53d Congress, ) igion. ) SENATE. 2d (Repot V No. 22 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. REPORT FROM THE NOV 3 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATION AND FPE^DIX ^AlION 10 THE iiAWAIIAN ISLANDS. UC-NRLF SB 3DM T7M February 26, 1894.— Submitted by Mr. Morgan. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1894. ■ 11 \>.\ 53d Congress, > SENATE. ( Report 2d Session, f pfo. 227, Of THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. I February 26, 1894.— Ordered to be printed. Mr. Morgan .submitted the following report irom the Committee on Foreign Relations : The following resolution of the Senate defines the limits of the authority of the committee in the investigation and report it is required to make: "Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and papers and to administer oaths to witnesses." The witnesses were examined under oath when it was possible to secure their appearance before the committee, though in some instances affidavits were taken in HaAvaii and other places, and papers of a scien- tific and historic character will be appended to this report and pre- sented to the Senate for its consideration. The committee did not call the Secretary of State, or any person con- nected with the Hawaiian Legation, to give testimony. It was not thought to be proper to question the diplomatic authorities of either government on matters that are, or have been, the subject of negotia- tion between them, and no power exists to authorize the examination of the minister of a foreign government in any proceeding without his consent. The resolutions include an inquiry only into the intercourse between the two governments, and regard the conduct of the officers of the United States as a matter for domestic consideration in which Hawaii is not concerned, unless it be that their conduct had some unjust and improper influence upon the action of the people or Government of that country in relation to the revolution. The future policy of the two governments as to annexation, or in respect of any other matter, is excluded by the resolutions from the consideration of the committee, and such matters are alluded to only as being incidental to the investigation which was ordered by the Senate. The inquiry as to irregularities that may have occurred in our diplo- matic or other intercourse with Hawaii must relate, first, to the con- duct of the Government as shown in its official acts and correspondence,* and, second, the conduct of its civil and military officers while they were engaged in the discharge of their public duties and functions. As a Government dealing with Hawaii and with any form of govern- ment in that country, whether de facto ov de jure^ the United States can have no separation or break in its line of policy corresponding to M32820 Uubl II HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. any change in the incumbency of the office of President. It is in all respects as much the same Government "in every right and lespon- sibility as if it had been under the same President during the entire period covered by the recent revolution in Hawaii and the succeeding events. This view of the situation will enable us to examine more dispas- sionately the conduct of our Government, and to ascertain whether it lia$-*bfcen sucluttiat^itjcan be safely drawn into precedent in any future quesf ions- that? m'ay-arise in our intercourse with this or other Ameri- cuxi/ge^enimentS;. •"■"**• -. ; Jftie^glifc off &Je/VPreki dent of the United States to change his opin- ions and conduct respecting a course of diplomatic correspondence with a foreign government is no more to be questioned than his right to institute such correspondence; and it can hot be assumed that the opinions of one President, differing from those of his predecessor, has any other effect upon the attitude of the Government than would fol- low T a change of opinion in the mind of the same person if there had been no change in the incumbency of the office. This is a view of the situation in which all foreign nations may have an interest, under the usages of independent powers and the international laws. But the question now under consideration is regarded as being peculiar to what we may term the American system. It may be true that Hawaii can not be considered as a separate and independent power in respect of all its relations with the United States, yet the acts of successive Presidents of the United States which affect it must be regarded as the acts of one President. But there are many good reasons and a long and consistent course of dealing between the United States and Hawaii that materially affect, if they do not entirely change, the actual rela- tions between Hawaii and the United States and make them excep- tional. When we claim the right to interfere in the domestic affairs of Hawaii, as we would not interfere with those of a European nation, we must also admit her right to whatever advantages there may be in the closeness and interdependence of our relations, and her right to ques- tion us as to any conflicts of policy between Mr. Harrison and. Mr. Cleveland that may be justly said to work a disadvantage to the inter- ests of Hawaii, if there are any. And another principle which does not apply in our dealings with European powers comes into application in this case to influence the rights of Hawaii in her intercourse with the United States. Hawaii is an American state, and is embraced in the American com- mercial and military system. This fact has been frequently and firmly stated by our Government, and is the ground on which is rested that peculiar and far-reaching declaration so often and so earnestly made, that the United States will not admit the right of any foreign govern- ment to acquire any interest or control in the Hawaiian Islands that is in any way prejudicial or even threatening toward the interests of the United States or her peopler This is at least a moral suzerainty over Hawaii. In this attitude of the two Governments, Hawaii must be entitled to demand of the United States an indulgent consideration, if not an active sympathy, when she is endeavoring to accomplish what every other American state has achieved — the release of her people from the odious antirepublican regime which denies to the people the right to govern themselves, and subordinates them to the supposed divine right of a monarch, whose title to such divinity originated in the most slavish conditions of pagan barbarity. The point at whicli it is alleged that there was a questionable inter- HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Ill ference by our minister and our ^Tavy with the affairs of Hawaii was the landing of troops from the ship Boston in Honolulu on the 16th day of January, 1893, at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. That ship, on which the minister was a passenger, had been off on a practice cruise at llilo, a distance of nearly 100 miles, since the 4th day of January. On her return to the harbor a condition of affairs existed in Honolulu which led naturally to the apprehension that violence or civil com- motion would ensue, in which the peace and security of American citizens residing in that city would be put in peril, as had been done on three or more separate occasions previously when changes occurred or were about to occur in the government of Hawaii. Whatever we may conclude were the real causes of the situation then present in Honolulu, the fact is that there was a complete paralysis of executive government in Hawaii. The action of the Queen in an effort to over- turn the constitution of 1887, to which she had sworn obedience and support, had been accepted and treated by a large and powerful body of the people as a violation of her constitutional obligations, revolu- tionary in its character and purposes and that it amounted to an act of abdication on her part, so far as her powers and the rights of the people under the constitution of 1887 were concerned. This state of opinion and this condition of the executive head of the Hawaiian Government neutralized its power to protect American citizens and other foreigners in their treaty rights, and also their rights under the laws of Hawaii. There was not in Honolulu at that time any efficient executive power through which the rights of American citizens residing there could be protected in accordance with the local laws. It is evident that the Queen's Government at that time had no power to prevent the landing of troops from any quarter, no power to protect itself against invasion, no power to conduct civil government, so far as the executive w r as concerned, if the effort to exert such power was antagonized by any opposing body of people in considerable numbers. Indeed, no effort seems to have been made to exert the civil authority except through the presence of a small and inefficient body of police- men. The authority of the Queen was not respected by the people * it was opposed, and no force appeared to be used for the purpose of overcoming the opposition. It yielded to a silent but ominous opposi- tion. Without reference to the question whether, in strict law, the action of -the Queen in her effort to overturn the constitution of 1887, and to substitute one by a proclamation which she had prepared, was a revolution in government, or an effort at revolution, or amounted to an actual abdication, the result was that an interregnum existed. If we give full effect to the contention that this interregnum occurred because of the apprehensions of the Queen that force would be used by the United States to compel her abdication, those apprehensions could not have occurred before the landing of the troops from the Boston, or, if they existed, they were idle, unfounded, and unjust toward the United States. It was her conduct, opposed by her people, or a large portion of them, that paralyzed the executive authority and left the citizens of the United States in Honolulu without the protection of any law, uidess it was such as should be extended to them by the American minister, in conjunction with the arms of the United States then on board* the Boston. It will appear hereafter in this report that there is w T ell-settled author- ity for the position that at the moment when the Queen made public her decision to absolve herself from her oath to support the constitution of 1887 her abdication was complete, if the people chose so to regard it. That constitution and the Queen's oath to support it was the only IV HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. foundation for her regal authority and, when she announced that her oath was annulled in_its effect upon her own conscience, she could no longer rightfully hold office under that constitution. In such matters the word of the Queen, once sedately uttered, fixes a condition that is irrevocable, uidess by the consent of those whose condition or rights would be injuriously affected by its subsequent withdrawal ; as in the case of a voluntary abdication in favor of a named successor; or of a pardon granted to a person accused or convicted of crime; or the sig- nature to a legislative act, or declaration of war. The official act of the chief executive of a nation is uniformly regarded as creating a con- dition or status which can not be altered or revoked at pleasure. In- deed, in every case, the word of the king that works a change in exist- ing conditions is the final act of the king. In the crime of treason and the misprision of treason, the word that is spoken by the culprit, though quickly repented of or recalled, has completed the crime and placed the offender beyond the reach of all mercy except that of the sovereign power. In this instance the sovereign power to pardon or condone the Queen's offense resided in the people, and they have so far decided and have adhered to the decision that her abdication was complete. The recantation was two days later than the completed crime and was tem- porary and conditional, and, in the meantime, popular sovereignty had risen to the assertion of its rights, an indignant resentment had aroused the people, and a large body of citizens claiming to represent them had inaugurated a government of the people and for the people. Whether the people opposing the Queen were strengthened in their purpose to accept and act upon this abandonment by the Queen of her obligations to keep her oath to support and obey the constitution by the presence of the troops of the United States, or whether the Queen was dismayed by their presence and was deterred from supporting her criminal act by the employment other household soldiery, did not alter the fact that she had openly renounced the constitution of 1887 before the troops were landed or any preparation was made or any order was issued to land them, and the people were preparing to substitute the monarchy, which was still existing in the constitution, by a ruler of their own choice before any troops left the Boston. Whether the people would permit the restoration of the Queen, or whether they would constitute a new executive head of the Government of Hawaii, was a matter then undetermined, and as to that the Govern- ment of the United States had but one concern, and that was that the interregnum should be ended, the executive head of the Government should be supplied, and the laws of Hawaii and the treaty rights of American citizens should have full effect, peacefully, in the protection of their rights and interests. When the Queen found that her Govern- ment was opposed by a strong b6dy of the people she did not attempt to reassemble the Legislature, but left the public safety in charge of a committee of thirteen men, organized by those who were endeavoring to preserve the peace and to restore the Government .to its full con- stitutional powers by choosing an executive head. This condition of things' continued from Saturday until the succeeding Tuesday, during all of which time the citizens of the United States residing in Honolulu had no protection of law, except such as was guarantied to them by the presence of the Boston in the bay of Honolulu, or the moral influence of the American legation and consulate. When the Kamehameha dynasty ended, the monarchy in Hawaii was doomed to a necessary dissolution. The five kings of that family, assisted by their premiers, who were Kanaka women, and by such mis sionaries as Judd, Bingham, Chamberlain, Coan, Goodrich, and Dainou HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. V maintained the progress on civilization and prosperity, but when Ivala - kaua was elected king, the most surprising and disgraceful corruptions infected the Government. Without detailing in this report the con- stant decline from bad to worse, which the evidence discloses, without contradiction or explanation, when Liliuokalani was enthroned the monarchy was a mere shell and was in condition to crumble on the slightest touch of firm opposition. Under her brief rule, it was kept alive by the care and forbearing tolerance of the conservative white- people, who owned $50,000,000 of the property in Hawaii, until they saw that the Queen and her party had determined to grasp absolute power and destroy the constitution and the rights of the white people. When they were compelled to act in self defense the monarchy disap- peared. It required nothing but the determined action of what was called the missionary party to prostrate the monarchy, and that action had been taken before the troops from the Boston landed. There was then no executive head of the Government of Hawaii ; it had perished. In landing the troops from the Boston there was no demonstration ot actual hostilities, and their conduct was as quiet and as respectful as it had been on many previous occasions when they were landed for the purpose of drill and practice. In passing the palace on their way to the point at which they were halted, the Queen appeared upon the balcony and the troops respectfully saluted her by presenting arms and dipping the Hag, and made no demonstration of any hostile intent. Her atti- tude at that time was that of helplessness, because she found no active or courageous support in her isolated position, which was self-imposed and was regretted by few of her former subjects. In this condition of Hawaii the laws for the protection of life and property were, in fact, susx>ended so far as the executive power was concerned, and the citi- zens of the United States in Honolulu and all the islands, and their property rights, were virtually outlawed. The citizens of Honolulu were not held amenable to the civil authorities, but were treated by* the Queen, as well as by the people, as if the country was in a state of war. A policeman was shot down on the streets by a person who was conducting a wagon loaded with arms to the place of rendezvous where the people had assembled, and no action was taken for the purpose of arresting or putting on trial the man who did the shooting. In a country where there is no power of the law to protect the citizens of the United States there can be no law of nations nor any rule of comity that can rightfully prevent our flag from giving shelter to them under the protection of our arms, and this without reference to any distress it may give to the Queen who generated the confusion, or any advantage it might give to the people who are disputing her right to resume or to hold her regal powers. In every country where there is no effective chief executive authority, whether it is a newly- discovered island fthere only savage government prevails, or one where the government is paralyzed by internal feuds, it is the right, claimed and exercised by all civilized nations, to enter such a country with sovereign authority to assert and protect the rights of its citizens and their property, and to remain there without the invitation of any- body until civil government shall have been established that is adequate, in a satisfactory sense, for their protection. The committee agree that such was the condition of the Hawaiian Government at the time that the troops were landed in Honolulu from the steam warship Boston', that there was then an interregnum in Hawaii as respects the executive office; that there was no executive power to enforce the laws of Hawaii, and that it was the right of the VI . , HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. United States to land troops upon those islands at any place where it was necessary in the opinion of onr minister to protect our citizens. In what occurred in lauding the troops at Honolulu there may have been an invasion, but it was not an act of war, nor did it create that condition of the public law in Hawaii. In the period of reconstruction, as it is called, which followed the civil war of 1861-'G5 in the United States, a very similar condition existed, or was assumed to exist, which caused Congress to provide for vacat- ing the gubernatorial offices in several of the Southern States and filling them by appointments of the President. In these States strong military bodies were stationed and general officers of the Army took command and enforced the laws found on their statute books and also the laws of the United States. All the civil officers in those sovereign States were required to obey the commands of those Army officers, and they did so, often under protest, but with entire submission to the military power and authority of the President, exerted through the instrumentality of the Army. That was not war. Yet it was j:he presence of military force, employed actively in the enforcement of the civil laws, and in full supremacy over the civil authority. The only reason that could justify this invasion of sovereign states by the armies of the United States was the declaration by Congress that the executive governments in those states were not in the lawful possession of the incumbents 5 that there was an interregnum in those states as to the office of governor. If the Queen, or the people, or both acting in conjunction, had opposed the landing of the troops from the Boston with armed resistance, their invasion would have been an act of war. But wheu their landing was not opposed by any objection, protest, or resistance the state of war did not supervene, and there was no irregularity or want of authority to place the troops on shore. In this view^ of the facts there is no necessity for inquiring whether Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, in arranging for the landing of the troops, had any purpose either to aid the popular movement against the Queen that was then taking a definite and decisive shape, or to promote the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. But justice to these gentlemen requires that we should say that the troops from the Boston were not sent into Honolulu for any other pur- pose than that set forth fully and fairly in the following order from Capt. Wiltse to the officer in command of the detachment: U. S. S. Boston (Second Bate), Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 1G, 1893. Lieut. Commander W. T. Swinburne, U. S. Navy, Executive Officer, U. 8. 8. Boston: Sir : You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order. Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no action taken that is not fully Warranted by the condition of affairs and by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of American citizens. You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change in the situation. v Yery respectfully, G. C. Wiltse, Captain, TJ. 8. Navy, Commanding U. 8. 8. Boston. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. VII As between the United States and Hawaii, as separate and inde- pendent governments, that order defines the full liability of the Gov- ernment of the United States in respect of landing the troops at Honolulu. As between the Government of the United States and its officers, the question may arise whether that order was issued in good faith and tor the purposes declared upon its face, or whether it was a pretext used for the purpose of assisting in the overthrow of the Queen's Government and the ultimate annexation of Hawaii to the I'nited States. In reference to this last suggestion, the committee, upon the evidence as it appears in their report (which they believe is a full, fair, and impartial statement of the facts attending and precedent to the landing of the troops), agree that the purposes of Capt. Wiltse and of Minister Stevens were only those which were legitimate, viz, the preservation of law and order to the extent of preventing a disturbance of the public peace which might, in the absence of the troops, injuriously affect the rights of the American citizens resident in Honolulu. The troops from the Boston having rightfully and lawfully entered Honolulu, and having carried with them the protection of the laws of the United States for their citizens who otherwise were left without the pro- tection of law, it was the right of the United States that they should remain there until a competent chief executive of Hawaii should have been installed in authority to take upon himself the civil power and to execute the necessary authority to provide for the protection of all the rights of citizens of the United States then in Honolulu, whether such rights were secured by treaty or were due to them under the laws of Hawaii. It was the further right of the officers representing the United States in Hawaii to remain there with the troops until all the conditions were present to give full assurance of security to the rights of all the citizens of the United States then in Honolulu. Before the landing of the troops a committee of safety had been* organized that sent a request to the commander of the Boston that troops should be landed for the purpose of preserving the public peace. To this request no response was made, and later in the day the com- mander of the Boston was informed that the committee of safety had withdrawn its request and then desired that no troops should be landed. But, disregarding all the action of the committee of safety and acting only upon his sense of duty to the people of the United States who were in Honolulu, Capt. Wiltse came to che conclusion that the troops should be landed, and he put them in a state of preparation for that purpose by lowering the boats, filling the cartridge belts of the meu, and sup- plying them with proper accouterments for a stay on shore. After these preparations had been completed Minister Stevens went on board the ship (on Monday), and had an interview with. Capt. Wiltse. The evi- dence shows that this interview related alone to the question of the pre- servation of law and order in Hawaii and the protection of Americans in their treaty rights. It seems that neither Minister Stevens nor Capt. Wiltse then fully comprehended the fact that the United States had the right, of its own authority, to send the troops on shore for the pur- pose of supplying to American citizens resident there the protection of law, which had been withdrawn or annulled, because of the fact that there Avas then an interregnum in the executive department of the Gov- ernment of Hawaii. The rights of the United States at that moment were greater than they were supposed to be by Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, and they were not the result of treaty rights or obliga- tions, but of that unfailing right to give protection to citizens of the VIII HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. United States in any country where they may be found when the local authorities have, through their own mismanagement or contriv- ance, rendered nugatory the power of the government to perform its proper duties in the protection of their lives, property, and peace. A further statement of ascertained facts may be necessary in order to bring out more clearly the situation in Hawaii on Saturday, the 14th day of January, and to render more conspicuous the justification of the United States in entering with its troops upon the soil of Hawaii for the protection of all the rights of its citizens. On Saturday afternoon and Sunday earnest and decisive steps were being taken by the people of Honolulu who were most prominent in social influence and in commerce and the professions to arm the people who resented the disloyalty of the Queen to the constitution and to install a new executive head of the Government. This movement had resulted in the organization of a committee of safety that proposed a programme for the purpose of inaugurating a provisional government. This was an open, public movement, which the Queen took no steps to suppress. No arrests were made, and even the apprehension of arrests seems to have been almost entirely absent from the minds of the people engaged in this movement. An eifort was made to divert those people from their purpose, on Monday morning, by the Queen and her minis- ters, who caused the following notice to be posted on the streets of Hon- olulu: "BY AUTHORITY. "Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order which have prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects. " Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by the methods provided in the constitution itself. "Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is given. " This paper purported to be signed by the Queen and her ministers, Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs ; W. H. Com well, minister of finance; John F. Oolburn, minster of the interior; and A. P. Peter- son, attorney- general. The Queen did not sign it in her official character by affixing the letter R to her name, and the tenor of the paper indicates that it was, in fact, the act of her ministers, to which she had not given her royal assent and pledge. This paper in itself contains undeniable evidence that the Queen had instituted a coup Wetat on Saturday by the pro- mulgation of "a new constitution," as far, at least, as she could bind herself by such an act, and that she offered the excuse for this revolt against the existing constitution which she had sworn to support, that she acted "under stress of her native subjects." Passing by the fact that the existence of this "stress" is not estab- lished by any satisfactory evidence, the reference to it in this procla- mation discloses her willing connection with the purpose to disfranchise her foreign-born subjects, that being the effect of the provisions of the "new constitution" that she in fact promulgated, so far as she could, but hesitated to swear to for the want of sufficient support from " her native subjects." The assurance given that future efforts "to change" HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. IX the constitution of 1887 should be conducted only in the method therein prescribed, was no assurance that her foreign-born subjects should be protected in their vital liberties. To the reverse, it was a continuing threat that they should be disfranchised and placed at the mercy of racial aggression, backed by the power of the crown. The declarations of the Queen made in person to Minister Willis, on three occasions, and at long intervals of time after the lapse of nine months of sedate reflection, show that this assurance, given in fact by her ministers, was only a thin disguise of her real purpose to drive out the white popula- tion and confiscate their property, and, if need be, to destroy their lives. The people made no mistake as to her animosity toward them, and proceeded in the same orderly manner, for which the ministers gave them thanks in this proclamation, to designate an executive head of the Government in place of the abdicated Queen, the abdica- tion being completed and confirmed by the only authentic expression of the popular will, and by the recognition of the supreme court of Hawaii. Another fact of importance connected with the situation at that time is that a committee of law and order, consisting of supporters of the Queen, had on Monday morning posted in public places in Honolulu the following call for a public meeting and explanation of the purposes of the Queen in abrogating the constitution of 1887 and in substituting one which she desired and attempted to promulgate by their authority as the organic law of the land. This proclamation was printed in the Hawaiian language, and a translation of it is appended to this report. It was printed in an extra edition of a newspaper called the Ka Leo O Ka Lahui, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language. "The stress of her native subjects," which is mentioned by the Queen in the proclamation which was posted in English on the morning of January 16, is evidently expressed in the terms of this announcement and call, and it shows that it was based upon racial distinction and prejudice entirely, and indicates the feeling of resentment and controversy which, if carried into effect as the Queen proposed to carry it into effect under the constitution which she intended to proclaim, would have resulted in the destruction of the rights of property and lives of those persons who were styled "missionaries" and their posterity, from whom Hawaii had derived her enlightened civilization, Christianity, constitution, laws, progress, wealth and position amongst the nations of the earth. This was a threat of dangerous significance, and it shows the spirit of the controversy that was then pervading the minds of the people of Honolulu, and illustrates how easy it was to foment strife that would result in the worst of evils, in a community thus divided and thus excited. The abuse of the missionaries and missionary party in this call shows that the Queen and her immediate followers had concentrated their efforts upon the disfranchisement of all white people in Hawaii, and the return of the Governments that condition of debasement from which these very people and their fathers had relieved it. The second paragraph in this call is as follows: "THE YOICE OF THE CHIEF. "On the afternoon of Saturday last the voice of the Sacred Chief of Hawaii, Liliuokalani, the tabued one, speaking as follows: " *0, ye people who love the Chief, I hereby say to you, I am now ready to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that it would be successful, but behold obstacles have arisen ! Therefore X HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. J say unto you, loving people, go with good hope and do not be dis- turbed or troubled in your minds. Because, within the next few days now coming, I will proclaim the new constitution. "'The executive officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in this new constitution, but they said nothing. " l Therefore, 1 hope that the thing which you, my people, so much want will be accomplished ; it also is my strong desire. 