuitratus. AntT. 1567, 8vo. The title-page is confronted with the subsequent inscription. " Rogerus Aschamus Geor- gio Buchanano, Anglus Scoto, amicus amico, hunt poetam omnis vete- ris memorix optimum, poetae hujus nostra aetatis Optimo, amoris ergo, <}ono dat : cum hoc monasticho : " t>iXov Qi\u ptriftirtnioi tifntHf };>" 225 Amplector, Rogere, tuum vehementer amorera, Et mnii dictum pignus amoris amo : Nee minus est animus genitor mihi gratus amoris, Quseque aniraum virtus ornat amatque tuum : Nee minus est gratus magni comes error amoris, Et nimio caecum pectus amore mei. n Et cum cunc a probem, virtutem, munus, amorem, Et nimio factum pectus amore mei, Absque errore meo vellem fas esset amare Errorem de me, dulcis p amice, tuum. q Ascham and Buchanan are regarded as the most elegant and classical Latinists vviiom their respective nations have produced. The preemi- nence of Buchanan will not be controverted; and a German critic of various erudition pronounced Ascham to be the only Englishman who had caught any considerable portion of the genuine diction of antiquity/ The elegance of hi* Eng- lish productions is much superior to the common standard of the age : his Schole Master is equally valuable as a specimen of style, and as a treatise of practical application. In the composition of Latin verse he attained to less proficiency/ This inscription is dated at Hampton Court, on the twentieth of Novem- ber 1568. Ascham died on the thirtieth of the following month- Bu- chanan's epigram, written apparently with his own hand, occurs at the end of this precious volume. I shall subjoin the various reading*. n Quo pectus nimio csecus amore mei. Multa. P Oandide. q Buchanani Epigram, lib. i, 39. r Morhofius de Pura Dictione Latina, p. 41. Hanov. 1724, 8vo. * The Latin epistles and poems of Ascham were published by Dr. Grant, who has prefixed an account of the author's life. Lond. 1576, P 226 The personal history of Ascharn, the precept? or, and afte; wards the Latin secretary of Eliza- beth, is not obscure ; it has been detailed by his cotemporary Dr. Edward Grant, master of West- minster school, and at a later period by Dr. Sa- muel Johnson. He died in 1568 in the fifty- third year of his age ; and Buchanan consecrated the subsequent lines to his memory, Aschamum extinctum patriae, Graiseque Camoeno;, Et Latiae vera cum pietate dolent. Principibus vixit cams jucundus amicis, Re modica, in mores dicere fama nequit/ Ascham seems to have been a very amiable, though not a very prudent character. Notwith- standing the elegance of his mind, he was immo- derately addicted to the degrading amusements of dice and cock-fighting ; and as he was an ho- nest man, his losses were so considerable, that he lived and died in poverty, or at least not in opu- lence." Dr. Walter Haddon was another English scho- *vo. The collection has frequently been reprinted. The best edition of the epistles is thaj, voL i, p. 359'.) 248 ther of William Maitland, whom Buchanan ha-3 so keenly satirized in the Cbamaleon. The ex- ordium of this political dialogue is not uninterest- ing. " When Thomas Maitland lately returned from France, and 1 had carefully interrogated him with regard to the state of affairs in that kingdom, I began, from a motive of personal at- tachment, to exhort him to persevere in that course of glory which he had commenced, and to inspire him with the best hopes respecting the progress of his studies. For if I, with moderate talents, with hardly any pecuniary resources, and in an unlearned age, have yet maintained such a conflict with the iniquity of the times as to be thought to have effected something, assuredly they who, born in a happier age, are abundantly blest with youth, wealth, and genius, should nei- ther be deterred by labour from so honourable a pursuit, nor, when aided by so many supports, can yield to despair. They ought therefore to persist with strenuousness in advancing the glory of letters, and in recommending themselves and their countrymen to the regard of posterity. A little perseverence in their literary efforts would serve to banish from the minds of men an opini- on, that those who inhabit the frigid regions of the globe are as remote from literature, politeness, and every species of intellectual cultivation, as they are distant from the sun. For although na- ture may have favoured the Africans, Egyptians, 49 and various other nations, with more prompt con- ceptions, and greater keenness of intellect, yet to no people has she been so unpropitious as to preclude them from all access to virtue and glo- ry. 11 " After he had, according to his wonted mo- desty, spoken of himself with reserve, but of me with more affection than truth, the course of con- versation at length conducted us so far, that when he had interrogated me concerning the turbulent state of our native country, and I had returned such an answer as I then deemed suitable, I be- gan in my turn to question him respecting the opinion generally entertained of our transactions, either by the French, or by such strangers as he had met in France. For I was sufficiently aware that the novelty of the events, as is usually the case, must have furnished occasion and materials for universal discussion." Buchanan's dialogue excited a degree of atten- tion which will not appear surprizing, when we consider the high reputation of the author, and the boldness of the precepts which he inculcated. M Your dialogue De Jure Regni? says his cor- respondent Rogers, " which you transmitted to me by Zolcher the letter-carrier of our friend Sturmius, I have received ; a present which would be extremely agreeable to me, if the importunate 9 Bartholinus, a learned Dane, has not neglected to enforce the air. doctrine. (Dt Liiris Legendis, p. 46. Hafnite, 1676, 8o.) 250 entreaties of some persons did not prevent me from enjoying it : for the moment it was deliver- ed into my hand, Dr. Wilson requested the loan of it : he yielded it to the importunity of the chancellor ; from whom the treasurer procured a perusal of it, and has not yet returned it : so that to this day it has never been in my custody. The work is commended by those who possess ingenuity, directed by judgment, and improved by an acquaintance with public business, and who remark the present aspect of political affairs ; but it is rejected by those who study to concili- ate by means of flattery the favour of princes, and who wish the reins of law to be relaxed ac- cording to their pleasure : almost all admire the genius of a man who in the declining winter of age, is capable of imitating with such dexterity the Platonic mode of composition. I have laid my injunctions on Vautrollier/ a very honest man who is the bearer of this letter, to procure some copies which I intend to communicate to our friends. For Sturmius, Metellus, s Hotman, Dou- r Thomas Vautrollier, a Frenchman," says Mr. Herbert, " was a scholar and printer, as is said, from Paris or Rouen, who came into Eng- land about the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's reign, and was admitted a brother of the stationers' company, Oct. 2, 1 564, for which he paidijs. vjd. He set up his press in Black-friars, where it appears to have continued all his lifetime, notwithstanding his residence for some time in Scotland.' {Typographical Antiquities, vol. ii, p. 1065.) * Joannes Metellus, a native of Franche Comte", was closely connect- trd with some ef the eminent scholars of the age. While he prosecuted hi. studies at Bologna, he contracted an intimacy with Augustinus and 251 sa, and other friends, expect your dialogue with eagerness.'" Of Hotman's connexion with Bu- chanan no other document occurs ; but his geni- us and erudition amply entitled him to Buchan- an's regard." He is the author of a famous poli- tical work, entitled Francogallia? which bears Osorius : Augustinus and Metellus are the interlocutors in the dialogue of Osorius De Gloria. Metellus afterwards attended Augustinus during his nunciate to England ; and he there became acquainted with Roger Ascham. He resided a long time at Cologne. Though he wished for a reformation in the Catholic church, he did not secede. His cotempo- raries have frequently mentioned him as a man of learning ; but his liter- ary productions are inconsiderable. He laid the foundation of a work which was completed after his decease : it bears the title of Asia Tabulis JEntis secundum ratienes geographical Delineata. Ursellis, 1600, fol. The Bodleian catalogue ascribes to him an Epistola it Lusitanorum Navigationi- bus in utramque Indiam. Coi. Agrip. 