mmj&m m\:.f,'\v!' l)i;K!yfi'H Ik:,*' p^^y:!$::\!^:':' '!^/|l -:":> ■ ,;^/S^:J^";,):,•^..';/;_(;,;^^-/-^:';■•;^i;i,:^;/,■ ::, J!)i ^Si;. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES A HISTORY THE HEBREW MONAPiCHY. 44 3 S A HISTORY THE HEBREW MONARCHY THE ADMINISTRATION OF SAMUEL TO THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY. FRANCIS WILLIAM NEWMAN, POBMEBLT FKLIOW OF BAllIOL COllEGE, OXFORD. %Vn)i (BMu, LONDON: - N. TEUBNER & CO., 60, PATEENOSTER ROW. 1865. \The right of Translation is reserved. \ c ' f; 'I 1 JOHN GUILDS AND SON, PRINTERS. N--i. PREFACE TO TIIIED EDITION. In this third edition I have omitted many controver- sial notes, which seem no longer needful. To avoid any mystery, and prevent future misconception, I will say plainly that I hold in my hands a letter from the late Editor of the North British Review, which fixes on the late Archbishop Wliately the responsibility of a certain article, by which I was much aggrieved. But as it is not likely to be now read, I am glad to say no more about it. M A few general remarks may assist the reader to under- ■-t stand the point of view from which the following pages were written. 1. I did not start from the assumption that ''miracles ., are incredible ; " but from the earlier axiom, that " the .- more strange the thing attested, the more cogent is the proof needed.'^ Under the application of this very cau- tious principle, it is gradually discovered that the great majority of alleged miracles have really no better evidence than have ghosts, magic, and stories of fairies. In Hebrew history, as in that of Greeks and Romans, the miraculous element disappears in proportion as we obtain historical attestations : thus the belief is undermined by the growth of knowledge and of criticism. — Others may now start from a more advanced principle ; that " after the re- searches of the last 100 years we have a right to presume mistake in every pretended miracle.^^ But I believe this VI PEEFACE TO THIRD EDITION. to be a result whicli lias been earned by mucli research, not an original first principle of pbilosophy. At any rate, I never started from it myself. 2. So far am I from renouncing a Divine Element in Hebrew history, that I see a Divine Element in all history. God is in Nature and in Man. There is no contrast of the natural and supernatural ; for natural agencies are di- vine, and divine influences are in the human heart. No one who venerates Hebrew history and literature can be offended at my believing this. I cannot consent to dese- crate all other history in order to consecrate that of the Hebrews. 3. The work of refuting error is strictly necessary, if truth is to be advanced. The negative side of every ques- tion is as essential to truth as are the shadows in a picture. Unless rubbish be cleared away, and all its miasma purged, no firm and healthy building can rise. Apostles and prophets were emphatically idol-breakers in their own day, and often very harsh ones. While we must strive never needlessly to wound men^s susceptibilities, it is neither kind nor profitable to practise suppression, lest the utterance of truth give pain. 4. I assume that God is unchangeably perfect, ever like Himself, and that His judgment of human conduct cannot vary with mere time and place. According to the words ascribed to an apostle, " He is no respecter of persons ; but in every nation those who work righteousness are approved by Him." Any sentiments to the contrary found in early writers are treated by me as errors incident to their age and nation. Whatever is our highest moral attainment, from it, as from our best elevation, we must try to survey ancient as well as modern events. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. THE LAND AND TRIBES OF ISRAEL. — AGRICULTURAL AND OTHER SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS. — THE BORDER COUNTRIES. PAGE Land of Israel. — The Jordan and the Eastern Tribes. — The Northern Tribes.— The Central Tribes. — The Soutliern Tribes. — Mosaic Agriculturalism. — The Levites. — Polygamy. — The Neisrhbourino: Nations ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 CHAPTER II. ADMINISTRATION OF SAMUEL AND RFIGN OF SAUL. The Philistines. — Hebrew monotheism. — Administration of Samuel. — Early Hebrew psalmody. — Exterior marks of the Prophet. — Modes of divination. — Foreign dangers of Israel. — Appointment of Saul. — Romantic Philistine campaign. — Ammonite inroad. — Enmity with Amalek. — Massacre of the Amalekites. — David, anointed by Samuel. — David, Saul's armour-bearer. — David, Saul's son-in-law. — David, a freebooter. — David with Achish of Gath — David reinforced from Israel.— David's return to Ziklag. —Battle of Mount Gilboa 21 VIU CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. KEIGN OF DAVID. David, kiug iu Hebron. — Battle near Gibeon. — Murder of Abner. — Jerusalem. — Capture of Jerusalem. — The ark conveyed to Jeru- salem. — State of Hebrew industry. — Conquest of Moab. — First war with the Zobahites. — Conquest of Edom. — Prosperity of David. — Ammonite war. — Destruction of the Ammonites. — Career of Absalom. — Death of Absalom. — Disgrace of Mephi- bosheth. — Immolation of Saul's descendants. — The pestilence. — Conspiracy of Adonij ah. — Death of David ... ... ... 65 CHAPTER IV. KEIGN OF SOLOMON. Foreign commotions. — Political executions. — Solomon's trade by the Red Sea. — Trade over the Syrian Desart. — Visit of the Queen of Sheba. — Gold vessels of the Temple. — Building of the Temple. — Bondmen in Israel. — The Temple worship. — The Decalogue. — Dowry of an Egyptian princes. — Solomon's idolatry. — Hostilities against Solomon. — Death of Solomon. — Chronology of the Kings. — Chronological table ... ... ... ... ... 107 CHAPTER V. FROM THE DEATH OF SOLOMON TO THE ACCESSION OP OMRI, B.C. 955—904. Division of the Monarchy. — Calves of Dan and Bethel. — Jeroboam's neglect of Levites. — Invasion by Shishak. — Later years of Reho- boam. — Massacre of the house of Jeroboam. — Power of Damascus. — War of Baasha and Asa. — Asa's later reign. — Massacre of the house of Baasha ,.. ... ... ... ... 141 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER VI. THE HOUSE OF OMRI, B.C. 904—864. PAOB Building of Samaria. — Phoenician worship in Israel. — Miracles of Elijah. — Syrian chariot warfare. — Syrian campaigns west of Jor- dan. — Benhadad at Kamoth Giload. — Greatness of Jehoshaphat. — Joint war of Ahab and Jehoshaphat. — Doctrine of lying spirits. — Combined war against Moab. — Siege of Samaria. — Revolt of the Edomites. — Second battle at Ramoth. — Naboth's vineyard. — Massacres of Jehu. — Massacre by Athaliah 163 CHAPTER VII. THE PERIOD OF THE HOUSE OF JEHU, B.C. 864 — 762. Priests and Levites in Jerusalem. — Revolution conducted by Je- hoiada. — Regency of Jehoiada. — Reigns of Jehu and his sou. — Dispersion of Judah and Israel.— Repairs of the Temple. — Prophecy of Joel. — Peace is bought of Hazael. — Invasion of Idumsea. — Decline of Damascus — Victorious career of Jeroboam II. — Internal state of Israel. — Prophecy of Amos. — Uzziah's long prophecy. Internal state of Judsea. — Genealogies of the High Priests 197 CHAPTER VIII. FROM THE CONQUESTS OF JEROBOAM II. TO THE FALL OF SAMARIA, B.C. 762—721. City of Nineveh. — New parties in Israel. — Disorganization of Israel. — Zechariah's Prophecy. — League against Judaea. — Suffer- ings of Judah. — Isaiah encourages Ahaz. — Pall of Damascus. — Religious character of Ahaz. — Sargou and the Philistines. — Pirst invasion of Shalmaneser. — Revolt of Judah and of Ephraim. — Pinal transplanting of Israel. — Anticipations of Isaiah and Micah. — Decline of prophecy in Israel. — Rough dates of certain prophecies 232 CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. FROM THE FALL OF SAMAKIA TO THE DEATH OF JOSIAH, B.C. 721—609. PAGE Assyrian siege of Tyre. — Hezekiah's passover. — Invasion by Senna- clierib. — Ethiopian embassy. — Submission of Hezekiah. — New complication of affairs.— Renewal of hostilities. — Disasters of Sennacherib. — Hezekiah's illness. — Isaiah's prophecy concerning Egypt. — Zenith of Hebrew prophecy. — Character of Manasseh. — Paganism and persecution. — State of the Assyrian power. Rise of scholastic learning. — Scythian irruption into Media. — Rise of the Chaldees. — Final ruin of Nineveh. — Renewal of prophecy. — Josiah's reform. — Recency of Deuteronomy. — Peculiarities of Deuteronomy. — The Pentateuch a gradual growth. — Uncritical proceedings. — False prophets in Judsea. — Contemporary Egyp- tian affairs.— Battle near Megiddon 267 CHAPTER X. CLOSE OF THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Popular election from the Dynasty. — Jehoahaz and Jehoiakim. — Defeat of Necho at Carchemish. — Jeremiah's Political Prophecies. — Babylonian invasions. — First deportation of Jews to Babylon. Rebellion of Zedckiah. — Destruction of Jerusalem. — Gedaliah the Babylonian Satrap. — Prophecies against Egypt. — Later School of Prophecy.— Function of the Jewish Nation 324 HISTORY OF THE nEBEEW MONAECHY CHAPTER I. THE LAND AND TRIBES OF ISRAEL AGRICULTURAL AND OTHER SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS — THE BORDER COUNTRIES. Few nations wliicli have put forth a wide and enduring influence upon others, proclaim themselves to have been indigenous^ on the land of their celebrity. Tradition for the most part points back to a time at which they dispos- sessed earlier inhabitants, who, as hereditary enemies, are sure to be drawn in unfavourable colours, whether as un- faithful allies, brutish savages, ferocious giants, or again, as impure, heretical, or atheistical unbelievers. Where the country consists of extensive plains, with no frontier difficult to pass, its older occupants more readily migrate under the pressure of an enemy, and the whole nation may really disappear. But in this case, the resistance is gener- ally less lingering and the traditions of wars vaguer. In a hilly or mountainous country, on the contrary, the in- vaders seldom succeed in doing more than driving the former possessors of the soil into their natural fastnesses ; where, after long maintaining themselves in independence, 1 The great civilized nations, -which, from the absence of all earlier tradi- tions, we vaguely name indi[;cnons, are principally tlie Egyptians, the Indians, and the Chinese. "\\'liat Strabo says of India might as tndy be said of all, — that tliey have neither received nor sent out colonies ; though Indians and Chinese emigrate largely as individuals. Masses so gi-eat have inevitably af- fected the barbarous tribes around them ; yet their external influence has "been small in proportion to their means. China has subdued Mongolia only by beinff subdued. ^J 2 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. notliing is commoner than tliat tliey should finally be blended with the victorious nation, and having adopted its manners, its religion, its tongue, should boast of its triumphs as their own, and moralize over the utter ex- tirpation of the tribes whose lineal descendants they them- selves are. Many of these phenomena may be observed in the his- tory of the Hebrew nation, whose origin was^ referred to their great ancestor Abraham, a Chaldee by birth and language, and progenitor not only of Israel but of the Hagarenes and Edomites ; while from Lot, his nephew and associate, were derived the contiguous nations of Ammon and Moab. But the history of the Israelites is distinguished from that of their neighbours by their early migration to Egypt and their eventful return ; in the course of which an entirely new impress is supposed to have been left upon them under the agency of Moses, as the peculiar people of Jehovah. The tongue of Canaan or of Chaldea had been carried with them to Egypt ; but in that country they were reduced to miserable bond- slaves, so mixed up with the Egyptian population, that even in birth their infants were liable to be murdered by their oppressors. If this account can be at all trusted, it is difficult to avoid the inference, that, like other slave populations, they lost their own language, and therefore brought back with them into Canaan the Egyptian tongue.^ Be this as it may, at any rate the invaders either kept or in course of time gained a Canaanitish speech, not untinc- tured by Egyptian words. The other Canaanites named them Hebrews ; a word which the Alexandrine translators of Genesis seem rightly to connect with the idea of being or coming across a river ;^ nor is it unreasonable to be- ' T decline the task of discussing these genealogies mimitely. They may be true : yet no stress is to be laid upon them, since from the nature of the case they cannot be proved. The details concerning Lot's incest are so evidently an invention of national enmity, as to throw some discredit on the rest of the genealogy. 2 This opinion is maintained by the Rev. Dr Giles in his Hebrew Records, p. 173. The conclusion may be reasonably doubted by any who regard the tale of Hebrew bondage in Egypt to be much exaggerated in the details of the book of Exodus ; yet to balance the probabilities is to me exceedingly hard. 3 Gen. xiv. 13, the Hebrew is rendered tov Triparrju. The Hebrew and Arabic root "Ebcr, whence the national name " Ebri (Hebrew) comes, means, to cross or to be across a river. In the later geography of Palestine the east LAND OF ISRAEL. 6 licve that they first obtained this narae, when their proper seat was conceived of by the Canaanites as on the east of Jordan. As their numbers were by no means such as to be able to occupy the country on both banks, they had no sooner obtained an adequate settlement in its various parts, than peaceful tendencies began to prevail over the aversion which religion excited in at least the principal leaders of Israel ; and coalitions, which were generally reprobated by a distant posterity, arose between the armies of Jehovah and the families of Canaan. The land over the fairest parts of which they had spread themselves, was critically situated in the ancient world, and had remarkable peculiarities of its own. It was the highway for armies between Egypt and all the great countries of Western Asia ; a fact, the importance of which was not felt in the earlier stages of Hebrew history, but which, from the time that Assyria rose into power, mainly influenced the whole external destiny of the nation. The land itself is naturally very deficient in facilities for gen- eral communication, and in any well-marked frontier; and except when grasped in some more widely-spread domin- ion, it appears calculated to foster numerous small princi- palities or republics. The sea-coast on its western side runs nearly northward, though inclining to the east : two sets of hio"hlands rano-e north and south, between which is the valley of the river Jordan, a very remarkable de- pression. The streams run off from both sides of the western highlands, into the sea and into the Jordan, but are nowhere navigable nor of any magnitude. Nor did the coast afford many harbours able to accommodate even the little vessels of early navigation, until it reached the immediate neighbourhood of the Phcenicians, whose ex- perience taught them beyond what point they must not covet its possession. The district theoretically assigned to the tribe of Asher^ runs north as far as Sidon, including bank of Jordan was called?/ Trfpata, which significantly confirms the belief that the people of Moses, when settled on that district, were called for the same reason Hebrews by their western ncighbonrs. Those who suppose Abraham to have been called a Hebrew, as the book of Genesis represents, nnist interpret the word of his having crossed the FAiphraies : but this was not a present visible fact, to impress the people's imagination, and lead to a name. The Jewish notion that Abraham specifically was so called from his distant ancestor Heber, merely shows how UTidiseriminating in these matters is popular opinion. ^ The words in Gen. xlix. 13 greatly need elucidation : '•'■Zehnlon shall be a 1 * 4 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Tyre witli all its villages ; but in fact neither Zebulon nor Asher seems ever to have possessed even the important city and harbour of Accho [Ptoleviais or Acre), south of which, the bay of Accho, bounded by Carmel, belonged to Zebulon. Yet it is probable that the Tyrians did not Sfrudffe to them either the mainland or the havenless shore, but were satisfied to maintain themselves in fortified sea- ports, and keep up peaceful relations with the agricultural Asherites. The sea-coast allotted to Dan and Simeon, from Joppa southward, was yet to be conquered, though maritime Danites are once alluded to (Judges v. 17) ; so that with trifling exception the Israelitish nation was shut up on to the continent. The Jordan, which gives to Canaan so peculiar a charac- ter, mig-ht have seemed the natural centre of the whole country ; since the warmth and fertility of its well-watered basin, and the ease of keeping up communication along it, appear to award its possession to a single power, and to give to that power large home-resources. But in fact it rather separated than united the children of Israel. The tribes to whom its eastern side was conceded found the open highlands very favourable to pasturage ; and having brought with them out of Egypt the habits of shepherds, would not renounce that independent, roving, and maraud- ing life to become laborious tillers of fertile plains, whose crops must always be exposed to the inroads of their pas- toral neighbours. A sharp line of division, which affected the whole subsequent history, was thus drawn between the western agriculturists and the eastern or grazier tribes of Israel. These were, the Reubenites on the south ; the Gadites above them ; and, still farther to the north, the half-tribe of Manasseh, which, though warlike and adven- turous, seldom took any eager interest in the welfare of Israel at large. Our narratives ascribe their easy and complete possession of their land to the fact that Israel entered Canaan from that side, and by united force con- quered Sihon king of Heshbon, and Og king of Bashan. Indeed, from a knowledge of the later history alone, a speculator might imagine that all Israel had resided or haven for ships, and /»'« border shall he unto Zidon." It is said that " Zidon " means rhocnicia ; but if this is admissible, the words still are'fur more appro- priate to Asher. THE JORDAN AND THE EASTERN TRIBES. roved for some generations on the land of the eastern tribes; and when their numbers increased^ had gra- dually crossed the Jordan in parties, with far inferior force to that which had overrun the eastern shore. Another physical circumstance is not to be neglected, as probably affecting the dwellers on the banks of the Jordan, little as we could expect it to be understood or distinctly noticed in early times. Although the Jordan flows from the low grounds of Mount Hermon, — the lofty peak which terminates Anti-Libanus on the south, — it descends so rapidly, that, when it reaches the small lake called by the Jews " the Waters of Merom " [Samachonitis, Bahr el Hiileh), it is already on the level of the Mediter- ranean Sea; and the lake of Gennesareth, which next receives it, is now known to be about 330 feet below that level. Out of the latter lake it issues with a most violent course, precipitatmg itself along what is more peculiarly called the basin of the Jordan (Arab. El Ghor, the hollow), by so steep a slope, that the surface of the Dead Sea, in which it is swallowed up, has been estimated by the latest inquiries as nearly 1000 feet lower than that of the lake of Gennesareth. If instead of 1312 feet below the Medi- terranean, we adopt the earlier and more moderate com- putation of 600, we can still have no doubt that the Indian heat of the valley is caused by this singular depression. In the flood season (" the first month,^' 1 Chron. xii. 15) the Jordan appears ordinarily to have overflowed its banks, adding fertility to the soil, but not health to the climate. On the plain of Jericho, which lies west of the Jordan, at the head of the Dead Sea, the palm-groves grew with an exuberance celebrated by the ancients ; and the oppres- sive, often- steaming atmosphere of the entire district, whatever vigour it may impart to certain vegetation, seems to be exactly that in which the human frame becomes unstrung. The natives of such a dell were not likely to keep lap a superiority over the inhabitants of the table-land, which on the western side ranges at two thousand feet and upwards above the Mediterranean, without considering its hills ; and the actual rulers of the country appear at every time to have dwelt on the higher grounds. A little below the lake of Gennesareth the Jordan re- 6 THE HEBEEW MONARCHY. ceives from the east tlie watei^s of tlie Jarmuk^ {Hieromax, Sheriat el Mandliur), wliicli runs down in numerous branches from the elevated country of Hauran, and passes near the very ancient city Ashtaroth Karnaim. There was on this side no frontier to separate the Manassites from their neighbours. Close at hand lay Bashan, a rich grazing country north of the Jarmuk and east of the Jordan, which was free from the stony districts character- izing the upper Hauran, and must have been such a prize to pastoral tribes, that it would naturally often change its masters. The Hebrews held it to be a land of giants. Although the northern bank of the Jarmuk had been nominally Hebrew ever since the defeat of king Og, yet after the many disasters of Israel the sixty cities of Argob in Bashan (" fenced with high walls, gates and bars, be- sides unwalled towns a great many ") might well need to be recaptured by Jair the Manassite. But the exploits of this hero are obscurely and enigmatically reported. Ac- cording to the most probable interpretation, he won only twenty-three " small towns '' in Bashan. We incidentally learn (1 Chron. ii. 23) that the Geshurites and Syrians afterwards recovered the towns of Jair and many others beside, " sixty cities " in all ; and (Josh. xiii. 13) that the people of Geshur and Maachath lived in friendly commix- ture with the Israelites, no doubt after alternate conquests and lingering struggles. The achievements of Jair, echoed down from distant times, took also another form, according to which he was a " Judge " of all Isi^ael for twenty-two years, and gave to his thirty sons, who rode on thirty young asses, thirty cities in the land of Gilead.^ 1 Yarmuh appears like a modern corruption of Hieromax ; yet as max has no Greek nieauiug, and Yar (river) is an old Hebrew or Egyptian term (as in /onlan ?), it is at least as possible that Yarmuh is the old name, aiidJIieromax an attempt to reduce it to Hellenism. The name, it is believed, is not found in the Hebrew books. '■^ The most recent, and perhaps also the most ancient, application of the name of Gilead (Jjjelaad), is to a mountain or table-land south of the river Jabbok, Avhich falls into the Jordan many miles below the Jarmuk. But the word Gilead in the Hebrew geography extended much farther to the north, perhaps as far as the Jarmuk. In Joshua xiii. 2o, 31, "all the cities of Gilead" are given to Gad, and "half Gilead" to Manasseh. It is probable that the Manassite district was shared between two names, Bashan and (northern) Gilead. The apparent extension of the name Argob in Deut. iii. to the whole country northward as far as the borders of Geshur and Maachath, is another perplexity. We may imagine the Geshuiites and Maachathites to have been THE NORTHERN TRIBES. / The simplest general result of the various accounts would seem to be tliis : Gilead and southern Bashan were held firmly by Israel before they could permanently keep north- ern Bashan. After long contests a compromise took place with their Geshurite neighbours, which on the whole left the Manassites with a decided advantage. The land of the Hebrews west of the Jordan is narrow on the northern end, where the two tribes of Naphthali and Asher are depicted on a small territory, with Zebulon and Issachar to the south of them ; all in the later Galilee, and therefore to the north of Carmel. This ridge, com- mencing from the sea at the southern point of the bay of Accho, runs at first south-east, having on its northern Im and Thummim was the name of a peculiar breastplate of precious stones worn by the High Priest, and employed by him to ask counsel of Jehovah. The imperfect explanation given of this apparatus in the Hebrew books, is in part cleared up by a collateral ornament employed by the Egyptians. We know from Diodorus (i. 48, 75), that the Chief Judge of Egypt carried on his breast an image symbolic of Truth, with its eyes shut,^ formed of precious stones, and hung from his neck by a golden chain. The stones are said by ^lian^ to be of sa2:)pliire. As the words Urim and Thum- mim are rendered by the Alexandrian translators A7/Awo-ts Kat 'AA7y0eta, Manifestation and Truth, and indeed the Egyptian word is Thmei, we cannot overlook the similarity. According to the learned Alexandrian Jew Philo, the sacred breastplate of the Hebrews contained " images of the two virtues (or powers) ; " which he is likely to have inferred in part from Egyptian analogies : but how it was used to obtain omens, we are wholly ignorant. Two things may be alleged concerning this method. First, that the prophets felt no jealousy whatever against it, as in the slightest degree compromising the honour of Jehovah, who was professionally consulted by it. Secondly, that it cannot have been free from a large admixture of that, which we (surveying it from a higher point of view) are 1 See Gen. xli. 42. This appears to be the original of Justice ■with her eyes bandas-ed ; but the Hebrew conception may rather be, that the priest saw more distinc'^tly -n-ith the inwaid eye, when his bodily eye was closed. (Compare Xum. xxiv. 4.) - Schweiffhaeuser in loco Diodori. The root T/iumin is Hebrew and Arabic. Egyptian Thnwi suggests aLo Greek Gsjuig, Justice. MODES OP DIVINATION. 35 forced to regard as Superstition. The priest, when seek- ing for an oracle, first put on the sacred ti])pet, called the Ephod ; then looked to the twelve precious stones which he wore on his breast ; and according to Josephus, found in the brilliancy of some of them an intelligible omen. (3.) The lot is recorded to have been used on many solemn occasions ; and down to the latest times of the existence of Israel it was firmly believed that God made replies by means of it. (4.) Finally, the people resorted to the pro- phet, not merely as a moral teacher, but as a soothsayer, who would tell them of goods lost or stolen, and other convenient matters ; and from this lower point of view (as it would seem) they called him a seer rather than a prophet} In the times preceding Samuel the prophetical spirit had put forth so little influence on the nation, that the prevailing* tendency with the ignorant was to view Samuel himself as only a seer ; and whatever degree of historical weig-ht we attach to the events connected with SauFs looking: after the asses of Kish, it is clear that the story could not have originated, if it had not been a femi- liar belief that the seers were useful persons to consult on such affairs. From this time forth however they were gradually to assume a higher national importance. Their ad^'ice was asked on topics of great public moment, nor did they refuse it ; but their mode of seeking for a divine reply was not ceremonial or superstitious, however tinged with a higli, enthusiasm. The prophet either played on the Ijre himself or (to judge by one distinct example) called for a minstrel to do so, and wrapt himself in pious meditation on the subject of inquiry ; until, gaining an insight into its moral bearings and kindled by the melody, he delivered a response in high-wrought and generally poetical strain. Such is the best general idea which we can get of the position and agency of those prophets, who from Samuel downwards imparted to the history of Israel nearly all its peculiarity and all its value. Samuel himself indeed is more prominent in the history as Judge ; but in this charac- ter his influence, however beneficial, was only temporary ; ' Yet a seer is a man who has visions, like Ezekicl : thus iu contrast to Nathan the prophet wc have Gad the seer and Iddo the seer (who saw visions against Jeroboam), 2 Chron. ix. 29. 3 * 36 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. he could not imbue his successors with his own spirit. In fact, whether through a natural but unwise fatherly parti- ality, or from a real difficulty in continuing the government by any other than the hereditary principle, Samuel put forward his own sons Joel and Abijah as his successors in the judicial office. That they were in name his assistants only, may be inferred from the seat of their tribunal. It was the town of Beersheba, on the southern frontier, which could never have been chosen as the chief place of admin- istration. Nevertheless, their want of principle soon pro- duced disastrous effects which were felt to the extreme north. Vexed perhaps to observe how long a life of ser- vice their father had given to his nation without being able to bequeath to his family any monuments of material greatness, they rushed into a headlong career of bribery and perverse judgment. Fresh sufferings, which happen- ed to be simultaneous, if indeed not a result of their mis- conduct, gave edge to the national resentment. Public enemies became once more formidable, and a new war of resistance seemed to be necessary. It is difficult from our existing materials to extract a distinct and congruous narrative of these transactions. If it be true that when Saul commenced his reign, the Israelites had been forbidden by the Philistines to work at the smithes trade, it is manifest that they were under a severe bondage to them ; and the statement (1 Sam. xiii. 20) that "all the Israehtes went down to the Phihstines to sharpen every man his share, his coulter, his axe, and his mattock," implies that the slavery was of some duration. Nevertheless our account (vii. 13, 14) here says broadly, that the Philistines were driven out from the Israelitish towns which they possessed in the south, and had no power over Israel " all the days of Samuel." Moreover, all the transactions which follow, prove that Israel was now in possession of complete internal independence ; as will presently be more fully urged. It is however possible that the Philistines were making preparations which excited alarm; and still more likely that attack was foreseen from the side of the Ammonites. Dur- ing the long peace which had been enjoyed under Samuel, the nation had been coalescing into unity and strength : the repose had been exceedingly important to it, but the NEED A MILITARY LEADER. 37 disuse of martial exertions had also its present incon- venience. Samuel himself was in declining years, and had never borne any military character. The nation could not trust his sons to head them in a new and dangerous enterprise ; and the discontent felt against their malver- sation now assumed a practical form. The elders of Israel headed a deputation to Samuel, representing their griev- ances in plain terms, and making the entirely new demand, that he would appoint over them a King, as a military leader against their hostile neighbours. The demand appears to have been equally unforeseen and unacceptable to Samuel, whose favourite idea had been, that Israel, resting under the protection of Jehovah and guided by his prophets, would not need to be governed Hke the heathen, and would be able to escape the evils of military rule. If Samuel in his own administration had dis- covered anything of the pride, the covetousness, and the domineering spirit of a hierarch, or if he had invested an organized priesthood with supreme power, there might be room for the imputations which some modern writers have cast upon him. But, according to the statements trans- mitted to us (none of which appear in any way unlikely), there is no ground for impeaching the simplicity of his conduct. Nor need we suppose that he undervalued na- tional independence ; for if the independence of Israel was to turn on their unity and their unity on the exclusive worship of Jehovah, the advantage of a king, whose moie imperious sway might force them to gather for battle, would be dearly bought, should he happen to be lax in religious principle. Moreover, without assuming that Samuel actually spoke in detail the speech assigned to him (1 Sam. viii. 11 — 18,) — which may seem to have gained edge from the experience of a somewhat later age, we know tha,t he must have heard of Jephthah and Samson, to say nothing of Abimelech, the son of Gideon,' whose cha- 1 Samson's career is too overclouded with mystery to comment on ; he is re- presented as a hero of invincible strength, but without the slightest claim to any moral or intellectual superiority. Jephthah was a leader of freebooters, who engaged in civil war with the tribe of Ephraim, and perpetrated on them a dreadful massacre in cold blood; who also, in pursuance of a heathenish vow, offered up his own daughter as a sacrifice to Jehovah. Under Gideon, the Is- raelitish nation presented something of the appearance of Oriental monarchy. Gideon had a large seraglio of wives and seventy-one sous ; of whom one, Q 1 r. :i I 38 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. racters miglit well make him adverse to elevate mere strength and military prowess into supreme authority. After a useless resistance to the national cry^ he was at length convinced that the tide ran too strong for him to oppose ; and (according to the later narrative) he then at last received a positive and direct instruction from Jehovah, not only to comply with the general desire, but also as to the individual whom he was to invest with the kingly office, — Saul, the son of Kish. He ordered a series of lots to be cast among the people ; whereupon the lot, miracu- lously guided, picked out Saul from the myriads of Israel to be their King. That there is some gi^eat error in the still current belief of this transaction, is clear from its being impossible to harmonize the beo-iuning- and end of the narrative. The event shows that the choice had fallen on a wrong person, and that Saul was anything but the man whom God ap- proved. Yet his whole character must have been seen from the beginning by the All wise Ruler of Israel, with whom it is not conceivable that the election of so unfit a king can have originated. It becomes therefore highly doubtful whether Samuel, any more than Jehovah, ought to be regarded as chargeable with this erroneous choice. The general course of the history leads strongly to an op- posite view, viz. that Saul was forced upon Samuel by public enthusiasm, seconding the opinion of the elders of the tribe of Benjamin. That tribe had probably of late been gaining an unusual influence in all national move- ments, owing to the fact that the three towns in which Samuel conducted public affairs all belonged to Benjamin; which would give to their elders a superior organization and great facilities of communication with all Israel. That they should be disposed to bring forward as king a man of their own tribe, was natural ; and that they should se- lect him for his bodily size and beauty, rose almost neces- sarily out of the circumstances. In those days the king was the leader in war, and, as such, was expected to excel in personal strength, agihty, and boldness. That battles Abimelech, slew sixty-nine of his brothers, and made himself king for three years, when he was slain in an insurrection. SAUL IS MADE KING. 39 were decided by individual prowess, is evident in the ac- counts of David's heroes, and cannot have been less true a generation earher. A king was wanted, whose very presence would kindle the warlike enthusiasm of the na- tion ; yet as Israel had for some time been without armies and without heroes, there was no old and celebrated warrior on whom it would be natural to fix. They selected there- fore a young man of remarkable beauty and stature, — a whole head taller than the common size of men. Saul, the son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin, had hitherto known no loftier occupation than that of superintending his father's estate. This however was an office in high esteem ; and no sooner was he displayed to the collected multitudes, than the very sight of him satisfied all of his fitness for the royal duties. However little convinced by this argument Samuel may have been, and however painful his misgivings, it would have been the height of impru- dence to bring forward a rival candidate. He probably tried to hope for the best, smothered his own doubts, and finally presented the new king for the people's acceptance in the most honourable manner, enforcing his claims by the only topic which the case allowed, — his noble per- sonal appearance. The first meeting on this subject between Samuel and the elders of Israel was at Ramah (or Ai-imatheea) , where was Samuel's own house : the second, at which he pre- sented Saul to the great assembly as king, was gathered at Mizpeh. Samuel however was careful to counteract the opinion, that the new king was to possess unlimited au- thority. He publicly expounded to the people the royal rights and privileges ; and not satisfied with this, com- mitted the same to writing, and laid up the manuscript "before Jehovah:" by which we are probably to under- stand, that he committed it as a sacred deposit to the custody of some leading priest. It is not probable that writing: or even readinof was at this time a common ac- complishraent ; but there is no ground for questioning, that there was already sufiicient knowledge among the more educated few to make this act important to men's feehngs. Thus Saul, the first Hebrew monarch, com- menced his reign as a constitutional king, freely chosen 40 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. by tlie nation, sanctioned by the prophets of Jehovali, and responsible to the animadversions of both prophet and priest, if he transgressed the limits assigned him. In pursuing his reign into its details, although our materials are multiplied, the difl&culty of using them is great, owing to their fragmentary character. Some of the documents appear to be duplicates of others, representing events in substance the same, but with variations suffi- ciently notable; others involve incongruities which cannot always be removed by help of transposition. In short, we are by no means as yet in the region of contemporary and clear history. On the very face of the narrative as above given, a ques- tion obtrudes itself: — Why does an air of independence pervade the whole transaction of choosing a king ; without a single fear implied, that armed Philistines would come down and break up the unarmed assembly ? If their dominion was at this time so overwhelming, as to be able to enforce the rigorous prohibition of sharp weapons, the assembly cannot have taken place in spite of them, or without their knowledge. Many reasons combine to make us suppose that the passage in 1 Sam. xiii. 19, out of which the inconsistency arises, has unwittingly attributed to these times, what can only have been true at an earlier £era, and of a small portion of Israel. A later generation, grateful for the military services which Saul really ren- dered, or seeking to justify SamuePs svipposed choice of him, may have unawares exaggerated the ;difficulties with which in the opening of his reign he had to contend. The very first event recorded is an expedition against the Ammonites (ch. xi.), which is represented as pacifying a partial discontent at the election of Saul, and ends by confirming him in the kingdom. The narrative is so compacted as quite to resist such a dislocation as would be needed, if we wished to delay the Ammonite campaign until after chapters xiii. and xiv. Moreover, the date assigned to the defeat of the Philistines (chap. xiii. 1) is explicit. It was in Saul's second year: which makes it clear that the writer who finally wove the narrative to- gether, intended the Ammonite invasion to be in the first year. Nevertheless, it is manifest in the battle with the Ammonites that the Israelites were well-armed, though in EOMANTIC PHILISTINE CAMPAIGN. 