Si^AYNE S. VUCINICH GEISEL LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DffGO LA JOUA. CAUFORNIA i /t Afi'S ry\\^ \'l'^ JBfAYNE S. VUCINICH Copyright, i8g^ By Estes and Lauriat All rights reserved Constantinople Clara Ersknie Clement CONTENTS. -♦ — Chaptbb ^^°^ I, Introductory ^ II. Constantinople and Constantine the Great. 324-337 10 III. Valens, Theodosius the Great, Arcadius, and Theodosius II. 364-527 26 IV. Justinian, Heraclius, Constantine IV., Leo the Iconoclast, and the Isaurian Dynasty. 527-867 39 V. Macedonian and Comnenan Dynasties — Decad- ence of Constantinople. 867-1203 .... 56 VI. The Latin Conquest, Last Emperors of Con- stantinople, AND ITS Subjection by the Otto- man Turks. 1204-1453 73 VII. Mohammed II., Bayezid II., Selim I., and Sulei- man THE Magnificent. 1453-1566 97 Vni. Selim II. to Abdul Mejid — Three Centuries OF Decline. 1566-1861 123 IX. Sultans Abdul Aziz, Murad V., and Abdul Hamid IL 1861-1895 148 X. The Castle of the Seven Towers — The Old Seraglio and Other Palaces « 171 XI. S. Sophia and the Ahmedyeh 197 XII. Antiquities of Constantinople 216 IV CONTENTS. Chapter Paob XIII. Shops and Bazaars 236 XIV. Thk Valley of the Sweet Waters. — Habits and Customs of Turkish Ladies 246 XV. Cemeteries and Funeral Customs 256 XVI. Birth, Circumcision, and Marriage Ceremonies 265 XVII. Superstitions, Dervishes, Ramadan, and Fatal- ism 280 XVIII. Education in Constantinople 294 Index 303 ^art f ir^t. CONSTANTINOPLE BEFORE THE CONQUEST OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS. Behold Constantinople ! sublime, superb Constantinople, glory to creation and man ! I had never dreamed of such beauty ! Edmondo de Amicis. CONSTANTINOPLE. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTOEY. THE history of no city exceeds that of Constantinople in dramatic interest, and no other can boast of so commanding a position, or one so well suited to the splendid capital of a proud and powerful empire. As Byzantium, — its name through more than nine cen- turies, — it was one of the most remote Greek colonies, surrounded by a barbarous country, and but narrowly separated from a sea dangerous to mariners, and fatal to those who fell into the hands of the inhabitants of its coasts, — a sea which was both a dread and a temptation to Greek and Roman seamen. When Greek colonists first established themselves on the borders of the Propontis, — now Marmora, — this dreaded sea was called the " Axine," or " Inhospitable ; " and its associations with the perilous voyage of the Argonautic fleet, with Jason, Medea, and the Golden Fleece, inspired a terror of it which yielded I)ut slowly before the experiences of those who ventured upon its waters and returned in safety. But at length it so far vindicated itself as to be rechristened ; and the " Euxine, " or " Hospitable, " lost its deadly terrors, while retaining enough of its peculiar characteristics to justify the words of Lord Byron, so frequently recalled 4 CONSTANTINOPLE. by those who experience the discomforts of its chopping currents. ^ Then, as now, the waters of this sea flowed rapidly through the narrow Bosphorus, and rushing on through the Sea of Marmora, the Dardanelles, and the ^gcan Sea, were mingled with those of the greater Mediterranean. The steep and wooded banks of the Bosphorus, from the Cyanean rocks which guarded the entrance to the Euxine, even to the port of Byzantium itself, were studded with temples and altars, where prayers and sacrifices were offered to the gods, in the hope of securing their pro- tection from the dangers of these untoward waters. Along the sixteen winding miles of these lonely straits, tradition has located the scenes once haunted by the mythical beings who can no longer be discerned, and the present castles of Europe and Asia stand upon the founda- tions of the temples of Scrapis and Jupiter Urius, at the narrowest part of the channel, where Darius connected the continents by a bridge of boats, about 500 b. c. The wonderful beauty of the site of Byzantium was fully equalled, perhaps even surpassed, by its political and commercial advantages. Easily defended on its land borders, its position on the sea afforded the assurance of vast wealth and prosperity. The duties levied on corn ships brought a large revenue to the Byzantines, and the fisheries were a prolific source of wealth ; for the fish, which, coming from the Euxine, filled the waters of the Bosphorus, inclined to the European shore, and furnished a living to a multitude of fishermen, as well as food to rich and poor alike. The splendid harbour, almost tideless, and so deep that merchandise could be landed without small boats, was called the Golden Horn, at a very early date. Gibbon 1 " Tliere 's not a sea the passenger e'er pukes in Turns up more dangerous breakers than the Euxine." INTRODUCTORY. 5 says that the largest vessels may rest their prows against the houses while their sterns are floating in the water. The word "golden " was scarcely adequate to indicate the endless tide of riches which, flowing from the distant countries of the world, were gathered in the capacious Byzantine port, the peculiar position of which afforded security to enormous merchant fleets. Al)out one hundred and twenty miles to the southwest, the Hellespont, or Straits of the Dardanelles, separated the Sea of Marmora from the ^Egean, and formed the southern gate to Byzantium, as the Bosphorus made the northern. By means of enormous chains, these avenues were easily closed to enemies or opened to friends ; and so advantageous was the position of this capital, that when both these gates were shut, every necessity and many luxuries were produced within the enclosure, in a supply so generous as to satisfy its vast population. The neigh- bouring country, which still, even under the taxes and oppression of the present rule, is I'ich in the plentiful harvests of its vineyards and gardens, afforded in the ancient days many table luxuries, and even wines so exquisite as to be world-famous, — wines of which Ulysses spoke with rapture. In short, Byzantium, on her seven hills, overlooking the coasts of Europe and Asia, with a temperate climate, a productive soil, and vast commercial resources, was a city to be envied and coveted by all the rulers of the earth. Little is known of its earliest history, but in the fifth century b. c. it was a powerful city, to which many neighbouring peoples were subject. Continued peace and prosperity, however, were not to be enjoyed in those days of endless warfare; and Byzantium was, during the suc- ceeding centuries, the scene of sieges, conflagrations, and all the horrors of a barbarous age. Persians, Macedo- 6 CONSTANTINOPLE. nians, Athenians, Thracians, Gauls, and Romans contended for its possession; and even when no pronounced war was in progress, this capital suffered severely from the depre- dations of the surrounding barbarians. Its crops were stolen on the eve of the harvest, and all possible injuries and insults to its people and their rulers were perpetrated again and again. Byzantium was necessarily more or less involved in the great Roman wars which preceded the Christian era; and in 148 B. c. she became an ally of Rome, as a confederate state, retaining its liberty. The history of Rome, and especially some speeches of its greatest generals and orators, prove that Byzantium was faithful to this alliance, and under these conditions enjoyed great prosperity. At this time it was especially rich in works of art, and in spite of the sieges and attacks it had sustained, had shown a marvellous power of recuperation, and had succeeded in religiously guarding its statues and other artistic treasures from injury. It was attractive to all travellers, and retained the characteristics of a Greek city, affording great advantages to the student of archaeology, while its luxurious life was fascinating to the mere pleasure-seeker. In 70 A. D. Byzantium was a Roman province ; but this change had made no essential difference in its condi- tion, and little is known of it until more than a cen- tury later, when Septimius Sevcrus was contending with Pescennius Niger for his position as Roman emperor in the East. Byzantium declared herself in favor of the Syrian general, and doubtless had the ambition to become the capital of a vast Eastern Empire. Its fortifications were famous throughout the world. All the scientific means of defence then known were at its command. Its engines were said to be sufficient to lift ships from the water; and its soldiers may well have been inspired with INTRODUCTORY. 7 undoubting courage by the presence of their engineer, Priscus, who proved himself so great a master of his pro- fession as to command the respect of Severus, into whose service he later entered. Great as was the reliance to be placed on their splendid fortifications and engineering skill, the Byzantines had a second invaluable support in their numerous vessels, manned by skilful, brave, and loyal seamen. Their large ships, with dangerous beaks, were greatly dreaded by the navies of other countries, especially when in their own waters, where their pilots knew every advan- tage that could be taken, and where the narrow straits, through which an enemy must pass, were easily guarded against fleets that would be difficult to overcome when in more open seas. They also had divers so skilful that they even attached ropes to the Roman vessels under water, and hauled them into the Byzantine harbor as prizes of war. The siege was sustained three years, which proves that however pleasure-loving the Byzantines were in times of peace, their courage and loyalty were marvellous when their city was in danger. Their vessels were repaired with timbers from iheir houses, and the women gave their hair to be worked into ropes. Stones wrenched from splendid edifices, and statues of bronze, were hurled from the walls on the heads of the besiegers. So great were tlie stores within the capital at the beginning of the siege that no need of food was felt for a long time ; but when it came, there were no possible means of relief. Severus had conquered the neighbouring tribes, and could easily feed his troops. If he could overcome the Byzantines on the sea, their city would be his, and without it he could not establish his power in the East. At length, after enduring the sufferings of famine to such an extent that the weaker became food for the strong, 8 CONSTANTINOPLE. a company of Byzantines took advantage of a frightful storm to take to their vessels, hoping, in the terrible con- dition of the sea, to be able to pass the Roman galleys. But they miscalculated their chances, and in the over- crowded condition of their boats were at an immense dis- advantage. The Romans attacked them furiously, and instead of fighting a fair battle, they simply pushed the Byzantines into the sea to drown. Many of the horrors of this engagement were witnessed from the walls of the city. The people beheld the corpses of their friends and neighbours floating back to their home ; and the failure of this bold attempt to escape from the famine within, and the enemy without their walls, proved to the survivors that the time for surrender had come. Severus proved a cruel conqueror, and permitted the common people alone to live. The soldiers and the higher classes were put to death. The wealth of Byzantium was confiscated ; the city and the territory it controlled were given to the city of Perinthus. In the destruction of the walls, the Romans displayed a foolish love of revenge and great lack of wisdom; for not only was this the sever- est trial to the Byzantines, but it permitted the Asiatic barbarians to rush in and plunder, where the magnifi- cent fortifications had before rendered their attacks fruitless. The struggles of Byzantium during a long period after this conquest by Severus, a. d. 196, are too involved for description here. They make a harrowing story of the alternate successes and cruelties of the Romans and bar- barians. Although the walls were rebuilt, there were times when the Byzantines trembled lest they should become the slaves of the Goths, and they willingly aided the Emperor Claudius II. in his great battle at Naissus, A. D. 269. Not until a. d. 324, when Constantine, the sole ruler of the Roman Empire, besieged the city, was INTRODUCTORY. 9 there a strong and enduring government at Byzantium. It was then made the capital of the civilized world, and the chief seat of the Christian religion, which was hence- forth to be the cult of the multitudes subject to Rome. The name of the capital was changed to Constantinople; and the portion of its history which belongs to that of the Christian world now began. CHAPTER II. CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 324-337. NO city of the world is entered by so ideal a portal as that through which one reaches Constantinople from the Mediterranean. Traversing the ^gean Sea, and passing through the Hellespont into the Sea of Marmora, this glorious capital at length is seen rising from the waters, — an entrancing vision, with its rich colouring, its seven hills crowned with glistening minarets and domes, its cypresses, firs, and pines, uniting with its shattered walls and buttresses to present a panorama which is unequalled in beauty and interest. Constantinople sits "at the meeting of two seas and two continents, like a diamond between sapphires and emeralds." ^ From its heights one looks upon the storied shores that almost meet at its feet, and wonders that the air is not filled with the ghosts of heroes who here achieved the fame of which poets in all time delight to sing. Coming hither, we have passed the plains of Troy, and sailed above the watery grave of that fair Theban maid whose enduring memorial is in the name these straits still bear; and Abydos recalls that other youth, struggling "on Helle's wave When Love, wlio sent, forgot to save The young, the beautiful, the brave." 1 Von Hammer. CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 11 The Mjsian Olympus, " parliamental seat of heavenly powers, " still towers aloft, wearing its veil of clouds as if in mourning for the millions that have died within its sight; while the numberless exquisite islands scattered over these historic seas are all associated with the classic past, and so recall its history, its legends, and its poetry that for the time we quite forget that we are at the end of the nineteenth century, and almost look for the fleet of the Argonauts to sail along beside us. Gray walls, in triple ranks, come into view. Among their stones are there not relics of the walls of Constan- tine and Theodosius ? Their towers and battlements are draped with vines and overgrown by friendly shrubs, which partly hide the ghastly rents made by enemies and widened by Time, and their luxurious growth con- tributes the single element of life and beauty in this scene of desolation. Aj)proaching the Castle of the Seven Towers, we have Stamboul on our left ; the city of Constantine, stretching four miles along the Sea of Marmora, and rising to the crest of its lofty hills on the west, where hundreds of minarets, domes, and towers vie with each other in lift- ing themselves to the blue heavens above. It is our first sight of a part of that whole which, by common consent, is granted to be the most beautiful spot in the Avorld, — a sight which makes an epoch in one's existence, and affords a standard for natural beauty that must ever remain unchanged. The eye follows the line of quaint old structures close to the sea until, rounding Seraglio Point, the entrance to the Bosphorus spreads out before us, and the Golden Horn discloses a surprising vista. It is full of life. Hundreds of caiques flit like insects here and there, — out and in among the huge war-ships which carry the red flag with the crescent; darting swiftly between the freiglit and 12 CONSTANTINOPLE. passenger steamers of all nations, the corn ships of Russia, the picturesque feluccas of the Greek, and scores of curiously rigged boats, for which I know no names. On each side rises a city, — Stamboul to the south, Ga- lata to the north, with Pera still higher as its background. On the one hand, above the forest of masts, sails, and flags, rise mosques and towers, pinnacles and minarets, with plume-like trees and shrubs thrusting themselves out in every possible space ; while on the other, Galata and Tophane extend along the shore, with the bustle of com- merce and trade pervading the very air; above these is Pera, with its mansions, gardens, cemeteries, and cypress groves; and still beyond are the suburban villas and gardens which overlook the Bosphorus. Upon the heights of Stamboul stand gigantic mosques, with their ivory-like minarets, which catch the colours from the setting sun, and glow with gold and scarlet, in vivid contrast to the groves of cypress-trees which are frequently in long processional lines from the summits to the feet of these broad hills. Saint Sophia, with four white minarets, and her famous dome above her white and rose-coloured walls ; Sultan Ahmed, from which rise six lance-like towers ; the ten-domed Soliman the Great ; Mohammed II., built above the ruins of the church of the Holy Apostles, the burial-place of the Christian Emperors; the mosque of Selim; the Seraglio of Tekyr, and above all, the Tower of the Seraskiarate, — are the more promi- nent features of Stamboul. Surrounding these is a multi- tude of smaller mosques, tombs, seraglios, kiosks, and edifices of many kinds, in a variety of colours ; and every- where, from the heights to the sea, where a space ex- ists, some growing vine or shrub or tree pushes itself out, and by its beauty and vigorous growth conceals the glaring defects which would otherwise mar this fasci- nating panorama. CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT- 13 On the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, Scutari and Kadi-Kioi are seen, with their thousands of gayly tinted houses amidst the most verdant gardens; and these are overtopped by scores of mosques of dazzling whiteness, while the cypress groves of the extensive Turkish and British cemeteries afford a rich contrast to the white barracks, the gay villages, and the domes and minarets which climb the mountain at the back, and are doubled in the blue waters of the straits. The Bosphorus winds northward to the Black Sea between rows of palaces, cafes, gardens, and villages. Nature has here showered her beauties in a profusion that cannot be surpassed. The exquisitely softened azure sky is reflected in the clearest and bluest of seas. The beauti- ful contour of the shores ; the grace with which the Golden Horn curves into the Sweet Waters; the broad sweep of the Bosphorus; the Sea of Marmora, with the bold, rocky islands on its bosom; the gently receding heights beyond Scutari ; and the grand Olympus, which at times reveals its blushing snows beneath the rising sun, — unite to make a picture unrivalled in its loveliness. Each time that I have visited these scenes, the Bosphorus has cast a spell on me. Its varying aspects beneath the brilliancy of a sunny morning, or the softer illumination of a moonlit night, impart to it a beauty and witchery that cannot be described. Its keynote is curiously sad, with a sadness that is a pleasure, — a strange, weird sen- sation, of which one does not seek to know the cause, lest understanding it should do its matter-of-fact work and dispel the charm. In it are mingled, together with other emotions, an unalloyed delight in the exquisite scene, and a keen regret that the heroism, romance, and poetry that have existed here are now found but in the printed page; a blending of sorrow and disgust at the present degradation and decay, with the hope that these must 14 CONSTANTINOPLE. pass away, and civilization and art resume their sw in this " land of tlie cedar and vine Where the flowers ever blossom, the beams ever shine ; Where the light wings of Zephyr, oppressed with perfume, Wax faint in the gardens of Gul in her bloom ; Where the citron and olive are fairest of fruit, And the voice of the nightingale never is mute ; Where the tints of the earth and the hues of the sky, In colour thougii varied, in beauty may vie, And the purple of ocean is deepest in dye ; Where the virgins are soft as tiie roses they twine, And all save the spirit of man is divine." ^ Two characteristics of Constantinople are most impn sive to the stranger, and doubtless have an unconscio effect, even when no longer novel. The first is the fe( ing that the sea is everywhere. It borders Stamboul two sides, and separates it from Galata and Pera, whi it again parts from Scutari ; and yet these three esse tially make one city, — Constantinople. The second is the shrill call to prayer by the muezzi which peals out five times each day from the galleries the minarets, piercing the busy hum of the crowd belc and making itself heard above all else. It is a mc impressive thought that from every Mohammedan minar in Asia, Africa, and Europe, at these stated hours, tli cry goes forth. The muezzin steps out upon the terrac and after a moment of silence covers his ears with h hands, raises his eyes to the sky above him, and slow chants his call, which may be thus translated: "God great! There is but one God! Mahomet is the proph of God ! Come to prayer ! Come and be saved ! God great! God is one alone! Come to prayer!" This repeated to each point of the compass ; and as the voi' dies away from one minaret, others are heard, who ha^ 1 Lord Byron. CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 15 not yet completed the call, and one by one, gradually, these voices of the air are stilled. Thus the name of "Allah " rings ever in one's ears, and the Mohammedan god cannot be forgotten, as the Christian Deity too often is. It is a matter for congratulation to Europeans that their quarter is in Pera, with its commonplace aspect, since liere they have the exquisite view of the Golden Horn and the Bosphorus, the bridge, the Tower of Galata, and the heights of Stamboul ever spread out before them. But when the remembrance of the great events that have here had place rushes over one, he longs to get away from this uninspiring Pera, and from the hum and stir of that busiest of marts, Stamboul, into some stilly spot where the atmosphere of Byzantium faintly lingers, and the present poison in the air has not utterly dispelled the spirit of the old, old days, — a spot to which the ghosts of those who here lived from the fourth to the fifteenth century might willingly come to recall the scenes in which as men they acted their parts. Perhaps no more difficult task could be presented to the imagination than that of reconstructing Byzantium as it existed at the height of its glory, before the Latin conquest. For while we have a vast store of material with which to Ijuild our imaginary city, and voluminous word pictures of its appearance and its life, they present a world so different from any that wc know, and above all, so unlike the Istamboul of the Turk, that the attempt is most unpromising. No single spot in this great city is so associated with its entire history as is Seraglio Point. Here for cen- turies has been a palace, the home of its rulers, beside the Temple of the Divine Wisdom, Saint Sophia, in which 30 many of the wonderful pageants, tragedies, and come- dies (!) of Constantinople have had place. This promontory is not snrpnssfd in b-^-auty by any spot on the entire coast 16 CONSTANTINOPLE. of Europe. It was the Acropolis of Byzantium, and the centre of the coniiucrcc of its time ; while from it the great highways of Eastern Europe took their course, distribut- ing the treasures of all lands, brought hither on the seas which mingle their waters at its feet. We shall not here recount its earliest history, and the events with which the names of Pausanias, Cimon, Alcibiades, Lysander, Thrasybulus, Epaminondas, Philip, and many others are associated. We will but note that while the latter general was besieging Byzantium, and on a murky night was about to seize the town, a dazzling light, appearing in the heavens, revealed their danger to its inhabitants. The miracle was doubly commemorated, — by a statue to torch-bearing Hecate, and by the crescent found on ancient Byzantine coins, which is to this day the device of Constantinople, and of its Mohammedan conquerors, wherever their symbol is seen. As we have said, the story of Byzantium is one of con- stant warfare ; and yet, so prosperous were its people that in its rare seasons of peace the life of its higher classes was most luxurious. Its baths and other public buildings were magnificent, and its Hi[)podrome was surrounded by beautiful porticoes and various edifices, in which the people passed their days, eating and drinking, and fitting themselves to become the prey of a vigorous and ambitious soldier, like Constantine the Great. Remembering the great strategic and commercial advan- tages of this site, we at once perceive the reasons that led Constantine to found his Eastern seat of empire here; for before his time the riches of North and South — the timber and grains from the Euxine, the gems of Ceylon, the treasures of India, and the maize of Egypt — all met in the capacious port of Byzantium by a system of commer- cial circulation, as naturally as the blood of the human system passes through the heart. CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 17 Constantine desired to be regarded as the founder rather than the conqueror of the city, and, following the example of other founders, he declared himself directed by a heavenly vision which revealed to him the will of God, which he promptly and gladly fulfilled. Although some customary Pagan rites were omitted, the emperor made the ceremony of the founding of the city sufficiently impressive. He is said to have borne a golden image of the goddess of Fortune in his hand, when, with uplifted lance, and followed by a solemn procession, he walked over the boundaries of his New Rome. When the astonishing circumference which he thus indicated was remarked, he replied, ""I shall still advance until He, the invisible guide who marches before me, thinks it proper to stop." Thus the new city was much larger than the old, and included five of the Seven Hills, which seem a part of an harmonious whole, and were all taken into the limits of the capital a little more than a century after the death of Constantine; and in the time of Justinian, at the end of the seventh century, the circumference of the city was about fourteen Roman miles. The vast numbers of men employed to carry out the designs of the emperor, and the marvellous sums expended on his projects, are almost beyond comprehension. That his work was well done may be seen by the existing remnants of his walls between the Seven Towers and the Golden Horn. Near at hand were the splendid forests of the Euxine and the rich quarries of Proconnesus. The famous cities of Greece and Asia were robbed of their treasures to satisfy the greed of Constantine. The works of the immortal Greeks, of Phidias and Lysippus, were torn from the places for which they were designed ; and neither the national pi-ide of the Greeks in the trophies of tlicir victoiios, nor their jtrofound veneration for the 2 18 CONSTANTINOPLE. statues of their deities, sages, and heroes, deterred the proud Roman from adding them to the spleudours of the city which he had called by his own name. The historian Cedrenus called attention to the fact that the souls (spirit) of the men whose statues were thus transplanted were utterly wanting in their new surroundings. On the second hill, where during the siege the tent of Constantine had been placed, the chief Forum was con- structed, in the form of an enormous ellipse, which may still be traced. On opposite sides were entrances beneath triumphal arches, and it was enclosed by porticoes, filled with statues of gods and heroes, carved in marbles and moulded in brass. The number of these statues was constantly increased until, in the twelfth century, Nicetas assures us that they were more numerous than the inhabi- tants of the modern city. In the centre stood a magnificent column, the remnant of which is now known as the "burnt pillar." It was originally composed of ten pieces of porphyry, bound together by bands of copper. Each block of porphyry was ten feet high and eleven feet in diameter, and the column thus composed was mounted on a pedestal of white marble, twenty feet high, beneath which it was said that the Palladium was buried. On the top of this column was a colossal bronze statue of Apollo, believed to have been the work of Phidias. The god, crowned with glittering rays, held a globe in one hand and a sceptre in the other. This statue was called by the name of the emperor; but Von Hammer speaks of the shamelessness of Constantine, and says that he placed his own statue on the column, with the symbols of both Apollo and Christ, substituting the nails of the cross for the rays of the sun. Julian and Thcodosius, following the example of Constantine, each placed his statue on this famous column. In 1012 the statue was injured by an earthquake, and fell in the liUUNT (.'(ll.liMX OF Co.NSTA N I 1 Mv CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 19 reign of Alexius Comueniis, when it was replaced by the cross. The Hippodrome, or Circus, of this Forum was richly ornamented with statues and obelisks. A curious frag- ment still remains. It is a pillar of brass formed of the twisted bodies of three serpents, with the tails down- wards. The heads originally upheld the golden tripod which the victorious Greeks had consecrated in the Temple of Delphi, after the defeat of Xerxes. A picture made in 1675 shows the three heads, which are now gone. One of them was struck off with the iron mace or battle- axe of Mohammed the Conqueror, in order to display his unusual strength. Few antiquities can be so clearly iden- tified as is this column of the serpents, now more than fourteen centuries old. From the throne of the Hippodrome the emperor de- scended a winding staircase to his palace, situated on the Propontis between the Hippodrome and the church of S. Sophia. The palace was surrounded by gardens, por- ticoes, and courts, one of which, the Augusteum, was between the principal front of the palace and the church of the Divine Wisdom. A great variety of edifices, such as would add to the splendour of the new capital, were rapidly constructed, and the magnificence of its baths, with their marbles, statues, and columns was unequalled; while theatres, palaces, porticoes, aqueducts, fountains, senate halls, churches, and splendid private houses, as well as the homes of the poorer people, arose as if by magic. In order to populate his New Rome, the emperor invited liither the prominent men of the older capital and of the Eastern provinces of the empire. Those who deserted Rome for the new capital were not men of the best fibre ; and Constantino paid a [)romiuin on their coming l)y con- ferring country estates on them, with the condition that 20 CONSTANTINOPLE. they should also maintain city liousus. The lower classes were fed by the emperor's bounty, according to tradition; and the whole tendency of life under the new order of things was to produce a population of idle pleasure- seekers, void of patriotism or any noble sentiment; and soon it was not unusual for men to maim themselves rather than light the battles of their country, which ofifice was left to hired Goths and Germans. The indolent and luxurious life of Constantinople proved most attractive; and in less than a century its riches, splendour, and popu- lation rivalled those of Rome itself, and although the Western capital was nominally supreme, the new city was independent of all dictation or restraint. The absolute date of the dedication of Constantinople is a matter of doubt, as the best authorities disagree ; but all represent the occasion as of great interest and splendour, and one of its ceremonies was annually repeated on the birthday of the city. The gilded statue of Constantine, bearing in its right hand an image of the genius of the capital, was mounted on a triumphal car, and drawn around the Hippodrome in the midst of a procession of richly dressed guards, carrying white tapers in their hands. When opposite the throne, the reigning monarch arose, and reverently adored this representation of the founder of the city. Although this ceremony was long since abandoned, the fame of Constantine the Great survives in the name of his city; for though its conquerors call it Istamboul, the European peoples, the Greeks of to-day, the Arabic writings, and indeed many scholarly Turks, perpet- uate the memory of its founder in the use of the name Constantinople. Although an edict published at the dedication of the city called it the Second or New Rome, the spirit of the government, and the methods by which it was conducted, CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 21 differed essentially from those of the Eternal City. No Roman simplicity obtained in the city on the Bosphorus. On the contrary, no circumstance \yas too insignificant to be made a matter of official importance, any neglect of which was seriously reprimanded or punished. In fact, the life of the court and the officers of the empire re- sembled a theatrical spectacle, magnificently mounted and brought out with the most careful attention to the minutest details. The impressive New Year ceremony of the old capital was imitated in the new. The consuls, in the splendour of purple, gold, and gems, moved in procession to a public sfjuare, and, seated in their chairs of office, freed a slave, as the elder Brutus had done. The festival thus inaugurated continued some days. The games that were celebrated, the circus, theatre, and amphitheatre, were conducted at an expense and on a scale of magnificence that surpassed the marvellous splendours of "The Thou- sand and one Nights." These ceremonials indicate a mingling of Paganism and Christianity in tbc mind of Constantine; and though he built churches and called his capital a Christian city, we cannot overlook what S. Jerome pointed out, — that the decoration of Constantinople involved the spoliation of nearly all other cities of the world, and these Pagan trophies failed to impart to it an aspect which ac- corded with the teaching or spirit of the founder of