7 " Here is a direct accusation by the Queen against her cabinet, all of whom, with one exception, were white men, that they had misled her as to the effect of the constitution, and had failed to point out errors in it which, as a pretext, led to its rejection by them, causing them to refuse at- the last moment to join with her in its promulgation. This call was, in fact, a new promise which was made by the Queen, with the evident consent of her immediate native followers*, that within the next few days now coming she would proclaim the new constitution, notwithstanding her failure to give it a successful promulgation on the preceding Saturday. The intensity of the Queen's opposition to the missionaries and the white people was caused by her intention that the Kingdom should return to its former absolute character, and that the best results of civilization in Hawaii should be obliterated. Civilization and constitutional government in Hawaii are the foster children of the American Christian missionaries. It can not be justly charged to the men and women who inaugurated this era of humanity, light, and justice in those islands that either they or their posterity or their followers, whether native or foreign, have faltered in their devotion to their exalted purposes. They have not/pursued any devious course in their conduct, nor have they done any wrong or harm to the Hawaiian people or their native rulers. They have not betrayed any trust confided to them, nor have they encouraged any vice or pandered to any degrading sentiment or practice among those people. Among the native Hawaiians, where they found paganism in the most abhorrent forms of idolatry, debauchery, disease, ignorance and cruelty 75 years ago, they planted and established, with the free consent and eager encouragement of those natives and without the shedding of blood, the Christian ordinance of marriage, supplanting polygamy; a reverence for the character of women and a respect for their rights; the Christian Sabbath and freedom of religious faith and worship, as foundations of society and of the state; universal education, including the kings and the peasantry; temperance in place of the orgies of drunkenness that were all-pervading; and the separate holdings of lands upon which the people built their homes. In doing these benevolent works the Amer- ican missionary did not attempt to assume the powers and functions of political government. As education, enlightenment, and the evident benefits of civilization revealed to those in authority the necessity of wise and faithful counsels in building up and regulating the govern- ment to meet those new conditions, the kings invited some of the best qualified and most trusted of these worthy men to aid them in devel- oping and conducting the civil government. As a predicate for this work they freely consented to and even suggested the giving up of some of their absolute powers and to place others under the constraint of constitutional limitations. They created an advisory council and a legislature and converted Hawaii from an absolute despotism into a land of law. The cabinet ministers thus chosen from the missionary element were retained in office during very long periods, thus estab- lishing the confidence of the kings and the people in their integrity, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XI wisdom, and loyalty to tie Government. Xo charge of defection or dis- honesty was ever made against any of these public servants during the. reign of the Karnehamehas, nor indeed at any time. They acquired property in moderate values by honest means, and labored to exhibit to the people the advantages of industry, frugality, economy, and thrift. The progressive elevation of the country and of the people from the very depravity of paganism into an enlightened and educated common- wealth and the growth of their industries and wealth will be seen at a glance in the statements of the most important events and in the tables showing the most important results of their work and influence, which are set forth in the evidence accompanying this report. This array of undisputed facts shows that, with Christianity and education as the basis, there has come over Hawaii the most rapid and successful improve- ment in political, industrial, and commercial conditions that has marked the course of any people in Christendom. In the message of President Tyler to Congress he says: "The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest, which is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants are making progress in civilization and becoming more and more competent to maintain regular and orderly government. They lie in the Pacific Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and have become an important place for the refitment and provisioning of American and European vessels. Ui Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which pre- vail in this quarter of the world the Sandwich Islands are the stopping place for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent across th e Paci fi c Ocean . Th ey are especially resorted to by the great numbers of vessels of the United States which are engaged in the whale fishery in those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts and the amount of property owned by citizens of the United States which are found in those islands in the course of a year are stated probably with sufficient accuracy in the letter of the agents. u i Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the Government of the islands is as yet feeble; but its dispositions appear to be just and pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the condition of its people by the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions, means of education, and the arts of civilized life.' n In the House of Representatives this subject was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Hon. John Q. Adams, in conclud- ing his report upon the subject, says: "It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human improvement and virtue that, by the mild and gentle influence of Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century the people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel; united under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights of persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the people of the North XII HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. American Union are urged by an interest of tlieir own deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth — by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love." It can not be other than a proud reflection of the American people that the free institutions of the United States gave origin and impulsive zeal, as well as guidance, to the good men who laid these foundations of civil government in Hawaii upon written constitutions supported by the oaths of those in authority and loyally sustained by those of the people who are virtuous and intelligent. Is or can the American people condemn the firm adhesion of those whose rights are guaranteed by constitutional law in Hawaii to the demand that is now r made for the maintenance of its permanent integrity. If nothing but a decent respect for our national example was in question, if there was no question in Hawaii that concerned the people of the United States except that of a relapse of that Government into absolute monarchy, if there was no degradation of society involved in this falling away, no destruction of property and liberty in contemplation, there would still be enough in the conditions now presented there to excite the most anxious interest of our people. Citizens of the United States with wisclom, charity, Christian faith, and a love of constitutional govern- ment, have patiently, laboriously, and honestly built up Hawaii into a civilized power under a written constitution, and they can justly claim the sympathy and assistance of all civilized people in resisting its destruction, either to gratify a wanton lust of absolute power on the part of the Queen, or the abuse of its authority in fostering vice and rewarding crime. The facts of recent history present broadly ana distinctly the question between an absolute and corrupt monarchy in Hawaii, and a government in which the rights and liberties guaranteed by a written constitution shall be respected and preserved. The facts do not show that the people who built up this constitutional system and have based upon it wholesome laws and a well balanced and well guarded plan of administration have had any desire to abrogate the organic laws, corrupt the statute laws, or to dethrone the Queen. In every phase of their dealings with these questions their course has been conservative, and the defense of their lives, liberty, and property, and the honest administration of the government has been the real motive of their actions. They are not, therefore, to be justly classed as conspirators against the Government. That they turn their thoughts toward the United States and desire annexation to this country could not be denied without imputing to them the loss of the sentiment of love and reverence for this Eepublic that is utterly unknown to our people. On Monday, the 16th of January, 1893, Hawaii was passing through the severe ordeal of a trial which was conducted by the people who arrayed themselves on the side of the Queen and those who were organ- ized in opposition to her revolutionary purposes. The Queen seems to have abandoned the controversy into the hands of the people, and made no effort to suppress, the meeting of the citizens opposed to her revolu- tionary proceedings by calling out her troops to disperse the meeting or to arrest its leaders. Both the meetings were quiet and orderly, but the meeting at the arsenal was intensely earnest, and men were heard to express their opinions freely and without interruption at both meet- ings, and they came to their resolutions without disturbance. When HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, XIII these meetings dispersed, the Queen's effort to reject the constitution of 1887 had been approved by the one meeting heJd on the palace grounds and composed almost entirely of native Kanakas; the other meeting had resolved to establish a provisional government, and formed a committee to proceed with its organization. The Queen, though thus strongly indorsed by her native-born subjects, as she calls them, did not venture any arrests of the alleged revolutionists, but, evidently conscious that the revolution which she had endeavored to set on foot had failed of efficient support, she did not use her troops or the police or any other power in the direction of asserting her royal authority. The meeting of the people at the arsenal was followed by organization, the arming of the citizens, the strong array of forces, and a determined spirit of success which has materialized into an established government that has continued to exist for more than a year, practically without any opposition in Hawaii, and with the recognition of many great powers, including the United States. These events show, beyond rea- sonable dispute, the acceptance by the people of Hawaii of the judg- ment and determination of the meeting at the arsenal that the Queen had abdicated, that her authority had departed, that she and her ministers had submitted to the inevitable, and that they retained no longer any substantial ground of hope or expectation that the Queen would be restored to her former office. The question whether such a state of affairs as is shown by the undisputed iacts in this case constitute an abdication and created an interregnum was passed upon in England with more care, because of the serious results that followed the decision, than seems to have been^ bestowed upon a like controversy in any other country. The people of Great Britain have many liberties that are firmly established in the traditions of that country, and on many occasions they have asserted their rights, as the basis of governmental power, with great determination and success. In 1688, when James II was on the throne, his severe conduct, exercised through the judiciary of the King- dom and in other ways, and a strong adhesion to the Catholic religion, caused the people of Great Britain to accuse him of an intention to vio- late their unwritten constitution. He was a great and powerful king, and had accomplished very much for the glory and honor of England. But the people of England held him to an observance of the spirit of his oath of loyalty to the constitution of that country, and, when they became satisfied that he had made an effort to subvert it, they in their Parliament passed upon the question of his abdication and held that his intention and effort to violate the constitution robbed him of his title to the crown and opened the door to the establishment of a new dynasty. Blackstone, in speaking of these events, says: "King James II succeeded to the throne of his ancestors, and might have enjoyed it during the remainder of his life but for his own infatuated conduct which, with other concurring circumstances, brought on the revolution in 1688. "The true ground and principle upon which that memorable event proceeded was an entirely new case in politics, which had never before happened in our history — the abdication of the reigning mon- arch and the vacancy of the throne thereupon. It was not a defeas- ance of the right of succession and a new limitation of the crown by the King and both Houses of Parliament ; it was the act of the nation alone upon the conviction that there was no king in being. For, in a full assembly of the lords and commons, met in a couveution upon the XIV HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. supposition of this vacancy, both houses came to this resolution: 'That King* James II, having' endeavored to subvert the constitution of the Kingdom by Breaking the original contract between King and people; and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having violated the fundamental law and having withdrawn himself out of this King- dom has abdicated the Government, and that the throne is hereby vacant.'" Proceeding further, this eminent jurist says: "For whenever a question arises between the society at large and any magistrate vested with powers originally delegated by that soci- ety it must be decided by the voice of the society itself; there is not upon earth any other tribunal to resort to. And that these conse- quences were fairly deduced from these facts our ancestors have sol- emnly determined in a full parliamentary convention representing the whole society." Further quoting from Blackstone, he says : "They held that this misconduct of King James amounted to an endeavor to subvert the constitution and not to an actual subversion or total dissolution of the Government, according to the principles of Mr. Locke, which would have reduced the society almost to a state of nature; would have leveled all distinctions of honor, rank, offices, and property; would have annihilated the sovereign power, and in conse- quence have repealed all positive laws, and would have left the people at liberty to have erected a new system of State upon a new foundation of polity. They therefore very prudently voted it to amount to no more than an abdication of the Government and a consequent vacancy of the throne, whereby the Government was allowed to subsist though the executive magistrate w 7 as gone, and the kingly office to remain though King James was no longer King. And thus the constitution was kept entire, which upon every sound principle of government must otherwise have fallen to pieces had so principal and constituent a part as the royal authority been abolished or even suspended. "This single postulatum, the vacancy of the throne, being once estab- lished the rest that was then done followed almost of course. For, if the throne be at any time vacant (which may happen by other means besides that of abdication, as if all the blood-royal should fail, with- out any successor appointed by Parliament) — if, I say, a vacancy, by any means whatsoever; should happen, the right of disposing of this vacancy seems naturally to result to the Lords and Commons, the trus- tees and representatives of the nation. For there are no other hands in which it can so properly be intrusted; and there is a necessity of its being intrusted somewhere, else the whole frame of government must be dissolved and perish." The principle on which this decision in regard to the abdication of King James II rests is still stronger when it is applied to persons who are citizens of the United States but who reside in Hawaii, and by the constitution and laws of Hawaii are admitted into an active par- ticipation in the conduct of government, both as officeholders and as qualified electors. If they, in connection with the native or natural- ized subjects of the Kingdom of Hawaii, unite in demanding the pres- ervation of their constitutional rights, there should be no captious or HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XV technical objections taken to the assertion of that right, or'to the man- ner of its exercise. In reference to all citizens of the United States residing in Hawaii and not actual members or officers of that Government, the spirit of our laws, in accordance with the principles of the Constitution and the traditions of the people, should be applied to their protection, when it is the duty of the United States to protect them, and especially are they entitled to the full advantage of the protection that is afforded under that doctrine of personal liberty and security which upholds the authority of governments de facto. When such a government arises out of alleged abuses and grievances and is set up in good faith by the intelligent classes to succeed a monarchy in a state that is the only monarchy in a sisterhood of many republics, the rules governing its recognition are not those that seem to control in cases where the state is a sole republic surrounded by an environment of monarchies. in Europe, where governmental successions have no relation to the will of the people, every presumption that can be made to support the regal system is adopted and enforced with rigid care. The old condi- tions are presumed to exist in a regal government until the new gov- ernment has accomplished a complete revolution and until nothing remains to be done to secure an uninterrupted and unembarrassed installation of its authority. Those presumptions are all in favor of the crown and are easily applied in practical use, as the crown is a political unit and acts with certainty in the assertion of its claims. When the rights asserted against the crown are set up by the people, or for the people, the act is necessarily a representative act, and the authority of the alleged representative is severely questioned. Indeed, it is not considered as existing in European countries until, through bloodshed or an overwhelming exhibition of forces, its acknowledgment is literally compelled. The reverse of this rule should obtain in that part of the world where it is held, universally, that the right to govern depends upon the consent of the governed and not upon a divine inher- itance of power. In a controversy like that in Hawaii the presumption is in favor of those who unite to assert the constitutional rights of the people, that they are acting in good faith, and that they are not seek- ing personal aggrandizement, but the good of the people. When such a popular movement engages the evident support of those whom the people have trusted for their integrity to an extent that inspires a just confidence of success a sufficient foundation exists, at least, for a gov- ernment de facto ; and it is no more necessary to its validity that every possible obstacle to its final success has been removed than it would be necessary, on the other hand, to the permanency of the crown that every rebellious subject of the Queen had been slain or banished and their estates had been confiscated. The supporters of Liliuokalani seem to be forced into the attitude of claiming that it is of no consequence that she may have forfeited her right to the crown and had placed it in the power of the people law- fully to claim that this was an abdication, unless the people had over- come and removed every vestige of her power before they proclaimed the Provisional Government. Her known purpose to press the abso- lute powers claimed by her in the new constitution to the extent of the banishment or death of the white population seems not to be per- mitted to excuse the action of the people in displacing her, if they had not captured her small force of policemen and soldiers before the American minister had recognized the Provisional Government. XVI HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Liliuokalani did not seem to take this narrow view of the revolution she had inaugurated. The banishment or death of the white people and the confiscation of their estates was the final decree recorded in the Queen's heart and mind, as she freely stated to Minister Willis, and until this cruel work had been accomplished she held that her policy of revolution would be a failure. There is some ground for hope that these were not her sincere purposes or wishes but that in giving expression to them she was " playing a part." As opposed to such purposes, or to a Queen who could imagine them in the presence of the constitutional protec- tion given to the rights and liberties of the people throughout this hemisphere, Americans should not hesitate in the support of a govern- ment de facto, set up to oppose her, because she had not made a formal surrender of a place where a few soldiers and policemen had been stationed, who were powerless to hold it against the people then under arms. It was an act of mercy to her and her retainers that they were not forced into the commission of acts of violence. An interregnum existed in the executive Government of Hawaii, which was caused by the effort of the Queen to destroy the constitution of 1887, and by the act of the people in accepting her will for the completed coup aVetat, and, in making that the occasion for supplying the executive depart- ment of the Government with a chief. A careful investigation has failed to show that any conspiracy now exists that is directed to the virtual displacement of the Provisional Gov- ernment. The personal efforts of the Queen seem to have been directed toward a provision for a safe and comfortable life, free from the anxie- ties of office and "the stress of her native subjects." Her power of attorney to Paul jSewman and his mission to the United States indicate a reliance on the u arts of peace" rather than of war for indemnity for the past and security for the future. The opinions, or sentiments, expressed by her in the three interviews she had with Mr. Willis, in which she uttered the severest denunciations against the Avhite race in Hawaii, and declared her willingness, if not her purpose, to confiscate their ewstates and to banish or to destroy them, while they are a seeming expression of the lofty indignation of an offended ruler, are so un suited to the character of a queen crowned by a Christian and civilized people, and so out of keeping with her character as a woman who had received kindly recognition and personal regard from other good and refined ladies, that they shock all right-minded people in Christendom. The Government of the United States should willingly forbear to regard these utterances as her official expression of such designs upon the lives and liberties of those whom she would find in her power, upon her restoration to the throne, and accept them as a means adopted by her to convince Mr. Willis that her restoration to the throne was impossi- ble, and was not in accordance with her wishes. The President, on the first intimation of these harsh declarations of the Queen, at once laid them before Congress, and abandoned the further exercise of his good offices to bring about a reconciliation between her and those who were conducting and supporting the Provisional Government. Mr. Willis, however, regarding his instructions as continuing to require his intercession beyond the point where the President consid- ered that it should cease, held a second and third interview with Lili- uokalani. After these interviews had closed, the Queen being still firm in her course, Mr. Carter, a trusted friend, obtained her signa- ture to a pledge of amnesty, and made that the basis of his proposition HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XVII to Mr. Dole for the abandonment of the •Provisional Government, which was summarily refused. This closed that incident. Mr. Willis, in what he did, obeyed what he conceived to be his instructions, and being so distant from Washington, it is a matter of regret, bu»t not of surprise, that there was an apparent want of harmony between his action in con- tinuing his interviews with Liliuokalani after the President had deter- mined that the full duty of the Government had been performed. The attitude of Liliuokalani at the conclusion of this proceeding is that of waiting for a pleasant retirement from the cares of public life, rather than of waiting for an opportunity to bring about a hostile col- lision with the people who support the new order of government in Hawaii. In dealing with a grave subject, now for the first time presented in America, we must consider the conditions of public sentiment as to monarchic government, and Ave shall derive also material help from the light of English history. In the Western Hemisphere, except as to the colonial relation, which has become one of mere political alliance chiefly for commercial reasons, and does not imply in any notable case absolute subjection to imperial or royal authority, royalty no longer exists. When a crown falls, in any kingdom of the Western Hemisphere, it is pulverized, and when a scepter departs, it departs forever j