1576, 8vo- Ten of his epistles occur in the collection of Heinsius, entitled " Illustrium et Chrorum Virorum Epitolx Selectiores, superiore sxculo script* vel a Belgis, vel ad Belgas.** Lugd. Bat. 1617, 8vo. See also Aschami Epistola, p. 424, edit. Elstob, and Burmanni Sylloge Epistolarum, torn, i, p. 60, torn, ii, p. 288. Verses by Metellus are prefixed to Stewechius's edition of Vegetius, Antv. 1585, 4to, and to Suffridus Petrus De Scripteribus Erisia. Col. Agrip. 1593, 8vo. He reedited two productions of his elegant friend Osorius. f De Rebus Gestis Emmamtelis. Col. Agrip. 1574, 8vo. De Regis lnstitutione ei Disdplina. Ibid. 1588, 8vo.) To these editions he has prefixed long de- dications, which are chiefly remarkable for the singularity of the punctu- ation. In his superscription he denominates himself " Jo. Matalius Me- tellus. J. C. Sequanus." He is mentioned in De 1 iques' Vie de Philippe: de Mornay, p. 15, 17. The suavity of his disposition and the multiplicity of his erudition, are commemorated by Osorius. (In Gualierum Haddonum, f. 8. Olysippone, 1567, 4to.) 1 Buchanani EpistoUe, p 22. " Hotman mentions him in very respectful terms. " Animadverts prseterea Dionys. Lambinum in suis scholiis iu Orat. Ciceron. pro Cz- cina, scripsisse Georgium Buchananum singulari doctrina virum, &c. Bu- chanani judicio nemo plus tribuit, quam ego." (Hotomani Observation lib. ii, cap. xix.) * Geneva:, 1573, 8vo. 252 some affinity to that of our countryman. An- other work of a similar complexion presents in its title-page, the same time and place of printing as the dialogue of Buchanan. This production bears the title of Vlndicia contra Tyrannos ; y a title which alone was sufficient in those days to excite a general alarm among the advocates of hereditary tyranny. It has been imputed to Bu- chanan, 2 Hotman, Beza, Mornay, and to various other authors ; but it appears with a considerable degree of certainty that its real author was Hu- bert Languet. 1 y Vindiciae contra Tyrannos : sive de Principis in Populam, Populique a Principem, Legitima Potestate, Stephano Junio Bruto Celta auctore. iiimburgi, anno m.d.lxxix, 8vo. Another remarkable work of the same class, and of the same age, is that of the famous Jesuit Mariana, De Rege et Rtgis Institutions Toleti, 1599, 4to. This composition is distinguished by the very uncommon boldness of its sentiments ; but it is not a little deformed by the author's professional bias. * This production has only been imputed to Buchanan by the inad- vertency of Placcius. (Theatrum Anon, et Pseudon. torn, ii, p. 143.) In the work which he quotes as his authority, Buchanan is clearly distinguished from the author of the Vindici* contra Tyrannos. See the Acta Eruditorum anno 1684 fublicata, p. 22, or the book which is there quoted, Jurieu's H'utoire du Calvinism* et celle du Pap'umt mises en Parallele, torn, ii, p. 286. a See Bayle's Dissertation concernant It livre d'Etienfie Junius Brutus, ap- pended to the last volume of his dictionary ; and Blackburne's Memoirs of Thomas Ho/lis, Esq. vol i, p. 129, vol. ii, p. 545. Languet has also been reputed the author of a book entitled u De Furoribus Gallicis Vera et Simplex Narratio, Ernesto Varamundo Frisio auctore." Edim- iurgi, 1573, 4to. His biographer contends that this composition could not proceed from the pen of Languet, because it betrays great ignorance of French affairs. (Marii Vita Hubert's Langueti, p. 68.) But this rea- soning is fallacious; for if Languet undertook so hazardous a woik, it 253 That Buchanan's political principles rendered him extremely odious to the more zealous of the Popish party, may, without offering any wanton insult to their memory, be recorded as highly honourable to his. Between the Catholics of those and of the present times, every Protestant of common intelligence and candour will readily acknowledge a wide and glaring distinction : he will not be more inclined to compare them toge- ther, than to assimilate himself to the bigoted and persecuting Protestants of the sixteenth, or even of the seventeenth century. In point of li- berality, the two denominations will not now be found so essentially different as some individuals may be inclined to suppose : and in a country like this, where they are blended with each other, Protestants and Catholics who have enjoyed si- milar advantages of education, may very fairly be placed on the same level. Nor ought it here to be forgotten that, from the age of Erasmus to that ol Dr. Ceddes, the Catholic church has pro- duced many writers who, in genuine liberality and benevolence of sentiment, do not yield to any of their Protestant brethren. If religion could be extricated from politics, which so fre- quently absorb its vital essence, the animosities of Christian sects might speedily subside ; and as every man is persuaded that his own religion is must have been a principal object of his care to preserve the assumed character of a foreigner. 254 the best, he might quietly enjoy his felicity, with- out endeavouring to disturb the religious medita- tions of his neighbour. During the age of Bu~ chanan however, and especially in those coun- tries where the reformation had newly reared its standard, the Popish writers inculcated many per- nicious doctrines, and generally conducted their enquiries with great ferocity. In the course of a few years, his tenets were formally attacked by his learned countrymen Blackwood, Winzet, and Barclay. They were also attacked, though in an indirect manner, by Sir Thomas Craig, b and by Sir John Wemyss, who were both of the reformed religion. Craig was a Presbyterian, and his learning and virtue reflected the highest honour on that denomina- tion. Sir George Mackenzie, the servile tool of a most profligate court, undertook to defend a- gainst Buchanan the same slavish maxims of po- lity; and it must be acknowledged that he lived at a period when it was expedient enough to per- suade his fellow subjects, that the persons of good and bad kings are equally sacred and invio- lable. " The right divine of kings to govern wrong," was a very suitable doctrine for the mi- b Cragii de Jure Successions Regni Angliae libri duo. MS. penes P. I. Of this work, the original has never been printed ; but a transla- tion of it was published by Bishop Gatherer, under the title of The Right *f Suucision to the Kingdom of England. Lond. 1 703, fol. c Wemii %tLi\iui 'T*if<>xv, sive de_Regis Primatu Libellue. Edinh. 