Christianity. While the emperor conferred honours and wealth upon the clergy, he kept so strict a watch over their acts as made him essentially the head of the Church, as of the State, and in virtue of his authority he summoned the first general council at Nice, a. d. 325. But the Christian- ity of Constantine was of a half-hearted and feebly com- prehended sort, that could never equal in jfowcr the 22 CONSTANTINOPLE. Christianity of the West, where its force was spent in the propagation of progress and virtue rather than in such discussions of dogmas and metaphysics as prevailed in the Eastern Church. The hope of making the New Rome the centre of govern- ment for the world depended upon the establishment of a sincere concord between the people and their rulers; upon the welding together of provinces that were totally different in their characteristics, and separated by great distances, over which there were no organized and safe methods of communication; but as we study its history, we find that the people had no sense of their responsibility. Constantine, who had been a great disciplinarian of armies, now became a legislator, and justice was more systematically administered than heretofore. Slavery was greatly restricted, and Christians could not be the bundsmen of Jews and Pagans. Parents could no longer sell their children, and were aided to support them by the government. Cruel punishments, especially that of crucifixion, were abolished, and in a variety of minor ways the safety and happiness of the people were increased. As opposed to these benevolent measures, was the heavy taxation which was necessitated by the vast undertakings of the government and the magnificence of the court. The burden was especially- heavy on the cultivators of the soil, who were reduced to the condition of serfs, since they could not become soldiers, but must continue to follow the occupation of their fathers. They were disarmed to prevent rebellions, and the class which had made the backbone of the Roman army had no part in political or military affairs, while their lives were far more com- fortable than under the former system. The profession of arms thus became almost a matter of inheritance, and CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 23 the masses were entirely out of touch with the ruling- classes. Under these conditions patriotism and political virtue were unknown to the majority of the subjects of the Emperor Constantine. But however faulty his policy now appears, this ruler inaugurated an order of things which had a great influence on the world for centuries; perhaps we may say that some of its results still survive. The character of Constantine has been pictured from the extremes of praise and censure, but the truth presents an unusual blending of virtues and vices. Handsome, majestic, and graceful in person, he preserved these natural gifts to his latest years, by a life of temperance and chastity. His mind was vigorous and alert; and the disadvantages of a meagre education did not prevent him from appreciating the value of learning, art, and science, all of which he munificently encouraged. His industry and patience were phenomenal, and commanded the admiration of those who disapproved his measures. His ambition was boundless. He loved glory, and was of the most intre|)id spirit, by aid of which he inspired his soldiers with confidence in himself and courage to execute his plans, which were those of a consummate general, as has been acknowledged l)y his severest critics. Gibbon ascribes his successes to his abilities rather than to his fortune. His courtesy of manner attracted all who approached him; and though his sincerity in friend- ship has been denied, he proved himself, in some in- stances, a devoted and faithful adherent to those whom he loved. In contrast to these virtues stand the rapaciousness and prodigality of his later life. The vast sums which he spent were partly lavished on imworthy favourites, who were also permitted such practices as gradually undermined the administration, and lessened the esteem of his people for their em[)eror. 24 . CONSTANTINOPLE. '• The dress and manners which, towards the decline of life, he chose to affect, served only to degrade him in the eyes of mankind. The Asiatic pomp which had been adopted by the pride of Diocletian, assumed an air of softness and effeminacy in the person of Constantine. He is represented with false hair of various colours, laboriously arranged by the skilful artists of the times ; a diadem of a new and more expensive fashion ; a profusion of gems and pearls, of collars and bracelets ; and a variegated flowing robe of silk, most curiously embroidered with flowers of gold. In such apparel, scarcely to be excused by the youth and folly of Elagabalus, we are at a loss to discover the wisdom of an aged monarch and the simplicity of a Roman veteran. A mind thus relaxed by prosperity and indulgence was incapable of rising to that magnanimity which disdains suspicion and dares to forgive. The deaths of Maximian and Licinius may perhaps be justified by the maxims of policy as the}' are taught in the school of tyrants ; but an impartial narra- tive of the executions, or rather murders, which sullied the de- clining age of Constantine, will suggest to our most candid thoughts the idea of a prince who could sacrifice, without reluc- tance, the laws of justice and the feelings of nature to the dictates either of his passions or of his interest." ^ Quite in accord with this picture of the later years of the emperor is the fact that while he beautified the Baths of Zeuxippus, and lavished such riches on them that they were soon famous as the most splendid and luxurious in ';he world, and while all kinds of edifices for convenience and amusement were erected with surprising celerity, few churches were provided for the worship of his subjects. He deprived the Pagan temples of their revenues, and permitted some of them to remain undisturbed, while he converted others to the uses of the Christians. The Temple of Peace made a part of the church of S. Sophia, and the church of the Twelve Apostles was fin- ^ Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. CONSTANTINOPLE AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 25 ished but a few days before the death of Constaiitine, in 337. This church was the burial-phxce of the Christian emperors; its site is now occupied by the Mosque of Mohammed 11. Here the bodies of the early rulers of the empire were enshrined in sarcophagi of porphyry and a variety of rich and l)eautiful marbles. But these tombs of the imperial dead were not secure from spoliation, and the deed was not left to be done by the Turk. The Latins, in 1204, shamelessly rifled the church of the Twelve Apostles, stole its treasures, and scattered the bones of the emperors to destruction, with blaspheming and mockery; and it is not to be regretted that the scene of such Christian dese- cration is covered by a temple in which thousands of men have humbly prayed to their God, according to the teach- ing of his Prophet. CHAPTER III. VALENS, THEODOSIUS THE GREAT, AECADIUS, AND THEODOSIUS II. 364-527. THE three sons of Constantine proved singularly unworthy of the empire which he divided between them; and the same is also true of their successors, Julian and Jovian. The most important result of the quarter of a century which succeeded the death of the emperor was the loss of five provinces east of the Tigris, and the city of Nisibis, with fortifications which had been an impor- tant bulwark of the Roman strength in the East. Valens succeeded to the throne of Constantinople in 364 ; and early in his reign the Huns began their ravages in Europe, and even the much dreaded Goths were driven before them to the banks of the Danube. These last had become a half civilized and Christianized people; and when they begged to be permitted to settle in Thrace as Roman subjects, their prayer was granted on the condi- tions that they should surrender their arms and allow their children to be dispersed in the Asiatic provinces, as pledges of their good conduct. Fear of the Huns drove the Goths to consent to these extreme demands ; but later they succeeded in bribing the imperial ministers to permit them to retain their weapons, and the jdains of Bulgaria were soon occupied by a wealthy, powerful, and dangerous multitude. For a time all went well ; but when the Romans de- manded exorbitant prices of the Goths for the necessities VALENS — THEODOSIUS. 27 of life, the latter rebelled, put the Roman legions to ilight, ravaged the fruitful regions north of Constanti- nople, and massed two hundred thousand warriors under the walls of Adrianople. Valens, who was at Antioch, rapidly brought his legions to the defence of his capital, and called on his nephew Gratian, who ruled at Rome, to aid him. But so impa- tient was Valens, and so desirous of defeating the Goths by his prowess alone, that he did not await assistance, but attacked his enemy under great disadvantages. He suffered a terrible defeat, and lost his life; two thirds of his soldiers perished, and the Goths were masters of the territory south of the Danube. Happily the strongholds of Adrianople and Constantinople were able to repulse the attacks of these semi-barbarians, who were swept off in great numbers by the missiles hurled from the fortihed walls; and the survivors were dispersed throughout the wilds of Thrace. Valens was succeeded by Theodosius, who was called from the cultivation of his farm in Spain to the throne of Constantinople. Gibbon says: "The whole period of the history of the world will not perhaps afford a similar example of an elevation at the same time so pure and so honorable." Theodosius was thirty-two years old when he became emperor, and was as handsome and command- ing in person as he was superior in character. His reign is notable for the settlement of the Goths within his empire and the overthrow of Paganism. Although he had been reared a soldier, Theodosius i)re- fcrred negotiations before wars; and by his skilful troat- m(!nt of the Goths, within four years these formidable enemies were peacefully settled in Roumelia and other provinces, and were no longer the avowed enemies of the Romans. Theodosius was a Christian of a very f)ronounccd type, 28 CONSTANTINOPLE. and made it one of his first and most important cares to establisli orthodoxy, and exterminate the Arianism which prevailed at Constantinople. He was not baptized, how- ever, until after he came to the throne, and was the first emperor who received that sacrament in the full faith of the Trinity. In 381 Theodosius called a general council of the Church at Constantinople, in order to establish the faith as declared in the Nicene creed. This council ended in a scandalous turbulence ; but as it had confirmed the emperor's views of the Catholic faith in the most positive manner, he proceeded to enforce its decisions. The most rigorous punishments were decreed for all heretics, which were not often executed; for though Theodosius was mer- cilessly cruel at times, he by no means embraced all his opportunities for persecutions. His whole heart, how- ever, was fixed on the extinction of Paganism in his empire ; and this he accomplished as far as its outward manifestations were concerned, even if he could not root it from the hearts of men. Theodosius committed one crime which stands out in lurid colours, even from his blood-stained age. His gen- eral, Botheric, and several other officers, were brutally murdered by the people of Thessalonica, where Theodosius had himself spent much time. The news of these murders, and of many indecent circumstances attending them, was carried to the emperor at Milan. His fiery temper was fully aroused, and in spite of the counsels of the bishops, he despatched messengers with orders for a cowardly and terrible vengeance to be taken, not only on those who had murdered his officers, but on all the city and the strangers wnthin its gates. After his commands had been given, he endeavoured to prevent their execution ; but it was too late. The people of Thessalonica were invited, in the name of the emperor, to witness the games in the circus, and there THEODOSIUS. 29 they were butchered by thousands. The carnage lasted three hours. The victims were of all ages and both sexes, and their numbers are estimated from seven to fifteen thousand, by good authorities. When Ambrose, the great Archbishop of Milan, learned of this massacre, he at first avoided the em])eror; but believing that silence before such a crime would be a sin for one in his office, he both publicly and privately admonished Theodosius, declaring that no secret con- trition or penance could atone for such sin as he had committed. At the porch of the church the arch- bishop denied the emperor admission to the house of God. The remnant of the emperor's life could not suffice for any proper penance, and at length he was permitted to appear in the midst of the cathedral, with no insignia of his rank, and with all possible humility, and there con- fess his crime and implore pardon. Eight months after this dramatic act the suppliant was permitted to receive the sacrament, and it is believed that the edict which fixed a period of thirty days betAveen the sentence for a crime and its execution resulted from the over-haste of Theodosius in taking his revenge. On the death of Gratian, who had ruled the Western Empire, Theodosius became the Em})eror of the Woild, as the Eastern and Western Roman empires were then called. Valentinian, the brother and heir of Gratian, was a mere child, and his mother, Justina, fled with liim and her dnugliter Galla, to ask the protection of 'i'heodosius. Tliis w:is readily granted, and with the greatest good-will, ns the emperor fell madly in love with the beautiful young piiucess, nnd married her. For the love of GiiUii, Theodosius fought tlu; battles of Valen- tinian, mid seated him on bis throne; l)uf lie was soon after niui-ilcrfMl, mid one iMigi^iiius reigned in his jilace, 30 CONSTANTINOPLE. until he "was in turn overthrown l^y Theodosiiis, who again governed "the World." He did not long enjoy this distinction, however, as he lived but four months after his great victories. " Notwithstanding the recent animosities of a civil war, his death was universally lamented. The barbarians whom he had vauquished, and the churchmen by whom he had been subdued, celebrated with loud and sincere applause the qualities of the deceased which appeared the most valuable in their eyes." ^ The author just quoted says that with Theodosius " the genius of Rome expired." At least, it did not survive in his sons, Arcadins and Honorius, on whom he had con- ferred the title of Augusti. To the eldest, Arcadins, the throne of Constantinople was assigned, while the child Honorius, but eleven years old, was sent to be the Emperor of the West, under the guardianship of the great soldier Stilicho. From tllis time the history of Constantinople is essen- tially divorced from that of Rome. Indeed, the two empires soon lost all sympathy with each other. The Western people looked with scorn upon the Eastern capi- tal, and prided themselves upon their inheritance of the "Old Rome;" while the more civilized and luxurious inhabitants of the city of Constantine despised the rude and uncultured Romans. This separation occurred just when harmony between these powers would have been of great value in repelling the barbarians; but the two Romes soon became as essentially antagonistic as they could have been had they been bound by no ties of ])lood, and had not claimed to be the exponents and supporters of Christianity. Constantinople was now in a position to be made the great power of the world, and to be firmly established in 1 Gibbon. ARCADIUS. 31 that position. Her splendid fortifications had defied the great Ahiric. She had abundant supplies of gold in Thrace and Pontus, and the largest commerce in the world, while her provinces were populous and rich. Had Arcadius equalled his father, he could have attained to one glory after another, and reached the loftiest ]>iD- nacle of power and fame. But although he was called Ciesar and Augustus, he was as contemptible in character and acquirements as in personal appearance, and was easily ruled by the eunuchs and women who flattered his vanity and ministered to his vicious inclinations. His minister, Eutropius, incited him to great cruelties ; and so infamous did this favourite eunuch become, that a powerful Gothic enemy declined to negotiate with Arcadius unless Eutropius were first delivered into his hands. The empress Eudoxia easily persuaded Arcadius to profit by the sacrifice of his favourite ; and after four years of almost imperial power, he was exiled, then recalled, and finally executed. The luxury and splendour of the court of Arcadius can scarcely be exaggerated. It was equalled only by its cor- ruption and the depravity of its life. The emperor's throne was of massive gold, as well as his chariot, which was decked with jewels of great size, curtained with a rich purple stuff, carpeted with snowy white, and drawn liy mules of the same spotless colour. The silken robes of the emperor were eml)roidered with golden dragons, and everything that could ha invented to add to his luxury and splendour was put under tribute to this contemptible and almost deformed ruler. This magnificence in Constantinople is all the more striking Ijy its contrast to the condition of other countries at this period, Alaric was plundering the chief cities of ftrcece, and inflicting on that country the ruin from whicli it never recovered. Its great public works, aiiueducts and 32 CONSTANTINOPLE. roads, as well as its splendid edifices and numberless works of art, were ruthlessly destroyed ; and from this inroad of the Goths the decline of the Greeks may be dated. The greatest interest for us in the Constantinople of this inglorious period centres around S. John Chrysostom. It has been said that under the reign of Arcadius there were many converts to Christianity. So far as the emperor had a religion, he was orthodox ; but the life and increase of the church was due to the Archbishop Chrysostom. The people relied on him, and deemed him a prophet, while they loved him for his devotion to them and to his religion. That eloquence which won for him the title of "Golden-mouthed," held his listeners by a spell, and we can easily believe that his preaching converted many Pagans to the Christian religion. But Chrysostom denounced the life of the court with such boldness and clearness as made him many enemies, among whom was the empress, — a woman whose ability and determination of character, together with her influ- ence over her husband, made her a dangerous and power- ful enemy. She feared the people too much, however, to show an open hostility to Chrysostom. This wily woman profited by the instrumentality of Theophilus, the Patriarch of Alexandria, whose jealousy and hatred of Chrysostom were known to her. In 404 a synod was called, to meet in a suburb of Chalcedon, and Chrysostom was summoned before it on a charge of con- tumacy. As was easily to be foreseen, when the position and power of his accusers were considered, he was deposed from his office. The people were so excited and enraged by this act that a riot ensued, and the mob threatened the palace and the empress. Finally an earthquake occurred, which was believed to be a witness to the wrath of God. Even Eudoxia was terrified, and desired that Chrysostom should be restored to his arclibishopric. THEODOSIUS IL 33 But the terrific boldness with which he now denounced the empress and .the honours which were paid to her and to her statues, was certainly exasperating to any vain woman in her position. Such words as these, with which he is said to have begun a sermon, " Herodias again rages ; once more she dances ; once again she requires the head of John," proved too much for Eudoxia to bear, and in spite of her fears of the populace and of the judguients of God, she boldly instigated the second deposition of Chrysostom; and she did not again relent, although the day on which the bold preacher left the capital was marked by a serious disturbance of the people, and a conflagra- tion, which destroyed the church of the Divine Wisdom and the Senate -house. The calamities at Constantinople — the famines, fires, earthquakes, and flights of locusts, which rapidly followed each other — were believed to be divine punishments for the persecution of Chrysostom ; and even tlie incursions of barbarous tribes, who spoiled the provinces of Asia Minor, and ravaged Syria and Palestine, were regarded as con- sequences of the same dreadful sin of the feeble emperor, of whom no single worthy or memorable deed has been recorded. In 408 Arcadius died, leaving his kingdom to his son of eight years, who is known as Theodosius IT., or the Younger, to distinguish him from his grandfather. His reign during the first half of the fifth century might better be called the reign of Pulcheria, his sister, whose influ- ence was so complete over her weak and amiable brother that she was really responsible for whatever was done in his name. The most mnsculine taste of this emperor was his love of hunting. lie also spent much time in j)ainting and carving, although his work showed no artistic tnlont. His one accomi)lislinicnt was his penmanship ; and he 3 34 CONSTANTINOPLE. illuminated manuscripts, which gained him the title of Kalligraphes, the fair writer. He so disliked all matters of business that he did not read the documents which he signed, and by this means enacted some cruel and unjust measures. The so-called Theodosian Code sheds lustre on this emperor's name; but we may well doubt if he knew of its existence. It was the inevitable result of the growing intelligence of his age in matters of government, and of the wisdom of his councillors. The marriage of Theodosius, when about twenty years old, to Athenais, one of the most famous empresses of Constantinople, was arranged by Pulcheria, although the emperor was by no means averse to the beautiful Greek maiden, who was slightly his senior. When baptized, she took the name of Eudocia ; but Pulcheria did not per- mit her the title of Augusta until after the birth of a child. Before her marriage Eudocia had been the inti- mate friend of, and probably a maid of honour to, Pulcheria for seven years ; and so long as the empress was submis- sive to the will of her sister-in-law, all went well. Eudocia was a most accomplished scholar, and occupied herself in making a poetical paraphrase of a large portion of the Old Testament. She also wrote out the legend of S. Cyprian, and applied a portion of Homer's verses to the life and miracles of Christ. Naturally the work of an empress would be praised by her contemporaries, but that of Eudocia has been commended by critics of a later age. Unfortunately she wrote some most fulsome praises of her husband, in which she attributed to him qualities which he neither possessed nor desired, even calling him a brave warrior; but as this custom of flattering falsehood pre- vailed at the court of Theodosius, it should be offered as an excuse for the panegyrics of the empress, all the more as the emperor's affection for her was increased with the passage of years. THEODOSIUS IL 85 After her daughter was married to the emperor of the Western Empire, Eudocia made a royal progress to Jeru- salem, which was called a pilgrimage for the discharge of grateful vows; but the splendour which attended the empress is better described by the first term we have used. For example, at Antioch, she pronounced an oration to the Senate from a throne of gold studded with gems, and declared her intention of enlarging the walls of the city. She donated two hundred pounds of gold to restore the baths, and accepted statues which were decreed to her. Her pious gifts in the Holy Land exceeded the munificence of S. Helena ; ^ and although she secured aud carried to Constantinople such treasures as the right arm of S. Stephen, the chains of S. Peter, and a picture of the Virgin painted by S. Luke, she might well have feared that she had incurred the anger of Pulcheria. Having thus tasted the pleasure of power and pomp, she attempted, after her return, to assume the government of her husband's empire ; and a genuine woman's war ensued in the palace, from which the pious virgin, Pulcheria, came out victorious. There was a great scan- dal of some sort, by which the affections of Theodosius were turned from Eudocia. The accounts of the mutter are too involved to be clearly undei'stood, but Eudocia rev^enged herself for the murder of some of her favourites by Pulclieria. by assassinating the agent who had been employed against her. Theodosius was induced to jiunish lier with the greatest severity, and, stripped of her honours and disgraced before all the world, she passed the last sixteen years of her life in exile and prayer. The death oF Theodosius and the captivity of her daughter added to ilie miseries of her condition, and she died at Jerusalem, when sixty-seven years old, protesting with her dying ' It is said that licr gifts exceeded forty millions of dollars. 36 CONSTANTINOPLE. breath that she was innocent of any sin against her mar- riage vows or the authority of her husband. The hist years of the reign of Theodosius were occupied in a war with the Huns under the leadership of AttiLa. A terrible earthquake threw down a large part of the im- pregnable walls of Constantinople, and destroyed fifty- eight towers. At length a treaty was made, which deprived the emperor of a large proportion of his former territory, and he was personally subjected to the most humiliating conditions. Attila also exacted a large indemnity ; and as the extravagances of the court had greatly reduced the vast wealth of the empire, the people who had anything remaining were forced to make immense sacrifices. The wealthy classes had indulged in marvellous expenditures. It was not unusual for them to be served from a large table of solid silver with a service of gold, while the women wore jewels of inestimable value. All these were sacrificed to satisfy the demands of "the Scourge of God." Theodosius did not long survive his humiliation, and was killed in the forty-third year of his reign by an acci- dent when hunting. There are some redeeming features connected with the rule of Theodosius. While no great or brilliant deeds were achieved, and while the attacks of foes and the effects of desolating natural forces combined to reduce the empire in extent and importance, so well was the municipal system administered as to render the city perfectly safe at all hours. Legal, religious, and literary standards were set up, which exercised a potent influence in the progress of civilization, in spite of the enervating luxury of the rich, and the misery and poverty of the masses of the people. The legal rights of the lower classes received an unusual recognition in the Code of Theodosius II. The clergy were scholarly men, and held such relations with the people as made their teach- OTHER EMPERORS. 37 ing and speculations interesting to all, and the discussions of theology and metaphysics occupied much of the time that in Rome was devoted to the debasing horrors of the gladiatorial arena. The writers and artists of Constantinople during this period were not distinguished by genius, and indeed tiie circle that could be calle^d literary was small; but ^a uni- versity was founded and maintained by the government. The professors were learned men, and after twenty years of service they were ennobled and received the title of "Count," while the officers of the civil service were all men who had held high rank at the university. The period which elapsed between the death of Theodosius II. and the reign of the great Justinian was a time of much confusion in the Eastern Empire. Its history is obscure, and affords but little reliable informa- tion. There were five emperors, — Marcian, a soldier, whom Pulcheria associated with herself in the govern- ment, and for political purposes made nominally her husliand, and invested with the purple. Marcian was at least a soldier ; and when Attila demanded the tribute which Theodosius had promised, his successor replied, "I have iron for Attila, Ijut no gold." After seven years ]\Iarcian was succeeded by Leo, called "The Great," for no apparent reason. He met with sad reverses in his campaigns against the Vandals, and was followed by Zcno, a barl)arian and heretic, who contended against Theodoric, the Goth, with some success. The widow of Zeno married Anastasius, who has been called the "prudent emperor." He was not only a skilful finan- cier, but also a reformer ; and Finlay, in his history, suggests that Anastasius prepared the way for some of the triumphs of Justinian. He l)uilt the great wall which extended from the Sea of Marmora to the Black Sea. Giiibon speaks of this defence as an acknowledgment of 38 CONSTANTINOPLE. the weakness of his army ; but whatever was the motive in huilding it, it was an important factor in the preserva- tion of civilizatiun in Constantinople, and indeed for the world. Anastasiiis reigned twenty-seven years, and be- queathed his throne to a soldier, Justin, who, a Bulgarian ])easant by birth, was a discreet, ignorant man, who by patient and prudent exercise of his native good judgment v/as able to secure the succession to his nephew, the famous Justinian. CHAPTER IV. JUSTINIAN, HERACLIUS,- CONSTANTINE IV., LEO THE ICONO- CLAST, AND THE ISAURIAN DYNASTY. 527-867. ONE can but wonder at the world-wide and enduring fame of the Emperor Justinian, when his life is regarded dispassionately ; and yet one pays an involuntary iriljute of respect to every human being who has secured his remembrance through more than thirteen centuries as a factor in that which makes the history of the world. Justinian was fortunate in being served by men of unusual talent in various departments of his empire, and frankness must admit that this sovereign is distinguished by a reflected glory from the achievements of these ser- vants rather than by any brilliancy of thought or deed on his own part. He owed his success in warfare and the increase of his territory to Belisarius and Narses, and the compilation of the Justinian Code to Tribonian and his collaborators, — the signature of his name to the completed whole l>eing the chief part of the emperor in this great work ; and he was even indebted to his infamous empress for courage under circumstances of personal danger. Justinian, like his uncle Justin, was the son of a jjca^s- ant, and was distinguished l)y no unusual personal quali- ties. Four months before Justin died, when he found the burden of the empire too great for his failing strength, lie assembled the Patriarch and senators, and in their presence placed his diadem on the head of Justinian, who was at once joyfully received by the people as their future 40 CONSTANTINOPLE. emperor. His chief care at this moment of his elevation was to have an edict pul)lishcd by the dying emperor, which should make it possible for a woman of servile origin, or who had been dishonoured by a theatrical pro- fession, to be raised to the throne. This edict was imme- diately followed by the marriage of Justinian and the atrocious Theodora; and Justin having invested his nephew with the insignia of his power, the Patriarch of Constan- tinople placed a diadem on the head of Theodora at the same time that he crowned her husband. This empress was the daughter of a bear-tamer at Con- stantinople, and after his death she had made a great success as a pantoniimist. She was possessed of a rare and delicate beauty of person, strongly inconsistent with her vileness of character. Her beauty made her vulgarity of tone and gesture singularly attractive at the theatre, where she exposed her charms with a freedom which can- not be described. Her life soon became the most licen- tious and abandoned that can be imagined, and she at length accompanied one of her lovers to Africa. She was deserted in Alexandria, where she suffered the bitterest poverty ; but having a vision which prophesied her future greatness, she painfully made her way back to Constanti- nople, and there earned her living at some humble but honest occupation, in a small house, which she later converted into a splendid temple. Upon her arrival in Constantinople, finding that the nephew of the emperor was already very powerful, and the prospective heir to the throne, she contrived to make his acquaintance, and soon held him under a spell of absolute fascination. Moreover, she succeeded in retain- ing his devoted affection, and cleverly excelled those of her class best known in history when she was raised to his throne. He delighted in doing her honour, so long as she lived, and lavished on her all the treasures of the Orient. JUSTINIAN. 