and American opinion can not sustain any American ruler in the attempt to restore them, no matter how virtuous and sincere the reasons may be that seem to justify him. There have been heathen temples in the older States in this hemisphere where the bloody orgies of pagan worship and sacrifice have crimsoned history with shame ; and very recently such temples have been erected in the United States to abuse Christianity by the use of its sacred name and ritual. When the arms of invaders, or mobs of the people, have destroyed these temples, no just indignation at the cruelties that may have been perpe- trated in their destruction could possibly justify their restoration. It is a great blessing to this Western World that the nations are to be spared the calamities which Blackstone describes as "imbruing the kingdom of England in blood and confusion," growing out of claims ot succession to the crown. In almost every reign prior to that of the present house of Hanover, the lives aud property of the people of England, amid the greatest cruelties, have been sacrificed in settling pretensions to the crown. It was these conflicts and this distress ot innocent sufferers that caused the people to claim through the judges the protection of the doctrine, that service rendered to the king who held the scepter was lawful, although he was not rightfully in possession of the crown. No greater liberty of the people was ever devised or granted than the right of protection under a king de facto against a king de jure. Be facto governments, when they seek to supply the gap created by an interregnum, are favored in the international law, and when they are also based on the right of popular government in conflict with regal government, or to prevent its reestablishment, once it has disappeared in a State of the Western Hemisphere, it is so rooted and established in the foundations of the rightful authority to rule that it is justly to be ranked among the cardinal liberties of the people. This doctrine is not new, and yet it is modern in England, where the right to the crown and its prerogatives have bled the people for fifteen centuries. The stringent doctrine that a de facto government must be established firmly and in all respects before it is entitled to recognition S. Rep. 227 n XVIII HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. "by another sovereign and independent power had no application to the facts and circumstances that attended the recent revolution in Hawaii; moreover, if the revolution tli ere had been directed agai ist the entire government and for the overthrow of the constitution of 1887, and all monarchic rule, if it was a sincere, strong, earnest and success- nil movement of the people for the recovery of their natural right to rule themselves, they should not be narrowly questioned and held to rigid account for a proper and discreet performance of every act neces- sary to their resumption of their natural rights, but all America must unite in the declaration that, under such circumstances, the presump- tions of law should be favorable to such movements, rather than unfriendly to the establishment by the people of the foundations of their liberties, based upon their right to govern themselves. The parliament of Hawaii had been prorogued by the Queen on the 14th day of January, and could not be again assembled under the con- stitution, except by the chief executive authority. Until that author- ity was supplied in some way, therefore, the Legislature could not be reconvened. It was the establishment of that authority, the chief executive head of the nation, which was the question at issue, and when that was decided, an appeal to the Legislature of Hawaii for its confirmation or ratification was not only unnecessary, but might have resulted in a counter revolution. It was, therefore, in the interest of peace, good order, and right government, that the people of Hawaii, who were unopposed in their process of organizing an executive head for the Government, should proceed to do so as they did, regularly and in an orderly, firm, and successful manner. Thus the abdication of Lil- iuokalani was confirmed and has so continued from that day to this. The Government of the United States has on various occasions recog- nized the succession to the executive authority as residing in the Pro- visional Government initiated at that public meeting at the arsenal and consummated on the 17th day of January by public proclamation. Then, on the 17th day of January, according to the recognition of the United States, from which there has been no dissent or departure, the interregnum ceased, and the executive head of the Government of Hawaii was established. Until this was completed, on the 17th day of January, by the proclamation of the Provisional Government, the United States was still charged, under every principle of law and jus- tice and under the highest obligation of duty, to keep her forces in Honolulu, and to enforce, in virtue of her sovereign authority, the rights of her citizens under the treaty obligations and also under the laws of Hawaii, relating to the safety of person and property and the rights of industry, commerce, and hospitality in their free pursuit and enjoyment. And when the Provisional Government was thus estab- lished, it rested with the United States to determine whether the Gov- ernment of Hawaii was so far rehabilitated and so safely established that these rights of her citizens could be intrusted to its keeping. The recognition of such a state of affairs, within a country whose executive department has been made vacant in consequence of domestic strife, is quite a separate and different proceeding, both in form and effect, from the recognition of the political independence of a government that is complete in its organization. In the latter case, the recognition excludes all right of interference in its domestic affairs, while in the former it is the right and duty of supplying the protection of law to the citizen that makes interference necessary as well as lawful. The independence of Hawaii, as a sovereign State had been long recognized by the United States, and this unhappy occasion did not HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XIX suggest the need of renewing that declaration. The question presented in Honolulu on and after the 12th of January, 1893, was whether the Queen continued to be the executive head of the Government of Hawaii. That was a question of fact which her conduct and that of her people placed in perilous doubt until it was decided by the proc- lamation of a new executive. Pending that question there was no responsible executive government in Hawaii. On the 17th of January that doubt was resolved to the satisfaction of the American minister, and of all other representatives of foreign governments in Hawaii, in favor of the Provisional Government. This recognition did not give to the Government of Hawaii the legal or moral right to expel the troops of any government, stationed in Honolulu in the period of inter- regnum, until it had so firmly established its authority as to give to foreigners the security to provide for which these troops had been landed. Good faith and an honest respect for the rights of friendly nations would certainly require the withdrawal of all further interfer- ence with the domestic affairs of Hawaii as soon as that government had provided security that was reasonably sufficient for the protection of the citizens of the United States. But the Government of the United States had the right to keep its troops in Honolulu until these conditions were performed, and the Government of Hawaii could cer- tainly acquiesce in such a policy without endangering its independence or detracting from its dignity. This was done, and the troops from the Boston camped on shore for several months. The precise hour when or the precise conditions under which the American minister recognized the Provisional Government is not a matter of material importance. It was his duty, at the earliest safe period, to assist by his recognition in the termination of the interregnum, so that citizens of the United States might be safely remitted to the care of that Gov- ernment for the security of their rights. As soon as he was convinced that the Provisional Government was secure against overthrow it Avas his duty to recognize the rehabilitated State. Whether this was done an hour or two sooner or later could make no substantial difference as to his rights or duties, if he was satisfied that the movement was safe against reversal. If no question of the annexation of Hawaii to the United States had existed, the conduct of the American minister in giving official recognition to the Provisional Government would not have been the subject of adverse criticism. But the presence of that question and his anxious advocacy of annexation did not relieve him from the duty or abridge his right to call for the troops on the Boston to protect the citizens of the United States during an interregnum in the office of chief executive of Hawaii. They were not to be put into a state of outlawry and peril if the minister had been opx>osed to annexation, nor could his desire on that subject in anyway affect their rights or his duty. He gave to them the protection they had the right to demand, and, in respect of his action up to this point, so far as it related to Hawaii, his opinions as to annexation have not affected the attitude of the U. S. Government, and the committee finn* no cause of censure either against Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, of the Boston. Afterward, on the 1st day of February, 1893, the American minister caused the flag of the United States to be raised on the Government building in Honolulu, and assumed and declared a protectorate over that nation in the name of the United States. This act on the part of our minister was without authority, and was void for want of power. It was disavowed by Secretary Foster and rebuked by Secretary XX HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Gresham, and the order to abandon the protectorate and haul down the flag was in accordance with the duty and honor of the United States. To haul down the flag of the United States was only an order to preserve its honor. The diplomatic officers of the United States in Hawaii have the right to much larger liberty of action in respect to the internal affairs of that country than would be the case with any other country with which we have no peculiar or special relations. In oar diplomatic corre- spondence with Hawaii and in the various treaties, some of them trea- ties of annexation, which have been signed and discussed, though not ratified, from time to time, there has been manifested a very near rela- tionship between the two governments. The history of Hawaii in its progress, education, development, and government, and in Christianity, has been closely identified with that of the United States — so closely, indeed, that the United States has not at any time hesitated to declare that it would permit no intervention in the affairs of Hawaii by any foreign government which might tend to disturb the relations with the United States, or to gain any advantages there over the Americans who may have settled in that country. The United States has assumed and deliberately maintained toward Hawaii a relation which is entirely exceptional, and has no parallel in our dealings with any other people. The justification for this attitude is not a matter with which the pres- ent inquiry is necessarily connected, but its existence furnishes a good excuse, if excuse is needed, for a very lively concern on the part of our diplomatic representatives in everything that relates to the progress of that people. The causes that have led to this peculiar situation are altogether apparent. They are in every sense honorable, just, and benevolent. One nation can not assume such an attitude toward another, especially if the latter is, by contrast, small, weak, and dependent upon the good will or forbearance of the world for its existence, without giving to it a guaranty of external and internal security. The attitude of the United States toward Hawaii, thus voluntarily assumed, gives to Hawaii the right to regard it as such a guaranty. In the absence of a policy to establish a colonial system and of any disposition for territorial aggrandizement, the Government of the United States looked with approbation and gave encouragement to the labors and influence of their citjzens in Hawaii, in laying the groundwork of a free and independent government there which, in its principles and in the -distribution of powers, should be like our own, and ultimately become republican in form. This has been the uuconcealed wish of the people of the United States, in which many of the native Hawaiian s have participated. Observing the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, the United States, in the beginning of our relations with Hawaii, made a firm and distinct decla- ration of the purpose to prevent the absorption of Hawaii or the political control of that country by any foreign power. Without stating the reasons for this policy, which included very important commercial and military considerations, the attitude of the United States toward Hawaii was in moral effect that of a friendly protectorate. It lias been a settled policy of the United States that if it should turn out that Hawaii, for any cause, should not be able to maintain an independent government, that country would be encouraged in its tendency to gravitate toward political union with this country. The treaty relations between Hawaii and the United States, as fixed by several conventions that have been ratified, and by other negotia- HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXI turns, have been characterized by a sentiment of close reciprocity. Tn addition to trade relations of the highest advantage to Hawaii, the Tinted States has so far interfered with the internal policy of Hawaii as to secure an agreement from that Government restricting the disposal of bays and harbors and the crown lands to other countries, and has secured exclusive privileges in Pearl Harbor of great importance to this Government. This attitude of the two governments and the peculiar friendship of the two peoples, together with the advantages given to Hawaii in com- merce, induced a large and very enterprising class of people from the United States to migrate to those islands and to invest large sums of money in the cultivation of sugar and rice, and in other trade and industry. The introduction of laborers from Japan and China in great numbers gave to the governing power in Hawaii a new and very sig- nificant importance, and made it necessary, for the protection of the interests of the white or European people and of the natives, that the safeguards of the organic law of the Kingdom should be carefully preserved. In the efforts to secure these guarantees of safe govern- ment, no distinction of race was made as to the native or Kanaka pop- ulation, but Chinese and Japanese were excluded from participation in the government as voters, or as officeholders. Apprehensions of civil disturbance in Hawaii caused the United States to keep ships of war at Honolulu for many years past, almost without intermission, and the instructions that were given to our diplomatic and consular officers and to the naval commanders on that station went beyond the customary instructions applicable to other countries. In most instances, the instructions so given included the preservation of order and of the peace of the country, as well as the protection and preservation of the property and of the lives and treaty rights of Amer- ican citizens. The circumstances above mentioned, which the evidence shows to have existed, create a new light under which we must examine into the conduct of our diplomatic and naval officers in respect of the revolution that occurred in Hawaii in January, 1893. In no sense, and at no time, has the Government of the United States observed toward the domes- tic affairs of Hawaii the strict impartiality and the indifference enjoined by the general law of noninterference, in the absence of exceptional conditions. We have always exerted the privilege of interference in the domestic policy of Hawaii to a degree that would not be justified, under our view of the international law, in reference to the affairs of Canada, Cuba, or Mexico. The cause of this departure from our general course of diplomatic conduct is the recognized fact that Hawaii has been all the time under a virtual suzerainty of the United States, which is, by an apt and familiar definition, a paramount authority, not in any actual sense an actual sovereignty, but a de facto supremacy over the country. This sense of paramount authority, of supremacy, with the right to inter- vene in the affairs of 1 Tawaii, has uever been lost sight of by the United States to this day, and it is conspicously manifest in the correspondence of Mr. Willis with Mr. Dole, which is set forth in the evidence which accompanies this report. Another fact of importance in considering the conduct of our diplo- matic and naval officers during the revolution of January, 1803, is that the annexation of Hawaii to the United States has been the subject of careful study and almost constant contemplation among Hawaiians and their kings >>ince the beginning of the reign of Kamehameha I. This XXII HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, has always been regarded by the ruling xwwer in Hawaii as a coveted and secure retreat — a sort of house of refuge — whenever the exigencies of fate might compel Hawaii to make her choice between home rule and foreign domination, either in the form of a protectorate, or of submis- sion to some foreign sovereign. Hawaii has always desired an escape to a freer government, when she has to be forced to the point where the surrender of racial pride and her standing as a nation would be the severe penalty of her weakness. Hawaiians prefer citizenship in a great republic to the slavery of subjection to any foreign monarchy. Annexation to the United States has never been regarded with aversion, or with a sense of national degradation, by the Hawaiian people. On the contrary, it has been adopted as a feature of political action by those who have attempted to recommend themselves to the support of the people in times of danger. In the revolution of January, 1893, those who assumed the sovereign power, declaring that there was an interregnum, made it a conspicuous part of their avowed purpose to remain in authority until Hawaii should be annexed to the United States. This was stated as an argu- ment for the creation of a provisional government, without which there would be less advantage in the change of the situation. Annexation was an avowed purpose of the Provisional Government, because it would popul arize the movement. No one could project a revolution in Hawaii for the overthrow of the monarchy, that would not raise the question among the people of annexation to the United States. In the diplomatic correspondence of the United States with our min- isters to Hawaii, frequent and favorable allusion is made to this sub- ject as a matter of friendly consideration for the advantage of that country and people, and not as a result that would enhance the wealth or power of the United States. This treatment of the subject began very early in the history of Hawaiian civilization, and it was taken up and discussed by the people of the islands as a topic of patriotic inspi- ration. It was their habit to celebrate the anniversary of the independ- ence of the United States, as a national fete day. So that, there was no thought of conspiracy against the monarchy in openly favoring the project of annexation. Whether annexation is wise and beneficial to both countries is a question that must receive the consideration of both governments before it can be safely settled. The testimony taken by the committee discloses the well-considered opinion of several of oar most eminent naval and military officers, that the annexation of Hawaii is a fact indispensable to the proper defense and protection of our Western coast and cities. But this is a matter with which the committee is not especially charged, and reference is made to these opinions as supporting the statement that all intelligent men in Hawaii and in the United States, who have taken pains to con- sider the subject, are convinced that the question is one deserving of thorough investigation and a correct and friendly decision. The ques- tion of annexation, however, is distinctly presented in the proclama- tion of the Provisional Government as one to be settled by the action of the Government of the United States. Commissioners to treat with the United States tor the annexation of Hawaii were sent to Washington immediately upon the adoption and promulgation of the Provisional Government, and they negotiated and signed a treaty in conjunction with Mr. Secretary Fostor, which was submitted to the Senate of the United States and was subsequently withdrawn by the present administration. Accompanying that treaty HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXIII was a paper signed by Liliuokalaui, in which she staled no objection to the project of annexation to the United States, but in which she pro- tested earnestly against her dethronement, and alleged that the United States, through the abuse by its diplomatic and naval officers of the powers entrusted to them, had virtually compelled her abdication. The President of the United States, after a further examination of the subject, concluded that it was his duty to withdraw this annexation treaty from the Senate for further consideration, and so notified the Provisional Government through Mr. Willis, our present minister. The recognition of the Provisional Government was lawful and authoritative, and has continued without interruption or modification up to the present time, it may be justly claimed for this act of recog- nition that it has contributed greatly to the maintenance of peace and order in Hawaii and to the promotion of the establishment of free, per- manent, constitutional government in Hawaii, based upon the consent of the people. The complaint by Liliuokalani in the protest that she sent to the President of the United States and dated the 18th day of January, is not, in the opinion of the committee, well founded in fact or in justice. It appears from the evidence submitted with this report that she was in fact the author and promoter of a revolution in Hawaii which involved the destruction of the entire constitution, and a breach of her solemn oath to observe and support it, and it was only after she had ascertained that she had made a demand upon her native subjects for support in this movement which they would not give to her, that she, for the time, postponed her determination to carry this revolution into effect, and made known her determination to do so as soon as she could feel that she had the power to sustain the movement. But the President of the United States, giving attention to Liliuoka- lani's claim that this Government had alarmed her by the presence of its troops into the abdication of her crown, believed that it was proper and necessary in vindication of the honor of the United States to appoint a commissioner to Hawaii who would make a careful investiga- tion into the facts and send the facts and his conclusions to the Presi- dent, for his information. The commissioner, Mr. Blount, went to Hawaii under circumstances of extreme embarrassment and executed his instructions with impartial care to arrive at the truth, and he pre- sented a sincere and instructive report to the President of the United States, touching the facts, the knowledge of which he thus acquired. In the agitated state of opinion and feeling in Hawaii at that time, it was next to impossible to obtain a full, fair, and free declaration in respect of the facts which attended -this revolution, and particularly was this difficult to obtain from the persons who actively participated in that movement. The evidence submitted by the committee, in addition to that which was i> resented by Mr. Blount, having been taken under circumstances more favorable to the development of the whole truth with regard to the situation, has, in the opinion of the committee, established the fact that the revolutionary movement in Hawaii originated with Liliuoka- lani, and was promoted, provided for, and, as she believed, secured by the passage of the opium bill and the lottery bill through the Legisla tare, from which she expected to derive a revenue sufficient to secure the ultimate success of her purpose, which was distinctly and maturely devised to aboln.-hthe constitution of 1887, and to assume to herself abso- lute power, free from constitutional restraint of any serious character. XXIV HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The fact cannot be ignored that this revolutionary movement of Liliuokalani, which had its development in the selection of a new cabinet to supplant one which had the support of all the conservative elements in the islands, was set on foot and accomplished during the abseuce of the American minister on board the ship Boston during the ten days which preceded the prorogation of the Legislature. The astonishment with which this movement was received by the American emigrants and other white people residing in Hawaii, and its inaugura- tion in the absence of the Boston and of the American minister, show that those people, with great anxiety, recognized the fact that it was directed against them and their interests and welfare and that when it was completed they would become its victims. These convictions excited the serious apprehensions of all the white people in those islands that a crisis was brought about in which not only their rights in Hawaii, and under the constitution, were to be injuriously affected, but that the ultimate result would be that they would be driven^ from the islands or, remaining there, would be put at the mercy of 'those who chose to prey upon their property. This class of people, who were intended to be ostracised, supply nine-tenths of the entire tax receipts of the Kingdom; and they were conscious that the purpose was to inflict taxation upon them without representation, or else to confiscate their estates and drive them out of the country. This pro- duced alarm and agitation, which resulted in the counter movement set on foot by the people to meet and overcome the revolution which Lilioukalani had projected and had endeavored to accomplish. Her min- isters were conscious of the fact that any serious resistance to her revo- lutionary movement (of which they had full knowledge before they were inducted into office) would disappoint the expectations of the Queen and would result in the overthrow of the executive government; and, while they had evidently promised the Queen that they would support here in her effort to abolish the constitution of 1887 and sub- stitute one which they had secretly assisted in preparing, when the moment of the trial came they abandoned her— they broke faith with her. The Queen's ministers took fright and gave information to the people of the existence of the movements and concealed purposes ot the Queen and of her demands upon them to join her in the promulga- tion of the constitution, and they appealed to the committee of safety for protection, and continued in that attitude until they saw that the kindled wrath of the people would not take the direction of violence and bloodshed without the provocation of a serious necessity. Being satisfied that they could trust to the forbearance of the people, who were looking to the protection of their interests and had no desire for strife and bloodshed, they began to finesse in a political way to effect a compromise between the people and the Queen, and they induced her to make the proclamation of her intentions to postpone the com- pletion of her revolutionary purposes, which was circulated in Honolulu on Monday morning. These men, whose conduct can not be character- ized as anything less than perfidious, hastened to give to the President of the United Stotes false and misleading statements of the facts lead- ing up to, attending, and succeeding this revolution. To do this they made deceptive and misleading statements to Mr. Blount. Upon them must rest the odium of having encouraged the Queen in her revolu- tionary intentions; of having then abandoued her in a moment of appar- ent danger; of having thrown themselves upon the mercy of the people, and then of making an attempt, through falsehood and misrepresenta- • HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXV Hon, to regain power in the Government of Hawaii, which the people would, naturally, forever deny to them. A question has been made as to the right of the President of the United States to dispatch Mr. Blount to Hawaii as his personal repre- sentative for the purpose of seeking the further information which the President believed was necessary in order to arrive at a just conclusion regarding the state of affairs in Hawaii. Many precedents could be quoted to show that such power has been exercised by the President on various occasions without dissent on the part of Congress or the people of the