1623, 4tO. Q55 nisters of Charles and James. In another work. Mackenzie has exhibited a further specimen of his talent for historical and political investigation: the learned Bishop Lloyd had rationally exploded the fabulous catalogue of our ancient kings ; and his majesty's advocate very wisely maintained, that he who denies the antiquity of the royal line is guilty of lese-majesty. In the course of the se- venteenth century, the leading principles or Bu- chanan were also oppugned by Sir Lewis Stewart, a lawyer, and by Sir James Turner, a soldier. The former wrote in Latin, d the latter in Eng- lish ; e but neither of their productions has been printed; and the republic of letters has probably sustained no very heavy detriment by their long suppression. He was incidentally assailed by many foreign authors ; and, among the rest, by Henningus Arnisaeus, who, though a man of learning, was bewildered by the current doctrine of the divine and indefeasible right of kings, and the passive obedience of subjects. Grotius, though born under a free republic, and certainly a man of a great and liberal mind, did not entirely escape the contamination of those slavish maxim* that were so prevalent during the age in which d Ruddiman's Answer to Logan's Treatise on Government, p. 18g. Edinb. 1747, 8vo. Mr. Ruddiman afterwards prosecuted his controversy with Logan, in an elaborate " Dissertation concerning the Competition for the Crown of Scotland, betwixt Bruce and Baliol, in the year 1291."* JEdinb. 1748, 8vo. * Nicolson's Scottish Historical Library, p- 15- 256 he lived : the right of resisting any superior pow- er which happens to be established, he has dis- cussed in a manner that could hardly offend the completest despot in Europe/ It is the perpe- tual fault of those writers, to found their princi- pal theories on passages of scripture which are not didactic or exegetical, but merely historical. The degrading doctrine of divine right and passive obedience was inculcated by Salmasius, g Bochart, h Usher,' 1 and indeed by several very able men who approached much nearer to our own times ; it is however a doctrine which no Briton, capable of reflection, will now hesitate a single moment in rejecting with the utmost indignation. So slow, and yet so certain, is the progress of reason ; which, however retarded in its course, or absorb- ed by the quicksands of ambition, avarice, and superstition, will never fail to roll onward with one irresistible tide, till it at length reach the ocean of eternity. That this general tide is only be- ginning to flow ; that even in those countries which at present are most enlightened, some of the principal topics of human speculation are on- ly beginning to be understood ; may perhaps be regarded as no very absurd conjecture. " Me- thinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant na- f Grotius de Jure Belli, lib. i, cap. iv. * Salmasii Defensio Regia. Sumptibut regiis, 1649, fol. et 12mo. h Bocharti Opera, torn, i, col. 988. i Usher's Power communicated by God to the Prince, and Obedieicce required of the Subject. Land. 1661, 4to. 257 tion rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks: methinks 1 see her as an eagle muing her mighty youth, and kindling her undazl'd eyes at the full midday beam ; purging and unsealing her long abused sight at the fountain it self of heav'nly radiance ; while the whole noise of timorous and flocking birds, and those also that love the twilight, flut- ter about, amaz'd at what she means." k But the full measure of Buchanan's ignominy has not yet been related. In the year 1584, the parliament condemned his dialogue and history *' as not meet to remain for records of truth to posterity ;" and, under a penalty of two hundred pounds, commanded every person who possessed copies, to surrender them within forty days, in order that they might be purged of " the offens- ive and extraordinary matters" which they cor. tained. In 1683, the loyal and orthodox univers- ity of Oxford doomed to the flames the political works of Buchanan, Milton, Languet, and sever- al other heretics. 1 The Scotish parliament, the k Milton's Areopagitica, p. 345. 1 Smithi Vita R. Huntingtoni, p. xxv. " The Judgment and Decree .of the University of Oxford, passed in their Convocation, July 21, 1683, against certain pernicious Books, and damnable Doctrines, destructive to the sacred Persons of Princes, their State and Governmenr, and of all human Society," may be found in Lord Sommcrts Tracts, voi. lii, p. 22-J,. The first of these damnable doctrines is, that " All civil authority is de- rived originally from the people." This notable decree found a panegy- rist in some nameless member of Christ Church. The subsequent pa*** age of his Dccretum Oxonitnse relates to Buchanan. R 258 English university, and the Popish tribunal of inquisition, seem to have regarded this unfortu- nate speculator with equal abhorrence. All the despicable arts of ignorance, superstition, and sy- cophancy, have not however been able to quench the vital principle of his immortal productions; but, like oil added to a rising flame, have only served to augment their splendour . m Other individuals, and those too of great name, have viewed him in a different light : he has found enthusiastic admirers among the most enlighten- ed of modern scholars ; and the effects of his bold and manly speculations have been widely felt. It was objected to Milton that he had stolen his celebrated defence of the people of England from the eloquent work of Buchanan." And what are life etiam Scotica qui quondam turbidus aula Jus regum angusti contraxit limite gyri, Qui toties populos immisit in arma furentes, Multaque subjecit gliscenti incendia hello, Nunc ignem subit, et flammis ultricibus ardet. Musarum Anglicanarum Analecta, voL ii,p. 18.1. The Oxford decree was dutifully presented to Charles the second ; and, about thirty years afterwards, was treated with that respect which it so justly merited. In 1710, the house of lords ordered it to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. m " Libros per xdiles cremandos censuere patres; sed manserunt occul- tati, et editi. Quo magis socordiam eorum inridere libet, qui prsesent' potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis a;vi memoriam. Nam contra, punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas : neque aliud externi reges, aut qui eadem seevitia usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi, atque illis gloriam peperere." Taciti Annales, lib. iv, 35. fl Dryden's Epistle to the Whigs; prefixed to The Medal. Vhe poli- tical work of Buchanan leetns to have been read and approved by a pa. 259 the terrible doctrines which once excited so vio- lent an alarm? Buchanan maintains that all power is derived from the people; that it is more safe to entrust our liberties to the definite protec- tion of the laws, than to the precarious discretion of the king; that the king is bound by those con- ditions under which the supreme power was ori- ginally committed to his hands; that it is lawful to resist, and even to punish tyrants. Those who maintain the contrary, must have recourse to the absurd aud exploded doctrine of divine and inde- feasible right. When he speaks of the people as opposed to the king, he evidently includes every individual of the nation except one. And is a noble race of intelligent beings to be assimilated to a tract of land, or to a litter of pigs ? to be considered, absolutely and