41 the later transaction tliey are described as having been for some time disarmed by Philistine policy. On closer examination we find abundant grounds for regarding chapters xiii. and xiv. to be of inferior historical value to those which precede them. These two chapters in fact make a whole in themselves, bearing almost an epical character, with little that marks sober history. The narrative has all the vividness and detail which charac- terizes romance, but cannot be reduced within the limits of reality. It opens with assigning to Saul an army of three thousand men, without hinting that they were mere bowmen or slingers ; yet afterwards it states that no one of them all, except Saul and Jonathan, had either sword or spear. The host of the Philistines which opposes such a motley crowd is clearly unhistorical, — " thirty thousand chariots, and six thousand horsemen, and people as the sand which is on the sea-shore in multitude." The pas- sage (xiii. 8 — 14) which describes the quarrel of Saul with Samuel appears to be a duplicate of a transaction in ch. XV., with which it is not easily compatible. Moreover, the offence which Samuel is represented as taking at Saul's offering sacrifice is not merely unreasonable, but unintelligible ; and as a ground for so serious a schism at such a time, frivolous if not factious and infatuated. To sacrifice was as much the right or duty of Saul as of Samuel, who affected not the priestly ofiice ; and to ele- vate a petty ceremonial affair of this sort into the basis of SamuePs feud with Saul, indicates the misconception of a later time, when the priestly power had given far greater weight to such matters, when kings had ceased to officiate at the altar, and when it had become a cherished notion that Samuel was a Levite. Nor could Saul have been '' a choice young man and a goodly'" when elected to the throne, if his son Jonathan had been a formidable warrior in the very next year. That Jonathan and his armour- bearer, two men, should storm a Philistine garrison with much slaughter, — that a great earthquake should follow, — and that hereupon the Philistines, instead of resisting their assailants or simply taking to flight, should begin, > This description evidently implies youthful hcimty. Soldiers are no doubt called " yuunops. JERUSALEM UNDER JEBUSITES. 73 foreign troops at liis side, even a most religious king could be nothing but a despot. Concerning David's military proceedings during his reign at Hebron, we know nothing in detail, though we read of Joab bringing in a large spoil, probably from his old enemies the Amalekites. David had an army to feed, to exercise, and to keep out of mischief; but it is pro- bable that the war against Abner generally occupied it sufficiently. Now however he determined to signalize his new power by a great exploit. The strength of Jerusa- lem had been sufficiently proved by the long secure dwelling of Jebusites in it, surrounded by a Hebraized population. Hebron was no longer a suitable place for the centre of David's administration; but Jerusalem, on the frontier of Benjamin and Judah, without separating him from his own tribe, gave him a ready access to the plains of Jericho below, and thereby to the eastern dis- tricts; and although by no means a central position, it was less remote from Ephraim than Hebron. Of this Jebusite town he therefore determined to possess himself. Jerusalem is situated on, and in the midst of, round or square hills; the ravines on three sides of it make a natural defence. The brook Kidron winds round it on the north and east along the valley of Jehoshaphat, which is flanked by clifis taller and steeper towards its southern end, near which is the flat-topped hill of Moriah. To the south-west of this is the larger and higher hill of Zion, whiln the Manassites came " expressed by name," appear like real history, at which this is an elaborate effort, and no arbitrary invention. Judah . . . . 6,800 Simeon . . 7,100 Levi 4,600 Aaronites 3,700 Benjamin . . 3,000 Epliraim . . 20,800 "Western Manasseh .. 18,000 Zobulon . . . . 50,000 Naphthali .. 37,000 And Captains 1,000 Danites . . .. 28,600 Asher . . 40,000 Issachar chiefs . . 200 Eastern tribes . . . . 120,000 Total . . 340,800 74 THE HEBEEW MONARCHY. divided from it by a ravine, whicli forms a steep descent to the pool of Siloam and valley of Jehosliapliat. The western and southern sides of Mount Zion are lofty and abrupt, and at their bottom lies the narrow Valley of Hinnom/ called in Hebrew Gehiymom : a word which has strangely changed its meaning, both in Hebrew and in Arabic. Towards the north-west the descent from both hills is more gradual, yet each of them is defended by a depression of moderate depth, which art would easily con- vert into a fortification available against the modes of at- tack known to the Hebrews. The entire breadth of the table-land across the top of Zion and the skirt of Moriah, to the edge of the valley of Jehoshaphat, little exceeds half a mile ; and was not too great for a moderate force to defend. The hills which look down on Jerusalem from the north-east, south-east, and south, probably explain the abundance of spring-water for which Jerusalem has been celebrated : for in the numerous blockades which it has endured, the besiegers are said to have been often dis- tressed for want of water, the besieged never. The Jebusites were so confident of their safety, as to send to David an enio^matical message of defiance ; which may be explained, — that a lame and blind garrison was sufficient to defend the place. David saw in this an oppor- tunity of displacing Joab from his office of chief captain, — if indeed Joab formally held that office as yet, and had not merely assumed authority as David's eldest nephew and old comrade in arms. The king however now de- clared, that whoever should first scale the wall and drive off its defenders, should be made chief captain ; but his hopes were signally disappointed. His impetuous nephew resolved not to be outdone, and triumphantly mounting the wall, was the immediate means of the capture of the town. After this, Joab's supremacy in the king's army could not be shaken off" : for thirty-two years more this bold and bad man continued to hold high authority in the court of the pious king. Painfully different often are the aspirations of devotional hours from the necessities im- 1 The northern end of this valley is also named the Valley of Gihon, and contains the pool of Gihon. Gihimiom or Gehennem has taken the sense of Hell ; because in later times this valley was the scene of the cruel supersti- tion which made children to pass through the fire to Molcch. CAPTUKE OF JERUSALEM, 75 posed by political life : for, probably, very soon after, David composed the 101st Psalm, declariug his resolu- tion not to promote or endure the presence of wicked men. The Psalm ^ is thus translated : — 1. Of Goodness and Rifjhteoiisness will I sinp^: Unto thee, Jkhovah, will I play (on the harp). 2. I will attend unto guiltless ways. — 0, when wilt thou come unto me, That I may walk in my house with guiltless heart ? 3. No wicked thing will I set before my eyes ; I hate to use evil agency : It shall not cleave unto me. 4. The falsehearted shall be far from me ; I will not know a bad man. 5. I will uproot hiiu who secretly slandereth his neighbour ; The man of haughty eye and proud heart I will not endure. 6. My eyes shall be on the faithful in the land, that they may dwell with me : He that walketh in a guiltless way shall serve me. 7. He that worketh deceit .shall not stay in my house ; He that tellcth lies shall not stand in ray sight. 8. I will watch to pluck up the wicked of the land. That I may uproot all evildoers from Jehovah's City. Although David's resolutions rose high above his practice or his power to perform, his practice would have fallen far lower had not his aspirations been so high ; nor were the sincerely good intentions with which he entered the captured place wholly in vain. Jerusalem is henceforth its name in the history ; in poetry only, and not before the times of king Hezekiah, is it entitled Salem, or peace ; identifying it with the city of the legendary Melchisedek. David's first care was to provide for the security of his intended capital, by suitable fortifications. Immediately to the north of Mount Zion, and separated from it by a slighter depression which we have named, was another hill, called %IiUo in the Hebrew, aKpa (or citadel ?) in the Greek. In ancient times this seems to have been much loftier than now; for it has been artificially lowered. David made no attempt to include Millo (or Acra) in his city, but fortified Mount Zion separately ; whence it was afterwards called. The city of Da\ad. Mount Moriah 1 The 15th Psalm and the first part of the 24th, which have no internal marks of being composed by a king, have many similarities of expression to the 101st. Ewald regards the 1.5th as not quite so old. It is credible that the psalmists and prophets of those days had certain current sentiments and phrases, which make it impossible to say what has been imitated from what. 76 THE HEBREW MONAECHY. also was left outside to the north-east, since great works' were needed in preparing a royal palace and treasure- house, besides the outer wall; and he was anxious to strengthen as speedily as possible that which he destined as Jehovah's City, before foreign war should distract him. In fact this was impending. The Philistines, who had maintained an honourable peace as long as David had been engaged by civil broils, were alarmed as soon as he became king of all Israel ; and his sudden attack on Jebus showed them what they had to expect for Gezer and their other towns, even if they were not moved by any alliance with the Jebusites. They marched out in force and encamped on the high plain of Rephaim, on the south or south-west of Mount Ziou, from which it is separated only by the valley of Hinnom. David now anxiously consulted Jehovah by Urim whether to attack the Philistines ; and having obtained leave, he succeeded so far as to repulse them and capture the images of their gods, which the Hebrews burned. It does not appear whether these were attached to military standards, like the Roman eagles ; but the fact deserves remark, as the first intimation that David was making war against idolatry. The Philistines, however, — it would appear with increased forces, — resumed their position on the same lofty plain, and the priest, after consulting the Urim, forbade David to assail them in front. We may probably infer that they were emboldened to detach a body of men for the support of Geba ; for, as we learn, when the signal was heard for which the Urim had bade David to wait, the Hebrews who had fetched a compass round them attacked their flank, and they fled " from Geba to Gezer.'' In Geba, northward of Jerusalem, they had had a garrison in Saul's days, which probably still remained, and Gezer, which contained a Canaanite population, seems to have been their own town to which they would flee for refuge. These events appear to have been of no farther im- portance than to show the Philistines that they could not contend single-handed against David ; and whatever the danger of allowing him to grow strong, peace was at present their wisest or their only policy. But a remark THE ARK CONVEYED TO JERUSALEM. 77 is needed on David's consulting of the Urira. He did not seek divine counsel whether to attack Jebus ; appar- ently because his mind was clear that the enterprise was advantageous. But when Ziklag had been burned by the Amalekites, and now, when a dangerous army is at hand, he is glad of such advice. It would appear that he regarded it as a divine aid in times of perplexity/ but only to be sought for in such times. He had no idea of abdicating his duties as military leader, and putting the movements of his army into the control of the priest. Hence perhaps it is that, as his confidence in his troops and in his own warhke experience increased, he ceased altogether to consult the sacred Urim, for we hear no more of it in his later wars. He was now at liberty to carry out his intention of making Jerusalem a sacred city for all Israel, and bind- ing the tribes together by a new centre of interest. With this was coupled his wish to exalt the honour of Jehovah and destroy in Israel all foreign superstition. The taber- nacle, it will be remembered, was at Gibeon,^ and the ark at Kirjathjearim. Later times treated these as na- tural and proper companions ; and if David had shared the feelings of Nehemiah, it is probable that he would have brought both of them to Jerusalem. No one can certainly say why he resolved on what may seem a very capricious course, — to bring the ark to Jerusalem, but instead of putting it into the ancient tabernacle, to erect a new tabernacle for it himself.^ It is possible that his new pavilion was superior in size and beauty; and in any case we may conjecture that he wished to provide a double priestly establishment for the rival pretensions of Zadok and Abiathar. Zadok was left to minister at Gibeon,* and was perhaps ah-eady David's favourite ; but Abiathar was the representative of Eli and of the priests whom Saul had massacred. Yet the theory of a single High Priest was alien to David's policy. His own rise by priestly aid had shown sufficiently what a united 1 Socrates, in Xcnoph. Memor. I. 1. 6—9, takes this view of divination. - This is mentioned by the " Chronicler" otili/; on -which account some critics doubt whether there was any old tabernacle at all. To me it seems, that if it were a fiction of sacerdotal vanity, that vanity would have displayed itself in something more than the drv statements of 2 Chron. i. 3, 13. 3 2 Sam. vi. 17:2 Chron". i. 4. * 1 Chron. xvi. 39. 78 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. priesthood could do against tlie crown ; and while warmly patronizing religion, lie would not make its oflBcers too powerful. All througli his reign Zadok and Abiathar^ continued as joint and co-ordinate authorities, although Abiathar, as the representative of Eli, took precedence of the other. Numerous circumstances will open upon us in the course of the history which will warn us not to assume that David^s ecclesiastical proceedings were mo- delled according to the Pentateuch. It will be remembered that the tarrying of the ark at Kirjathjearim was ascribed to the extreme danger of mor- tal plagues proceeding from it while it was exposed to vulgar curiosity. A new calamity was now reported which impeded its travelling. When on the way to Jerusalem, escorted by David with 30,000 men and numerous musicians, it was jolted on its cart by the oxen which drew it ; and when Uzzah, the son of Abina- dab, who was in charge of it, put forth his hand to save it from falling, the anger of Jehovah was kindled against Uzzah, and smote him so that he died on the spot. Such was the belief of the later Jews, and such has been the belief of Christians : we therefore are not justified in doubting whether David too could lie under so palsy- ing a superstition. He dared not to bring the ark any farther at the moment, and it halted three months at the house of Obed Edom the Gittite. The chief interest of this to us is, that it shows us a man of Gath, not only established in Israel, but invested with a religious charge. However, the three months' tarrying was believed to have brought a blessing to Obed Edom, and David took fresh courage. He came down again in person with a great multitude, and offered sacrifices as soon as the ark was in motion : finally, it was brought into the city of Da\ad with the sound of the trumpet ; musicians and singers accompanied it, singing (according to the most probable criticism) the whole, or the close only, of the 24th Psalm:—! ^ In 2 Sam. viii. 17, 1 Chron. xviii. 16, Abirnelech son of Abiathar \s errone- ously put for Abiathar son of Ahiineleeh. See 1 Kings ii. 26, in proof that the Abiathar disgraced by Solomon is he whose father, Ahimelech, was slain by Saul. ■^ The song ascribed to David on this occasion by the " Chronicler " bears internal evidence of much later origin. STATE OP HEBREW INDUSTRY. 79 I-ift up, ye doors, your heads : Litt tliem up, ye ancient gates : Let the glorious King come iu ! Who then is the glorious King ? 'Tis Jehovah, strong and mighty, 'Tis Jehovah, lord of battles, etc., etc. While the ark was proceeding towards its new tabernacle, the king himself danced before it in a priest's lineu vest. He had evidently no idea that priests were to monopolize religious ministrations^ or that the joy of a worshipper might not manifest itself in the modes familiar to his country. Perhaps this little incident might have been suppressed, as an invasion of sacerdotal functions, by the narrow formality of a later age, had it not been preserved to us by a result in which the priestly enemies of Saul rejoiced. Michal was displeased at David's public dancing, inasmuch as the sort of nakedness which it involved (the lower gown or robe being laid aside, — to gain activity, we presume) seemed to her degrading to a king, and she did not spare to reproach her husband for it. He on his part, not wanting in spirit, took care to let her understand that it was to Jehovah and His cause, not to her name, that he was indebted for his kingdom, and that he would not be controlled by her influence. To this altercation the old historian imputes it, — whether by a divine judgment or by the disgust with which it in- spired David, — that the daughter of Saul had no children to the day of her death. Soon after his peaceable establishment in Jerusalem, David took measures for building himself a palace. The arts of the mason and the carpenter were exceedingly rude among the Hebrews ; but the Tyrians ^ were excel- lent neighbours and skilful workmen, and an alliance of commerce now commenced between the nations, which was of extreme importance for developing the industry of the ruder and poorer people. Although little or nothing is recorded concerning the tillage of the land under Saul, we may judge that there must have been frequent iusecur- ' The Chronicler says, " Hiram king of T)Te." But Hiram is still on the throne in the middle of Solomon's reign, forty or fifty years later. This seems merely a mark that no earlier king's name at Tyre was known to the writer ; just as the Ammonite king at Saul's accession is called 2\ahash. 80 THE HEBKEW MONARCHY. ity, little stimulus from foreign trade, and no good sup- ply of agricultural implements. With cultivation, v:heat and ivine in abundance, — and, almost self-produced, oil and honey, — could be exported from the land of Israel to Tyre ; and there can be no doubt that a more diligent production of these staple articles began from the period of David^s first commerce with his Tyrian neighbours. As little question can there be that every species of manufac- tured implement, especially weapons of war and superior armour, would be obtained abundantly from Tyre, as soon as tranquil and steady industry became possible. And as far as our sources of information are available, it would seem that at this crisis there was a considerable interval of peace. For a long time previous the Philistines alone had been dangerous or troublesome enemies ; and respite being now gained, both from their attacks and from civil war, the industrious arts began to receive a development before unknown ; and by interchange of raw produce with the Tyrians, the wealth of Israel at large and of the king^s treasury must have obtained a great accession. How long this repose lasted, we cannot tell ; but as no enemy set foot on the land during David^s reign, and no complaint is recorded against the king's taxes, it must be believed that a steady increase of wealth and population went on during the whole period. It is not likely that he mean- while relaxed any of his old martial exercises. We learn incidentally that 600 men " had followed him from Gath,''^ whom we find at a much later time as part of his body- guard. Since they must have been with him from the beginning, we cannot but see in the fact a nucleus of mili- tary despotism, and that, as all other despots, he preferred to trust to foreigners the care of his person. These troops were, no doubt, kept in constant training ; and as his treasury filled, he was able to increase his standing army. The first consequence of his increase of strength was a voice from the holy Urini, suggesting to him to undertake the conquest of Moab, Philistia, and Edom. At least, a fragment of his poetry which has come down to us imbed- ded in two difierent Psalms/ represents him as contem- 1 2 Sam. XV. 18. ^ Psalms cviii. and Is. CONQUEST OP MOAB. 81 plating this threefold enterprise, while elated by a voice from the sanctuary. He names Judah his laivgicer, per- haps to denote the more strictly constitutional rights under which he was bound to his own tribe ; against which he had never contended in war, and from which he had first received the kingly power. God hath spoken in his holy place ; and I rejoice. I divide Shcctiem, and mete out the valley of Succoth ; Gilead is mine, Manasseh is mine : Ephraim also is the strength of my head : Judah is my lawgiver. Moab is my washpot : over Edoni will I cast out my shoe : Over I'hilistia will I triumph. "Who will bring me into the strong city .'' who will lead me into Edom .' Wilt not thou, God, etc. . . . } From this it might appear that Edom was the country which he destined first to attack. Yet according to the order stated in the concise summary preserved to us, David commenced his career of encroachment by an inva- sion of Philistia, which might seem to be justified by their aggressive movement when he ascended the throne of Israel. His success is vaguely spoken of as complete, but the only definite result named is his taking from them the fortress Metheg-Ammah (or, the Bridle of Ammah), which we may infer, was important for keeping them in check. But it is not stated that the Philistines became tributary. This however was followed by a far more deadly war against the Moabites, who were previously known as a very friendly people. To the king of Moab, it will be re- membered, David had committed his parents at the time of his great danger from Saul ; thus he had personal, as well as national, grounds for maintaining with them peaceful relations. No causes are assigned for the attack which he now made on them, which ended in his puttino- to the sword ^ two-thirds of the unfortunate population, and subjecting the rest to tribute. Treatment so ferocious could hardly have proceeded from mutual exasperation, else some other striking facts would have been recorded, such as perfidy and cruelty on the part of the Moabites. It is therefore rather to be ascribed to policy, and perhaps to the greediness of the neighbour-tribe of Reuben to ap- 1 Such seems the meaning of the words, 2 Sam. viii. 2 : " with two liu':\s measured he to put to death, and with one full line to keep alive." G 82 THE HEBREW MONAECHT. propriate tlieir pasture-grounds ; but it must not be for- gotten, that in this fierce massacre, even if dictated by pure avarice and ambition, David would not want the ex- press permission of the great Jewish lawgiver,^ if we could persuade ourselves that Moses wrote the book of Deuter- onomy. At any rate the Hebrew king did nothing which the later bards and priests of his own nation, or the statesmen of Rome, would have censured as cruel or unjust. Thus far we have contemplated David as warring against his immediate neighbours ; petty nations, inferior each of them in numbers and resources to united Israel, though occasionally superior by arts or by accident. But about this time, new events threw the Hebrew prince into con- flict with a far greater potentate, whose person, people, and dominion are alike dimly descried by us ; neverthe- less, what we do know about him, is both negatively and positively of great importance. If we could believe the vulgar tradition of an old Assyrian monarchy, beginning with Ninus and Semiramis in an extreme antiquity, Nineveh was in the time of David the seat of a wide- reaching empire, the power of which was felt in Egypt and Phoenicia, in Lydia and in Media. But the Hebrew annals would in themselves suffice to show that this is an exaggeration. All that we can distinctly assert is, that about this time a branch of the Syrian nation called Zohahites (or, the house of Zobah) had risen to great emi- nence in Northern Mesopotamia and Syria. The later Syrian tradition represents Nisibis in Mesopotamia as their head-quarters ; while the Jews place them at Aleppo. Probably Zobah itself, like Israel, Seljuk, Othman, was the name of a patriarch rather than of a place. AVhether the Zobahites at this period were all under one king, we do not know ; but a great leader of them, called Hadadezer son of Rehob, had made himself celebrated by his wars in Syria, and appears to have been keeping the city of Da- mascus in dependent alliance. Toi, king of Hamath, is specified as one who had had painful proofs of Hadadezer's prowess. The city of Hamath was called Epiphaneia by the Greeks. Since however Hamath is often treated as 1 Deut. XX. 10—15. FIRST WAR WITH THE ZOBAHITES. 83 toucliing Israel on the northern frontier/ we are forced to infer that its territonj inchided the remarkable plain to the south of the city, which was called tlicHoUoiv Syria, from its position between the vast mountain walls of Libanus and Anti-Libanus. Moreover, if at the a3ra of which we are treating some other power than Haniath had possessed this district, we must of necessity have heard of it in the war with Hadadezer. He had great strength in cavalry and in chariots of war, a species of force in which the earlier Assyrians excelled : as cavalry indeed has at every time distinguished all the great em- pires of Asia. By occupying Damascus and its territory, the king of Zobah in a manner flanked all the dominions of Hamath ; and as either his direct sway or his national connexions reached over into Mesopotamia, his resources made him a most formidable neighbour to every state in Syria. The circumstances which threw him into collision with David are very obscurely explained : " nor can it even be made out from the statements whether the war was offen- sive or defensive on David's part, nor whether the first meeting took place on Israelitish ground or so far oif as the bank of the Euphrates. As however king Toi im- mediately afterwards appears in friendship with David, the nature of the case itself seems almost to force us on some such interpretation as the following. The king of Hamath, impelled by the danger which threatened him from the growth of the Zobahite power, and learning of the spirit and high success of David in various wars, solicited him to attack Hadadezer, thus placing the Zobahites in Damascus between opposite enemies. It was agreed that Toi should intercept all com- munications with Mesopotamia by occupying or overrun- ning the Syrian bank of the Euphrates ; and while Hadad- ezer was engaged in recovering his posts and connexions in this quarter, David fell upon him in the more immediate neighbourhood of Israel. The part of the Zobahite army 1 Num. xxxiv. 8, etc. 2 2 Slim. viii. 3. " David smote him, as he (Hadadezer ?) went to recover his border at the river Euphrates." Who had taken it away ? David? That appears inconceivable. Was it not Toi, king of Hamath ? and was not David only his ally, and secondary in the war ? 6 * 84 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. most feared consisted of cavalry and chariots ; but we may infer tliat it had injudiciously ventured in rugged and enclosed country, where it could not act to advantage. Meeting with brave resistance, not from infantry only, but, we need not doubt, from David's archers and slingers, it was miserably discomfited and a great number of the horses were captured.' Hadadezer was too much accustomed to conquest tame- ly to submit to this repulse, and called out to his aid an army of Damascenes. But this only increased his disas- ters. The troops of Damascus fought with little spirit in behalf of their foreign master, and were totally routed by the well-trained bands of David, now flushed with con- scious prowess and mutual confidence. The Hebrew king followed up his advantage sharply, and entered Damascus as a conqueror. No native government was organized to withstand him, and as the Zobahites were forced to with- draw, he easily stept into their place as suzerain of the district. The Damascenes without a struofo-le consented to change their master ; paid homage and tribute to David, and received garrisons from him into their critical fort- resses. It would have been morally impossible for all this to have been brought about so easily if the Zobahites had themselves held the castles with a powerful infantry, or if the Damascenes had been independent and struggling in a national cause. Nor was this the end of Hadadezer's reverses. The king of Hamath undoubtedly took full advantage of his weakness, and helped himself freely out of Hadadezer's resources. The advantages he gained may in part be in- ferred from his gratitude to David, to whom he sent, b}' the hand of his son Hadoram, vessels of silver, gold, and brass, as gifts of honour. Never before had such splen- dour been seen in Israel. Regarding his success in the war to have been of Jehovah, the pious king dedicated all these vessels to rehgious uses, instead of displaying them in personal pride. Yet at the same time, and from the same victories, valuable metals, as spoils of war, now be- gan to pour themselves into David's coflfers. One of 1 David is said to capture 1000 chariots, 700 horsemen, and 20,000 footmen. The Chronicler says 7000 horsemen. No credit ■whatever Ls due to his estimates of numbers. David's design to build the temple. 85 Hadadezer's bands is said to have had shields of gold, which the Hebrews captured : even if we adopt the reason- able interpretation of shields adorned with gold, it is suffi- ciently indicative of the pomp and wealth of the enemy. But a far greater booty must have been the abundance of brass which David got from the plunder of Betah and Berothai, cities of Hadadezer; of unknown site, but not likely to have been far from Damascus, These and other accessions of valuable metal gave rise to a new scheme in David's contemplations. It was at least propagated and believed afterwards that he had de- signed to build a splendid temple for the ark of God, in- stead of the pavilion of curtains in which it had hitherto lodged ; but that the prophet Nathan, who had at first encouraged the scheme, received a nightly revelation from Jehovah that it was not his will at present ; ^ but that a son of David should build the house of Jehovah, and that his seed should reign for ever on his throne. This very remarkable message undoubtedly in its first intent pointed at Solomon, son of David ; and it deserves attention, as the commencement of new political and prophetical thoughts of immense moment. For the oath which on this occasion Jehovah made to David through the prophet was perpetually celebrated by the psalmists of Israel, as indeed by David himself in his last words of poetry. By the deep hold which the idea took on the national mind, it saved the royalty to the house of David for sever- al centuries ; and when it failed at last, bequeathed to posterity a new and mystical interpretation of still grander import. But the Hebrew monarch was now himself in turn started on a career of conquest, which must naturally have alarmed his immediate neighbours. To hold Damascus and its territory with garrisons, needed a constant increase of his army in the north ; and the necessity of drawuig away his forces from the south may possibly have laid him ^ In 2 Sam. vii., as 1 Chron. xvii., no reason against it is assigned but old precedent. In I Kings v. 3, it is said that David could not Jind time by reason of his wars; but as this seemed insutticient to sacerdotal zeal, the Chroniclers (I Chron. xxii. 8) discovered a new reason — that David /uid shtd minh blood. The date of Nathan's message is imperfectly given. It was after Jehovah had given David rest from all his enemies, 2 Sam. vii. 1 ; which may point to his latest years. 86 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. open to attack from tlie Edomites in tliat quarter. In- deed, if we may abide by an old tradition,^ David's main army was still occupied by the Syrian war, when be was forced to detach Joab to repel the Edomites, who un- doubtedly had been made hostile ever since the extermin- ating conquest of Moab. David's general and troops had learned to trust one another; extreme promptitude was his only rule of action (for tactics, in a modern sense, cannot be thought of) ; and long habits of warfare had given them great superiority over brave neighbours. It is not stated whether the Edomites needed to be driven off from Hebrew ground, or whether Joab's rapidity anti- cipated them ; a severe battle however was fought in the Valley of Salt, a remarkable place in Idumaea, just south of the Dead Sea, afterwards the scene of a still greater battle under King Amaziah.^ The enemy was defeated with great slaughter,^ and had to receive Hebrew garrisons into their cities. But this was only the beginning of atrocious vengeance. Joab,* when the troops returned from the Syrian war, stayed in the country for six whole months with an over- powering force, and deliberately attempted to kill every male Edomite. His battalions roved far and wide, and drove out those whom they could not catch. Hitherto Selah or Petra in Mount Seir had been the great centre of the Edomites ; but perhaps from this massacre the city of Tertian to the east, and the much more^ distant Bozra to the north-east, began to increase in Edomite population. The burying of the slain was itself a great labour : after which it devolved on David in person to regulate the future government of the empty land and miserable frac- tion of the nation whom policy at length spared. From this blow it was long before Idumaea could lift up its head. ^ Superscription of Ps. Ix. 2 2 Kin^s xiv. 7. 3 In 2 8am. viii. it is 18,000 men slain ; only 12,000 in the Superscription of Ps. Ix. Knowing what we do of the la)id of Edom, we cannot unhesitatingly receive even the smaller number. If a hostile army was jjopularly estimated aX"" 12,000, and if it was totally dispersed, an ode of triumph would easily represent 12,000 as actually slain. Let this be understood in future, in regard to the more moderate numbers in the books of Kings. 1 1 Kings xi. 15, 16. 5 There is great uncertainty as to the site of this city ; and the objections of many learned commeutators to the Bozra of our maps appear to be well founded. PROSPERITY OF DAVID. 87 For thirty or forty years after, the Hebrew ascendancy was in full vigour there ; and for a century and a half no national movement to throw it off could arise. The dis- trict, although generally rocky and baiTcn, is not destitute of valleys, which (in comparison to the rest) have been called fruitful. We may presume that it was rich enough in sheep and goats to repay the trouble of rudely govern- ing it. Yet it was ambition and uncontrolled ferocity, not greedy calculation, which dictated a violence for which Judah in future generations was dearly to pay. But of that nothing was then dreamed. The conquest raised Joab to high distinction, which only his brother Abishai^ shared with him. Praises, no doubt, in abundance were offered up to Jehovah, God of battles ; and the people in general joyfully deduced from the whole the same moral as the historian : — " Jehovah preserveth David whitherso- ever he goeth.^' About this time, it may be believed, some prophet attached to the court (if not Nathan himself), addressed to David a solemn hymn, congratulating him alike on his victories and on his sacred character as a psalmist of Jehovah and a devout upholder of religion.^ 1. Jehovah said unto my lord [David], Sit thou at my right hand, till I make thy foes thy footstool. Jehovah sendoth out from Zion thy mighty sceptra ; Rule thou in the midst of thy foes. 2. Jehovah sware, and will not repent: Thou art a Priest for ever, after the order of Melchisedek. Jehovah, at thy right hand, strikes through kings iu his day of wrath. 3. [David] executes judgments on the nations, and fills them with carcases; He wounds the heads over many countries. He drinks of the brook in the wav ; Therefore does he lift up the head. The star of David, in fact, was now culminating. No- thing had occurred to bedim its brightness, and according to the religious theory of those days, he was eminently the beloved of Jehovah. Another pause of war took place, during which it is briefly recorded that he " reigned over all Israel and executed judgment and justice." When the same individual was chief administrator of war and peace^ such a rest was signally needed, to provide for the 1 1 Chron. xviii. 12, attributes the battle in the Valley of Salt to Abishui. ^ Psalm ex. OO THE HEBREW MONARCHY. government of his extended dominion. Now perhaps it was that more systematic arrangements were made con- cerning the crown-lands and the royal bailiffs^ who were twelve in number, according to the later narrative:^ over the treasmy ; over the country stores ; over the tillage ; over the vineyards ; over the wine-cellars ; over the olive and sycamore trees ; over the oil-cellars ; over the herds in Sharon; over the herds in the valleys ; over the camels ; over the asses ; over the flocks. At this same time we have the following list given us of David's cabinet by the older historian :^ Joab, son of Zeruiah, was captain of the host ; Jehoshaphat, son of Ahilnd, was recorder ; Zadok, son of Ahitub, and Abiathar, son of Ahimelech, were the two chief priests ; Seraiah was the scribe ; Benaiah, son of Jehoiada, was captain of the Cherethites and Pelethites : of whom also David's sons were chief officers. This Benaiah has already been named as a man of great valour who had slain a lion. His father may have been that Jehoiada, chief of the Aaronites, who came to David at Hebron ; and a little latter he is recorded as one of David's chief counsellore.^ The son, like the prfcefect of the prse- torians under the Roman emperors, would naturally be- come the second person in the kingdom, and, as we shall see, ultimately supplanted Joab. His troops, the Cherethites and Pelethites, are now mentioned for the first time, and it is contested whether their names indicate their foreign extraction or their office. Yet as the Cherethites are certainly a nation neighbom-ing to the Philistines,* the former opinion seems more probable. They do not include the 600 Gittites, of whom Ittai was the captain. It is reasonable to con- jecture that David had employed Hebrew troops to garri- son the foreign territories, — Damascus, Moab, and Edom, — and then, to augment his available army, had taken into his pay formidable numbers of the southern barbarians, here called Cherethites and Pelethites, — whom he would support by the tribute derived from foreign sources, without pressing on his own people. Thus he became more and more beyond the reach of constitutional con- 1 1 Chron. xxvii. 25—31. ^ 2 Sam. viii. 16. * 1 Chron. xxvii. 34. * 1 Sam. xxx. 14; Ezek. xxv. 16 ; Zeph. ii. 5. HEBREW NAMES. 89 trol.^ A slight circumstance gives us a rough date for these events. The sons of David (it has been mentioned) were " chief officers/' — apparently of the Cherethites and Pelethites/ which implies that he had sons of manly age, and was far advanced in his reign, David now felt himself too strong on the throne to be jealous of the house of Saul, and for the lirst time re- membered his friend Jonathan enough to bestow kind- ness on his representatives. One son only lived, by name Meribbaal; whom later times contemptuously called Mephibosheth. This young man, being lame, could not be suspected of aspiring to the kingdom in a warlike age and against such a warrior as David, The king now re- stored to him all the private estate of Saul, and admitted him to a permanent place at his own table, Me- phibosheth^ -was only five years old when his father J'onathan was slain ; but at the time of which we are treating, he had already, it is intimated, a young son named Micha, of whom at present no jealousy was felt by David. It may be here well to remark on the change which had been for some time going on as to the names* which the Hebrews gave to their children. In the earlier times the word God {El and El!) had been a very usual com- ponent.^ In the name Israel, as in Jezreel, Ammicl, Fenuel, and a hundred others, we see an ending which is common to the Hebrews with the tribes around them. From the time of Samuel onwards, the name Jehovah or Jah appears to become a more favourite element of names. We have already named /e/(c/shaphat and /eZ/oiada as counsellors of David; Zermah was David's sister; Benaut/i and Uriah among his captains. Under Saul even the names Eshbaal and Meribbaal appear; but from the time of David Jehovistic names gain a marked predominance. ^ The details given us in 1 Chron. xxvii, concerning David's standing arniy^ cannot be received with any contidence, considering the prodigious credulity "f that book in regard to figures. It however is there estimated that 288,000 men were kept constantly under training, of whom 24,U0U were every month taken into more direct service by rotation. - 2 Sara. viii. 18. ='2 Sam. iv. 5. •* Ewald, in Kitto's Biblical Cycl., Art. Names. 