United States. The employment of such agencies is a necessary part of the proper exercise of the diplomatic power which is intrusted by the Constitution with the President. Without such authority our foreign relations would be so embarrassed with difficulties that it would be impossible to conduct them with safety or success. These precedents also show that the Senate of the United States, though in session, need not be consulted as to the appointment of such agents, or as to the instructions which the President may give them. An authority was intrusted to Mr. Blount to remove the American flag from the Government building in Hawaii, and to disclaim openly and practically the protectorate which had been announced in that country by Minister Stevens, and also to remove the troops from Hono- lulu to the steamer Boston. This particular delegation of authority to Mr. Blount was paramount over the authority of Mr. Stevens, who was continued as minister resident of the United States at Honolulu, and it raised the question whether the Government of the United States can have at the same foreign capital two ministers, each of whom shall exercise separate and special powers. There seems to be no reason why the Government of the United States can not, in conducting its diplomatic intercourse with other countries, exercise powers as broad and general, or as limited and peculiar, or special, as any other government. Other governments have been for many years, and even centuries, in the habit of intrust- ing special and particular missions to one man representing them at a foreign court, and to several men in combination when that was found to be desirable. In fact, there has been no limit placed upon the use of a power of this kind, except the discretion of the sovereign or ruler of the country. The committee fail to see that there is any irregularity in such a course as that, or that the power given to Mr. Blount to with- draw the troops from Honolulu or to lower the flag of the United States was to any extent either dangerous or interrupting to any other lawful authority existing there in any diplomatic or naval officer. There may be a question as to the particular wording of the order which Mr. Blount gave to Admiral Skerrett for the lowering of the flag and the with- drawal of the troops, but that is a hyper criticism, because the substan- tial fact was that Mr. Blount executed the command of the President in communicating to Admiral Skerrett such order, as the order of the President of the United States. Mr. Blount's authority had been made known to Admiral Skerrett; his instructions had been exhibited to Admiral Skerrett; and they both understood that what Mr. Blount was then doing had received the sanction of the President of the United States before Mr. Blount had entered upon the discharge of his minis- terial functions, and that his actwould receive the unqualified approval of the President of the United States. That being so, the mere form in which the order was addressed to Admiral "Skerrett seems to be a matter of no serious consequence. XXVI HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. • The*control given to Mr. Trist over the military operations in Mexico, when war was flagrant, was far greater than that which was confided to Mr. Blount. The secret orders given to the commanders of the Army and of the Navy on that occasion are set out in the appendix to this report. When Mr. Willis arrived in Honolulu he was received by the Pro- visional Government, to which he was accredited, and an interchange of the usual courtesies was had between them. He carried instruction s, as minister of the United States, which did not concern the Govern- ment of Hawaii until they had been attended with a certain result which he endeavored to bring about. That result was that Liliuokalani should agree that, in the event of her restoration to the throne, not by the action of the President of the United States, but in any other event, or by any agreement, she would bind herself to grant full and free amnesty to all persons who had been engaged in opposition to her alleged authority. When that agreement had been obtained Mr. Willis was instructed to submit it to the Provisional Government and ascer- tain whether they would agree to restore the Queen to the throne under those circumstances and upon those conditions. If this was inter- vention, it was in the interest of Americans in Hawaii. It was an exaction upon Liliuokalani which would forbid, under the penalty of war, that should she acquire the throne by whatever means, that she should openly disavow any purpose to inflict any pains andL penalties upon those who had supported the Provisional Government. Liliuokalani, after several efforts on the part of Mr. Willis to obtain her consent to this proposition, finally signed, it without the assent of her min- isters, and it was attested by Mr. Carter, who was m> personal and political friend. Her declaration or agreement thus signed and deliv- ered to Mr. Willis was by him presented to the President of the Pro- visional Government (who was also minister of foreign affairs), and the question whether or not it would be accepted by the Government of Hawaii was submitted to him. Whereupon the President of the Provisional Government declined to accept the proposition; declined to yield the power which had been vested in him as the chief execu- tive of Hawaii j and nothing more was done either to induce him, or to compel him, to consent to, or to assist in, the restoration of Liliuoka- lani to the throne or the restoration of the Monarchy. If, in this course of proceeding, the President of the United States had intended to compel obedience to what is termed his " decision" in the matter by using the force of the United States to assist the Queen in being enthroned, that would have been an act of war, entirely beyond his power, and would not have received the sanction of any consider- able part of the American people, and would have no warrant in inter- national law. But such w^as not the intention of the President, as is shown by contemporaneous acts, by his declarations, and by his subse- quent treatment of the subject. Therefore, the question between the United States and Hawaii touching the propriety of an intervention in the domestic affairs of Hawaii to the extent of gaining the final deci- sion and agreement of both parties upon these propositions is one that is strictly within the accepted right or authority of a sovereign to ten- der his good offices to reconcile the conflicts of two or more factions, or parties, that may be opposed to each other within any country. The tender of good offices has often been voluntarily made in the interest of humanity ? of peace, Of law, and of order, or at the suggestion of one of two belligerent powers actually engaged in war. Sometimes it has HAWAII AX ISLANDS. XXVII been made at tlie suggestion of that party in a government, engaged in actual hostilities, which had the evident power to crush its opponent by prosecuting the war to extremities. In such cases the intervention has often been accepted as a merciful interposition, and it has been con- sidered an honor by other governments that they should be requested, under such circumstances, to exercise their good offices in favor of pro- curing peace through a submission to inevitable results. When the tender of good offices is made at the request of both of the contending parties it is difficult to conceive how any sovereign of a foreign country could refuse to act in such matter. In the public act by which the Provisional Government of Hawaii was established there was a distinct declaration that that Government was to continue until Hawaii was annexed to the United States. That declaration, apart from every other consideration, would have justified the United States in an interference for the protection of the Provi- sional Government which would not have been tolerated under other circumstances. That declaration created an intimacy of relationship between the United States and the recognized Government of Hawaii which is entirely exceptional, and which placed within the reach and control of the United States very largely, if not entirely, the disposal of those questions collateral to that of annexation which might have interfered with the peaceful and appropriate solution of any difficulty which might arise in its execution. So that the Provisional Govern- ment of Hawaii, having thus thrown itself into the arms of the United States in the first declaration of its existence, can not justly complain that the United States should scrutinize, under the authority thus given, all its pretensions of right thus to dispose of an entire country and people. And Liliuokalani, having reference to the same project of annexation, of which she was fully cognizant, made complaint that the United States had assisted in driving her from her throne by bringing its troops on shore in military array at a time when there was no neces- sity for it, distinctly announced at the moment of her final and avowed abdication that she would abdicate provisionally and would await the decision of the United States as to whether that abdication and the destruction of the Kingdom and the annexation of Hawaii to the United States should become completed facts. Under such circumstances the President of the United States, believing that the information then in possession of the Government was not sufficient to justify summary annexation, could not have done justice to himself, to his country, to the people of Hawaii, to the Provisional Government, or to Liliuokalani, without having made an effort to use his good offices for the purpose of ascertaining Avhether it was practicable that the Queen should be restored to her authority, leaving the question to be determined by the people interested in Hawaii whether such restoration would be accept- able to them or not. If Liliuokalani had been restored to her throne by the consent of the membership of the Provisional Government, upon the terms and conditions of the proposition which she signed and delivered to Mr. Willis, the President of the United States would not have been in any sense responsible for her restoration, would not have espoused the monarchy, nor would he have done anything that was contradictory of American sentiment, opinion, or policy. He would only have been the mutual friend, accepted, really, by both parties, whose intervention would have secured, with their consent, the final solution of that question. In the absence of' such committal on ?>is part to the claims of Liliuokalani or resistance on his part to the XXVIII HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. recognized lights of the Provisional Government, there is no reason for withholding approval of the conduct of the President of the United States in thus accepting and executing a function which he was entitled to perfoim, in submitting the question, in due and final form, to the contending parties or factions in Hawaii, whether they preferred to maintain the authority of the Provisional Government, with whatever results may follow from that, or a return to the monarchy under Liliuo- kalani. Therefore your committee conclude to report that the President of the United States has not, in this particular, in any wise been a party to any irregularity or any impropriety of conduct in his high office. The committee find nothing worthy of criticism in the negotiation of the treaty of annexation with the Provisional Government of Hawaii. The revolution in Hawaii had the effect of displacing one chief of the executive department) and substituting another. Except the Queen and her cabinet, no officer of the Government was removed. The legislative body, including the house of nobles and "house of representatives and their presiding officers, remained in commission. The supreme court and all other judicial magistracies and the officers of the courts were left undisturbed, and, when the interregnum ended, they pursued their duties without change or interruption; commerce with foreign countries and between the islands was not in any way prevented, and the commercial and banking houses were open for busi- ness, which resumed activity when the executive head of the Govern- ment was again in the exercise of lawful authority. The Government had not been displaced and another substituted, but only a department which was left vacant had been rehabilitated. When this was done and the fact was recognized, the Government of Hawaii was as competent to treat of annexation to the United States as it had ever been, or as it ever will be, until the United States shall decide that it will annex no more territory unless with the consent of the people to be annexed, to be ascertained by a plebiscite. Complaint is made also that this project of annexation was attempted to be consummated in too great haste. That raises a question of due consideration; for, if the people of both countries desired it, or if, according to every precedent to be found in the various annexations of countries and States to the United States, the respective governments desired it, speedy action in completing the cession was desirable for many obvious reasons, among which the inju- rious disturbance of commerce and danger to the public peace grow- ing out of a protracted agitation of so grave a matter, are conspicuous. But this is a question of long standing, which has been under favor- able consideration by the kings and people of Hawaii and the Govern- ment and people of the United States for more than fifty years. It is well understood, and its importance increases with every new event of any consequence in Hawaii, and with the falling-in of every island in the Pacific Ocean that is captured by the great maritime powers of Europe. The committee have copied, in the Appendix to this report, portions of the remarks of Hon. William. P. Draper in the House of Eepresentatives on the 4th of February, 1894, which refer in a very clear and concise way to the progress of foreign intervention in the Pacific Ocean by European powers. The committee also present the following message of President Grant to the Senate, with the accompanying letter of Hon. Henry A. Peirce, then our minister to. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXIX Hawaii, which shows that the subject of cession and annexation have been on several occasions carefully considered by the governments of Hawaii and the United States. [Confidential. — Executive B. — Forty-second Congress, first session.] Message of the President of the United States, transmitting a copy of a dispatch relative to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Department of State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the United States at Honolulu. April 7, 1871. — Read and, with the dispatch referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate. To the Senate of the United States: I transmit confidentially, for the information and consideration of the Senate, a copy of a dispatch of the 25th of February last, relative to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Depart- ment of State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the United States at Honolulu. Although I do not deem it advisable to express any opinion or to make any recommendation in regard to the subject at this juncture, the views of the Senate, if it should be deemed proper to express them, would be very acceptable with reference to any future course which there might be a disposition to adopt. U. S. Grant. Washington, April 5, 1871. Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish. ;No. 101.] Legation of the United States of America, Honolulu, February 25, 1871. Sir: Impressed with the importance of the subject now presented lor consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry wmether the period has not arrived making it proper, wise, and sagacious for the IT. S. Government to again consider the project of annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the Kepublic. That such is to be the political destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion in the opinion of all who have given attention to the subject in this country, the United States, England, France, and Germany. A majority of the aborigines, Creoles, and naturalized foreigners of this country, as I am credibly informed, are favorable, even anxious for the consummation of the measure named. The event of the decease of the present sovereign of Hawaii, leaving no heirs or successor to the throne, and the consequent election to be made by the legislative assembly of a king, and new stirps for a royal family, will produce a crisis in political affairs which, it is thought, will be availed of as a propitious occasion to inaugurate measures for annexation of the islauds to the United States, the same to be effected as the manifest will and choice of the majority of the Hawaiian people, and through means proper, peaceful, and honorable. It is evident, however, no steps will be taken to accomplish the object named without the proper sanction or approbation of the U. S. Government in approval thereof. The Hawaiian people for fifty years have been under educational instruction of American missionaries, and the civilizing influences of XXX . HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. New England people, commercial and maritime. Hence they are puri- tan and democratic in tlieir ideas and tendencies, modified by a trop- ical climate. Tlieir favorite songs and airs are American. Sherman's "Marching Through Georgia" and " John Brown's Soul is Marching On" are daily heard in the streets and in their schoolrooms. The fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States has made the project of annexation to our Union more popular than ever both here and in the United States. The native population is fast disappearing • the number existing is now estimated at 45,000, having decreased about 15,000 since the census of 1866. The number of foreigners in addition is between 5,000 and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are from the United States, and they own more than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented in the agriculture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the Kingdom. This country and sovereignty will soon be left to the possession ot foreigners, u to unlineal hands, no sons of theirs succeeding." To what foreign nation shall these islands belong if not to the great Repub- lic? At the present those of foreign nativities hold all the important offices of government and control legislation, tne judiciary, etc. Well disposed as the Government now is towards the United States and its resident citizens here, in course of time it may be otherwise, as was the case during our civil war. I now proceed to state some points of a more general character, which should influence the U. S. Government in their decision of the policy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geo- graphical position occupying, as it does, an important central, strategical point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps neces- sary, to the United States for a naval depot and coaling station, and to shelter and protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hem- isphere is destined to increase enormously from our intercourse with the 500,000,000 population of China, Japan, and Australia. Huinbolt predicted that the commerce on the Pacific would, in time, rival that on the Atlantic. A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy fulfilled. The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possessions of Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that suffered by the English from French privateers from the Isle of France during the wars between those nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of anticipating and preventing, when we can, similar evils that may issue from these islands if held by other powers. Their proximity to the Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and soil, and tropical produc- tions of sugar, coffee, rice, fruits, hides, goatskins, salt, cotton, fine wool, etc., required by the West, in exchange for flour, grain, lumber, shooks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and other articles are evidence of the commercial value of one to the other region. Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be at war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this weak kingdom, in view of the great injury that could be done to our commerce through their acquisition of them? It is said that at a proper time the United States may have the sovereignty of these islands without money and without price, except, perhaps, for purchase of the Crown and public lands, and moderate annuities to be given to the five or six high chiefs now living with uncertain elainrs as successors to the Crown. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXXI His Hawaiian Majesty, although only in his forty-first year, is liable to a sudden decease, owing to frequent attacks of difficulty in breath- ing and danger of suffocation from congestion caused by obesity. His weight is 300 pounds. He is sole survivor of the royal race of Kame- hameha; unmarried, no heir, natural or adopted; possesses the consti- tutional prerogative of naming his successor, but it is believed he will not exercise it, from a superstitious belief his own death would follow immediately the act. Prince Alexander and Lott Kamehameha (the former subsequently became the fourth Hawaiian King and the latter the fifth) and Dr. G. P. Judd, my informant, visited England in 1850 as Hawaiian commis- sioners. Lord Palmerston, at their interview with him, said, in substance, "that the British Government desired the Hawaiian people to maintain proper government and preserve national independence. If they were unable to do so he recommended receiving a protectorate government under the United States or by becoming an integral part of that nation. Such," lie thought, "was the destiny of the Hawaiian Islands arising from their proximity to the States of California and Oregon and natural dependence on those markets for exports and imports, together with probable extinction of the Hawaiian aboriginal population and its substitution by immigration from the United States." That advice seems sound and prophetic. The following historical events in relation to these islands are thought worthy of revival in recollection : February 25, 1843. — Lord George Paulet, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysfort, obtained, by forceful measures, cession of the Hawaiian Islands to the Government of Great Britain, July 31, 1843. They were restored to their original sovereignty by the British Admiral Thomas. November 28, 1843. — Joint convention of the English and French Governments, which acknowledged the independence of this archi- pelago and reciprocally promised never to take possession of any part of same. Ttie United States Government was invited to be a party to the above but declined. August, 1849. — Admiral Tromelin, with a French naval force, after making demands on the Hawaiian Government impossible to be com- plied with, took unresisted possession of the fort and Government buildings in Honolula, and blockaded the harbor. After a few weeks' occupation of the jdace the French departed, leaving political affairs as they were previous to their arrival. 'January, 1851. — A French naval force again appeared at Honolula, and threatened bombardment and destruction of the town. The King, Kamehameha III, with the Government, fearing it would be carried into effect, and in mortal dread of being brought under French rule similar to that placed by the latter over Tahiti, of the Society Islands, executed a deed of cession of all the Hawaiian Islands and their sovereignty forever in favor of the United States of America. The document in a sealed envelope was placed in charge of Mr. Sev- erance, United States commissioner here, with instructions to take forma] official possession of the soil of these islands on occasion of the first hostile shot fired by the French. On learning the facts the latter desisted further aggressive acts and departed from the country. Since that period the French authorities have pursued a conciliatory course in their relations with the Hawaiian Government, and fully of opinion, it is said, that a secret treaty exists between the United States Government and that of Hawaii, by which these islands pass into tha XXXII HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. possession of the former in case of aggressions made npon them there- after by any hostile powers. In 1854 the administration of President Pierce authorized the United States commissioner, Mr. Gregg, to negotiate a treaty with the Hawaiian authorities for the cession of the sovereignty of these islands to the United States; but Mr. Gregg succeeded only in obtaining a protocol for a treaty, by which the United States were to extend a' protectorate government over them. The matter in that form did not meet with the approval of Mr. Secretary Marcy, and" further negotia- tions ceased. I omitted to state in proper sequence that the deed of cession of 1851 was, by order of the Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, returned to the Hawaiian Government. In conclusion, I herewith inclose Annual Review of the Agriculture and Commerce of the Hawaiian Islands for the year 1870, published by the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 25, 1871. Additional copies will accompany my dispatch No. 102. Permit me to refer you to a lithographic map, published in 1867 by U. S. Bureau of Statistics, as showing in convenient form the relative position of these islands to the continents of America, Asia, etc. ; also, steamship lines radiating there- from. With great respect, your obedient, humble servant, Henry A. Pierce. Hon. Hamilton Fish, Secretary of State, Washington, D. (7. A President informed as to the history of his country could find no difficulty in dealing with the question of the annexation of Hawaii to the United States on the ground that it is new; and a minister to Hawaii who should fail to inform his Government of the political changes in Hawaii that would affect that question would neglect his duty. It is not a just criticism upon the correspondence of Minister Stevens with his Government that he earnestly advocated annexation. In this he was in line with Mr. Marcy and nearly every one of his successors as Secretary of State, and with many of Mr. Stevens's predecessors as minister to Hawaii. His letters to his Government were written under the diplomatic confidence that is requisite to secure freedom in such communications, and were not expected to come under the scrutiny of all mankind. They show no improper spirit and are not impeachable as coloring or perverting the truth, although some matters stated by him may be classed as severe reflections. Whatever motives may have actuated or controlled any representative of the Government of the United States in his conduct of our affairs in Hawaii, if he acted within the limits of his powers, with hohest intentions, and has not placed the Government of the United States upon false and untenable grounds, his conduct is not irregular. But, in his dealings with the Hawaiian Government, his conduct was characterized by becoming dignity and reserve, and was not in any way harsh or offensive. In the opinion of the committee, based upon the evidence which accompanies this report, the only substantial irregu- larity that existed in the conduct of any officer of the United States, or agent of the President, during or since the time of the revolution of 1893, was that of Minister Stevens in declaring a. protectorate of the United States over Hawaii, and in placing the flag of our country upon the Government building in Honolulu. No actual harm resulted HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXXI II from this unauthorized act, but as a precedent it is not to be con- sidered as being justified. The committee have not considered it necessary to present any resolutions stating the conclusions that arc indicated in this report, and ask that they be discharged from the further consideration of the resolutions under which this report is made. We are in entire accord with the essential findings in the exceed ingly able report submitted by the chairman of the Committee on For eign Relations. But it is our opinion — First. That the appointment on the 11th day of March, 1893, with- out the advice and consent of the Senate, of Hon. James H. Blount as "special commissioner" to the Hawaiian Government under letters of credence and those of instruction, which declared that u in all mat- ters affecting relations with the Government of the Hawaiian Islands his authority is paramount" was an unconstitutional act, in that such appointee, Mr. Blount, was never nominated to the Senate, but was appointed without its advice and consent, although that body was in session when such appointment was made and continued to be in ses- sion for a long time immediately thereafter. Second. The orders of the Executive Department by which the naval force of the United States in the harbor of Honolulu was in effect placed under the command of Mr. Blount or of Mr. Willis were with out authority or warrant of