unconditionally, as the lawful patrimony of a family which either merit, accident, or crime, may originally have elevated to the summit of power? What is term- trlot of the first order. A copy of the dialogue, formerly in the pos- session of Mr. Hollis, exhibited the following sentence, subscribed with the venerable name of Chatham. "Hpiro yaf r ifirnt afroalturai S*Xi<> Zpf. (Blackhurne's Memoirs of Thomas Hollis, Esq. vol ii, p. 550.) These remarkable expressions, which had likewise been adopted by Lon. ginus (Dc Sublimit ate, xliii, edit. Tollii), are derived from the subsequent verses of Homer. "Hfuro yap r apirn; kxttuvvrtu ivfvoxtt Zibf 'Ahvos, ivt > /u xecra. SX n^ap X character of a persecutor. That he was himself a victim of divine retribution, it would be inde- cent to affirm : but it is a historical fact that he was wantonly sacrificed by the execrable tyrant whom he had served with too much zeal. On, the solid foundation which had been laid by Bu- chanan, a spacious edifice was afterwards reared by Milton, Sidney, and Locke; names which every enlightened Briton will always recollect with peculiar veneration. That two of them were republicans, need not alarm the most zeal- ous friends of a legitimate monarchy : s if the same individuals had flourished at a more recent period, they would undoubtedly have entertain- ed different sentiments. The principles which, prompted stern resistance to the wide encroach- ments of the house of Stewart, are perfectly com- patible with those which recommend a cordial at- tachment to the house of Hanover. In the seventy -fourth year of his age, r Buchan- s See Dr. Symmons's Life of Milton, p. 519. The sagacity and erudition of Mr. Chalmers again obstruct our pro- gress. " Ruddiman," he remarks, " gives a sceptical note, which seems to discover his doubts of an assertion, which has never been supported by proof. Yet he saw only part of the truth. He did not perceive, what appears to have been the /act, that of this life Sir Peter Young was the author. (Life of Ruddiman, p. 68.) Mr. Ruddiman's note, the first on Buchanan's life, is very far from being sceptical ; as any person capable, of reading it may easily satisfy himself. The reasons which have here convinced Mr. Chalmers, are such as will make no impression on any 60und skull. His first reason is, that on the fifteenth of March 1579-80, Randolph advised Young to write Buchanan's life! But the biographical tract in question, as appears from the concluding sentence, w2s written 264 an composed a brief sketch of his own life. To this task he was urged by some of his numerous when Buchanan was in the seventy-fourth year of his age : it was there- fore written before the beginning of February 1580, that is, at least a month before Randolph's letter. His second and last reason is, that " Dr. Thomas Smith says expressly, That Peter Young wrote briefly the life of Buchanan." This therefore is a very formidable train of argumentation. " Cujus vitam compendio descripsit," says Dr. Smith in the seventeenth pige of his life of Sir Peter Young ; but in another part k of the sam* work, he only mentions as a probable conjecture what he had before as- serted in positive terms : " Nullus dubito, quin D. Junius importunis D. Thomae Randolphi, qui crebris in Scotia legationibus functus fuerat, alior- umque precibus et postulationibus obseoutus, Georgii Buchanani, summi sui amici, vitam descripserit." (Vita Petri Junii, p, 29.) This mode of writing history must have recommended Dr. Smith to the particular re. gard of the author of the " New Anecdotes." But if Young actually wrote a life of Buchanan, are we under the necessity of concluding that he must have written the identical life which has uniformly been ascrib- ed to Buchanan himself? Mr. Chalmers's notion of evidence is extremely 1 ludicrous. This tract k written in a strain of dignified simplicity, high- ly becoming an illustrious character who had undertaken to be his own historian ; but if the same events and circumstances had been related by a friend, they would undoubtedly have been related in a different man- ner. On the characteristics of style, I found no argument, for that would he superfluous. The time of its original publication has not been ascer- tained; but it underwent several impressions before the death of Young. It has invariably been ascribed to Buchanan ; and yet neither Sir Peter, nor his learned son Patrick Young, ever informed the world of its spu- riousness. " This writer, whoever he were," proceeds the learned critic, " talks of John Major as being in cxlrcma senrctute, in 1524, when he was only fifty-five." The period of Mair's birth is neither known to Mr. Chal- mers nor to any other person ; for Dr. Mackenzie's date is a mere fig- ment. George Crawfurd, the most industrious of his biographers, could discover no better datum th.m this incidental notice of Buchanan : he ac- cordingly refers the birth of Mair to the year 1446. ** He speaks of Henry VIII. a* jam senior?, in 1539, when he was but forty-eight." And therefore he speaks as any man of learning might do without hesitation. Consult Aulus Gellius, Ntaa Attic*, lib. x, cap. xxviii. He makes- 265 friends ; u and the annals of literature supplied him with abundant instances of autobiography. The practice, as we learn from Tacitus, was not un- usual among the ancient Romans,* though not a single specimen has descended to our times. Au- gustus wrote an account of his own life, consist- ing of thirteen books ; y but it has perished with the other literary monuments of that prince. The work of Josephus is the only specimen of this mode of composition which antiquity has bequeathed. More recent examples are exhibited by Erasmus and Cardan; who have likewise been followed in the same tract by Thuanus, Huet, Herbert, Hume, Gibbon, Franklin, Rousseau, Wakefield, and five hundred authors beside. In Cardan and Rousseau Buchanan meet Cardinal Beaton at Paris, in 1539, a twelve-month after he had returned to Scotland : I am thence led to suspect, that Buchanan made his escape ffom St. Andrew s, by the way of London, to Paris, not in 1539, but in 1538, when he might have met the cardinal." The dates on the margin are not those of the author, but of the editor. In his history, Buchanan however informs us that he did not leave his na- tive country till 1539; and therefore this redoubtable critic may suspect what he pleases. Because Cardinal Beaton was at Paris in 1538, he could not also be at Paris in 1539, is the next proposition. " I could run through the whole life, and shew similar fooleries, and some malignity, in every page of it." AvrZ raZra. Buchanani Epistobe, p. 32. c He alludes to Adam Blackwood; whom Mr. Ruddiman styles "professor of law in the university of Poictiers." ( Vindication of Bu- chanan, p. 1 24.) But it does not appear that he ever taught in that uni- versity. See the elogium which Gabriel Naude" has prefixed to " Blacvo- dxi Opera Omnia." Paris. 1644, 4to. Blackwood lived to publish a second edition of his Apologia pro Regihus. Paris. 