5 In fact, most ancient nations show this tendency, as in the Chaldee Nabo- polassar, iVeiwchaduezzar, and the Greek Biun, Foscklonim, ApoUonius, etc. 90 THE HEBREW MONAECHT. It is remarkable that Atlialiali, daughter of Jezebel, re- ceived a Jehovistic name.^ The peace which followed the extirpation of the Edomites was first disturbed by a strange event out of which many disastrous consequences arose. Nahash, king of the Ammonites, a former friend of David, died ; upon which the Hebrew monarch sent an embassy to condole with Hanun, the new king ; but the ambassadors were sus- pected to be spies, — not unnaturally, when the Ammon- ites looked to their conquered neighbours, Moab and Edom ; and Hanun sent them away with gross and cha- racteristic insult.^ Fearing then retaliation from David, Hanun plunged at once into hostilities and hired aid from two branches of the Syrians, — the Rehobites' and Zo- bahites, — also from the king of Maacah in the immediate north of the Hebrew territory, and from Ishtob or the Hauran. A coalition against David might in any case have been expected ; but this had broken out prematurely through the precipitation of the Ammonites, who ought scarcely to have volunteered being principals in the war, while Hadadezer of Zobah was still powerful. The defence of Israel was again entrusted to Joab, for David appears now to have given up military for civil duties. The He- brew army was enclosed between the Syrian confederates from the north, and the Ammonites from the east ; Joab therefore took a picked body with him against the Sy- rians, and sent his brother Abishai with the rest against the Ammonites. The hired army soon gave way before Joab and fled ; upon which the Ammonites were dis- couraged and retreated, seeing that Joab was coming up to join his brother against them. The Ammonites did not wish to risk farther loss, but shutting themselves up in a fortified place, endeavoured to re-assure and excite afresh their northern confederates ; and it is probable that this time they were successful in stirring up Hadad- ezer to a serious effort on his own account ; for we read of no farther payment for the Syrian troops, and Hadad- ' Bishop Colenso (vol. v. p. 276) maintains "Jehovah" to be of F/uBiiician origin. It is, none the less, with the Hebrews, the watchword of high monotheism. * He shaved half their beards and cut off the lower part of their garments, so as to leave them half naked. 3 The Ilehobites are immediately on the northern frontier of Israel. AMMONITE WAR. 91 ezer gathered a new and very formidable army of cliariots and horsemen from Mesopotamia as well as Syria. Joab on his part thought the danger so threatening, that he re- paired to Jerusalem to concert measures and increase his forces : and David himself now marched out in person, taking with him a general levy of all Israel. He crossed over Jordan, and made a long march beyond the Hebrew limits ; whether in order to save his own land from the ravages of the Syrian cavalry, or to engage it before it could form a junction with the Ammonites. In a battle which took place at Helam (an unknown spot), he was once more successful, and as usual, an exaggerated ac- count is given of the number of slain.^ This was the last blow needed by Hadadezer. He vanishes from the narra- tive, and his tributary chiefs in the neighbourhood of the Hebrews made submission to David. Internal evidence may incline us to believe, that about this time the twentieth Psalm was composed, as an ad- dress and encouragement to David in warring on the side of Jehovah. 1 . Jehovah hear thee in the day of trouble ; The name of Jacob's God defend thee : Send thee help from the sanctuary, And strengthen thee out of Zion : Eemember all thy offerings, Accept thy burnt sacrifice, Grant thee according to thine own heart, And fulfil all thy counsel ! 2. We will rejoice in thy preservation And in God's name set up our banners. Jehovah fulfil all thy petitions ! 3. Now know I that Jehovah saveth his anointed. He heareth him from his holy heaven, With the strong aid of his right hand. Some trust in chariots, some in horses, But we will trust in the name of Jehovah our God. They - are brought down and fallen ; But'we are risen and stand upright. 4. Oh Jehovah, help thou the king ! Let him hear us when we cry to him. For the next campaign Joab was despatched against » 2 Sam. X. 18. Forty thousand horsemen, and the men of seven hundred chariots. The Chronicler increases the chariots to seven thousand : 1 Chr. xix. 18. 2 Namely, the Zobahites ?— Ewald regarded this Tsalm by its Hebrew style to be of the Davidical age. 92 THE HEBREW MONAECHY. tlie Ammonites, and after desolating the country, laid siege to their chief city. Meanwhile David, now revel- ing in success, was smitten at Jerusalem by the beauty of Bathsheba, wife of Uriah the Hittite, one of his lead- ing warriors. After gratifying his guilty passion, and finding that he would not be able to conceal it from the injured husband, he was base enough to order Joab so to expose the brave Uriah in battle, as to assure that he would be slain by the Ammonites. Joab obeyed without scruple, and by succeeding added one link more to the chain by which he held the infatuated king. The war lingered on ; but the enemy was still shut up in his walls, and, receiving no aid from Syria, was at length reduced to helplessness. The chief town appears to have consisted of two separate fortifications, of which one was the royal palace, called also the Water- City, probably from its commanding access to the supply of water. This was actually captured by the Israelites, who thus had the enemy at their mercy. But the conqueror of Edom was prudent enough not to encounter the royal jealousy, by winning for himself the new name of con- queror of the Ammonites. He therefore sent and urged David to come down in person and take possession of the city, which was no longer able to resist. The Hebrew monarch felt the importance of the occasion; and re- venge, as well as pride, was now to be gratified. The Ammonite king had rejected his friendly offices with in- sult, had plunged into hostilities, and kindled a flame against him which reached beyond the Euphrates. True, this had only displayed and increased the might of Israel ; yet it was not the less needful, signally to manifest to subject nations that that might was not to be assailed without the most terrible retribution. David accordingly gathered an imposing host, and having marched without delay, captured the city immediately on his arrival. The crown of the Ammonite king (which is stated to have weighed a talent of gold, and to have been set with pre- cious stones), was with aliform placed upon David's head, and all the valuables of the city were seized as public spoil. After the cold-blooded execution inflicted on the Moabites, and the deliberate eSbrt to extirpate the whole nation of Edom, it was perhaps to be expected that a still DESTRUCTION OP THE AMMONITES. 93 more liorrible doom would fall upon tlie Ammonite people. Not those only who were found in the Rahhai (or chief city), but the inhabitants of all the towns of Ammon were brought out and executed by various modes of torture/ which are specified as "putting them under saws, and under harrows of iron, and passing them through the brick-kiln." No enumeration is attempted of those who thus suffered, but the vagueness of the language implies that such tortures were inflicted on all who could be caught. By this dreadful triumph the military supremacy of David seemed to be finally confirmed, and with it his des- potic authority over his own people. If about this time the twenty-first Psalm was composed in his honour (as the English reader easily persuades himself),^ the praise was destined shortly to become as a cup of gall to the miserable man. He returned home from his public dis- play to suff'er the pangs of a guilty conscience on the matter of Uriah and his wife. With a haste that barely observed the most necessary rules of decorum, he had publicly espoused Bathsheba, as soon as the days of mourn- ing for Uriah were completed. This probably indicates only one full month.^ Even if David could have better dissembled his passion, his guilt could not have been kept secret, and the prophet Nathan was bold enough to re- buke and denounce his deed. The self-condemned mon- arch had too much susceptibility left to resent the inter- ference. He had not been hardened in iniquity by a series of petty unrepented sins, but had plunged headlong into one complicated and enormous crime. Happily for him- self, he now confessed his guilt ; but the past could not be recalled, and the rest of his reign was sullied by do- mestic shame, misery, and confusion. 1 Many respectable critics think that hariJ labour only is intended ; and it is possible that a mistake has been made. The Arabic translation has : " He sawed them with saws .... and cut them with knives, etc. . . ." "^ The substance of the meaning agrees better with this period in the time of David, than with the reign of Jehoshaphat, which is the next best place for it. V. 4 is the usual oriental hyperbole ; compare Ps. ex. 4, and Dan. ii. 4, iii. 9. If V. 3 ought not to be referred to the Ammonite crown, yet vv. 8 — II excellently agree with punishment of that people. Ewald however thinks the style of Ps. xxi. t'lo polished and soft to be Davidical. ^ Such was the time allowed to a beautiful captive, in Deut. xxi. 1 1 ; and Tvas also the time of moui-ning for Moses, Deut. xxxiv. 8. 94 THE HEBREW MONAECHY. The first outbreak of retribution came upon bim from tbe unbridled passion of bis eldest son Amnon. Tbis young man, baving conceived a love for bis balf- sister Tamar, by tbe advice of bis cousin Jonadab^ entrapped ber into bis cbamber and brutally ravisbed ber. Great as was tbe rage of tbe king, remembrance of bis own crime witbbeld bim from punisbing bis son, and Absalom, wbose full sister Tamar was, undertook to avenge ber bimself. At bis next sbeep-sbearing be. invited all bis brothers to a banquet, in tbe course of wbicb bis servants assailed and slew Amnon. As for Absalom, be instantly fled to bis grandfather Talmai, king of Gesbur, who was likely to applaud bis deed ; while David, torn in pieces between sorrow for Tamar and Amnon, and love for Absalom, for three whole years took no further step in the matter. The subtle Joab, who narrowly watched tbe king's mind, perceived that be was desirous of Absalom's re- turn ; and tbe cautious steps by which be proceeded to move for it, indicate the oriental despotism now reigning in David's court. He suborned a woman of Tekoah to act the part of a mourner, and tell a fictitious tale calculated to arouse tbe paternal affection of the king ; after winning bis ear and bis favour, she ended by entreating him to " fetch home bis banished." David perceived that it was Joab's contrivance, but assented to the suggestion. Ab- salom was accordingly brought back to Jerusalem, but the king refused to set eyes upon him for two full years more. This was a sore trial to tbe young man, who was already looking forward with impatience to the day when be should succeed bis father on the throne. He perhaps bad still an elder brother, Chileab,^ bom of Abigail the Carmelitess ; but bis own birth of a king's daughter seemed to give bim the preference. Nevertheless, this must depend upon David's favour ; and he was uneasy to see bis brothers occupied in public ofiices, and moving freely in the king's court, while be was himself shut up in a private station. By a strange and violent stratagem,^ 1 Jonadab was son of Shimeah, David's brother. The extreme improba- bility of his giving such advice may lead to many surmises : but no sharpness of thought will enable even contemporaries to pierce through the dark deeds which oriental harems hide. 2 It is not certain that Chileab was still alive. ^ By burning Joab's barley-field. CAREER OF ABSALOM. 95 lie forced Joab to introduce him to David's presence, and an apparent reconciliation took place. The king (it is said) '^ kissed Absalom;" but the result shows that Ab- salom's ambition was only stimulated, not gratified. He discerned perhaps that David's heart only, and not his judgment, was moved in his favour, and that while he loved Absalom best, he might still choose another son for his successor. No time was to be lost, it seemed, and Absalom plunged into a headlong career. Of his own personal accomplishments he was doubtless fully conscious. The same remarkable beauty and winning manners which excited his father's fondness, drew also the admiration of the people, who are likely to have for- given his brother's murder, considering the enormity of the provocation ; and he flattered himself perhaps that the odium under which the old king lay on account of Uriah the Hittite, would aid his attempts. Having gained at length the right of presenting himself freely at court, he now used his position there to seduce, by blandish- ments, promises, and seditious insinuations, the suitors who came from various pai'ts ; and in order to make a semiregal display, he equipped for himself chariots and horses (a new luxury in Israel) with fifty outrunners. Un- der pretence of paying a vow in Hebron, he repaired thi- ther with 200 men ; and after seizing that strong town, — David's original seat of government, — he had himsetf pro- claimed king by sound of trumpet, in many parts of Israel simultaneously. David was confounded both by the un- expectedness of the event, and by the fear that it implied general disaffection. In this exigence, when news came of fresh and fresh revolt, he could trust none but his foreign troops, the Cheretliites, Pelethites, and Gittites, with all of whom he marched out of Jerusalem, utterly uncertain whither to betake himself.^ Zadok however and Abiathar, and the whole priestly body, held firm to him, and were willing to have carried out the ark of God to accompany his flight ; but ho remanded them to Jeru- salem, and recommended his faithful counsellor Hushai to join the party of Absalom and undermine by craft the 1 It is judged by Ewald to be a true tradition, which states that David in his present distress composed the third Tsalnji. That he does not name Absa- lom is not to be wondered at. 96 THE HEBREW MONAECHT. crafty advice of Ahittopliel^ — an unprincipled but very- able man who bad espoused Absalom's cause. Abitbopbel well understood tbat for a son who conspires against bis father tbere can be no balf-measures ; and be urged Ab- salom to take public possession of bis father's concubines/ — as an indisputable demonstration of deadly feud ; advice upon which Absalom forthwith acted. Abitbopbel more- over pressed him instantly to chase David with an over- whelming force, and slay him before he could recover himself. But Hushai now interfered with specious rea- sons, and spoiled the counsel of Abitbopbeb who forthwith went home and hanged himself. At the same time David received tidings of his danger through Hushai and Zadok, and with no farther delay crossed the Jordan to the city of Mahhanaim, where Ishbosheth had reigned. Here he received abundant supplies from three men, whose names have deserved record. The first was no other than Shobi, son of the Ammonite Nabash, perhaps become David's viceroy on the deposition of his brother Hanun ; the se- cond was Machir of Lodebar, who had acted as host and father to Mephibosheth, until David took notice of him : this man was in all probability a warm friend of the house of Saul. The third was the aged and blind chieftain Bar- zillai the Gileadite. In this pastoral district wealth con- sisted chiefly in cattle and food : brave men abounded, who at the call of their leaders flocked round their legiti- mate king, and a powerful army was soon assembled. Absalom had pursued his father over Jordan into Gilead, taking as the captain of his host Amasa, son of Ithra or Jether the Ishmaelite, and of Abigail,' David's sister. A decisive battle was fought in a place called the Forest of Ephraim (a name which might mislead us into the belief that it was west of Jordan), and David's people were vic- torious. Absalom is said to have met with a most singu- lar fate. In riding through the forest in violent haste, his head was caught by the boughs of an oak, and he was left dangling in the air by the escape of his mule. On receiving news of this, Joab made haste to slay him be- fore the king should be able to interfere ; for David had 1 David had probably taken his wires with him. - AVhcther Abigail was mother or step-mother to Amasa, is left doubtful in 2 Sam. xvii. 25 ; but 1 Chron. ii. 17 is distinct. DEATH OF ABSALOM. 97 solemnly commanded all to spare his son's life. In any other man than Joab this miglit be called patriotism and loyalty ; nor in fact can we doubt that it was substantially sound judgment. A son who had waged war so implaca- ble on his father could never again be wisely trusted. In ojoen battle Joab had earned a just right to slay this youth, whose life was so dangerous to his father, his father^ s friends^ and the peace of the nation ; and David himself, when his first grief was past, would praise his zeal and his prudence. The immediate effect however was the very opposite. David displayed a public and tumultuous grief for his son's death, which was undoubtedly most unseemly after so many brave men had fallen in defending the king from his attack ; and when Joab boldly remonstrated against his proceedings, he with difficulty suppressed his disgust. A new doubt embarrassed him. So easy had been Ab- salom's success at Hebron, as to make the attachment of David's own tribe of Judah highly questionable ; and he feared to return, unless brought back by their voluntary zeal. In hope of exciting it, he sent to Zadok and Abia- thar, distinctly calling on them to escort him home ; and by another highly imprudent message to his nephew Amasa, Absalom's captain, promised to make him cliief- captain in place of Joab. A senile imbecility, it may be suspected, had already stolen over the king, whose con- duct, ever since the announcement of Absalom's revolt, had been unaccountably weak. He coald hardly expect that Abishai, — who with Joab and Ittai the Gittite had commanded the forces against Absalom, — would endure to have disgrace put on his brother at such a time and from such a cause ; and if he thus trifled away the aflfectious of the men who had just risked their all for him, it would be a poor consolation that he had bought by bribes the momentary allegiance of those, who, but now, had armed against his life. In fact, he was still in the hands of Joab and his brother, and needed their aid to escape a new and immediate danger. In the late revolt, the unshrinking impiety of Absalom had led many of his party into courses for which they de- spaired of forgiveness : disaffection was of necessity widely spread, and a quarrel which arose between the men of 98 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Judali and tlie rest of the Israelites, on the occasion of David^s return, inspired new hopes in the seditious. Sheba, the son of Bichri, observing the disgust felt by the rest at the fierce assumption of the men of Judah, set up a new standard of revolt, and was presently followed by formidable numbers. The king gave orders to Amasa to assemble the forces of Judah in three days, and pursue Sheba before the movement should grow into actual revo- lution ; but, from whatever causes, Amasa was longer than the time appointed, and David was forced to commis- sion his other nephew Abishai to put down the alarming conspiracy. This was enough for the two sons of Zeruiah, who went both together, though one only had been sent. They fell in with their cousin Amasa at Gibeon, and Joab without hesitation murdered him in the highway, just as, many years before, he had murdered Abner. Then resum- ing the pursuit of Sheba, he shut him up in Abel Beth- maachah ; where the people of the town, to escape a siege, cut off Sheba's head and threw it over the wall.^ Such was the end of this tragical commotion, which left behind it many serious feuds, and damaged all parties concerned. We must here name some particulars which affected the family of Saul. Ziba, the servant of Mephibosheth, immediately upon Absalom's rebellion, slandered his master to David, as now filled with hopes of getting the throne for himself; and David, in such a time of trial, credulously receiving the statement, bestowed upon Ziba (so far as his royal word still had power) all the estates of the son of Jonathan. On David's return, Mephibosheth presented himself in person, and complained of his servant's calumny ; alleging (it would seem) that Ziba had taken to himself the credit of the presents which Mephibosheth had sent by his hand to David, and that nothing but lameness had prevented Mephibosheth from following the king in his flight. That David felt he had been precipitate and unjust, is clear by his conduct : — he ordered Ziba to restore half o? the estate to Mephibosheth. It cannot be doubted, that since it had become manifest how little the king retained the hearts of his people, a new jealousy of the house of Saul ' This is the most probable crisis of David's life for his composing the 18th Psalm. DISGRACE OF MEPHIBOSHETH. 99 had come over Mm. The son of Jonathan was indeed lame ; but he had a son, Micha, who might in a few years prove a troublesome aspirant, as the lej^itimate represent- ative of Saul's eldest-born. Besides, Sheba, the late rebel, was a Benjamite : and Shiraei of Gerar, a near relative of Saul, had cast stones, and still more cruel curses, at David; and though, on his way towards Jerusalem, the king would not permit Abishai to punish Shimei, and pronounced over him a public solemn pardon, a later event would prove (if we could trust the statements), that this was merely ostentatious policy, and not Christian forgiveness, A jealous fear now dictated to cripple all the family of Saul, as far as it could be done under forms of justice, and Mephibosheth accordingly was doomed to forfeit half his estate. This was the more ungracious, inasmuch as Me- phibosheth's old friend and host, Machir of Lodebar, had been so eminent in generosity towards David and his destitute army in the late deplorable rebellion. It would have been well if this had been all ; but a darker and bloodier plot was to follow, suggested by the occurrence of a three years' famine. It is now well under- stood, that, as in the frequent tossing up of a crown-piece there will occur periodically (what are called) " runs of luck" on the side of the heads,^ so the seasons, which commonly vary within narrow limits, at distant times ex- hibit more prolonged series of very good or very bad weather. When poverty, improvidence, or the ravages of civil war aggravate the calamity of several bad seasons, real famine arises, which an ignorant age imputes to a divine judgment. In the case before us, there possibly ivas a divine retribution of a certain kind ; for the recent convulsions may truly have had much to do with the fa- mine. But it was very undesirable that the nation should think thus, and some other reason was needed. David in- quired solemnly of Jehovah (we may suppose, by Urim and Thummim), what was the cause of the calamity. 1 This whole argument, and the phraseology, was taken by me from an article in the Penny Cyclop;Bdia, which seeks to illustrate the subject without the re- motest idea of theological controversy. Yet it has drawn upon me the frrave rebuke of the British Quarterly, which feels "lively regret" that my religion *' has not taught me tolerance of speech for the views taken by others." For- sooth, I am to expound the doctrine of chances, without alluding to anything so vulgar or trivial as the tossing of a penny or casting of a die ! 100 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Common conscience might perhaps have rephed : — ifc is on account of our impious civil war ; or for Absalom^s fratri- cide and incest ; orfor Amnon^s brutaHust ; orforDavid^s murder of Uriah and adultery with Bathsheba ; or (if national deeds could have been thought of) for the tortured Ammonites, for the slaughtered Edomites and Moabites. Far otherwise ran the priestly response, in the name of Jehovah: It is for Saul, and for his bloody house, because he slew the Gibeonites. How Saul massacred the priests at Nob, is distinctly re- corded; concerning his slaughter of the Gibeonites, who waited on the tabernacle, we know nothing ; but as it cannot have been more atrocious than the former, it is impossible to help feeling that the vengeance here in name exacted for the one crime, was in fact demanded for the other. But whatever the guilt of Saul, his grandchildren were innocent. Most rude nations have approved of cut- ting off the children of a traitor simultaneously with the father;^ and if the priestly party had murdered Saul and all his family in the cru.deness of passion, no one could criticise it. But when he had been some thirty years in his grave, when his legitimate sons also had perished, and all their children except Mephibosheth, — then to lay on his daughter's sons the sin of a grandfather, was an iniquity so shocking to common feeling as to need no Ezekiel to rebuke it.^ Such however was the course of events : — David asked the Gibeonites what atonement would satisfy them, and they demanded seven male de- scendants of Saul " to hang up before Jehovah " on Saul's own estate of Gibeah. The king remembered his ro- mantic attachment to Jonathan,^ and spared that branch of the family ; but he devoted the five sons of Merab,* 1 The law of Moses, as we now read it (Deut. xxiv. 16), especially forbids it : but we shall do very ill to assume, that David had the book of Deuteronomy at his side. 2 Ezek. xviii., whole chapter. In short, v. 20, " The son shall not bear the iniquity of the father." 3 The narrator (2 Sam. xxi. 7) attributes David's exemption of Mephibosheth to tJie oath of Jehovah between David and Jonathan. But there was, accord- ing to the account, a similar oath between David and Saul, 1 Sara. xxiv. 20, 21. * IlicJud in the common version, tor Merab, is undoubtedly an error. See 1 Sam., xviii. 19, where it appears that Merab was given in marriage to Adriel the Meholathite, the father of these five innocent victims. One of the two sons of Saul by Rizpah, daughter of Aiah, was called Mephibosheth, as well as the son of Jonathan. IMMOLATION OP SAUL's DESCENDANTS. 101 daughter of Saul^ and the two sons of Saul's concubine Rizpah. These seven men the Gibeonites took, and hanged them, as they had proposed. The bereaved Rizpah, says our narrator, " spread sackcloth for her on the rock, from the beginning of harvest until water dropped upon them out of heaven, and suflered neither the birds of the air to rest upon them by day, nor the beasts of the field by night." This indicates that even their burial had been forbidden ; as if a mother's heart were not sufiiciently wrung by the slaughter of her innocent sons, unless their corpses also be ti-eated with contumely. It is a melan- choly thing, that Christians can so ill read the lessons of both their Testaments, as to believe that God could approve of this human sacrifice. But this did not suffice. It was requisite to obliterate every monument of Saul's reign, and to impress as deeply as possible on the public mind that this guilty family was for ever to be degraded into a private station. Accord- ingly, the bones of Saul and Jonathan were disinterred from Jabesh Gilead, and conveyed to the sepulchre of Kish, Saul's fother. After this, it was believed, the pollu- tion of the land having been removed, God was appeased, and fruitful seasons returned. It was to be expected that such internal convulsions would excite the oppressed foreign nations to revolt. Of these, none bore the yoke so ill as the Philistines, who not only remembered how recently they had been superiorto the He- brews in arms as well as in arts, but who, by living in towns under civic constitutions, had become accustomed to municipal independence. The Edomites and the adjoin- ing nations had been too much weakened by enormous destruction to make head against Israel as yet ; and be- sides, it mattered less to them to be subject to a Hebrew instead of a native king, if the former were moderate in his demands : but the more republican Philistines, like the Phoenicians and the Greeks, ill endured any foreign dominion, and panted for freedon. About this period four severe battles are recorded, which resulted from the at- tempts of the Philistines to shake off the Hebrew yoke. In the first, David was nearly slain by a Philistine cham- pion, but was saved by his heroic nephew Abishai. In each of the four battles one sri ""antic Philistine is said to 102 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. liave been killed, wliicli throws an unliistorical air over the details. In fact, it is manifest that these are erroneous ; for a hrotJier of GoHath, who was a man in full strength when David was a youth, is represented as a PhiHstine hero, in a battle fought when David was enfeebled with age, and no longer allowed to expose himself to the enemy (2 Sam. xxi. 17, 19). Abishaialso must have been grow- ing old. One notable event is recorded, apparently in the later years of this prince, but without a date : — the occurrence of a pestilence. Error inevitable in that age ascribed it to some definite sin nationally incurred : a trespass had to be found. David had done what every prudent king will do, and (we may add) what every ruler who wishes to do his duty must do ; he had taken a census of his people. Of course, in his long reign of internal prosperity, the numbers of the Hebrew nation had greatly increased ; ^ which would be to all a subject of congratulation and pride. When therefore a pestilence occurred, by which (it was estimated) 70,000 persons died, this was looked on as a punishment for his having numbered the people. Such is the only historical view which we can take of the trans- action. The Jewish records however represent Jehovah as sending Gad the seer to David, and allowing him to choose one of three miseries ; seven years of famine, three months of defeat by enemies, or three days' pestilence. Of these, David chose the last ; and when the plague was ended, propitiated Jehovah by burnt-offerings and peace- offeriugs at the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite,^ where David had seen the destroying angel standing, when Jehovah bade him to withhold his hand. ^ The numbers in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9 are, 800,000 fightin» men of Israel, and 500,000 of Judah ; while in 1 Chron. xxi. o, they are 1,1 00,000 of Israel, and 470,000 of Judah. Strange to add, 1 Chron. xxvii. 24 says that the enumera- tion was never completed. The very distinction of Israel and Judah may warn us that the estimates belong to a later period ; for in David's reign, Judah was a word which excluded Bmjamin, and was opposed to the eleven tribes (or to the twelve, including Levi), not to the ten. It is absurd to imagine that Judah was, to all Israel beside, in the ratio of 500 to 800, or even as 470 to 1100, which seems to be a corrected estimate. In 2 Sam. xix. 43 is a similar ana- chronism ; where the men of Israel say they have ten parts in the king as com- pared to the men of Judah. ' David buys the floor of Araunah for fifty shekels of silver in 2 Sam. xxiv. 24, but for six hundred shekels of gold in 1 Chron. xxi. 25. Such exaggera- tions are throughout characteristic of the Chronicles. THE PESTILENCE. 103 Yet the whole idea that the pestilence was a judgment on David, was perhaps of later origin. If, as there is some ground to think, Psalm xci. was composed by David on occasion of a pestilence, this must apparently have been the sera : the Psalmist there appears wholly uncon- scious of guilt, and full of a noble faith. Time had doubt- less assuaged the deep wounds of David's spirit, and his calamities had not been without their profit. To a late period of his life we may probably refer the fine 32nd Psalm, which breathes high confidence and confirmed wisdom in the midst of its penitence ; and reminds us how imperfectly we can judge of the secret workings of men's hearts, whose political actions alone we know. The last piece written by David is also preserved (2 Sam. xxiii.), but its beauty is dimmed to us Ijy its great difficulty and consequent imperfect translation. The centre stanza contains its main object, which is, to hold up a high ideal of a good ruler, which he confesses he has not in his own administration realized. A righteous ruler over men, ruling in the fear of God, Is as morning light when the sun arises, As a morning without clouds, As the greeu blade from the earth by sunshine and by rain. It ends by lamenting that worthless men cannot be ruled by gentleness, but must be constrained by weapons of war. After the Philistine outbreak was ended, the increased weakness of the aged king had become evident, and new uneasiness concerning the succession to the throne broke out among his sons. Of his second son, Chileab, we know nothing : Amuon and Absalom, the first and third, were slain; the fourth was Adonijah, son of Haggith, who, like Absalom, had many personal attractions, and had been a favourite of his father. He was now perhaps the eldest son, and hardly believed that his father could mean to give the kingdom to auy of the younger ones. Bath- sheba however, the widow of Uriah, continued to hold a great ascendency over David. She must have been much younger than the mothers of his elder children ; and her son Solomon, as a son of old age, was likely to win the susceptible mind of a prince, whose power of decisive action was exceedingly weakened by his time of life. 104 THE HEBEEW MONAECHY. Adonijah thought it tlie safest plan to seize the kingdom, and so forestall Bathsheba^s intrigues; and he found a certain part of David's own cabinet ready to aid him. Joab had probably been disaffected ever since David en- deavoured to supersede him as captain of the host ; and his influence with the army might seem to promise all that Adonijah could wish from that quarter, when Joab joined his cause. Of Abishai we hear no more, and per- haps he had recently died. But the priest Ahiathar was another important ally. He was grandson of the grand- son of Eli, tracing his genealogy by Phinehas, Ahitub, and Ahimelech ; and as his father and family were all mur- dered by Saul for David's sake, it may be suspected that he made larger claims on David's gratitude than were permanently admitted. With the details we are not acquainted ; but we find indications that Zadok, who at first was appointed over the tabernacle at Gibeon, was also admitted to minister before the ark in Jerusalem, jointly with Abiathar, though still the chief rank rested with the latter. It is possible that Abiathar thought, by joining Adonijah, to secure for himself and his male posterity the pre-eminent position which he was in danger of losing through Zadok. With the head of the army and the head of the priesthood to aid him, Adonijah now, like his brother Absalom, went out in royal style, "with chariots and horsemen and fifty outrunners," and having made a great sacrifice at the stone of Zoheleth near Enrogel, invited all the king's sons except Solomon, with the chief men of Judah, to a public banquet, at which he intended formally to assume the honours of royalty. He had kept clear of inviting those who were known to be of Solomon's party ; these are specified as Nathan the pro- phet, Zadok the priest, Benaiah commander of the foreign body-guard, and " the mighty men ; " by which we are to understand the celebrated warriors who fought round the king's person in battle. Judging by the analogy of other despotisms, we may believe that the king had come to lean more and more on his foreign body-guard. We have seen that in the revolt of Absalom he was able at once to count on the fidelity of the Cherethites, Pelethites, and Gittites, when the alle- giance of the general army was doubtful and divided. This CONSPIRACY OF ADONIJAH. 105 must have taught a lesson not to be neglected ; and con- sidering the very nourishing state of the finances, we can hardly doubt that Beuaiah^s troops were at present the most eSective and perhaps the most numerous part of David^s standing army. Benaiah had thus become a more important person than Joab ; and his force now obtained the empire for Solomon. Bathsheba first broke to David the unpleasant secret, and -with the help of Nathan induced him to take immediate measures for securing the succes- sion of the throne. Benaiah marched hastily with his guards and surprised Adonijah while yet at the banquet. The guests were dispersed, and Solomon was proclaimed king. No immediate notice was taken of the chief actors in this conspiracy. Solomon indeed publicly pardoned his brother Adonijah for the past ; nevertheless it is certain that, together with Joab and Abiathar, he was from that day devoted to ruin. Soon after these events the strength of David sank rapidly. With his last breath he charged Solomon to re- member gratefully the services of old Barzillai the Gilead- ite, and admit his sons to the royal table ; but to find some pretext for putting to death Joab son of Zeruiah, and Shimei the Benjamite, whom, some ten years before, he had ostentatiously pardoned for cursing him. So at least our record states ; but it is very credible that David was more sincere in his forgiveness, and that his charge to Solomon against these two persons is no more true than the charge of Augustus to Tiberius Cifisar to put to death his daughter and her son. The despot who slays for his own poHcy shifts the crime on to the memory of his predecessor. David, the son of Jesse, after a reign of foi'ty years, closed his eyes to all mortal ambition, and slept with his fathers. Of him we may say, as of some other very emi- nent persons, it would have been well had he died before absolute power had corrupted him. The complicated baseness involved in his murder of Uriah so casts his honour in the dust, that thenceforth we rather pity and excuse than admire him. All the brilliancy alike of his chivalry and of his piety is sullied, and cold minds suspect his religious raptures of hypocrisy. But we cannot won- der at sins of passion in a despotic and victorious prince. 106 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. David was not indeed an Antoninus, an Alfred, or a Saint Louis ; yet neither was lie one of tke vulgar herd of kings. The polygamy in which he indulged so injuriously must in part be laid to his personal weakness, when we observe how restrained (in comparison) was his predecessor Saul.^ Nevertheless, as a man, he was affectionate and generous, sympathetic and constitutionally pious : as a king, his patronage of religious persons was highly judicious, and his whole devotional character of permanent importance to the best interests of his people and of mankind ; as a warrior, he taught Israel a mutual confidence and common pride in Jehovah their God ; and first elevated his coun- trymen into a ruling and leading race, whose high place it was to legislate for and teach the heathen around. His career may serve to warn all who are wanting in depth of passion or enlarged knowledge of human nature, that those on whose conduct society has relaxed its wholesome grasp are not to be judged of by their partial outbreaks of evil, but by the amount of positive good which they habitually exhibit. Compared with the great statesmen of the edu- cated nations of Europe, David's virtues and vices appear alike puerile ; but among Asiatics he was a great man ; and of his own posterity, though several, who were happily subjected to greater restraints, were far more consistent in goodness, there is none who more attracts our interest and our love than the heroic and royal Psalmist. 