law. Third. The order given by Mr. Blount to Admiral Skerrett to lower the United States ensign from the Government building in Honolulu and to embark the troops on the ships to which they belonged, was an order which Mr. Blount had no lawful authority to give. Its object was not to terminate a protectorate. That relation had been disa- vowed by the administration of President Harrison immediately upon receiving information of its establishment. The flag and troops, when such order was given by Mr. Blount, were in the positions from which he ordered them to be removed for the purpose of maintaining order and protecting American life and property. Their presence had been effectual to those ends, and their removal tended to create, and did create, public excitement and, to a degree, distrust of the power of the Provisional Government to preserve order or to maintain itself. That order of Mr. Blount was susceptible of being construed as indicating an unfriendly disposition on the part of the United States toward the Provisional Government, and it was so construed, particularly by the people of Hawaii. In the light of subsequent relations between Mr. Blount and Ms suc- cessor, Mr. Willis, with the Queen, whose office had become vacant by her deposition and abdication under the attack of a successful revolu- tion, this order and its execution were most unfortunate and untoward in their effect. Such relations and intercourse by Messrs. Blount and Willis with the head and with the executive officers of an overthrown government, conducted for the purpose of restoring that government by displacing its successor, were in violation of the constitution aad of the principles of international law and were not warranted by the cir- cumstances of the case. Fourth. The question of the rightfulness of the revolution, of the lawfulness of the means by which the deposition and abdication of the Queen were effected, and the right of the Provisional Government to S. Eep. 227 m XXXIV HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. exist and to continue to exist was conclusively settled, as the report so forcibly states, against the Queen and in favor of the Provisional Government, by the act of the administration of President Harrison recognizing such Provisional Government, by the negotiation by that administration with such Provisional Government of a treaty of annex- ation to the United States ; by accrediting diplomatic representation by such administration and by the present administration to such Pro- visional Government; therefore, it incontrovertibly follows that the President of the United States had no authority to attempt to reopen such determined questions, and to endeavor by any means whatever to overthrow the Provisional Government or to restore the monarchy which it had displaced. While it is true that a friendly power may rightfully tender its good offices of mediation or advice in cases such as that under present con- sideration, it is also true that the performance of such offices of media- tion or advice ought not to be entered upon without the consent previ- ously given by both the parties whom the action or decision of the friendly power may affect. Such consent was not given in the present instance. The Provisional Government never so consented ; it was never requested to consent. It denied the jurisdiction of the present admin- istration on every proper occasion. Therefore the proceedings by the President, which had for their result his request and monition to the Provisional Government to surrender its powers, to give up its exist- ence and to submit to be displaced by the monarchy which it had over- thrown, had no warrant in law, nor in any consent of one of the parties to be affected by such proceedings. Fifth. The avowed opinion of the President of the United States, in substance, that it is the duty of this Government to make repara- tion to the Queen by endeavoring to reinstate her upon her throne by all constitutional methods, is a clear definition of the policy of the present administration to that end. The instructions to Messrs. Blount and Willis must be construed to be other and more ample forms of ex- pression of that policy. No other presumption is permissible than that their actions at Honolulu were with intent to carry out that avowed policy. These considerations make immaterial any discussion, in this connection, of the personal intentions, circumspection, or good faith of these gentlemen in the performance of the task to which they had been plainly commanded by the present administration. John Sherman. Wm. P. Frye. J. N. Dolph. Cushman K. Davis. ADDITIONAL VIEWS SUBMITTED BY MEMBEKS OF THE COMMITTEE. The undersigned, members of the Committee on Foreign Bela- tions, submit herewith the following views adverse to the report of the committee, upon the subject of the recent political revolution in Hawaii. Agreeing as we do with the conclusions submitted by the chairman of the committee that no irregularities were committed either in the appointment of Special Commissioner Blount or in the instructions given him by the President, and without denying or conceding in any manner the correctness of the facts as claimed, or of the statements as made, in said report concerning other matters therein mentioned, we especially dissent from that portion thereof which declares that the only substantial irregularity in the conduct of Mr. Stevens, the late minister, was his declaration of a protectorate by the United States over Hawaii. We are of the opinion also that there are no valid rea- sons and no course of dealing in our past relations with those islands which justifies interference by the United States with the political internal affairs of Hawaii any more than with those of any other inde- pendent state or nation in this hemisphere. We can not concur, there- fore, in so much of the foregoing report as exonerates the minister of the United States, Mr. Stevens, from active officious and unbecoming participation in the events which led to the revolution in the Sandwich Islands on the 14th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1893. His own admis- sions in his official correspondence with this Government, his conduct for months preceding the revolution, as well as the facts established by the evidence before the committee, clearly justify such a conclusion. On the other hand, we are not inclined to censure Capt. Wiltse, commanding the United States war-ship Boston, or the officers of that vessel. Their position was one of extreme delicacy and difficulty, and we appreciate their anxiety to afford protection to the lives and prop- erty of American citizens. The force of United States marines of the Boston with their ordinary arms stationed at the American legation, and at the consulate in Honolulu, would have effectually represented the authority and power of the United States Government, and would have afforded whatever protection American interests might have required; and at the same time would have avoided the appearance of coercion or duress, either upon the people of Honolulu or the Queen in the controversy between them. This is our opinion, after a careful examination of all the facts and circumstances disclosed in the evi- dence. But, as we have observed, the position was a delicate and difficult one. Perhaps if we had been on the ground in the presence of the minister, under the influence of his advice and counsel, and of the environments and conditions surrounding Capt. Wiltse, his officers and men, we might have landed the forces as he did; but a less formidable array would have removed from the Queen the excuse for asserting that she and her government were overawed by the United States forces, to which she claims under protest to have surrendered, XXXV XXXVI HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. and at the same time have afforded all necessary protection to the lives and property of our citizens at that port, if they were in any jeopardy. The moral support and good offices of this Government, or of any government, is always permissible in promoting the moral tone and polit- ical improvement of the government of foreign countries on terms of amity with their own; but there is nothing in international law, in sound public policy, or in our past history and traditions which justifies a representative of this Government in interfering officiously or improp- erly in the domestic or political affairs of a foreign country, whatever may be the character of its rulers, its form of government, or its politi- cal condition. We. have enough to do to attend to our own business. We cannot, therefore, avoid the conviction that the inopportune zeal of Minister Stevens in the project of annexation of the Sandwich Islands to the United States caused him to exceed the proper limits of his official duty and of his diplomatic relations to the government and people of those islands. His conduct as the public representative of this Government was directly conducive to bringing about the condition of affairs which resulted in the overthrow of the Queen, the organiza- tion of the Provisional Government, the landing of the United States troops, and the attempted scheme of annexation; and upon this con- clusion his conduct is seriously reprehensible and deserving of public censure. M. 0. Butler, David Turpie, John M. Daniel, George Gray, Members of Minority, February 22, 1894. The question of annexation is not submitted for the consideration of the committee, except as it incidentally affects the main question dis- cussed; but it may not be improper for me to say, in this connection, that I am heartily in favor of the acquisition of those islands by the Government of the United States; and in a proper case and on an appro- priate occasion I should earnestly advocate the same. But I am unwil- ling to take advantage of internal dissentions in those islands, for which I believe we are in some measure responsible, to consummate at this time so desirable an object. M. 0. Butler. I concur in the above. David Turpie. APPENDIX TO THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. I. The following is the translation of the original poster REFERRED TO BY MR. HOES IN HIS STATEMENT. [Translation.] THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE. 1. A mass meeting will be held in front of the opera house, outside of the Palace yard, at 2 o'clock this afternoon, Monday, January 16, to consider the condition of the country. By order Committee of Law and Order. the voice of the chief. 2. On the afternoon of Saturday last the voice of the sacred chief of Hawaii, Liliuokalani, the tabued one, speaking as follows: a Oh, ye people who. love the chief, I hereby say to you, I am now ready to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that it would be successful ; but behold obstacles have arisen. Therefore I say unto you, loving people, go with good hope, and do not be dis- turbed or troubled in your minds, because within the next few days now coming I will proclaim the new constitution. "The executive officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in this new constitution, but they said nothing. " Therefore, I hope that the thing which you, my people, so much want will be accomplished; it also is my strong desire." And her last order was that we should pray to God to bless this Kingdom and the throne of Hawaii. STUBBORNNESS. 3. From the day of the passage of the lottery bill until the proroga- tion of the Legislature the members of the Keform party in the House have been refractory. It is seen that this is the Missionary party. This is a childish act, showing the lack of principle of the Reform party and the unexampled pride of the missionaries. The missionaries are the parents of these actions, and their reason for so doing is because of their regret and vexation by reason of the failure of their schemes in the Legislature. The National party is not this way. If the Reform party is successful the Hawaiian party does not show its disappoint- ment, but, with its customary patience, continues on working for the good of all without feelings of strife. The foreign members of this session have shown their wicked intentions, their causeless jealousy, when the majority of the people, 1 S. Reiv 227 1 Z HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. the H awaiian party, voted as they wished. During all the bribery there has grown up a united determination on the part of the National party to hold their prerogatives and carry out the desires of their constitu- ents who elected them. Great is our contempt for this causeless opposition of the missionaries and their friends, and for the first time we are able to congratulate the Hawaiian members on account of their unanimity during these few days. DIFFERENT VIEWS. 4. We hear that the representatives of the foreign countries have met and decided to help the Queen's cabinet and support her, except the American minister. The Annexationists are seeking some pretext to injure the Queen, and order the American naval forces on shore to protect their property without knowing what they are afraid of, for the ghosts which they are conjuring up will act as they acted in 1887. 5. To-day a public meeting has been called by the missionaries of the Eeform party and those who are deceived by them at Manamana, with the intention of injuring the Queen because of her love for the people in consenting to promulgate a new constitution, to depose her from being Queen, and to turn the monarchy into a republic. There- fore, those who love the country, those who are born in the country, stand fast in support of the monarchy and do not let one true Hawaiian go to this meeting to which you are invited. Oh, all ye true Hawaiian s, let us support our Queen, and consecrate our lives for the benefit of our Queen and the peace of the land. All of the people who love the chief are invited to go straight to the meeting in front of the opera house at 2 o'clock this afternoon. One loving heart in our breasts throughout the land, oh, descendants of Kamehameha. THE HELPERS OF THE CABINET. 6. The banks of Bishop and Spreckels are ready to help the Govern- ment with money. Certain merchants are also ready to support the Government. It is apparent that it is only certain missionaries who are secretly meeting and seeking a riot as a reason for landing the men of war when there is no reason. LET THE PEOPLE BE READY. 7. To give their thanks to day at the meeting to be held at 2 this afternoon in front of the Opera House, to their Queen, who wanted to execute the desires of her people, but by reason of obstacles she could not lawfully do so. On account of this love of our Queen, and what she tried to do under her spirit of love, but she could not accomplish it, and when she saw that it could not be done she expressed her regret with soTrow, and instructed the committee of the people to go and wait, and their desires would be carried out in accordance with the right, and for them to keep the peace. mass meeting! 8. The meeting which is to be held in front of the opera house is to be held by the party which supports the Government, and the subjects of the Queen are invited to attend and listeu to the voices of the HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 3 leaders of the people. We are being plotted against without re&son. The independence of Hawaii is being assaulted by the wicked and refractory ones because the Queen listened to the pleadings of her own people to give a new constitution. She has left this thought to her cabinet, and thanks are due for this loving thought of the chief in leaving to them this desire of the people of the land, and they have restrained the love of the chief unlil such time as it may seem good. Because it can not be helped, we had better be patient and listen to her words: "I regret that your desires are not complied with, but you must go and keep the peace, and the time will come when your desires will be satisfied." I hereby certify that the foregoing is a correct translation of the accompanying extra issued by the Ka Leo o Ka Lahui, a Honolulu newspaper, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language, on Jan- uary 16, 1893. Lorrin A. Thurston. II. By order of the committee the following instructions of the secretary of the navy to commodore perry, dated april 15, 1847, were made part of the record. [Confidential.] Navy Department, Washington, April 15, 1847. Commodore M. C. Perry, Commanding the Home Squadron: Sir : The successes which have recently crowned our arms would seem to justify the expectation that the Government of Mexico would feel disposed to submit proposals for peace. That there may be no unnecessary delay in acting on such proposals, if they shall be made, the President has directed Nicholas P. Trist, esq., of the State Depart- ment, to proceed to the headquarters of the Army or to the squadron, as he shall deem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any proposition for a settlement of the questions at issue. Mr. Trist is clothed with such diplomatic power as to authorize him to enter into arrangements with the Mexican Government for the mutual suspen- sion of hostilities. If he shall communicate to you in writing that the contingency has occurred, you will act in accordance with his directions and suspend actual hostilities until further orders from the Department, unless the enemy shall continue or recommence them. In doing so you will not relinquish any position which you may occupy, or abstain from any change of position which, in your judgment, may be neces- sary for the security or health of your command. You will afford to Mr. Trist every facility and accommodation in your power and a speedy passage to New Orleans when he may desire to return. You will not relax the vigor of your operations while he may remain in Mexico, unless he directs you to suspend them, but during that time it is desirable, if it does not conflict with your arrangements, that you shall be in the harbor of Vera Gruz, or as accessible as may be. You will be pleased to make your communications to the Depart- ment as frequent as you may find opportunity. • I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, John Y. Mason * v HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. U. S. Flagship Mississippi, Anton Lizardo, May 8, 1847. Sir: I have received by Mr. Trist your confidential communication of the 15th instant, and in a personal interview with that gentleman have made the requisite arrangements for carrying out the wishes and intentions of the Department. It is highly necessary that I should no longer delay a visit to the eastern coast as far as Laguna and Campeche. This I can do before any communication of interest can be received from Mr. Trist, and we both agree that it is better for me to make the visit now, that I may be at Vera Cruz about the time he shall have been informed of the result of his mission ; but to prevent any inconvenience I shall leave a steamer at Vera Cruz to bring me any communication that Mr. Trist might transmit during my absence. The Potomac will also be left at Vera Cruz. With great respect, I am, sir, your most obedient servant, M. C. Perry, Commanding Home Squadron, Hon. John Y. Mason, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, I). G. III. Also the following treaty of annexation made in the TIME OF KAMEHAMEHA III, WHICH FAILED OF THE KING'S SIG- NATURE BY REASON OF HIS DEATH, THE ORIGINAL BEING ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE. [Confidential.] Treaty of annexation concluded between His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and the United, States of America. His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, being convinced that plans have been and still are on foot hostile to his sovereignty and to the peace of his Kingdom, which His Majesty is without power to resist and against which it is his imperative duty to provide in order to prevent the evils of anarchy and to secure the rights and prosperity of his subjects, and having, in conscientious regard thereto as well as to the general interests of his Kingdom, present and future, sought to incorporate his Kingdom into the Union of the United States as the means best calculated to attain these ends and perpetuate the blessings of freedom and equal rights to himself, his chiefs, and his people, and the Government of the United States, being actuated solely by the desire to add to their security and prosperity and to meet the wishes of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of his Government, have determined to accomplish, by treaty, objects so important to their mutual and permanent welfare. For that purpose His Majesty, Kamehameha III, King of the Hawaiian Islands, has granted full powers and instructions to Eobert Chrichton Wyllie, esq., his minister of foreign relations, his secre- tary at war and of the navy, member of his privy council of state, member of the house of nobles, and chairman of the commissioners of his privy purse, and the President of the United States has invested with like powers David Lawrence Gregg, esq., commissioner oi said States to the said Kingdom; and the said plenipotentiaries, after exchanging their full powers, have agreed to and concluded the 'fol- lowing articles: HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 5 Article I. His Majesty, the King of the Hawaiian Islands, acting in conformity with the power vested in him by the constitution of his Kingdom, and with the wishes of his chiefs and people and of the heads of every department of his Government, cedes to the United States his King- dom, with all its territories, to be held by them in Ml sovereignty, subject only to the same constitutional provisions as the other States of the American Union. This cession includes all public lots and squares, Government lands, mines and minerals, salt lakes and springs, fish ponds, public edifices, fortifications, barracks, forts, ports, and harbors, reefs, docks, and magazines, arms, armaments, and accouter- ments, public archives, and funds, claims, debts, taxes, and dues exist- ing, available, and unpaid at the date of the exchange of the ratifica- tions of this treaty. Article II. The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into the American Union as a State enjoying the same degree of sover- eignty as other States, and admitted as such, as soon as it can be done in consistency with the principles and requirements of the Federal Constitution, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a State as aforesaid, on a perfect equality with the other States of the Union. Article III. His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and sub- jects of every class, shall continue in the enjoyment of all their existing personal and private rights, civil, political, and religious, to the utmost extent that is possible under the Federal Constitution, and shall possess and forever enjoy all the rights and privileges of citizens of the United States on terms of perfect equality, in all respects, with other American citizens. Article IV. The decisions of the Board of Land Commissioners, made and not appealed from at the date of the final ratification of this treaty, shall be and remain forever valid and undisturbed, and all titles to real estate, which are now or shall have then been declared valid under the laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, shall beheld to be equally valid by the United States, and measures shall be adopted by the United States for the speedy and final adjudication of all unsettled claims to land in con- formity with the laws and usages under which they may have originated. Article V. All engagements of whatsoever kind, affecting the rights of corpora- tions or individuals, validly construed and lawfully incumbent upou the King's Government or the Hawaiian nation to pay and discharge, shall be respected and fulfilled in as prompt, fall, and complete a man- ner as they would have been respected and fulfilled had no change of sovereignty taken place. Article YI. The public lands hereby ceded, shall be subject to the laws regulat- ing the public lands in other parts of the United States, liable, how- b HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. ever, to such alterations and changes as Congress may from time to time enact. The grants of land for the promotion of education here- tofore made by the Government of the King of the Hawaiian Islands, shall be confirmed by the United States, which, in addition thereto, shall grant and set apart, for the purposes of common schools, semi- naries of learning, and universities, so much of the public lands and of the proceeds thereof, as may be equal, proportionally, to the grants for such purposes in any of the States of the Union. Article VII. The laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, so far as they are compatible with republican institutions, and conformable to the Constitution of the United States, shall be and remain in full force and effect until modi- fied, changed, or repealed by the legislative authority of the State con- templated by this treaty. Article VIII. In consideration of the cession made by this treaty, and in compen- sation to all who may suffer or incur loss consequent thereon, the United States shall pay the aggregate sum of $300,000 as annuities, to the King, the Queen, the Crown Prince, those standing next in suc- cession to the throne, the chiefs, and all other persons whom the King may wish to compensate or reward, to be apportioned as may be deter- mined by His Majesty, the King, and his Privy Council of State, which amounts, to be apportioned as aforesaid, shall be paid ratably, without deduction or offset on any ground or in any shape whatever, to the parties severally named in such apportionment, at Honolulu on the 1st day of July of each successive year so long as they may live. It is, however, expressly agreed upon, that on the demise of his present majesty, the annuity of the immediate heir to the throne shall then be increased to the same amount before allowed and paid to the King himself. As a farther consideration for the cession herein made and in order to place within the reach of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands the means of education, present and future, so as to enable them the more perfectly to enjoy and discharge the rights and duties consequent upon a change from monarchical to republican institutions, the United States agrees to set apart and pay over for the term of ten years the sum of $75,000 per annum, one- third of which shall be applied to con- stitute the principal of a fund for the benefit of a college or university, or colleges or universities, as the case may be, and the balance for the support of common schools, to be invested, secured, or applied as may be determined by the legislative authority of the Hawaiian Islands when admitted as a state into the Union as aforesaid. Article IX. Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty the President of the United States shall appoint a commissioner who shall receive in due form, in the name of the United States, the transfer of the sovereignty and territories of the Hawaiian Islands, also all public property, archives, and other things hereinbefore stipulated to be con- veyed, and who shall exercise all executive authority in said islands necessary to the preservation of peace and order and to the proper HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 7 execution of the laws until the state contemplated in this treaty can be duly organized and admitted as such state; and until the arrival of such commissioner all departments of His Majesty's Government shall continue as now constituted. Article X. This treaty shall be ratified by the respective high contracting par- ties and the ratifications exchanged at the city of Honolulu within eight months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible; but it is agreed that this period maybe extended by mutual consent of the two par- ties. In witness whereof we, the undersigned, plenipotentiaries of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of the United States of America, have signed three originals of this treaty of annexation in Hawaiian and three in English, and have thereunto affixed our respec- tive official seals. Done at Honolulu, this day of , in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four. SEPARATE AND SECRET ARTICLE. Whereas it is desirable to guard against the exigencies declared in the preamble to the foregoing treaty, and to secure the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and all who reside under his jurisdiction, from the dangers therein referred to and expressed, it is hereby pro- vided and expressly agreed that at any time before the final exchange of the ratifications of said treaty, if the same shall be duly ratified on the part of His Majesty the King, and satisfactory notice thereof given to the commissioner of the United States, it shall be competent for His Majesty, by proclamation, to declare his islands annexed to the American Union, subject to the provisions of such treaty as negotiated, and the commissioners of the United States for the time being shall receive and accept the transfer of the jurisdiction of the said islands, in the name of the United States, and protect and defend them by the armed forces of the United States as a part of the American Union, holding the same for and in behalf of his Government, and exercising the jurisdiction provided for in said treaty, with the understanding, however, that in case the said treaty is not finally ratified, or other arrangement made, by the free consent and to the mutual satisfaction of the contracting parties, the sovereignty of the islands shall imme- diately revert, without prejudice, to His Majesty, or his immediate heirs in the same condition as before the transfer thereof; and it is further understood and agreed that this article shall be as binding for all the ends and purposes herein expressed as if it formed a part of the foregoing treaty. IV. Also the following instructions from hon. w. l. marcy, secretary of war, to maj. gen. winfield scott, commanding the army of the united states in mexico. War Department, Washington, I). C, January 18, 1894. Sir: As requested in your letter of the 13th instant, I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of a confidential letter, dated April 14, 1847, addressed by the Secretary of War to Maj. Gen Winfield 8 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Scott, commanding IT. S. Army in Mexico, and advising him that Nicholas P. Trist, esq., has been commissioned by the President of the United States to proceed to the headquarters of the Army in Mexico, or to the naval squadron, for the purpose of receiving any proposal which the enemy may make for peace with the United States, and informing Maj. Gen. Scott as to the diplomatic powers with which Mr.' Trist is clothed under his instructions. Attention is invited to House Ex. Doc. "No. 56, Thirtieth Congress, first session, " Correspondence between the Secretary of War and Gen- erals Scott and Taylor, and between Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist," which contains all the information in possession of this Department on the subject. Very respectfully, Daniel S. Lamont, /Secretary of War. Hon. John T. Morgan, Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs, U. S. Senate. [Confidential.] War Department, Washington, April 14. 