1 588, 8vo. 269 Poitiers, is however, I understand, of a different opinion ; and he has written a book which I shall transmit to you as soon as it is published in that city. What brothers of your literary offspring you allude to that I have not already seen, I know not: for the tragedies, psalms, elegies, and epigrams of George Buchanan are sold here. It is your sphere only, which you are understood to have composed at an earlier period, that many persons, and I among the first, are now anxious- ly expecting : but perhaps that poem has not yet been prepared for the press by your final cor- rection. The works of mine which you mention are of a puerile kind, and composed for the be- nefit of the youth whom I educate in this semi- nary. If you doubt my assertion, you may con- vince yourself of its accuracy by inspecting my commentary on the Somnium Scipionis ; which I now present to you, with the epistles of Gelida. With respect to your particular recommendation of Henry Wardlaw, I beg leave to assure you that from the time when I here became acquainted with you, with your personal character and your erudition, I for your sake love and respect all your countrymen, and render them every service in my power; which indeed is very limited. This school is rarely without a Scotishman : it has two at present ; one of them is professor of philoso- phy, the other d of the Greek language and of # This was probably Robtrt Balfour, the learned editor of Cleomedes 270 mathematics : both are good, honest, and learned men, and enjoy the favourable opinion of their auditors. Farewell , and expect to hear from me frequently, provided I can lind a conveyance for my letters." 6 Elias Vinetus must have interested those who are sufficiently interested in Buchanan ; and it may not therefore be superfluous to devote a di- gressive page to his commemoration. Descend- ed of humble parents, he was born in the village of Vinet, situated in the dmtcllenie of Barbe- sieux in Saintonge. He received the rudiments of education atBarbesieux, and afterwards studied four years at Poitiers. Having returned to the foimer place, he there amassed a small sum of money by engaging in the tuition of youth, and was thus enabled to gratify his literary curiosity by paying a visit to Paris. He began to teach humanity in the College of Guienne at Bourdeaux in the year 1539, which was the period when Buchanan likewise became a member of that fa- mous seminary. Having fallen into an infirm state of health, he retired for some time to his native province ; and, in 1542, he again betook himself to Paris, where he became acquainted with Anthony Govea/ The elder Govea hav- and commentator on Aristotle. He was afterwards principal of the col- lege. e Buchanani pi6tolx, p. 33. ' These two dates, 1539 and 1542, are copied from an epistle of Vi- aetus which Schottui has inserted in bit Bibliotbeca H'ufanua, p. 475. 21 i ing invited him back to Bourdeaux, he there continued to discharge his academical functions till the year 1547, when he emigrated with Bu- chanan and other learned men to the university of Coimbra. What treatment he experienced among the Portugueze, is uncertain ; but soon after the death of Govea, he returned to Bour- deaux, and taught humanity and mathematics. After the decease of his friend Gelida, which happened in the year 15J6, e he succeeded him as principal of the college ; which he continued for many years to govern with great credit to himself, and with great utility to the public. Having exceeded the age of seventy-eight, he died on the fourteenth of May 1587. h His cha- racter seems to have been that of a modesj and worthy man. If not entitled to rank with scho- lars of the first order, he was at least furnished with a very considerable share of erudition. He published some original works, 5 and editions ot * In one part of his extensive work, which consiits of forty-two volume* in small octavo, Niceron refers the death of Gelida to the nineteenth f February, in another to the nineteenth of June, 1558. (Memoiru itt Hommei Illustres, torn, xxii, p. 107, torn, xxx, p. 224 ) Both these dates are erroneous-. Gelida died on the nineteenth of February 155. h Niceron, Memoires des Homines Illustres, torn, xxx, p. 224. i One of them is entitled De Logistka libri tret. Burd. 1573, 8vo. Vinetus remarks that this art, originally denominated algorism, was derived from the Arabians; and that Joannes de Sacrobosco, who com- posed a treatise De Al^orismo about the year 1250, was the earliest writ- er on the subject with whom he was acquainted. " L'algorismo," say Menage, " propriamente e una aritmetica logica." (Origin della Lingua Ztaliana, p. 43, fol.) 272 several ancient writers ; and has evinced an ac- quaintance with science as well as literature. His editions of Pomponius Mela and Ausonius were once held in no common estimation : Vos- sius was of opinion that after Hermolaus Barbar- us, k no editor had contributed so much to the illustration of the former author. 1 The last epistle which Buchanan is known to have written, is consonant to the tenor of his be- nevolent character. It is addressed to his early friend Beza. " Although my attention is divided by various occupations, and the state of my health is so desperate as to leave me no leisure for the common duties of life, yet the departure of Jerome Groslot has banished all my excuses. For as the father, who was a man of distinction, loaded me, during my residence in France, with every species of kindness, and the son has ho- noured me here as another parent, I was aware that among you I could not escape the heavy charge of ingratitude, if I should now overlook the kindness which I experienced from the one, the pleasant intercourse which I have enjoyed with the other, and the polite attention which you have uniformly paid me. Yet among those who are not unacquainted with my present con- k This learned writer'* corrections of Mela are printed with hi* C litigation i Plinidn*. Komz, 1493, fol. A copy of this rare book is in my pouession. I Vowiu* de Scientii* Mathematicis, p. 258, 273 dition, such a fault would readily find its apology. It is my best apology, that all my senses dying before me, what now remains of the image of the former man testifies, not that I am, but that I have been, alive ; especially as I can neither cherish the hope of contracting new intimacies, nor of continuing the old. These circumstances I now mention with greater Confidence, as the present occasion affords you an opportunity of learning my condition from Groslot: whom it ap- pears superfluous to recommend to your atten- tion. The dispositions of youth disclose them- selves without our aid. I have however furnish- ed him with a recommendation, rather to comply with the common practice, than because it is re- quisite. With regard to myself, since I cannot continue my former mode of life by the recipro- cation of friendly offices, I shall refrain from those exertions to which I have long been unequal, and indulge in silence. Farewell. Edinburgh, July the fifteenth, 1581." This interesting letter is followed by a more formal testimonial in favour of the young and accomplished emigrant. " Je- rome Groslot, a young man of Orleans who is the bearer of this, although born in a distinguished city of most distinguished parents, is however best known in consequence of his calamities. In that universal tumult, and universal phrensy, which prevailed in France, he lost his father and his patrimony, and was himself exposed to jeo- s 274 pardy. As he could not remain at home in safe- ty, he chose to fix his residence in Scotland till the violence of that storm should a little subside. As the state of national affairs is now somewhat more tranquil, and his domestic concerns require his return, he is determined to travel through England, that, like Ulysses, he may become ac- quainted with the manners and cities of many nations, and, as far as the shortness of his time will permit, may familiarize himself with a branch of civil ltnowledge which is of no trivial import- ance. This journey I trust he will not perform without reaping some benefit; such as he h^s de- rived from his late peregrination. I)uring his residence in Scotland, ]ie has not lived like a stranger in a foreign land, but like a citizen among his fellows. The study of letters he has prosecuted so successfully, as not only to be able to sooth by their suavity the sorrows incident to his disastrous condition, but also to have pro- vided for himself and his family a resource against the future contingencies of life. Here it is not necessary for me to persuade, ' or even to admon- ish you, to treat this excellent youth with kind- ness : for that the uniform course of your life, and the bond of the same faith, demand of you ; nay, even compel you to do, for the sake of maintaining your own character." m This young stranger, in whom he seems to have been yo Iqchanani Eputolse, p, S3. 