41 This empress passed much of her time in the palaces on the sea-coast, where she lived -in a manner calculated to preserve her beauty. She surrounded herself with her favourites, and treated the patricians who sought her {)res- ence with arrogance or levity, as her mood might dictate. The two passions which she especially indulged were avarice and cruelty. She piled up wealth, which she secured principally through the fears of her subjects, for her cruelties were so dreaded as to compel assent to her most exorbitant demands. She employed spies, who reported everything that could possibly be considered an offence to her ; and those who were thus accused were thrown into dungeons, of which she was sole mistress. Some of these unfortunates never saw the light again, while others were permitted to return to their friends void of reason, or maimed and disfigured for life. It is recorded that she did not hesitate to witness the most frightful tortures and scourgings, and guarded against any neglect of her orders by threatening her minions with the same punishments which she administered to others, if they dared disobey her mandates. One worthy deed may be ascribed to her. She founded, on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, an extensive monas- tery, where five hundred women who were leading the life from which she had escaped, were comfortably, even liljcrally, maintained. From the time of her marriage she was a virtuous wife, and held her dominion over her husband's affections to the moment of their final separation. At length her fail- ing health compelled her to seek relief from suffering, and she journeyed to the Pythian baths. Her train num- bered four thousand attendants, and she was accompanied Ijy a goodly nunil)er of patricians. She travelled in great luxury, and disti-ibuted largo sums to churches, monas- teries, and hospitals, imploring j)raycrs for her recovery; 42 CONSTANTINOPLE. but she died of an incurable cancer twenty-four years after her marriage. In the fifth year of Justinian's reign a sedition arose which terrified the emperor, and but for the intiuence of Theodora, he would have succumbed to his fear of the mob. The trouble arose in the serious differences between the charioteers in the Circus, which so extended to the whole pco})lc as to involve religious and political ques- tions, as well as those of the games. The opposing parties were known as the "Blues" and the "Greens," from the colours worn by the charioteers. Justinian be- longed to the Blues, — the orthodox party, and the stronger, who made such serious attacks upon the Greens that they were in danger of extermination. At the celebration of the games on the Ides of January, both parties being in presence of the emperor, thq Greens took occasion to appeal to him, to complain of their abuses, and demand justice. Justinian answered them with severity, calling them "Jews, Samaritans, and Manichaeans. " Excited to the last degree by these in- sults, the Greens cursed the emperor and the hour of his birth, renounced their allegiance to him, and fled from the Circus through the streets, to the alarm of the whole people. The Blues pursued them, and but for an acci- dental meeting with seven criminals, who were being taken to execution, a frightful massacre would have ensued. It chanced that five of these criminals were executed immediately, and the remaining two were hanged; but the rope broke, and they were saved from again falling into the hands of the executioner by some monks, who conveyed them to the sanctuary of the church. One of these assassins wore blue, the other green livery ; and this happening was sufficient to unite the two bitter factions in the work of opening the prisons, burning the house of JUSTINIAN. 43 the prefect, and killing his officers. The troops sent to quell the riot were overpowered. Stones were hurled ou them by women on the roofs. Fires were set, and the church of S. Sophia and many other splendid edifices were destroyed, and an immense treasure in precious iiietals melted or stolen. The watchword Nika (con- quer) gave a name to this sedition, which endured five days. Justinian endeavoured, by temporizing, to allay the trouble which he had imprudently caused. He went to the Hippodrome to address the people ; but they distrusted his sincerity, and their clamour so alarmed him that he fled to his palace, having accomplished nothing. The Greens then seized Hypatius, a nephew of the Emperor Anastasius, carried him to the Forum of Con- stantine, and crowned him with a richly jewelled collar. The cowardly emperor proposed to fly with the imperial treasures; but Theodora, in the midst of the council, exclaimed, — " If flight were the only means of safety, yet I should disdain to fly. Death is the condition of our birtli, but they who have reigned should never survive the loss of dignity and dominion. I implore Heaven that I may never be seen, not a day, without my diadem and purple ; that I may no longer behold tlie light when I cease to be saluted with the name of queen. If you resolve, O Caesar ! to fly, you have treasures ; behold the soa, you have ships ; but treml)le lest the desire of life should ex- pose 3'ou to wretched exile and ignominious death. For my own part, I adhere to the maxim of antiquity, tliat the tlirone is a glorious sepulchre." The jealousy of the Blues was easily revived, and the Greens were left to support Hypatius alone. This afforded Justinian an opportunity for a terrible revenge. Two divisions of soldiers were sent to the Hippodrome. The opposite gates were burst open at the same moment, and 44 CONSTANTINOPLE. a merciless carnage ensued, in which the Blues partici- pated to emphasize their repentance. Thirty thousand Greens were murdered, and the Hippodrome was closed for years. When again opened, the same quarrels were revived, and the empire was long disturbed by the Blue and Green factions. Any proper relation of the story of the wars which occurred in the reign of Justinian would require more space than we can give. It includes many notable adven- tures and deeds of both men and women, and is a most interesting portion of Gibbon's fascinating history; but we can merely say that the great general, Belisarius, was successful in destroying the Vandals. He added Africa to the empire, saved Constantinople from the Bulgarians, overcame Italy, and raised the siege of Rome. And another most illustrious soldier, Narses, the eunuch, defeated the Goths, Franks, and Alemanni, and governed Italy as exarch. During this reign, too, the capital was adorned by splendid edifices, and the long wall of Anastasius was rel)uilt. The old Byzantine palace was repaired, and the exquisite summer palace of Herseum was erected, and surrounded with its delicious gardens, on the Asiatic shore, near Chalcedon. It was the delight of poets to praise this palace, but Gibbon tells us a strange tale of it. He says that the " nymphs " there were constantly alarmed by a whale, "the famous Porphyrio," of enormous size, who was stranded at the mouth of the river Sangaris, hav- ing infested the neighbouring seas for more than fifty years. But of greater interest to all men for all time is the Corpus of Jurisprudence, which bears the name of Jus- tinian. This work was done, at the command of the emperor, by Tribonian and nine other learned men. When completed and signed by the emperor, it was dili- JUSTINIAN. 45 gently copied by scribes, and distributed all over the empire, while other learned scribes were employed in making the Pandects or Digest of the Code, to which the Institutes were added, and these three made the system of civil jurisprudence for the empire. These were the only text-books for the study of law, and the only authority for the decisions of the tribunals. Justinian claimed that he had been inspired by the Deity to undertake this great work, and by the aid of the Deity alone was enabled to accomplish it. The solitary copy of the Pandects, which is the pride of the Laurentian Library in Florence, is said to have been found at Amalfi in 1187. It had long been supposed to be lost, and was considered by the Pisans as one of the greatest treasures of their conquest. In 1406, when Pisa was taken by the Florentines, this wonderful manuscript was placed under a jealous guard in the Palazzo Vecchio. At Florence the Pandects were bound in purple, and enclosed in a rich casket, which was sometimes opened for distinguished travellers, when this precious possession was shown by monks or magistrates with bared heads, holding tapers in their hands. Pope Leo X. bestowed the Pandects on his nephew, the Duke of Urbino; but in 1786 it was returned to Florence, and consigned to the library above the cloisters of Snn Lorenzo. For a long time it was thought to be one of two copies which were sent to Italy by Justinian himself; but it is more probably a copy made by Greek scribes not later than the beginning of the seventh century, and many authorities believe it to have been the only authentic source from which all existing written and printed copies have been made. Justinian died at eighty-three, having reigned thirty- nine yeai's; and no estimate of the character of this renowned man can equal tJiat of Gibbon: — 46 CONSTANTINOPLE. " The resemblance of Justiuian to the bust of Domitian is maliciously urged, with the acknowledgment, however, of a well-proportioned figure, a ruddy complexion, and a pleasing countenance. The emperor was easy of access, patient of hear- ing, courteous and affable in discourse, and a master of the angry passions which rage with such destructive violence in the breast of a despot. Procopius praises his temper, to re- proach him with calm and deliberate cruelty ; but in the con- spiracies which attacked his authority and person, a more candid judge will approve the justice, or admire the clemency, of Jus- tinian. He excelled in the private virtues of chastity and tem- perance ; but the impartial love of beauty would have been less mischievous than his conjugal tenderness for Theodora ; and his abstemious diet was regulated, not by the prudence of a philosopher, but the superstition of a monk. His repasts were short and frugal: on solemn feasts he contented hmiself with water and vegetables ; and such was his strength as well as fervour, that he frequently passed two days, and as many nights, without tasting food. The measure of his sleep was not less rigorous: after the repose of a single hour, the body was awakened by the soul, and, to the astonishment of his chamber- lains, Justinian walked or studied till the morning light. . . . The emperor professed himself a musician and ai'chitect, a poet and philosopher, a lawyer and theologian ; and if he failed in the enterprise of reconciling the Christian sects, the review of the Roman jurisprudence is a noble monument of his spirit and in- dustry. In the government of the empire he was less wise, or .ess successful : the age was unfortunate ; the people was op- pressed and discontented ; Theodora abused her power ; a suc- cession of bad ministers disgraced his judgment ; and Justinian was neither beloved in his life nor regretted at his death. The love of fame was deeply implanted in his breast, but he conde- scended to the poor ambition of titles, honours, and contemporary praise ; and while be laboured to fix the admiration, he forfeited the esteem and affection of the Romans. The design of the African and Italian wars was l)oldly conceived and executed ; and his penetration discovered the talents of Belisarius in the JUSTINMN. 47 camp, of Narses in the palace. . . . The characters of Philip the Second and Justinian are distinguished by the cold ambition which delights in war and declines the danger of the field. Yet a colossal statue of bronze represented the emperor on horseback, preparing to march against the Persians in the habit and armour of Achilles. In the great square before the church of S. Sophia, this monument was raised on a brass column and a stone pedestal of seven steps ; and the pillar of Theodosius, which weighed seven thousand four hundred pounds of silver, was removed from the same place by the avarice and vanity of Justinian. Future princes were more just or indulgent to his memory ; the elder Androuicus, in the beginning of the four- teenth century, repaired and beautified his equestrian statue : since the fall of the empire it has been melted into cannon by the victorious Turks." It is said that during the sacrilegious ravages wliich f(jllowed the Latin conquest of Constantinople, when the tombs of the emperors in the church of the Ajjostles were rifled, the corpse of Justinian was found, and the six centuries that had elapsed since his burial had produced no signs of decay. The inroads of enemies during the reign of Justinian — of Bulgarians, Goths, Vandals, and Persians — were un- im])ortant, beside the ruin which was wrought by earth- quakes, famine, and pestilence. In the fifth year of his reign, a comet blazed in the sky, striking ten-or to the hearts of the people ; and each succeeding year was marked l)y earthquakes, and Constantinople, on one occasion, trembled for forty successive days, while cities not far away were swallowed up, and millions of lives were lost; ])ut these catastrophes paled before the horrors of the ))lague. By this curse whole districts were depopulated, the harvests were not made, and the fruits not gathered from trees and vines. Even Defoe's deseri])tions of tlie Londfju [)Iague are scarcr-ly suOicient in their friglitful 48 CONSTANTINOPLE. details to picture the results of this Oriental spotted typhus. During three months five, and sometimes ten, thousand victims, died daily, and more than a half- century passed before it could be said to be entirely extinguished. The immediate followers of Justinian upon the throne of Constantinople — Justin II., Tiberius IL, Maurice, and Phocas — only plunged the capital and a large por- tion of the empire into hopeless weakness and misery; and Ileraclius, on his accession in 610, assumed the government of a country overwhelmed with debt. The agricultural classes were in a condition of disheartening poverty and misery. From high to low a hopeless discon- tent prevailed. Enemies were threatening on every side; and yet the people would take any possible means to avoid entering the army, from which the soldiers were con- stantly deserting to become monks, or to follow any calling that would save them from fighting for their country. Africa alone, of all the Byzantine possessions, was pros- perous ; and Ileraclius even proposed to desert the city of the Bosphorus, and establish a new capital at Carthage. This proposal, however, awakened the remnants of patriot- ism in the hearts of his subjects, and the Patriarch, at the head of the people, called the emperor to meet him in S. Sophia, when an oath that he would abandon this idea was exacted from him. The history of the reign of Heraclius cannot be given here in detail, although his wars against the Persian Chosroes are full of interest not unmingled with romance. After long and severe struggles, in which he displayed almost miraculous determination and perseverance, as well as great personal endurance and bravery, Heraclius was victorious over the Persians, and on his return to Constantinople — his journey being a perpetual triumph HERACLIUS — CONSTANTINE IV. 49 — he was received with acclamations of joy, and entered the capital in a chariot drawn by elephants. He had rescued the wood of the True Cross from the keeping of Chosroes, and made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to restore the sacred object to the Holy Sepulchre. On his return, he devoted his remaining years to the attempt to establish a religious and a patriotic sentiment among his subjects. But the innumerable discussions which arose, and the* emperor's Ecthesis failed of their object, and he died, leaving new disputes to his family and his people. During the thirty years that succeeded the death of Heraclius, there is little to interest us in the story of Constantinople, and we pass to the first siege of the capital by the Saracens, which occurred during the reign of Con- stantine IV. about the year 673. It was known that the Arabs had contemplated this attack for some years, and the superstitious fears of the people were aroused by cer- tain signs, which they regarded as precursors of serious evils; and had the Saracens acted promptly, the mental condition of the people of Constantinople would have been to their advantage. But their delny afforded the opportunity for Callinicus, a Syrian, to make his way to the capital, and offer to the emperor a discovery which he had made, that would surely enable Constantine to defeat his foes, and drive them from his kingdom. This proved to be the terrible Greek Fire. It could be projected on objects near at hand or at a distance, and Avould burn on water as readily as on land, or on stone or iron as disastrously as on a substance which could be ignited. In short, it was the most terrific and destructive agent then known to man. . The fleet of the Saracens passed the Dardanelles without opposition, and invested the city, and so numerous were the ships that it was surrounded on three sides. With them were three of the special friends of the Prophet, and 4 50 CONSTANTINOPLE. the commanders and soldiers alike believed that the pres- ence of these holy men assured the success of their under- taking. Moreover, it had been promised that any who fell in taking Constantinople should be forgiven all their sins and at once enter Paradise. The proof that death in this war opened an easy path to Moslem sainthood may be seen to-day in Constantinople, in the tomb of Abu Ayoob, or Job, who fell in tliis siege. The place of his burial was revealed to Mohammed II. in a vision. It has been surrounded by gardens and ceme- teries, in which are many dark cypresses. Above the tomb now rises a mosque of white marble, where the Sultans are installed in their high office. It is a place much desired for burial by the Moslems, and the tombs in its cemeteries are remarkable for their richness of decora- tion. No Christian is permitted to reside in this suburb nor to enter this mosque. The Greek fire proved so effectual in preventing the near approach of the vessels, and in blinding the men who attempted to scale the walls, that after five months the Saracens retired. They seized Cyzicus, where they re- mained until the next spring, when a second ineffectual attack was made. This experience was repeated each year for seven years, and meantime they lost many ships. Their engines were so disabled that they had to be rebuilt annually, and yet their determination held out; but in the seventh year they were attacked by a pestilence, which utterly disheartened them. So many of their vessels were lost or rendered useless, that in order to retreat, those that remained were much overcrowded, and still great numbers were left to make their way on foot. The vessels, with all on board, were lost in a great storm, while the land army, footsore, wounded, and starving, were pursued by the emperor's forces and mercilessly slaughtered. LEO THE ICONOCLAST. 51 Passing over years of troublous confusion, in which six emperors were dethroned and five executed or blinded, one only being allowed to exist in a monastery, we come to the reign of Leo the Iconoclast, and founder of the Isaurian dynasty. He was of humble origin, and held his first prominent position as commander of the Anatolian Province. During his rise from obscurity, the Eastern Empire was in a desperate condition. It was to be expected that when rulers followed each other in quick succession, disorder should prevail in all departments. The army was constantly in revolt. The Saracens had extended their rule from Spain to Scindc and Cashgar, and being in possession of the city opposite Constantinople, on the Bosphorus, they anticipated but little difficulty in overthrowing the last stronghold of the empire, under the very walls of which the Bulgarians had already com- mitted depredations. When Moslemah, the brother of the Caliph Suleiman, besieged Amorium, preparatory to approaching Constanti- nople, Leo had his first opportunity to show his bravery and military prowess. It was vastly important that he should gain time for the defence of the city, and taking but five hundred horsemen with him, he rode to the enemy's camp, and persuaded the general in charge to suspend the attack until he (Leo) could consult Moslemah on important matters. He also contrived to meet secretly the Bishop of Amorium, and command him to maintain sturdily the defence of his town. Leo then begged the Saracen general to conduct him to Moslemah, and the general, thinking that he should thus be able to make Leo a prisoner, consented to his request; but when a narrow defile was reached, from which a road led to the camp of the Greek army, Leo and his men suddenly drew their swords, cut their way through the Saracens, and escaped in safety. 52 CONSTANTINOPLE. According to a frequent usage of the age, the siege of Amoriuni having been raised, Leo was made emperor, as a reward for his personal bravery. To obtain possession of his throne, he was obliged to defeat Theodosius IIL, whom he consigned to a monastery. Then entering the city triumphantly by the Golden Gate, he was crowned by the Patriarch in the church of S. Sophia in March, 717. The Saracens now knew that in the ruler at Constanti- nople they had a foe worthy of their steel, and they deter- mined to make another attempt to conquer the capital before Leo should have time to strengthen his fortifica- tions and increase his army. Their preparations were made on an enormous scale. Eighteen hundred ships were sent out to prevent succour or food from reaching Constan- tinople by sea, while 180,000 soldiers were ordered to invest the city by land. The accounts of this siege are so fragmentary that no form can be confidently given it; but the result was an utter defeat of the Moslems, greatly to the glory of Leo. The ships of the Saracens were burned; the Caliph died. As winter came on, the Moslems succumbed to the cold in great numbers, and they, rather than their enemies, were in want of food. The ships sent to their aid were principally manned l)y Christians, who thought it best to join the winning side, and thus strengthened Leo, and disclosed to him the desperate condition of his besiegers. After the siege had continued eighteen months, the Saracens withdrew. But five of their ships ever returned to Syria, and only the barest remnant of their army saw Damascus again. Our knowledge of this memoral)le siege seems to indi- cate that Leo was " lucky " rather than great. He was an adventurer who had seized a throne. He did little but sit still within his well-supplied capital, and permit the cold of an unaccustomed climate to work its fatal effect on the LEO THE ICONOCLAST. 63 poorly fed Moslems. However, the result was a tremen- dous fact ill the history of the world, for after this defeat centuries elapsed before the Saracens were again a terror to Constantinople. Leo also checked the ravages of other enemies who had raided his territory, even to his very gates, and having quieted his foes, he so wisely administered his finances and reformed his army, as to secure the independence oi his empire, and win the approval and admiration of all classes save one. The priests hated him because he opposed the idolatry which had cre})t into the Church. The ])eople knew noth- ing of God or Chi'ist, or of anything tliat merited the name of religion, which was alone represented by the kissing of pictures, by reliance on the images of saints, and other idolatrous practices. Against all this Leo waged a bold crusade. He first ordered all religious ])ictures to be hung so high that they could not be kissed, which aroused such resentment, not only in the capital, but also among the islands of the archipelago, that a iieet was sent to attack Constantinople, which was soon completely defeated. Leo conv()k(M] iui assembly of the highest officials of both Church and Si ate; and a decree was solemnly made, ordering all images to be removed from the chuichcs of the empire. Pope Gregory II. Ihen issued a bull excoui- municating all iconoclasts; l)ut Leo gave no heed to proc- bunations from Rome, and thus was the schism originated which steadily widened the breach between the Eastern iuid Western churches; and after the election of Gregory 111., Constantinople was never again included among the powers who were asked for a confirmation of the election of a pope. Both Leo and his son, Constantino V., have been called everything liut good by Cliur(;h historians, on account of their attempts to abolish idolatry; but historical truth, so 54 CONSTANTINOPLE. far as it is known, affords a widely differing estimate of tlicsc Isaiirian emperors. During the continuance of the Isaurian dj^nasty — until 867 — history constantly repeats itself, alternating between iconoclasm and religious liberalism, or between indiffer- ence and the most abject image worship and idolatry. Horrible cruelties and frightful crimes were constantly [lorpetrated in the name of religion. Historians differ widely in their estimate of the govern- ment of the empire at this period. Finlay says: — " The regularity of its civil, financial, and judicial adminis- tration, the defensive power of its military and naval establish- ments, are remarkable in an age of temporary measures and universal aggression. The state of education and the moral position of the clergy certainly offer favourable points of com- parison, even with the brilliant empires of Ilaroun Al Raschid and Charlemagne. . . . The first step towards the constitution of modern society, which renders all equal in the eye of the law, was made at Constantinople about the commencement of the eighth century." The attacks of the Bulgarians were repelled, and the sieges of the Saracens were fruitless. Almost without exception the Isaurian emperors were soldiers, and most of them experienced g-enerals. During the eighth and ninth centuries Constantinople was the centre of the com- merce of Europe, and the wealth of the capital was almost fabulous. At one time there was a sum in the imperial treasury which cannot be estimated at less than twenty- six millions of dollars, which at that age of the world was far more valuable than in our own day, and the enormous expenditures of the wealthy classes, and the magnificence in which they lived, as it is recounted by creditable histo- rians, proves that their wealth was evon "beyond the dreams of avarice." THE ISAURIAN DYNASTY. 55 The moral condition of the Byzantine Empire under the Isaurians cannot be judged by the standards of a more general and progressive civilization; but it was superior to that of any preceding age when applied to the same number of people, and its moral tone was undoubtedly a great factor in its preservation. At this period, too, slavery was much less than it had formerly been. Hos- pitals and other philanthropic institutions were founded, and, in short, at this time the foundations were being laid for the greatness of the succeeding dynasty. Science, literature, and art were cultivated. Grammar, poetry, rhetoric, philosophy, and the pure sciences were all studied by Leo the Archbishop. The wonderfully beautiful jewelry and the exquisitely illuminated parch- ments of the ninth century excite our wonder and admira- tion, and we cannot doul)t that the larger works of the painter and statuary equalled these in excellence. Such subjects as these, at which we have but hinted, are too great, and require too much space for any proper consideration here; Init when one reads of the frightful crimes, the jealousies and the horrors on one side of the picture of ancient Constantinople, it is a pleasure to look for a moment on the more cheerful view, as presented by some of the most reliable authorities. CHAPTER V. MACEDONIAN AND COMNENAN DYNASTIES — DECADENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 867-1203. WHILE Michael the Drunkard amused himself in his dissolute fashion, a boy Avas growing up in his army, who was destined to be the murderer and successor of this last of the Iconoclasts, as well as the founder of a new dynasty. This boy, Basil, was the son of a Macedonian herdsman. He was stolen by Bulgarians, and carried to their country, where, on hard fare and in a wild life, he developed into a handsome, fearless youth, skilful in all the sports and arts of half-barbaric nations. How he reached Constan- tinople is a mystery; but there he entered the military service, and went to the Peloponnesus under the command of a cousin of the emperor. At Patras he fell sick with 1 fever. His beauty and grace attracted the attention of in old lady of immense wealth, who so lavished her gifts on this young soldier of fortune that he was able to main- tain a creditable appearance at the luxurious court of Constantinople. After this access of riches, Basil announced that he was descended from the ancient Parthian kings. Whether he believed this or not, it added to his consideration, and on his return to Constantinople he made himself so accep- table to the emperor as a companion in his revels and a dexterous tamer of horses, as well as a successful wrestler, MACEDONIAN AND COMNENAN DYNASTIES. 57 that Michael demanded his constant attendance on him, and soon bestowed some of the highest offices in his court on this young favourite. There was a second courtier who was also high in the emperor's favour, Symbatios; and at first Basil found it to his advantage to be friendly with him, and the two soon joined in accusing Bardas, the uncle of the emperor, of unfaithfulness. At first Michael gave no heed to these accusations ; but when Bardas, in the emperor's tent, ad- vised his nephew to undertake a war to which he was not inclined, the two favourites murdered the old man in the presence of the emperor. When Michael returned to his palace, a monk greeted him thus: "All hail, emperor! all hail from your glorious campaign ! You return covered with blood, and it is your own ! " Shortly after this, Michael made Basil his colleague on the throne, completely overlooking Symbatios, who had hoped for some reward for assisting in the murder of his father-in-law, Bardas. In revenge Symbatios persuaded a general, Peganus, to a revolt. It was unsuccessful, and both Peganus and Symbatios were maimed and blinded, and placed as beggars before one of the imperial palaces. As it is impossible to verify the story, so often told, of this fate having fallen on Belisarius, it has been sus- pected that it arose from the punishment of these two unfortunate rebels. Michael was soon seized with fear lest Basil should dethrone him, and took a second colleague, one Basiliskios. Such a trinity could not long exist; and Basil, l)oing the coolest and most cunning, awaited his opportunity to murder the other two, and while they were sunk in the deep sleep of drunkenness, he despatched them l)oth, and thus, in a most ungrateful murder, founded the Mace- donian dyniisty. Tliere could be little ho])e of a wise and successful reign under a sovereign who had dishonoured 58 CONSTANTINOPLE. the sister, and mari'ied the mistress, of his patron, before brutally murdering him, when he was unable to make the least resistance. To these crimes Basil added sacrilege by pretending to deep piety. At his coronation, kneeling before the altar, he proclaimed that he dedicated his own life and his empire to God's service, and followed this by calling a general council of the Church, at which no reconciliation with Rome was accomplished. Basil found an empty treasury ; but desiring to be popu- lar, and having a certain sympathy for the lower classes, from which he had risen, he determined not to increase the taxes. By resuming the enormous grants which Michael had lavished on his favourites, the imperial purse was filled ; and this policy proved so popular that it was followed by each new emperor for more than a century. Basil energetically pushed the revision of the law, and devoted himself to the proper maintenance and discipline of his army, and so insured the power and popularity of his government that he was able to found the dynasty which held the throne of Constantinople longer than any other. As a general, he was energetic and efficient, but not always successful.. He re-conquered Cyprus, but lost it again; and though he acquired new power in Italy, he lost Syracuse. His j^rincipal wars were against the Saracens and Paulicians; and if he was not a great conqueror, he did not suffer signal defeats. Naturally this emperor was not fitted to take any active part in the legislation of his empire; but through a dis- creet employment of jurisconsults, he at length was able to publish the Basilika, which continued in use among the Greeks until their conquest by the Ottomans. Finlay says : — MACEDONIAN AND COMNENAN DYNASTIES. 59 " The promulgation of the Basilika may be considered as marking the complete union of all legislative, executive, judi- cial, financial, and administrative power in the person of the emperor. The Church had already been reduced to complete submission to the imperial authority. Basil may therefore claim to be the emperor who established arbitrary despotism as the constitution of the Roman Empire. The divine right of the sovereign to rule as God might be pleased to enlighten his understanding and soften his heart, was henceforth the recog- nized organic law of the Byzantine Empire." The friendship of the old lady of Patras — Daiiielis by name — for Basil is the most interesting circumstance of his private life. It was natural that she should wish to see her protege after he became emperor. He had sent for her son, and given him an official position at the capi- tal; and when he invited the old lady to visit his court, she set off in a luxurious litter borne on the shoulders of ten slaves, and followed by three hundred other attend- ants. Arrived at Constantinople, she was lodged in the princely palace, Magnanra, where royal guests were enter- tained, and astonished the inhabitants by the magnificence of the presents she had brought to Basil, which far excelled those that had been bestow^ed by foreign sov- ereigns on any emperor. The slaves that bore the gifts were of great beauty and accomplishments, and were a portion of the present. Tlicy numbered four hundred young men, one hundred maidens, and one hundred eunuchs. Daniclis also brought a ser- vice of plates, cups, and dishes of gold and silver; a hun- dred pieces of the richest coloured draperies, and the same amount of soft woollen cloth, of linen, and of a camliric so fine that each piece could be enclosed in the joint of a reed. Basil had built a s])lendid church, as an atonement for the murder of the Empercjr Micliacl, which so touched tlie heart of Panielis that she sent to the Peloponnesus for 60 CONSTANTINOPLE. rich carpets of enormous size to protect the magnificent mosaic of the pavement. A peacock with outspread tail, which decorated one of these rugs, was the admiration of all who saw its brilliant colouring. Before leaving Constantinople, Danielis settled a large property in Greece upon Basil and her son jointly ; and after Basil's death, her son having also died, she again visited the capital, and made Leo, the son of her favourite, her sole heir. At her death the officers of the empire were amazed at her wealth. " The quantity of gold coin, gold and silver plate, works of art in bronze, furniture, rich stuffs in linen, cotton, wool, and silk, cattle and slaves, palaces and farms, formed an inheritance that enriched even an emperor of Constantinople."