1847. Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott, Commanding the Army of the United States, Mexico: Sir : The signal successes which have attended our military opera- tions since the commencement of the present war would seem to justify the expectation that Mexico will be disposed to offer fair terms oi accommodation. With a view to a result so desirable, the President has commissioned Nicholas P. Trist, esquire, of the State Department, to proceed to your headquarters, or to the squadron, as to him may seem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any proposal which the enemy may see fit to make for the restoration of peace. Mr. Trist is clothed with such diplomatic powers as will authorize him to enter into arrangements with the Government of Mexico for the suspension of hostilities. Should he make known to you, in writing, that the contingency has occurred in consequence of which the Presi- dent is willing that farther active military operations should cease, you will regard such notice as a direction from the President to suspend them until further orders from this Department, unless continued or recommenced by the enemy; but, in so doing, you will not retire from any place you may occupy, or abstain from any change of position which you may deem necessary to the health or safety of the troops under your command, unless, on consultation with Mr. Trist, a change in the position of your forces should be deemed necessary to the suc- cess of the negotiation for peace. Until hostilities, as herein proposed, shall be intermitted, you will continue to carry on your operations with energy, and push your advantages as far as your means will enable you to do. Mr. Trist is also the bearer of a dispatch to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Government of Mexico, in reply to one addressed to the Secretary of State here. You will transmit that dispatch to the com- mander of the Mexican forces, with a request that it may be laid before his Government, at the same time giving information that Mr. Trist, an officer from our Department for Foreign Affairs, next in rank to its HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 9 chief, is at your headquarters, or on board the squadron, as the case may be. You will afford Mr. Trist all the accommodation and facilities in your power to enable him to accomplish the objects of his mission. Very respectfully^ your obedient servant, W. L. Marcy, Secretary of War. P. S. — Should a suspension of hostilities take place, you will lose no time in communicating the fact to Maj. Gen. Taylor. V. Also the following treaty of reciprocity between the UNITED STATES AND HAWAII, DATED AND SIGNED THE 20TH OF JULY, 1855, BUT WHICH WAS NOT RATIFIED BY THE SENATE. [Confidential. Executive, No. 7. Special session.] TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. March 9, 1857, on motion by Mr. Mason, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate. The United States of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, equally animated by the desire to strengthen and perpetuate the friendly relations which have heretofore uniformly existed between them, and to consolidate their commercial intercourse, have resolved to enter into a convention for commercial reciprocity. For this purpose the President of the United States of America has conferred full powers on William L. Marcy, Secretary of State, and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands has conferred like powers on the hon- orable William Little Lee, chancellor and chief justice of the supreme court of those islands, a member of his Hawaiian Majesty's privy council of state and cabinet, president of the board of land commissioners, and His Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States of America. And the said plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in due form, have agreed to the follow- ing articles : Article I. For and in consideration of the rights and privileges granted by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in the next succeeding article of this convention, and as an equivalent therefor, the United States of America hereby agree to admit all the articles named in the following schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the Hawaiian Islands, into all the ports of the United States of America free of duty: Schedule. Muscovado, brown, clayed, and all other unrefined srgars. Sirups of sugar ; molasses. Coffee; arrowrqot. Live stock and animals of all kinds. Cotton, unmanufactured. Seeds, and vegetables not preserved Undried fruits not preserved. 10 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Poultry: eggs. Plants, shrubs, and trees. Pelts j wool, unmanufactured. Eags. Hides, furs, skins, undressed. Butter ; tallow. Article II. For and in consideration of the rights and privileges gn nted by the United States of America in the preceding article of this convention, and as an equivalent therefor, His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands hereby agrees to admit all the articles named in the following, schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the United States of America, into all the ports of the Hawaiian Islands free of duty: Schedule. Flour of wheat. Fish of all kinds. Coal. Timber and lumber of all kinds, round, hewed, and sawed, unmanu- factured, in whole or in part. Staves and heading. Cotton, unmanufactured. Seeds, and vegetables not preserved. Undried fruits, not preserved. Poultry; eggs. Plants, shrubs, and trees. Pelts; wool, unmanufactured. Eags. Hides, furs, skins, undressed. Butter; tallow. Article III. The evidence that articles proposed to be admitted into the ports ot the United States of America or the ports of the Hawaiian Islands free of duty, under the first and second articles of this convention, are the growth or the produce of the United States of America or of the Hawaiian Islands shall be a certificate to that effect from the Ameri- can or Hawaiian consul or consular agent of the port from which such articles are exported, or, in case there shall be no such consul or con- sular agent resident in such port, a certificate to that effect from the collector of the port. Article IV. The present convention shall take effect as soon as the law required to carry it into operation shall have been passed by the Congress of the United States of America and the convention shall have been approved by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in council. The convention shall remain in force for seven years from the date at which it may go into operation, and further, until the expiration of twelve months after either of the high contracting 'parties shall give notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the high contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at the end of the said term of seven years, or at any time afterwards. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 11 Article V. The present convention shall be duly ratified, and the ratifications lall be exchanged at Honolulu within eighteen months from tha date Sreof, or earlier if possible. In faith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed this mvention, and have hereunto .affixed their seals. Done, in triplicate, in the English language, in the city of Wash- gton, this twentieth day of July, anno Domini one thousand eight mdred and fifty-five. W. L. Marcy. [seal.1 W. L. Lee. [seal.] [Confidential. Executive, No. 7. Thirty-fourth Congress, first session.] 'essage of the President of the United States, communicating a treaty between the United /States and the King of the Hawaiian Islands. January 3, 1856, read first time, and, on motion by Mr. Mason, referred to the Com- frttee on Foreign Relations. January 10, 1856, ordered to be printed in confidence -for the use of the Senate. the Senate of the United States: 1 transmit to the Senate for consideration, with a view to ratification, treaty between the United States and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, signed in Washington, the twentieth day of July, . D. 1855. Franklin Pierce. Washington, December 27 ', 1855. I. Also the following report on the physical features, FACTS OF LANDING, SUPPLIES, CLIMATE, DISEASES, ETC., OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, PREPARED BY CAPT. GEORGE P. SCRIVEN, OF THE SIGNAL CORPS, ASSISTED BY LIEUT. J. Y. MASON BLUNT, OF THE FIFTH CAVALRY, WITH THE ACCOMPANYING MAPS. eport on the physical features, ports of landing^ supplies, climate, diseases, etc. [Compiled from the best available sources for the information of the Army.] CONTENTS. Page. Dcation, distances from the Pacific coast 12 ummunications with the United States 12 ames, areas 13 eneral physical characteristics 13 nls 11 limates 11 arthquakes - 15 opulation, characteristics, religious, education 15-17 aws, military forces, police 17 alienage, Government - - 17, 18 usiness, currency, finance, commerce 18, 19 coducts, resources, vegetation 19 ldustries 19 iseases (other than leprosy) 20 annerof life, clothing 20 12 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Pa Individual characteristics of islands: Oahu Coast Interior Cities, towns, and ports, Honolulu Other than Honolulu Hawaii Coast Interior Cities, towns, and ports Maui , Coast .^. Interior Cities, towns, and ports Kauai Coast Interior Cities, towns, and ports Molokai Coast Interior Cities, towns, and ports Lanai Niihau Cities, towns, and ports Kahulaui T Kaula Lenua Molokini Communications Kailroads Roads Telegraphs, telephones Inter-island steamers and vessels Leprosy Report on the Hawaiian Islands. The Hawaiian Islands lie between parallels 18° 50 / and 23° 5' noi latitude, and between meridians 154° 40' and 101° 50' west from Gre< wich. A line drawn through the axis of the group would approxiimi roughly the segment of a circle convex towards the northeast; t chord connecting the most widely separated points would have a leng of about 400 statute miles. Honolulu, the capital and chief city, lies 2,080 miles from San Fr£i cisco; approximately 3,800 miles from Auckland; 4,500 miles from Sy ney; and 4,800 miles from Hongkong. Mean time Honolulu noon is equivalent to lOh. 31m. 26s. Green wi j mean time. COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES. San Francisco to Honolulu. — The Australia of the Oceanic Steam si Company and the Zealandia (W. J. Irwin) leave San Francisco a i return every other Tuesday. The Oceanic Steamship Company's steamers Alameda, Maripoi and the Union Steamship Company's steamer Monowai, leave San Fn j cisco for New Zealand via Honolulu once a month. Time. — San Francisco to Honolulu, seven days. Sailing vessels, with good passenger accommodations, run regula: ! from San Francisco to Honolulu. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 13 Sailing time.- San Francisco to Honolulu, ten to eighteen days. Pacific mail steamers, San Francisco to China and Japan, stop at Honolulu every other trip. "A new company sends its first steamer this month (February, 1893), from Tacoma and Seattle to Honolulu. Steamers of the Occidental uul Oriental line to China and Japan [N. Y. Tribune, February 16] are due to stop at Honolulu." Steamers of the Oceanic and Pacific Mail companies are under the United States flag. POSITION, AREAS, AND GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES. The strategic value of the islands and their geographical position are indicated on the accompanying chart (A). In general the islands are mountainous, covered with verdure, and in parts, especially of Hawaii, possessing very considerable areas of forest, whose vegetation is that of the tropics. The Hawaiian group is composed of eight inhabited, and of four uninhabited islands. [Chart B.] The names and dimensions of the inhabited islands are: Name. Length. Breadth. Area. Miles. 90 46 48 25 40 17 20 11 Miles. 74 25 30 22 7 9 7 8 Square miles. 3 950 Oahu 530 IMaui 620 500 190 100 90 60 The first five of these islands contain the bulk of the population as well as the chief industries. Three of the four uninhabited islands of the group are Kaula, Lenua, and Molokini. The total area of the inhabited islands is about 6,040 square miles. u All of these islands are volcanic. No other rocks than volcanic are found upon any of them, excepting a few remnants of raised sea beaches composed of consolidated coral sands. All tlie larger ones are very mountainous. "The culminating points of the island Hawaii are Mauna Kea, 13,900 feet, and Mauna Loa, 13,700 feet," the highest points of the group. " In general the island group consists of the summits of a gigantic submarine mountain chain, projecting its loftier peaks and domes above the water." * On the island of Hawaii the volcanic forces are still in operation ; on the other islands they are extinct. None of the mountains are of sufficient height to reach the line of eternal snow. * See Hawaiian volcanoes, Capt. C. E. Dutton, U. S. A. Capt. (now Major) Dutton adds: "Mauna Loa and Mauna Kea, referred to their true bases at the bottom of the Pacific, are therefore mountains not far from 30,000 feet in height. " Maj. Dutton is frequently quoted in the following paragraphs relating to the physical character- istics of tie islands. 14 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. SOIL. "Only a small proportion of the area of the islands is capable of sus- T taining a dense population. The most habitable tracts are near the seacoast, and only a part of even a small part of these are really fertile^ "The interior portions are mountainous and craggy, with a thin soil, admirable in a few localities for pasturage, but unlit for agriculture. "Many parts of the shore belt are arid and almost barren. Other* are covered with lavas too recent to have permitted the formation of soil, and still others are trenched with ravines so deep and abrupt that access is difficult. " Deep rich soils at altitudes adapted to the growth of the sugar cane probably ferin less than the fortieth part of the entire area. "Shallower soils, however, are a little more extensive and yield other crops of tropical staples in abundance." CLIMATE. . The climate of the Hawaiian Islands is warm but salubrious, the te: perature equable, and the sky usually clear. In the shade it is nevetj hot and seldom chilly, and there is so little humidity in the air that it is rarely sweltering, though during the months of January, February, and March the wind blows strongly from the southwest, and the atmos- phere is damp and unpleasant. After such seasons the arid westerly slopes are clothed with verdure and the capacity of the pastures vastly increased. ♦ "Upon the islands themselves it may be said that there are almost as many climates as there are square leagues, and the differences of cli- matic conditions exhibited by localities separated only half a dozen miles are extreme. "As a general rule the windward sides are excessively rainy, the pre- cipitation frequently exceeding 200 inches in a year. The leeward sides are generally arid, but to this there are some striking exceptions ; when- ever the land barrier is low enough to permit the trade winds to blow over it the lee of the barrier is invariably dry and sometimes is as parched and barren as the sage plains of the Eocky Mountains ; the winds throw down their moisture copiously as they rise to the dividing crest and descend hot and dry ; but when the barrier is lofty enough to effectually oppose the drift of the air, the lee becomes subject to the simple alter- nation of daily land and sea breeze. As the sea breeze comes in and ascends the slope it sends down rain ; as the land breeze floats down ward and outward it is dry and clear. "The sea breeze sets in a little before noon and the land breeze goes out a little before midnight. "Belatively to human comfort, the climate is perfection. It is never hot, and at moderate altitudes it is never cold. The heat of summer is never sufficient to bring lassitude, and labor out of doors is far more tolerable than in the summer of New England or Minnesota. 77 When the mountains are low, as in Oahu, the rains extend over them and maintain copious streams for irrigation of the leeward lands where little rain falls. Very much more rain falls on the windward north-, east sides of the large islands. At Hilo in Hawaii as much as 20 feet has been measured in one year. At Honolulu the mean annual rain- fall for five years ending 1877 varied from 32-30 to 46-40 inches, giving an average of 38 inches. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 15 Hurricanes and typhoons are said to be infrequent. There is 7 how- ever, at Kawaihae, in the island of Hawaii, a wind called the mumuTca which rushes violently down between the mountains, and is dangerous to shipping. When hurricanes occur on the island of Maui, great damage to the sugar crop ensues. The temperature varies from 55° in winter to 70° in summer for the early mornings, and attains an average maximum of 75° in the winter and 85° in the summer for afternoon heats. There is no rapid, sudden change; cold or hot waves are unknown. During the heat of the day the sun-heated lava and rocks create a strong draft, loaded with vapor from the ocean ; this vapor, at 2,000 feet elevation, forms a continuous cloud bank, covering the mountains. Hail sometimes falls in the vicinity of Hawaii. Table from Pacific Coast Commercial Record showing temperatures in Honolulu : Maximum temperature for 1891 in Honolulu 89° Minimum temperature for 1891 in Honolulu 54° Maximum daily range of the year 22° Average weekly maximum from July 1, to October 1 86° Table from u Vistas of Hawaii" showing temperature for 1890 : Date. January 7... February 4.. March 4 April 1 May 6 June 3 July 1 August 5 September 2. October 7 November 4. December 2. 6 a. m. ] p.m. o • 67 77 68 72 66 76 67 78 69 78 73 78 73 82 72 84 72 83 75 81 71 80 69 78 9 p. m. From the above it is evident that the climate of the Hawaiian Islands is in general that of a mild summer. The hottest months are July and August, when the thermometer sometimes rises to 90°, but this is considered unusual. Frost is unknown; rains are warm; and the days and nights are of so nearly the same temperature that little daily change of clothing is necessary. EARTHQUAKES. Earthquakes are of common occurrence in the islands, but they usually have their center of disturbance in Hawaii. In the islands to the northwestward the shocks are infrequent and feeble. The shocks are seldom of a very alarming or destructive character, but small or moderate tremors are frequent. POPULATION. The total population of the Hawaiian Islands in 1890* was 89,990, of which 58,714 are males, 31,276 females. Statesman's Year Book, 1893. 16 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Latest official census of the Hawaiian Islands. [Taken December 28, 1890.] BY DISTRICTS AND ISLANDS. Hawaii: Hilo 9,935 Pima , 834 Kau 2,577 North Kona 1, 753 South Kona 1, 812 North Kohala 4,303 South Kohala 538 Hamakua 5, 002 26, 754 Maui : Lahaina 2, 113 Wailuku 6, 708 Hana 3,270 Makawoo 5, 266 Molokai . 17, 357 2,632 Lauai 174 Oahu: Honolulu 22 907 Ewa 2 155 Waianae 903 Waialua 1,286 Koolauloa Koolaupoko Kauai : Waimea 1,444 2,499 31, 194 2,523 Niihau 216 Koloa 1,755 Kawaihau Hanalei 2,101 2, 472 Lihue 2,792 11, 859 BY NATIONALITY — 1890 AND 1884 COMPARED. Natives Half-castes Chinese Americans Hawaiian-born, foreign par- ents Japanese 1890. 34, 436 6,186 15, 301 1,928 7,495 12,360 1884. 40, 014 4,218 17, 937 2,066 2,040 116 Norwegian Britons Portuguese Germans French Other foreigners Polynesian 1884. 227 392 1,344 1,282 8,602 9,377 1,034 1.61)0 70 192 419 416 588 956 Total population 1890 89,990 Total population 1884 , 80,578 Population by nationality and sex of the Hawaiian Islands, and also of the principal town- ship districts. [Compiled from tbe latest census, 1890.] Nationalities. Honolulu, Oahu. Wailuku, Maui. Lahaina, Maui. Hilo, Hawaii. Lihue, Kauai. Popula- tion whole islands. Natives, males females '- Half-castes, males females Chinese, males females Hawaiian-born, foreign parents, males. . females Americans, males females British, males * females Germans, males females French, males females Portuguese, males females Japanese, males females Norwegians, males females Polynesians, males females All others, males females Total 4,494 4,068 1, 257 1,346 3,950 457 1,250 1, 236 767 431 529 267 261 105 25 23 933 799 277 111 55 21 151 22 1,260 1,178 267 248 1,202 33 254 215 65 23 53 5 29 5 7 402 326 842 183 31 11 22 14 36 32 687 599 199 101 89 5 41 39 15 11 7 4 7 29 24 249 40 1,076 900 175 189 1,264 19 537 513 90 27 68 i 16 I 27 7 4 . 2,703 708 22, 907 6,708 2,113 9 935 411 310 49 61 347 9 203 177 11 7 8 2 163 108 237 195 363 18, 364 16, 072 3, 085 3, 101 14, 552 779 3, 909 3,586 1,298 630 982 362 729 305 46 24 4,770 3, 832 10, 079 2,281 155 72 404 184 371 48 2, 792 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 17 CHARACTERISTICS, RELIGION, EDUCATION. The natives are a good-tempered, light- hearted, pleasure-loving peo- ple. It is probable that little difficulty is found in governing them as, of themselves, they are not inclined to turbulence nor disposed to revolt against any form of government. Like children, they are easily led and controlled. Even when the Hawaiian Islands were discovered, the people were by no means savages, but had an organized state of society. After discovery, civilization made progress as rapidly, it is said, with these people as with the Japanese; and in twenty -five years after the landing of the missionaries (1820), the whole people had, in a great measure become Americanized. But to day, except politically as the one-time owners of the islands, the natives are but an unimportant element of the people and their consent or opposition could have but little influence upon the course of events. They are a peace-loving race, and, in a military sense, are not worth consideration, but they are brave individually and make, it is said, excellent seamen. Little resist- ance could be anticipated from them even in defense of their country. RELIGION. All forms of religion are tolerated. According to the latest statis- tics there are : Protestants 1 29,685 Roman Catholics 20,072 Mormons 3, 576 Hebrews, less than 100 EDUCATION. Education is general. There are 178 schools, with 10,000 pupils, of whom 5,559 are natives and 1,573 half-castes. In 1890-'92 $326,922 was allotted for public instruction. (Sum allotted for public instruction, 1892->94, $210,600. Statesman's Year Book, 1893.) • LAWS. The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a supreme court of justice, and, in addition, circuit judges and justices of the peace. MILITARY FORCES AND POLICE. The military forces authorized by law consist of the household guards, fixed at 65 men. It is reported that all but 16 of these men have been discharged, that number being retained as a guard for the deposed queen (February, 1893). Volunteer military organizations are prohibited by law. There is also an organized police force. LANGUAGE. The language is very largely made up of vowels, giving to the spoken tongue a pleasant liquid sound somewhat difficult to acquire. The consonants all have the English sound, the vowels that of the German S. Rep. 227 2 IS HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. vowels, except i, which is the same as the German ie. r j?here are no silent letters in the written Hawaiian language. English is very generally spoken throughout the group. GOVERNMENT. Under the great chief Kamehameha the islands of the Hawaiian group became consolidated into a kingdom about the beginning of the present century, and continued, with occasional interference from European powers, as an independent nation under the rule of the descen dents of the first great chief. At the beginning of the present year the Government was a consti- tutional monarchy, ruled by a queen aided by a cabinet consisting of 4 ministers, and by a legislature composed of 24 members of the house of nobles and 24 representatives. These, with the ministers, made a total of 52. Members of both houses were elected by a popular vote. An educational qualification was necessary for all voters, and a prop- erty qualification for electors for nobles. In January of this year the revolution occurred which resulted in the present Provisional Govern- ment. BUSINESS. Business is almost entirely carried on by foreigners, principally Americans, British, Germans, and Chinamen. Many of the principal offices are filled by foreigners or by native-born whites. CURRENCY. Gold and silver coins of all nations are current as legal tender at real or nominal value. From 1884 only United States gold coins have been legal tender for more than $10; no paper money exists excepting in form of treasury certificates for coin deposited. FINANCE.* The budget is (was) voted for a biennial period. The following table shows the revenue and expenditures in dollars for the last five financial periods : ■ 1882- r 84. 1884-'86. 1886-'88. 1888-'90. 1890-'92. $3, 092, 085 2,216,406 $3, 010, 655 2, 988, 722 $4,812,576 4,712,285 $3. 632, 197 3, 250, 510 $4, 408, 033 4, 095, 891 The revenue is largely derived from customs ($1,204,305, 1890->92) and internal taxes ($963,495, 1890-'92), while the largest item of expenditure was for the 'interior ($1,641,848, 1890->92). The debt, March, 1892, was: Bonded debt .' $ 2 ; ^U, 000 Dae depositors' postal-savings bank 903,162 Interest varies from 5 to 12 per cent. * Statesman's Year Book, 1893. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 19 COMMERCE — EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. Sugar and rice are the staple industries, while coffee, hides, bananas, and wool are also exported. The following table shows the commerce and shipping for five years: Years. Imports. Native ex- ports. Customs receipts. Ships en- tered . Tonnage. 1887 $4, 944, 000 4, 541. 000 5, 439, 000 6, 962, 000 7, 439, 000 $9, 435, 000 11,631,000 14. 040, 000 13,143,000 10, 259. 000 $595, 000 ' 546,000 550, 000 696, 000 660, 000 254 210. 703 1888 246 | 221.148 1889 288 ! 223, 567 1890 r 295 ! 230,120 1891 310 The chief exports in 1891 were : Sugar pounds.. 274,983,580 Rice - do.... 4,900,450 Bananas bunches . . 116, 660 Wool pounds . . 97, 119 The imports are mainly groceries, provisions, clothing, grain, timber, machinery, hardware, and cotton goods. Ninety-one per cent of the trade is with the United States.* PRODUCTS, RESOURCES, VEGETATION. Besides sugar and rice, the staple products, coffee, bananas, oranges, and other fruits are largely grown. Food products are abundant, especially of the kind suitable to a hot climate. The native food consists largely of the taro plant, of which the best varieties are grown in shallow ponds of fresh water. It is stated that about 40 square feet of taro will yield enough to supply one man for a year, this being his principal food. 