275 much interested, was the son of Jerome Groslot, bailli of Orleans ; who was assassinated at Paris during the infamous massacre of St. Bartholo- mew." The father likewise appears to have been attached to letters. The son, though he did not himself publish any work, was well known to the scholars of the age: he was one of the intimate friends pjf Dousa, and enjoyed the acquaintance of Gujacius, Casaubon, and Lipsius." The last production which Buchanan lived to complete was his history of Scotland.* Jn the n Thuani Hist, sui Temporis, torn, v, p. 42, 44, torn, iii, p. 132. Saxius supposes him to be the author of two juridical tracts, written in Latin, and published at Paris in 1538. (Qnomasticon Literariua, torrrf iii, p. 193, 554.) These tracts occur in Otto's Thesaurus Juris Civilit, Jtom. t, p. 1, 48. P Colomies mentions a volume of Latin and Italian letters from Fa- ther Paul to M. de Tlsle Groslot and M. Gillot, printed at Geneva in the year 1673. Several philological epistles of Groslot may be found in the collections of Goldastus and Burman. Ifl the latter collection occur hit annotations on Tacitus. (Burmanni Syllogt Ephtdarum, torn, i, p. 348.) He is the anchor of a decastich inserted in the Delhi* Poetarum Gal- forum, torn, i, p. 955. Casaubon styles him " nobdissimus doctissimusque vir " { Animadversinies ad Suetonium, p. 2.) He may be supposed to have recovered his patrimony : he denominates himself Hieronymus Or jsio- tius Lislaus. and some of his letters are dated at l'lsle, evidently hit country-seat. Burman has mistaken the import of the word Lislatus t * Foitasse originem maternam ex Scotis, apud quos gens Lislxa vel Lei- lza ctleberrima, repetebat." * Rerum Scoticarum Historia, auctore Georgio Buchanano Scoto. Edimburgi, apud Alexandrum Arbuthnetum typographum regium. Cum privilegio regali. 1582, fol. Thisedition contains many typo- graphical errors; a list of which may be found appended to Thomas Crawford's Notei on Butbanan. Of the history of Scotland there are seventeen editions. The two last are those of Alexander Finlattr s 2 276 year 15S2, it issued from the office of Alexander and James Man. Edinb. 1727, 8vo. Abe'rd. 1762, 8vo. Finlater is men- tioned by Ruddiman as " a gentleman well versed in classical learning." (Further Vindication, p. 7.) Archbishop Nicolson remarks that Buchanan's history was " epitomized in a good Latin style by Mr. Alexander Hume ; who was sometime chief master of the grammar school at Edinburgh.' (Scottish Historical Library, p. 43.) This epitome was never printed. The history was translated into the Scotish language by John Reid, or Read ; who, according to Calderwood's MS. was " servitur and writer to Master George Buchanan." In the library of the university of Glasgow, I have inspected a MS. of this unpublished version, which bears the fol- lowing inscription. " The Historic of Scotland, first written in the La- tine tungue by that famous and learned man George Buchanan, and af- terward translated into the Scottishe tungue by John Read- Esquyar, brother to James Read, person of Banchory Ternan whyle he liued. They both ly interred in the parishe church of that towne, seated no$ farre from the banke of the riuer of Dee, expecting the general resurrection, and the glorious appeering of Jesus Christ there redimer." This transcript ap- pears from the colophon to have been completed on the twelfth of Decem- ber 1634. Another unpublished version belongs to the British Museum : " An History of the State of Scotland, by George Buchquhanane a Scotch- man." (Bib. Har. N. 7539.) This MS. is imperfect ; it commences with the twelfth, and ends in the nineteenth book. The idiom is Eng- lish, and the hand apparently of the seventeenth century.' An English translation of Buchanan's history and dialogue was printing in London about the asra of the restoration : but on the seventh of June 1660, the publication was prohibited by an order of council. (Chalmers's Life nf Ruddiman, p. 350.) This prohibition of the dialogue, as my learned friend Mr. Little suggests, is mentioned with some degree of triumph by the apostate Bishop Parker. ( De Rebus tut T.mfioris Commentarii, p. 77. Lond. 1726, 8vo.) In 1690, an English translation of Buchanan's history was published at London in folio. Prefixed is a very good portrait of the author, engraved by R. White from an original painting in the pos- session of Sir Thomas Povey. In 1 722, the same version was reprinted at London in two volumes octavo. This edition professes to be "revised and corrected from the Latin original, by Mr. Bond:" but it is remark- ed by Ruddiman that although the first abounds with errors, yet he has not made the least alteration. (Answer to Logan, p. 315.) Of this trans- lation there are other five editions, each consisting of two volumes oc- tavo. Lond. 1733. Edinb. 1751-2. Edinb. 1762. Edinb. 1766. Glasg. 277 ubuthnot, printer to the ki ig. b It bears the royal privilege, and, like other works of the same author, is dedicated to the young monarch. The dedication is not unworthy of our attention. " When after a peregrination of twenty-four years, c I had at length returned to my native country, the first object of my care was to col- lect my papers, dispersed by the malignity of former times, and in many respects exposed to improper treatment. For partly through the undue partiality of my friends, who precipitated their publication at a premature crisis, partly through the immoderate licence which printers, assuming the character of censors, exercise with re-pect to other men's works, I find many pass- ages changed, chiefly according to their respect- ive fancies, and some vilely corrupted. " While I was attempting to remedy those in- conveniences, the sudden entreaties of my friends disordered all my plans. For all of them, as if they had conspired with each other, exhorted me 1799. An English version of several books of Buchanan's history wai published as an original work, under the title of" An Impartial Account of the Affairs of Scotland, from the death of King James V. to the tra- gical Exit of the Earl of Murray : by an eminent hand." Lond. 1705, 8vo. b See the Lives of the Scotish Poets, vol. ii, p. 175. c " Post viginti quatuor annorum peregrinationem." This reading ronit be erroneous. Buchanan left his native country in 1539 ; and he the Scotish court in the month of January 1562. Mr. Love is inclined to suppose that he returned with the prior of St. Andrews in May 1561. (Vindicathn if Buchanan, p. 61.) s 