1 Saul, as far as we know, had only one wife and one concubine, Rizpah ; and it is quite possible that the wife was removed by death before the concu- bine was espoused, since Rizpah's children are named in company with their nephews, as if much younger than Saul's legitimate sons. A concubine, in ancient times, was only a wife oj inferior rank, and the union was just as per- manent as with a wife. 107 CHAPTER lY. REIGN OP SOLOMON. Saul and David had eacli of them been installed in the throne of Israel by the solemn act of the elders, as kings accepted by the free voice of the nation, and bound to respect its liberties. But Solomon was elevated to the supreme authority by his father's will and by the aid of the irresistible body-guard -^ not indeed without the sanc- tion of Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet ; yet the helplessness of Abiathar, the elder priest and the repre- sentative of Eli, showed clearly enough that the swords of Benaiah were now the decisive influence. Israel in fact had for years been accustomed to address David with un- manly servility ; and although the old king's popularity had been thoroughly worn out, the nation was ready to welcome his youthful son with a credulous loyalty. In young princes, as yet uncorrupted by power, and guiltless 1 The Chronicler not merely passes over the conspiracy of Adonijah, and the prompt military proceedings of David by which Solomon was made king, but introduces an account intended to glorify the constitutional decorum and religious spirit of the whole proceeding (1 Chr. xxviii. xxix). David (says he) assembled all the princes of the nation, civil and military, and told them of the earnest desire which he had felt to build a temple to Jehovah ; but Jehovah had forbidden him, as having been a warrior, but had noiv chosen his son Solo- mon to succeed him and build the temple. David then delivers to Solomon an exact "pattern" of the temple and all its furniture, with all the materials of precious or common metals, precious stones and marble, and requests the princes to contribute to the same sacred object. Of course they contribute with a zeal very edifying to the people of Nehemiah. Then follows a thanks- giving by David, of such eminent beaut)', that for the sake of it we can almost pardon the fabulous history in which it has-been imbedded. Afterwards is a sacrifice of 1000 bullocks, lOOO rams, and 1000 lamb.s, preparatory to the final object of the whole meeting, the free election of Solomon li/ the assemhlij to be king, in confirmation of his election by Jehovah. The untrustworthiness of the whole is strongly marked in its last words — that the congregnti(m simul- taneously elected Zadok to he priest. This is directly opposed to the book of Kings. Abiathar continued to be the priest until after the death of Adonijah. The Chronicler did not like to confess that Zadok was indebted for his sacred pre-eminence to the mere will of a despotic prince, who broke the hierarchical succession. In the Chronicles, not only is the disgrace of Abiathar omitted, but no notice of him occurs in the history except the formal statement that " Abimelech son of Abiathar" was colleague of Zadok, 1 Chr. xviii. 16, which is an error reproduced from 2 Sam. viii. 17. 108 THE HEBREW MONAECHT. of the evil deeds by wliicli it was won, the common people enthusiastically believe a superhuman virtue to exist ; and as the administration passed into Solomon^s hands before death surprised his aged father, the new reign commenced without any shock or felt internal jar. There appears nevertheless to have been some commo- tion among the foreign nations now subject to the Hebrew sway. They might naturally expect feebleness in a young king who had never headed an army, and they may have reckoned on some internal disorders to aid them. Our accounts of this reign are too defective as to all foreign affairs to allow of appeal to historical details ; but an echo has been preserved to us of certain attempts to throw off the yoke, in a celebrated psalm (Ps. ii.) composed in honour of Solomon's empire by a prophet of the day, who seems to put the words into the mouth of Solomon himself. 1. Why rage the peoples ? and why do the nations plan things vain ? Why assemble the kings of earth, why plot together the rulers, Against Jehovah and his anointed one ? Saying, "Let us break their bands asunder, Let us cast their cords away from us." 2. He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh, .Tehovah shall mock at them. Then he shall say unto them in his wrath, (And vex them in his sore displeasure,) " Behold ! I have set up my king, On Zion, my hill of holiness." 3. I^ will rehearse the decree which Jehovah hath uttered to me : .Jehovah hath said unto me : " Thou art my Son ; This day have I begotten thee. Ask of me, and I will give thee the nations for thy inheritance, The uttermost parts of earth for thy possession. Thou shalt break them with a rod of iron ; Thou shalt dash them in pieces like a potsherd." 4. Be wise now therefore, ye kings ; Be instructed, ye judges or earth. Serve Jehovah with fear ; Eejoice with trembling. Worship in purity,^ lest he be angry, And ye perish straightway, should his wrath be a little kindled. 5. Blessed are all they that put their trust in him. Whatever disturbances were threatened among Philis- 1 I, Solomon. 2 This word in good Hebrew cannot mean a Son. The LXX. renders the clause Apd^atjQt TraiStias, "lay hold of instruction." We have nearly fol- lowed Ewald. POLITICAL EXECUTIONS. 109 tines, Moabites, or Damascenes, were presently quelled with no serious effort by the unimpaired vigour of David's armies ; and as far as can be ascertained, no farther at- tempt was made to shake off' the yoke until the later days of Solomon. The young prince was therefore fully at leisure to devote himself to his internal affairs, and first of all to that first object of interest, the secure establishment of his own title to the crown against all competitors. Four great political offenders had been ostensibly, but not sincerely, pardoned : — Adonijah brother of Solomon, Joab the king's first cousin, Abiathar the priest, and Shimei the kinsman of Saul who cursed David. The ruin of all four was resolved upon, and Solomon was only wait- ing for a specious pretence. Nor was one long wanting. David in extreme old age had received into his harem, by the superfluous zeal of his courtiers, a young damsel of remarkable beauty, Abishag the Shunamite. If it bo true that they sought far and wide, and picked her out of all Israel, it cannot be wonderful that her brilliancy attracted the love of Adonijah ; who engaged the interest of Bathsheba, mother of Solomon, to make his suit to the king for the hand of Abishag. But no sooner had the unsuspicious Bathsheba preferred her request, than the king felt or affected great rage, alleging that this was a plot for dethroning him ; and forthwith sent Benaiah with his myrmidons, who murdered the king's brother on the spot where they found him. So flagrant an act of despotism had not been seen in Israel since Doeg the Edomite massacred the priests at Saul's command. It was at least politic of Solomon to follow lip the deed by commanding the death of Joab as a partner in the imagined new conspiracy. Joab fled to '' the tabernacle of Jehovah" (which here perhaps means the tent in Jerusalem, in which the ark was kept), and caught hold of the horns of the altar. When he would not come forth, Benaiah hesitated to attack him in the holy place, until he had been re-assured by Solomon, who reminded him of the double assassination which Joab had perpetrated. Then at last Benaiah broke through all scruples, and with his own hand laid the hoary criminal dead at the foot of the altar. Neither was the old Abiathar altogether to escape, al- no THE HEBREW MONARCHY. thougli liis life was spared, in remembrance of Ms long sufferings as David's early comrade. He was ordered to confine himself to his own private estate at Anathoth, and was deposed from all his dignities and emoluments as priest to Jehovah. This was clearly done by the simple will of the king. A later generation softened to its own feelings the harshness of an act so unconstitu- tional, by the belief that this ejection of Abiathar and his descendants from the priestly office was a fulfilment of the denunciation of Jehovah, uttered against the house of Eli by the mouth of the boy Samuel. Be this as it may, such was the political coincidence which deprived Israel of one of its two great priestly families, and left Zadok and his posterity as the most distinguished repre- sentatives of the house of Aaron. As Zadok was promoted to the place of Abiathar, so was Benaiah to the captaincy of the host vacated by Joab. But more work of the same odious kind still re- mained for Benaiah. Shimei had given no excuse for pretending that he was an accomplice of the three great victims ; and an arbitrary device was needed for entanghng him. The king ordered him to build a house at Jerusa- lem, and not to set foot out of the city on pain of death. Three years la.ter, two of Shimei's servants ran away from him into Gath ; upon which Shimei pursued, overtook them, and brought them back. On his return Solomon upbraided him with his disobedience, and having bitterly reminded him of his curses on David, commanded Ben- aiah to hew him down. The order was obeyed in the style of military despots who disdain the sanctities, the decencies, or the hypocrisy of a civil tribunal. So at length, it may seem. King Solomon was able to breathe freely and to forget all domestic jealousies. From the reign of David onward historical documents were carefully kept, and select accounts compiled by con- temporaries. Nathan the prophet and Gad the seer were the chief authorities known to a latter age concerning the life of David himself : for the Acts of Solomon refer- ence is made to the same Nathan, to Ahijah the Shilonite, and in part also to Iddo the seer.^ Nevertheless it must ' 1 Chron. xxix. 29 ; 2 Chron. ix. 29 ; 1 Kings xi. 41. As the Phoenicians possessed an alphabet and spoke a Hebrew dialect, while the Egyptians aflForded Solomon's trade by the red sea. Ill be confessed that we know very indistinctly tlie clirono- logy of Solomon's life, and we are driven to wiite con- cerning it rather as in a book of antiquities than in the consecutive manner of a history. There are few marked events to divide this reign into portions. It glides by like a dream of prosperity, so dazzling the mind that we take no note of time, until the calm breaks up with a storm, and the unhealthiness of the brilliant pageantry manifests itself. Young Solomon ascended to his enviable position with the usual aspirations of young princes, and something more. Undoubtedly he desired to reign in glory and magnificence, but he also wished his magnificence to be displayed signally in the honour of his father's God, and he had already a clear conception that though anns might win empire, policy and wisdom must preserve it. As a basis for all his other greatness, he endeavoured to order his finances well, and to open to himself by com- merce various new sources of gain. We shall therefore first give such account as we are able of his trafiic and his wealth. I. The delusiveness of the numbers transmitted to us has often been remarked upon, and it is utterly vain to endeavour to found upon them any estimate of the wealth of Solomon. It is enough that we know the land of Israel itself to have been highly productive in wheat, barley, honey, oil, and wine, in wool, hides, and certain kinds of timber ; for all of which the Phoenicians afforded markets close at hand, and gladly repaid the Israelites in every sort of manufactured and ornamental work, or, in part, by the precious and the useful metals. In hewing timber for elegant uses, the Israelites were indeed un- skilled, and want of roads was an impediment, except where the choiceness of the wood permitted its carriage by animal strength. In such cases the Tyrians them- selves aided in the hewing. But Solomon had two other projects, neither of which he could execute without Tyrian aid, — maritime trafiic by the way of the Red Sea, papvrus, the seers and prophets of Solomon's day were at no loss for the means of writing. Yet prose composition was quite in its infancy ; and tlic Chron- icles of the Kings are likely to have been concise and dry facts, like those of the Middle Age chroniclers. 112 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. and land traffic across tlie Syrian desart to Babylon and Media, of which the latter was not carried out till the middle of his reign. The ports of Edom on the Red Sea had long been barren possessions in his father's hand. To build in them a fleet of ships suited for the navigation of that difficult coast was certainly an arduous and spirited enterprise, which indeed, if we were to judge solely by the accounts of modern travellers, might seem simply impossible. Nevertheless, by his excellent understanding with Hiram, king of Tyre, the fleet ^ was not only built but duly manned with a mixed crew of Hebrews and Tyrians. On the details of its voyages whole treatises have been written. That it sailed to Sheba, the southernmost angle of Arabia, no one can doubt. The celebrated Opliir, the most distant point of the course, was possibly in the province of Oman in Arabia, where Seetzen has pointed out the name as still existing. Although it was outside of the straits of Bab el mandeb, the three tjears allowed for the voyage was long enough to enable the navigators to wait quietly for the month in which they could safely commit their frail vessels to the Indian Ocean. The return merchandise which the Hebrews regarded as characteristic of Ophir, — gold and silver, ivory, monkeys, and peacocks, — do not all agree equally well with Arabia ; and were not Ophir generally named by the Hebrews in connexion with places in that great peninsula, this might make us in- cline to the opinion that it was on the east coast of Africa. But we have no proof that the ivory was produced round Ophir : it may have come thither from India. The chief wealth however which this traffic conferred, depended on a power of selling again such as the Phoenicians possessed. Spices in great abundance, whether from India, Arabia, or Africa, were to be had in the marts of Sheba ; and in ^ It is called a fleet of Tarshish, but there is no doubt that this means a fleet of ships similar to those in which the Tyrians sailed to Tarshish, or Tartessus, in Spain. This has been often illustrated by supposing an Englishman to say, that " a fleet of Indiamen was built to sail to the coast of New York." The words in 1 Kings x. 22, " a navy of Tarshish ivith the navy of Hiram," are ob- scure, and 2 Chron. viii. 18 makes the matter worse, — "Hiram sent ships by the hand of his servants, and they went with the servants of Solomon to Ophir." But the chronicler is in hopeless confusion about Tarshish, Ophir, and the EedSea, 2 Chrou. xx. 36. Solomon's trade over the Syrian desart. 113 the whole basin of the Mediterranean the consumption of incense for religious worship was enormous. To the carriers of this commodity a good profit always accrued ; and although the Egyptians^ perhaps made their full share of it, as certainly did the land caravans of Syria, Solomon and Hiram also found their account in the trade. Ivory, almug" and other scented woods, precious stones, — besides gold, in which Sheba was very abundant in those times, — received a new value by being trans- ported into the Grecian seas. We have less distinct information as to the results of the trade across the Syrian desart. One thing is not to be omitted, — that it could not be established without fresh conquests, which are so named in our later record, as to imply that they were made in the middle of Solo- mon's reign, after he had finished the temple and his own palace. He then marched, perhaps in person, and conquered the district called Hamath-Zobah, a name not found elsewhere, but which we may gather to be the out- lying country to the north-east, bounded by the Euphi'ates, for which the kings of Hamath and Zobah contended. It would appear^ that Solomon now possessed himself of the city of Tiphsah (or Thapsacus) on the Euphrates, and fortified Tadmor (or Palmyra) in the desart. We also hear of store-cities which he built in Hamath, undoubtedly to hold his north-eastern merchandise, which must have been carried upon the backs of camels. As the heavy produce of Palestine cannot have been sent out by such a conveyance, we are left to conjecture that Solomon's caravans carried those Phoenician or Eg}7)tian light and elegant manufactures, which were unrivalled by the home- productions of the countries visited. To direct such operations, the knowledge and experience of the T3"rians was essential ; and as we hear little further of it, we can- not be sure that they here zealously assisted, or whether the results were alike satisfactory to Solomon's revenue ^ "We do not know how far the Egyptian prejudice against sea- voyages may have crippled them. - The almug wood earae from Ophir; 1 Kings x. 11. The Chronicler speaks of algum trees in Lebanon, '2 Chron. ii. 8 : but this is probably an error. The wood intended is supposed to be the red sandal-wood. 3 1 Kings iv. 24 ; ix. 18, 19; 2 Chron. viii. 1—6. 8 114 THE HEBEEW MONARCHY. as to his pride. It may even have been a losing trade, and have contributed to his later humiliation. In estimating its returns, it must be remembered that the vast expense of garrisoning and provisioning these distant cities in the midst of hostile nations ought all to be deducted from the profits. Besides Thapsacus and Palmyra, Baalbek (or Heliopolis) was very probably among the cities which he held, and may be included among the " store-cities of Hamath,'^ ^ even if it be not denoted by the name Baalath/ about which there is con- troversy. The late date which the Chronicler appears to assign to Solomon's conquest of Hamath-Zobah, and consequent estabhshment of the north-eastern trade, decidedly fa- vours the suspicion that in this whole scheme his ambi- tion overreached his judgment. For it is clear in the history, that in his later years this king oppressed his subjects gTievously by taxation ; which strongly implies that his mercantile profits were no longer what they had been. A matter of no small importance is stated to us very drily — the dissatisfaction of Hiram king of Tyre with the recompense which Solomon made to him after receiving twenty-four years' aid. The recompense consisted of twenty towns in the land of Galilee ; which so little pleased Hiram, that he named the district Cabul (or dis- gust), and refused to occupy it. We may conjecture that the towns were too far inland, and with too insecure a frontier, for him to protect and hold. Strange to add, Solomon re-occupies and fortifies them/ and is so far from giving any compensation to Hiram, that he receives from him 120 talents of gold. There is evidently some- thing suppressed here. It is difficult to avoid suspect- ing that a breach took place between the two powers at this time, and that Hiram prudently yielded, though with much disgust, to Solomon's superior might by land ; and that when the Hebrew king proceeded to conquer Hamath-Zobah, and endeavoured to monopolize the north-eastern trade, he had no aid from Tyre, and in the result met with damaging losses. But all such topics are 1 2 Chron. viii. 4. ^ I Kings ix. 18. 3 1 Kings ix. 10 — 14 ; 2 Chron. viii. 2. TRADE WITH EGYPT. 115 glibly passed over in the nairative, althougli the hiatus cannot be concealed. With Egypt also the king opened a commerce pre- viously unknown. Particular mention is made of the linen yarn thence imported (perhaps chiefly for re-export- ation), and of the horses and chariots. In passing, we learn an interesting fact, — that princes of the Hittites still existed in social independence in the midst of the Israelites, who bought the Egyptian horses and chariots, as also did many of the princes of Syria. The Egyptian breed, it may even be judged by paintings, was par- ticularly fine, being, in appearance, only a more powerful Arab. Africa however was probably the native land of this horse. The same paintings show us the compact, light, yet solid fabric of the Egyptian chariot; the build- ing of which, when springs were not yet thought of, was a peculiarly difficult art. Solomon had the means of pay- ing for his Egyptian merchandise by the native wine and oil of Palestine. The old Greeks in general believed that the Egyptians had none but barley-wine, and toddy made from the palm-tree. Herodotus positively says that they had no vines in their country : and this may have been true of Lower Egypt. The error is accounted for by the very active importation of Greek and Phoenician wine into that country, which proves that the native Egyptian wine was either very inferior or very deficient in quantity : probably both. The hills of Palestine are suited to rear vines of a superior quality, though little wine is now made of them, in deference to the scruples of the Turks. As for 0(7, a later prophet ^ alludes to the carriage of it into Egypt. The olive to this day grows and flourishes almost without care in any corner of rock ^ round Jerusa- lem, where it might seem to have no soil ; and yields oil abundantly. Considering the enormous use of it under an African sun for the purposes of soap, butter, and tal- low, the olive-grounds of Judah, with Egypt for the market, must have been a more valuable possession than mines of gold. Honey was probably another article for ^ Hosoa xii. 1. - The beautiful poetry of Deut. xxxii. 13 is at the same time sober prose: " Jehovah has made Jacob to suck honey out of the rock, and oil out of the hard flint." 8 * 116 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. export of first importance, since sugar was unknown ; but corn was not wanted in Egypt. On the wliole, it must be remembered that the foreign trade of Solomon was carried on by himself as an indi- vidual merchant, — in fact, as the only merchant of the community. Private Hebrews could not build themselves ships at Elath or Eziongeber ; and probably they either were not allowed to send their own camels and goods with the king's caravans, or had to purchase the permission by a heavy payment. The celebrated commerce of Ophir is likely to have been far less profitable than that with the nearer countries, Egypt and Tyre ; but the distant trafiic struck men's imaginations more. The royal de- mesnes in Israel possessed by David were considerable, and the accumulated treasure bequeathed by him very large ; and since foreign tribute, paid in kind, — added to the ordinary tribute of Israel, — was probably enough to defray the general expenses of government, the king found a large balance in his own hands which he could apply as mercantile capital. Indeed, the nature of the result shows that this was certainly the case. By the potent aid of monopoly he became, at least in the first half of his reign, a most successful merchant, and soon attracted the wonder and envy of foreigners. The most renowned stranger who visited the court of Solomon was the queen of Sheba. Her proper territory was in the extreme south of Arabia, having a coast on the Indian Ocean as well as on the Red Sea ; yet in the time of Strabo, this government or people was regarded as reaching along nearly the whole Arabian coast of the Eed Sea, till it met the Nabathseans. It is evident that the people of Sheba inherited a very ancient civihzation, with many advantages and some peculiar enormities. Among the last must be reckoned the revolting institu- tion oi ]jolyandrij,^ or (in practice) the marriage of several brothers at once to a single wife, which is known still to prevail in certain districts of India and Thibet. This may seem to ally the people of Sheba to an Indian stock. Their language however, though widely difi'erent from the Arabic of literature, is supposed to class them with Arabs 1 Strabo, xvi. ch. 4. He imputes the practice, apparently, to the Naba- thajans also. VISIT OF THE QUEEN OF SHEBA. 117 and Hebrews. Since at a later period the Jewish faith became very powerful in Sheba, insomuch that some of its kings are called Jewish, it is interesting to find at this early date the impression made by Solomon and his monotheistic religion on his royal visitant. Her valuable presents show the close intimacy which was arising be- tween the two states by reason of the commerce ; and had it been continued, it may seem credible that a greater extension of the Jewish faith would have taken place than was ever aftei-wards possible. For as yet, only the moral doctrine of Jehovah was declared ; narrow Levitism had not grown into a dominant power ; vexatious ceremonies had no prominence ; there was no repugnance felt to- wards foreigners ; intermarriage with them was easy. Cir- cumcision indeed was insisted on ; but this, however offensive to Europe, was a natural and comely practice in the judgment of Egypt, Arabia, Afi^ica, and perhaps of the distant Indian islands. The simple-minded queen .found nothing in Solomon^s court to repel or annoy her, and she returned (as at least our annalist believed) bless- ing Jehovah on Solomon^s account, and congratulating the people who had such a king. In consequence of his traffic with Egypt, Solomon was naturally induced, — partly for pomp, partly for service, — to set up a new species of military force, that of horses and chariots. He is stated to have had 1400 chariots and 12,000 horsemen. But this gave decided offence to the more religious poi^tion of his people. It was remembered how gloriously his father, without horses, had vanquished the pride of Hadadezer's chivalry ; and how all the honour had been ascribed to Jehovah, with whom a horse is but a vain thing, and who loves by weak instruments to con- found the mighty. The feelings of the pious boded no good to Israel from the innovation; and when, in the next reign, Egypt proved a victorious enemy and the cavalry a useless arm of defence, it probably became a fixed traditional principle with the prophetical body, that this proud force was outlandish, heathenish, and unbe- lieving. II. From the souzres of Solomon^ s wealth we proceed to his principal use of wealth, — in building. The edifices which deserve to be here noticed are the following : the 118 THE HEBEEW MONARCHY. Temple, his own Palace, his Queen's Palace, his Piazza (for walking and recreation ?), his Porch of Judgment, or law-court, and his house of the forest of Lebanon.^ The last, it has been conjectured, was so called from the great quantity of cedar used in its construction. Besides these peaceful buildings, Solomon fortified the Millo, or citadel of Jei-usalem, and added largely to the walls. Various other towns ^ are likewise named, which he had occasion to fortify. With regard to the splendour of the Temple, a certain moderate caution of belief, — not to say scepticism, — appears to be called for by the circumstances of its history. In the very next reign it was despoiled of all the wealth which could be carried away, by its Egyptian conqueror : this opened to the national regret a wide door for sup- posing that still more had been lost than really was. That much credulity was here at work appears from collateral facts. The temple was stripped of its principal treasures six times over, — by Shishak king of Egypt, by king Asa, by Jehoash king of Judah, by another Jehoash of Israel, by Ahaz, and by Hezekiah. After the death of Josiah, the king of Egypt could only get one talent of gold out of all Judah. Yet when Nebuchadnezzar soon after captures Jerusalem, it is imagined that he carried off ''all the vessels of gold which Solomon had made in the temple of Jehovah;"^ and although it is added that Nebuchadnezzar " cut them all in pieces," Ezra believed that Cyrus restored these identical articles, 5400 in number.* Since at the later period the golden vessels of Solomon cer- tainly existed only in the imagination of the narrator, we cannot feel any great confidence as to the details asserted concerning such points of magnificence 400 years earlier. We have seen that David, after his first war with Hadadezer, dedicated gold and silver vessels and large quantities of brass to the service of Jehovah, all of which were undoubtedly used for the temple of Solomon. Out of this fact has arisen a long account in detail, how David 1 In Isaiah (xxii. 8) we find " the house of the forest " alluded to as an ar- senal for arms within the city of David. 2 Hazor, Megiddo, Gezer of the Philistines, one or both Beth-horons, Baal- ath, and Tadmor in the wilderness. 3 2 Ivings xiiv. 13 : contrast 1 Kings xiv. 26. * Ezra i. 11. GOLD VESSELS OF THE TEMPLE. 119 left to Solomon a pattern of every part of the house, and an account by weight of every vessel that was to be made, with a splendid estimate of the total weight of metal (which however is not consistent with itself)/ and of the additional contributions made by the princes of Israel. David is even alleged in one fragmentary passage to have prepared the hewn stones, the cedar wood, and other matters, by help of the Tyrians and other foreign artifi- cers ; but this is clearly an anticipation of the proceedings of Solomon.^ It will be remembered that by the displacement of Abiathar, Zadok his successor naturally gave up all con- nexion with the tabernacle and high altar at Gibeon ; and it now became a question, whether to retain the separate establishment at Gibeon or not. And this was easily de- cided. It was impolitic and a needless expense (unless two rival priests were to be purposely upheld) at so short a distance to maintain a second altar. The analogy of monarchy dictated centralization, and it was determined to remove the old tabernacle and the sacred Gibeonites^ with it. An honourable pretext for this was found in the erection of a temple at Jerusalem, which was to super- sede both tabernacles ; and thus was laid the foundation of a more vigorous sacerdotal order, which should in time become independent of the now dominating im- perial power. For constructing this sacred edifice, Solomon still needed the help of the Tyrians, both to hew timber from Lebanon, to square the blocks of stone, and (what was still more essential) for all the curious works in brass. The work was begun early in Solomon's fourth year, and took seven years to complete. That no very satisfactory description of the building, as a whole, can be attained, may perhaps be inferred from the great discordances be- 1 All this is from the Chronicler, not from the boot of Kings. In 1 Chron. xxii. 14, David bequeaths to Solomon for the temple 100,000 talents of gold, and 1,000,000 talents of silver. In ch. xxix. 4, it is only 3000 talents of gold and 7000 of silver, to which the princes add 5000 talents and 10,000 darics of gold, 10,000 talents of silver, 18,000 of brass, and 100,000 of iron. Darics were a Persian, and quite a later coin. Even the 8000 talents of gold is an in- credibly large sum. ' 2 Chron. ii. 3, makes Hiram to have built a cedar-palace for David also. 3 The word Giheomtes at length gave place to that of Xethinim, which is in- terpreted 'upo^ouXot, sacred slaves. 120 THE HEBEEW MONARCHY. tween learned commentators. Nevertheless, a part of their diversities is ascribable to the undue weight which some have given to the arbitrary assertions of the Jewish historian Josephus ; and another part, to the endeavour to harmonize the fictitious additions of the " Chronicler^' with the simpler account given in the book of " Kings." It is perhaps impossible to attain any more exact ideas than the following outline will give. The general ground plan of the three principal compartments was oblong, and ran 70 cubits in the clear from east to west, but only 20 cubits in breadth, from north to south. From the eastern end was cut off a porch, or ante-chapel, which occupied only 10 cubits of the entire length. Of the rest, the first 40 cubits made the principal sanctuary, and the remaining 20 was the secret ^' oracle "" or most holy place ; which was thus an apartment 20 cubits square. The height of the whole is called 30 cubits ; yet the oracle is elsewhere distinctly said to be but 20 cubits high;^ so that it ap- pears to have been lower than the central hall. Many of the pillars were made of the precious almug wood. Within the ante-chapel also stood two highly ornamented pillars of brass, called Jachin and Boaz, the work of a man of Naphthali, whose father was a Tyrian. This clever arti- ficer bore the same name as the king of Tyre, — Hiram, who sent him to the service of Solomon. He wrought likewise a large tank of brass, ten cubits in diameter, supported by twelve oxen ; and ten large baths of brass richly ornamented, and very many other curious works. Among the ornaments are specified lions, oxen, and cheru- bim. What the last were is now pretty well ascertained, by comparing the descriptions in Ezekiel with Persian or Assyrian sculptures and Egyptian paintings, where we find figures which may be denoted as winged oxen with human faces, and as angels with eagles' heads. Within the '' oracle " or crypt were also two cherubim of olive wood, each ten cubits high, and having ten cubits for the span of the wings ; and the walls and doors of the house were carved everywhere with cherubim, palm-trees, and open flowers. It is incredible that when such animals and such symbols were freely made in brass, as suitable decor- ations to the interior of the temple, there can have been 1 Kings vi. 2, 20. BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE. 121 any such aversion to images of liewn stone and sculptured ornaments of the altar, as the modern Pentateuch incul- cates. Against each side of the house there rested a lower structure, affording chambers for the priests. The windows also were lofty and narrow ; and if Josephus had any valid tradition for his belief of the very disproportion- ate height of the porch, the whole building had a strong general resemblance in form to a very small European cathedral, having a lofty tower at its east end, and a chancel, lower than the central building, at the west. Moreover, the preparation of the foundation of the temple on the top of Mount Moriah, on the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite, was in itself an elaborate work, as the suhstructions of the Roman temple to Jupiter Capito- linus. But on this we have no details from our more trustworthy authority. The size of the building thus described is extremely moderate, even if we assign to the cubit its greatest length, of one foot nine finches English. But when we are told that the wonder of the building consisted in the prodigious quantity of gold which was lavished on it ; that it was an edifice such as a traveller might expect in El Dorado ; that the whole house, in short, was overlaid with gold ; — we may believe the last assertion in the letter, but must deny it in the spirit. Such is the ductility of gold, that even in the earliest developments of art, gilding was a comparatively unexpensive process ; nor is there any reason to question, that not only the olive-wood cherubim, but the general carved work within the temple was su- perbly (jUt. This is quite in the spirit of antiquity,^ and did not exceed the means of a wealthy, though third-rate, power. But if the gold on the wood-work had been thick enough to yield anything worth carrying off by cutting or scraping, we can scarcely think that even king Shishak in. the next reign would have left any of it standing ; or at least when later plunderers broke in, much would be heard of the valuable gold wainscoting and tables which they carried off. In short, the real magnificence of the Temple consisted in its hewn stones, its noble cedar- 1 The learned reader may be reminded of the palace of Deioces in Echatana, ■which had seven circular walls of diti'crent colours, the two innermost having their battlements covered respectively with silvering and with gilding. 122 THE HEBEEW MONAECHY. beams, its curious carvings, and its skilful works in brass ; not in the profusion of gold and silver, however speciously it may have been gik : and even so, considering its very small dimensions, its grandeur must be understood by comparison with all that had preceded it. Side by side with an Egyptian temple, or even with the cathedrals of Christendom and mosques of Islam, it shrinks into in- significance. In every way there was much room left for improvement by his successors. Hezekiah, for instance, overlaid the doors and pillars with gold ; a fact which we should not have learned, had he not accidentally been forced to cut it off again, as a propitiation to the king of Assyria. The hewing of the cedar from mount Lebanon discloses to us an important fact, that in the heart of Israel there existed a nation of bondsmen or vassals, liable to perform public works for king Solomon, just as of old the Israelites for Pharaoh. The words of the older compiler are ex- tremely distinct. "■ All the people which were left of the Amorites, Hittites, PerizziteSjHivites, and Jebusites, which were not of the children of Israel; their children that were left after them in the land ; — upon those did Solomon levy a tribute of bondservice unto this day. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondmen ; but they were men of war, and his servants, and his princes, and his captains, and rulers of his chariots and his horse- men." The number of these strangers liable to bond- service is estimated at 153,600 (in a book^ indeed prone to exaggeration), and 30,000 is given as the number actually kept at work at once. Our earlier and better authority^ may seem on the whole to confirm this, in reckoning the Hebrew overseers of the labourers as 550. While the same word is used concerning the taskwork of these slaves as concerning the Israelitish. service in Egypt,^ and they were manifestly at the mercy of their conquerors, it is still uncertain what was the actual pres- sure of suffering upon them. But unless we could imagine 1 2 Chron. ii. 17. 2 1 Kings ix. 23. 3 The word is Mas ; 1 Kings ix. 21, and Exod. i. 11. It is explained in "Winer's Simonis, " tribute paid by the body, that is, servitude, Frohndieiist ;" or soccage paid by a serf to his landlord. It occurs also iu 2 Sam. xx. 24, in euumoratinjr David's revenues and administration. BONDMEN IN ISRAEL. 123 Jewisli rule to be far milder than that of Christendom, a conquered class, — strange in religion, — subjected to public task-work, — without political rights, — below the sympathies of the dominant race, — without moral relations to definite families and patrons, — forced to work under public overseers, who must of necessity have been armed with the whip, — such a class can have had little in their lot to prefer to the exceeding bitter bondage of Israel in Egypt. As we read of certain Hittite princes (apparently in Israel), it is possible that some chieftains of these races made favourable terms with David and Solomon, and re- tained their domains and rank. The conquest and sub- jugation of the rest seems to account for the ample terri- torial domains of David and his son ; for the land of the conquered was doubtless confiscated to the crown. No Moses arose to rescue them ; and no modern writer can express sympathy for them^ without exciting indignation. So capricious and sectarian are religious partialities ; so glow are Christians to enlarge their hearts in pity to Pagans, or deplore the permanent degradation of a whole caste of men. Yet the well-known phrase "unto this day" indicates that the bondage (under whatever modifications) lasted down to the time when the book of Kings was compiled. It would be needless to employ moral criticism on Solomon's much-celebrated undertaking, were not the whole affair habitually represented in a false h'ght. The kings of Egypt and the republics of Greece, equally with the great sovereigns, barons, or archbishops of Europe, were urged by a comfortable combination of pride, piety, and architectural taste, to erect magnificent sacred edi- fices. Where so many motives conspire, it is absurd to dwell on the religious zeal of the projectors : the temples indeed of Selinus or Ephesus would probably have eclipsed that of Jerusalem. Instinct generally guides the founders to a work, the end of which they most imperfectly know ; and so, we believe, it was with this of Solomon. ■ In ray first edition I gave great offence by the following words : " Their persons, being reduced to slavery, formed the hapless multitude, whose unno- ticed groans supplied the raw material of Solomon's glory." Perhaps I should have said serfdom, not slavery. I withdraw the words from the text, ehietly because I find I am supposed to intend a personal and peculiar blame against Solomon more than other ancient kiniis. 