^ The slaves were so numerous that Leo ordered three thousand to be freed, and settled on land which they cultivated as serfs ; and when all legacies were paid, and the estate settled according to the testament of the old lady, the emperor had received eighty villages. An accident in the hunting-field brought on a fever, from which Basil died ; and consistently with his cowardly nature, he ended his life as he had begun it, with the murder of one who had conferred a benefit on him. His victim was the servant who had saved liis life by cutting his girdle free from the stag that had thrust his antler into it, and dragged Basil from his horse. Leo VL, known as the Philosopher, succeeded to the throne of his father, and reigned during twenty-five years, which brought great misfortunes to the empire. The Saracens took the city of Thessalonica, and carried twenty-two thousand of its people into hopeless slavery. The Bulgarians also defeated Leo's army, and perpetrated terrible cruelties on his soldiers, while his Asiatic fron- tiers were constantly besieged. 1 Fin] ay. MACEDONIAN AND COMNENAN DYNASTIES. 61 Leo VL was succeeded by his son, Constantine VII. , who was so young that his mother, the Empress Zoe, became regent. After many disturbances, the boy emperor was married to the daughter of the Admiral Romanus, who then became the real head of the government, and made Constantine the fifth wheel of the chariot of state. But the interest of the emperor was centred in books, music, and art, and he made no attempt to govern his empire, and was more popular than any other Byzantine ruler. His writings afford the best history of his time, and he caused an encyclopedia of historical knowledge to be com- piled under his oversight. Constantine VII. was succeeded by his son Romanus II. ; and he, dying at twenty-five, — after having recovered the island of Crete from the Saracens, and being full of plans for the glory of his country, — was followed by Nicephorus Phocas. This emperor was of irreproachable morals, of cold disposition, and miserly habits. He was most \m- ))0))ular, and after six years was murdered by his nephew, John Zimiskcs, who became emperor, and is remembered for the single important circumstance of his reign, — a successful war against Russia. Zimiskes was succeeded on the throne of the Eastern Empire by men and women who claimed to be its rulers, on grounds of greater or less reason ; but their dissolute lives and shameless disregard of religion and virtue make a story more honoured in the omission than in the telling. In 1057 the Macedonian dynasty came to an end, and was succeeded by that of the Comnonans. During centuries of misgovernment the central strength of the Eastern Empire had grown less and less, and the caj)ital was no longer regarded with pride or affection by the better part of its people. Every department of the government had fallen into incompetent hands. No council of state existed, and many ancient usages were 62 CONSTANTINOPLE. abandoned, — such, for example, as the census-making, which had formerly occurred every fifth year. Even the possibility of this was doubtful, as the once excellent roads to the distant provinces were now impassable. Money that had been devoted to the maintenance of har- bours and the outi)osts of the empire, was now lavished on the palace and its pageants. The riii)i)odrumc had become luxurious and magnificent in the extreme, and the Church excited the pride and admiration of the people by its splendours, while no attempt was made to arouse religious emotions. In short, both in the capital and in the outly- ing country, where agriculture was at its lowest ebb, the conditions were equally ruinous. During this period of decadence had arisen a class of citizens who earnestly desired a stronger and more repu- table government. They were men of great wealth, who, disgusted by the conditions that they could not remedy, had withdrawn from the court, and lived on their estates in lordly independence. These aristocrats now endeavoured to establish a better government, with a fixed order of succession; and so well did they make their plans, that a Bingle battle placed them in power, and the first Com- nenan ruler was raised to the throne, while his subjects hoped for an improvement in the empire which was never realized. The great Byzantine families claimed descent from Roman ancestors. The Comnenans were of this class, and had large possessions on the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus. They had been little known in public life. Manuel Comnenus had been a favourite at the court of Basil II., and the aristocrats had chosen his son, Isaac, as their emperor. His reign began in 1057, and in the two short years of its continuance he made a brave attempt to reform the abuses which had preceded him; but with his suc- cessors, the old conditions returned, and during the cen- DECADENCE OF CO>s^STANTINOPLE. 6Z tury and a half which followed the fall of the Macedonian dynasty, the story of Constantinople was one of increas- ing weakness and decay, which can best be told, for our purpose, by the mention of a few important facts, rather than by a detailed account of its disintegration. During the last half of the eleventh century the great movement of the Crusades was inaugurated, and exercised a world-wide influence. Pilgrims to the Holy Land had traversed Constantinople or its provinces in great num- bers before the actual organization of crusades. One band of seven thousand, led by the Archbishop of Mentz, passed through the capital in 1064. It will readily be seen that such armies must have been a heavy tax on the inhabitants along their line of travel. An itinerary still exists, showing the route from Bordeaux to Jerusalem by way of Constantinople, which was made as a guide to pil- grims as early as the fourth century, and was used by vast numbers during the succeeding age of pilgrimages and crusades. For a time the leaders of these movements showed some respect to the Byzantine Empire because it was a Christian state; "but when ambition and fashion, rather than re- ligious feeling, led men to the holy wars, the Eastern Christians suffered more from the Crusaders than the Mohammedans." ^ The increasing power of the Saracens in the eleventh century, and their persecutions of the pilgrims to Jerusa- lem, aroused the indignation of all Europe, and even Pope Gregory VII. contemplated leading a crusade in person. At length, one army after another was gathered under princely leaders, and marched through Byzantine territory, prepared to seize what they wished, if not granted them. The emperors speeded them on their way as soon as possi- ble, promising stipidiis iiini projection, and rejoicing when 1 Finliiv. 64 CONSTANTINOPLE. these hordes had crossed the narrow sea to the Asiatic shore, where weary deserts and summer heats, as well as Saracen enemies, worked their fatal effects on the men of northern climes. Wars arose between the later Crusaders and the Eastern Christians, from which endless confusion and difliculties resulted. A most important measure of the Comnenan dynasty was the making of commercial treaties with the Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans, by which they were granted extensive privileges. The Vene- tians were especially favoured, and were permitted free trade in all kinds of merchandise in all parts of the empire south of the Black Sea. In fact, this people soon had a monopoly of trade, which was resented, not only by the merchants of Constantinople, but by those of other Italian cities as well. Another remarkable privilege which was bestowed on the Venetians was the right to levy a tribute on the Amalphians who had settled at Con- stantinople. The best wharves, too, were devoted to the Venetians ; and being thus favoured, they became so over- bearing that it was soon necessary to limit their ever- encroaching power. To do this, treaties were made with other commercial cities, thus playing one against another. The Pisans were granted privileges far less important than those of the Venetians, but still such as enabled them to build up a trade which partially neutralized the Venetian monopoly. Finally, the Genoese were more liberally treated, though obliged to pay a duty of four per cent on both exports and imports. They were allowed a khan on the Stamboul side of the Golden Horn, and a quarter on the opposite shore, which gradually developed into the important suburb of Galata. As might have been foreseen, there were constant rival- • ries and disturbances among these Italian traders. The DECADENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 65 Pisans were especially troublesome. At times these colonists combined in order to inflict some injury upon the Eastern Empire« Again, they quarrelled with each other, and not infrequently they were expelled from the country, although new treaties were soon made, and they were permitted to return. The outcome of all this was mutual distrust between all parties concerned ; and as the Byzantine government was constantly declining, the Italians grew bolder, and re- venged themselves for any real or alleged wrongs, by ravaging the coasts and islands of the empire, which were sadly unprotected by the inefficient Byzantine marine. Pisan and Genoese pirates boldly committed their depre- dations on the ^Egean Sea, and even seized Venetian vessels, which caused great trouble for the emperors, who were utterly unable to prevent these outrages. Curiously enough, all differences were forgotten at times, and the three Italian powers united to commit piracies on the coasts of the empire, meantime maintaining a strict neutrality at the capital. The state of Constantinople and of the whole empire grew more and more hopeless, and the way was fully pre- pared for its conquest by any powerful nation. All offi- cials, and even members of the imperial family, were easily bribed. The stores of the fleet were boldly sold by tlic admiral. Pirates flourished on all the surrounding seas, and even the Emperor Alexius III. sent out priva- teers on his own account. Wealthy citizens were kid- napped, and largo ransoms demanded for their freedom. Venetians and Pisans fought in the streets of the capital, which was threatened by Bulgarians and other enemies without, and the whole empire was rapidly falling to pieces. To all these depressing conditions the splendour, luxury, and gaiety of the court afforded a striking contrast The 6 66 CONSTANTINOPLE. Empress Euphrosyne was the moving spirit in the affairs of the empire, as well as in the pleasures of the nobles, over whom her beauty and her talents obtained a powerful influence. " Her political energy, her superstitious follies, aud her uiag- nificeut hunting-parties excited the wonder of the inhabitants of Constantinople ; and as she rode along with a falcon perched on her gold-embroidered glove, and encouraged the dogs with her voice, aud the curvetiugs of her horse, the crowd eujoyed the splendid spectacle, aud only grave men like Nicetas thought that she was wasting the revenues which were required to de- fend the empire." ^ It is difficult to believe the authoritative accounts that have come down to us of the Constantinople of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries. Its splendours seem to belong to the capital of a magician, and to the home of fairies and the poetic creatures of a dreamland, rather than to the men and women who actually built, inhabited, and destroyed this wonder of the world. The amount of its revenues is as astonishing and inconceivable as the wonders wrought by Aladdin's lamp, and all revenues from far and near passed directly into the imperial treasury. Its customs duties alone amounted to 20,000 pieces of gold daily ; and in spite of the maintenance of armies and the cost of wars, the building of this splendid city, the constant provision of games and amusements for the people, the luxury of a court that cannot be exag- gerated, and a church that exceeded all else in magnifi- cence and cost, the sovereigns accumulated personal fortunes of tons of pure gold. The Empress Theodora laid by for her son 109,000 pounds' weight of gold and 300,000 pounds of silver. Basil II. had the tidy little sum of 200,000 pounds of gold, and other rulers and high ^ Fin lay. DECADENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 67 officials followed these eminent examples with so good a will that their accumulations were beyond computation. During eleven centuries the imperial palace became more and more magnificent under a succession of sov- ereigns, each one of whom strove to add something to its splendours. "A mass of buildings between S. Sophia and the Marmora, and occupying a site which, from its choice by Coustantiue down to the present day, has been renowned at once for wonderful beauty and for the many and great events with which its history is crowded." ^ Its gardens descended by many terraces to the shore of the sea; its three domes were stately and commanding; its roof of gilded brass glittering beneath the clear blue skies, under such sunshine as is only experienced in the Orient, impressed men of the colder, grayer Western World, as if the supreme power had ordained an especial illumina- tion for this favoured capital. This resplendent roof was su))ported l)y |)illars of Italian marble, the walls between being incrusted with the same material in beautiful colours, and mingled with the exquisite Oriental alaliaster. The extent of this palace may be imagined when it is remembered that it contained five churches, while its endless courts, corridors, and apartments, finished in mosaics composed of precious stones and marljles from all cpiartcrs of the globe, were spacious enough to contain the multitude of splendid paintings, statues, vases, and mag- nificent trophies, of an inconceivable variety, which had heen gathered from all the known countries of the globe. Imagination fails to conceive what this must have been when crowded by the aristocrats and court officials in their gorgeous costumes. Cloth of gold abounded, as well as embroidery and stuffs of the richest silk; and the best ' Pears, Fall of Constantinople. 68 CONSTANTINOPLE. authorities state that no other court of the world, at any period, luis equalled that of Constantinoi)le in splendour. The dress of all who frequented the palace was carefully regulated according to rank and official position ; but the members of each class vied with one another in the mag- nificence of the material and the value of the jewels they were permitted to wear. Even the weapons they ca^hried were covered with gold and silver. Their helmets were of precious metals, and their horses were adorned as richly as themselves. Every possible device was used to display the wealth of the emperor in his personal sur- roundings. There were canopies of the richest purple, thrones of solid gold, and s, variety of furniture made of precious metals and covered with priceless tapestries. Artificial plants and trees with golden leaves, and auto- matic birds incrusted with rich jewels made a part of the costly bric-a-brac of this imperial palace in the city of the Golden Horn ; and there were also two lions of natu- ral size, of massy gold, which roared like beasts of the forests, while the birds warbled their mechanical notes. The ceremonials of the court were rigid and burden- some. The monarch wore a high cap of some rich mate- rial, covered with jewels. This cap was surrounded by a horizontal circle of gold, from which rose two arches sur- mounted by a cross or globe of gold, while costly pearl lappets hung on each side. His purple buskins were a special symbol of his rank: and other portions of his dress, varied for different ceremonies, were carefully made more costly than any subject was permitted to wear. So tedious was the etiquette of dress and customs in the Byzantine court that apparently neither pleasure nor com- fort could have resulted from it to any one connected with it. A long procession of officials were interposed between the emperor and the people, which made access to his jOECADENCE of CONSTANTINOPLE. 69 person almost impossible, even for those who had impor- tant and sometimes vital information for his ear alone. This seclusion in the midst of a circle of high officials gave the appearance of godlike importance to the sov- ereign, and all possible methods were used to deepen this impression. Even the chief men of the government and court approached him with abject humility, fell prostrate before him, and kissed his feet. Outside the palace, opposite S. Sophia, there was a square decorated with a fountain, its basin being lined with silver. At stated seasons this basin was filled with exquisite fruits, which the populace were permitted to take. This afforded a tumultuous spectacle; and the emperor viewed it from a resplendent throne, which was elevated to a lofty height, reached by a marble staircase. " Below the throne were seated the officers of his guards, the magistrates, the chiefs of the factions of the circus ; the inferior steps were occupied by the people, and the place below was covered with troops of dancers, singers, and pantomimists. The square was surrounded by the hall of justice, the arsenal, and the various offices of business and pleasure ; and the purple chamber was named from the annual distribution of robes of scarlet and purple by the hand of the empress herself." ^ Whenever the emperor left the palace, it was made the occasion of an impressive demonstration. The streets through which he rode were cleared and cleaned. Flowers were strewn along his route, and the houses bordering it were hung with rich draperies. Chants in his praise were sung antijihonally by singers on opposite sides of the street; and if he went to a church, he was received by the Patriarch and clergy with imposing ceremonies and a magnificent display of sacerdotal costumes and symbols. 1 Gibbon. 70 CONSTANTINOrLE. As early as the tenth century the city was broken up and made light and cheerful by o})cn squares and places, which afforded a charming contrast to the narrow, gloomy lanes and streets of European cities. Its churches were imposing in their exterior architecture, and oppressively grand in their services. The houses of the wealthy were in keeping with the imperial palace; while the extent of the quays, warehouses, and factories, together with the enormous number of merchant vessels lying in the midst of the city, on the Golden Horn, afforded the most aston- ishing mercantile panorama in the world. This immense commercial element brought men of affairs to Constantinople from all nations, and, as we have said, the factories of the Italians necessitated the setting apart of whole quarters of the town for their use, which gave the appearance of there being other cities enclosed within the grand whole of the capital. The faithful, stolid Varangians, the British guard of the imperial person and his palace, and the strange, half- barbarous soldiers recruited from the surrounding coun- tries, together with Greek sailors, Russians, Copts, Persians, Armenians, Moslems, and Latins, who were visiting Constantinople, continually afforded a scenic effect such as would shame the most elaborate spectacles of our day. In various parts of the city were thousands of human beings who virtually had no homes. Their lives began and ended in the streets; and the imperial dole which fed them and lengthened their wretched days, might well be considered an al)Solute curse. They made a show of reverence, kneeling before shrines and kissing images; but they also bawled and cheered at the circus, and fur- nished spectators wherever criminals were hanged, be- headed, blinded, or mutilated by having noses, tongues, ears, hands, and feet cut off. TECADENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 71 In its early days there existed, in this capital, a middle class, which quite disappeared. The most potent factor in producing this result was the utter abandonment of a government service, all places of any worth being bestowed on the tools and favourites of the emperor and the officials. Another influence to this end was the increasing contempt for the profession of arms, on account of the attitude of the Patriarch and clergy towards it, soldiers being ex- cluded from the sacrament for three years. Again, trade and commerce were so abandoned to for- eigners as to discourage the native merchants, who grad- ually sank into poverty; and although Constantinople, even in its decay, was superior to any Western centre in its artistic and mechanical productions, and while there were always superior engineers and skilful artificers to be found there, their numbers so decreased as to limit their production to the wants of the aristocratic and wealthy classes which had grown up while their humbler neighbours had almost disappeared. Through court favour, these had acquired enormous wealth and power, and were as venial in character as time-servers and sycophants must be in all ages and nations. Naturally, in the midst of such conditions, the Church had not retained its purity and power. Costly churches and luxuriant monastorios were almost numl)crlcss. Fasts, feasts, ceremonies, and tlic idolatry of saints and relics were so continually en evidence as to simulate a devoted piety, and the simple-hearted among this pcoj)le l)elievcd that a conscientious observance of these forms would assure them a place in heaven. The splendid ritual of the Church was accompanied by the most magnificent music, which exercised a marvellous and enduring influence over the sensitive Greek nature; but of the power and meaning of anything worthy the name of Christianity, there was not a shadow remaining 72 CONSTANTINOPLE. in Constantinople at the beginning of the thirteenth cen- tury. -The spirit, the aspiration, the glory of this capital had departed ; and it remained, with all its natural and artistic beauty and grandeur, a hollow, heartless, ruined city, ready to become the prey of men stronger and more earnest than its debased and incompetent emperors and generals. CHAPTER VI. THE LATIN CONQUEST, LAST EMPERORS OF CONSTANTINOPLE, AND ITS SUBJECTION BY THE OTTOMAN TURKS. 1204-1453. THE story of the Fourth Crusade, from its preaching by Fulk of Neuilly to its end, is as full of romantic incident and interest as the most exciting story of adven- ture that has been written. But its adoption by Thibaut ni., Count of Champagne, Simon de Montfort, Baklvvin, Count of Flanders, the Counts of Blois and Saint Pol, Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, Geoffrey of Villchar- douin, — who wrote its history from day to day, — their bargain with Dandolo, the wonderful old Doge of Venice, for their conveyance in the ships of the republic, their embarking, the taking of Zara, and many other circum- stances, do not concern the history of Constantinople. The association of this Crusade and this capital began when all its leaders and warriors, being still in Zara, were joined by Alexius IV., son of the Comncnan Emperor, Isaac Angelus. Alexius had escaped from Constantinople when his father was deposed and blinded, and had sought help from the sovereigns of Europe, by which he might regain his empire. When Alexius related all the story of his father's suffer- ings, and jjictured the condition of the JJyzantinc emj)ire; when he implored the Crusaders — before going to Pales- tine — to restore Constantinople to its legitimate rulers; above all, when he promised to pay them three and a half millions sterling, and to send an army with them to the 74 CONSTANTINOPLE. Holy Land at his own expense, — these soldiers of the Cross and above all the Venetians, favoured an assent to his request. To reinstate the Comnenans, to restore the Church, to Avin entlless glory, and be richly paid for this, and then to recover the Holy City, was a dazzling programme to the leaders of the Crusade. To the soldiers it was less attractive. They were hoping to secure everlasting bliss by their service to God, in rescuing His holy places from infidels; and when, having already been much delayed, this new plan was adopted, they deserted in large num- bers, and found their way back to their homes or directly to the Holy Land. The Doge favoured the scheme. He knew, better than his companions, the enormous commer- cial advantages which would be gained by the conqueror of Constantinople, — the command of the entire trade of the Orient. Thus, when ift the spring of 1203, four hundred and forty vessels, carrying 40,000 soldiers, sailed up the Sea of Marmora to the very walls of Constantinople, there was a great variety of aims and opinions in the minds of the Crusaders. The Greeks, remembering that they had previously repulsed their enemies, and believing their fortifications to be impregnable, flocked to the walls to gaze upon this unusual fleet with curiosity and confidence, trusting to their walls and towers, their Varangians and numberless soldiers, to repulse the attacks of the strangers, although their navy was ruined and reduced to twenty galleys, little better than useless, which lay in the Golden Horn. The Crusaders landed near Scutari, and the emperor sent at once to demand their purpose in coming hither. When he was told that they had come to restore the right- ful ruler to his throne, and invited him to resign his crown at once, he and his court were thrown into dire THE LATIN CONQUEST. 75 confusion. The Crusaders hastened to transport cavahy across the Bosphorus, and easily routed the Greeks who were sent to attack them. The occupation of the Golden Horn was most desirable to the Crusaders. It was closed by an enormous chain attached to towers on either side ; but the Venetians, by means of their heaviest transport, armed with gigantic shears, broke through this barrier, and the port was soon filled with their vessels. It was then agreed that Dandolo, with his -fleet, should assail the capital from the water, while the Flemings and French, under their noble com- manders, essayed an attack by land. This last was made and fought with desperate courage, but was repulsed, while the Venetians were most successful. After wonder- fully brave and skilful devices and most resolute fighting, bridges were lowered, Venetians crowded to the walls, and soon twenty-five towers, with the intervening battle- ments, were- held by the Crusaders. The streets were more easily defended; but fires were kindled, and the Greeks hastily fled before them. When Dandolo learned of the repulse of the land forces, he ordered his ships to proceed to their su})port; but the cowardly emperor had recalled his soldiers, and thrown away his opportunity of defeating his enemies. That very night this wretched creature deserted his people, and, securing as much money and jewels as his haste per- mitted, fled with a few friends. When at daybreak the flight of the emperor was dis- covered, a certain Constantinc, a eunuch, persuaded the Varangians to l)riiig the blind old Isaac IF. from his prison, and replace him on his throne. They also pro- claimed his son Ah'xius as his colleague. The Crnsiidcrs were miu'li disfurhed at finding the object for which they were fighting so peacefully accom- plished without affording any reason for the sack of this 76 CONSTANTINOPLE. vast treasure-house. The Venetians sent at once to acquaint the old emperor with the promises which Alexius had made, and declared their purpose of retaining him in their care until his father consented to redeem these promises. Isaac at once assented to this, and a triumphal entjy into the city followed, Alexius riding between Dandolo and Count Baldwin. There was no enthusiasm among the jjopulace. One emperor had been as bad as another for so long a time that the people were indifferent to all alike; and when they learned of the enormous sum which Alexius had promised his Western friends, there was little hopefulness in the outlook. To satisfy this claim, the palace was stripped of its treasures. Even the vessels from the altars and the silver frames of the sacred pictures, as well as the precious objects which had been given to the monasteries, were sacrificed; and yet all these were insulficient. Meanwhile the old emperor was closeted with astrolo- gers and monks, Avho gave him the hope that he would recover his sight and live to be very old. The young Alexius was feasting and gambling with the knightly Crusaders; while the enormous army that he had brought with him had to bo fed, and had made their camps in the most fertile suburbs, demanding provision for themselves and their horses. The only encouragement for the Greeks was in the thought that the strangers had decided to depart at the end of September; but in August a great misfortune befell them. Some Flemish soldiers were supping at the house of a Flcmi^i merchant, and, being drunk, they proceeded to loot a church and some warehouses near at hand. The people rose against them, and in the struggle a fire was set, and a terrible conflagration ensued, which lasted two nights and a day. A district a mile and a half long, from the Golden Horn to Marmora, was reduced to a THE LATIN CONQUEST. 77 charred and smouldering waste. The fire lapped up palaces and warehouses alike; and many precious works of ancient art and classic manuscripts were burned, as well as the immense wealth of the merchants which was stored here. So great was the wrath of the people that fifteen thousand Latins \vlio had long dwelt at Constanti- nople in safety, were forced to flee to the Crusaders for protection. The destruction of so much wealth made it impossible to fulfil the promises of Alexius, and he was foi'ced to con- fess that he could not pay the money. Daudolo heard this without anger, and replied that he would give more time; he would remain six months longer. As this would neces- sitate feeding his soldiers and sailors, it afforded a cheer- less prospect to the Greeks. What should they do ? They must submit or fight, and they could not be expected to do the latter. In January the Venetians precipitated matters by announcing that unless they were paid at once they should attack the city. At this the people revolted ; and on January 25, 1204, at evening, they assembled the nobles and clergy, and commanded them to elect a new emperor. Days of confusion followed, as no one could be found who would accept the office. Just then Isaac II. died, and a young man was proclaimed against his will. Alexius was in despair, and arranged to admit the Crusaders into the city; but while he awaited them, the chaml)erlain Marzoufle — thus named from his beetling eyebrows — rushed in to warn Alexius to flee from an approaching mob, and pretended to conduct him to safety. Leading him to a dungeon, he left him; and he was soon after strangled, while Marzoufle became emperor, and called himself Alexius V. He was of the aristocratic family of Ducas, which had already furnished two omjtorors. lie was the Itravest soldier of Consfautiiioplo, and made untiring efforts to lepair its fortifications. 78 CONSTANTINOPLE. He patrolled the streets by night and day with a mace- of-arms in his hand, endeavouring to restore order, and to discipline the troops by attending their exercises. He was the only man who could influence the people for good; but when he insisted that all must fight, and undertook to recruit and train an army, he was hated ; and when he led these compulsory soldiers to face the Crusaders, they turned and fled as one man. Three months after Marzoufle had usurped the throne, the Crusaders determined to attack the city from the Golden Horn. The first attempt was unsuccessful; but when renewed on April 12, they accomplished much, and fought one of the most memorable battles of history. However, when evening fell, they feared that months would be required to complete the conquest of so strong a city. Another fire destroyed the eastern part of the capi- tal, and Villehardouin wrote that the three fires caused by the Crusaders destroyed more buildings than existed in the three largest cities of France. Marzoufle fled that night, and the people flocked to S. Sophia to elect another emperor. Their choice fell on Theodore Lascaris, the son-in-law of Alexius IH. He en- deavoured to persuade the Varangians to fight and to organ- ize an army ; but failing in this, he too fled, and before dawn three emperors of Constantinople were refugees. In the morning a procession of the populace, bearing crosses and images, supplicated the forbearance of their conquerors. The Count of Flanders established himself in the palace of Blachernse, the Marquis of Montferrat occupied the Bucoleon, and the Byzantine Empire was now under the rule of the Latins. " Guards were then placed over the imperial treasury and the arsenal, Init the troops and sailors were allowed to plunder the city without restraint. The insoleuce of victory was never THE LATIN CONQUEST. 79 more haughtily displayed ; every crime vvas perpetrated with- out shame. The houses of the peaceful citizeus were plundered, their wives dishonoured, and their children enslaved. Churches and monasteries were rifled ; monuments of religious zeal were defaced; horses and mules were stabled in temples whose archi- tectural magnificence was unequalled in the rest of Europe. The ceremonies of the Greeks were ridiculed ; the priests were in- sulted ; the sacred plate, the precious shrines in which the relics of martyrs and saints were preserved, the rich altar-cloths, and the jewelled ornaments were carried off. The soldiers and their female companions made the church of S. Sophia the scene of licentious orgies ; and Nicetas relates that ' one of the priest- esses of Satan,' who accompanied the Crusaders, seated herself on the Patriarch's throne, sang ribald songs before the high altar, and danced in the sacred edifice to the delight of the in- furiated soldiery. . . . The age was one of fierce wars and dreadful calamities ; but the sack of Constantinople so far ex- ceeded everything else that happened, both in its glory and its shame, as to become the favourite theme of popular song and dramatic representation throughout the known world. Ville- hardouin says that every Crusader occupied the house that pleased his fancy ; and men who the day before were in abso- lute poverty, suddenly found themselves possessed of wealtii and living in luxury." ^ We have noted how from the foundation of the city it was adorned with beautiful works of ancient art, brouglit from Greece; and the number of these had been constantly increased, while other splendid and costly objects had l)cen acquired by tRe Byzantines or made especially to decorate their ca{)ital. Lists of magnificent statues that were now ruthlessly destroyed or carried away are given by historians, but are too long to be repeated here. The four bronze horses that adorn the Basilica of H. Marco in Venice are mementos of this sack of Constantinople, they having been brought from Chios to adorn llic Ilijjpo- 1 Finlay. 