3 278 to relinquish those performances of a more trivial nature, which rather sooth the ear than inform the mind, and to occupy myself in writing the history of our nation. This occupation, they urged, was worthy of my age, and of the expect- ations concerning me which my countrymen had formed ; and no other subject presented j tronger incentives of praise, or promised to con- fer a more lasting reputation-. To omit other considerations, as Britain is the most renowned island in the world, and its history involves trans- actions highly memorable in every respect, you, will hardly discover in the course of ages an in- dividual who- has ventured to undertake so im- portant a subject, and has evinced himself eq.ua I to the undertaking. " It was likewise no slight incentive to me, that I concluded my labour would neither be undue nor unacceptable to you. For it appeared absurd and shameful that you, who at this early age have perused the histories of almost every nation, and have committed many of them to memory, should seem to be a stranger at home. Besides as the incurable state of my health will not permit me to discharge the office intrusted to me of culti- vating your genius, d I have deemed it my next duty to betake myself to that species of compos- ition which is calculated for improving the mind. * " Parte* ingenii tui exc6len The storm has now subsided, and we may calm- ly blend her virtues with her vices ; but her sub- jects found it absolutely necessary to oppose her mad career, and afterwards to vindicate their own conduct by exposing hers. It were certain- ly to be wished that Buchanan had expressed himself in more moderate terms ; though his un- bounded indignation is evidently that of an ho- nest mind, unable to disguise its genuine senti- ments. That some of the circumstances which he relates are not altogether consistent with ac- curacy, is only what may be affirmed with re- P Thuanus to Camden. " Acerbius haec fortasse a Buchanano cripU, et audio discipulura praeceptori ob id succensere ; et tamen quia gettt $unt, citra flagitium dissimulari non possunt." (Camdeni j>ittof could hardly apply to Badiar % k a in his better days. SOQ ation of a court.* The native elegance of his mind, and the splendour of his reputation, secur- ed him the utmost respect and deference from such of his countrymen as were not separated from him by the rancour of political zeal : and although he even assumed considerable latitude in censuring the errors of exalted station, yet the dignified simplicity of his manners prevented his liberties from exciting resentment. Conscious of personal worth and of intrinsic greatness, he did not fail to assert his own privileges : mere supe- riority of rank was not capable of alluring him to a servile and degrading attachment ; but it was equally incapable of provoking his envy or ma- lice. In the course of his chequered life, he found himself not unfrequently exposed to the miseries of poverty; but his philosophical mind never learned to stoop to the suggestions of sord- id prudence. Although he at length enjoyed one of the great offices of the crown, and pos- sessed other sources of emolument, yet his liber- ality seems to have encreased in proportion to his opulence ; he purchased no estates, and had no hoards of treasure to bequeath. Of his pro- digality or ostentation no evidence occurs : it * " Aiunt Buchananum," says Daniel Heinsius, " virum suo satculo majorem ... ad reginam suam, monstrum illud fceminse, attulisse quod inirari satis ip6a nor. posset. Nam cum afftUaret libertatem quamdam in censura morum, dilutbat specie simplicitatis omnem protinus offensam. Ut non tantum auke natus videretur, sed et huic emendand*." (Bur- manni Syllege Efhhlarum, totn. ii, p. 451.) 307 is not therefore unreasonable to conclude that the principal charms of his wealth arose from its ap- plication to benevolent purposes. Of the truth of the Christian religion, and consequently of its eternal moment, his conviction seems to have been complete and uniform. Sir James Melvil, although his political enemy, has candidly re- presented him as a man of piety. The nature of his attachment to the reformation was consistent with his usual wisdom: he eagerly hailed the dawn of an sera which promised to relieve the world of enormous delusion, and of enormous pro- fligacy; but he certainly could not approve the excesses of a party which evinced sufficient in- clination, as soon as it possessed sufficient power, to tyrannize over the consciences of mankind. The extravagances of John Knox, with whom he appears to have been personally acquainted, and who was undoubtedly a most powerful champion in a cause of which they entertained the same general sentiments, have received no splendid encomiums from the historical pen of Buchanan. He was too delicate to devour popular creeds, and too enlightened to applaud the fierce spirit of intoleration in men who had themselves been roused to strenuous action by the bitterness of persecution. Nor was the genius of Buchanan less variegat- ed than his life. In his numerous writings, he discovers a vigorous and mature combination of U2 i508 talents which have seldom been found united in equal perfection. According to the common opinion, intellectual superiority is almost inva- riably circumscribed by one of the two grand partitions which philosophers have delineated; it is either founded on the predominancy of those capabilities which constitute what is termed the imagination, or of those which in contradistinc- tion are denominated the understanding. These different powers of exertion, though certainly not incompatible with each other, are but rarely found to coalesce in equal maturity. Buchanan has however displayed them in the same high degree of perfection. To an imagination excurs- ive and brilliant, he unites an undeviating rec- titude of judgment. His learning was at once elegant, various, and profound : Turnebus, who was associated with him in the same college, and whose decisions will not be rashly controverted, has characterized him as a man of consummate erudition. Most of the ancient writers had li- mited their aspiring hopes to one department of literature; and even to excel in one, demands the happy perseverence of a cultivated genius. Plato despaired of securing a reputation by his poetry ; the poetical attempts of Cicero,, though less contemptible perhaps than they are com- monly represented, would not have been suffi- cient to transmit an illustrious name to future ages. Buchanan has not only attained to excel- 309 lence in each species of composition, but in each species has displayed a variety of excellence : in philosophical dialogue and historical narrative, in lyric and didactic poetry, in elegy, epigram, and satire, he has never been equalled in modern, and hardly surpassed in ancient times. A few Roman poets of the purest age have excelled him in their several provinces; but none of them has evinced the same capability of universal at- tainment. Horace and Livy wrote in the lan- guage which they had learned from their mo- thers ; but its very acquisition was to Buchanan the result of much youthful labour. Yet he writes with the purity, the elegance, and free- dom of an ancient Roman. Unfettered by the classical restraints which shrivel the powers of an ordinary mind, he expatiates with all the charac- teristic energy of strong and origi.!'