124 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. His father David liad bequeathed to liiin a great insti- tution, of signal value, in the singers and musicians annexed to the worship of the tabernacle. In rank and in remuneration inferior to the priests, in spiritual position they were as much higher as the preaching curate than the ordaining bishop. No preaching indeed or teaching or reading of the Law existed as yet ; but the very fact made the singing of psalms and hymns so much the more important. They were the only spiritual, intellectual, and elevating part of the service. To the priest, on the con- trary, belonged mere punctilious ceremony and gorgeous parade, defining and atouing-for external pollutions, con- sulting of Jehovah by Urim, burning of incense, and vain slaughter of beasts, alike foreign to the genius of the prophets, as to the real demands of the only trae God. The first composers of hymns were undoubtedly regarded as prophets ; and when it became the duty of a particular corporation or hereditary class to collect, keep, and sing them, a traditionary taste was cultivated ; commoner pro- ductions dropped into neglect, and the most purifying or elevating odes claimed their rightful superiority. Hence the attendance at divine service in Jerusalem, which from David's day onward beyond a doubt was celebrated at least every Sabbath, became a spiritual service, dear to the heart of every true worshipper of Jehovah. With this the priest himself was imbued, and his dreariest routine gained some relief by an allegorical spiritualism infused into it. With the progress of time, none are so likely to have become composers of new hymns as the Levites, whose chief business was in singing and keeping copies of them. At last the principal literary culture lay with them, and they were prepared to become religious instructors of the nation. By their care the Proverbs written by Solomon were also likely to be preserved and copied, and the archives of the temple to be kept. But Solomon's splendour brought in, over and above, a material attraction to those who had no affinity for things spiritual. Every Hebrew desired at some time in his life to go up to the famous temple, if only for mere curiosity ; and the same principle which in modern days has enforced pilgrimages to Jerusalem and Mecca, must have begun to work on Israel very early. The shortness THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 125 of the distance made many visits in one life an easy nnder- taking" ; and there wore Three great Feasts from this time celebrated with peculiar solemnity, when king Solomon officiated in person ^ at the high altar, by burning incense and offering victims to Jehovah. These feasts are nearly identical with those celebrated among all ancient nations, at the First Fruits, after the general Harvest, and after the Vintage or Ingathering ; but, at least in course of time, they were blended with associations drawn from the early history of the Hebrew race. At such celebrations in particular it was natural for crowds of country people to flock into Jerusalem ; and, certainly at a later period, the priests diligently inculcated the duty of this, in order to bring the whole land within the influence of the central sanctuary. There is no question that the magnificence of the Temple and the institutions connected with it, im- parted to the priesthood an ever-growing authority, the deeper because it was unseen and gradual in its encroach- ments. Little by little it worked itself into the political constitution, and ultimately became a check upon the power of the king, whose authority indeed it outlasted by centuries. Without this, Judah would have been as Israel ; great prophets might have arisen, but their words would probably have perished with them ; or perhaps, if preserved, would be judged by us the racy but harsh fruit of uneducated zeal, neither refined by traditionary culture nor sweetened by the influences of tranquil domestic life. In the sacerdotal and Levitical system of Jerusalem we see the nidus, in which the germs of prophetical genius were fostered, expanded, and preserved: — yet the time at last came when ceremonialism froze into lifelessness, and presented that foi-mal, narrow, and repulsive front which we name Pharisaism. Not that the idea was admitted either by the nation or by any king of Judah earlier than Hezekiah, that " in Je- rusalem alone men ought to worship." The most pious kings, before Hezekiah, in common with the mass of Israel, continued to uphold the worship of Jehovah (but of Jehovah alone) on the High Places, without any suspi- cion that they could be offending ; nor did Jehoiada, the ' 1 Kings ix. 25. As the following kings disused the practice, it came at last to be looked upon as impious : hence the Chronicler's story against Uzziuh. 126 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. regent-priest, forbid it. In fact, it was no priest nor pro- phet, but Solomon himself, who consecrated the temple at Jerusalem, and removed the tabernacle from Gibeon; and although a new doctrine grew up in the sacerdotal circles, an Asa or a Jehoshaphat felt within himself full authority (had occasion required) to build and dedicate new temples in new places. The Ark itself was opened, and in it was found neither the rod of Aaron which budded nor the golden pot of manna, but only two tables of stone. This we know on the authority indeed of a compiler^ who wrote four centuries later ; but as he had access to contempo- rary documents, and can have had no bias in such a state- ment, there is no ground for doubting its truth. It is difficult to avoid speculating concerning the two tables of stone, whether they were ever turned, or meant to be turned, to practical use ; whether successive high- priests ever dared to examine them, and to compare the inscription with the professed copy in their books. In the absence of the tables, we are driven to the books alone, and there encounter two very different versions of the in- scription. The Decalogue (as it is called), which is con- tained in the 20th chapter of Exodus, is too well known to cite ; and the copy of it in Deuteronomy deviates from it only in regard to the Fourth Commandment. But in the 34th chapter of Exodus a very remarkable diversity meets us, which is uniformly overlooked by divines. Moses had broken the first pair of tables in indignation at the idolatry of the people ; and ascends Mount Sinai a second time with a second pair of blank tables, on which Jehovah inscribes Ten'^ Commandments, nearly as follows. (The first, third, and sixth Commandments are here short- ened.) The Words of the Covenant — the Ten Commandments. [First Table?] I. Thou shalt worship no other God than Jehovah ; for Jehovah whose name is Jealous, is a jealous God. II. Thou shalt make thee no molten gods. 1 1 Kings viii. 9. Contrast Heb. ix. 4, Num. xvii. 10, Exod. xvi. 34. - Exod. xxxiv. 10: "Behold, I make & covenant ; 11. Observe what 7 cow- mnnd thee ; " 27. Write thou these words, for after the tenor of these words have I made a covenant with thee and with Israel. 28. He wrote upon the tables t]ie words of the covenant, the Ten Command incnts. THE DECALOGUE. 127 III. The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou Iceep, and dedicate all first- ling's unto me : but the first-born of thy sous thou sliult redeem. None shall appear before me empty. IV. Six days shalt thou work, but on the seventh day thou shalt rest : in ploughing time and in harvest thou shalt rest. [Second Tabli; }] V. Thou shalt observe the feast of Weeks, Firstfruits of Wlieat-harvest, and the feast of Ingathering at the year's end. VI. Tlirice in the year shall all your males appear before the Lord Je- hovah, the God of Israel. VII. Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leaven. VIII. The sacrifice of the feast of the I'assover shall not be left to the morning. IX. The first of the firstfruits of the land shalt thou bring into the house of Jehovah thy God. X. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in his mother's milk. If we abide by our present book of Exodus, these are clearly the commandments which were written on the tables of stone ; for those which are found in the 20th chapter were spoken indeed by the voice of Jehovah, but are not said to have been written on the tables. It is only Deuteronomy which contradicts Exodus/ but Exodus is herein consistent with itself. This circumstance might lead some to imagine that we have here the genuine Mosaic decalogue, and that the other is a modernized improvement. While we regard this as a plausible opinion, nothing ought confidently to be held until the matter has been more fully discussed; for a little con- sideration will suggest other possible theories, as well as objections to this view.^ In fact there are so many other phaenomena to be reviewed, that a summary con- clusion is impossible. Of these one only can here be noticed, — the apparent occurrence of a mutilated t}ii:d copy of the Decalogue in Exod. xxiii. 10 — 19 ; where however it is not marked out as such, but concludes a small book of law. The Second Table is there only ver- bally different from what has been already quoted ; but the First Table seems to have only three Commandments : I. Six years shalt thou sow thy land, and gather in the fruits thereof, but the seventh year thou shalt let it rest and lie still. 1 Deut. V. 22, X. 4, sanctions the popular opinion, which is opposed to Exod. xxxiv. ' The absence of a precept of circumcision, in the midst of these ceremonial precepts, suggests that (as with the Arabs) this practice was originally only a national custom, common to them with the neiglibouring nations, though it gradually became a precept of religion. 128 THE HEBREW MONAECHY. In like manner shalt thou deal with thy vineyard and thy olive-yard. II. Six davs thou shalt do thy work, and on the seventh day thou shalt rest. III. To all things that I have said unto you be ye attentive, and make no mention of the name of other gods, neither let it be heard out of thy mouth. If tliis first table were perfect/ it miglit liave a claim to still greater antiquity, on the ground of its being less spiritual than tlie other. Yet it is by no means always true tliat tlie earliest views are the least spiritual, or the latest the least ceremonial; and if we could ascertain ever so accurately which was the most primitive Deca- logue, we might be no nearer to ascertaining which was inscribed on Solomon's tables. The Ark having been solemnly brought into the temple by the priests, Solomon made a public speech to the con- gregation and a very long prayer in front of the altar ; after which he performed sacrifices^ on the greatest scale of magnificence, and joined with all the people to dedicate the house of Jehovah. A great festival was held for a full fortnight, at which (as it is hyperbolically stated) all Israel, " from the defile of Hamath unto the brook of Egypt," were assembled. Nor is it likely that at any other time during the whole monarchy there was ever a greater concourse of visitors in Jerusalem. His own palace and that of his queen, though less cele- brated than the temple, were more extensive structures, and occupied more years in finishing.^ In fact, with the growth of his seraglio Solomon must have needed in- creased domestic accommodation, so that it was difiicult to find an end of building : thirteen years however is 1 The imperfection is caused by merging in one what are the 3rd and 6th of the other system. The 6th orders the observance of three feasts, and the 3rd gives special details concerning the first of the feasts, at which aU firstlings of beasts are to be dedicated, and firstlings of men to be redeemed. This law of firstlings is omitted in the imperfect table. * 1 Kings be. 63 : it says, 22,000 oxen and 120,000 sheep. This was pro- bably a theoretical estimate of what must have been eaten by all the assembled males of Israel, who, according to the legal presumption, were regarded by the author of this estimate as present. Even so, the number of cattle here given is extravagant, unless we suppose it to take in the fortnight's festivity. The Chronicler says that they dispersed on the 23rd day of the seventh month. This is intended to identify it with the Feast of Tabernacles. 3 It scarcely belongs to history to register the details of a king's luxury and pomp. His ivoiy throne, overlaid with gold, having six steps and fourteen lions upon it ; his 200 targets and 300 shields of beaten gold ; his hai-ps and psalteries made of almug wood ; have been carefully recorded. DOWRY OP AN EGYPTIAN PRINCESS. 129 given as the estimate. The queen, for whom a peculiarly splendid abode was erected, was a daughter of the king of Egypt; and with her Solomon receiveda very singular dowry. The Egyptians, we may infer from their paintings, from the earliest times had had great experience in sieges, in which it is certain that the Israelites were very unskilful, from the low state of the mechanical arts among them. Ge- zer,inhabitedby Canaanites,had continued to defy theforc^s of David and Solomon : but Pharaoh marched ag-ainst it through the territory of his son-in-law, and having cap- tured it, presented it to his daughter, Solomon's wife. This transaction strikingly indicates the good understand- ing which at that time subsisted between the two powers. III. We are now naturally led on to another phsenome- non, which, from the magnitude of its scale and its peculiar results, draws attention in this reign, — the harem of the prince. It would be a matter of interest to learn in what order of time his numerous wives and concubines were taken. The remark that "when he was old his wives turned away his heart," might suggest that only in his later years, when he had exhausted the enjoyments of pomp and pride, voluptuous weakness stole over him. The seven hundred wives and three hundred concubines ascribed to him, amounting together to an exact thou- sand, indicate something unhistorical ; yet the cumbrous- ness of his matrimonial establishment remains unques- tionable. One marriage-song survives to us, which, from its peculiar applicability to Solomon's nuptials with some eminent princess, we can better believe to have been written for him than for any other Hebrew monarch. It appears to have been sung during the marriage proces- sion which conducted the royal pair to their palace. In one or two passages there is an abruptness, which either indicates corruption of the text, or savours of antique rudeness which had not yet been rubbed off. PSALM XLV. 1. My heart boils up -with goodly matter. I ponder ; and my verse concerns the King. Let my tongue be a ready writer's pen ! 2. Fairer art thou than all the sons of men. Over thy lips dclightsonicness is pour'd : Therefore hath God for ever blessed thee. 130 THE HEBREW MONAECHT. 3. Gird at thy hip thy hero-sword, Thy glory and thy majesty : And forth victorious ride majestic, For truth and meekness, righteously ; And let thy right hand teach thee wondrous deeds. Beneath thy feet the peoples fall ; For in the heart of the king's enemies Sharp are thy arrows. 4. Thy throne divine ever and always stands : A righteous sceptre is thy royal sceptre. Thou lovest right and hatest evil ; Therefore hath God, thy God, anointed thee With oil of joy above thy Hellovi-kinffs. Myrrh, aloes, cassia, all thy raiment is. From ivory palaces the viols gladden thee. Kings' daughters count among thy favourites ; And at thy right hand stands the Queen In gold of Ophir. 5. daughter, hark ! behold ! and bend thy ear : Forget thy people and thy father's house. Win thou the King thy beauty to desire ; He is thy lord : do homage unto him. So Tyrus' daughter i and the sons of wealth With gifts shall court thee. 6. Eight glorious is the royal damsel : Wrought of gold is her apparel. In broider'd tissues to the King she is led : Her maiden-friends, behind, are brought to thee. They come with joy and gladness, They enter the royal palace. 7. Thy fathers by thy sons shall be replaced ; As princes o'er the land slialt thou exalt them. So will I publish to all times thy name ; So shall the nations praise thee, now and alway.^ It will be observed, that the practice of & favourite wife receiving rich presents to engage her influence with the king, is here alluded to, without any disapproval, as a natural privilege of her station. Under despotism and polygamy it could not be otherwise; and in spite of Solomon^s wisdom and diligence in his porch of judg- ment, no small item of public discontent is likely to have arisen from this cause. In regard to the number of his wives, our knowledge of the modern^ court of Persia has ' In the Ileb. idiom. Daughter of Tyre means only the Nation. In the pas- sage before us it appears to be a more type of a wealthy people. - There is a difficulty in supposing, as Ewald suggests, that the king here celebrated was a successor of Jeroboam. None of them had a sufficient pretence of religion, to make it decorous for a Jehovistic prophet to wi-ite this ode : nor is it easy to think it could then have been incorporated with the sacred Psalms. 3 Indeed Cambyses in Herodotus, desiring a hostage, demands the daughter of the kiug of Egypt as a wife, and makes war when deceived. Solomon's idolatry. 131 furnislied an ingenious suggestion^ that Solomon took tliem as virtual hostages for the good behaviour of their fathers ; — chieftains of the Moabites, Ammonites, E Jom- ites, Sidouians, and Hittites. This idea is not entirely to be rejected, as applicable to a fraction of the whole ; but it will not account for their great multitude, and much less for the concubines. Two far more powerful passions must have been at work, — an ever-increasing love of the pomp and pageantry which a royal wedding involved, and a depraved taste for perpetual novelty in the partners of his bed. Both of these are so degrading to the soul, that we cannot wonder to find Solomon's reign to become more inglorious, more pernicious, and more overclouded with danger, the longer he lived. IV. The particular manifestation of evil, which most struck the imagination and heart of the religious persons who recorded iiis reign, was the public idolatry which he sanctioned and supported in his wives. Whatever may be urged on the side of mere toleration, this active patronao-e was both a grave and a gratuitous mischief. He had been under no necessity to multiply idolatrous wives, and there- fore could not plead necessity for introducing their super- stitions. It must be remembered also that these pagan religions were not a simple conviction cherished in the heart and conscience, which ought to be sacred, but were a public and obtrusive display of much that was corrupt- ing, even where they did not involve practices of cruelty. It was therefore no narrow bigotry or gloomy fanaticism which filled the prophets and priests of Jehovah with dismay, when king Solomon built on a high hill before Jerusalem altars, images, and the whole apparatus of hea- then worship for Chemosh and Molech, the idol-divinities of Moab and of Ammon ; and celebrated the rites of the Sidonian goddess Astarte, and of the other gods of his wives. If a mere politic and worldly-minded despot chose to patronize such paganism, no one would feel surprise. It is only when we contemplate Solomon as the author of the early portions of the book of Proverbs, that we are indignant at his maintaining these indefensible abomina- tions. Of what avail was it that he warned young men against foreign harlotry, — a vice which was stealing into 132 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Jerusalem with tlie influx of strangers and of luxury, — when the royal preacher himself established the far more hateful and disgusting impurities connected with the rites of Astarte ?^ Or of what avail that he enjoined precepts of parental and filial duty, when he encouraged the bloody religion of Molech, in which children were immolated by their natural protectors ? We could almost disbelieve the plain statement of our historian, as mere prejudice and mistake, did not Solomon^s extravagant polygamy warn us that he had become a besotted voluptuary, in whose favour we must not do violence to the clear depositions of one who loves to extol him. V. The old prophet Nathan and Gad the seer must have died ere this. Whether any of their successors had the boldness to confront and oppose the king, or whether his self-will and habitual despotism made them all shrink from it as from a hopeless enterprise, has not been recorded. But the horror and disgust of the prophetical body vented itself in another way, most pernicious in the result to the monotheistic cause which they were aiming to advance. One man alone indeed was the agent or organ ; and as he undoubtedly believed himself to be only the minister of the Most High Jehovah, it would be an error to assume that there was any definite and conscious conspiracy among the monotheists. It is rather to be believed, that the sentiment which actuated them all burst out from the lips of one. All felt that the son of David was following the downward path of Saul, and was no longer the king whom Jehovah could approve and love. It was high time there- fore, that, as David superseded Saul, so for Solomon a worthier substitute should be found. At this period the prophet Ahijah, who was in some sense a successor of Nathan," commanded great popular reverence. Burning with indignation against the king, he set his eyes on a young man named Jeroboam, who had, under Solomon, the important charge of the tribe of Ephraim,^ and was eminent both for valour and for energy ^ 1 Kings XV. 12 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 7 ; and elsewhere. * The acts of Solomon are described (2 Chron. ix. 29) as written hy Nathan the prophet, Ahijah the Shilonite, and Iddo the seer. 3 The text says, the house of Joseph ; but this probably means Ephmim only. HOSTILITIES AGAINST SOLOMON. 133 in the discharge of duty. In him perhaps Ahijah saw a second David. Having met him in a solitary place, ho made an energetic address to him^ the scope of which was to declare that God should rend away the kingdom from Solomon and give it to him ; in token of which he tore off the garment from Jeroboam's back.^ This deed became noised abroad, and soon brought forth bitter fruit. The jealousy of Solomon was too surely stirred up, and Jero- boam's life was no longer safe. On this he escaped into Egypt, having been gratuitously turned from a loyal and valuable subject into an outlaw, a rebel, and a dangerous foe. What change of policy, or even of dynasty, had come over the court of Egypt, we do not know ; but the new king, who is called Shishak in the Hebrew annals, was no longer Solomon's friend. He received Jeroboam with open arms, and probably gained from him much valuable information ; whether this king was already plan- ning the invasion of Judah, which he soon after executed, or whether it was wholly of Jeroboam's suggestion. At the same court in the former reign, there had been living another dangerous and inveterate enemy of the He- brew monarch, by name Hadad, of the royal family of Edom. He was an infant at the time when Joab with his relentless bands had made promiscuous slaughter of all the males in Idumasa ; but having been saved into Midian and Paran, he was at length received at the Egyptian court ; and when he was grown to manhood, won great favour with the king, who gave to him in marriage his own queen's sister. As this Pharaoh was in close alliance with Solomon, whose father-in-law he had become, Hadad carefully concealed from him his intentions, while begging leave to return to his own country.^ On reaching it, he soon commenced a harassing petty warfare against the Israelites, which Solomon was unable to repress. This must have been a sore vexation to the traffic of the Red 1 Our reporter gives details which have the appearance of being added after the event,— that Jeroboam was to have only ten of the twelve tribes, and this, not until after the death of Solomon. 2 There is a chronological difficulty. It seems to be implied (I Kings xi. 21) that lladad returned to Edom as soon as David and Joab were dead ; yet as his hostilities are regarded as a punishment on the idolatry of Solomon's old age, they need to be deferred some twenty years after the death of Joab. And until this later period, Hadad can hardly have become dangerous. 134 THE HEBREW MONAECHY. Sea, since all tlie mercliandise tad to pass tlirougli IdumaBa on the backs of camels. Thus, while the court and govern- ment had become habitually expensive beyond all propor- tion to the magnitude of the territory, the sources of revenue began to be cut off. On the northern side also 9, troublesome enemy appear- ed. How long the garrisons of David were kept up in the fortresses of Damascus, we do not know ; nor whether they were voluntarily withdrawn, or were forcibly expelled. It cannot be imagined that without them the Hebrew do- minion over Thapsacus, Tadmor, and the cities of Hamath could be upheld, or the north-eastern traffic be secure : yet the difficulty of maintaining them must have been very great. At any rate in Solomon's later years, Rezon, who is described as a revolted servant of Hadadezer, made himself master of Damascus and its district, and founded a kingdom which was soon to become exceeding formid- able. His power entirely shut Solomon out from the trade across the desart, at least by its natural channel; and the activity of two such adversaries as Rezon and Hadad must have awakened the slumbering enmities of Ammon and Moab, which, as well as Edom, had fearful wrongs to avenge. Thus clouds were gathenng over the late splendid He- brew empire. The secret began to transpire among the enemies of the house of David, that the lofty statue of Hebrew ascendency before which they had crouched in homage, was nothing but a gaudy gigantic doll. The veterans of David had passed away, and as no new wars of importance or continuity had arisen to train up success- ors to them, the very instrument of dominion had been seriously impaired ; nor was military exertion in accord- ance with Solomon's tastes and habits. The embarrass- ments in which he was involved were in part bequeathed to him by his father ; for empire begun by prowess and established by massacre is certain to breed smothered en- mities, which at last blaze out in retaliation. But another still more formidable danger rose out of his own pomp and voluptuousness. These could not be supported sim- ultaneously with the large expenses of his over-grasping empire, from the ample revenues of his own domains, of his exclusive trade, and of his foreign tribute ; and it had DEATH OF SOLOMON. 135 become requisite to lay heavy taxes on his own people. They had discovered that his wealth was their poverty ; and, having no constitutional mode of remonstrance, waited with impatience for the commencement of a new reign, hoping then to exact some conditions from the prince, and not allow him to ascend the throne in as arbitrary and uuformal a manner as Solomon had done. To men in such a temper, the declaration of Ahijah the Shilonite in favour of Jeroboam fell as spark upon tinder. The house of Ephraim, over whom Jeroboam was placed, accept- ed AhijaVs address as a protest against the king person- ally, and as a sanction given to Jeroboam, to whom they were favourably disposed ; while Solomon's immediate persecution of him must assuredly have increased his po- pularity. — Once more; the lavish display of wealth in which the Hebrew monarch indulged, excited the cupidity of neighbouring powers. While his army was in its prime of strength, such conduct may have been not impolitic ; but when he had been seen unable to repress the attacks of petty potentates, like Rezon and Hadad, his temple and his treasures were but a mark to the spoiler, and presently lured the powerful king of Egypt against the land. It was well for Solomon that death overtook him be- fore this calamity and disgrace overwhelmed Jerusalem. His career had come to its natural termination, when the primitive impulse of prosperity had been spent. In spite of his much-vaunted wisdom, there had been no vitality or reproductive power infused into the national finances. All were sensible that the public weal was decaying ; and when he died very few regretted him.^ The sagacity attributed to him seems to have been threefold: wisdom in the administration of justice, — which consisted chiefly in cleverness to discover truth, when the evidence was insuificient, doubtful, or contradictory ; wis- dom in general government, — as to which the actual re- sults prove him to have been most lamentably deficient ; and wisdom of a more scholastic kind, such as was evi- denced in the writing of proverbs and books of natural history. Of his merit in the last, no means of judging exist ; but those chapters of the Proverbs which are re- garded as his genuine writing, are the production of no ^ B.C. 955. See Appendix. 136 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. common mind, and explain how, in tliat age, lie was re- garded as intellectually towering above other kings. There is a marked contrast between the tone of the authorities on which we are dependent for the hves of David and Solomon. The books of Samuel and Kings show a general impartiality in which the Chronicles are wholly wanting. AU the dark events which sully these two reigns are carefully hushed up by the last work. In it we read nothing of David^s civil war during his reign in Hebron over Judah ; nothing of his cruelty towards ' Moab and Edom ; nothing of his deeds of adultery and murder; nothing of Amnon's brutality, or the fierce re- venge and wicked rebellion of Absalom ; nothing of the immolation of Saul's sons, or of the revolt of Adonijah and his slaughter by Solomon ; nothing of the crimes and the punishments of Joab, of Abiathar, or of Shimei. On the other hand, we have a great deal in the Chronicles calculated to magnify the religious zeal, and especially the devotion to the Levitical system, displayed by David, of which the earlier history takes no notice. So too the Chronicler suppresses all mention of the disgust of Hiram, of the idolatries of Solomon, and the reverses of his later years ; of the insurrectionary movement of the prophet Ahijah, and the cause of Jeroboam's flight into Egypt. In short, it will record nothing but what tends to glorify this prince, the great establisher of the priestly dignity. Accordingly it imputes his building of his queen's palace to a scruple of conscience as to this child of idolaters dwelling in the house of the pious David : " because (said he) the places are holy, whereunto the ark of Jehovah hath come." A few differences of this kind might be honourably accounted for ; but a general review puts it beyond reasonable doubt that the Book of Chronicles is not an honest and trustworthy narrative, and must be used with great caution as an authority, where anything is involved which affects Levitical influence. 137 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. On the Chronology. There is no diffei-ence of opinion among clironologcrs, that tlie date of the capture of Samaria by Shalmaneser is B.C. 721; but when we reckon the times backward from this, various inconsistencies are discovered. It is not requisite here to reiterate what has been so often treated. What we have particuhirly to remark is, that after making- the corrections which are usually approved, two great gaps still remain in the Israelitish history, which have been called Inter regnwms ; the one of ten years, between the death of Jeroboam II, and the ac- cession of his son Zachariah : the other of nine years, between the death of Pekah and the accession of his murderer Hoshea. In the text we read simply, " Jero- boam slept with his fathers, and Zachariah his son reigned in his stead :^'^ and '^Hoshea slew Pekah and reigned in his stead, in the twentieth year of Jotham son of Uzziah.^^- It is manifest that the compiler had in neither case the remotest idea of an interregnum, and we there- fore ought not to interpolate so serious an event merely in deference to figures, which are easily corrupted, and often in these books undeniably faulty. Hitzig has rightly remarked, that the second interreg- num vanishes, if we properly interpret the reign of Jotham, who began to exercise royal power before his father died. Yet when we have no new facts for Pekah's reign, it is hard to approve of lengthening it by eight years, which indeed involves more alterations than are enough. It suffices instead to correct the age of Hezekiah^ by deduct- ing ten years ; by which indeed we make Ahaz twenty or twenty-one years older than his son, while Hitzig coinputes nineteen only. In the common chronology there is but ten or eleven years between them, which is obviously absurd. Accordingly in the following pages, we follow a reckoning w^hich reduces the dates of Uzziah, Pekah, and his near predecessors, by nine or ten years, which is the imaginary interregnum between Pekah and Hoshea. As for the other gap, we have to choose between length- i Kings xiv. 29. - Kings xv. 30. ^ Chap, xviii. 2. 138 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. ening by ten years tlie reign of some Israelitisli king, or shortening by a like sum tbat of a king of Judab. If the former plan be approved, we find one reason for lengthening that of Jeroboam ; namely, that one correc- tion then suflSces : for the number 27 in 2 Kings xv. 1, must on other grounds necessarily be altered, and is not here to be reckoned. Yet as Jeroboam has already a reign of forty-one years, we shrink from increasing it to fifty-one ; a length of time which, though possible, ought hardly to be obtruded by conjectural emendation. In- stead of this, to lengthen the reign of Menahem from above, though we have then three alterations to make in XV. 13, 17, — might still be better than the former change. If we follow the general belief, that the same Hosea who composed the last eleven chapters of the book which bears his name, wrote his first chapter in the reign of Jeroboam II., we can scarcely doubt that the received chronology is in this part much too long ; for as his last chapters date from the siege of Samaria, it assigns to him full sixty years of prophesying. Isaiah and Micah also were believed by the ancient compilers of their works to have written under four successive kings of Judah, which is another hint to us that they held a shorter chronology. On the whole, then, we see reasons for preferring the alternative of deducting ten years from some Jewish reign. When we endeavour to pick out the particular reign, we find that there is danger of lowering too much the excess of age of father over son. On this ground, Ama- ziah and Uzziah are the only two reigns to be thought of, unless we choose to encounter the need of several other changes. Their a^es exceed those of their sons by thirty- eight and forty-three years respectively. Yet we cannot thus deal with Uzziah (whose accession we have already lowered by nine or ten years) without making Jotham die before his father. It remains therefore to deduct ten years from Amaziah's reign,^ and to suppose that he was only twenty-eight older than his son Uzziah. From these changes we finally bring out that the death of Solo- mon was in the year B.C. 955. The reigns of Solomon, of David, and (according to St ' For this we must change twenty-nine into nineteen in 2 Kings xiv. 2, and fifteen into twenty-five in v. 23. This imputes an error which is no mere ac- cident of transcription, but that is perhaps in any way inevitable. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 139 Paul in the Acts of the Apostles) of Saul likewise, are forty years each. This does not appear too long a period in itself, either for Solomon or for David ; yet the number has so many mythical associations as to lessen our con- fidence in its having historical foundation. A chronological table may here be suitably added. Chronological Table from the Death of 8olomon to the Fall of Samarin. Queen Mother. Accession of king in Jerusalem. B.C. Accession of Israelitisli king. Naamtih Rchoboam 95.% 937 935 934 932 909 908 904 897 89-t 877 876 872 869 865 864 858 835 820 818 804 799 762 761 757 750 748i 748 741 729 726 721 — Jeroboam. Maachah. Abijam his son (Maachah.) Asa his soa Jehoshaphat his son Jehoram with his father . . (Jehoshaphat dies) Ahaziah his son — Nadab his son. — Baasha. — Elah his son. Zimri, Tibni, Omri. Azubah. Athaliah. Omri (alone). Ahab his son. Ahaziah his son. Jehoram bis brother. Zibiah. Jchoaddan (Queen) Athaliah Jehoash (under Jehoiada) alleged son »f Ahaziah Amaziah his son Jehu. — Jehoabaz his son. — Jehoash his son. Uzziah his son — Jeroboam II. his son. Jotham with his father .... (Uzziah dies) .... Ahaz his son Uezekiah his son — Zachariah his son. Jerusha. Shallum, Menahem. — Pekahiah son of M. [Uuknown] Pekah. Ahi Iloshea. Samaria captured. 140 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. From the Fall of Samaria to the Bazing of the Walls of Jerusalem. Queen Mother. King in Jerusalem. B.C. Abi Hezekiah 726 Hephzibali. Meshullenieth. Manasseh his son Amon his son 697 642 640 Hamutal. Zebudah. Jehoahaz his son Jehoiakim his brother. . . . 609 609 Nehushta. Jehoiachin his son 598 Hamutal. Zedekiah son of Josiah . . . Destruction of Jerusalem 598 588 Nearly to recover tlie common system of clironology, we must add 10 to tlie numbers from Uzziah to Pekah inclusive {excejot Jotham, to whom 1 only is to be added), and then add 20 to all higher dates. 141 CHAPTER V. PROM THE DEATH OF SOLOMON TO THE ACCESSION OP OMRI, B.C. 955 904. We have seen how the headless body of Saul was buried at Jabesh Gilead, and was afterwards removed to his own private estate in Gibeah of Benjamin. David, on the contrary, had been interred in that part of Jerusalem which was emphatically called the City of David, the for- tifications of which his son enlarged and completed. In the same spot was a royal burying-place now solemnly established, into which the successive kings of this line, when they slept with their fathers, were for the most part carried. Solomon accordingly was here entombed with royal ceremonies, and his son Rehoboam prepared to step into his place. ^ We have no ground for believing that the foreign body- guard, which was so prominent in the reign of David, was kept up through that of Solomon. Of Cherethites, Pele- thites and Gittites we hear no more, nor are they replaced by any other foreign names. The throne of the Hebrew king was now to be supported by its own popularity and by its native army ; and (following perhaps the advice of his father's counsellors) Rehoboam thought proper to hold a constitutional assembly of the tribes, and formally to accept of the royal dignity in their presence. For this pui'pose he convened a meeting of all Israel at Shechem, a very ancient and venerated town of Ephi-aim. But so decisive was the general disaffection and the determination to enforce new principles on the administration, that the tribes immediately sent for Jeroboam from Egypt, who had the boldness to appear publicly at Shechem, there to confront the new monarch. Becoming (as may appear) the spokesman of the national will, he positively demanded a remission of the oppressive taxes, and on this condition proffered loyal service to the son of Solomon. Three 1 B.C. 955. 142 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. days were taken for deliberation ; after wliicli Relioboam, following tlie advice of his young companions against that of his father^ s counsellors, gave a haughty and con- temptuous refusal, which was intended to terrify all into submission. Instead of this, all the northern and eastern tribes unanimously revolted from him, and took Jeroboam for their king : none adhered to Rehoboam but his own tribe of Judah and the contiguous one of Benjamin/ which in any case could scarcely refuse to follow the fortunes of Jerusalem. Rehoboam did not believe the full extent of his own misfortune, and sent one of his officers to super- intend the usual collection of the tribute ; but the people stoned him to death, upon which the king was glad to escape in haste to Jerusalem. His first thoughts were to recover his dominion by war/ but Shemaiah the prophet, by his vehement and positive prohibition, deterred him from so hopeless an enterprise. Thus far Rehoboam acted as a prince who had but just emerged from the harem ; and it is quite probable that this was his actual position. David had suffered by con- spiracy from two of his own sons. This fact Solomon was not likely to forget ; and we may well believe that he guarded against a similar occurrence by shutting up his only son (at least from his thousand wives only one son is named) within the walls of his seraglio. But the sharp lesson which Rehoboam had received in this first experi- ment of ruling, appears to have been very wholesome in its effects; for all the rest of his reign was prudent, though not religiously laudable. His mother's name was Naamah (or, lovely one), an Ammonitess, and it was not to be expected that he would deviate from his father's example of honouring his mother's god. The tribe of Judah everywhere consecrated high places and images to Jehovah, without a suspicion that this could deserve cen- sure; nor only so, but deadly Canaanitish immoralities are specified with the rites of Astarte, as established in 1 The old narrator seems even to comprise Benjamin in Judah : " I will give ten tribes to thee, but he shall have one tribe for my servant David's sake ; " 1 Kinoes xi. 32. - The record says, "He assembled 180,000 chosen warriors," which per- haps indicates no more tlian that the writer estimated the tribes of Judah and Benjamin to contain this number of males within the military age. DIVISION OP THE MONARCHY. 