80 CONSTANTINOPLE. drome. But few of the luagiiificent bronzes, however, escaped, for they were broken up and cast into the melt- ing-pot by the tons' weight, with as little regard for their exquisite beauty and art as if these Venetians, Flemings, and Frenchmen had been the most barbarous barbarians who had ever existed. As we have said, the tombs of the emperors in the church of the Holy A])ostlcs from the time of Justinian were broken open and plundered of all valuables. The splendid robes of the priests were put on the horses of the crusad- ing Christians ; the icons were torn down ; relics were stripped from their beautiful caskets and scattered on the ground, or carried away whole to be sold in other lands; chalices were robbed of their jewels and used as drinking-cups; and these pious thieves continued to plun- der and destroy until even their spirit of vandalism was glutted. The Latin leaders at length took thought for establish- ing order in this capital which they had overcome. They executed a few of their own people as examples, hoping thus to arrest the frightful license which prevailed. A solemn, public thanksgiving was ordered in S. Sophia, where God was praised that by his aid twenty thousand men had overpowered this mighty city; and "God wills it " was fervently shouted again and again. A proclamation was issued promising protection to the inhabitants, and many left the capital. Another order commanded that all the booty should be deposited in three of the principal churches, where it was divided according to an agreement between the chiefs of the Crusade. The booty consisted of — " sacred plate, golden crowns, images of saints, shrines of relics, candelabra of precious metals, statues of ancient gods, precious ornaments of Hellenic art and of Byzantine jewellery, which were heaped up with coined money from the imperial THE LATIN CONQUEST. 81 treasury, and with silk, velvet, embroidered tissues, and jewels collected from the warehouses of merchants, from the shops of goldsmiths, and by domestic spoliation." ^ Naturally a vast amount had been stolen by the soldiers or concealed by the inhabitants, while an equal portion of the splendid riches of the capital had perished by fire ; but even so, that which was gathered in these three depositories was valued at 300,000 marks, each one of which was equal to a pound weight of silver, or about eighty-seven dollars of our money, the whole sum being worth a little more than twenty-three million dollars. Besides all this there were ten thousand horses and mules. The Count of Flanders, in a letter to the Pope, declared that the wealth of Constantinople was equal to that of all the cities of Western Europe combined. The time had now arrived for placing a Latin emperor on the Byzantine throne, and after much consideration the choice fell on Baldwin, whose Flemish soldiers far outnumbered those of the French. The Venetians did not desire this honour. With their usual clearness they reflected that he who ruled must protect his empire; and Dandolo could l^e jjlaced in no position superior to that which he licld as Doge of the Republic of Venice. " The personal character of Baldwin, his military accomplish- ments, his youth, power, and virtue, all pointed him out as the leader most likely to enjoy a long and prosperous reign. His piety and the purity of his private life commanded the respect of the Greeks, who vainly hoped to enjoy peace under his gov- ernment. He was one of the few Crusaders who paid strict attention to his vows of abstinence ; and a singular proclama- tion, which he thought it necessary to repeat twice a week, for- bidding all who were guilty of iucontinency to sleep witiiin the walls of his palace, shows that he knew that the majority of his countrymen easily forgot their vows."^ 1 Finlay. ^ ibid. 6 82 CONSTANTINOPLE. Of the exiled emperors, Theodore Lascaris was estab- lished as ruler of NicEea. Alexius III. and Marzouflc united their forces in the hope of preventing the Latins from adding to the territory they had already conquered, which was nearly the same as the present Roumelia. Mis- fortune had not made these men better. Alexius seized and blinded Marzoufle, and gave him over to the Latins, who sentenced him to be hurled from the top of the Theodosian column one hundred and forty-seven feet high, — the base is still to be seen about a mile west of the Hippodrome, — and dashed to pieces, to the satisfaction of thousands of spectators, who saw in this punishment the fulfilment of an old ppophecy that a perfidious emperor should thus die. Baldwin began his reign by conciliating the Pope and the King of France. He sent promises of aid to Pales- tine, together with the gates of Constantinople and the chain which once barred his way into the Golden Horn, as proofs of his power; but he treated his neighbours haughtily, and when the King of the Bulgarians, who was of the Latin Church, sent ambassadors to congratu- late the new emperor upon his conquest of the Greeks, Baldwin committed the folly of assaulting the ambassa- dors, and replied that King John must himself touch the imperial footstool with his forehead before he could be treated as a friend. • When the Greeks saw that many of the Latin troops were sent to protect other portions of the empire, they began to plot revolts, in which they were joined by the Bulgarians, and they in turn by the savage Comans, who brought 14,000 men into the contest, who were more mad and hungry for murder and pillage than the Greeks and Bulgarians themselves. Baldwin, in his fearless confidence in himself and his followers, and believing his enemies to be cowards, LAST EMPERORS. 83 despised the cautious counsels of Dandolo, and through his folly permitted himself and many of his troops to be entrapped in a place from which there was no escape, as his enemies completely surrounded him. Dandolo and a remnant of the Latins heroically gained the capital, but the fate of Baldwin was never known. The wildest stories were circulated- concerning his sufferings; but the only known fact is that a year later the King of the Bulgarians wrote to the Pope that Baldwin was no longer alive. In August, 1200, more than a year after the defeat of Baldwin, his brother Henry consented to become the Emperor of Constantinople. His reign of ten years was characterized by a moderation which ruled wisely over Church and State. His chief military success was an attack on the Bulgarian force of 40,000, when his own numbered less than a quarter as many. Henry undertook this action to succour the Greeks, wdio had chosen the Bulgarian rule, and, being abused beyond endurance, sought the help of the Latins they had deserted. This emperor devoted his whole thought to the reforma- tion of the government, and instituted many admirable measures, which made the imperial power equal to that of the Church. Having no children, he left his author- ity and place to his sister, Yolande, wife of Peter de Courtcnay. This noble was crowned Emperor of the East by Pope Honorius III., and in order to present himself to his sub- jects in state suitaljle to a sovereign, he sold and mort- gaged his estates, and succeeded in inducing one hundred and forty knights and more than live thousand soldiers to attend him to his capital on the Bosphorns. He then applied to the Venetians for conveyance to Constanti- nople, and they, as a part of the price for this service, demanded that he should reduce Durazzo for them. Not succeeding in this, the transport was refused by the Vcne- 84 CONSTANTINOPLE. tians. He then ao-rccd with Theodore, the ruler of Durazzo, that his forces should be conducted overland to Constantinople. As might easily have been foreseen, the Greeks did not neglect so excellent an opportunity for treachery. In the mountains Peter de Courtenay was attacked by the soldiers of Theodore, who killed the Europeans or led them captive, while their leader was a prisoner two years before he was put to death. A period of confusion that we will not try to make clear now ensued in Constantinople; and nothing of interest to us occurred until, in 1228, John of Brienne, already titular King of Jerusalem, consented to share the throne of Constantinople with the young Baldwin II., son of Peter de Courtenay. The Eastern Empire, reduced to a tithe of its former extent, no longer held any revenue-producing territory, and from its few remaining dukedoms and small fiefs there was little or nothing received in tribute. The army and navy had diminished proportionately with the territory; and he who would attempt the restoration of any important part of the former wealth and grandeur of Constantinople had a herculean task in prospect. John of Brienne, during the first two years of his reign, was singularly inactive, for a soldier of his acknowledged bravery and prowess. But when he learned that the Emperor Vataces, the successor of Theodore Lascaris, was making an alliance with Agau, King of the Bulga- rians, he knew that this union could have but one end in view, — the destruction of his power; and although he probably knew that the extinction of the Latin power in the East could not be long delayed, John of Brienne was not a man to be defeated without a contest; and in this struggle he proved to be like Samson when he slew his thousand with the jawbone of an ass, — for, having but a hundred and sixty knights, and about two thoiisand LAST EMPERORS. 85 soldiers, ho sallied boldly forth, routed and put to flight the army of the allies, numbering 100,000 men; and of their three hundred ships he captured twenty-five, and brought them safely to port. That bold historian, Gibbon, who was familiar with large figures and tales of astounding heroism, declares that he trembled as he wrote the above story. Various writers have compared the old soldier to Ajax, Hector, Judas Maccaba3us, and other heroes, real and mythologi- cal; but if this be an "ower true tale," it would seem that a favourable comparison with John de Brienne would be a com{)liment to one and all of them. The following year he again defeated his imited enemies, and his sub- jects began to regret deeply his advanced age, as well they might, could they have foreseen the weakness of the coming emperor. Baldwin 11. might well be called the Imperial Beggar. He travelled over Europe asking for money, and received a small sum from England alone. Louis IX. was devot- ing his life and money to delivering Jerusalem. Frederick 11. , Baldwin's brotlier-in-law, could scarcely bo expected to aid a sovereign who was loyal to the church which had excommunicated him; and the Pope could give the emperor no coin save that of indulgences, of which few people of that day felt the need. At length, by the sale of his French estates, Baldwin gathered an army of 30,000 men, with which ho reconquered about sixty miles of the country immediately surrounding his capital. But to what purpose can a monarch conquer territory which he can neither occupy nor defend ? Very soon he could not pay his soldiers, and so great was the ])overty of his palace that its fires were fed from tho sale of lead strii)|)ed from the churches. His son was in Venice, a hostage for his debts; and finally, under such stress of want as this, IJaldwin resolved to sell the holy relics which hnd boon s|)iirod in the sack of 1204. 86 CONSTANTINOPLE. The most important of these, the Crown of Thorns, was already mortg'aged to the Venetians for a large sum, which Baldwin was unable to pay; and as the Venetians could rightfully claim this crown, ho cleverly decided to present it to the King of France. Precious relics could be pawned or given away, btit not sold, as it was not allowable to fix a price for them. Frederick 11. com- plaisantly permitted the Crown of Thorns to pass through his kingdom, and Louis IX. made a present to Baldwin of about 900,000 dollars! besides which Baldwin had the satisfaction of having outwitted the Venetians. A large and authentic piece of the True Cross was a second gift from the emperor to the French King, who placed it in La Sainte Chapelle, where it proved its genu- ineness by working miracles until the time of the League, when it disappeared, and has not since been heard of. Baldwin now promptly received a second present from Louis of about 180,000 dollars. So encouraging had these transactions proved that the Swaddling Clothes of the Divine Child, the Lance which pierced His Side when on the Cross, the Chain which bound His Hands, the Sponge from which He drank, the Rod of Moses, and a portion of the Skull of John the Bai)tist were all, one after the other, freely given to the pious Louis. What suitable return could be made for such treasures except in pure gold? And this was given Baldwin in generous sums. And unless these relics, so sacred in the eyes of mil- lions, were to fall into the hands of the Turks, it was time that they were in the keeping of a Christian power strong enough to guard them. It has ))een said that the only result of the Latin Conquest of Constantinople was the transference of relics from the East to the West. To those who believe in the efficacy of relics, — and in the Middle Ages all Christians did, — it must be a matter of profound thankfulness that these sacred objects were not left to fall into the hands of Moliammedans. LAST EMPERORS. 87 But was this the only result ? If so, the wily policy of Dandolo was far less important than my history teaches me. To this conquest I should attribute not only the frightful material losses from the terrific conflagrations, the destruction of vast stores of wealth, and the theft of splendid objects passing computation, but also the destruc- tion of commerce and its deflection to the Italian Repub- lics. It caused the disappearance, even the extinction, of the ancient nobility; it added to the abasement of the already pitiable lower classes; it sounded the death-kncU of scholarship and learning, and imposed upon the empire a ritual and religion so strange and unwelcome to the Greeks that it extinguished the little religious sentiment or superstition that remained to comfort this demoralized nation which the fiery old Doge had placed under Frankish rule. -He had taken away all that they had of material, moral, intellectual, and s])iritual worth, and gave them nothing with which to solace themselves or to replace what they had lost. The money which Baldwin received from France was soon exhausted, and he was as unable to pay his soldiers as before. The throne rested solely on the fame of the l)a8t grandeur of the empire. Had the weakness of the Latins been suspected, the end would have come much earlier than it did. When Michael Paleologus came to the throne of Nica^a, in 1259, he determined to overthrow the Latins. He fortified Thrace, and expelled all Latins from that portion of his realm. Having in mind its former reputation, and l)eing ignorant of its hopeless condition, he proceeded against the capital as cautiously as he could have done against John of Brienne himself. The Latins having received aid from Venice resolved to attack the Greeks, and sent out soldiers and galleys to take the port of Daphnusia, leaving the capital almost 88 CONSTANTINOPLEo defenceless. This afforded an opportunity to certain traitors within the walls; and before the Latins were awake on a fine summer morning, the Greeks were in possession of the fortifications and ready to storm the imperial palace. Baldwin made no attempt to fight or capitulate. Leaving behind his sceptre, crown, and sword, he fled to the port and embarked for Euboea. He lived twelve years more in absolute obscurity. His son Philip, however, assumed the title of Emperor of Constan- tinople, which empty and questionable honour was claimed by his descendants through two and a half centuries. The good King Rene of Anjou was one of the last to add this to his other titles. When the Greeks found that they had taken an empty palace, they bore the royal insignia in mock solemnity through the streets. As the citizens opened their houses, and learned that in their sleep they had been peacefully restored to a Greek sovereign, their joy and enthusiasm made the city ring with shouts of "Long live Michael, long live the Emperor of the Romans ! " The Venetians were permitted to remove their families and their goods to their own vessels, and then the houses of their quarter were burned. When the troops returned from Daphnusia, a truce was made; and soon after the entire Latin fleet sailed away and bore to the world the news that the Latin' empire had ceased to exist, in which fact little interest was manifested. The Italian powers, with their instinct for trade, made an alliance with the Greeks, and were assigned the quarter of Pera in consideration of their promise of naval aid, should the capital be assailed. These mercha.nts were soon the only vital power in the midst of the ever-increas- ing weakness of the empire. The fate which was surely advancing upon Constanti- nople—its conquest by the Ottoman Turks — was still SUBJECTION BY THE OTTOMAN TURKS. 89 deferred through nearly two centuries. Every possible means was used to induce the Christian sovereigns of Europe, and especially the Pope, to protect their vantage- ground in the East, and preserve it from falling into the hands of the Mohammedans. But the Western rulers were occupied with affairs nearer home, and the time had passed when pope or priest could organize a crusade for the protection of the Church. One ruler of Constantinople after another retired to a monastery, while a more sanguine man filled his place, but to follow his example in the end. Now and then a sedition arose, and the capital, threatened by Turks with- out, was torn by factions within. The Turks gradually encroached upon the neighbouring islands and shores, and skilfully surrounded the coveted possession with such a net as must insure their final success. In their advance the Moslems neither admired nor protected the relics of civilization. Tlic splendid city of Ephesus was razed to the ground, and the once powerful and splendid Byzantine Empire was completely desolated. The reign of Michael Paleologus ended in 1282; and after a dreary succession of incompetent rulers, John Cantacuzene came to the throne in 1347. He shamelessly made an alliance with the Moslems, and gave his daughter in marriage with Orchan, the son of the great Othman, the founder of the dynasty which bears his name, and has furnished thirty-four rulers, in direct descent, to the Ottoman Empire in six hundred years, — a uni({ue expe- rience, — no other family having thus flourished in any other nation. One condition of the alliance between Orchan and his father-in-law permitted the Turk to sell his prisoners of war as slaves in Constantinople. A crowd of naked Christians of both sexes and all ages — virgins and matrons, monks and priests, the humble and the noble — - 90 CONSTANTINOPLE. were thus exposed fur public sale in the market of the capital, where the whip was freely used to excite the pity of those who still had sufficient means to redeem such sufferers ; but these were few in number, and most of the unfortunates were led away to a terrible bondage. Amurath I., the son and successor, of Orchan, and the founder of the order of the Janissaries, had such control over John Paleologus, the so-called emperor, and of his sons, that one can but wonder why the absolute reign of the Turk in Constantinople, in his own name, was so long deferred. Manuel, a son of the above-named John, was a hostage in the hands of the Moslems at the time of his father's death, and seems to have been possessed of a spirit and temper such as had not been shown by his race for generations. He escaped, and seated himself on what was by courtesy called the throne of Constantinople ; and although he was commanded to resign his power to Bayezid, the Ottoman ruler, Manuel succeeded in arousing the zeal of the West in his behalf, and France, Germany, Hungary, and Bur- gundy sent soldiers who fought bravely for him. At the battle of Nicopolis, however, Bayezid repulsed these combined forces, and made the Count of Nevers and a goodly number of French nolilcs prisoners. Had Bayezid not been in danger from the great Tamerlane, he would undoubtedly have completed the overthrow of the Greek power immediately after this engagement, when he had defeated an army of 100,000 Christians, who had proudly boasted that should the sky fall they could uphold it with their lances. While Manuel traversed Europe, and even visited Eng- land seeking friends and aid, Tamerlane rendered him great assistance by overthrowing Bayezid and holding him a prisoner in an iron cage, as the story is told. Constan- tinople was not again besieged by the Moslems until twenty SUBJECTION BY THE OTTOMAN TURKS. 91 years had passed. Then Murad II. led against it an army said to number 200,000 men. The capital had been put in a better state for defence ; and the clumsy cannon, now first used by the Turks, did no harm to the besieged. A celebrated dervish led an assault, which was most dis- astrous to the Janissaries, of whom a thousand were slain, while the Greeks suffered little loss. Fortunately Murad was recalled to his own territory, and shortly after a truce was concluded between the emperor and the Sultan, which enabled Manuel, by the payment of tribute, to pass his remaining years with no fear of the Turks. This was continued during the next reign, until 1448. In 1453 Mohammed 11. began the world-renowned siege which gained for him the title of "the Conqueror," although Gibbon calls him "the great Destroyer. " The conquest of the Byzantine capital was the realization of the dream of Othmaii, — that the Crescent should dash the crown of Constantino to the ground, and rule over its splendid capital and goodly territory. Mohammed I. had already built the Anadoln Hisar — castle of Anatolia — on the Asiatic shore where the Bosphorus is narrowest, as a threat to the safety of Con- stantinople. Mohammed II. now erected the Rumolia Hisar — castle of Roumclia — on the Euroi)can shore just opposite the first. It was constructed in three months. Two thousand masons and labourers were employed, and into its walls — thirty feet in thickness — were built altars and pillars of Cbristian churches. The ordnance jjlaced on its chief tower was powerful enough to throw stone balls weighing more than a quarter of a ton; and when all was completed, a garrison of four hundred men were l)laced in this castle, and toll was demanded from every passing vessel. This action was a breach of the truce between the 92 CONSTANTINOPLE. Powers ; but to the emperor's remonstrances Mohammed replied : " Have you the power or right to question what I do in my own country ? The Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus is mine, and my people dwell there. The European shore I can take with right, since the Europeans have deserted it." He revealed his whole purpose when he added, "My resolutions surpass the ambitions of my predecessors." Naturally the people of Constantinople were terrified at the prospect before them. Had their fortifications been impregnable, there were not men enough to defend them. The half million of inhabitants of the time of the Latin conquest had dwindled to a meagre one hundred thousand, all told, and of these not more than eight thousand were efficient soldiers. The small outlying territory which still belonged to the Greeks was sparsely inhabited by poor men, who were no reliance in time of war; and neither within the city nor without did any public spirit exist. The streets of the capital were now bordered with half- ruined edifices. The exquisite marbles and mosaics with which they were formerly incrusted, had been torn away, and sold to Venetians and Genoese. Some of them may still be seen in distant cities, sad relics of the splendour of Byzantine glory. Famine and pestilence had repeatedly done their deadly work on the people ; and after all the misfortunes they had suffered through their own rulers, from the barbarous Northern nations and the Turks, as well as from the natural causes which they considered the curse of God, it would have been miracu- lous had they shown resolution in repulsing a foe to whom they must finally succumb, as they knew all too well. The moral tone of the Greeks,, too, was inferior to that of the Turks ; and although they claimed to be the only Orthodox Christians, the Greeks had neither honour nor SUBJECTION BY THE OTTOMAN TUEKS. 93 courage. Their Christianity was made up of processions and ceremonials, of pharisaical exclusiveness and hatred of the Latin Church, as was well expressed by the Grand Duke Notanas, when he said, '' I should welcome the turban of the Sultan to Constantinople more gladly than the tiara of the Pope." The historian Ducas, speaking of their blind bigotry, declares that ''they would not have listened to an angel from heaven if he bade them make their peace with Rome." In spite of the general poverty, there were men of great wealth among the Greeks, who would perjure themselves as to their riches rather than pay mercenary troops for protection. Many citizens, too, of all classes fled from the city that they believed to be doomed to conquest; and the emperor could not have gathered more than seven thousand soldiers had not the Venetians come to his aid, while John Giustiniani, the Genoese, and John Grant, the German, brought a few ships and some well-disciplined soldiers to protect their own interests in Constantinople, as well as to aid in its defence; and thus the whole num- ber of the force within the walls was about nine thousand. When we remember that the wall which must be manned extended more than live miles on the land side, and that the port and several miles on the sea required special defence, we at once perceive that the emperor was hope- lessly weak, and that only a miracle could avail for his safety against an army of 258,000 men, well provided with the munitions of war, and supplied with powerful cannon. Base and cowardly as the Greeks were, their emperor, Constantino Paleologus, merits the fame of a hero. We are amazed that the fate of the city was averted fifty-three days, during which many thousands of its besiegers were slain, and attack after attack successfully repulsed; and, in sliort, the heroism of the emperor and his advisers may 94 CONSTANTINOPLE. well have inspired Gibbon to say, "The distress and fall of this last Constantino are more glorious than the long prosperity of the Byzantine Csesars. " No proper account of this memorable siege can be given in the space at our command ; and to one who has read the magnificent description by Gibbon, it seems a literary crime to attempt an original treatment of it, above all, since, in the light of all research made to the present day, the narrative of the great English historian is found to be unusually correct. The Turk, Sa'd-ud-din — translated by Mr, Gibb — employed prose in rhyme; and while his facts accord with those of Gibbon, his point of view gives them a different colouring, as in the following: — " And so that spacious laud, that city strong and grand, from being the seat of hostility, became the seat of the curreuey ; and from being the nest of the owl of shame, became the threshold of glory and of fame. Through the fair efforts of the Moslem King, in the place of the ill-toned voice of the paynim's bell, were heard the Mohammedan screed, and the five-fold chant of the Ahmed! creed, noble of rite ; and the harmony fair of the call to prayer on the ears of all men fell. . . . And tiie mandate, strong as fate, of the Sultan fortunate, was supreme in the ordnance of that new estate." Thus did Constantinople become the capital of the Ottoman Empire, and was christened, in the tongue of its new rulers, Istamboul. ^art ^econti. CONSTANTINOPLE UNDER THE OTTOMAN TURKS. In the lands where European civilization first had its birth, the Euro- pean has been ruled by the barbarian. There have been other phe- nomena in European history wliich have approached to this ; but there is none that supplies an exact parallel. Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L., LL.D. CHAPTER VII. MOHAMMED II., BAYEZID II., SELIM I., AND SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT. 1453-1566. ABOUT mid-day, on April 29, 1453, Mohammed 11. entered Constantinople as its conqueror. His soldiers were already scattered throughout the city, and, not realizing the small number and weakness of the sur- viving inhabitants, they at first slew all whom they met; but soon perceiving that they need fear no resistance, they began to make prisoners of their conquered foes. Meantime a large detachment of the troops proceeded to the church of S. Sophia, where men, women, and children had assembled in great numbers, — it is said to have held twenty thousand, — and these the Moslems apportioned among the soldiers as slaves, irrespective of age or rank, and hurried them off to the camp. " In the space of an hour the male captives were bound with cords, the females with thin veils and girdles. The senators were linked witli their slaves ; the prelates with the porters of tlie church ; and young men of a plebeian class with noble maids whose faces had been invisible to the sun and their nearest kindred. In tiiis common captivity the ranks of society were confounded ; the ties of nature were cut asunder ; and the in- exorable soldier was careless of the father's groans, the tears of the mother, and tlie lamentations of the children. The loudest in their wailings were tlie nuns, who were torn from the altar with naked bosoms, outstretched hands, au'! di- shevelled hair ; and we should piously believe that few coidd Ijc 7 98 CONSTANTINOPLE. tempted to prefer the vigils of the harem to those of the mon- astery. Of these imfortuuate Greeks, of these domestic animals, whole strings were rudely driven through the streets ; and as the conquerors were eager to return for more prey, their trem- bling pace was quickened with menaces and blows. . . . Above sixty thousand of this devoted people were transported from the city to the camp and fleet ; exchanged or sold according to the caprice or interest of their masters, and dispersed in remote servi- tude through the provinces of the Ottoman Empire." ^ The Moslem conquerors now emulated the Latins in their deeds two centuries earlier. Seizing on all that was valuable, they divided it among the soldiers so quickly that all traces of the Christian religion soon dis- appeared from the churches of the capital. Other bands of Turks seized the warehouses, and stripped them of their riches; and thus the plunder of the city proceeded rapidly. Mohammed II., surrounded by his viziers, pashas, and guards, rode directly from the Adrianople Gate towards S. Sophia. He beheld with wonder and admiration the city which he now ruled. In the Hippodrome the Column of the Serpents attracted his eye. The Turks believed these monsters to be the idols or talismans of the city; and the Sultan, with a single blow of his battle-axe, shattered the head of one of the tliree. When he reached the sacred temple, he ordered the public edifices to be preserved, and struck with his scimitar a Moslem who was destroying a mosaic ; and no desolating conflagrations, such as the Latins had caused, were permitted. Mohammed immediately ascended the high altar, and offered both prayers and thanksgivings. He then announced that this splendid temple was now a mosque, where all Moslems could pray, and commanded that from that time the muezzin should summon believers in the name of 1 Gibbon. MOHAMMED IL ^ 99 God and his Prophet, according to the customs of their religion. The Sultan then commanded search to be made for the body of the Emperor Constantino. As he had fallen in the midst of great numbers^f the slain, and had cautiously thrown off the purple, his corpse was recognized with difficulty; but was at length identified by the golden eagles embroidered on his buskins. The emperor's head was cut off, and left for a time between the feet of the bronze horse of the equestrian statue of Justinian in the Augusteum. It was then embalmed, and sent to the chief cities of Asia in turn, to testify to the overthrow of Constantino, and the prowess of Mohammed II. When the Sultan proceeded to the palace, he witnessed desolation and decay, not only along the route by which he passed, but in the palace itself, the largest portion of which had evidently been long since abandoned. The mounds of the slain, which were seen in many portions of the capital, had apparently no effect on the mind of the young conqueror ; but the crumbling city and the deserted palace impressed him deeply, and he quoted from a Persian poet a couplet of kindred nature with that prophecy of Homer's which Scipio repeated at the fall of Carthage: ''The spider's wel) is the royal curtain in the palace of. Ca3sar; the owl is the sentinel on the watch-tower of Afrasiab." A century and a half had passed since Othman — the Bone-breaker — had dreamed his prophetic dream, but now fulfilled, and Constantinople had become the central jewel in the ring of the Turkish Empire. Its conqueror was but twenty-three years old, one year older than Alexander when he fought at the Granicus, and three years younger than Napoleon at Lodi. The fame which ^fohammed Inter gained as a victorious warrior entitles liim to be ranked with these imperial conquerors. 