.! sentiment; he produces new combinations ot fancy, and in- vests thern with language equally polished and appropriate. His diction uniformly displays a happy vein of elegant and masculine simplicity; and is distinguished by that propriety and per- spicuity, which can only be attained by a man perfectly master of his own ideas, and of the lan- guage in which he writes. The variety of his poetical measures is immense, and to each spe- cies he imparts its peculiar grace and harmony. The style of his prose exhibits correspondent beauties ; nor is it chequered by phraseologies 8 3 310 unsuitable in that mode of composition. Hi$ diction, whether in prose or verse, is not a tissue of centos ; he imitates the ancients as the an- cients imitated each other. No Latin poet of modern times has united the same originality and elegance; no historian has so completely imbibed the genius of antiquity, -without being betrayed into servile and pedantic imitation. But his works may legitimately claim a higher order of merit ; they have added no inconsiderable influx to the general stream of human knowledge. The wit, the pungency, the vehemence, of his eccle- siastical satires, must have tended to foment the genial flame of reformation ; and his political spe- culations are evidently those of a man who had. nobly soared beyond the narrow limits of his age, LIST OF PUBLICATIONS RELATINO T BUCHANAN. Adam Blackwood. Advcrsus Georgii Buchanani Dialo- gum, De Jure Regni apud Scotos, pro Regibus Apologia. Pictavi% 1581, 4to. Pp. 341. NlNIAN WlKZET, D. D. Velitatio in Georgium Buchanan- um circa Dialogum quem scripsit De Jure Regni apud Sco- tos. Printed with Winzet's Flagellum Sectarioram. Ingol- stad. 1582, 4to. William Barclay, LL. D. De Regno et Regali Potestate ad versus Buchananum, Brutum. Boucherium, et reliquos Monarchomachos, libri sex. Paris. 1600, 4to. Pp. 542. George Eglisham, M. D. Poeticum Duellum : seu Geor- gii Eglisemmii cum Georgio Buchanano pro Di^nitate Pa- raphraseos Psalmi civ. Certamen. Lond. 1619, 8vo. Arthur Johnston, M. D. Hypermorus Medicaster : sive Consilium Collegii Medici Parisiensis de Mania G. Egli- semmii. Edinb. 1619. William Barclay, M.D. Judicium de Certamine G. Eglis- emmii cum G. Buchanano. Lond. 1620, 8vo. Pp. 54. Sir George Mackenzie. Jus Regium: or, the Just and Solid Foundations of Monarchy in general, and more espe- cially of the Monarchy of Scotland) maintain'd against Buchannan, Naphthali, Dolman, Milton, &c. Edinb. 1684, Svo. Pp. 200. '6X2 Sir Robert Sibbald, M. D. Comment arius in Vitam Gcorgii Buchanani, ab Ipsomet scriptam. Edinb. 1702, 8vo. Pp. 84. Thomas Crawford. Notes and Observations on Mr. George Buchanan's History of Scotland. Edinb. 1708, 8vo. Pp. 187- John Love. Buchanan's and Johnston's Paraphrase of the Psalms compared. Edinb. 1740, 8vo. See above, p. 129. A Vindication of Mr. George Buchanan. Edinb. 17*9, Svo. Pp. 93. William Lauder, A. M. Calumny Displayed : or, Pseudo- Philo-Buchananus couch'd of a Cataract. Edinb. 1740, 4 to. Pp. 36. See above, p. 129. William Benson. Esq. A Prefatory Discourse to a New Edition of the Psalms of David, translated into Latin verse by Dr. Arthur Johnston : to which is added a Supplement, containing a Comparison betwixt Johnston and Buchanan. Lond. 1741, 8vo. Pp. 119. James Man, A. M. A Censure and Examination of Mr. Thomas Ruddiman's Philological Notes on the Works of the great Buchanan. Aberdeen, 1753, 12mo. Pp. 574. Thomas Ruddiman, A. M. A Vindication of Mr. George Buchanan's Paraphrase of the book of Psalms, from the Objections rais'd against it by William Benson, Esq. Au- ditor in Exchequer. Edinb. 1745, Svo. Pp. 390. Animadvert us on a late Pamphlet, intituled, A Vindica- tion of Mr. George Buchanan. Edinb. 1749> Svo. Pp. 110. jfnticrhh : or, a Discussion of a scurrilous and malicious Libel, published by one Mr. James Man of AbertUen, Edinb. 1754, 8vo. Pp. 226. Audi alteram partem ; or, a Further Vindication of Mr. Tho. Ruddiman's Edition of the great Buchanan's Works. Edinb. 176, 8vo. Pp. 62. George Chalmers, Esq. The Life of Thomas Ruddiman, A. M. to which are subjoined New Anecdotes of Buchan- an. Lond. 1794, 8vo. Pp. 467. 313 Robert Macfarlan, A. M. George Buchanan's Dialogue concerning the Rights of the Crown of Scotland translated into English ; with two Dissertations prefixed ; one Arche- ological inquiring into the pretended identity of the Getes and Scythians, of the Getes and Goths, and of the Goths and Scots $ and the other Historical vindicating the character of Buchanan as an historian, and containing some specimens of his poetry in English verse. Lond. 1799, 8vo. Pp. 205. INDEX. Adamson, John, 300. Adamson, Dr. Patrick, 166. JEschylus, 35. D'Almada, Manuel, 101. Alyarez, 103. Amatus Lusitanus, 102. Antonius, Nicolaus, 88. Apollinarius, 123. Aratus, 242. Arnisasus, 255. Ascham, 224. Augustinus, Antonius, 100, 250. Augustus, 265. Auratus, 204, 214. Ausonius, 43. Bonadus, 45. Bonefonius, 152. Boscovich, 242. Bourbon, Nicolas, 61, IS 1. Boyce, 10, 261, 283. Brahe, Tycho, 198. Brinon, 39. Brutus, Joannes Michael, 71. Buchanan, David, 235, 296. Buchanan, 'William, 3. Budaeus, 13, 68. Bulasus, 1 1. Bulkeley, Dr. Edward, 227. B Bacon, Lord, 230. Balduirus, 214. Bale, 24. Balfour, Robert, 269. Balzac, 36. Barbarus, Helmolaus, 272. Barbosa, 89. Barclay, Will. LL.D. 254. Barclay, Will. M.D. 124, 128. Bargagli, Scipione, 39. B*udius, 58. Bedell, 131. Bellenden, William, 227. Beilicarius, 44. Bembus, 152, 292. Bencius, 74. Benson, William, 129,. Bentley, 38. Betuleius, 37. Beza, 150, 183, 234, 272. Bizzarus, 180. Blacklock, 86.' Blackwood, 268. Bochart, 256. Bodin, 69. Cabedius, Antonius, 9,*?. Cabedius, Michael, 92. Caslius Khodiginus, 52. Caiadus, Hermicus, 101. Calvin, 190, 191, 199, 234. Camden, 298. Camoens, 88. Canterus, 204. Cardan, 57, 265. Carmichael, James, 178. Casaubon, Isaac, 121, 29$. Casimir, 146. Castalio, Joseph, 199. Castalio, Sebastian, 189. Castellanus, 13. Castellanus of Louvain, 103. Castelvetro, 120. Chalmers, George, 25, 69, 15S, 175,246,263.299,300. Cheke, 227, 228, 229. Chrestien, 39, 205, 212. Chytneus, Nathan, 120. Claudian, 243. Clusius, 214. Cockburn, Alexander, 237. Cockburn, Patrick, 117. Ccelius, Georgius, 102, 316 Cooke, Sir Anthony, 228. Correa, 102. Craig, Sir Thomas, 254. Crawford, Thomas, 312. Crucius, 102. Cujacius, 59, 67, 97. G Graverol, Jean, 188. Grarina, 97. Grimoald, Nicholas, 34. Groslot, Jerome, 272. Grotius, 38, 195, 255. Gruchius, 41, 79, 141. Gualtherus, 196. Gyraldus, 51. Daniel, Peter, 138. 211. Dempster, 17, 132. Digne, Nicolas le, 39. Donellus, 216. Dousa, 210, 220, 231. Dryden, 279. Dunbar, William, 16. Duport, 123, 194. FgKsham, 124, 128. Ennius, 38. Erasmus, 38, 55, 92, 195, 216, 253. Euripides, 30, 38. H Haddon, 101, 226. Hamilton, Archibald, 2S5. Hay, John, 195. Heinsius, D. 34, 35, 50, 58. Hoelzlin, 123. Holland, Lord, 114. Hope, Sir Thomas, 130. L'Hospital, 43, 113, 132, 140. Hotman, 251. Huet, 59. Hume, Alexander, 276. Humphrey, Dr. Lawrence, 22$. Hunter, Robert, 120. Hutcheson, Gilbert, 260. Faber Stapulensis, 77, Fabricius, J. A. 80. Ferrerius, 83. Finlater, Alexander, 275. Forerius, 103. Fortescue, Sir John, 262. Fruterius, 6, 208. Garentaeut, 41, 79. Gatherer, Bishop, 254. Geddes, Dr. Alexander, 255. Gelida, 76, 82. Germaricus, 242. Gesner, Conrad, 84. Gifaniui, 201, 209. Goodall, 164. Govea, Ant. 76, 95, 99, i 87. rast, Dr. Edward, 225, 226. Innes, Thomas, II. Irving, Dr. Christopher, 9, 10. James VI. 167. Jamotius, 120. Jewel, 227. Johnson, 226, 279. Johnston, Dr. Arthur, 128, ISO, 132. Josephus, 265. Junius, Hadrianus, 119, Kennedy, Quintin, 135. King,