143 the land under pretence of religion.^ Thus the worldly- prosperity of David and Solomon appeared to have had no other result than to give to the Hebrew metropolis, both outwardly and in reality, a large share of pagan superstition. Meanwliile Jeroboam was far from fulfilling the hopes of the prophet who had so unadvisedly fired the train of insurrection ; but before we name any details, it will be appropriate to review the foreign results of this schism. The nations which owned subjection to Solomon were no longer likely to obey either of his successors. In the north all foreigTi dominion had already been lost (we can scarcely doubt) by the rise of Rezon in Damascus. The Ammonites appear to have effected their liberation from Isi'aelite power, but the Moabites to have remained tribu- tary. The Edomites, in the early reigns of the kings of Judah, may have still paid a nominal homage, but we find no marks that it was more than nominal. Cut off from the Tyrians and from the maritime Israelites, and de- prived of the greater part of his exportable surplus, Re- hoboam must perhaps in any case have found the ports of the Red Sea quite unserviceable. Nothing but the ap- parent ease with which one of his successors^ resumes the power of the throne of Jerusalem over Idumaea, leads us to believe that his sovereignty was not in these times form- ally disavowed. As to the Philistine conduct, it is pecu- liarly difficult to draw inferences from our scanty mate- rials ; since we do not even know to how many of their towns the jealousy of Solomon may have permitted walls, nor what facility existed of holding their citadels by Hebrew garrisons. In the reign of Rehoboam^s grand- son, we find the Pliilistine town of Gibbethon twice endure a siege from kings of Israel, while the king of ^ 1 Kinf^ xiv. 23, 24. The Chronicles omit everything so shocking against a son of Solomon ; and only indicate that in his fifth year he forsook Jehovah, and w;is immediately chastised hy Shisliak's invasion, which brought about his repentance. The sin is probably a mere inference from the visitation. Among the images erected and consecrated by some kings of Judah, which remained until the reign of Josiah, are particularly named certain horses dedi- cated to the Sun, at the very entrance of the house of Jeliovah, as likewise chariots of the Sim. I^ater writers perhaps mistook every image for an idol. Bishop Colenso identifies " the Sun " with the Si/ro-Fh(ii>iicia)i deity called Jehovah. ■'' Jehoshaphat. 144 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Judali remains apparently unconcerned. Since tlie tribe of Dan clearly must be reckoned among the ten^ which are said to adhere to Jeroboam, it may appear that cir- cumstances unexplained (such as the disaffection of He- brew garrisons to Rehoboam) gave to the kings of Israel the sovereignty (whether more or less severely enforced) over the Philistine towns which were nominally the por- tion of Dan. On the other hand, the way in which Jericho is afterwards named implies that that fertile lowland, which is counted as a part of Benjamin, fell to Jeroboam, to whose region its physical position naturally united it. Thus the Israelite territory closed round that of Judah on the north-east and north-west, and cut it off almost entirely from the sea. But Jeroboam had far too much on his hands to make him willing to attack his rival. A more urgent care was to fortify the city of Shechem as his capital, and next, the town of Penuel near the brook Jabbok beyond the Jordan, in order to confirm his authority over the eastern tribes. Having provided for military defence, he made regulations concerning religion. His sacerdotal censors suppose him to have been chiefly moved by the fear that all Israel would go up to Jerusalem to sacrifice to Jehovah ; and this may certainly have entered his calculations. Yet it is clear that not even Judah and Benjamin were dis- posed to do without local sanctuaries, to which, as every other nation in the world, they were all too much attached ; nor had any parties such an idea of centralized religion as after-times conceived. It is enough therefore to believe the Israelitish king actuated by the same motives as Re- hoboam. During his residence at the court of Shishak he had become familiarized with the outward forms of Egyptian idolatry, and it is even possible had been struck by the resemblance of some of their sacred symbols to the mystic cherubim. In the Assyrian visions of Ezekiel and ^ Although his kingdom (which is called Israel in contrast to that of Reho- boam, which is called Jnda/i) is always said to contain ten tribes, it may seem to be difficult to find so many, for the tribe of Simeon was swallowed up in Judah, and had no territorial existence, or at any rate can in no way be made out to belong to Israel. The song of Moses omits Simeon, and makes only eleven tribes besides Levi. If however we regard Manasseh east of Jordan and Manasseh west of Jordan as separate tribes (as in fact they were), the full number may in this way be counted. CALVES OF DAN AND BETHEL. 145 in the Apocalypse, the forms of a man, a lion, an eagle, and an ox are found in strange combination as relig-ious emblems ; and the images erected by Jeroboam for wor- ship, if not identical with any of these, were, according to the severity of our Decalogue, neither more nor less idol- atrous than they; though his images were displayed to the public eye, while the cherubim in Solomon^s temple could be seen only by the priests. Those of Jeroboam, however, are derided by the name of gulden calves, and it is sufficiently remarkable that (as if to identify his offence with a legendary sin of Aaron's) he is represented to use Aaron's words of exhortation :^ "Behold thy God, Israel, who brought thee up out of the land of Egypt.'^ The images were set up peculiarly,^ not in Shechem (which would have been done if the object had been to rally Israel round Jeroboam^s new capital), but at the two ends of the land, — at Dan, the northernmost town, and in the sacred city of Bethel, where Samuel had hold his sessions, on the very frontier of Ephraim and Benjamin. It does not appear that any foreign god was here adored, or any moral impurities introduced : on the other hand, we have convincing casual evidence that the Hebrew people were habitual image-worshippers, before and after Jeroboam. An isolated fact which comes out is here pregnant with meaning. Down to the time of king Hezekiah, or more than two centuries and a half later than Jeroboam, the people subject to the house of David continued to bum in- cense to a certain brass serpent as to a god.^ Towards the close of the monarchy this was believed to have been an image made by Moses in the wilderness to work a miracle by ; but we have no means of learning whether that belief was shared by the worshippers, or whether, in adoring it, they fancied they were pleasing Jehovah. The sei-pent is a well-known emblem in various pagan superstitions. That the idolatry introduced by Jeroboam was meant to be a monotheistic ceremony is clear, not only from the language put into his mouth, so like to that of Aaron, but 1 1 Kin,£:s xii. 28, De Wctte's Translation. " Thouiih the golden calves were at these two toAvns, temples were conse- crated on high places in all the chief cities ; 1 Kings siii. 32, 33. lu Amos we tind Gihjal named as an idolatrous sanctuary. 2 2 Kings xviii. 4. 10 143 THE HEKREW MONARCHY. still more from the very different behaviour of the pro- phets^ when Ahab really imported foreign religion. Never- theless, in much later times the worship at Bethel and other high places became at length full of demorahzing practices, and called out against it the keenest attacks of the extant prophets, Amos, Hosea, and Micah ; and this led the later compilers of the history to take the blackest view of Jeroboam^s character, who has earned with them the unenviable epithet, " the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin." Yet they do not conceal that their grand quarrel against Jeroboam is a ceremonial one. No moral evil, in fact, is imputed by them ; his offence was, that he ordained priests, not from the Levites, but from the tribes promis- cuously ; and this " became sin to the house of Jeroboam, to cut it off and destroy it from off the face of the earth. ^^^ He likewise neglected their sacred days, making a solemn feast on the fifteenth day of the eighth month, while in Jerusalem they held the feast of Tabernacles just one month earher. As Christians have raved concerning the time of Easter, so did the later Levites against " the day which Jeroboam had devised of his own heart.'" ^ Where our earlier and better record is satisfied with noticing the fact, that Jeroboam did not employ Levites as his priests, the Chronicler superadds a great migration of Levites from Israel into Judah, abandoning all their worldly prospects. With them, he says, came many of all the tribes of Israel, for the satisfaction of living in com- munion with Jerusalem. — Yet the prophets came not; and with good reason, when the idolatry established there by Solomon and Hehoboam was so much fouler than that of the calves at Dan and Bethel. It can hardly be doubted that the Chronicler assuyned there had previously been Levites dispersed in Levitical towns over all the land during David and Solomon^s reigns, and then inferred that ' 1 Kings xiii. 33. - If we could believe a legend which manifestly gained its final shape in the reign of Josiah, a man of God went to Bethel to withstand Jeroboam, and pre- dicted that a child named Josiah should be boi-n in the house of David, wlio should burn on that altar the bones of dead priests. To accredit his word, the altar was rent and its ashes poured out ; and when Jeroboam put out his hand against the man of God, it was miraculously shrivelled up. Again it was re- stored at the prayer of the man of God. Yet the miracles produced no result •whatever. Jeroboam's neglect op levites. 147 they must have been expelled by Jeroboam. On the con- trary, it is not credible that this prince found any lar^e body of Levites in his dominions ; and that is probably the sufficient reason why he did not make priests of them. It has been already remarked, that the Levites cannot have lived by tithes in cities of their own during the tu- multuous period of the Judges. To put them into pos- session would have been for David or Solomon a most ar- duous operation, either very violent and oppressive to individuals, or effected by an enormous sacrifice of public revenue. In either case some historical notice of such a proceeding would be left to us. If therefore the Levites were already become in Jerusalem a strictly hereditary caste (which is highly uncertain), even so it would seem that Jeroboam could not have selected them for the public ministrations without making petition to his enemy, and introducing among his people those who might have been dangerous to his power. If his spirit was in reality that of " the man Micah " in earlier times, who preferred a Levite for a priest when he could get one, but ordained his own son as priest when no Levite could be had, — still, when the result was, that a non-Levitical priesthood arose, this incurred deep condemnation in the days of sa- cerdotal rigour ; much as a Presbyterian church is censured by high Episcopalians. And especially when the worship at Bethel more and more assimilated itself to the impu- rities of Paganism, the accumulated guilt of the whole sys- tem was made to rest on the head of Jeroboam. In any case, through the absence of the Aaronite order, important results ensued. Nearly as in modern continen- tal Protestantism, so in Israel the priests fell under the control of the kingly power, and never grew into any such strength as to be able to resist and modify its despotism. But for that very reason, neither were they able to strengthen the crown when it was weak, and to support a fixed dynasty in the succession of the throne.- They had little hold over the mind of the people, and could neither inculcate sacerdotalism with effect, nor resist foreign superstitions ; nor in fact, as yet, even in Judah had the whole ecclesiastical body at all attained strength for either enterprise. On the other hand, from the absence of Aaronite priests, the prophets had so much the clearer field for their action in 10 • 148 THE HEBREW MONAECHY. Israel. By tlie great numbers of them found there some fifty or more years later, it appears certain that they must have multiplied under Jeroboam and his immediate suc- cessors. From the hints given us it may be inferred that they now dwelt in communities, under the superintend- ence of some older prophet, and laboured together for their scanty sustenance, like the monks of certain Orders in the middle ages. Bethel itself was one of their seats. While the prophet stayed in Israel, there can hardly have been any adequate moral reasons to induce Levites and the pious part of Israel voluntarily to emigrate into Judah. Of these prophets the most celebrated was that Ahijah the SMlonite, by whose agency the division of Israel and Judah was brought about. His residence was at the sacred town of Sliiloh in Ephraim, where the ark and Eli so long tarried ; and he appears to have retained the veneration of the king to the last years of his long life. It was not to be credited that such a prophet had not vehemently denounced the wickedness of Jeroboam, as well as deplored his golden calves. Accordingly, those who compiled the records of these times with a knowledge of the after-events, represent Ahijah, when the wife of Jeroboam came to consult him on her son's health, as uttering a stern and exact prediction of the ruin which should overwhelm the house of Jeroboam, and the captivity of Israel into countries beyond the Euphrates ; as the only comfort to the anxious mother, he informs her that her son shall immediately be taken from so evil a world, be- cause there was some good thing in him towards Jehovah the God of Israel. Whatever Ahijah said, Jeroboam and his queen did not resent it : the aged and now blind prophet went to his grave in peace. Long before this event Rehoboam had had to struggle with difficult circumstances, but not from his rival's hos- tility. The territory to which he succeeded was not one- fourth of the Israehtish land, yet in actual power he very nearly competed with Jeroboam. He enjoyed the great advantage of compactness in his dominions, and as the grandson of David he was secure in the loyalty of the tribes which held to him. At the old centre of govern- ment he found a completeness of organization which must long have been wanting to Jeroboam; and, what was not INVASION BY SHISHAK. 149 less important, lie was master of Solomon's chief treasures. If we can believe the account in Chronicles, the exertions now made by Rehoboam in fortifying his kingdom and garrisoning his castle were prodigious. Undoubtedly he had cause to fear, especially from -Egypt, for of the hostile temper now active there he can hardly have been igno- rant ; and many of the towns said to bo fortified by him might seem to be intended as defence from that quarter. But putting Egypt out of the question, it was requisite to prepare for attack from the Phihstines and the Edomites. Among the latter the spirit of Hadad can hardly have been dead; and the former, who persevered in uncir- cumcision and heterogeneous habits, were an intestine foe, hardly less dangerous when free than if under Jeroboam. But as Jeroboam remained on the defen- sive, and Shishak delayed his meditated inroad till Rehoboam's fifth year, the Hebrew king successfully repressed all farther hostile tendencies, and appeared to be securely seated, though with diminished lustre, on his father's throne. But in his fifth year he was overwhelmed by a flood of invasion, which is so concisely described in one record and so hyperbolically in the other, that it is hard to con- jecture the exact truth.^ The king of Egypt rushed in upon him, to seize his destined booty ; — the plunder of the temple and of the king's treasure-house. The spoiler came and went, like a dream, leaving no other trace of his irresistible march than this one particular result. He was but a meteor shooting over the sky of Judaea, baleful to the imagination, but harmless in fact. He did not dis- mantle the castles, carry off the arms and munitions of war, plunder the towns of their valuables and the country of its cattle, so far as is stated or can be traced. Had he acted as those who make invasions for the sake of spoil generally act, the throne of David must have fallen for ever, or have been preserved only by an intense and lin- gering struggle. On the contrary, for anything that ap- 1 2 Chron. xii. 3. Shishak brings in " 1200 chariots, 60,000 horsemen, and infantr}' without number." To gather such a host, pass and repass the dcsart with it, and maintain it till disbanded, would be so enormously expensive, that to save himself from great loss, Shishak would have needed to plunder the whole of Rehoboam's little kingdom. His infantry are described as " Lubim, bukkiim, and Ethiopians." 150 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. pears, Rehoboam's power remains unimpaired; and lie leaves his king dom to his son in a higli state of organiza- tion and efficiency, if at least the Chronicler has not grossly misrepresented the truth in spirit as well as in details. The loss of the battle before Ramoth in Gilead by Jehoshaphat cost Judah severe and long-continued suffering from the assaults of the Edomites, Arabs, and Philistines ; yet the occupation of Jerusalem itself by Shishak leads to no result that has deserved to be recorded. This is a problem involving tons some measure of perplexity. The most direct hypothesis is that of bold incredulity. Is it not apparent (it might be said) that the invasion of Shishak is a Deiis ex macldnd to account for one sohtary fact, the disappearance of certain treasures from the tem- ple and palace ? And if these treasures ever existed; who is so likely to have used them as Rehoboam, while strug- gling to preserve the remnants of his father^s power ? And if our historians could imagine or invent an inroad of a million Ethiopians ^ half a century later, in order to ag- grandize king Asa, why may they not have equally invent- ed in this reign the countless host of Egyptians, to screen the sacrilege of Rehoboam ? And in truth, if this invasion, like that of Zerah the Ethiopian, were named solely in the Chronicles, such incredulity woilld not be excessive. But when it is remembered that our historians in no other in- stance shrink from avowing how the best monarchs made free with the treasures of the temple for political ends, we find in this no adequate motive to them for so strange an invention. Moreover, the hostile movement of Shishak is in perfect keeping with the position which he had pre- viously held towards Solomon, whose enemy Jeroboam he then sheltered and now leaves unassailed. A second inquiry might be started, whether in fact the forces of Shishak were not called in by Rehoboam himself and voluntarily paid by him out of his father^ s treasures. But we may still ask — why then should not this have been stated, as frankly as in the case of Asa and Heze- kiah ? On the whole, therefore, no better explanation suggests itself than the following, — which however cannot be more than conjectural. The king of Egypt, full of the hostile feelings which Jeroboam had infused or cherished, 1 2 Chron. xiv. 9. LATER YEARS OF REHOBOAM. 151 marclied against tlie son of Solomon with the intention of pillaging Jerusalem. The Jewish prince, knowing his own inferiority, was prudent enough not to resist ; and received Shishak into his capital. By the personal inter- view thus obtained, he convinced the invader that it was not Ins interest to make Jeroboam too powerful : that un- less he chose to advance the Egyptian frontier beyond the dcsart, and hereby expose himself to a thousand contin- gencies, true policy dictated that he should keep the balance between the two Hebrew princes, and carefully avoid to weaken Rehoboam too much. Shishak was made to see that since the days of Solomon the wings of the -Jewish eagle had been effectually clipped ; and changing his own views, was contented to take all the gold treasure of Jerusalem as the indemnification of his march. He then retired home in an orderly manner,^ throwing the weight of his influence with all the neighbouring peoples into the scale of Eehoboam.* In this or in some such way, the dynasty of David was saved through the dangerous transition, which, from lords of a united and conquering nation, reduced his descend- ants to petty princes dependent on the forbearance of a powerful neighbour. But the desart ordinarily removed all fear from the side of Egypt, and against nearer nations the king of Jerusalem and Judaea was well able to defend himself. Between him and Jeroboam there was no amity ,^ yet neither was there active or dangerous war ; nothing at least of their warlike exploits has been deemed worthy of remembrance. Although unable to vie with his father in the splendour 1 Some have imagined that the pillars set up by Sesostris iu Palestine, which Herodotus says he saw, must have been really the work of Shishak. But of these nothing is known beyond what Herodotus tells us. — Near Beirut sculp- tures are found, not on pillars, but on the natural rock, which are judged to be partly Persian and partly Egyptian ; and, in the hieroglyphics of the latter, l)r Lcpsius says that the name of Sesostris is found twice. But these can in no way be identified with Shishak's invasion of J udah.— Expounders of the hieroglyphics tell us that pictures represent the king of Juduh (with his title added) brought bound to Sheshonk. This can only be pictorial. [Colonel Kawliusou thinks the letters on the Beirut sculptures to be " Medo Assyrian ;" Journal of Asiat. S. vol. x. p. 27.] 2 It perhaps niiiy be added, that the Edomites had as yet imperfectly recovered from Joab's wholesale massacre. By the time of Jehoshaphat and his son their numbers had attain increased. 3 1 Kinijs xiv. 30. 152 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. of his seraglio, lie inlierited the belief that to indulge in many wives was a peculiar privilege of royalty. Our later authority alone states this, and assigns to him 18 wives, 60 concubines, 28 sons and 60 daughters. The names also of three wives, descendants of Jesse, are given ; but they are none quite free from difficulty.^ His favourite wife was Maachah, who seems to have been granddaughter to David's son Absalom, by his beautiful daug'hter Tamar; and her son Abijam was selected by Rehoboam as his successor. His other sons he dispersed as governors through the fortified towns, intending here- by to strengthen his dynasty. He died after a reign of eighteen years,^ and having been buried in the royal sepulchres, was succeeded without commotion by his son Abijam. Abijam's reign was short, and in no respect memorable. His mother Maachah was given to superstition as much as his Ammonitish grandmother ; and he is commemorated by our elder historian for nothing else but for his dis- graceful support of foreign and impure ceremonies. It is added, that like his father, he persevered in hostility to Jeroboam f but we have not a single trustworthy detail 1 2 Chr. xi. 18—22, xiii. 2 ; 1 Kings xv. 2. The mother of Ahijam is variously called Maachah daughter of Alnskalom, Maachah daughter of Absa- lom, and liEichainh daughter of Uriel of Gibeah. Abishalom is probably Ab- salom, and Michaiah a corruption of Maachah : if so, it is likely that daugJtter of Absalom is a loose expression for granddaughter. For as Absalom was slain when Solomon was a mere boy, Absalom's own daughter can scarcely have been Rehoboara's wife. But Absalom's daughter Tamar (2 Sara. xiv. 27) may have been married to Uriel, a kinsman of Saul, and have become mother of Maa- chah. Even so, there is a new difficulty, in Maachah being also called mother to king Asa ; but this will be presently observed upon. Another wife of Re- hoboam is Abihail f/rtw^/i^er of Eliab, David's eldest brother; where daughter may seem less proper than (jrent-granddaughtcr. For Eehoboam came to the throne 110 years after the birth of David; and perhaps 130 years after the birth of Eliab. A third wife is Mahalath, daughter of Jerimoth son of David ; which is possibly correct, if Jerimoth was a sou of old age to David. 2 B.C. 937. Shemaiah the prophet and Iddo the seer are referred to as writers of the acts of Eehoboam. Iddo wrote visions which he had seen against Jeroboam, and is an authority also for the close of Solomon's life, and for the whole of Abijam's. 3 The Chronicler (2 Chr. xiii.) has thought it necessary to give some par- ticulars of this war. Ahijah (as he calls him) leads out 400,000 chosen men ; Jeroboam sets in array against him 800,000 chosen men and mighty men of valour. Abijah makes a pious and highly sacerdotal harangue to his troops, and after it slays 500,000 of the enemy. Upon this he recovers from Jeroboam the towns and districts of Bethel. Jeshanah, and Ephrain. Yet it is ei'ident that Bethel remained with the kings of Israel. Some have wished to divide the REIGN OF JEROBOAM. 153 surviving. He was taken off by a premature death/ and was honoured with the usual royal burial. His youthful son Asa succeeded him. As for Jeroboam,, though he outlived both Eehoboam and his son, our meagre historians furnish us not with a single additional fact, or any true insight into his cha- racter. It is unreasonable to doubt, that his anti-Levitical arrangements (which alono the historians care to record) formed the least part of the cares and concerns of his government. It is not likely that so vigorous and able a man lost the Israelitish sovereignty over the Ammonites without a struggle, or that the Moabites continued in payment of tribute to him without a difficult war ; and if we could recover the true chi'onicles of his reign, we might hud that these foreigners, "with the Philistines of the Danite territory, next to the general organization of his kingdom, required all the activity of his mind and body. Concerning his relations with the king of Damas- cus, not a hint remains even to guide conjecture. Our materials only enable us to assert that Jeroboam built himself a palace at Tirzah, a lovely spot, where his suc- cessors also held their court. He died the year after Abijam/ and left his throne to his son Nadab. GeogTaphical knowledge fails us as to the accurate site of the Philistine town of Gibbethon, to reduce which was the sole object of Nadab's reign. The book of Joshua assigns this town to the tribe of Dan, and it is generally supposed to be south of Ashdod or Azotus. If so, this will confirm our belief that the northern towns of Philistia had fallen into the hands of Jeroboam, and that the Israe- lite ^dominion was beginning to hem in Judaea from the west, and almost entirely cut it off from the sea. Neither on this occasion, nor twenty-five years later, when the attempt was renewed, does the prudent and energetic king of Judah attempt to succour the town of Gibbethon; which certainly appears to show that he did not regard it as belonging to his crown. The siege under Nadab was cut short by a lamentable deed, which began endless con- large niimliers by 10 ; but this is to overlook the whole spirit of the book. In fact the Chronicler has converted the son of Rehobuani into a pious man, in- stead of the impure pagan which he appears in the other record. 1 B.C. 935. '^ B.C. 934. 154 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. fusion to the throne of Israel, — the assassination of Na- dab himself by Baasha son of Ahijah/ of the house of Issachar, who proceeded to usurp the royal dignity.^ We are not informed whether Baasha was actuated by re- venge, or by simple ambition : if by the latter, it cannot be alleged that Nadab or his father had earned such a retaliation. Jeroboam did not rise against the life of Solomon or of his son : he had been the free choice of a willing and attached people, who summoned him out of Egypt to espouse their cause ; and in his conduct he left no precedent which should lessen our indignation and hatred at this violent deed. The murderer knew that half-measures would only rob him of his hire, and cruelly extirpated every living soul of the house of Jeroboam ; by which he certainly earned for himself an undisturbed reign, but set an example which was repeated against his son's life and throne. The ferocious manners still pre- valent, notwithstanding all that the reign of Solomon might be imagined likely to effect, are indicated in the prophetical formula of denunciation, which must have been copied too faithfully from real life :^ " Him that dieth of Jeroboam in the city shall the dogs eat, and him that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the air eat." Such, we must conclude, was the brutal treatment of the innocent members of the royal house. As the succession in the kingdom of Israel is often broken, it will be well for the reader to examine the chron- ological conspectus (at p. 139 above) of the dynasties from Jeroboam to the accession of Jehu. It appears on a glance at the table, that there are three dynasties in Israel in this period, while the realm of Judah enjoyed the great advantage of an undisputed throne. Indeed, besides the commotion attending the murder of Nadab, a civil war lasting four years followed the destruction of the next dynasty, and must of itself have so weakened this kingdom as to free the house of David from fear of its power. Both these convulsions took place during the long reign of Asa, a monarch whose 1 Of course not the prophet Ahijah the Shilonite. 2 B.C. 932. * 1 Kings xiv. 11. The formula is repeated for Baasha, I Kings xvi. 4; for Ahab, 1 Kings xxi. 24. EEIGN OP ASA. 155 wise administration first infused real energy into tlie kingdom of Jerusalem, after the disasters with which for many years it had had to struggle. Asa, having entered upon royal cares at an early age/ in the very opening of his reign showed a totally different spirit from either of his three predecessors. With the discrimination of the best kings of this race, he allowed the worship of JrJiovnh at the high places,^ and on no accoimt confined all public sacrifice and burning of incense to the temple at Jerusalem ; but he put down with a high hand the impurities which Solomon, Rehoboam, and Abijam had established or permitted, and removed all the idols ^ which they had set up. We now learn by a casual ex- pression, what might have been conjectured from the position of Bathsheba towards Solomon, that in the little kingdom of Judtea, as afterwards in the mighty court of Persia, the king's mother enjoyed a peculiar title and rank, — which we ill translate by queen, — with higher privileges than his wife. In ancient Persia it is known that the king might sometimes adopt a mother for politi- cal reasons ; •* and if ever the mother of the king's father continued to receive the title and honours of the Chief Lady, it is probable that she was named ''the King's Mother." This perhaps may account for our finding Maachah, mother of the deceased king, now spoken of as queen and mother of Asa. In the two preceding* i^eigns, she had gone along with the degrading superstitions of the court, and had herself set up an idolatrous image of Astarte. Young Asa accordingly took the bold and pain- ful resolution of deposing his grandmother from her queenly rank ; destroyed her idol and burnt it by the brook Kedron : hereby proclaiming most distinctly that neither relationship to himself nor any station should be 1 B.C. 93.5. * 1 Kings XV. 14, is most express on this point, and the words are repeated in 2 Chr. xv. 17. The statement seems to he contradicted in 2 Chr. xiv. 3, which is, either an exaggeration, or to be explained to mean "the high places o/ strange ffods." In 2 Chr. xv. 17, Israel is carelessly used for Judah. * The horses consecrated to the Sun (if already in existence) were perhaps not worshipped, and therefore not regarded by him as idols, though a later age stigmatized them as such. * In the abridgement of Ctesias we read that Cyrus, upon conquering Asty- ages, adopted Amytif, (or Mandane) as his mother, in order to win the easier submission of some parts of the empire not yet subdued. 156 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. allowed to shelter these detestable immoralities. The act was not less faithful than politic. He at once ralUed round himself the enthusiasm of the sound-hearted wor- shippers of Jehovah, in whom the peculiar national pa- triotism was concentrated ; and with no small reason was he regarded as the first worthy descendant of David. And he had need of all their support ; for Baasha, the new king of Israel, however unprincipled, was not wanting in energy or in policy. Baasha^s first measure appears to have been to establish himself in Tirzah as the ceutre of his government. Jero- boam had been popular in Shechem, and it is probable that the usurper did not dare to trust himself to its in- habitants. Thus Tirzah, which had been a palace under the old dynasty — perhaps already a fortified one — under the new gathered around it an imperial city. Next to organizing the government in his new capital, his most weighty care was to secure the alliance of the newly risen and formidable power of Benhadad, king of Damascus. As, from this time forth, this king and his successors exceedingly influence the fortunes of Israel, it seems proper to add a few words concerning the site of Damascus and its facilities for empire. Damascus lies on a highly fertile and moderately elevated plain, celebrated for its gardens and orchards, immediately to the east of the lofty ridge called Anti- Libanus, the southern point of which is Mount Hermon. From these heights run down many streams, the greatest of which were named Pharphar and Abana. Pharphar appears to be the river now called the Barrada, which runs through Damascus itself. Numerous canals dis- tribute the water of the streams over the whole country, and maintain the luxuriance of vegetation in the hottest season. Even so, much water runs to waste into an in- ternal lake which spreads out towards the eastern desart. Syria itself enjoyed a high measure of civilization and physical culture from the earliest ages, and at that £era was already an old country, teeming with cities and population. Its climate is moderated by the height of the plains, and by the breezes from the mountains ; and taken as a whole, its advantages were such, that whoever became master of it, reckoned amongst the foremost POWER OF DAMASCUS. 157 powers of tlie early world. From the city of Damascus access is afforded to Emesa on the north and to Bashan on the south, without ascending any formidable elevation : so that while the fertile soil is able to support both men and horses in great numbers, a force of cavalry or even of chariots finds there great facility of action over a broad expanse of country. From Emesa, returning southward, we ascend gradually into the loftier plain of the Hollow Syria, between Libanus and Anti-Libanus, of which Baalbek was the chief city ; thus if these ridges cannot be crossed by armies of horses, yet the entire plain of Syria, by a circuitous route, is accessible to them from Damascus. In the times of which we treat, chariots appear to have been the principal or the most dreaded force of the Damascenes ; and in fact we may trace a greatly increased use of them among the Hebrews. This circumstance is important, as it explains how much more formidable an enemy Benhadad was beyond Jordan than in western Israel ; for his chariots could come into Ephraim only by crossing the Jordan, or by a long journey through danger- ous country ; and while there, were always liable to get entangled in unfavourable ground. Mention has already been made of that Rezon, who in the later part of Solomon^s reign established himself in Damascus. Of his after-fortunes and those of his suc- cessors we know only thus much, — that he was followed on the throne by Hezion,^ he by his son Tabrimon, and grandson Benhadad, with whom Baasha now made a league ; and that before the arms of these princes the kingdom of Hamath and all Hollow Syria gave way, and became absorbed in the power of Damascus, whose king is now called king of Syria. It is probable that a good part of Bashan was already Benhadad^s, and that he pressed close upon the land of Israel. With such a potentate either alliance or war appeared inevitable, and it was a piece of good fortune that Baasha was able to obtain the former. A'VTaen the king of Israel had thus, as he hoped, secured himself from the attack of an encroaching neighbour, he 1 Many regard Hezion and Rczon as the same name corruptly written. This is possible, but cannot be proved. The chronology does not refute the opinion, but it is not very I'avoui'able to it. 158 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. commenced more active operations against the house of Juclah than either of his predecessors. It is possible that Israel now recovered whatever small losses had been in- curred by the attacks of Abijam, and by confirming its predominance over the northern cities of Philistia, justified the general feeling that (what was called) the tribe of Dan formed part of the Israelitish territory. But no other de- tails of this war have been deemed worthy of preservation, than one of such critical importance, that all the rest vanished in comparison with it. Baasha indeed must al- ready have had encouraging success, or must have pos- sessed unusual military enterprise, to adopt so bold a policy.^ The town of Ramah lay about six miles to the north of Jerusalem, on the way to Bethel, and in the heart of the tribe of Benjamin. It is situated on a hill, and looks down upon Gibeah of Saul on its east. This spot Baasha occupied and began to fortify ;^ by means of which he would have been able to intercept communications from all the richest part of Benjamin to Jerusalem, and at every moment threaten the capital of his enemy with sur- prise. Asa could not fail to be at once sensible of the danger constantly impending from such a fortress,' and resolved at any price to free himself from it. Perhaps he had already had experience of his adversary's superior military talents or greater force (although our partial historians are here silent) ; for he did not venture on a direct attack until he had betaken himself to a measure which must have been adopted very unwillingly. He sent an embassy to Benhadad king of Syria, entreating 1 Asa, according^ to the credulous Chronicler, had an army of 300,000 hea^T- armed troops, and 280,000 light-armed ( 2 Chr. xiv, 8), " all mighty men of valour.'' 2 The Chronicler (2 Chr. xv. 19, xvi. 1) commits the extraordinary error ot statin? that Asa had no more war down to fJie Soi/i year of his reign, but that in the^SGth year Bcasha fortified Ramah against him. But Baasha was already dead in Asa's 26th year. Some therefore wish to alter the text ; but an arbitrary and double change is then needed. It is clear from the book of Kings, that Baasha was in continual war against Asa, until all was wound up bv the affair of Ramah ; but the Chronicler, who disapproves of Asa's alliance with Benhadad, tries to thrust it off to the end of his life, in order to give him a Ion a- period of purity and glory ; and into this early part he then interpolates a fictitious invasion by Zerah the Ethiopian with a million men. 3 Sufh a castle was what the Greeks called an tniTiix'oiJia^ or offensive for- tress, Uka that of Deceleia in Attica, or Pylos in Messenia during the Pelopon- nesian war. Arnold often comments on this mode of warfare in his Thucydides and elsewhere. See also Thirlwall's Greece, passim. WAR OP BAASHA AND ASA. 159 liim to break his league with Baasha and attack the kingdom of Israel : and as an inducement to so discredit- able a deed, presented him with all the silver and gold, w^hether in the form of treasure or of vessels, whic^h he could command ; sparing neither the precious articles of his own palace, nor the offerings dedicated by himself and by his father to the house of Jehovah. Undoubtedly Asa, like all ancient kings and states so situated, argued with himself, that if he spared the treasure, his victorious enemy would not ; while if he survived the war, he would be able to replace it with interest.