100 .. CONSTANTINOPLE. In the first intoxication of conquest, power, and wine, Mohammed committed most brutal acts, and indulged his lust and wrath by methods that we may not rehearse. On the occasion of his first banquet in Constantinople, a row of bloody heads was on the table before him, and great numbers of Christians were executed while he was in his most savage mood. But his instincts as a sovereign soon asserted them- selves. He did not wish to rule over a deserted capital, and he realized that wisdom would suggest the retention of the Greeks among his subjects. Thus, ten days after his conquest, he proclaimed himself the protector of the Greek Church, over which he established a new Patriarch, He also guaranteed the safety of the Greeks, who returned to their homes and occupations, and soon after granted a charter, by which he gave many privileges to the Patriarch, his Church, and his people. We have seen how much the population of Constanti- nople had decreased before the siege, and after it there was but a small number remaining. With each new conquest Mohammed II. sent many thousands of colonists to his capital ; and at ihc close of his reign — about a quarter of a century after its conquest — it was densely populated, and the scene of such activity and prosperity as had not been known for centuries under Greek rule. In place of Greeks and Latins there were now Servians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Turkomans, and other Oriental peoples; and this motley multitude so changed the aspect of the city that it bore little resemblance cither to the ancient Byzantine capital or to the New Rome. Among the pronounced traits of the repulsive character of Mohammed II. was his secrecy regarding his plans and his swiftness in executing them. To an officer who once asked the main objects of his campaign, he replied : " If a hair of my beard knew them, I would pluck it out and MOHAMMED II. 101 cast it into the fire." Thus no one knew his objective point, when, in Maj, 1481, he was mustering his forces, and suddenly expired in their midst. One wonders how tyrants retain their power; and it is incomprehensible that a Sultan who murdered as many subjects as he chose, to gratify his bad temper, should not have been murdered many times a day himself ! But the followers of the Prophet place small value on life, and believe that death by the Sultan's hand or command, if suffered without resistance, brings all the joys of the ]\Iussulman's heaven, for which they long as for no earthly good. This carelessness of life gives an appearance of great courage to the Mohammedan soldiers, whose real sentiments are those of pure fatalism, of men who place no value on life. The wonderful corj)S of Janissaries, which made so important a part of the Turkish army, was a peculiar institution, and exemplified not only the devotion of its followers to the religion of Mohammed, but also the usual zeal of proselytes, and their customary hatred of those who adhere to the faith Avhich they have forsaken. They were sons of Christians educated as Mohammedans from their childhood. This order was established in the middle of the fourteenth century, and called " Yeni askari," or "New soldiers," which name was changed by Europeans into that which we know. At first this corps was made up of the sons of Christian prisoners alone; but was later enlarged by tribute children, a tax of this sort being- levied on the Christian subjects of the Sultan. This inhuman tax aroused little opposition on the part of the CJ reeks, Avho suffered so keenly from famine and other hardshi|)s, that to see their children well cared for, well educated and jKiid as soldiers, seemed a less hard fate than fre(inently Ijefell the boys who were l^ft at home. The tribute of children was not abolished until lOS^. 102 CONSTANTINOPLE. The boys were taken at about eight years. Their edu- cation was precisely like that of the Ottoman princes. When older, they were divided into soldiers and men of the pen, the latter becoming civil officials of all ranks, even ministers of state. Their physical culture was care- fully conducted, and they were all instructed in the Turkish language until they were sufficiently developed, and their characteristics were so pronounced that they could be properly assigned to military, civil, or even ecclesiastical professions. " In the slow and painful steps of education, their characters and talents were uufolded to adiscerniug eye. The 7iian, naked and alone, was reduced to the staudurd of his persoual merit. . . . The Ottomau caudidales were tiahied by the virtues of abstiuence to those of actiou, by the habits of submission to those of command. A similar spirit was diffused among the troops ; and their silence and soln-iety, their patience and modesty, have extorted the reluctant praise of their Christian euemies. Nor can the victory appear doubtful if we compare the discipline and exercise of the Janissaries with the pride of birth, the independence of chivalry, the ignorance of the new levies, the mutinous temper of the veterans, and the vices of intemperance and disorder which so long contaminated the armies of Europe." ^ Mohammed II. had twelve thousand Janissaries. He increased their pay and enlarged their privileges; and as the Turks added to their European conquests, they re- cruited this corps from the children of the conquered European Christians rather than from those of Asia. To return to Mohammed IT., he is infamously famous as the originator of the legislation which established the custom of imperial fratricide. These were the words of his institutes: "The majority of my jurists have pro- nounced that those of my illustrious descendants who 1 Gii>bon- MOHAMMED II. 103 ascend the throne may put their brothers to death, in order to secure the repose of the world. It will be their duty to act accordingly. " When Mohammed II. gave his attention to the improve- ment of the desolated capital that he had conquered, he chose the same site for his palace that had best pleased Constantino the Great. He extended the grounds considerably beyond their original limits, and it was henceforth called Seraglio Point. The Sultan destroyed the strongholds of Galata, lest they should be of advantage to his Latin subjects, and proceeded with great energy to repair his walls and forti- fications. He surrounded S. Sophia with groves and fountains, and crowned it with minarets. This served as a model for all royal mosques, the first of which was erected by Mohammed 11., and bears his name. For this he chose the site on which the church of the Twelve Apostles had been erected by S. Helena, and rebuilt by the Empress Theodora. Five years were consumed in building this mosque; and the architect, the Greek Christodoulos, was remunerated with an entire adjoining street. Its original beauty can scarcely 1)C imagined now, since it has suffered from earthquake, and l)ecn repaired in a style quite out of keeping with that in which it was built; but there are many beautiful mn rides remaining. Its fore-court, with its portico and fountain, is attractive ; and much historic interest centres here. The tonil)s of Mohammed II. and bis family arc in tlie grounds of the mosque. At the right of the great gate is a marble table on which — in golden characters on a field of lapin lazuli — are inscribed the Propliet's prophetic words : "They will capture Con- stantinoi)le; and happy the prince, hn))py the army, which accomplishes this." A legend connected with this )nos(pic relates that 104 CONSTANTINOPLE. ^[ohammed was so enraged at some mistakes made by Cliristodoulos that he ordered the architect's hands to be cut off. The next day in the court, before the Judge of Constantinople, the architect sued the Sultan for damages. Mohammed was summoned, and appeared in order to respect the law. When he was about to sit down, the judge reminded him of the law by which the parties to a suit remained standing. The judge — after hearing the complaint of the architect, and the justification of his cruelty by the Sultan — decreed that Mohammed must maintain the architect and his family or have his own hand cut off. The Sultan settled a proper sum upon Christodoulos ; and when all was done, the judge excused himself to Mohammed for the course he had taken. To this the Sultan replied that had the judge done otherwise, or given a verdict against the architect, he would have slain him with the battle-axe he carried. "And I," said the judge, "if my Sultan had refused to abide by my decision, should have profited by the aid of this servant of justice ! " and, throwing back the rug, the judge exposed a poisonous snake, which extended its forked tongue, and was hurriedly re-covered. The Sultan kissed the hand of the judge, and returned to the Seraglio. Mohammed II. surrounded his mosque with eight acade- mies, a home for students, a bath, a hospital, a diet-house for the poor, and a caravansary. The turheh of Mohammed II., in which he lies alone, is near his mosque. Not far away is that of his mother, Aselyma, said to have been the daughter of Charles VII. of France. She was celebrated for her learning, and greatly beloved by her famous son. In the sumptuous tomb of Mohammed, a tooth of the Prophet is preserved, which is shown to the faithful once each year. It is said to have been struck from his mouth by a severe blow from a battle axe in the famous battle of Bedr. MOHAMMED II. 105 On the third day after his conquest the Sultan had a vision, which revealed to him the grave of Abu Ayoob, or Job, who had fallen in a. d. 668, during the first siege of Constantinople by the Moslems. The pictur- esque village called by the name of this saint is situated beyond the walls of Stamboul, at the end of the Golden Horn. The mosque built here by the conqueror of the fifteenth century, almost nine hundred years after the death of Ayoob, is a most holy place ; and here each new ruler of Istamboul comes, to be girded with the sword of Otliman by a distinguished dervish. No Christian is permitted to reside in the suburlj of Ayoob, neither are they supposed to enter the mosque; but this rule is not strictly observed. In 1868 I saw its interior and its surroundings. Many relatives of the Sultans are buried in this much- venerated place; and their turbeJis, or tombs, are richly decorated with precious metals, mother-of-pearl, costly shawls, gold-embroidered velvets, and other rare Oriental stuffs. Here, too, are the tombs of four children who were murdered according to the decree of Mohammed II., which barbarous law still exists. One of these tombs is thus inscribed : — " A flower that had scarcely bloomed was prematurely torn from its stem. It has been removed to those bowers where roses never languish. Its parent's tears will supply refreshing moisture. .Say afcUcha for its beatitude." This child was the nei)hcw of Sultan Al)dul Aziz. It was murdered in 1843, and its mother survived this terrible tragedy but a few weeks. Near the mosque is a temple, with an octagonal dome, in which the Muftis are buried. The huge black cata- 106 CONSTANTINOPLE. falques raised over them are decorated with muslin turbans of an enormous height. Ayoob is very impressive, especially towards evening. Its light minarets are seen from Pera, and are an attrac- tive feature in the view across the Golden Horn. If from Pera one goes by caique, and climbs the steep path between the tombs, the peaccfulness and silence of the place, the deep shadows of its plane and cypress trees, its oaks and acacias, are such as should be found in a city of the dead ; but here there seems to be an element of haughtiness and pride as well, which perfectly accords with the spirit of the Sul- tans and other dignitaries who here sleep their long sleep. The chief importance of Ayoob, however, is not con- cerned with the end, but with the beginning, of a Sultan's reign. Here he comes to be consecrated on the same plateau where the Greek rulers were presented to the army and proclaimed emperors. It is said that any foreigner found here on such an occasion would be murdered ; but we have some knowledge of the ceremony as originally conducted, and the descrip- tion of it in 1774 would be essentially applicable to all, as the Moslems endeavour to adhere to the ancient forms of these important functions. The procession was led by the Grand Vizier and Chief Mufti on horseback. Next followed thirty-two richly caparisoned horses, twelve of which bore shields, which glittered with precious gems. Next rode the Sultan, surrounded Ijy guards, and so blazing with diamonds that he might well be called the "Brother of the Sun." On his right side walked the master of the horse, and on the left the grand chamljcrlain, wdiile two aids managed the reins and carried the standard of the Prophet. Follow- ing these superior officials came the officers of the stirrup, the cup-bearer, the chief huntsman, and numerous other minor officials. MOHAMMED II. 107 The ceremony of dismounting was most important. The above-mentioned officials retired, while the Agha of the Janissaries, the Grand Vizier, and the Chief Eunuch alone touched the person of the Sultan. Behind him two turbans were borne on embroidered cushions. These were symbols of his rule over two worlds; and in order that he should not be fatigued, these turbans were nodded from right to left, thus saluting the multitude. Other pages bore the stool on which the Sultan placed his foot in dismounting, and the spoon for his use in his ablutions in the mosque. Lines of Janissaries were drawn up before the mosque ; and as he rode between them, a Greek custom was followed of scattering coins among the crowds of spectators. The Sultan actually bowed to the Janissaries, and they re- turned his salute with their faces turned to the left, thus signifying their willingness to lay their heads on the block if he should so will. This seeming humiliation of these soldiers was well remunerated, as the Sultan halted before the barracks that he passed, and at each one drank a cup of sherbet, the cup being returned full of gold coin. Within the mosque the sword of Othman is girded on the Sultan before the tomb of S. Ayoob. Only Mussulmans can witness this most solemn ceremony, whicli remains unchanged to this day. But the Janissaries no longer exist, and, indeed, many features of the consecration are much modified. When the present Sultan, Aljdul Hamid, was "sabred " in 1870, he approached the pier in a caique lined with crimson, rowed by twelve Albanians dressed in white. He was seated beneath a golden canopy, wearing a plain fez and a cloth cloak, which concealed his dress and jewelled orders. From the pier he rode alone on a splendid milk-white Arab horse, that stepped proudly, as if honored by his 108 CONSTANTINOPLE. burden. The young Sultan made no acknowledgment of the cheers which greeted him. Perhaps he knew that those who cheered performed a part which had been assigned them. He did not raise his eyes ; and his gloomy, melancholy face was utterly devoid of any expression of pleasure, while he nervously stroked his beardless chin, as is his constant habit. While on the way to Ayoob, Hamid visited the tomb of his father, Abdul Medjid, at the mosque of Mohammed II. If the Sultan avoided the appearance of splendour, not so his cortege. He was preceded by pashas, ministers, beys, and other officials in pairs, wearing splendidly laced uniforms, decorated with glittering orders, and mounted on richly caparisoned steeds. Following him were companies of soldiers of various ranks, in brilliantly coloured uniforms, and full turbans with gold bands. Next came the holy man, the Sheikh-ul-Islam, making a pictur- esque feature of the spectacle in his pure white garb. It was his high official duty and privilege to confer the sacred sword upon the Sultan. Closing the procession were the religious dignitaries, guarded on the rear by squadrons of horse, all followed by many closed carriages filled by Turkish ladies of high degree. To return once more to Mohammed II., whose learning was phenomenal, and who pretended to a devotion to his religion which should have inspired some love for God's creatures, we find that neither religion nor learning pre- vented his being almost or quite a fiend in cruelty. Per- haps the deeds of a savage on a battle-field, when his v/orst passions are aroused, can be palliated ; but for the brutality of Mohammed, whose sobriety is fully attested in the annals of his country, no excuse can be found. If we refuse to believe the curious tales concerning his rip- ping up of fourteen pages to find a stolen melon, or his striking off the head of a beautiful slave to prove that he MOHAMMED n. 109 was not ruled by love, or his beheading a slave to show- Gentile Bellini the proper action of the muscles, we must still acknowledge that he shed torrents of blood in his rage at the slightest provocation, and indulged his abnormal passions in the most revolting manner. " He was doubtless a soldier, and possibly a general. Con- stantiuople has sealed bis glory ; but if we compare the means, the obstacles, and the achievements, Mohammed y. must blush to sustain a parallel with Alexander or Timour." ^ The superiority of the early Ottoman rulers is generally admitted by historians. The Ottoman people, too, were superior in the strength of their religious convictions, their temperance and morality, and in their habit of abso- lute obedience, which made it easy to discipline their army. The Sultans were successful organizers. They administered justice equitably ; and their unique plan of diminishing the power of Christianity by educating Christian youths for their civil and military service, sup- plied the ruler with a large body of servants who, being free from all natural ties, became devoted to the power which — though it had wrenched them from home and friends — had given them the education that fitted them for the lofty positions and great power to which they not infrequently attained. It is easily seen that such a nation would be vastly superior to the corrupt and demoralized population of Constantinople, — made up, as it was, of various races, steeped in indolence and luxury on the one hand, and in the depths of the most abject poverty and misery on the other, with the additional clement of mercantile Italians, who had exiled themselves for the sake of money-making, and, having neither affection nor loyalty for the Eastern Empire, hesitated at no deed which might increase their profits. 1 Gibbon. 110 CONSTANTINOPLE. But the Sultans were not all Mohammeds. Even the conqueror's son, Bayezid II., who succeeded his father, was a weak, indolent prince, who added neither to the power nor the extent of the empire. He was a dreamy man, whose personality seems to pervade his mosque, the chief monument to his reign. Its court is darkened and shaded by plane and cypress trees, and under its cloister dark-faced men sell the Oriental goods which harmonize so well with the columns of porphyry and verd antique. In the centre of the court is a fountain; and an attendant is always near, to whom one may give a coin if he wishes to see the famous pigeons of Bayezid. Myriads of these gray birds flutter down from roof and minaret when the corn is scattered; and though the court is never clean, one is glad that their lives are sacred, and glad also to remember the legend that they are all descended from the pair bought by the Sultan from a poor woman, — a gentle story is so rare in the history of his race. On Friday there is here a distribution of food to dogs ; and hundreds assemble, some of them coming great distances. But alas! there was another side to the nature of Bayezid II. Once in the midst of a frolic, whe|i the wine of Cyprus had made both the Sultan and his vizier care- less and bold, Bayezid spoke insultingly to his leader of the Janissaries; and that officer replied by asking him who had placed him on the throne, and by what power he retained it. Deep silence fell on all present ; and when the robes of honour were distributed, a black one was given to the Agha, who rose and at once prepared to die. " Stay," cried the Sultan, — " stay, I have not done with you ! " as the mutes prepared to beat the old man before he should be murdered. The Agha, having now nothing to lose, called out, " Base wretch ! if you had willed ray SELIM I. Ill death, why did you first defile my soul by making me drink wine ? " But the time came when Bayezid II. drained the cup of bitterness to its dregs. Old and feeble, he was one day visited by a vast concourse of Janissaries, Spahis, and common people, who came before his throne demanding the resignation of his power. Twelve thousand Janissaries shouted their battle-cry to emphasize this request, and Bayezid hastened to abdicate in favour of his son Selim. Shouts of joy pealed through the palace, and were echoed by those outside ; while the old man laid off the emblems of sovereignty, and humbly begged permission to retire to his birthplace. Selim walked beside his father's palanquin as far as the gate of the city, and saw him depart. On the third day the old man died, forsaken and unmourned, but fortunate in that he had been spared the fatal bowstring. Selim I., called "the Grim," having deposed his father, at once murdered seven brothers and nephews who might aspire to his throne. So cruel was he that no one could serve him without the fear of death constantly in mind. He killed off his grand viziers so rapidly, and for such slight faults, that one of them said to him, " My Padishah, I know that sooner or later thou wilt find some pretext for putting me to death. Permit me, therefore, to arj-ange my affairs in this world, and make ready for being sent to the next by thee." Selim laughed savagely, and replied, "I have thought for some time of having thee killed ; but as I have no one suitalde to take thy place, I must defer it a little." Selim was the first Sultan who attained to the title and power of the Cali])hat", which added to his consideration and dignity in tlu! same maimer as it would increase the importance of a Western emperor to be also the Pope. The first four caliphs were friends of the Prophet him- 112 CONSTANTINOPLE. self; and after tlicm the oftice passed successively to the Ommiade Caliphs, the Abhassides, and to their descend- ants in Egypt, from the last of whom the high office of spiritual head of Islam was transferred to Selim I., from whom it has descended to all the Ottoman Sultans. The sacred standard, the sword, and the mantle of the Prophet passed into the keeping of Sultan Selim I. Selim was a successful warrior. He added to the power and dignity of his kingdom by conquests. He built ships and improved his seaports. He brought to Constantinople from the capital of Persia, which he conquered, a thousand skilled workmen, and gave them houses that he might profit by their exquisite art to beautify his capital. From Cairo he sent such treasures to Constantinople that a thousand camels were required to carry the gold and silver alone. His administrative talents were admirable. He was a bigot in religion, and absolutely sincere. He pat- ronized literature liberally, and was himself an eminent scholar. In short, having become emperor of a newly conquered and disordered empire, in a reign of nine years, he accomplished a wonderful work, and left a kingdom fitted to serve for the glory of so great a sovereign as his son Suleiman proved to be. The reign of Suleiman the Great, 1520-1556, was a magnificent period in all Europe, as well as in the Otto- man Empire. Suleiman was called " The Perfecter of the Perfect Number," being tenth in descent from the founder of his dynasty. Orientals attach great importance to numbers, and ten is believed to be the most fortunate one. It was singularly prominent in all that concerned Suleiman, especially in the fact above stated, and in that his reign opened the tenth century of the Hegira, while in the course of his experience the decimal had a fre- quently recurring prominence, and was believed to have a happy influence on his life. SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT. 113 He was the contemporary of Charles V., Francis 1., Henry VIIL, and Queen Elizabeth; of Pope Leo X. , of the founder of the Russian power, Vasili Ivanovich; of Sigismund of Poland; Shah Ismail of Persia, and the Mogul Emperor Akbar; and among these no one could be called greater than Suleiman the Magnificent. " The century of Columbus, of Cortes, of Drake and Raleigh, of Spenser aud Shakespeare, the epoch that saw the revival of learning iu Italy by the impulse of the refugees from Constanti- nople, aud which greeted at once the triumph of Christianity over Islam iu Spain, and the opening of a new world by Spanish enterprise, was hardly more briUiant in the West than in the East, where the unceasing victories of Suleiman, and the suc- cesses of Tuighud and Barbarossa formed a worthy counter- part to the achievements of the great soldiers and admirals of the Atlantic. Even the pirates of the age were unique ; they founded dynasties. But the most remarkable feat that the Turks achieved during this glorious century was — that they survived it. With such forces as were arrayed against them, with a P^urope roused from its long sleep, and ready to seize arms and avenge its long disgrace upon the infidels, it was to be expected that the fall of the Ottoman power must eusue. In- stead, we shall see that this power was not only able to meet the whole array of rejuvenated Europe on equal terms, but emerged from the conflict stronger and more triumphant than ever." ^ Korner, in his "Zriny," puts these words into tho mouth of Suleiman : — " I have lived for all time; of tliat I'm conscious, — And on the immortal stars have knit my fame. I had suhdued the world had I heen born Sole liero of my age. My toil was harder, My century was rieli in mighty spirits, And many and strong were they who strove with me. I scorn the name of Fortune's favorite. With resolute force I wrung from destiny What had to fond entreaties been denied." ^ Stanley Lane-Poole. 8 114 CONSTANTINOPLE. The entire history of this great Caliph-Sultan is most interesting, from the time when at twenty years of age his father left him to act as viceroy while he went to war with Persia, to the day when he died in his tent hefore Szigeth; but we can only speak of what concerned his capital. At his death his empire embraced many of the most beautiful spots in the world, and extended over forty thousand square miles. Never again did it enjoy such prosperity or wield such power as under Suleiman, the Lord of his Age. We should not look upon the cruel and blamable aspects of the character of Suleiman alone. He could also be generous and warm-hearted, and was free from the depraved sensuality of many Turks. " We must remember his princely courage, his military genius, his high and enterprising spirit, his strict observance of the laws of his religion without any taint of bigoted perse- cution, the order and economy which he combined with so much grandeur and munificence, his liberal encouragement of art and literature, his zeal for the diffusion of education, the conquests by which he extended his empire, and the wise and comprehen- sive legislation with which he provided for the good government of all liis subjects ; let him be thus taken for all in all, and we shall feel his incontesta])le right to the title of a great sovereign, which now for three centuries he has maintained." ^ Suleiman was an only son, and therefore not guilty of fratricide on coming to the throne. Among his first acts, as emperor, he gave permission to six hundred Egyptians, who had been forcibly brought to Constantinople, to return to their homes. He reimbursed merchants who had suf- fered loss through the injustice of his father. He exe- cuted officials convicted of cruel and unlawful acts, and thus displayed both generosity and justice in his treatment of his subjects. 1 Sir E. S. Creasy. SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT. 115 The splendid public works of Suleiman in his capital recall the days of Justinian; but in this regard, and in his legislation only, can the Roman emperor be estimated as the equal of the Turk. Not only was Constantinople improved and embellished, but in other cities of his empire his love of architecture was displayed. The great aqueduct and the arsenal of the capital were paralleled by the restoration of the aqueducts of Mecca and the building of the bridge at Tschekmedji. While improving his cities, increasing his army and navy, and building immense storehouses for the supplies of fleets and camps, Suleiman did not neglect the poets, historians, and other writers, who flourished in unusual numbers under his patronage. His own diaries are im- portant to the history of his time, and his dignified poems are worthy of a place in the literature of his race. The blackest stains on the record of Suleiman's life are the executions of statesmen — even of his favourite Iljrahim — and the murders of his children. Some of these are attributable to the influence which his Sultana Roxalana acquired over him. In sulunitting to this influence he showed the chief weakness of his life, and some of his greatest crimes were hers rather than the Sultan's. The story of the Grand Vizier Ibrahim is as interest- ing as it is tragical. The son of a sailor at Parga, captured by corsairs, sold as a slave to a widow, he passed into the service of Suleiman when, as a young prince, he was the governor of Magnesia. The master and slave were sympathetic in their tastes, and soon loved each other tenderly. Ibrahim's learning was phenomenal, and he was able not only to amuse Suleiman, but to im- part to him much that he desired to know. They Averc almost inseparable, even sleeping in the same apartment. Suleiman was proud to bestow his sister upon his friend in marriage, and raised him to the highest office in the 116 CONSTANTINOPLE. gift of the Sultan, which Ibrahim richly merited; for not only was he an acceptable companion in times of peace, but a great warrior also, and a statesman who, by his counsel, encouraged Suleiman to some of the important conquests of his reign. Ibrahim possessed great personal courage, and could appease the Janissaries when they were rebellious as no other man could do. Suleiman showered riches and honours upon hjs vizier. He stripped the marbles from the walls and scats of the Circus, and despoiled other splendid edifices, in order to increase the magnificence of the palace which he built for Ibrahim. The fetes on the occasion of the marriage of his favourite and his sister proved the Sultan's generosity and affection. But this propitious union, of which we are told that "the empire felt the benefit from hour to hour," endured but six years. Suleiman began to dread the power of his vizier, and even his affection for him and his close relations with him could not induce a Turkish Sultan to permit a man whom he feared to live. Ibrahim went one day to dine with Suleiman, as usual, and did not return home that night. When search was made for him next day, he was found dead under con- ditions that proved that he had struggled valiantly for life. Suleiman deeply regretted this act, but his repent- ance could not erase the blood stains from his palace walls nor from his memory; for wherever this great ruler is praised he is also blamed for this and other examples of his unbridled cruelty. Tragic and terrible as the fate of Ibrahim, that of the eldest son of the Sultan is fnr more so, and was brought about by his favourite Sultana, a Russian girl called Khourrem — "the joyous one " — or "La Rossa," who is known to Europeans as Roxalana. Her attractions and her intuitive knowledge of how to please and amuse SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT. 117 Suleiman gave her such power over hiin that she retained her place in his affections until her death, in 1558, after which her erected her toml) near his own and close to his magnificent mosque. It is embowered in trees; and though its interior is now neglected and dusty, it still bears witness before the world to the fond affection which this greatest of Sultans lavished on Roxalann. Incomprehensibly cruel and wicked as she seems to us, there is an excuse which is sometimes made for her, as it is for Lady Macbeth, — that her ambition for her hus- band, whom she devotedly loved, led her to persuade him to damning deeds of blood. When the question with Roxalana was the murder of Ibrahim, this consideration might be admissible, especially in such a time and under such a rule as that of Suleiman ; but Avhat shall we offer as her excuse when she persuades her husband to murder his own son, in order that her ambition may be realized hy seeing her son the indisputable successor of his father ? We fear that the best that can be said for Roxalana is that she wns a woman of a remarkably clear intelligence and strong character, who hesitated at no crime that could enhance the power and dignity of the only beings whom she loved, — her husband and her sons. Prince Mustapha was born of a Circassian before Suleiman had seen Roxalana, and he was the natural heir to the throne. Ihit the Sultana had no thought save that of the death of Mustapha, in order that her eldest son, Selim, might ])e sure of the succession. She had a son- in-law, Roostem Pasha, who, having been raised to the highest position that existed under the Sultan, l)y the influence of the Sultana, was a supple instrument with which to work her will. Prince Mustapha was a gifted man, full of activity and grace of person, intelligence, spirit, and courage. He had been intrusted with civil and military authorily, and 118 CONSTANTINOPLE. even seemed likely to surpass his father in such qualities as distinguished the powerful rulers of his house. But the industrious whispering of Roosteui Pasha and the Sultana sowed the fatal seeds of distrust and fear, and the Sultan, now growing old, was renainded that his father, Selim, had dethroned his grandfather, Bayezid. Mustapha was so great a favourite with the army and the people that the insinuations of the Sultana seemed to be fully con- firmed by what Suleiman could himself see and hear whenever Mustapha rode through the streets. At length the Sultan was persuaded that he was not safe in Con- stantinople, and he repaired to the headquarters of the army, taking Selim, the son of Roxalana, with him. Soon after Suleiman reached the camp. Prince Mustapha also arrived and pitched his tent near that of his father. Next morning he was splendidly dressed, and rode his fine charger with such grace as aroused the enthusiasm of the viziers and Janissaries who attended him as he went to pay his respects to the Sultan. Leaving his attendants, he passed alone into the royal tent, where he saw, not his fathci-, but the seven mutes, so well known as the minis- ters of death. They sprang upon him, and passed the bowstring round his neck, Avhile he vainly called on his father for mercy. Some accounts say that Suleiman, impatient of the length of time it took to kill his son, looked into the apartment to hasten the mutes in their execution of his bidding. Meantime some of Mustapha's attendants were murdered on the outside of the tent ; and when the news of the tragedy reached the soldiers, and especially the Janissaries, they were so outraged against Roostem Pasha, to whom they attributed this slaughter, that they demanded his punishment. In order to allay the excitement, Roostem was deposed from his high office, but was restored to it two years later. Dreadful as was this crime, still worse was to follow; SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT. 119 for after the death of the Sultana, her two sons, Selim and Bayezid, became deadly rivals. At first the tutor of the princes favoured Bayezid ; hut finding that he would be better paid by Selim, he espoused his cause, and repre- sented Bayezid to the Sultan as an ungrateful child, while he impressed the prince with the idea that his father was a tyrant, who was determined to be freed from his younger, as he had been from his elder son. Selim was weak and dissolute, and most unpopular on account of his resemblance to his mother; while Bayezid was like his father in person, intellect, character, and accomplishments, and as much in general favour as Mustapha had been. Bayezid commanded respect also as a military leader; Init he suffered a defeat in 1559, after which, with his four sons, he took refuge with the Shah of Persia. Suleiman sternly demanded that his son and his grandsons should be sent to him or murdered where they were. Prince Selim sent emissaries to slay them. The Shah feared to disobey the Sultan, and the terrible sentence of Suleiman was executed. The Persians i)oured forth curses on the Sultan, on Prince Selim, and on the executioners without stint; and the remaining years of Suleiman were clouded by sorrows and military failures. Shortly before his death Bayezid wrote an elegiac poem, which thus speaks the sadness of his soul : — " Why cling to liopes of life with fond niisgivini,' ? Why lengthen out thine hours, my weary heart? For thee is withered all the joy of living : To the void realms below thou summoned art. Bird of my soul, the cage that round thee prest, Is .'shattered now : hence on free pinion dart. In mind and body sick, with sin distrest, To thee, my Friend, my God, I come for healing rest." The Suleimanych is most advantageously situated, and is the most artistic mosque in Constantinoi)le. It is on a high hill, from which the view of the Golden Horn and 120 CONSTANTINOPLE. the city is especially fine; and at certain hours of the day this panorama is as exquisite in its lighting as it is entrancing in its interest. This majestic mosque, huilt by Sinan, the most celebrated Ottoman architect, besides its fine interior, has a court, a fountain, beautiful colon- nades, twenty-three small domes, and four exquisite minarets, with galleries, from which the muezzins cry the call to prayer. It adds to the interest of the Suleimanyeh that it is an example of Ottoman architecture, intended for its purpose from its foundation ; yet it differs from the pure Moslem architecture of other countries, especially in its minarets and domes, in which a Greek influence is felt. Its central dome is seventeen feet higher than that of S. Sophia, and, as might naturally be anticipated, there are some features much the same as in that venerable pile, which may be called the Mother Church or Mosque of Con- stantinople. Within are many things which must be the same in all mosques, such as • the texts inscribed upon the walls, the arrangement of candelabra, the mihrab, and the pulpit. The temples of the Prophet seem always cold and desolate to Christians, who are not permitted to enter during service, but must go in slippers, when but a few figures at prayer, as immovable as if dead, are all that can be seen. There are some rare and beautiful objects in the Suleimanyeh, and the light as it comes through the coloured glass — from the manufactory of Ibrahim, called Sarkhosh or "the Drunkard," whose glass was celebrated for its beauty in the middle of the sixteenth century — imparts a charm not common to mosques. The windows are painted in a design in which flowers are mingled with the name of God, in the ornamental text used for such inscriptions. It is said that two of them were a part of the spoil brought by Suleiman from Persia, whence came SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT. 121 also the brilliant tiles upon the walls. The dome rests on four monolithic columns of ancient Constantinople, two of which once upheld the Venus and the statue of Justinian, while the others are said to have supported those of Theodora and Eudoxia in the imperial palace. The mosque itself, with its forecourt and its church- yard, are surrounded by a still larger court having ten gates. In the cemetery near the tomb of Roxalana, of which we have spoken, is that of Suleiman the Magnifi- cent, who does not sleep alone in his splendid mausoleum. Suleiman IT. and his daughters, and Sultan Ahmed II. are also entombed here. The edifice is octagonal, with a fluted roof. There are exquisite marbles without and within, and the interior of the dome is painted in a design of delicate, lace-like arabesques. The costly deco- rations of the biers — embroideries, shawls, turbans, and aigrettes, mother-of-pearl work, and other exquisite details — are curiously out of keeping with Christian customs, but are expressive of reverence and honour to the Sultan who raised the Ottoman Empire to its highest glory. Connected with the Suleimanyeh are four academies, three schools, a hospital, a kitchen for feeding the poor, a school of medicine, and another especially for the read- ing of the Koran, a library, a fountain, a resting-place for travellers, and a house of refuge for strangers. The income of the Suleimanyeh must have been enormous when all these institutions were properly supported. Certainly it is no small tribute to a monarch that such a monument as this mosque and its dependencies should bear his name, which has been thus repeated l)y men of all nations thousands of times each year through century after century. A Christian inler would liave dedicated the temple he had built to the Holy Trinity or to some saint; but these Sultans, while they made a great show of 122 CONSTANTINOPLE. reverence for the Prophet, knew of no name to give their mosques better than tlieir own; and Suleiman merited this lionour more than any other of his race. He was an unusual man. On one side of his nature savage and cruel, he was yet capable of faithful affection. So mnch did he know of architecture that he could easily have been the sole architect of the edifices he erected. He passionately loved music and poetry, but he put aside the self-indulgence of his race, and devoted himself to making his arms respected at home and abroad, on land and sea; and he tranquilly died in his tent while his troops were pressing forward to win one great victory more, as their final offering to their greatest Sultan. CHAPTER VIII. SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID — THREE CENTURIES OF DECLINE. 1566-1861. WE have seen what, in its way, may well be called a Wonder of the World, as we have traced the rise of the Ottoman Power. A small band of Moslems, who con- trolled a little patch of Asia Minor, after three centuries commanded in Europe the Mediterranean and the Black Seas, with the lesser waters between, and in Africa the Red Sea, while their territory was bounded by Mecca and Buda, by Bagdad and Algiers. From the time of Suleiman the course of the empire has been reversed, and the growth of the three preceding cen- turies has been followed by an equal period of decay, the wonder now being that it survives at all. What keeps the " sick man " alive ? Two causes contribute to this end, and seem to be the only ones. The first is that the Sultan is also the Caliph of the Prophet; the second, that he has retained the key to the situation, Constanti- nople. As the possession of this capital prolonged the Roman and the later Byzantine rule, so it to-day serves the Turk, aided as he is to keep this stronghold by the powers of Wcslorn Europe, even though they know, as has })oen Avell said, that "the rule of the Turk, ])y whatever diplonuitic eu])hemisms it may be called, means the boud- ag(! and degradation of all who come l)eneath liis rule." ^ We will not review in detail tbo sickening and decline of the beautiful city on the Bosi)horus. Selim II. is ^ E. A. Freeman. 124 CONSTANTINOPLE. remembered as the conqueror of Cyprus and the loser of the battle of Lepanto, which occurrence greatly cheered his enemies because it proved that the Turk was not invincible. But why did they leave it there ? Why not have taken Constantinople rather than give Selim the Sot an opportunity to refit his navy and strengthen himself in every way? This was the single occasion when he acted on a noble impulse, when in a spasm of patriotism he gave a portion of his pleasure-gardens on Seraglio Point for the building of docks, and contributed large sums from his private purse to restore what had been lost. His successor, Murad III., was a feeble wretch, ruled by women, among whom there was fortunately one of intelligence and determination, a Venetian, known as the Sultana Satiye. She ruled the Sultan, and through him the country, in the interests of the Republic of Venice ; and though various other women succeeded her in Murad's favour, she outwitted them in placing her son Mohammed III. upon the throne. Murad left twenty sons and twenty- seven daughters living at his death, and fifty-three others had died before him. Murad's mother, the famous Nour Banore, used all her influence against Safiye; but the Sultan could refuse her nothing, and it was in honour of the Venetian's son that the magnificent fetes were given of which the French ambassador of the time wrote a description. The Hippo- drome was divided into kiosks, which were gilded and decorated with rich hangings and beautiful flowers for the use of the Sultan, the son of Safiye, and the Sultanas ; while a separate building was devoted to the ambassadors, the viziers, and other officials. A largo tent served for the distribution of sherbets and the delicious Turkish sweets, and the centre of the Hippodrome was illuminated by means of poles supporting hoops, from which millions- of SELM II. TO ABDUL MEDJIL). 125 small lamps were suspended, as they are now used in mosque illuminations. The fetes continued through several days. On the first the Sultan, surrounded by his court, with his son, the future Sultan, by his side, made a grand progress from the Seraglio to the Hippodrome. The Prince was gor- geously dressed in scarlet satin. His turban was deco- rated with heron's plumes, while his ears and hand supported jewels beyond price. Representations of all sorts of animals made in sugar were borne by fifteen horses splendidly accoutred in the richest stuffs. The marriage palms, ninety feet high, were hung with an end- less variety of symbolic toys, and so huge were they that houses and walls were pulled down to make a passage for them. The trades processions, bearing gifts, and endeavouring to outdo all other features of the fetes, were admirable. There were tournaments and quadrilles with chariots; and the men, dressed in splendid stuffs and embroideries, represented different trades. The dervishes, in their white robes and conical ca{)S, whirled in their dances. Some held red-hot irons in their mouths; others swallowed knives. One was whirl- ing in a barrel of serpents; another danced on pointed sabres; and all these things were done in the sight of the harem, the ladies being behind a grill. The shrill cry of the dervishes, "Allah, Allah!" added greatly to the excitement. There were splendid banquets to the Capitnn Pasha, to the Creeks in their native costumes, to the Janissai'ies, which required sixty tables, each with high officials at the head; to archers, guards, gardeners, muftis, cadis, slieiks, and others until all wei-e fed. The feasts were interrupted by various s{)ectaclcs, one of which repre- sented a wedding. Thirty Ijeys, magnificently dressed. 126 CONSTANTINOPLE. personated brides and bridegrooms, and several times per- formed the dance, which represents the labyrinth of Crete in its figures, called "the Romaika; and again they danced the lascivious Egyptian dances. All this occupied some days, and on the final one the circumcision of the princes took place, with certain cere- monies so savage that the origin of the Sultans could not be forgotten. The finale of this merriment was one of the ever-recur- ring revolts of the Janissaries and the Spahis, or royal horse guards, with the usual accompaniment of a fire ; and the passage of the curtained litters from the Hippo- drome to the Seraglio was attended with considerable danger. Mohammed III. left no effort untried to make his posi- tion secure. On his accession he murdered nineteen brothers, and had seven slaves, who were about to become mothers, sewed in sacks and drowned. This was the most numerous sacrifice made by any one Sultan to the law of Mohammed II. Previous to this reign the hereditary j)rinces had been entrusted with the government of the provinces and mili- tary commands. From this time they were confined to a particular portion of the palace called "the cage," which they left but to go to the throne or the grave. This cage was in a solitary garden, built like a temple without windows and lighted from the top. It had but a single small iron door, against which a great stone was rolled. " Kept in a kiud of imprisonment till they came to the throne, with every means of enjoyuig themselves, but with no means of learning the duties of rulers, they came forth from prison to be clothed with absolute power. One is really inclined to wonder that they were not even worse than they were, and that any of them showed any sign of virtue or ability of any kind." ^ 1 Freeman. SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID. 127 Passing over the reigns of AlnneU L, Othman II., and Mustapha I., we come to tiie time of which the minister of King James I. said that the Ottoman power "had become like an old body crazed through many vices, which remain when the youth and strength are decayed." What has prolonged the days of this weakness two hundred and fifty years ? Freeman answers this question when he says, "The Turkish power has been propped up by the wicked policy of the governments of Western Europe. " Murad IV. was the most bloodthirsty of all these brutal rulers, and was also the last soldiei'of his race. He must have been strong in character. Coming to the throne at twelve years of age, and ruling an empire overrun with rebellion and suffering constant disaster, it seems little less than a miracle that he was not sacrificed to the ambi- tions by which he was surrounded. Doubtless he owed his preservation to his mother, the Valideh Mahpeike. Constantinople was crowded with a famine-stricken people and a licentious, savage soldiery. When the young Sultan visited the treasury and saw its emptiness, he exclaimed : "Inshallah — please God — I will replenish the treasury fifty-fold with the property of those who have plundered it." With care and cunning, in the midst of hourly peril, he succeeded in coming to man's estate. He observed keenly, and forgot nothing. Above all, he did not forget to avenge himself later for matters that it was unwise to notice at first. Constantinople was always a hotbed for insurrections and mutinies ; and the rising of the S[)ahis, in the ninth year of this reign, was mcmorahle for itself, and to it may be attributed the unusual ferocity and thirst for blood by which the Sultan was ever after characterized. The object of tlie mutiny was the ruiti of the Grand Vizier Hafiz, the Sultan's favourite. 128 CONSTANTINOPLE. The Spahis gathered in the Hippodrome on three suc- cessive days, and demanded seventeen heads of the Sultan, that of Hafiz being first on the list. The entire capital was in terror. Business was suspended, and bazaars and shops closed ; even the Seraglio was no longer felt to be safe. On the second day the insurgents were promised satisfaction on the morrow ; and when the sun rose on that morning, the Seraglio was surrounded, and the outer court filled with Spahis determined to be put off no longer. When on his way to the Seraglio, Hafiz was counselled to hide himself. He answered that he did not fear to die, and already knew his fate, as he had seen it in a dream. He entered the Seraglio, and was struck from his horse by the stones thrown at him. One of his attendants was killed by the Spahis, while his master was borne into the palace. The Sultan, desiring to save Hafiz from his fate, sent him from the water gate of the Seraglio across to Scutari. By this time the rebels had filled the second court where the Divan was usually held. They clamoured for the Sultan, who soon appeared, and, standing before them, demanded their wishes. The mutineers fiercely answered : " Give us the seventeen heads ! Give us these men or it will fare the worse with thee ! " The savage crowd pressed closely about Murad, and gave no heed to his words; and so threatening was their bearing that the Sultan's attendants drew him within the inner court, and fortunately succeeded in barring the gate in time to shut out the furious mob, which now shouted again and again, " The seventeen heads, or abdicate ! " The real instigators of the uprising, the deadly enemies of Hafiz, now seriously represented to the young Sultan that his own head was in imminent peril if he refused the demands of the Spahis. Sadly he recalled Hafiz, and met him at the water gate. Murad then proceeded to the inner court, ascended the throne, and received the deputies of the SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID. 129 rebels. He implored them not to profane his honour as Caliph ; but their only reply was, " The seventeen heads ! " Meantime Hafiz had performed the ablutions and cere- monies preparatory for death, and now presented himself, saying : — " 'My Padishah, let a thousand slaves such as Hafiz perish for thy sake. I only entreat that thou do not thyself put me to death, but give me up to these meu, that I may die a martyr, and that my innocent blood may come upon their heads. Let my body be buried at Scutari.' He then kissed the earth, and exclaimed, ' In the name of God, the All-merciful, the All-good. There is no power or might save with God, the most High, the Almighty. His we are, and unto Him we return.' Haliz then strode forth, a hero, into the fatal court. The Sultan sobbed aloud, the pages wept bitterly, tlie viziers gazed with tearful eyes. The rebels rushed to meet him as he advanced. To sell his life as a martyr, he struck the foremost to the ground with a well-aimed buffet, on which the rest sprang on him with their daggers, and pierced him with seventeen mortal wounds. A Janissary knelt on his breast and struck off his head. The pages of the Seraglio came forward and spread a robe over the corpse. Then said the Sultan, ' God's will be done ! But in His appointed time ye shall meet with vengeance, ye men of blood, who have neither the fear of God before your eyes, nor respect for the law of the Prophet.' The threat was little heeded at the time, but it was uttered by one who never menaced in vain." ^ Many other victims were sacrificed to the rebellious troops. The deposition of Murad was freely discussed, and he began to learn the Turkish lesson, "Kill or be killed." He surrounded himself with some of the better men of his empire; and a little later, his plans being made, Murad licM a ]»ublic divan on the seashore, and summoned a dcputntion of the Spahis to attend hini. Meantime he addressed the Janissaries, assuming that ^ Sir Edward Creasy. 9 ISd CONSTANTINOPLE. they were faithful to him. They replied to him with enthusiastic loyalty, and on the Koran took the oath of fealty. When the deputies of the Spahis arrived, and witnessed this oath of the Janissaries, they knew but too well that unless they were submissive also, the Janissaries would soon exterminate them ; and so, when the oath was required of them, they took it with fear and haste. Murad next commanded the presence of the judges, and accused them of selling their judgments. They replied that they were intimidated by the rebels, and one brave judge exclaimed, "My Padishah, the only cure for all these troubles is by the edge of the sword. " The whole assembly gazed on this man, and his words were registered. The terrific vengeance of the Sultan was speedily put in hand ; and all over the provinces, but especially in Con- stantinople, the work of death went on. The scimitar and bowstring were never idle. Murad was avenged for his humiliation. The frightful slaughter was conducted by his own orders. Each morning saw piles of corpses on the shores of the Bosphorus, which had been thrown up at night; and among them the people recognized the Spahis and Janissaries who had so proudly dictated to the Sultan. Murad was now twenty years old. He was manly and handsome, and of a demeanour which emphasized the awe which his ferocity inspired. He rode in the Hippodrome each day, and displayed his strength and skill in the use of both bow and sword. By night he rambled over the city in disguise, and with his own hand inflicted fatal punishment on those who were disobeying his police regu- lations. Did crowds gather, the Sultan was soon in their midst, well armed and well guarded. He feared neither Spahis nor Janissaries; and they hastened from his sight, fearful lest his eagle eye should recognize them, and their doom be pronounced. SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID. 131 Thus murder became Murad's haljit. Small offences were punished equally with greater, until those who knew that they were to meet him made the death ablution as their appropriate preparation. He became so moody that he imagined wrong where none existed. On one occasion a party of women whose only offence was that of dancing in a meadow, were drowned by his order, because he could not endure the sight of merriment. Again, a boat tilled with women passed too near the palace to please him, and he turned his batteries on them and sent them to the bottom, while he watched the scene. He killed his chief musician for singing a Persian air, which he chose to construe as doing honour to his enemies. As this Sultan grew older, he had the habit of intoxi- cation, and language fails to depict his cruelty; but on one occasion the wit of his victim saved his life. "The son of a slave," is a term often applied by the Turks to their ruler; and on one of his nocturnal excursions he met Mustapha Bekir, a famous drunkard, who told Murad that he possessed that which would buy all Constantinople, even "the son of a slave" himself. Next morning Mustapha was brought before the Sultan, who reminded him of his words, whereupon Bekir drew a flask of wine from his robe, and gave it to the Sultan, saying, "Here is a liquid gold, which outweighs the treasures of the universe, for it makes a beggar more glorious than a king, and turns the mendicant Fakir into a horned Alexander," Murad was pleased with the Itold joyousncss of the drunkard. He took the flask and drained it, and was thenceforward a boon companion to Mustapha Bekir. When liundrcds of people were daily dying in Constan- tinople of flic plague, Murad passed liis nights in revels, s;iying: "This summer Cod is punishing the rogues; per- haf)S by wintci- lie will come to the honest men." Strangely enough, however, when his duties required 132 CONSTANTINOPLE. his attention, his abstemiousness and vigilance were un- equalled, and his ability to labour was phenomenal. He was a thorough disciplinarian, not only in military, but in civil affairs. He put an end to the powei- which had been usurped by the petty tyrants who had flourished under his predecessors. He instituted just tribunals, and insisted that the revenues should be promptly raised and honestly expended. In the early years of his reign he could not leave Con- stantinople with safety to his government or to himself. When, after ten years, he went to Nicomedia, he hanged the chief judge because the roads were badly kept. The news of this act created an excitement in the capital, and the Valideh Mahpeike informed Murad of what was said of him. He at once returned to Constantinople, and put the Grand Mufti — the spiritual chief of Islam and the head of legislation — to death. This is the sole instance of the execution of a Mufti by a Sultan's command. The story of the military achievements of Murad IV. does not belong here;- but so great was his success in Persia, that for eighty years that power, always so trouble- some, ceased its attacks on Turkey. On his return from the conquest of Bagdad, in June, 1638, the Sultan made a triumphal entry into Constantinople, which was described by a Turkish historian who is cited by Hulme. He says : — "The Sultan repaired to his palace with splendour and mag- nificence which no tongue can tell, and no pen adequately illus- trate. The balconies and roofs of the houses were everywhere thronged with people, wlio exclaimed with enthusiasm, ' The blessing of God be on thee, O Conqueror ! Welcome, Amurath ! May thy victories be fortunate ! ' The Sultan was sheathed in resplendent armour of polished steel, with a leopard-skin over his shoulders, and wore in his turban a triple aigrette, placed obliquely, in the Persian mode. lie rode a Nogai charger, and SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID. 133 was followed by seven led Arab horses with jewelled caparisons, while trumpets and cymbals resounded before him, and twenty- two Persian Khans were led cai)tive at the imperial stirrups. As he passed along, he looked proudly on each side, like a lion who has seized his prey, and saluted the people, who shouted ' Barik-Allah ! ' and threw themselves on the ground. All the vessels of war fired constant salutes, so that the sea seemed in a blaze ; and seven days and nights were devoted to constant rejoicings." This pageant assumes important proportions when we know that it was the last spectacle witnessed in Constan- tinople in celebration of the triumphal return of a Sultan who had personally conducted his armies, and we cannot realize when we see the Europeanized capital of our time that such barbaric splendours could have been habitual here for many centuries. The final act in Murad's life was consistent with his cruel nature. Whether he desired his favourite to succeed him, or whether it gratified his wicked heart to let his house and dynasty end with him, is not known; but in his last hour he commanded the murder of his only brother, Ibrahim. The Sultana Valideh — mother sultana — pre- served Ibrahim's life, but told Murad that his command had been executed. Though absolutely dying, this cruel wretch smiled horribly, and raised himself in bed, hoping to see his brother's dead face; but his attendants held him down, and at that moment the priest entered to read the prayers, which were scarcely begun when the last warrior Sultan ceased to live. Iln-ahim proved the most bestial of his line, which is not surprising when we remember that he had been shut off from the life of the world f(jr years ; tliat he had been in hourly expectation of death, and had been permitted to indulge the animal side of his nature to the fullest extent. 134 CONSTANTINOPLE. From Uiis time until the beginning of our century the government of Turkey was in the hands of viziers, some of them being men of great talent. There were occasional deeds of courage and probity which indicate that, had their lines fallen in the days when their nation was grow- ing rather than decaying, they would have left names to be remembered. But there is neither pleasure nor profit in the history of Turkey from the time when the Vizier Mohammed Kinprili executed thirty -six thousand people in five years, and the chief executioner strangled an average of three a day with his own hand, to that when, through the murder of Selim and Mustapha IV., Mahmoud IT. became Sultan in 1808. Besides the execution of the deposed Sultan, Mahmoud 11. thought it necessary to drown in sacks one hundred and seventy-four of his wives and odalisques, and to behead a great number of other persons. By these measures he ended the rebellion that had placed him on the throne. On the day of his proclamation as Sultan, at the gate of the Seraglio, thirty-three heads were exposed to public gaze. His reign of thirty-one years was a period of constant wars without and revolts within ; and though on the whole the power of the Ottoman Empire was lessened, and noth- ing was done to improve or adorn the capital, still there are reasons why Mahmoud IT. should be remembered as one of the most enlightened and powerful of the Ottoman rulers. He had employed his years of captivity in study. He introduced beneficial measures in the life of the women of the Seraglio. He also endeavoured to better the condi- tions of the Christians subject to him, and he must be credited with the attempt to introduce civilization into his domains. The final levy of boys for the Janissary corps was made in 1675, Three thousand were then recruited. This SELIM II TO ABDUL MEDJID. 135 custom had already been partly abandoned, as the position was considered so advantageous that it was sought for the Children of the Faithful, and the sons of Janissaries were admitted to their ranks. The levies of Christian children thus came to be made for the corps of one thousand pages of the Seraglio rather than for the Janissaries, and even these were less and less frequent. The Janissaries, too, had undergone a change. In the fifteenth century they were superior to the European soldiers. In the seventeenth century the European armies had been disci i>lined and improved, while the Moslem corps was inferior to its first estate, and in every way less effective. As soon as Mahmoud IT. was proclaimed Sultan and the Pasha of Rustchuk, Mustapha Bairactar, was installed as Grand Vizier, the latter made a plan by which to super- sede the Janissaries with a new force called the Seymens, a name which had l^elonged to an ancient Ottoman corps. The Janissaries and the Ulema — men learned in the law — pretended to approve this plan ; and Bairactar permitted the All)nnian troops which he controlled to depart, not retaining more than four thousand men in Constantinople, on whom he could rely. Fortunately there were, near Scutari, eight thousand Asiatic troops under his friend Cadi Pasha. When the Janissaries foimd themselves in so favourable a position, they surrounded the palace of Bairactar and set it on fire. There the Vizier perished, and the Janissaries at once fiercely attacked the new troops; but Cadi Pasha with his men joined the struggle, and for two days there was savage fighting in the streets of Constantinople. Whole districts were destroyed as well as magnzines and military stores, and the Janissaries came off victorious. During this struggle the palace gates were closed, and tlic deposed Sultan, Mustapha IV., was murdered. By this 136 CONSTANTINOPLE. means MaliniouJ TI. was the sole survivor of the house of Othman, and he knew that this fact gave him a charmed life. In spite of this he found it necessary to propitiate the Janissaries, and he issued an edict in their favour. All the European innovations which had been introduced were abolished. The old customs were restored, and dark- ness replaced the gleams of light which had penetrated to the heart of Constantinople and the Ottoman Empire. Still there existed in the capital wise and thoughtful men, who felt that changes must be made and sweeping reforms instituted. But as yet they dared not whisper this, although they were determined to prepare for the time when practical steps could be taken. Mahmoud II. had a will and a patience that were phe- nomenal ; and although his reign opened with a war with Russia which was terminated by the treaty of Bucharest in 1812, the foes at home were never out of his mind. Success and advantage abroad had little meaning com-, pared with his desire to be master in his own capital. Wherever he went, whatever he did, the knowledge that he was not independent of his own soldiers was a torture to him. There were abuses in the distant provinces of his empire, where ruling pashas felt and manifested an inde- pendence of the Sultan that was exasperating, and even near at home smaller Derebeys disregarded his wishes, and almost set him at defiance. More powerful chiefs, like Mehemet Ali in Egypt and Ali Pasha in Jannina, even threatened the Ottoman Empire with dismember- ment, and the former succeeded in so firmly establishing liimself in the city of the Mamelukes as to be able to leave to his descendants the power which he had won. But the splendid and cruel " old lion of Jannina " was lured into the ])Ower of Mahmoud 's general by a pretence of capitulation and traitorously murdered. SELIM II. TO ABDUL IMEDJID. 