^ His message to Benhadad softens the violence of his proposal, by asserting or im- plying that there had been a league between their two lathers ; a fact of which nothing appears. It is however credible, that Abijam had sought the alliance of Tabiimon, though no result, beyond compliment, came of it. The ambassadors of A^a would probably magnify to Benhadad the wickedness, ambition, and power of Baasha, so as to furnish the Syrian prince with some pretext of conscience for now adopting the course which interest and ambition suggested. Nor were they unsuccessful. Benhadad ac- cepted the hvibe from one king, and sent his generals to despoil the other. Ijon, Dan, and Abel-beth-maachah are named among the Israelitisli cities which they captured or plundered, besides " all Cinnei'oth (or the country of the sea of Gahlee), and aU the land of Naphthali." As- sailed by so powerful an enemy on the north, Baasha was forced to draw off his attention from the south. Asa then, profiting by the important moment, made a general pro- clamation through his dominions, to assemble the able- bodied population in mass; who made a universal rush against the fortress of Ramali. Its fortifications seem to have been not quite complete, or its garrison retired through fear ; and the men of Judah without delay de- molished every part, and carried off the very materials of 1 We not only have no ground to suppose that his contemporarios or suc- cessoi-s disapproveel of Asa's conduct, but it is not censured in the book uf Kings. Only the Levitical Clironicler thinks it necessary to make a prophet rebuke him, and Asa then so angry as to imprison him. The prophet is made to declare, from h-cnccJ'ortJt thou shalt have wars, wliich appears the reverse of truth ; for hitlierto lie had had war, but henceforth he enjoys quiet, and suliers nothing but the gout in his old age ; tinally the Chronicler reproves him because he cuusulted physicians and not Jehovah; that is, ''and not the priests." 160 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. stone and timber. With these, Asa now fortified tlie little towns of Mizpat and Geba on his frontier. The site of the latter is uncertain, but we know that it is a theore- tic northern extremity of the kingdom of Judah, as Beer- sheba is the southern point : there is however reason to think it north of Bethel, and in the actual dominions of Baasha. No further account is given of the reign of Asa. We are only told vaguely " of his acts, and his might, and the cities which he fortified.^' But as he survived Baasha fifteen years, and no more war with Israel is mentioned,' we may assume that it was a time of peace. Indeed the internal convulsions which the northern kingdom speedily underwent, changed the whole policy of the house of Judah. It became manifest, that no longer Israel, but Syria, was the enemy to be dreaded, and that it was re- quisite for Judah to strengthen Israel, lest Syria should swallow up both. That the latter part of Asa's reign was one of repose and security, may be probably inferred from the great increase of strength which we discern in Jud^a in the early years of his son's reign. His destruction of heathenish and impure rites may for the time have caused disaffection in one party as well as have excited enthu- siasm in the other ; but after the generation had passed by, which remembered and regretted these evil orgies, a more entire unanimity probably existed, and the throne of David had a stronger support in the heart of a united and flourishing people, than it had known since the early days of Solomon. The house and family of Asa was in favourable contrast to that of his predecessors. The numerous wives of Abijam, as well as of Rehoboam and Solomon, are markedly commented on ; as therefore no- thing of the kind is dropt concerning Asa, who in fact (as far as we know) had but one son, we could almost believe that he respected the sanctity of woman, and con- tented himself with his wife Azubah„ At any rate, a decided check seems to have been given to the extrava- 1 The Chronicler alludes to " cities of Ephraim which Asa had taken," 2 Chr. xvii. 2 ; but that is likely to have been, if correct, in the time of Baasha. The book of Kings also says that " Jehoshaphat made peace with Israel" (1 Kiu^s xxii. 44) ; but this, in the connexion of that fragmentary summary, seems to mean made alliance ; and does not imply that Asa had active war with Omri and Ahab. ELAH, KING OF ISRAEL, SLAIN BY ZIMRI. 161 gant abuse of polygamy. Asa died* after a reign of forty- one years, leaving his kingdom to his son Jehosiiaphat, then thirty-five years old. We return to the kingdom of Israel. The energetic and warlike Baasha could not make the prophets forget the crime by which he had attained his kingdom ; but the dread of his power and vehemence perhaps suppressed during his life any direct remonstrance. After he had been forced to abandon Ramah by the attack of Benha- dad, no details of his war are given us ; but it is clear that he was enabled to patch up a peace, though perhaps at the cost of the towns already captured ; for we pre- sently find his son so far freed from fear of Syria, as to resume offensive operations in Philistia. Of Baasha no more is recorded than that he died in the twenty-fourth year of his reign, and was succeeded by his son Elah.^ This Elah, to judge by the slight but emphatic notice of him, was addicted to voluptuous excesses. Instead of heading his armies in person, as his father and all the kings of this age, he sent Omri, captain of his host, to conduct the siege of Gibbethon, from which the Israelites had retired some twenty-five years before, in consequence of the murder of their king. Elah himself remained at Tirzah, indulging his luxurious inclinations. His des- picable character seems to have stimulated the prophet Jehu, the son of Hanani,^ to a vehement and public de- nunciation of Baasha and his guilty house, which he declared by the word of Jehovah should be utterly cut off and destroyed. Nor was it long before his words were verified. Zimri, captain of half the chai-iots, — whether aware of the prophecy or not, — while Elah was at a drunken banquet in the house of his high steward at Tirzah, slew him and assumed the royal station. With- out a moment's delay he took advantage of his position at the royal palace to seize and murder every living re- 1 B.C. 894. 2 B.C. 909. 3 1 Kiiisjs xvi. 1 — 5, 7, 12. — The position of v. 7 implies a denunciation uttered after Ba;i-;ha's death ; the incoherence however of the narrative makes the time doubtful. Altogether, since the compiler wrote in much later time, witli full knowledge of the results, these prophecies become very doubtful, even when recorded in the book of Kings. Jehu, full forty years later than this, compiUd tlie life of Jehoshaphat. lie may seem to have been too young to act in the lifetime of Baaslia and Elah. 11 162 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. lative of his late lord^ and left the house of Baasha utterly desolate.^ But the army at Gibbethon, on hearing the tidings, was indignant that the kingdom should be thus seized behind their back by a traitorous and inferior officer; and forthwith, in the midst of the camp, they by acclam- ation raised to the throne their own general Omei; on whom the acceptable duty immediately devolved of re- venging his slaughtered master. Once more was Gibbe- thon saved from Israelitish attack by the murder of a king ; for Omri without delay broke up his camp and marched straight back to Tirzah, where he besieged Zimri with very superior force. Into the city of Tirzah he soon forced his way ; whereupon Zimri retired into the palace, which is hkely to have been a citadel to the town ; but finding escape impossible and his case desperate, he burned the palace over his head, and perished in the conflagration, only seven days after his ruthless murders. Great as are the evils which the perversion of the idea of Legitimacy has brought on modern Europe, they are decidedly less than result from the extirpation of royal houses in a country destitute of constitutional organiza- tion. These promiscuous massacres left to Israel nothing around which they might rally. A section of the nation was averse to Omri, or disliked the precedent of the army electing a sovereign. In consequence, a strong party favoured the pretensions of Tibni, son of Ginath, to the crown. Of this person nothing is known, save that for four years he continued the contest with Omri. In some civil wars a principle is involved, and a result of permanent importance is at last purchased, if dearly. But unhappy Israel suffered to no purpose, except to the aggrandizement of Damascus, until at length Tibni was overpowered and slain, and Omri left sole claimant of the throne.^ 1 B.C. 908. 2 j3_c, 904. 163 CHAPTER VI. THE HOUSE OF OMRI, B.C. 904 — 864. Omri, though founder of a new dynasty, ascended the throne, like Jeroboam, without crime. If Zimri had been less bloody, and had left alive any of the sons or grand- sons of Baasha, the character of Omri might have come down to us less unstained ; but by his war against Zimri he gained only credit, and for his civil conflict with Tibni, however disastrous to the nation, it was difficult to blame him. The centre of his power was at first at Tirzah,^ but when his competitor had been removed, he deter- mined to found a new capital.' Tirzah had originally been selected only as a pleasant abode. The ease with which Omri had himself stormed the city may have dis- inclined him to trust it for the future ; and as the palace had been burnt, there was perhaps less to lose by re- moval. He accordingly selected a hill suitable for a new city, and purchased it of its owner, a man named Shemer ; from whom the place was called Shimnhi, or in its Greek modification, Samaria. The judicious choice of Omri is attested by the lasting importance of this celebrated city, which is regarded as having great advantage, even over Jerusalem, in strength, as well as in fertility and beauty. From the accounts of modern travellers, the following- careful picture of the site has been compiled by one who has laboured meritoriously on the geography of Pales- tine : — ^ " The hill of Samaria is an oblong mountain of considerable elevation and very regular in form, situated in the midst of a broad, deep valley, the continuation of that of Shechem, which here expands into five or six miles. Beyond this valley, which completely isolates the hill, the mountains rise again on every side, forming a complete wall ai'ound the city. They are terraced to the tops, sown in grain, and planted with olives and figs. 1 We have not a hint where the chief strength of Tib)n lay. It may have been in the tribes beyond Jordan. 2 From the pea of Dr Kitto, art. Samaria, in his Biblical Cycloptcdia. 11 * 164 THE HEBEEW MONARCHY. The hill of Samaria itself is cultivated from its base, the terraced sides and summits being covered with corn and with olive-trees. About midway up the ascent, the hill is surrounded by a narrow terrace of level land, like a belt, below which the roots of the hill spread off more gradually into the valleys. Higher up too are the marks of slight terraces, once occupied perhaps by the streets of the ancient city. The ascent of the hill is very steep.'^ We may add that it is a Httle to the north of Shechem and of Mount Ebal. Samaria was the princi- pal or sole work of Omri^s reign ; a durable and splendid monument which he bequeathed to a distant posterity. He may have been moved to this gi-eat undertaking by military motives not indicated to us. The king of Syria appears not to have been slow to discover the weakness which civil contention entailed on Israel, and pressed severely upon the new ruler. Considering that the Ben- hadad who attacked Baasha took from him the towns of Dan, Ijon, and Abel-beth-maachah, we may probably infer that the military object of the Syrians in this stage of their progress had been to possess themselves of all the towns which commanded the passes from Hollow Syria and the proper land of Damascus into the Israelitish territory. Omri had not the advantage of such a frontier on the north as Judsea had on the south : and it would appear that he was forced to submit to high claims on the part of Benhadad. We learn incidentally that the latter took various cities from Omri, and forced him to assign streets in Samaria for his use."- In fact, the king of Israel was now open to invasion at any time convenient to his powerful rival, and appeared likely before long to become a mere vassal of Damascus. Omri accordingly, to save 1 (1 Kings XX. 34:) Either for trade or for the residence of the Syrian re- presentative, who would more or less control Orari's conduct. So the English make native princes in India accept a British resident, and have demanded " English streets " in Canton. The king of Syria who attacked Omri is father of the Benhadad who as- saults Aliab, and is generally regarded as identical with the Benhadad who took the frontier towns from Baasha. The chronology however rather coun- tenances the idea that the first Benhadad is grandfather to the second, and that the antagonist of Omri is an intermediate prince, possibly not tiamcd Ben- hadad, but Tabrimon, Rezon, or some other name of that dynasty. It does not appear to have been usual for a king to bear the name of his immediate father. AHAB AND JEZEBEL. 165 himself and his people, sought alliance with the Pha3ni- cians. Immediately on becoming sole king of Israel, he ob- tained the hand of Jezebel,^ daughter of Ethbaal king of Sidon and of Tyre, for his young son Ahab. Let not tliosc who know the after-career of this notorious woman, be too quick to censure Omri for what he could not fore- see. Indeed the position of the princes of this northern kingdom, in contact with an ambitious, advancing, and overpowering neighbour, was peculiarly difficult. There were two things which wisdom would exhort them to maintain ; the pure faith of the nation, and its indepen- dent existence. The latter appeared a condition indis- pensable to the former ; and if intrinsically of less value, yet was certainly that which was felt more peculiarly to be under the care of the kings. One object however was perpetually interfering with the other. When in dang-er of losino: their national monotheism with their nationality itself, to remain isolated was to court destruc- tion ; yet to form alliances with heathen powers was to risk alloying their religious superiority; — a superiority which we believe to have been real, however much it may have been exaggerated by unwise partisanship. It is much easier for a prophet or a divine to say, that by disowning human alliances and trusting in Jehovah, the nation would have been saved ; than for a king or statesman, on whom the responsiblity rests, to act on such a theory : and to inveigh against Omri and Ahab is too much in writers^ who cannot spare a word of censure for Solomon's gratuitous heathen marriages and heathen abominations. Of Omri there is no more known than that he died B.C. 897, and was succeeded by his son. Ahab appears to have been rather a weak than a wicked man. His evil name has been chiefly earned for him by his wife Jezebel ; and he can scarcely be regarded as re- sponsible for the marriage which his father contracted for him. It was impossible to cement his alliance with Tyre and Sidon without tolerating the superstitions in which ' Aliaziah, king of Judah, grandson of Ahab and Jezebel, was twenty-two years old in the year 805. He was therefore born in 887. Allowing his mother Athaliah to have been only sixteen at his birth, Jezebel's marriage cannot well have been later than «.c. 904, wliich is the year of Omri becoming sole kiug. 2 The compilers of the Chronicles, 166 THS HEBREW MONARCHY. the daughter of Ethbaal had been reared ; and the imme- diate result of tolerating them, was to arouse against him- self the whole influence of the prophets of Israel. Solo- mon^s son and grandson had indeed done as much as Ahab, and still more, without encountering the same opposition ; but under Solomon the prophetical schools had not at all attained the same growth, nor the same ex- clusive power over the people, as now in Israel : after Solomon, in Judgea, it is probable that they had been greatly discouraged by the results of Ahijah's interference, which can have been in no respect advantageous, in the estimate of either prophet or priest. As we now read the tale in the books of Kings and Chronicles, the monoto- nous condemnation passed on Jeroboam and all his suc- cessors is apt to blind us to the fact, that in spite of the predictions ascribed to Ahijah and Jehu son of Hanani, no real and vehement opposition on the part of the pro- phets against the throne began in Israel before the reign of Ahab. And with good reason. For previous kings of this branch had avowed support to no religious rites but those of Jehovah. They had sanctioned worshipping him by emblems, but so did orthodox ^ prophets and priests of those days : they neglected the Levites of Jerusalem ; but at that time the Levites seem not yet to have been a race or caste of men, but only a very humble profession. These kings had not defiled the character of Jehovah by ascrib- ing to him, and annexing to his worship, immorality and cruelty ; nor had they given honour even to the name of a strange god. A totally new thrill of horror passed through the bosoms of true Israelites when Jezebel brought in the obscene rites of Baal and Astarte,^ with the tumultuous fanaticism of her priests ; and the universal opposition which thereupon arose from the prophets of Jehovah pre- sently made her their inveterate and dangerous enemy. If we give the least credit to the hostile historian, wo cannot refuse to admit that Jezebel, in the course of her 1 I have already referred to the Teraphim and Cherubim in proof. 2 It is believed that Baal and Astarte were originally personifications of the sun and moon. Baal {lord) is also probably indentified with Molech {king). The Hebrew writers use the latter term chiefly of the god of the Ammonites, the former of the Phoenician god ; but other authoi'ities call the Tyrian and Carthaginian god Meloarth, whose name and bloody worship are identified with those of ivlolech. JEZEBEL PERSECUTES THE PROPHETS. It57 feud witli the prophets of Jehovah, became a fierce and cruel wouian ; yet, rightly to aj^preciato her character, we must remember that they on their part did undoubtedly consider it a meritorious act, to kill the priests of Baal : and a remarkable legend extols the piety of the great Elijah, who on an eminent occasion instigated the people to seize and massacre 450 prophets of Baal and 400 of Astarte, who ate at Jezebel's table. We may hesitate to believe the story to the full, since a credulous admiration of Elijah would lead to great exaggeration of his exploit : yet it would bo unreasonable to doubt that these prophets de- liberately approved of slaying the priestly votaries of superstition, or that Jezebel had a clear insight ^ into this side of their principles. With her therefore it was a struggle of life and death. To judge of her by other Pagans, she would have tolerated Jehovism, if it would have tolerated her ; but as she quite understood that they would kill her priests, and probably herself too, whenever they had the power, she pursued them with implacable enmity. Being a person of stronger will and passions than her husband, she was able to work him into com- pliance with her claims. Having built a temple to Baal in Samaria, with a high altar, and public images of Baal and Astarte,^ he in his own person performed worship to his wife's deities. Nor was this all ; but yielding into her hands the power of the sword, he allowed her to chase them down and put them to death. Now commenced the Martyr Age of the prophets in Israel. As they had multiplied all over the land, there were many to be persecuted, and their extermination was not the work of a day. And besides the natural instinct of mercy, they were greatly reverenced by numbers of the people. One man alone, by name Obadiah, in the high station of fjovernor of the house to Ahab, — (Mayor of the Palace might have been his title in Europe), — is stated 1 A critic who pretends to believe that the Pentateuch is Mosaic, replies, that Jezebel could not have learned that Jehovism was intolerant, until ff/'f^'/- Elijah's massacre of the priests ! Intolerance probably i^rew up with just zeul tor pure monotheism. It is the course of human infirmity. - In 1 Kings x^^. 33, as in many otlier places, the received English version following the LXX. darkens the sense by rendering Astarte by the word grove. Sec 2 Kings xxiii. 6, 7, for a strange instance. [I now see that Colenso inter- prets it of a certain obscene symbol.] 168 THE HEBREW MONAECHY. to have hidden 100 prophets of Jehovah from the rage of Jezebelj and to have maintained them secretly. This cannot have been an exceptional case ; and though many were slain, it is probable that a majority were concealed and protected. The crisis called forth two great prophets in succession, Elijah and Elisha ; whose adventures and exploits have come down to us in such a halo of romance, not unmingled with poetry of a high genius, that it is im- possible to disentangle the truth. The account of these occupies twice as much space as the history of the kings of Judah and Israel together, from the death of Solomon to the accession of Ahab ; but as their deeds are nearly all prodigies, attested to us only by a writing compiled three centuries after these events, and having no bearing that can be traced on the real course of the history, we are forced to pass them over very slightly. The ascription however of miraculous powers to these prophets is a notable circumstance, as being altogether new in Jewish history. To find anything analogous, we must run back to the legendary days of Moses. One general inference may be drawn, — that the danger and importance of the struggle worked up the minds of Jehovah's worshippers into a high enthusiasm and intense belief of his present energy to aid his prophets. The after-tale also shows, that here, as elsewhere, persecution made its victims bigoted, undiscriminating, and ruthless in their turn. A great drought endured by the land at this period for three years together distressed Ahab, and made it difficult to find fodder for the beasts. Elijah was believed to have predicted its occurrence, and likewise to have an- nounced its termination, having on each occasion met Ahab face to face. The prophet himself was miraculously fed ; first by ravens, who bring him bread and flesh morn- ing and evening ; afterwards, when the brook at which he drank is dried, an inexhaustible barrel of meal and cruse of oil^ are shared with him by a widow of Zarephath, a Sidonian town. In gratitude for her hospitality, he raises her child from the dead by prayer to Jehovah. When after this he presents himself to Ahab, the king 1 This miracle is reproduced with variation in the story of Elisha, who also raises from the dead the son of the Shunammite woman who had fed him: 2 Kings iv. ELIJAH TAKEN UP TO HEAVEN. 1G9 (tlioug-li counting liim an enemy) displays no personal rancour against him, and at his request even gathers the prophets of Baal and Astarte for a trial of miraculous power against Elijah. The issue is so triumphant to him, that, as we have stated, he is enabled to massacre the 950 misbehevers : but hereby he awakens such fierce zeal against him in Jezebel that he is forced to escape for his life into the kingdom of Judali, whence he first proceeds to Beersheba, and, then supported by a miraculous cake to which an angel points him, travels forty days and forty nights till he reaches the awful solitude of Mount Sinai. From hence he is sent back wdth a reproof, and with a secret commission to choose Elisha as his successor. No more is heard of him during the reign of Ahab. But AJbab's successor, enraged at a hostile message from him, sends soldiers to arrest him. Two companies of fifty men with their officers are consumed by fire from heaven at Elijah's calling : a third company is saved only by pious submission. After this, Elijah is carried up to heaven by a whirlwind in a chariot of fire with horses of fire, while Elisha stands wondering and sorrowing. Yet, later still, according to the Chronicler,^ Elijah writes a threatening letter to Jehoram, second son of Ahab. Our narrative passes abruptly from the religious to the temporal aftairs of Israel, but without any distinct note of time, and with the same unhistorical and excited spirit. The great topic is the Syrian war. In attempting to nar- rate this, we have a very difficult task ; because, while our existing materials cannot be thought mere romance or epical invention, they are yet too much disfigured by obvious exaggeration to allow of our accepting the details. It remains for us to follow the invidious and rather arbi- trary plan of selecting those prominent facts which com- bine well with the entire course of the history, and inter- preting what is left doubtful by the geographical and military necessities of the case. The Syrian hero is Ben- HADAD, apparently grandson of the Beuhadad who as- saulted Baasha. In the reign of Ahab we presume he ' 2 Cliron. xxi. 12. This was after the revolt of the Edomites, v. 8 ; which is placcil after the ascent of Elijah and the comino: of his spirit on Elisha ; 2 Kings iii. 10; viii. 22. For this inconsistency however the book of Kings is not chargeable ; nor indeed is the Chronicler inconsistent with himself ; for he does not allude to the ascousiou of Elijah. 170 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. must have been young, since lie carries on an inveterate war against tlie son of Aliab also. The great idea with whichhe seems to have been long possessed, was, to ad- vance directly against the city of Samaria, as a certain means of reducing all Israel : perhaps also regarding it as having been specially designed by its founder to defy the Syrian power. Nor did the plan of warfare appear unwise, since he evidently had the frontier fortresses in his hand, which enabled him to march in at pleasure with very su- perior forces. The campaigns of this Benhadad against Israel alone are all contain^ in a narrative evidently of the same tone and genius, which we can scarcely be wrong in describing as a part of some prophetical story of the Ads of Elisha, transmitted for a while orally in the schools of the prophets. But there is one campaign in which the king of Judah is joined, and this has all the marks of more sober chron- icling, although not without slighter improbabilities :^ the latter document may be safely referred to the court re- cords of Jerusalem. The. difference of spirit is very striking. While Israel and the prophets have the war to themselves, all is marvellous : — extreme danger, divine interposition, and stupendous victory, from which no ulti- mate results are derived : but when the king of Judah aids, we read of historical battle and victory resting with Syria. Having warned the reader of the nature of our materials, we resume the narrative. The force in which the Syrians at present most trusted, was that of war- chariots ; and in plain open country these were highly efficient, ridiculous as they are apt to seem to us, who are accustomed to enclosed fields and paved high roads. Even over the rough ground of ancient Britain the native chariots offered a highly respectable opposition to the veteran infantry of the first Roman in- vader ; and it is evident in ancient history,^ that chariots of war were exceedingly feared until discipline and tactics 1 1 Kin.fs xxii. The more legendary accounts are in 1 Kings xx., and 2 Kings vi., vii. i , . j ■j.x, 2 According to Herodotus, the Garamantes of Africa used to hunt down witti four-horse chariots the Troglodyte Ethiopians, the most swift-footed of men ; apparently to make slaves of them.— Because of the iron chariots of the Philis- tine district (Judges i. 19), the men of Judah could not succeed on the plain, though they comiuered the hill-country. SYRIAN CHARIOT WARFARE. 171 among foot-soldiery reached their highest point. The Syrian chariot did not, hke that of the Homeric Greek, carry a single hero armed with sword and spear, but, like that of the Egyptians, one or more archers, perhaps armed likewise with swords. But besides the efficacy of the chariot in actual battle, it may be conjectured to have served for the more rapid transport of infantry on march. Uniting solidity with lightness, lowaiess, and breadth, it could traverse any country which was not enclosed — (and in Palestine the hedge and ditch were undoubtedly un- known^), — and might possibly carry several infantiy soldiers with their scanty equipage, as well as the warriors who were to fight from it in the battle. We may possibly conclude, that wherever 100 chariots went, not less than 400 or 500 infantry were carried likewise ; who thus might traverse in one day a two-days^ march, and at the end be nearly fresh for immediate service. By help of the chariot 200 horses might thus transport 600 men, while in cavalry service each horse carries but one man. • If there be any weight in these considerations, it follows that against a large force of chariots it was difficult to move infantry with such rapidity as to concentrate them against the attack of an invader. Two separate campaigns of Benhadad against Ahab in Samaria are reported to us. In the former, the Syrians drove in with overflowing might, as it were sweeping the country before them, while no one dared to offer resist- ance. But they paused at no inferior toAvn, and made straight on for Samaria. Ahab, finding himself shut up by very superior forces, and the resources of the kingdom cut off, was terrified into the offer of absolute surrender and vassalage ; but (according to our only authority) Ben- hadad sent so outrageous a message as to the full use which he intended to make of this surrender, that Ahab was steeled into despair. The elders of Israel to w^hom he appealed exhorted him to firmness and vigour, and the prophets came forward to animate Israel and the king to brave and faithful resistance. Ahab indeed per- sonally did not deserve favour from the prophets; but they could not look on tamely and see Jehovah's Israel ' The sacrediiess of the landmark implies this ; besides, the grouud was too precious, and estates too small. 172 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. become tlie spoil of tlie stranger. While Benhadad was full of triumph and insolence, banqueting in his splendid pavilion with the thirty-two vassal kings whom he had brought with him/ the Israehtes made a sudden attack on a part of his chariot force which had ventured upon rough ground, and so discomfited it, with danger so imminent to the whole host, that Benhadad, rising from his banquet, thought nothing better than to mount a fleet horse and escape. The whole army poured after him and got away with as much haste as they could, and no doubt with much disorder and slaughter of the hindmost. While this success gave great additional courage to the Israelites, — who might now remember the decisive victo- ries of David over the chariots and horse of Hadadezer, — on the other hand, the Syrians did not find reason for dis- couragement. They imputed their loss entirely to an error of judgment, in having ventured their chariots on to hilly ground;^ and the captains assured the king that by avoiding this mismanagement, they should conquer Israel in another campaign. Accordingly, next year they • repeated their invasion, and entered the country as far as the town of Aphek, which seems to have been on the broad slope of Esdraelon. If this is the Aphek intended, the Syrians, to avoid hilly districts, must have come along the coast near the Phoenicians, and would seem to have entered the land by the remarkable defile through which the river Leontes flows down from the lofty plain of Hol- low Syria. This time however the spirit of the Israelites was very difi'erent from what it had been in the former campaign. The national pride was roused by self-confi- dence ; and while the Syrian host poured over the plain, the bands of Israel kept collecting on the hills, watching and following its motions for six days together. The Syrians were probably so resolved not again to venture 09" the good ground, that they could not take full advan- tage of their own numbers, and prevent their army from getting separated into portions, each weaker than the enemy. Be this as it may, the Israelites made a brave 1 This may seem only to be a romantic version of the thirty-two captains named in the more historical account of 1 Kings sxii. 31. Not but that Ben- hadad was likely to have vassal kings with him. 2 In the religious phraseology of antiquity, this is expressed by sa}ing that " the gods of Israel are gods of the hills, and not of the plains." SYRIAN CAMPAIGNS WEST OF JORDAN. 173 and successful attack, by wliicli (either in the battle, or in the town of Aphek after the battle) the person of king Benhadad himself fell into the hands of Aliab. If we could believe our authority, we should now state, that, besides the great slaughter of the last yearns army, Benhadad this year lost 100,000 men slain in one day on the open field of Esdraelon, and 27,000 more, crushed to death by the fall of a wall in Aphek. If this were real history, disasters so enormous, besides the repeated loss of a most luxurious camp, would have shattered the entire empire of Damascus. Revolt in all parts would have fol- lowed, and Israel would have had no more danger to fear ; just as it afterwards was, when the loss of a single great army broke up the colossal empire of Assyria. On the contrary, the very next notice which we have of this king- dom represents it in a formidable and victorious attitude towards Israel. We are therefore forced to make im- mense deductions from the account transmitted to us. It is more probable, that though by bravery and good fortune the Israelites had captured the person of the Syrian king, the greater part of his host was untouched and still dangerous. If Aiab had gratified the sugges- tions of anger and revenge by slaying his foe, a new king might have been chosen in the camp, and the war would have been renewed. To kill the king was as it were to set the king free, and lose the advantage which had been gained. Besides, the temper of Ahab appears to have been yielding and amiable ; as want of firmness has been judged his chief defect. Accordingly, he treated the captive monarch with much respect ; entitling him his " brother Benhadad,^^ and inviting him to sit by his side in his own chariot. After this, he made a treaty, by which Benhadad bound himself to restore all the cities of Israel which he held (hereby disabling himself from future in- vasion by the same route) ; and to make " streets " for Ahab in Damascus, whether for the purposes of commerce, or to flatter his pride. So moderate an arrangement kindled the indignation of a fanatical Israelitish prophet,^ 1 The prophet bids a man to wound liim ; and when the man refuses, de- clares that a lion shall kill him for disobeying the voiee of Jehovah : of course a lion dws kill him. The prophet then succeeds in getting another man to ■wound him ; after which he spreads ashes on his face, and goes thus wounded and disfi;^urod to deliver his message of woe to the king. 174 THE HEEKEW MONAECHY. wlio severely rebuked Aiiab for liaving " let go a man whom Jeliovah. had appointed for utter destruction/^ Yet the king, though vexed, was afraid or unwilling to show resentment against the undeserved and unseemly invective. Benhadad thus withdrew himself and (we need not doubt) the best part of his army, unhurt, and faithfully restored the northern towns ; but his pride was deeply engaged to recover his lost honour ; for which he next chose a different mode of attack. From Damascus south- ward towards the Ammonites are wide and open plains, on which the eastern tribes of Israel could offer no effec- tual resistance to a Syrian army. The outlying towns, such as Astarosh Karnaim, were perhaps already in Ben- hadad^s power, if indeed he had not subdued the Ammon- ites, who in these times are not heard of as an independent nation.^ Some years after his ill-success west of Jordan, he came up against southern Gilead, and possessed him- self of the important town of Ramoth, south of the brook Jabbok. From this post he could at any time cross into the plain of the Jordan, and even make a sudden attack on Samaria, as well as on the eastern tribes, northward or southward. The western bank of the Jordan was in itself too valuable to leave undefended, and had by this posture of Benhadad become a sort of frontier to the capital. In it there were two considerable cities, Bethshean and Jericho ; the for- mer undoubtedly fortified : but the latter had remained without walls from an early aera until the days of Ahab. For defence against the Syrians its fortification was clearly desirable; and the work was (probably in this stage of the war) undertaken by a man of Bethel, named Hiel. That the territory was regarded as Ahab's, we infer from the mode in which the fact is named,^ as likewise since If Jehoram, the young son of Ahab, was present during this denunciation, he must afterwards have been much puzzled when Elisha laid down to him the direct contrary principle, and a much more humane one — " Wouldst thou stnite those whom thou hast taken captive ? Set bread and water before them, etc., etc.," 2 Kings vi. 22. ' They are noticed in the Chronicles during the reign of Jehoshaphat (in a passage which will need remark), and again in the reign of Uzziah, after the power of Damascus is broken. 2 Hiel is said to fortify Jericho in Ahab's days, 1 Kings xvi. 34 ; not in /e- hoshaphafs days. BENHADAD AT RAMOTH GILEAD. 175 Bethel was in Ahab's kingdom;^ whilo^ in tlie want of a northern frontier to the plain of Jericho^ we cannot wonder if Rehoboam was forced to surrender this highly fertile district to his rival, though it formed a part of the posses- sions of Benjamin. Indeed Bethel and Jericho are on another occasion coupled together^ as cliief seats of Israel- ifisli prophets under the son of Ahab. We may gather that Hiel undertook the fortification from his own resoui'ces, under the condition that he was to be hereditary governor and prince of Jericho. He fulfilled his task successfully ; but a great domestic calamity befell him. The Indian climate of Jericho (it seems) was fatal to ail his children ; of whom it is said, that the eldest died when the founda- tion of the walls was laid, and the youngest when the gates were set up. In vain had he spent his private fortune in the work; in vain might Ahab grant him an hereditaiy princedom ; when, alas 1 there were no heirs to enjoy it. Men then called to mind an ancient spell ascribed to Joshua, who, "when the walls of Jericho fell flat before the blast of his trumpets " (as some old poem declared), pronovmced in the name of Jehovah this very curse on the man who should rebuild the walls : — With his firstborn shall he lay the foundation ; With his youngest shall he set up the gates. However, the city was the stronger for its fortifications, and Israel now needed the benefit; for king Benhadad beneath the walls of Ramoth could look down on the whole plain of Jordan. At the same time, Ahab was called to be always on the alert, to defend the eastern tribes from a twofold attack. But a great change of feeling and of policy had for some time passed over the cabinet of Jerusalem ; where Jehoshaphat, as we have stated, ascended the thi-one in the vigour of mature manhood.^ Like his father Asa, he was a strict worshipper of Jehovah, and exerted himself to repress every demoralizing practice which sheltered it- self under the forms of heathen religion : yet the burning of incense to Jehovah at the high places he steadily up- held, if indeed there was as yet any one to oppose it. 1 Gilffnl also, in the time of the prophet Amos, belonged to Israel ; which seems to be decisive. 2 2 Kings ii. 3, 5, ' B.C. 89-1. 