137 The schemes of Mahmoiid and his sympathizers for the disbanding- of the Janissaries Avere numerous; but there was ever some circumstance which prevented the accom- plishment of so difficult a move as to displace a large body of imperial troops, who had every advantage of place, possession of arms and munitions, and many other equally favourable conditions in their hands. But finally the end came. Every Janissary was doomed, and the example of Mehemet Ali in the massacre of the Mamelukes was savagely followed, although Mahmoud did not treacherously invite them as friends in order to accomplish his end. The destruction of this corps was the great event in the reign of Mahmoud, and of more importance to Turkey, above all to Constantinople, than the wars with Russia and Egypt. ^[ahmoud had made most extensive and careful prepara- tion. Although each year of his reign had been disturbed by the turbulence of the Janissaries ; although they had kindled destructive fires and committed other unscrupu- lous acts of violence in Constantinople, he knew that he must endure all until fully prepared to succeed. A failure would cost him all that he valued. He foresaw, too, that an open battle in the streets must be his method of con- quest. He gradually increased his artillery force, and was careful to see that its officers were his faithful sup- porters until it at length numbered 14,000, and was led by that Ibrahim who, after the day that proved fatal to the Janissaries, was known as Kara Djehennin, — Black Hell. Moreover Mahmoud had appointed another loyal friend to ])C the Agha of the Janissaries; and the Grand Vizier, equally devoted to the Sultan, was al)lc to summon a large body of trustworthy troops from tlie Asiatic shore. IMnhinoud had also convinceil the Uloma, or Judges, of their error in 8U])])orting the Janissaries, who had long 138 CONSTANTINOPLE. since survived their original usefulness, and were now the curse of Constantinople and other parts of the empire. It was not his part to institute procedings against this unruly body. The actual, apparent cause of the end must be some outrageous conduct of the Janissaries themselves. At no time would such an occasion be far distant. There were but brief intervals between the mutinies of this corps, when they gave the signal of revolt by overturning their kettles in the Hippodrome, and proceeded to per- petrate their outrages. When this occurred, on June 15, 1826, the Sultan was ready for the contest. He unfolded the Sacred Standard of the Prophet himself, and called on all true Mohammedans to follow him, their Caliph, as well as their Padishah. The enthusiasm of the people of Constantinople knew no bounds, and they rallied about Mahmoud by thousands, while the artillery and the Asiatic troops gave more sub- stantial aid. As the Janissaries appeared in the streets, they were met and cut down with grape shot by the soldiers under command of Black Hell. They had in- tended to go to the Seraglio, but turned back to the Etmeidan or Hippodrome, and there defended themselves with their muskets most courageously. Many were killed, and at length they retreated to their barracks, and prepared to resist desperately the assault they an- ticipated. But Mahmoud and his advisers determined not to sacri- fice the lives that must be lost by such a method; and, the artillery being properly jilaccd, a continuous shower of shot and shell was mercilessly poured upon the mutineers. Some of them, driven to desperation, sallied forth, weapons in hand, but were quickly shot down even while they begged for mercy. Mahmoud had decreed the absolute extermination of the Janissaries ; and that end was accom- SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID. 139 plished when finally the barracks took fire and the last of their number in Constantinople perished in the flames. The Hippodrome was then closed for years. It is estimated that four thousand Janissaries perished in the capital in that single day, after which Mahmoud pro- ceeded to exterminate the force in all parts of the empire. Their standards were destroyed, and so far as possible no reminder of them was permitted to survive. New troops were organized, and soon numbered forty thousand, and were gradually increased. This vast change had been accomplished by the steadfast will of Mahmoud II., who now proclaimed the name of his new soldiers to be the "Victorious Mahometan Armies," and commanded them to sustain the Ottoman religion and empire. Mliltke, in his able history of Mahmoud's reign, says: — "If Turkey had enjoyed ten years of peace. after the de- struction of the Janissaries, Sultan Mahmoud's military re- forms miglit in that time have gained some strength ; and, supported by an army upon which he could depend, tlie Sultan might have carried out the needful reforms in the administra- tion of his country, have infused new life into the dead branches of the Ottoman Empire, and made himself formidable to his neighbours. All this was prevented by Russia, which nipped the Sultan's military reforms in the bud." At all events, the vigour and aljility of the Sultan alarmed his enemies, and they hastened to bring con- fusion to his ])lans before he could well establish his new policy. There arc few chapters in history more interesting than the entire cai-ecr of Mahmoiul II. ; l)ut it has so much more to do with diplomatic affairs, treaties and wars, than with Constantinople, that wc must only add that he died July 1, 1839; "and as gallant a spirit left the earth as ever strove against the spites of fortune, as ever toiled 140 CONSTANTINOPLE. for a nation's good in preparing benefits the maturity of which it was not permitted to behold." ^ The turbeh of Mahmoud 11. near the Burnt Cohimn is the most splendid, as it is the latest tomb of a Sultan. Its Corinthian style of architecture is certainly out of keeping here, but it is exceedingly attractive in its fresh- ness of white marble and gilt grated windows, as it stands in a luxuriant grove, with bright flower-beds here and there. Besides Mahmoud the Sultana is buried here, her five daughters, and a sister of the Sultan. The biers are covered with richly embroidered velvet, that of "the Reformer" being purple. At the head is his fez, with diamond aigrette and plume. There are shawls of extreme value thrown across these biers. Those of the Sultan and Sultana are surrounded with mother-of-pearl railings, while Koran-stands richly inlaid with silver and mother- of-pearl and massive candlesticks in silver are in pro- fusion. The Korans here are very fine, and are held sacred. The cupola is decorated with stalactites of gold and delicate cornices, while silk damask hangings soften the light. The only thing that is disturbing is a large, cut-glass chandelier, such as one sees in a modern ball- room, and I could but wonder whether it were put there when the tomb was built by Mahmoud six years before his death. It looks more as if Abdul Aziz might have brought it from Paris, and given his father's tomb as bizarre and mongrel an air as he imparted to much else in his city on the Bosphorus. The important matters which had largely occupied Mah- moud II., and continue to be the burning questions with the Sultan of Turkey to-day, are not especially connected with Constantinople, except as it hns sometimes seemed likely to pass into other hands than those of the Ottoman rulers. During Mahmoud's reign, and in the succeeding years the following important events have occurred. 1 Creasy. SELLM II. TO ABDUL M£DJID. 141 In 1832 Greece was made an independent government. In 1840 the position of Mehemet Ali was defined, and Jic became the Pasha of Egypt, tributary to the Sultan, with the riglit of succession for his family. In 1841 a conven- tion signed at London by the representatives of England, Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and Turkey, put the Dar- danelles and Bosphorus under the control of the Porte, and excluded the war-ships of all nations from these waters. The Crimean War ended in 1855, and the treaty of Paris was signed the following year, by which the Sublime Porte was admitted to participate in the advantages of the Public Law and System of Europe. In the same year the Sultan forbade further importation of slaves into his ter- ritory. In 1860 there were serious disturbances in Syria. In 1807 Servia v/as made independent of the Porte. In 1875 there were serious disturbances in Montenegro and Herzegovina, and in the same year interest was defaulted on the Turkish bonds. Serious troubles which had pre- vailed in Servia for a long period were settled by a conven- tion in Constantinople in 1877. In March of the same year the first Turkish Parliament was assembled and con- ducted on English principles. In 1870 a war with Russia occurred, and terms were not made until the Russians were absolutely in sight of Constantino] )le. A treaty was signed at San Stefano in 1878; l)ut this not proving satis- factory to the European powers, — it was too damaging to Turkey, and Lord Beaconsfield interfered, • — a new treaty was made at Berlin in the same year, more to the satis- faction of the European Powers. We see l)y this concise review that the present century lias brought many changes to the Ottoman Empire; but in the midst of all it has grown more and more decrepit, and it would seem that its end is not far off. The reform which Mahmoud II. introduced in educating ilie princes who were possible heirs to the throne was 142 CONSTANTINOPLE. invaluable; and his eldest surviving son, Abdul Medjid, who came to the throne at sixteen, was a youth of unusual intellectual power, and of earnestness beyond his years. But while he was sincerely desii'ous of improving the con- dition of his empire, he was overcome with self-indulgence, and inaugurated such extravagance at his court as brought the country to the verge of bankruptcy. His pageants were magnificent. That of the Lesser Bairam, which occurs at the end of the great fast of Ramadan, the Moslem Lent, and lasts three days, was witnessed by Theophile Gautier in 1853, and we quote from his account of it: — " The Bairam is a ceremony similar in kind to the hand-kiss- iug in Spain ; and all the great dignitaries of the empire come to pay their homage to the Padishah. Turkish magnificence is then seen in all its splendour. . . . Despite the early hour, the Golden Horn, and the large basin wliich expands at its entrance, presented a most animated scene. AH the vessels were decorated with many-coloured flags and streamers, from boom to truck. A vast number of gilded boats, decorated with superb carpets or tapestries, and manned by vigorous oarsmen, flew across tlie rose-tinted water ; and these boats, laden with pashas, viziers, beys, and other dignitaries, were all directing their course towards Serai-Bournon. " At length tlie gates of the Seraglio were thrown open, and we passed through a court lined with cypresses, sycamores, and plane-trees, of enormous size ; bordered with kiosks of Chinese design, and buildings with battlemented walls and demi- turrets, resembling somewhat the English feudal arcliitecture, — a melange^ in fact, of garden, palace, and fortress ; until we reached an inner court, at the angle of wliich rises tlie ancient church of Saint Irene, now transformed into an arsenal; and where is also a small building, pierced with numerous windows, and devoted to the use of foreign embassies ; from which can be seen all that passes. *' The ceremony commenced with a religious act. The Sultan, SELIM II. TO ABDUL IMEDJID. 143 accompanied by his chief officers, goes to perform his devotions in Saint Sophia. . . . Presently, a powerful band was heard, playing a Turkish march ; the troops stood to their arms and formed aline; these soldiers, forming a part of tlie imperial guard, were dressed in white trousers and red jackets, and wore the fez. The officers mounted superb horses. The Sultan, arrived from his summer palace, directed his course towards Saint Sophia. Now come the Grand Vizier, the Seraskier, the Capitan Pasha, and the other ministers, all clad in the straight frock-coat of the Reform, but so covered with gold embroidery that it, required a sharp eye to detect any feature of pAiropean costume ; although, on the other hand, the tarbouch was not sufficient to Orientalize it. They were surrounded by groups of officeis, secretaries, and other subordinates, superbly dressed, and also mounted upon magnificent horses. Then came pashas, beys of provinces, aghas, selictars, and other officials, com- l)Osing the four odas of the Selamlik, whose functions are, this one to un-boot the Sultan, that to hold his stirrup, and the other to hand him the napkin ; and finall}', the Chief of the Pages, and a host of inferiors of the household of the Padishah. " Next advanced a detachment of the body-guard, selected for their superb appearance, wearing tunics of velvet, embroidered with gold of amazing richness ; trousers of white silk, and caps shaped like an inverted mortar, surmounted by immense [)lumes of peacock's feathers, two or three feet in height. They are armed with curved sabres, suspended from a broad belt of the richest gold embroidery, and large gilded and damascened hal- berds, the blades of which are formed into those grotesque and ferocious looking shapes characteristic of the ancient Asiatic weapons. " To these succeeded some half-dozen superb liorses, — barbs or Arabians, — led by the hand, and caparisoned with housings and head-stalls of inconceivable richness. These housings, em- broidered with gold and starred with precious stones, were also enriched by the imiK-iiMJ r-iplicr, the complications and inter- lacings of wliicli coiiipo^c :iii elegant arabesque. The luxury 144 CONSTANTINOPLE. of these caparisons takes, with the Turks, the place which with us is conceded to the ornamentation of our carriages ; although now not a few of tlie Pashas import carriages from Paris or Vienna. These horses immediately preceded the Sultan, who was mounted upon another noble beast ; whose housings glowed with rubies, topazes, pearls, emeralds, and other precious stones, forming the flowers of a mass of golden foliage. "Behind the Sultan marched the chiefs of the black and white eunuchs ; then a corpulent dwarf, with a ferocious visage, dressed like a pasha, and answering to the jesters of the middle ages. This little dwarf was stuck on top of a gigantic horse which his short legs could hardly bestride. The eunuchs now wear the fez and frock-coat, but they have that peculiar aspect which at once identifies them to the observer. The chiefs of the eunuchs are hideous enough. He of the white eunuchs has a face covered with unwholesome fat and furrowed with livid folds ; his two dead eyes shining from out a surface of parch- ment, and his nerveless hanging lip, give him the air of an ill- tempered old woman. These monsters are, nevertheless, most important and powerful personages. The revenues of Mecca and Medina are appropriated to them. They are immensely rich, and make foul or fair weather at pleasure in the Seraglio ; though their sway is less than formerly. Nevertheless, they govern despotically the throngs of houris wdiose beauty is never profaned by human eyes ; and they are the centre of countless intrigues. "A platoon of body-guards closed the line of march. This brilliant cortege, less' varied than formerly, is still strikingly gorgeous and original. It disappeared on its way to Saint Sophia, and after an hour returned in the same order. " Meantime we had secured a place in close proximity to the kiosk, before which the foot-kissing was to be performed. The Sultan, on his return, entered the kiosk for a slight collation ; meantime the attendants spread on the ground, before the en- trance to the kiosk, a strip of black cashmere, on which they placed a throne ; before this a footstool was fixed, and it, as well as the throne, was ornamented with gold of Byzantine work. SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID. 145 '•When Abclul-Medjid re-appeared, a genuine enthusiasm pervaded the whole crowd, Turk or European. The Sultan re- mained standing a few minutes, and could be plainly scanned from head to foot. In his fez, a clasp of diamonds secured the plume of heron's feathers, which is the sign of supreme power ; a sort of surtoutof dark blue, fastened by a buckle of brilliants, partially concealed tiie embroidery of his superb uniform ; and these, with white satin trousers, polished leather boots, and ex- quisitely fitting straw-coloured gloves, formed a dress which in its simplicity outshone the gorgeous costumes of the subordi- nate personages around him. " Presently the Sultan seated himself, and the ceremony be- gan. . . . His eyes I can compare to nothing but suns of black, fixed in a sky of diamond. No object seems to reflect itself in them. One would suppose them the eyes of an ecstatic, absorbed by some vision not apparent to the vulgar gaze. His physiognomy is not sombre, nor terrible, nor cruel, but simply extra-human. One felt that this young man, seated like a deity upon a golden throne, had nothing more to desire in this world ; that all the most golden dreams of humanity were, to him, but worn out and insipid realities ; and that he was gradually freez- ing out of the reach of the warm sympathies of our nature, in tlie frigid atmosphere of such utter solitude. In fact, that, from the height of his grandeur, lie looked down upon the earth, as upon a vague mist, from amid which the heads of the most elevated alone were visible ; and even those beneath his feet! " Only the highest dignitaries of the Mussulman Empire have tlie right to kiss the feet of the glorious Sultan. This surpass- ing lionour is reserved for the Vizier, the ministers, and a few privileged pashas. The Vizier started from the angle of the kiosk at the right of the Sultan, and described a semi-circle within the line of guards and musicians, and, in front of the throne, advanced to the footstool after performing the Oriental salutation ; and there, bending ovei- the feet of his master, kissed his boot, as reverentially as a fervent Catholic could kiss the toe of the Pope. This done, he retired backward, and 10 146 CONSTANTINOPLE. gave place to another. This was repeated by seven or eight of the foremost personages of the empire. " During these adorations the countenance of the Sultan remained impassive and expressionless. His fixed dark eyes loolved without seeing ; no movement of muscle, no play of countenance, nothing to indicate that he observed what was passing. The superb Padishah could not see, across the vast space which separated him from humanity, the humble worms that crawled in the dust at his feet. And yet his immobility had nothing offensive in it, or overstrained ; it was merely the drowsy inditfereuce of tiie deity fatigued by the adoration of his devotees, themselves too happy in being permitted to adore him. "Next came the Sheilv-ul-Islam, in his white caftan and tur- ban of the same colour, crossed iu front by a band of gold. He is the Mahometan Patriarch, next to the Sultan iu the religious scale, exceedingly powerful and greatly reverenced. When after the salutation he was about to kiss the Sultan's foot, Abdul-Mejid broke his calm imperturbability, and, raising the Sheik graciously, prevented the actual performance of the homage, "The Ulemas then defiled before the Sultan, and were con- tent with touching their lips to the hem of his surtout, not being sufficiently important to aspire to the greater honour. To the Ulemas lesser officials succeeded who could kiss neither the foot nor the robe ; to them an end of the Sultan's sash, held by a pasha, offered its fringe of gold to be kissed, at the ex- tremity of tlie divan. They came, holding one hand on the forehead and the other on the heart, bent to the eartli, touched the scarf and passed on, while the dwarf, from behind the tlu'one, watched tlie whole with the malicious grimace of an evil-disposed gnome. During all this time the band played, tlie cannon thundered in the distance, and the pigeons, fright- ened from the eaves of the mosque of Sultan Bayezid, flew in hurried circles above the gardens of the Seraglio. When the last functionary had paid his homage, the Sultan retired to the kiosk, amid tumultuous vivas ; and we returned to Pera. to seek the breakfast of which by this time we stood cruelly in need." SELIM II. TO ABDUL MEDJID. 147 After a reign of twenty-two years, Abdul Medjid died in his bed, June 25, 1861. Under his rule there was greater safety both for life and property than before. His subjects loved him, not so much for what he accomplished as for his benevolence. He was so averse to sheddimr blood that he would not knowingly decree an execution ; but his signature to death warrants Avas sometimes obtained by subterfuge. Perhaps his greatest distinction is that he committed no murders when he became Sultan, and was permitted to end his life without violence. CHAPTER IX. SULTANS ABDUL AZIZ, MURAD V., AND ABDUL HAMID II. 1861-1895. ABDUL AZIZ, who now became Sultan, had been most liberally and kindly treated by his brother, Abdul Medjid, and his life as heir-apparent had been in delightful contrast to that of the princes of former reigns. He had enjoyed perfect freedom and a liberal income, while Abdul Medjid had been genuinely fond of his brother, and never indulged his own taste in objects of value without offering their equivalent to the prince. Abdul Aziz was strong physically, and, while rather ordinary in appearance, had large, impressive eyes. His beard was somewhat gray while he was still young, and his expression was frank, with a certain inexplicable shadow at times, probably arising from the merak, or aber- ration of mind, to which he was subject. He was prodi- gal, and towards the end of his life became sensual and voluptuous, even beyond the habits of the Turks. He also grew violent and suspicious, and at length was so morose as to be almost insane. He suspected everybody of evil designs, and at times would cat nothing but hard-boiled eggs, lest he should be poisoned. He constantly built palaces — all ugly in the extreme — because a prophecy had been made that he would die when he ceased to build. It might better have said that he would cease to build when he died. For this fad and other peculiar fancies he required large sums of money, and these he would have. He went into such fits of passion as are ABDUL AZIZ. 149 unimaginable if his ministers even cautioned him against his extravagance, much more if they refused him money. He imported lions and tigers from Africa and India, and parrots without limit. These beasts and birds in cages were all about his palace. He had an equal number of European carriages and pianos ; some of the latter were played when strapped on men's backs. One wonders at his ingenuity in devising wants as well as at his skill in gratifying them. He delighted in cock-fighting, and decorated the win- ning cocks, while he condemned the others to perfectly dark coops. When in good humour he often joined in a wrestling-match with his ministers and favourites. He usually contended with Xevrez Pasha, who was very cor- pulent. Of course he was always beaten, and fell in most ludicrous attitudes ; but was accustomed to say that each kick of the Sultan's foot was worth to him a decoration or some added honour in his rank. At times the Sultan's incipient madness took the form of fear of fire. He would then have nothing near him that was made of wood, and used a single candle set in a pail of water as his light at night. He stripped several palaces of all inflammable olj jocts, and replaced them with articles made of metals. The stores of fuel were thrown into the Bosphorus. He also bought the houses near the Seraglio, and had them jiulled down as (piickly as possible. Many of the beautiful objects from the palace were secured by the wealthy; but the poor i)eoplc greatly regretted the destruction of much that had been wasted, while they were in dire need of fuel and many useful articles. This Sultan was largely controlled by superstition, and com- mitted numerous follies under its influence. On one occasion he commanded a rare and magnificent antique vase to be thrown into the Bosphorus, because he thought that it had been handled by a consumptive person. 150 CONSTANTINOPLE. When these attacks were on hin:, no one could influence him cxce|)t his mother, who was devoid of sense and judgment, and perceived neither the faults nor the dangers into which they were liable to i)lunge him. Naturally there were many intrigues in his court and capital, and a wise man could see at an early period of his reign that the time would come when his whims and his extravagances would not be endured. It is difficult for the Western mind to fully grasp the peculiar position of the Ottoman Sultan. We read of those in past centu- ries very much as we read of Aladdin's Lamp or the Forty Thieves; but when we try to fit such an anomaly into the life of the nineteenth century it seems an impossible conception. He is an absolute sovereign and a spiritual head of his people, whose authority is supposed to extend even to a future world ; and yet he fears to disregard established customs or disobey his ministers, guards, and courtiers, who kiss his feet at Bairam, and make a constant show of humility, while they plot against his authority and his life. Sole master of hundreds of beautiful women, his chil- dren are born of slaves; and slaves these mothers must remain, no matter how deep an affection he may cherish for them. Moslems at a distance pray for him. Those near him plot against him, while his Christian subjects fear, despise, and ridicule him. Having the semblance of superior power, he is in fact powerless and wretched, for he cannot forget that many of his ancestors have been murdered while on the throne. " Placed between Europe and Asia, he belongs to neither. Adored as a god by so many different creeds and races, he ends by being deceived, blinded, watched, and tormented, until a life of perpetual danger among his nearest relatives too often ends by voluntary resignation or assassination." ^ 1 Frances Elliot. ABDUT. AZIZ. 151 Let us now in justice speak of the youthful virtues of Abdul Aziz, and of the good services which he rendered his country; for happily — black as his portrait must be painted as a whole — he was not entirely bad from the beginning. He was a bigot, and when he was in retire- ment in the kiosk of Beicos, he was well spoken of by all sorts of men. At that time too he had but one wife ; and when the Valideh Sultana presented him with a beautiful slave at Bairam according to custom, he gave her to his wife to serve in the harem. In the beginning of his reign he was energetic, and inaugurated Councils of State, which met at the Seraskier Tower at midnight. Its illumination assured the people that the Commander of the Faithful was intent upon affairs in which they were concerned. He provided free schools for Moslem children near each mosque; and even the children of Greeks, Armenians, and Jews were instructed at his expense. Pie made untiring efforts to improve the footing of his army. He built railroads, and purchased a fine fleet of ironclads. All these improvements doubtless inured to the advantage of Turkey, although she had not the money to pay for them. Perhaps the shrewdness of Aziz and his ministers in effecting so much, despite their poverty, may be esteemed an accomplishment. We can scarcely forgive Abdul Aziz for his innovation in permitting the people to abandon caftan and turban to adoi)t the European coat and the simple fez. We have seen that Abdul Medjid and his chief officers wore the frock coat and fez at the Bairam; but it was in the time of his successor that the people gradually adopted the new costume by wliich the i)ictures(]uencss of the street scenes and out-of-door life of Constantinople has been lost. Naturally the women followed the example of the men, and changed their costume. They retained the thinnest of white veils, which are intensely becoming, modifying as 152 CONSTANTINOPLE. they do the artificial means for beautifying the eyes and complexion, which, seen through the veils, are brilliant and fascinating. The ferejeJi and yashmak which were so attractive to foreign eyes in the old days, were replaced by modern cloaks. These innovations extended to other matters also. Caiques were largely replaced by carriages, and my later visits to Constantinople have been disturbed by constant regrets at the loss of the beautiful, picturesque costumes and scenes of other days, — when ladies were borne in sedan chairs inlaid with ivory and mother-of- pearl ; when the Bedouins in white mantles, Turks in gaily coloured caftans and turbans, Persians with pyramids of astrakhan fur on their heads, Tartars dressed in sheep- skins, and numerous other curiously clad men were seen in contrast to Sisters of Charity in their usual dress, Greek women with their red caps and the hair falling on the shoulders, the negress wrapped in Oriental shawls, and the Maltese in her black faldetta ; while if the Turkish ladies rode they had no coupes, but used Turkish carriages painted with birds and flowers, which were each preceded by a eunuch on horseback. These carriages, having canopy tops open at the sides, disclosed the delicate tints of iheferejehs in exquisite contrast with the snowy white- ness of the veils. In those days the streets of Constanti- nople, and especially the bridge, afforded a wonderfully fascinating panorama to Western eyes; and on Fridays the Golden Horn was gay beyond expression, with the caiques full of ladies, never a man to be seen in the same boats, — save the rowers, — all on their way to the Sweet Waters of Europe for their Sunday afternoon oating. The innovations of the Sultan Aziz doubtless gave a new zest to life in Constantinople, especially to the women, by affording them new topics for conversation. The Moslems believe that women have no souls ; and other people fancy that Moslem women are shut away in harems, ABDUL AZIZ. 153 and have little or no influence. This is an error. They are a power in this capital socially, politically, and in matters religious. Fortunately for the party known as "Young Turkey," it had the approval of the gentler sex. The Sultana Valideh disapproved of the changes going on around her, but she was almost alone in her views ; and even when the Sultan decided on his journey to England and different parts of Europe, — a thing that no previous Sultan had done, — taking his nephews Murad and Hamid with him, his mother was the only person who objected, and to pacify her he promised to return in a month. He departed amid a general expression of enthusiastic approbation, and was attended as far as the Dardanelles by the most distinguished men of Constantinople. July 24, 1867, was a red-letter day at Constantinople. Abdul Aziz then came home by the way of the Danube, the Black Sea, and the Bosphorus. That fascinating country which borders these straits was never lovelier, and in the clear air beneath the summer sun the brilliant gardens, the deep green fields, the nestling villages with kiosks, mosques, and minarets, seemed to speak a welcome to the Sultan which was emphasized by salvoes of cannon and continual shouts of "' Padishah hin! chock Yasha!' the ' evoc ' of the Greeks, the ' evviva ' of the Italians, and the * hurrah ' of the British sailors." For as the royal yacht passed the summer residence of the foreign ambassa- dors, the steam yachts belonging to them joined in firing a welcome; and the "Sultanie" stopped to permit the Sultan to receive the Valideh Sultana and her attendants, who had come out to meet him. His Grand Vizier and other officials were anxious to learn the effect made on the mind of Aziz by all that he had seen. lie had gone away full of approbation for everything European, and they feared that he would return with a determination to revolutionize their capital by tho 154 CONSTANTINOPLE. introduction of still other Euroi)ean customs. But his first remark relieved their anxieties, when he declared that he thanked Allah that he was not so blind as the Christian sovereigns whom he had seen. He assured them that he had visited no city that could be compared with Constantinople in natural beauty, though he was obliged to acknowledge that many were better built. He continued to enumerate things that he had disap- proved until his hearers were quite satisfied that he was not Europeanized, and added that the restlessness of the life he had witnessed was an agony to him. He declared that politics, commerce, arts, and, above all, money-mak- ing, so engrossed the men of the West that they had no time to consider the spiritual side of life. He expressed his intense disgust at the manners of women in society, at the shameless way in which they s^miled on men, danced with them, and seemed to ignore the presence of their husbands. When he spoke of the ugliness of these ladies, he had no words sufficiently strong to express his opinion, and ended by declaring that the empresses of Prance and Austria were the only beauties he had seen. The Grand Vizier was greatly disappointed. He had hoped to hear of new ideas, reforms, and inventions rather than of balls and the manners of women. Then too a revolution in Crete was pending, and the Sultan asked no questions concerning State affairs. He only talked on of the beauty of the Empress Eugenie, and swore that he would find a more beautiful than she among the Circassians. When opposite the Palace of Dolmabatchke, the royal caique shot out to the steamer. How beautiful and fairy- like it was, all white, bordered with rose colour and gold, while the twelve rowers in white silk costumes daintily handled their gold-tipped oars! A divan in the stern. ABDUL AZIZ. 155 shaded by a dome of crimson velvet, supported by small gilt pillars, afforded a luxurious place for Abdul Aziz; while an Arab, in a splendid costume of scarlet and gold, was at the helm, and a gilt eagle with outspread wings ornamented the poop. Surely all he had seen in Europe had not exceeded this gala boat in delicate luxury and beauty. But to what an ugly palace had he come, — a tasteless, confused mass of half a dozen styles of architecture, impressive only by its size and the beauty of its position on the European shore of the Bosphorus. How the Sultan was at once surrounded by the great officials of the empire, while the Sheik-ul-Islam extended his hands above the returning wanderer in benediction ! Nine years elapsed before Abdul Aziz ceased to reign, — years wasted in a luxurious idleness that conferred no benefits upon his ever-declining empire, while his bound- less extravagance plunged it deeper and deeper in debt until its credit was ruined. Meantime Abdul Aziz dreamed of the perfectly beauti- ful woman he was seeking, and collected lovely slaves in great numbers from all possil)le places. At length it chanced that as the Sultan was walking in the fields bordering the Bosphorus, he came upon two slaves of his Sultana, who, safely hidden, as they thouglrt, by the shade of the wood and the twilight, had cast aside their veils. One of these, Mihri ITanoum, was exquisitely lovely, and was at this moment avowing to her companion her hopeless affection for the Sultan, AIkIuI Aziz retired to a kiosk near ])y, and soon heard a sweet young voice singing to a circle of Sultanas. Sus- pecting and hoping tliat the singer and the lovely girl he had seen were the same, he sent to iisk thut she would come to sing to liim. Filled wi