176 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Sucli a king must liave felt very painfully the relentless conflict between the prophets of Baal and Jehovah which was for awhile going on in the neighbouring kingdom, and nothing but an urgent sense of duty and necessity would be likely to lead him into close alliance with Ahab. But before he had been six years on the throne, he became thoroughly convinced that to support Israel against the attacks of Syria was a paramount object, and took a de- cisive step,^ from the consequences of which he never flinched through all the rest of his life. He united his young son Jehoram^ in marriage to the equally youthful Athaliah, daughter of Ahab and Jezebel.^ Perhaps he imagined that a maiden of the tender age of fifteen could import no moral evil into his palace, and he believed it a duty to cement the two branches of the house of Israel, which had been made unnaturally hostile with results so calamitous to both. Jehoshaphat was still more respected by the priests and prophets than his father Asa, and the determination of the later sacerdotal party to make hirn one of their great heroes, has thrown a false light over his whole reign. The account of him given in the Chi-onicles is evidently to so great a degi*ee an ideal pictm-e, that it is unsafe to believe anything on that testimony alone. Yet the scanty facts deposed in the other record justify important inferences. His predecessors, it is supposed, had succeeded in keeping the nominal homage of the Edomites, and had perhaps been able to enforce the claim to give them kings or regulate the succession to the throne.* Under Jehoshaphat however this remained no barren ceremony of state : before half his reign was ended, he even fitted out a fleet on the Red Sea, and prepared ' The chronology would allow us to believe, that one object which Jehosha- l^hat bought by the marriage was a toleration of the prophets of Jehovah in Israel ; for we have no proof that the persecution continued after that time. 2 As Jehoram is thirty-two years old when he is said to come to the throne, and reigns eight years (2 Kings viii. 17), he dies at the age of forty ; but he dies in 865 ; therefore he is only seventeen in B.C. 888. Is'ow his son Ahaziah is twenty-two at his accession B.C. 865, and was therefore born b.c. 887. This gives seventeen as the. age of Jehoram at his marriage, when Athaliah may have been fifteen. 3 She is called daughter of Omri, 2 Kings viii. 26 ; 2 Chron. xxii. 2. If this -were accurate, it would disturb our chronology. But 2 Kings viii. 18, induces everybody to explain daughter as granddanghter. ■* It is not certain whether the statement in 1 Kings xxii. 47, as to the vice- roy in Edom, applies to Jehoshaphat' s reign alone, or to former reigns also. GREATNESS OF JEHOSHAPHAT. 177 for a voyage to Opliir. In building ships at so distant a port, and in planning such a voyage, very much indeed is implied. He must have held so complete a command over Idumfea, as to be able to superintend the cutting of timber in Edomite forests (which do not seem now to exist), and sending all needful supplies to the harbours of Elath and Ezion Geber. Ho must also have had a suffi- cient command of the Philistine sea-coast, to furnish him with a maritime population and experienced shipbuilders; for he built and manned his fleet without aid from the king of Israel, or (as far as we can learn) from any foreign quarter. Finally, he must have been able to provide for the security of his caravans in going and returning ; and must have had a large disposable surplus of light merchan- dise, which would bear the expense of carriage on camels^ backs to the Red Sea. Even in our older compilation, the tone in which he is spoken of implies a military great- ness beyond his predecessors. Out of such substantial realities, the Chronicler has built up a fabric of romance. He furnishes Jehoshaphat with an army of 1,160,000 dis- posable troops under four great generals, " to wait upon the king,'' besides the garrisons in the fenced cities. The Philistines pay him tribute of silver, and the Arabians present him with 7700 rams and 7700 he-goats. So great prosperity must have been a direct reward from Jehovah on his piety ; hence his piety must be described as even exceeding that of David. He gives order to his princes to teach in the cities of Judah, and sends out Levites and priests with the Book of the Law, who taught the people everywhere. But as half of this tale is an obvious inven- tion, we cannot put any trust in the rest, which is unknown to our better authority, and wholly unparalleled and un- countenanced by all the rest of the history. In the present day, a ravine close beneath Jerusalem itself is called the valley of Jehoshaphat, but there is no proof that the name was so applied in ancient times. Yet it is generally supposed that there was a valley so called,^ identical with that which had received the name Berachah or Blessing, because in it Jehoshaphat, after a great victory over the Edomites and other allies, there offered solemn 1 According to a received iaterpretation of Joel iii. — But it seems more pro- bable iliat the uanio in Joel is mystical and not geographical. 12 178 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. tlianksgivings to Jehovali. The name (as so often hap- pens) appears to have generated a legend concerning the nature of the victory, which however does not contain a single circumstance that can commend itself as historical.^ While the Chronicler's accounts of Jehoshaphat are not admissible, we yet .cannot doubt that, except towards the end of his reign, he was a prosperous prince, and that the wisdom with which he followed up the measures of his father was crowned with high success. One or other of the two had reduced the southern cities of Philistia, and gained access to the sea, with facilities for Mediten-anean navigation and commerce, which afterwards suggested to renew the southern voyages of Solomon. The neighbour- ing Arabians felt the benefits of traffic with him, and will- ingly paid him homage, and his sway, as we have said, became real and vigorous over the Edomites. In about the fifteenth or sixteenth year of his reign, a definite pro- posal was made to him by Ahab to unite in rescuing Ra- moth in Gilead from the grasp of king Benhadad. Jeho- shaphat acceded to Ahab's request with a cordiality which shows that he looked on all Israel as one people, and sin- cerely desired its entire union and joint prosperity. Never- theless, it might be wrong to think his conduct disinter- ested, which might indeed lessen our idea of his prudence; rather, for the sake of his own kingdom, it was inevitable for him to feel the greatest anxiety from the position of the Syrian monarch in Gilead. From Ramoth as his sallying-post, Benhadad was almost certain, sooner or later, to subdue the eastern tribes ; and by crossing the Jordan he might invade Judah almost as easily as Israel. Against a force so superior and so near, if once allowed to root it- self there, neither kingdom could hope permanently to stand ; and it might seem the part of wisdom to act with an enterprise bordering on rashness, before the eastern tribes of Israel had learned submission to a Damascene master. The two kings accordingly marched in company against Ramoth, and found the Syrians assembled round it in force so great, as may even imply that they were on the point of invading Israel, and that the sole question had been^ whether to meet them across the Jordan, or to re- 1 See Note 3, p. 183. JOINT WAR OF AHAB AND JEHOSHAPHAT. 179 coive their attack in the heai't of Ephraim. Tlio force more particularly specified now, as on other occasions, is that of chariots, over which the king of Syria had set thirty-two captains. An obstinate battle was fought, and lasted till the sun went down ; in the course of which Ahab received a mortal wound with an arrow. He died in the evening ; and so confessed was the defeat of the Hebrews, that a general order was sent through their bands for each man to save himself by night, as he best could.^ After so entire a failure, we might have imagined that the whole territory of the eastern tribes would at once have been lost to the dominion of Samaria. The Syrians however must themselves have suffered severely in so hardly-contested a field ; and they may have found that they had no longer strength to spare for encounter- ing any new enterprise. Such an overthrow, in the first battle fought by the united kings of Israel and Judah, was in itself memorable and disastrous. The moral effect on the surrounding na- tions, — Edom, Moab, Philistia, — was a severe wound to the Hebrew supremacy, which now appeared finally to be sinking before the star of Damascus. It was made still more impressive on the imagination by the death of Ahab, the first Hebrew monarch since Saul who had been slain in war. In consequence, the event has been transmitted to us with details which must be received with caution and a measure of distrust. Benhadad is said to have ordered his men to neglect all other objects in comparison with that of killing Ahab ; which, since Ahab is not reported to us to be anything as a general, savours of personal enmity, not military policy. But by a strange coincidence, Ahab, without knowing of this order, disguises himself in a common garb, but persuades Jehoshaphat to appear in his usual royal robes ; for which no reason whatever is assigned. Hence Jehoshaphat narrowly escapes being slain, as the Syrians mistake him for Ahab. The death of Ahab is imputed to a chance- sJiot, which perhaps only means ^ that the archer was supposed not to know that it was 1 The Chronicler dissembles the disgraceful rout of the army, as indecorous to Jehoshaphat; 2 Chron. xix. 1. - If we interpret it, that the archer shot at random, how was tlie writer to know that .-' 12 * 180 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. Ahab at wliom lie was aiming. While this account con- tains nothing impossible, the coincidences are odd, and certainly not easy to receive from an unknown compiler distant in time from the events. But this is not all. That so pious a king as Jeho- shaphat, and one previously so successful, should fall into such a calamity, needed to be accounted for. Had he gone forth without consulting Jehovah by Urim ? or without encouragement from Jehovah^ s prophets ? or had he even disobeyed them ? Our narrative undertakes to reply to these questions, and yet in fact leaves them unsolved. Jehoshaphat, after promising to join Aiiab, is seized with scruples, and suggests to inquire of Jehovah. Ahab pro- duces 400 prophets, who reply that Jehovah shall deliver Ramoth into the hand of the two kings. But the king of Judah is still uneasy, and inquires whether there is not yet, besides these, some prophet of Jehovah. Ahab con- fesses that there is one more, — whom he does not like, — Micaiah, son of Imlah ; and at Jehoshaphat^s request, sends for him. Micaiah strongly forbids the expedition, and predicts the worst results : Ahab is incensed, and throws him into prison. Yet Jehoshaphat goes up with Ahab against Ramoth, as if uncertain whether the single prophet or the four hundred spoke the true word of Jehovah.^ There are nevertheless in this account some points of theological interest, which must not be passed over. Micaiah is the only prophet of Israel (except Hosea, who wrote much later, when that branch of the nation was near to its final ruin,) of whose doctrine we have any characteristic specimen. When asked whether the two kings shall go up against Ramoth, he first replies, '^ I saw all Israel scattered upon the hills as sheep that have not a shepherd : and Jehovah said, Tltese have vo master : let them return every man to his house in peace." ^Tien Ahab expressed displeasure at this rebuke of his indecisive character, Micaiah resumed his address : " I saw Jehovah sitting on his throne, and all the host of heaven standing 1 Among the earlier Romans we see distinctly how any great defeat is apt to be imputed to a neglect of the auspices. Even so late as in the invasion by the Cirabri and Teutones, they ascribe some of their severest losses to the in- continence of the Vestal Virgins, who are tried and cruelly killed as guilty of the public disasters. DOCTRINE OP LYING SPIRITS. 181 by him on his right hand and on his left. And Jehovah said, WTio shall persuade Aliab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth of Gilead. And there came forth a spirit, and stood before Jehovah, and said, 1 will persuade him. And Jehovah said. Wherewith ? And he said, I will go forth, and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his pro- phets. And Jehovah said, Thou shalt persuade him, and prevail also : go forth and so do." It is quite a secondary question with us whether these words were so spoken, then and there, and whether such a prediction damped the hearts of the Hebrew soldiers and contributed to their defeat : all historical reality in the address may be doubted, and it will remain not the less certain that we have here a faithful view of the belief and forms of imagination then current concerning Jeho- vah's throne and court. These are quite in harmony with the representations of Isaiah and of the later prophets, in the general analogy presumed between the externals of divine and human sovereignty. That which is here pe- culiar and instructive is the agency of lying spirits under Jehovah's immediate mission. The false prophets who mislead Ahab are conceived of, probably, as in some sense guilty ; yet they are not the less Jehovah's prophets, speaking by the direct dictation of the spirit which he has sent. The Persian doctrine of an Evil Spirit in avowed conflict with the Good God, does not seem yet to have found its way into Israel, The times were rude enough to feel no impropriety in the God of Truth working out his own ends by lying ministers ; and the ingenious methods by which a later philosophy sought to disen- tangle its own web were unknown and unwished for. At the same time, it becomes apparent that in Israel (as at a later time in Judah), when the prophets were admitted to give political counsel, their influence was apt to be neu- tralized by one another, and by this doctrine of " lying spirits." But to return to the history. The position of the Syrians in Gilead gave them the undisputed command of the plains of Moab along the east bank of the Jordan, down to its junction with the Dead Sea ; and by thus in- tercepting all communication between Israel and the Moa- bites, led the latter to disown their homa^-e to the former. 182 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. The annual tribute wMcli they had paid is estimated as 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams, with the wool, which was of course withheld, now that the king of Israel could not fulfil a single duty of a sovereign, Ahaziah, eldest son of Ahab, succeeded to his father ^ on a weakened and unenviable throne. One circumstance alone, of political interest, is casually named as happening in his reign. Jehoshaphat had re- cently been making his great experiment of renewing the navigation to Ophir ; but, perhaps through want of skill in his shipwrights or sailors (for he was shut up to the narrow coast of Philistia for his supply), the enterprise failed, the fleet being shattered by a tempest almost be- fore quitting its harbour. Ahaziah appears to have im- puted the misfortune to want of seamanship ; for he imme- diately proposed to send on the next voyage subjects of his own, who occupied a sea-coast of five times the length, and had a far greater maritime experience than any He- brews of the kingdom of Judah. But Jehoshaphat was too much discouraged to repeat the experiment. It must have been exceedingly costly, and he was no doubt already convinced that he was grasping at what was beyond his powers ; he therefore positively declined the friendly ofFer.^ In a few short months Ahaziah met with an accident fatal in its result : he fell out of an upper window in his room at Samaria, Sympathising with his mother's re- ligion, he sent to the Philistine town of Ekron to inquire of their god^ whether he should recover. For this im- piety he was believed by the prophets of Jehovah to have died shortly after. As he had no son, his brother Je- HOEAM succeeded him in the next year.* The calamities which seemed still to beset Israel were not without their effect on the new king. Jehoram could hardly avoid imputing them to the evil influence of Baal, 1 B.C. 877. 2 1 Kings xxii. 49. It is extraordinary to see how broadly the Chronicler contradicts this account. He represents that Ahaziah's men had been on board the ships, and that to punish this alliance with so wicked a man as Ahaziah, Jehovah destroyed the fleet by a tempest (2 Chron. xx. 35—37). _ The writer likewise commits the blunder of supposing that ships could sail down the Red Sea to Tarshish, or Tartessus, in Spain. Tarshish was a port much frequented by the Tyrians ; Jonah i. 3; Ezek. xxvii. 12. 3 "Whom the Hebrews name Baalzebub {lord ofjlies) . i B.C. 876. COMBINED WAR AGAINST MOAB. 183 wliose worship Aliab had introduced ; and (possibly not without the instigation of the monotheistic Jehoshaphat) ho took the decisive measure of removinof the ima""e of Baal which his father had made. We may probably infer that in other matters also he refrained from encouragfincr heathen ceremonies, although respect for his mother Jeze- bel forbade his taking active measures against them. After this he engaged Jehoshaphat to aid him in enforcing from the Moabites the tribute which they had been accus- tomed to pay to Ahab ; and as it was no longer possible to conduct their armies across the Jordan because of the Syrians, it was determined to lead them through the land of Edom, which was now entirely subject to Jehoshaphat. The particulars of the campaign form a part of the wonder- ful deeds of Elisha, and it is difficult to elicit substantial facts. The viceroy (here called klng^ of Edom) accom- panies them ; their army suffers from want of water ; Elisha calls for a minstrel, — begins to prophesy, — orders them to dig ditches. They obey, and find water in abundance : the Moabites^ when the sun shines on the water, mistake it for blood, and fancying that the two armies have massacred each other, make a rush for the Hebrew camp to despoil it. The Israelites meet and slaughter them with ease; then (as eager not for future tribute, but for present ven- geance) thej beat down the cities, cut down all the good trees, stop up all the wells, and cast each man his stone on every good piece of land. The king of Moab is filled with chief rage against the king of Edom, and with 700 chosen swordsmen makes a fierce, but vain attack on him. He then sacrifices his eldest son on the wall of some city : but with no result, except that the Moabites^ "feel great indigna- tion against Israel." The armies return home, and Moab is left neither subject nor tributary.^ As no effect what- * As we are distinctly informed that at this time there was no king in Edom (1 Kings xxii. 47), the title is here indicative of vague knowledge in the original writer of this account. - Mr Robert Mackay, in his able and remarkable work, " Progress of tlie Intellect," which seldom agrees with the views of tliis volume, says (vol. ii. p. 407) that it was not the MoaMtes who felt indignation, but Jehovah, who was fancied to bo affected by the cliarm of the sacrifice. ^ The Chronicler appears to liave thought this campaign not honourable cnougli to Jeliosliaphat, for he lias dropt it out and put into its place, ia nearly the same point of time, a ditfereiit war, whieli he tells as follows (2 Chrou. XX.) The Moabites, Ammonites, and Edomites, a great multitude, 184 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. ever of this campaign is pretended, and we cannot imagine a miracle wrought solely to enable the Hebrews to inflict misery on an innocent population, it is most probable that the want of water, which is mentioned as a difficulty en- countered by them, really caused the failure of the whole expedition. We now enter on a yet more perplexing narrative, in which the unhistorical tone is far too manifest^ to allow of our easy belief in it ; although it is impossible to doubt that there was a real event at bottom which deeply aSected the national feelings. This event is the siege of Samaria by the king of Syria. The invasion had only been delayed for some years by the spirited attack made on his forces at Ramoth by the allied kings ; and now, under Jehoram son of Ahab, the Israelitish army with their king was hemmed in at Samaria. So successfully did the Syrian forces cut off their communications, that a dreadful famine arose in the town ; and not only were the vilest substances sold at a great price for human food, but a woman was believed to have boiled and eaten her son.^ Yet when the suffering was becoming unendui-able, and a little more would have led to unconditional surrender, the S}Tian army withdrew, and vanished of itself in the night. Such a catastrophe is cij^riori very improbable, but is by no means impossible. Many conjectural causes might be assigned, far from absurd. The besieger may himself invade the land of Judah, entering along the west shore of the Dead Sea. Jehoshaphat prays a public prayer : a Levite becomes inspired and encourages the nation : Jehoshaphat marches out with religious singers in fi'ont of his army to praise Jehovah. As soon as they begin to sing, Jehovah sends mutual fury into the adverse host, who, before the Hebrews can come up to them, kill one another, " so that not one escaped." Abundance of spoil, — riches and precious jewels, — are found with the dead bodies, so much that the favoured array is employed three days in gathering it. On the fourth day they publicly bless Jehovah in the valley of Berachah, and return to Jerusalem with psal- teries, harps, and trumpets to the house of Jehovah. As to the date intended for this fable, it is distinctly declared to be after the death of Ahab (xix. 1, xx. 1) : and it might seem by xx. 35 to be during the life of Ahab's successor. But at v. 31 of this chapter the connexion is broken, and the writer loses all chronological clue, ' The siege of Jerusalem by Titus is described by Josephus in perhaps a still more overwrought and romantic style ; yet Josephus was a contemporary, with excellent means of information. 2 Dramatic pungency is added to this by representing two women contracting that each in turn shall contribute a boiled child to their common meal : one of them eats the other's child, and evades to give her own ; and she who has ful- filled her part of the contract appeals to the king against the other's injustice. SIEGE OF SAMARIA. 185 liave suffered want of supplies, or lie may have been drawn off by the attack of some enemy at home when the siege lingered beyond expectation, — as the Gauls, while blockad- ing the Roman Capitol. Large and luxurious armies are likewise liable to unaccountatjle panics ; and there were in this case circumstances which may have conduced to such a thing. It has been observed by a Greek writer/ that the Persians so dreaded a night-attack on their ca- valry, that that species of force never passed the night at a shorter distance than six or seven miles from the enemy. Every horse needed to be pegged to the ground by each of his four feet. If the army was surprised by night, the time required to get the horses free and accoutre them for action was so great, that a total defeat might be first sus- tained. A force of chariots must have been still more liable to this disaster. Moreover, as king Benhadad had once before fallen into the hands of the Israelites, he may the more easily have taken alarm on the occurrence of a tumult which was supposed to be a hostile attack. Noises in the night are heard to a great distance, and are easily misinterpreted ; and the host was probably dispersed, so as to block up all the critical approaches to Samaria, with- out venturing on the rough ground. The authority from which we draw our whole informa- tion says, therefore, nothing incredible in assigning a niglit -panic as the reason for the sudden disappearance of the Syrians; but the particular ground of alarm ^ attributed to them does not exhibit the writer's acquaintance with the times in a very favourable light. It goes on to repre- sent the Syrians as leaving their entire camp, with abund- 1 Xenophon iu his Anabasis, iii. He elsewhere, in the same work, mentions that even the Greek army, nnder the veteran officer Clearchus, snfl'ered a rather dangerous night-panic, which was stilled by Clearchus bidding his loud-voiced crier proclaim a reward of a silver talent to whoever u-oidd tell who it teas that let the ass loose into the camp ; Anab. ii 2, 20. They had themselves, just before, unawares inflicted a panic on the king of Persia, which made him de- camp in the night. - The Syrians are stated to dread an attack from the kings of the Ilittites and of the Egyptians. No Hittite kings can have compared in power with ti>e king of Jiidah, the real and nearer ally, who is not named at all ; and the kings of Egypt (if there were really more than one) were at a weary distance, Avith a desart between. In the whole narrative, from 2 Kings vi. 8 to vii. 6, the title " king of Israel" occurs twenty-two times, yet his name never slips out, nor that of the lord who is trampled to death ; uor is there a single mark of acquaintance with the Contemporaneous history. 186 THE HEBEEW MONARCHY. ance of food and every sort of wealth, to be plundered by tbe Israelites ; and such, it declares, was the profusion of the supply of fine flour and of barley (the horse-food of tliose parts), that the dearth in Samaria was suddenly converted into cheapness.^ A lord who had disbelieved the possibility of this, when predicted by Elisha, was trodden to death, in the crowd, in fulfilment of the pro- phet's denunciation upon him. The general result remains clear : Samaria, after great suffering, escaped for the present ; but the power of Syria continued to threaten it with force most dispro- portionate. Jehoshaphat (if still alive)^ was getting old, and possibly was daunted by the ill- success of his two ex- peditions in company with kings of Israel ; but age had stolen over Benhadad also. He was shortly laid up with a painful sickness, and (after an interval perhaps of a few years) died. It is not stated whether he left any natural representatives, and we only know that he was succeeded on the throne of Damascus by Hazael,^ one of his great oflBcers. Jehoshaphat, under growing infirmity, had recourse to the method, hitherto unpractised except by king David, of raising his son to the throne during his own life- time. Some doubt rests on the date of this ; we have 1 The liveliness of the narrative is here quite equal to poetry. Four Icpron.s men venture out into the Syrian camp, and enjoy all its good thin,s:s before any of the rest have discovered the flight of the huge host. Considering the height of the hill of Samaria, it might have seemed that the state of the enemy's camp would be seen (at least in most parts) from the town itself. 2 We cannot tell whether Jehoshaphat or Jehorani sate on 'the thi-one of Judah during the siege of Samaria, so little has it of real connexion with the history ; yet judging from the aifairs of Syria, we should suppose it to be while the two Jehorams were reigning. 3 Hazael is stated to have murdered the poor old man in his sick bed, by spreading a wet cloth on his face. But when a man is so near to death that this will kill him, he may so easily have died of himself, that we need good evidence to show that such a story is not vulgar scandal. How the Israelitish writer got so accurate information of what went on in the king of Syi-ia's bed- chamber is not apparent. In order, it seems, to give honour to Elisha, this prophet is made to utter a prediction which in a just view was highly disgraceful. Hazael brings him a present of forty camels' -load of all the precious things of Damascus, to inquire, in Benhadad' s name, whether he is to recover of his malady. Elisha replies that he u-ill not recover, although he might recover ; but Hazael will become king of Syria, and will perpetrate every kind of cruelty on the Israelites. Hazael is shocked at the prophecy, yet on reaching home murders his master. If Elisha had wished to incite him to the murder, he could not have tempted him more diabolically. But the whole tale is apocryphal. EEVOLT OF THE EDOMITES. 187 followed the opinion that it was B.C. 872, about tliree years before the old king's death. It was not to be questioned that ho felt the calamities which were befalling the northern kingdom to be severe shocks given to the whole Hebrew sovereignty. Now that the tribe of Reuben, with Amnion and Moab, were lost to the throne of Israel, it was impossible that the Edomites should very peaceably submit to the yoke of Judah. A strong and vigorous hand was wanted, and age must have now dis- abled Jehoshaphat for the active exertion of warfare. These reasons will account for his taking so unusual a step. That the name of his son, Jehoram, was the very same as that of the king of Israel, is generally ascribed to the matrimonial alliance between the two famibes ; an opinion which is confirmed by the circumstance that this Jehoram's son and the other Jeh Oram's brother were both named Ahaziah. Yet as both Jehorams appear to have been born in Omri's reign, it is remarkable to find such intimacy between the fathers already commenced, as to lead to their giving the same names to their sons.^ No event at all is recorded as occurring during the joint reign of Jehoram and his fiither. Jehoshaphat died^ at the age of sixty, leaving his kingdom in an anxious position, through no fault of his own, but through the irresistible growth of Damascus, which he had so long foreboded, and in vain struggled to check. The great event of his son's reign was the revolt of the Edomites, who now set over themselves an independent king. The king of Judah did not yield up his sovereignty without a conflict ; and going out with a force of chariots, he made a night-attack on the Edomite army with much slaughter. Nevertheless, though he might win a battle, he could not recover his dominion ; and Edom was lost to the house of Judah about a century and a half after its conquest by David. A revolt of the strongly fortified town of Libnah in Judtea is mentioned as happening about the same time ; and it is possible that the necessity imposed on Jehoram of returning from Edom to put down rebellion in his own dominions, helped to shorten the Edomite war. We should seem to know the reasons of * Some may conjecture that tlie system of taking roi/al names was already acted on. - B.C. 869. 188 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. this internal rebellion, if we could give unhesitating credit to the details which our second authority has added to the reign of this king. His father Jehoshaphat, we are told, had seven sons, whom he established as princes in various fenced cities of Judah; but no sooner did Jehoram find himself sole master of the kingdom, than, in the jealousy of power, he slew all his brothers, and with them many other noble persons. Such a massacre would necessarily produce discontents, which might well break out into rebellion at Libnah. The Edomites had now learned their strength; and the hope of revenge kindled a clear memory of the bloody deeds wrought upon their nation by Joab and Abishai. Although they could have no thought of conquering Judah, they from this time forth, with little intermission, harassed it by inroads, in which they carried off the population to sell into slavery. Allusions to the suffering thus caused are frequent in the earliest extant prophets ; yet no incursions were on a sufficiently large scale to be entitled a war, or to find a place in the general history. A notice however has been preserved to us of a very daring inroad of PhiUstines, aided by tribes from the Arabian peninsula; who surprised Jerusalem itself, and carried off (it is even said) the wives of the king. The general fact is in perfect agreement with the course of the history and the references made by the prophets;^ but we find mingled up with the narrative much that is erroneous or justly suspected,^ so as to inspire the belief, that an ^ See especially Joel iii. 4, -5, which at first sight seems to say that the Philis- tines (with the help of Tyre and Sidon ?) pillaged the temple. 2 It states (2 Chr. xxi. 20) that as a stigma on his wickedness he was buried in the city of David, but not in the sejyulehres of tlie kings ; while in our better authority we read, that " he was buried ivith his fathers in the city of David." The Chronicler brings up against him Philistines, and Arabians that icere near the Ethiopians, who plunder his palace, carry off his wives (although Athaliah, his chief or only wife, was not carried off), and slay all his sons, except his youngest son Jehoahaz— for so Ahaziah is called in ch. xxi. 17. (The name Ahaziah reappears in xxii. 2, and, in another form, Azariah, in v. 6.) The Chronicler makes Ahaziah 42 years old when his father dies at the age of 40. l^\x\i, forty-two might indeed be a corrupt reading for twenttj-tu-o, as we read in 2 Kings xviii. 26 ; but even so, it is absurd to imagine Ahaziah to be only 18 years younger than his father, and yet to be the youngest son born from many wives.' Again, as the Chronicler represents all the brethren of Ahaziah to have been killed by the freebooters, he turns those who are called " forty-two men, brethren of Ahaziah " (in 2 Kings x. 13, 14,) into sons of the brethren of Aha- ziah ; so that Jehoram, dying at the age of 40, left 42 grandsons who are called SECOND BATTLE AT RAMOTH. 189 undue prejudice against the son of Jehoshaphat had biassed the Chronicler, by whom this king is depicted in far blacker colours than by the earlier compiler. Jehoram died in the prime of life, of an acute attack in the bowels, which, coupled with the depressing events of his reign, in contrast to his father^s greatness, led to the idea that a judgment from God had overtaken him, and that he was a sinner above other men. His son Ahaziah^ had already reached the age of twenty-two, and lost no time in following up his grand- father's policy of withstanding the power of Damascus. No circumstances survive to us that might explain the only fact of which we are informed. Hazael had succeed- ed Benhadad on the throne of Syria. Had his accession been accompanied with any internal disorders ? Had Benhadad left sons, against whom Hazael had had to contend ? or had Jehoram of Israel, after the retreat of Ben- hadad from Samaria, obtained any fresh successes during the last illness of the old king ? We cannot tell what emboldened the two Hebrew princes anew; we only know that Ahaziah, in the first and last year of his reign, joined Jehoram in another attempt to recover Ramoth in Gilead from the Syrians. King Hazael fought a battle against them, in which Jehoram was severely wounded ; but the Hebrew armies kept the field, and continued in the neigh- bourhood of Ramoth. The Israelitish king had returned to his palace at Jezreel to tend his wounds, when a dreadful calamity exploded on the heads of both the royal houses. But before detailing this miserable event, we must cast a retrospect on the life of queen Jezebel. We have seen that the palace of Tirzah found no favour with king Omri, the founder of Samaria. As the arduous work of erecting a new capital is likely to have fully occu- pied him, we may probably ascribe to his son Ahab ^ the nieii. That Elijah the prophet wrote a letter to Jehoram, as stated in 2 Chr. xxi. 12, is irreconcilable with the chronology of the book of Kings. BotJi these records are prcjndiced against the son and grandson of Jehoshaphat, because of their relation to the house of Ahab, in whose sins (they vaguely say) both walked. But when they go into details of irreligion, we find no inijiutation worse than " the high places," 2 Chr. xxi. 11. The son of Ahab had in fact renounced the worship of Baal. 1 B.C. 865. 2 We hear also of an ivor^' house which Ahab made (1 Kings xxii. 39), which may be compared to the ivory palaces of Ps. xlv. It is credible that all 190 THE HEBREW MONARCHY. building of tlie new palace at Jezreel for liis wife Jezebel. Jezreel is identified witli the modern village of Zerin^ on an elevated part of the table-land called Esdraelon^ by the Greeks. To the north-west the brook Kishon runs down into the bay of Carmel. Home (in his Illustrations) de- scribes the plain of Jezreel as " surrounded by hills on all sides ; by the hills of Nazareth to the north,, those of Samaria to the south^ the mountains of Tabor and Hermon to the east, and by Carmel to the south-west." By gene- ral agreement, the site was worthy of a palace. It has been carefully recorded that David, when he needed the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite, paid fifty shekels of silver^ as the price of it with the oxen. Omri bought the hill of Samaria of its owner Shemer with two talents of silver ; Ahab likewise was under a necessity of pur- chasing such land as he needed in the neighbourhood of Jezreel. It so happened that a man named Naboth had a vineyard which was wanted as a kitchen-garden to the palace ; but although the king offered him whatever equi- valent in money he thought reasonable, Naboth positively refused to sell it on any terms. The narrative is of inter- est, as showing us, that the despotism apparently vested in these kings was never understood to supersede private and social rights. In time of war they exercised so arbi- trary an authority, that Saul could threaten his son Jona- than with death for disobeying a capricious order ; and over their own officials, especially those under military rule, the public feeling seems to have permitted them a very unlimited sway. But their power over private men, although the constitution had not invented any mode of controlling it, was not to be exerted with wild or selfish wilfulness : usage, and respect for public opinion, de- manded the observance of certain forms of justice, in a case which involved private interests. On the present oc- casion the refusal of Naboth greatly annoyed Ahab, who neither dared to use violence, nor conceived the idea of it. But his wife Jezebel, enraged that any one should thwart its ornamental ^axi was executed in ivory. The "houses of ivory" in Hosea iii. 15 are named in company with real dwelling-houses. ' Esdrael is a mere corruption of Jezreel, a word which in Hebrew means seed of God (or, sowing-place of God ?), as indicating the great fruitfulness of the plain. !* 2 Sam. xxiv. 24. NABOTH^S VINEYARD. 191 and mortify her royal consort, immediately took on her- self to arrange the matter of Naboth. Having written letters in Ahab^s name and sealed them with his seal, she ac- cused Naboth of the undefinable offence of " blasphemy '' against God and the king/ and by suborning false wit- ness, effected his condemnation ; upon which he was put to death by the cruel method of public stoning. At her instance, Aliab then took possession of Naboth's vineyard, although with a bad conscience and without enjoyment of it ; for when severely reproved by Elijah the prophet, he humbled himself, — rent his clothes and wore sackcloth, — and showed no resentment against his faithful rebuker. Such is the account, as we have it ; and even if it be not wdiolly correct, it is of value, as shoAving a very early be- lief current in Israel. If we reject it, we can put nothing into its place, as we cannot hope to amend it in detail. It certainly gives us a blacker view of JezebePs character than any other facts which are stated ; and the thought may occur, whether this is anything but a story to which her murderer, in self-justification, gave currency. That is possible ; and yet the crime imputed to her is only too consistent with the mother of Athaliah. In her palace of Jezreel the queen of Aliab was still re- siding, and here too lay her royal son, now almost con- valescent from the wounds he received at Ramoth. It does not appear that any violence on JezebePs part had been renewed against the Hebrew national religion since the great di'ought which had afflicted Israel. We read that prophets of Jehovah moved freely in the camp and in the court during the Sylvian invasions, and used great liberty with Ahab and his son, without encountering danger; and w^hen Ahab joined with Jehoshaphat to go against Ra- moth, we have seen that about 400 men are spoken of as prophesying in the name of Jehovah before both the ' The Hebrew phrase is, " Naboth did hless God and the king." The word hh'ss is expounded to mean smj adieu, and hence, curse. It may seem strange to find God, and not Jehovah^ m this formuhx ; and since in days when various i