'From this plant is made the^oi, which is the ordinary food of the Kanaka. The sweet potato grows even amongst the rocks and flourishes abundantly in good soil, while the common potato sometimes grows well, though is often injured by worms. Wheat and corn are grown; the former wns once cultivated for export. Flour is made, but it is said that the islands now receive all their cereal products from California. The quality of the coffee raised is said to be equal to the choicest. The climate is also very favorable to the growth of the long staple sea-island cotton; but as this variety must be picked by hand the high price of labor in the islands renders its culture unprofitable. Tropical fruits of nearly all kinds grow in the greatest abundance, the orange, lemon, lime, mango, pineapple, chirimoya or custard apple, the alligator pear, pomegranate, and guava, all of which are exotic. The banana is indigenous, and is the most abundant of all fruits ; besides it there are the ohia apple — a fruit peculiar to the Pacific islands, soft, juicy, and mildy acid — many varieties of palms, the choicest trees of India, the caoutchouc, the papaya, the traveler's tree of Madagascar, and other foreign plants. INDUSTRIES. "The chief industry of the islands is the cultivation of sugar cane. For this the soil (although the area is limited) seems better adapted "Statesman's Year Book, 1893. 20 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. than- any other in the world. The yield will average about 5,000 pounds of sugar to the acre, and choice fields sometimes yield twice' that amount. Large amounts of American capital have heen invested in the plantations and in the accessory commerce." Large flocks of sheep and herds of cattle are found. These animals are raised chiefly for their wool and hides. On the island of Lanai great flocks of sheep pasture, while in Hawaii considerable numbers of wild cattle are still found in the mountains;* wild goats and wild hogs also exist in great numbers, and it is said that wild horses and asses are also found. DISEASES (OTHER THAN LEPROSY). It is asserted that diseases, other than leprosy, are not as trouble- some as in most places considered healthful. Malarial fevers are thought to be infrequent, nevertheless in the monthly table (March, 1891) the greatest number of deaths for the year, 89, is recorded as due to "fever." Consumption (probably imported cases) comes next with 74; u old age" next with 59. Amongst the other more important causes of death are diarrhea, 29 ; dysentery, 15. From diseases of the liver but 2 died, while 25 died of disease of the heart. From this it would seem that the diseases common to the tropics — fever and stomach troubles — are to be guarded against. Eheumatism is prevalent in many of the damper localities; smallpox occasionally appears; and measels has on one or two occasions carried oft' many of the natives, owing to their manner of life, but this disease is now easily controlled when it makes its appearance. Lung and chest troubles are almost unknown to natives of the islands. In fact, the Hawaiian Islands are regions of unusual healthfulness. The general health of the natives is steadily improving; leprosy, now largely under medical control, is gradually being stamped out. {See Leprosy.) MANNER OF LIFE, CLOTHING. The whites live, of course, much as they live at home, and usually in well- constructed nouses of European style. The natives live as a rule in grass huts, upon native food, largely taro and fruit, and wear clothing of light cotton stuff, a straw hat, but shoes rarely. Woolens are not in general use, but very light flannels are recom- mended for strangers at all seasons. At night blankets are rarely needed, but a light blanket is otten com- fortable. Houses have no fireplaces. For troops clothing for all seasons should be light flannel drawers and shirts, wide straw hats or helmets, and the light quality of outer garments issued to troops on the southern stations. Ample tentage should be provided for use in localities where heavy and sudden rainfalls are frequent, and light blankets should be carried. The ration should be suited to the requirements of a warm climate. "Descended from the animals introduced by Vancouver in 1792. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 21 INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE EIGHT INHABITED ISLANDS OF THE HAWAIIAN GROUP. Island of Oahu (Map 0). This island has the form of an irregular quadrangle; it lies 23 miles northwest of the nearest island of the group, Molokai. Length about 4G, breadth about 25 miles. Oahu, though not the largest, is the most important of the Hawaiian group, as it contains Honolulu, the capital, chief seaport, and principal city. Coast. — The greater part of the island is surrounded by a coral reef often half a mile wide. The windward side of the island presents a gigantic cliff hardly acces- sible, except at one point reached by a road cut with great labor from the mountain side; but the leeward side descends from the mountain to the sea in very moderate slopes deeply cut by ravines. The northeastern coast of the island is generally a rugged plateau descending by gentle slopes to the water. When viewed from the ocean, this coast appears to be formed of detached hills rising steeply and covered with woods. The intervening valleys are fertile and well cultivated. From the southeast extremity of the island, called Makapuu Point, to the Mokapu Peninsula, the coast is often marked by scattered islets and rocks; and beyond, the peninsula is indented by a con- siderable bay extending to Kaoio Point, thence to Kahuku, the northern point of Oahu. Along this part of the coast is a narrow strip of land, varying from a half to 2 miles in breadth, only a few feet above the level of the sea. It is very fertile, and has a gradual ascent to the foot of the mountains. From Kahuku to the village of Waimea lies a level plain from 2 to 6 miles wide, and but slightly above the level of the sea. It is a good pasture, and at many of its frequent holes and crevices may be seen streams of clear and cool fresh water making their subterranean way from the mountains to the outlets in the sea below low- water mark. The southwest side of the island is composed chiefly of craggy moun- tains, some descending abruptly to the sea, others terminating a small distance from it; thence a low border of land extends to Ashore formed by sandy beaches, bounded by rocks on which the surf beats heavily. The southwest extremity is Laeloa, or Barber Point; thence the shore continues low, flat, and covered with bushes to the entrance of Pearl River, about 12 miles from Honolulu. Some of the land in this vicinity is of extreme fertility. Interior. — Two parallel ranges of hills traverse Oahu from southeast to northwest, separated by a low plain. The highest point is Kauia, 4,0G0 feet, in the west range. The east range is much longer than the other, and its ridge is very broken ; lateral spurs extend from many ravines on the land side, but for 30 miles on the other side the range presents to the sea a nearly vertical wall without a break. There are few craters in the loftier heights; volcanic activity seems to have ceased; but several groups of small cones with craters, some of lava, some of tufa, exist. Valleys are numerous, with lateral ravines, in which water courses and cascades are found. A chain of mountains rises near the center of the east part of the island to 3,175 feet, and descends near the middle into the Ewa Plain, which divides this range from the distant and elevated mountains that 22 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. rise in a line parallel with the southwest shore. The Ewa Divide lies 5 miles west of Honolulu. This Ewa Plain is nearly 20 miles in length from Pearl Kiver to Waialua, and in some parts is 9 or 10 miles across; its soil is fertile, and watered by a number of rivulets running along deep water courses emptying into the sea. Plain of Honolulu. — This plain is some 10 miles in length, and in some parts 2 miles in width from the sea to the foot of the mountains. The whole plain is covered with rich, alluvial soils, in places 2 or 3 feet deep. Under this lie volcanic ashes and cinders 14 to 16 feet deep, resting on a stratum of solid nonvolcanic rock, a kind of sediment deposited by the sea, in which branches of white coral, bones of fish and animals, and several varieties of marine shells have been found. A number of wells have been dug to a depth of 12 to 13 feet in the substratum of rock, always reaching good clear water, which, though free from salt or brackish taste, rises and falls with the tide. Inland from Waikiki, near Honolulu, and reached by the Punahou road, lies the Manoa Valley, whose upper portion divides into numerous canyons. There is a broad valley called Nuuanu, bounded by a mountain wall 20 miles in length, which rises from the green, rolling plain below. Less than 5 miles from Honolulu, in a westerly direction, lies the valley of Moanalua. Here are fine rice fields, cocoanut groves, and fish ponds. In the district of Waianae the bases of the mountain lie farther from" the sea and a narrow valley, presenting a fertile and cultivated aspect, seems to wind for some distance through hills. In the Waialua bay district the soil is sandy and poor, but a short distance iirshore an agreeable change takes place. Honolulu. Honolulu is the capital and principal port of the Hawaiian Islands, and is situated on the south side of Oahu, on a narrow plain at the foot of the eastern range of mountains. The aspect of the country around Honolulu, as seen from the roads, is barren; and the plain on which the town stands is destitute of ver- dure. This plain extends east and west from the town, while behind it the land rises gradually towards the Nuuanu Valley. Several crater- shaped hills are in sight, one of which, named Punch Bowl Hill, 498 feet high, lies close to the northeast side of the town. The central part of Honolulu consists of regularly laid out streets, on either side of which stand houses and warehouses of European style, frequently placed within spacious, inclosed gardens. The outer por- tions of the town are chiefly composed of grass huts inhabited by natives. Honolulu would, probably, burn easily to the ground. Amongst the principal buildings are the spacious Government houses, in which all the public offices are inclosed, the King's palace, a fort, two hospitals, several churches and chapels belonging to the different religious denominations, custom house, sailors' home, and several schools. Hospitals. — There is a quarantine hospital on the west side of the harbor, and a good general hospital to which sailors and others are admitted at $1.25 per diem. Shops. — There are foundries, workshops, and shipyards, where con- siderable repairs can be effected. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 23 Patent slip.— k patent slip has been constructed by the Government on the east side of the harbor opposite, the outer light house. This slip can take a vessel of 1,700 tons. The harbor is formed by an opening in the coral reef, about 150 yards wide at the entrance and 300 yards wide off the town, and rather more than a mile in length. Though small it is capable of accommodating a good number of vessels. Depili on bar is 30 feet. Wharves. — The railway crosses the Hats on the north side of the har- bor and terminates at two wharves, with 19 feet of water alongside each of them. The west wharf is used by ships. There is in the harbor altogether 1,900 feet of wharf frontage, with a depth of 21J feet, and 700 feet with depths of from 17 to 19 feet, and about 1,200 feet with less depth. Tides. — The tidal streams are regular, running six hours each way. .The flood is to the westward. Springs rise from 2 J to 3 feet. Supplies. — Supplies of all kinds are plentiful. Beef, mutton, fowls, eggs, vegetables, and fruit can be obtained at moderate prices. Water can be procured from the shore in a tank. It is good, but very expensive, even in the inner anchorage being $2.50 a ton. This for ships. Implements and building materials (with the exception of timber, which is good and moderate in price) are excessively costly in Hono- lulu. The demand for and sale of articles required for the equipment of ships have greatly diminished. Probably material for repair of arms, equipments, and munitions of troops could be obtained with difficulty, or not at all. Water and lighting. — Honolulu has an abundant supply of excellent water — pure, free from limestone or alkali, soft, and adapted to all the uses of the city. It is brought from reservoirs at the upper end of the lovely Nuuanu Valley, and conveyed by pipes through the business and principal residence districts. The city is lighted by electricity, the power for the generation of which is derived from the reservoirs referred to. Both the water and lighting systems are controlled by the Government. Coal. — Welsh or Australian coal of good quality can be obtained from European firms. About 15,000 tons is the quantity generally kept in stock. Climate. — The climate of Honolulu is generally very pleasant and healthful, especially when the northeast trade wind prevails, southerly and southwesterly winds are called by the natives the winds," because they are followed by small ailments, gastric maladies, and intermittent fevers, as is the case with the sirocco in Europe. The following table* gives meteorological observations taken at Honolulu, 1876: The " sick Months. January . . February . March April May June July August . . . September Mean thermometer. Noon. Midnight. 78 70 78 69 75 72 77 71 79 72 80 73 80 • . 75 811 75 81 75 Prevailing winds. 16 NE., force 8, maximum. 10 | NE., force 3, average. 15 S.. force 3, calm at night. 15 NE., force*, light at night. 11 I NE., force 4. 5 NE., force 3. 13 NE., calm at night. 15 NE. 5 NE., 21 days; SE., 9 days. * Pacific islands. Sailing directions. Admiralty. 24 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The barometer generally falls below 30 during southerly winds. Population. — Honolulu has a population of 23,000 or 24,000, of various nationalities, consisting principally of whites, natives, Chinese, and Portuguese. Of these the whites are the controlling element in com- mercial, manufacturing, and general affairs, though there are several business houses in the hands of the Chinese. The Portuguese are chiefly engaged in manual labor. The most intelligent class of Hawaiians are employed in government or commercial positions; of the lower classes of the natives some are laborers; others exist by fishing, farming, and various occupations. Of the whites, Americans or those of American descent largely pre- dominate in numbers and influence, though those of German and British extraction are very prominent. Horses, carriages, etc. — Hacks are very common in Honolulu. They are stationed at the corners of all the main thoroughfares, and the fare to any part of the city is 25 cents. The horses in use are said to be superior to those of many large cities. There are four livery stables, well equipped with saddle and carriage animals. Hotels. — The Royal Hawaiian has accommodations for 150 guests, electric lights, electric bells, water from artesian wells; Eagle hotel; Arlington; Waikiki Villa, at Waikiki, 3 miles from Honolulu, connected by tram cars from Honolulu. Tram cars. — About 12 or 14 miles of tram-car lines exist. These cars are drawn by mules or horses. The cars are of American make. Telephones. — There is said to be an excellent system of telephonic communication; two companies; rates low; 1,300 telephones in use. Public buildings. — Iolani Palace, in King street, said to have cost $500,000. Aliiolani hall, the main Government building, in which the Legisla- ture meets. The Queen's hospital, intended for the relief of afflicted Hawaiians of both sexes, gratis. The opera house, seating capacity 1,000. The Lunalilo home, a home for aged Hawaiians. The insane asylum, from 50 to 75 inmates. The Oahu jail. Prisoners are required to do road work and other labor in and around Honolulu. The fish market. The Royal Mausoleum. Honolulu Free Library, contains 10,000 volumes, on general subjects. Young Men's Christian Association building. Post office building. Police station house for the reception of petty offenders. Current publications. — Pacific Commercial Advertiser, frequency of publication unknown. The Hawaiian Gazette, a weekly publication. The Kuokoa, a weekly publication. The Bulletin, an evening daily. Ka Leo, native, daily and weekly. Holomua, native, weekly. Elele, native, weekly. Monthly publications. — The Friend, The Anglican Churchman, The Planter's Monthly, The Paradise of the Pacific. A Tourist's Guide is issued annually. The Hawaiian Annual. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 25 The Hawaiian Gazette Publishing Company possesses a very com- plete printing establishment. Manufacturing. — Honolulu Iron Works, incorporated 1877. Number of hands employed, usually about 200. This institution is said to be equipped with excellent appliances in all its departments. Honolulu Steam Bice Mills — Large quantities of rice milled for home and foreign use. Hawaiian Carriage Manufacturing Company. — Manufacture to order and attend to all kinds of repairing; deal in and keep on hand wagon makers' supplies. Hopper's Planing Mill and Iron Works. — Extensive plant, said to execute all kinds of work in wood and iron. Enterprise Planing Mill. — Sash, doors, etc. Lucas Bros. — Sash, doors, etc. Hawaiian Gazette. — Bookbinding, etc. Press Publishing Company. — Well equipped printing house. Tahiti Lemonade Works. — For manufacture of all kinds of aerated waters. Another establishment of thcsame kind. The usual number of blacksmith and wagqn shops, cooperages, etc. Banking houses. — Bishop & Co.; Glaus Spreckles & Go., whose Cali- fornia correspondent is the Anglo-California bank. The mercantile houses are numerous. CITIES OF OAHU (OTHER THAN HONOLULU). Kanehoe, in the Kulau district, the principal place on its side of the land, situated near Waialai harbor, just beneath the Pali, back of Honolulu. No details of settlement. The climate here is cooler by a few degrees than on the leeward side, and frequent showers keep up the verdure. Waiahia, a large village, lies at the northern end of the plain which separates the two ranges of mountains. No details. Waianae, nearly in the middle of the southwest coast of the island, a village lying at the base of the mountains in a narrow valley, fertile and cultivated. The shore here forms a small sandy bay, and on the southern side, between two high rocky precipices, in a grove of cocoa- nut trees, stands the village. Pearl City, situated on the south side of the island, is a large, irregu- larly-shaped lagoon or inlet, greatly cut up by projecting points and islands. This is Puuloa River and Pearl Lochs, where the United States Government has acquired certain rights.* On the west side of the channel lies Puuloa village, in the neighborhood of which are large salt works. Along the inshore side of the Pearl Lochs is a strip of very fertile land of variable breadth, part of which is under cultivation j behind the land rises gradually to the Ewa plain. Pearl City is said ,to be one of the pleasantest spots on the island, made accessible by the building of the Oahu Eailroad. It is situated *In 1887 a treaty between Hawaii and the United States was made which agreed that, on condition of the remission of duties on certain articles of Hawaiian produce, the United States was ceded the exclusive right to establish and fortify a naval sta- tion in the Hawaiian Islands. Pearl Harbor was designated as the station. In 1889 an enlargement of the treaty provisions, so as to confer special advantages upon both parties, was proposed by the United States. It was suggested that the cession of a naval station be perpetual as well as exclusive. Another provision was proposed, viz, to allow the United States to land troops in Hawaii whenever neces- sary to preserve order. These provisions have not so far been taken advantage of by the United States. 26 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. in the midst of a highly productive and fertile district, 12 miles distant from Honolulu, and is now a beautiful town, with an abundant supply of pure artesian water, with wide streets, a substantial station, and several modern residences already built, and with improvements going on as rapidly as a large force of workmen can push them to completion. The Oahu Land and Eailroad Company founded the town. Water supply. — Pearl City is said to have facilities for supplying 10,000 inhabitants. There is now an artesian well which flows to a height of 28 feet, and lias a capacity, when pumped, of 2,000,000 gallons per day. The water from this well will be pumped into a reservoir 100 feet high, and be used to supply the peninsula. There is another reservoir on the more elevated ground, 200 feet above sea level, with a capacity of 1,500,000 gallons, which can be increased to 16,000,000 as soon as necessary. This is supplied from mountain streams. Pearl City consists of 2,200 acres of land, which was owned in fee simple by the Oahu Eailroad and Land Company, 18,000 acres adjoin- ing which is held by the same company under a fifty-year lease, and is being sublet for fruit-growing purposes'. Three companies have recently been incorporated, two oft them with a capital of $30,000 each, and have rented a choice portion of this land, which will be planted principally in bananas and pineapples. The 2,200 acres Which the town proper comprises, includes the whole of the peninsula extending into the harbor, and the lots on the main- land, the latter of which are on a gradual slope of land inclining toward the mountains. The site of Pearl City has long been a favorite spot where boating, bathing, and fishing can be enjoyed under the most favorable circum- stances. A good breeze is always blowing from the ocean. The tem- perature of the water is perfect for bathing all the- year round.* Diamond Hill. — About 3 J miles southeast of Honolulu; a signal station for incoming vessels. WaikiM. — A village lying about 1 mile northwest of Diamond Hill. There is no anchorage in front of it. Island of Hawaii. (Map D.) In shape the island of Hawaii is a wide triangle, sides 85, 75, and 65 geographical miles. Almost the whole surface is a gentle slope from one of the four volcanic mountains : Mauna Kea, on north, 13,805 feet, the highest peak in the Pacific Ocean; Mauna Loa, on south, 13,600 feet; Mauna Hualalai, on west, 8,275 feet; and Mauna Kohala, on north- west, 5,505 feet. The slopes on the west are so gentle that the base of terminal cones may be reached on horseback. In the Mahukona dis- trict the face of the country is regular, ascending gradually from coast to summit of highland. The plain lying between the mountains of Hawaii is many square miles in extent. Coast. — The south point of the island of Hawaii, called Ka Lae, is very low, rising with a gentle slope to the hills behind. The southern side of the island is much drier and the country more open and free from forest than on the north, where, indeed, the forests are very dense. From the south to Kumukahi, the east point of Hawaii, there are no bays or good anchoi/ages.t The coast is exposed to wind and swell. * Pacific Coast Commercial Record. t Ej lept the small bay at Kaalualu. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 27 From the east point almost to Hilo Bay the coast is precipitous, and against it the sea continually beats with violence; thence for thirty miles the shore is remarkable for the number of streams (85), running at the bottom of ravines, 1,800 to 2,000 feet deep, which furrow the side of Manna Kea and render travel along its coast very laborious. Ridges between the ravines, terminating at the sea in precipices from 100 to 500 feet high, oblige the road to run inland. The northeastern coast is very generally steep and rocky, though here and there are small bays or breaks in the cliffs where the natives are able to land their canoes. Upolu Point is the northern extremity of the island. Behind it lies an extensive plain in good state of cultivation, rising gradually to the foot of the mountains. From the north point of the island the west coast is at first barren, owing to want of rain; the face of the country is regular, ascending gradually from the coast to the summit of highland in the interior. From Kawaihe Bay to the village of Kailua there is no anchorage or shelter. Kealalcelcua Bay, where stands the monument to Capt. Cook, R. N., is the best anchorage of the south coast; but south of it lies a rugged lava covered shore, where large masses of rock, miles in extent, often form perpendicular cliffs against which the sea beats with fury. This formation extends half a mile into the interior, and as the dis- tance from the sea increases the soil becomes richer and more productive. The face of the country within this rocky barrier is rough and covered with blocks of lava more or less decomposed, but at a distance of 2 miles from the coast begins to be well covered with woods of various kinds, which are rendered almost impassable by an undergrowth of vines and ferns. The interior of the island of Hawaii is a strange blending of fertility and desolation. In the valleys are often found regions of extraordinary richness, that are reached only by crossing arid districts strewn with rocks and bowlders, or overlaid by recent streams of lava still uncovered by soil. Barren wastes are succeeded by vegetation so dense as to be almost impenetrable, or by pleasant grass lands lying near forests of the pecu- liar koa tree, which is characteristic of this island. The trees in the koa forests frequently grow close together from a soil carpeted with long rich grass; they are large in size, of hard, dark wood, and were formerly greatly used to make the canoes of the islanders. The density of the forests is proportional to the amount of rainfall, which, upon the windward side of Hawaii, is phenomenally great.* On Hawaii is found a peculiar grass, said to have been brought to the island by accident. In its green state it is hardly fit for pasture. Cattle and horses eat it, but it apparently affords very little nourish- ment, though more when cured. So dense and high is this grass that it is difficult to ride through it. Another, and perhaps the best variety of grass, comes from Mexico; it is called, locally, maniania grass, and wherever it grows forms the richest and most velvety sward imagin- able. It is highly nutritious and animals are very fond of it. Such being the character of the interior of the island, roads are in general bad, and communication difficult. * Mnj. Dutton says that this may attain to more than 300 inches annually in the nterior of Hawaii; 240 inches have heen measured at Hilo. 28 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, HAWAII. Hilo. — Hilo, or Byron Bay, on the northeast side of Hawaii, is the only anchorage on the northeast coast; the bay is about 7£ miles wide and 3 miles deep. It is fully exposed to the northeast, trade wind. The scene which the island presents, as viewed from the anchorage in Hilo Bay, is novel and beautiful; the shores are shielded with exten- sive groves of cocoanut and bread fruit trees, interspersed with plan- tations of sugar cane, through which numerous streams are seen hur- rying to the ocean. To this belt succeeds a region some miles in width, free from woods, but clothed in verdure, while beyond is a wider belt of forest, whose trees, as they rise higher and higher from the sea, change their character from the vegetation of the tropics to that of the polar regions. Above all tower the snow-capped summits of the mountains.* On the coast of the bay near Cocoanut Island lie the creek and vil- lage of Whyeatea, where landing may be effected in all weathers. There are two piers to the northward of the entrance of the creek, alongside the northernmost of which ships drawing 15 feet of water can lie. The shore then turns westward along a sandy beach for nearly 1 mile to the bottom of the bay, where the town of Hilo is situated. Hilo is the principal town in Hawaii, and ranks next to Honolulu in importance and population. The town may be easily recognized from the seaward by the tall white square towers of the Eoman Catholic church and the pointed white spire of the Protestant church. There are also several other large buikliugs, both public and private, such as a court-house, schools, governor's house, stores, etc. There are several sugar plantations in the vicinity of Hilo on which the town is mainly dependent for prosperity. Besides sugar and molasses, Hilo exports hides, tallow, goatskins, arrowroot, rice, and a small amount of coffee. As before stated, the rainfall here is very great, and accounts for the luxuriant verdure of the district. The Hawaiian Government steam vessels communicate with Hilo from Honolulu once a week, and schooners ply constantly between the two ports. (See Communications and Appendix I.) Supplies. — Supplies of nearly all descriptions can be obtained: Beef, 10 cents per pound; bread, about 9 cents, and vegetables at 6 cents. A small pier has been built in front of the town, but in 1888 the sand had washed up and closed it as a landing place. The only landing place is at Whyeatea. Close to the west of the town is Waterfall Creek, the mouth of W T ailuku Kiver, and about 2 miles from the entrance is Cocoanut Point. There is a good watering place up this creek which is generally easy of access, except when the wind is blowing hard from seaward; on such occasions the surf is high, and the rocky bar at the entrance becomes dangerous for boats to pass. The water is excellent and abundant. Hilo Bay is a safe anchorage, and next to Honolulu may be con- sidered the best in the Hawaiian Islands. With a strong trade wind there is a slight sea, unpleasant enough for boats but not sufficient to endanger the safety of a ship. The westerly wind, which is felt most, seldom blows strongly. A well- sheltered anchorage can be picked up anywhere under the lee of Blonde Beef in from 5 to 7 fathoms. A vessel drawing 15 feet or * Pacific Islands, Vol. n, Hydro-graphic Office. Admiralty. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 29 less may anchor so as to be quite under the lee of Cocoanut Island and Keo Kea Point. MahuTcona. — A small village with anchorage off it about 6 miles south of Upolii Point. The place is becoming important, through the energy of a Mr. Wilder, who has made a most convenient landing place, and constructed a railway 15 miles long to bring sugar from the Kohala district round the north end of the island. The cargo boats lay along the side of the pier and are laden and cleared very quickly by means of a steam " crab "which works a truck up and down the incline. There is no water in the place. All the fresh water has to be brought from Kohala by train. An attempt to obtain artesian water failed. The anchorage is indifferent, and with winds to the westward of north or south would be untenable. Freight is disembarked and ship- ped at night, during the greater part of the year. The soil along the shore is barren for 3 or 4 miles inland owing to the want of rain. The face of the country is regular, ascending grad- ally from the coast to the summit of the high land. Kawaihae village is situated in a grove of cocoanut trees, just behind a sandy point near the center of the bay of the same name. The vil- lage consists (1891) of a general store, 2 or 3 houses, and several huts along the shore. In front of the village is a pier for boats. So much of the soil of this district as lies along the coast, though rich, is badly watered; 7 or 8 miles inland from Kawaihae Bay it becomes exceedingly rocky and barren. The climate is upon the whole unpleasant, especially at Waimea, about 9 miles eastward of Kawaihae, in consequence of the exceed- ingly strong trade wind, which brings with it a mist toward sunset. This wind rushes furiously down between the mountains which bound the valley of Waimea and becomes very dangerous to the shipping in the bay. It is called by the natives mumulm, and is foretold by an illuminated streak seen far inland, believed to be caused by the reflec- tion of the twilight on the mist that always accompanies the mumuku. The principal exports of the district are hides, tallow, and beef. On approaching the anchorage a good landmark is a conspicuous mound situated a short distance south of the village. Another con- spicuous landmark is a white tomb in the form of a pyramid. There is a coral reef in front of the village, but a boat passage exists around the north end and close to the shore, where landing is easy. With strong westerly winds the anchorage would be very exposed and unsafe. The sea breeze from the westward lasts all day, and the northeast trade or land breeze sometimes blows strong all night. Supplies. — Beef may be obtained here at 6 cents a pound ; potatoes are abundant, and plenty of fish may be caught with the seine. The watering place, which is in a small sandy bay, is only a pool of rain water collected in a hole, and would require 500 feet of hose to pump into a boat. In the summer the water becomes somewhat stag- nant and unfit for drinking j in winter more rain falls, and it then becomes a stream. Settlement — Kailua Bay. — The bay affords a good anchorage at most seasons of the year. (In 1841 the residence of the governor of Hawaii Island was established here, and great advances were being made in the civilized arts and industries.) There is a most convenient landing place on a sandy beach on the west side of the bay, formed by the jutting out of two points, between which is a small cove protected from the surf by rocks. 30 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Kain seldom falls here except in showers, and a rainy day once in the year is looked upon as remarkable. This, together with the absence of all dew, prevents the existence of much cultivation. There grows, nevertheless, a coarse vegetation sufficient to pasture a few hundred goats, and a mile back from the shore the surface is covered with herb- age which maintains cattle, etc. ; 2 miles in the interior there is suffi- cient moisture to keep up a constant verdure. The temperature is mild and equable. During the winter the ther- mometer ranges from 64° to 85°; summer, 68° to 86°. The prevailing winds are the land and sea breezes, which are very regular ; the most severe gales are those from the southwest, which last from a few hours to two or three days, and render anchorage unsafe. On approaching Kailua Bay, the town may be recognized by the 2 churches and the cocoanut groves on the shore to the westward. There is a most convenient landing place, as noted above. Kona. — Settlement near Kealakekua Bay, situated west side Hawaii; best anchorage on that coast. Climate mild, 62° to 76° in winter, 70° to 86° in summer. Strong winds are seldom felt. During day, cool sea breeze; during night, land breeze. It was at Kealakekua Bay that Capt. Cook was killed (1779). On west of Kanwalda Cove is a village of same name, where the monument to Cook now stands. The shore all around the bay is rocky, making landing dangerous when there is a swell setting in, except at Kealakekua village. Here there is a fine sandy beach, with burying place at one extremity and a small well of fresh water at the other. The bay is easy of access ; but anchorage is not good, owing to the great depth of water and foul bottom. Kan- walda Cove, though exposed to winds south and southwest, may be con- sidered safe anchorage, except in winter. Kona is a village a few miles inland, and is considered one of the most healthy spots in the whole group, and especially beneficial to peo- ple suffering from weakness or disease of lungs or chest. It is said that many visitors come here from California to pass the winter, and there are one or two commodious boarding houses for their accommo- dation. From the landing place, about half a cable southwest of Cook's mon- ument, there is a good road leading to Kona. Supplies. — Beef, fowls, sweet potatoes, and plantains can be obtained in Kealakekua; also water at Napupu, a village south of Kealakekua; but the tank is falling to decay, and the water is brackish in all wells in the vicinity of Kanwalda Cove. Island of Maui. (Map E.) The island of Maui lies northwest of Hawaii. The channel which separates them has a width of 28 miles. The island is 48 miles long in a west-by-north and east-by-south direc- tion; it is divided into two oval-shaped peninsulas, connected by a low isthmus 6 miles across, and only a few feet higher than the beach. The whole island, which is volcanic, was probably produced by the action of the two adjacent volcanoes. Coast. — The southwest point of Maui, Cape Hanamanioa, is formed by rugged, craggy rocks. From here along the coast 25 miles to Alau islet the whole shore is rugged and offers no anchorage or shelter. From seaward the land appears to ascend abruptly; it is densely covered with trees and vegetation, while here and there a few HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 31 habitations appear. Alau islet, lying off the east coast of Maui, is very small. Kauiki head, the eastern point of Maui, is an old crater which is connected by a low spit to the mainland, and at a distance appears like an island. Near this, peninsula lies Hana harbor, from Avhich a coast that affords no shelter extends for 31 miles. The north coast of East Maui is a succession of deep ravines, which gradually diminish in breadth as they ascend, and are finally lost in ,the flanks of the mountains; traveling along the coast, in consequence, becomes almost impossible. Cascades several hundred feet in height, but having little volume of water, are seen falling into these ravines. The east coast of West Maui is an abrupt precipice several hundred feet in height, terminating at Kahakuloa Point, the northern extremity of the island. The southern side of West Maui has a forbidding appear- ance. Tue shores, however, are not so steep and rocky as elsewhere, and have generally a sandy beach. Off Makena, near the southwest extremity of the island, lies a small baneu islet called Molokini, only visited by fishermen who dry their nets on its barren surface. Interior. — The eastern peninsula of Maui, the larger of the two, is lofty; but though the mountains are often seen above the clouds, they are never covered with snow. East Maui rises in an unbroken mountain. East Maui, although mountainous, has much cultivated land; and the rich volcanic soil of the Kula district, on the southwest side of the island, raises abundant crops of potatoes. Wheat and other grains are also cultivated. West Maui has many sharp peaks and ridges, which are divided by deep valleys, descending towards the sea, and opening out into sloping plains of considerable extent in the north and south sides. The highest peak of West Maui is Mauna Ika, 6,130 feet. The connecting isthmus Consists of sand, which is constantly shift- ing and w thrown up in dunes; this region is naturally dry, but dur- ing nine months of the year affords fine grazing, feeding large herds of cattle that are mostly owned by foreigners. The productions of Maui are those of the other islands, with the addition of a few fruits, such as grapes, etc. The highest point of Maui, named Kolakole, is 10,030 feet above the sea. It is destitute of trees to the height of about 2,000 feet; then succeeds a belt of forest to the height of about 6,500 feet, and again the summit is bare. The crater of Haleakala is a deep gorge, open at the north and east, forming a kind of elbow. The inside is entirely bare of vegetation. The natives have no tradition of an eruption. Though arid and sandy in appearance, the soil of the isthmus con- necting the two parts of the island is good, deep, and exceedingly fertile where irrigation has been introduced. At Spreckelsville, in the north- ern part of the peninsula, lie the largest sugar estates of the island. CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, MAUI. Hana Harbor. — The anchorage is well protected from the wind and sea, and is very convenient. There is a town here. Details unknown. Kahului Harbor. — Situated between the coral reefs on the northern side of the low isthmus joining the two peninsulas. Channels about 3£ cables wide, 4 cables deep, fully exposed to the northward. 32 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Kalmlui. — An important place for exporting the produce of the north- ern part of Maui y there are railways connecting it with Wailu'ui to the westward, and Spreckelsville and Haiku on the east. {Set Oom= inunications.) There was being built in 1881, out from the shore near the custom- house, a jetty which it was proposed to extend as far as the edge of the reef. Anchorage may be obtained in from 2£ to 7 fathoms. WailuJcu. — A flourishing village about 2 miles northwest of Kahu- lui. Here there is a female seminary occupying an extensive range of coral buildings, beautifully situated on an inclined plane, with high precipices behind. It is considered one of the best organized establish- ments in the Hawaiian Islands. Lahaina. — A town situated on the west side of West Maui, and at one time a flourishing place much frequented by whaling vessels for refitting and for obtaining supplies, but now only visited by vessels loading with sugar, which is grown on the estates in the vicinity. The town is built along the beach for a distance of three-fourths of a mile. It is principally composed of grass houses situated as near the beach as possible. It has one principal street, with a few others at right angles to it. From seaward the town may be recognized by some conspicuous buildings, especially Government House, which is near the beach and has a tall flagstaff before it. The seminary of Lahaiualuna is situated on the side of the mountain above the town. Off the town there is an open roadstead which is completely shel- tered from the trade wind by the high land of Maui, but the holding ground is reported indifferent. Supplies. — Supplies of all sorts can be obtained here — beef, vegeta- bles, fruit, and water in abundance. Landing. — The landing place is at a small pier, extending from the light-house, and protected by a breakwater. The tide is irregular, generally running northwest sixteen hours out of the twenty-four. Patoa. — A roadstead (so called by Vancouver) situated on the south- ern side of West Maui. " The anchorage at Patoa is abreast of the easternmost of these valleys, which appeared fruitful and well culti- vated." Kamalalaea Bay settlements. — The bay is on the west side of Maui, lying between two peninsulas, the western side formed by rocky cliffs and precipices. Nearly in the middle of this side is a village called Mackerrey, off which is an anchorage in 7 fathoms. No details known. Maalaea. — Near the head of Kamalalaea Bay, in the northeast cor- ner, is the small village of Maalaea. Here there are some houses for storing sugar. Besides sugar there is a great quantity of wheat, maize, and potatoes grown in this district, and supplies of fresh pro- visions are obtained in plenty from Wailuku, which is about 6 miles distant. The anchorage off this place is not good, as the trade wind blows across the low isthmus in heavy gusts, and communication with the shore by boats is sometimes interrupted. There is a small pier here for loading schooners and boats can always go alongside, the channel leading to the landing place being #bout 20 yards wide, between two coral reefs. Makena, or Malcees Landing. — A small indentation in the west coast of East Maui, near the southwestern extremity of the island. It HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 33 derives the latter name from a planter whose estate is situated on the side of Manna Haleakala, on a plateau 2,000 feet above the sea and about 5 miles east of the landing place. Near the landing are a stone church and several Rouses. The anchorage is exposed to the heavy squalls which occasionally blow over the low isthmus in the center of Maui, and landing is at times impracticable for ships' boats owing to the heavy surf. The holding ground is not good. Island of Kauai. (Map F.) Kauai lies 64 miles west by north of Oalm, and is separated from it by the Kaieie Walio channel. This island is of volcanic formation, somewhat circular in shape, 25 miles long and 22 miles wide, and rises in the center to a peak 5,000 feet in height. Coast. — From the seaward the northeast and northwest sides appear broken and rugged, but to the south the laud is more even; the hills rise with a gentle slope from the shore, and at some distance back are covered with woods. The southern point of the island is a bold, barren, rocky headland, falling perpendicularly into the sea. Ninini Point, north point of Nawiliwili Harbor, is low, level, grassy laud, sprinkled with volcanic bowlders extending from a range of low hills that stretch along the coast at a short distance from the beach, which extends northward to Wailua. Along the coast from Wailua sugar cane appears to be cultivated in large quantities, especially in the vicinity of Wailua and Kanala Point, where there are several factories. From this point to Hanalei Bay are several small villages scattered along the coast near the mouths of mountain streams which are closed by sand bars. The land near the sea is flat and very fertile, but soon rises to the mountains behind. The rivers as well as the sea abound in fish. The northwest coast of Kauai, forming the district Na Pali, has a very rugged appearance, rising to lofty abrupt cliffs that jut out into a variety of steep rocky points destitute of both soil and verdure, but terminating nearly in uniform even summits, on which, in the valleys or chasms between them, are several patches of green. Here and there a stream running from the lofty mountains behind finds its way to the ocean. Mana Point, the western extremity of Kauai, is along, low sand spit, commencing at the foot of a high range of mountains, and from it a sandy plain extends to the town of Waimea. This plain is from <* quarter to a mile wide and 150 feet above the sea, whence it rises grad- ually to the mountains. It has a sunburnt appearance and is destitute of trees, except on the low grounds where the cocoanut thrives. The sea here abounds in fish. Between Waimea and Kaloa Bay, the south point of Kauai, extends a series of sunburnt hills and barren plains, sloping gradually to the shore from the mountains, and here and there intersected by ravines. There is no cultivation, and the soil only produces a kind of coarse grass quite unfit for pasture. Interior. — The island of Kauai is considered one of the most pleasant of the group. Portions of it appear better adapted to agriculture than the other islands, and the coffee and sugar plantations on the weather g f Bep, 227 ? 34 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. side, which is well watered with streams and by frequent rains, ard very productive j but the lee side is dry and adapted to cultivation^ only in valleys. CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, KAUAI. Wawiliwili Bay village. — The harbor of Nawiliwili is a small cove on] the southeast side of the island, at the head of a bay of this nainel The greater part of the harbor is blocked by shoals and reefs. At Nawiliwili Bay is a large village; the soil in the vicinity is richj producing sugar cane, taro, beans, sweet potatoes, etc. There is a small pier in the northwest corner of the harbor, wherec landing may be easily effected; but the pier should be approached with caution, as a reef extends from the shore to the southward of it fon two cables in an easterly direction. The local mail steamer runs to this point. (See Communications.) i Wailua. — Formerly a place of some importance, 5 J miles from Kiirini Point, situated on a small river of the same name, in a barren sandjl spot, surrounded by an extremely fertile district. The river, in com moil with the others along this coast, is closed at the mouth with sand barsj but inside is deep and navigable by canoes for several miles. Coast villages. — From Kanala Point, north and west, 14 miles to Hanalei Bay, there are several small villages scattered along the coastj near the mouth of mountain streams closed by sand bars. Hanalei. — Situated near the bottom of a bay of this name. Anchorage ground in the bay is spacious in tine weather, but there il only room for about three vessels in bad weather under the lee of tha reef near the eastern point of the bay. A landing is generally effected inside the mouth of the river. Supplies. — Supplies are plentiful — beef, vegetables, and fruits may bd obtained in abundance. Water may be procured by sending boats inta the river, which is easy of access iu fine weather, and a short distance! from the mouth the water is perfectly fresh. The town is very picturj esquely placed; the mountains rise to a height of from 3,000 to 4,000j feet, and are clothed with verdure from base to summit, with numeroua rills running down their precipitous sides. In front of the town is a good beach where great quantities of fish may be caught with a seine. The district derives its name from the numerous rainbows formed byj passing showers. The rains are so frequent as to clothe the country iil perpetual green. On the eastern side of the entrance is a conspicuous dark bluff-head^ with two sandy beaches a short distance to the eastward. A little way to the southward of this bluff is the mouth of a small river, in front of which is a bar that may be crossed by boats at half flood; inside, the bar carries a depth of from one to three quarter! of a fathom and is navigable for several miles for boats drawing 3 feet. About 4 cables from the mouth of the river, on the northern bank, is a large farm, called u Charlton farm," owned by the Englisfl consul, who keeps a large number of cattle of good breed. Waimea village. — Situated on Waimea Bay, southwest coast, placed! at the mouth of river of the same name, which runs about 15 milel inland. At one time a populous native town, but now (1891) only! small village of little importance. It contains a church. Boats may ascend the river for about three-quarters of a mile; thid is the only water here that is not brackish. A little to the eastward HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 35 of the village a shoal projects. The trade winds, deflected by the mountains, often raise a surf which renders landing at times very unpleasant, sometimes impracticable. Waimea Bay should be approached with caution, as reefs extend to the southward. There is a railroad from Waimea to Kekaha. No details known. Kaloa Bay village. — About 1 mile west of the south point of Kauai is a slight indentation of the coast, where there is a considerable vil- lage called Kaloa, off which anchorage may be obtained but in a very exposed position. The country around the village of Kaloa is much broken by hills and inactive craters; but the soil is good, though dry and very stony, and is capable of cultivation in many places. There is a sugar planta- tion here, and there are several large cattle ranches in the vicinity. The village may be recognized by many high buildings and two churches; it extends from the beach to a distance of 2 miles up the slope of a hill. Between the village and Makanuena, the southern extremity of the island, there is a low point running out into a rocky ledge that somewhat protects the anchorage. There is a good landing place at Kaloa, in a small cove protected by a reef extending about 1 cable from shore; an artificial creek has been made at the head of this cove, with sufficient space for one boat to enter. Supplies. — Supplies of beef, vegetables, and fruit may be obtained in abundance. Island of Molokai. (Chart B.) Molokai is situated north of Lanai, from which it is separated by Pailolo Channel, 6J miles wide. It is apparently formed by a chain of volcanic mountains about 40 miles long and 7 miles broad. The mountains are high and broken by deep ravines and water courses ; the sides are clothed with verdure and ornamented with shrubs and trees. , Coast. — Lae o Ka Laau, the southwest extremity of Molokai, is a low black point. On the south side of the island are several small harbors, the best of which is Kaunakakai, midway between the two extremes. From this point to the southeast extremity of the island the distance by the coast is about 21 miles, thence northward to Kalaua, the north- east point, about 2 miles. Some 16 miles from Kalaua, and on a peninsula projecting about 2 miles into the sea, is placed the leper settlement of the Hawaiian Islands. Interior. — One-third of the island of Molokai, towards the west end, is a barren waste not susceptible of cultivation, except in the rainy sea- son. It has in consequence but few inhabitants, who are engaged mostly in fishing. The eastern two-thirds is almost one entire mountain, rising gradu- ally from the south until it attains an elevation of 2,500 feet, while on the north it is almost perpendicular. On the south side there is a narrow strip of land not exceeding a quarter of a mile in width, where dwell the greater part of the population. The soil is very rich, but owing to the want of moisture few plants will thrive even here. Resort is therefore bad to the uplands, which are found to be susceptible of the highest degree of cultivation. 36 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, MOLOKAI. Kaundkakai. — A town or village situated on the south side of Molokai, midway between the extremes. There are outer and inner anchorages: former not good, latter limited. No supplies are to be obtained at Kaunakakai. No details of town known. Kalanao. — Situated near the center of the north coast of Molokai, at the base of very precipitous mountains. The leper establishment was erected here about 1865. The anchorage is to the southward of a low point, extending from the foot of two remarkable, steep mountains. It can not be considered safe, being exposed to a heavy swell ; landing at Kalanao, always difficult, is at times dangerous. Supplies. — No supplies can be obtained. Island of Lanai, or Ranai. (Chart B.) Lies 16 miles northwest of Kahulaui, and is separated from West Maui by Auau Channel, 7J miles wide. Lanai is a dome-shaped island, about 17 miles long and 9 miles broad. Large fissures are visible on its sides. The center of this island is much more elevated than Kahulaui, but is neither so high nor so broken as any of the other islands. Great part of it is barren, and the island in general suffers much from the long droughts which prevail. The ravines and glens, not- withstanding, are filled with thickets of small trees. The island is volcanic; the soil shallow and by no means fertile. The shores abound with shellfish. Sheep in large numbers, it is said, are pastured here. CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, LANAI. No towns noted ; probably none exist. Island of Niihau. (Chart B.) The island lies 17 miles west-southwest of Kauai, from which it is separated by Kumukahi Channel. It is about 20 miles long by 7 miles broad. This island is mostly lowland, except on the eastern side, where it rises directly from the sea to a height of 1,500 feet, and is rocky and unfit for cultivation. On the western side is a level plain from 2 to 4 miles wide, where the natives cultivate yams, fruits, sweet potatoes, etc. The soil being dry, the yams grow to great size. The* natives are few in number and very poor; they live almost entirely on the western side of the island. Of late years Niihau has been used as a sheep run, and in 1875 there were said to be about 70,000 sheep on the island. The eastern shore of Niihau is rocky and wholly destitute of shelter, but on the western shore there are several open roadsteads. CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, NIIHAU. Tarn Bay. — An open roadstead about a mile and a half south of Kona .{Point, where, in fine weather, anchorage may be obtained, There :~ HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 37 only one place in the bay where boats can effect a landing in safety when the sea sets in, a common occurrence; this is on the western side behind a small reef of rocks that lies a little way off the beach; even here it is necessary to guard against sunken rocks. No inhabitants noted. Cook anchorage. — On the southwest of Niihau, about 4 miles south of Kona Point; is exposed to the heavy northwesterly swell; the bottom is composed of large rocks, with patches of sand. Near the beach are a few huts, a church, and a derrick for loading and unloading boats. Landing. — The landing place is protected by some rocks forming a breakwater in the northeast part of the bay, and is situated just inside a lava patch which from seaward appears like a point. Landing can be effected easily in moderate weather, but with a heavy swell it is impracticable. Supplies. — Whalers call here occasionally for fresh meat, but the sheep being bred for wool only, very little meat can be procured ; and only a limited quantity of vegetables and fruit. Fresh water can only be procured during the rainy season, when the water courses are full; at other times of the year there is no water but what the natives have collected in wells in the rock for their own use; these wells are chiefly near the south end of the island. Caution. — As the rollers set in with but little warning at Cook anchor- age, sailing vessels should proceed to sea on first indications of them. These rollers generally last from three to four days. Island of Kahulaui. (Chart B.) Called also Tahurowa, separated from East Maui by Alalakeiki Chan- nel, 6 miles wide, is about 11 miles in length and 8 miles wide. It is low and almost destitute of every kind of shrub or verdure, excepting a species of coarse grass. The rocks of which it is formed are volcanic, but nothing is known of any active or extinct craters on the island. Atone time this island was used as a penal settlement; but it is now chiefly used as a sheep run, the soil of decomposed lava being of too poor a quality for cultivation. CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, KAHULAUI. No towns noted; probably none exist. Island of Kaula. (Chart B.) This island, called also Tahura, lies 17 miles southwest one-half west from Niihau. It is a small, elevated, barreu rock, destitute of vegeta- tion, and uninhabited. It is visited to collect the eggs of sea birds, which abound. Island of Lenua. (Chart B.) Lenua, or Egg Island, lies off the north point of Niihau. It is a small, rugged, barren rock, apparently destitute ot soil and without sign of habitation. 38 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Island of Molokinl (Chart E. ) A small islet of the island of Maui, which see. Communications of the Hawaiian Islands. railroads. There are, according to the Statesman's Year Book for 1893, 56 miles of railway in the islands of Hawaii, Maui, and Oahu. These roads were built principally for the transportation of products from the interior to the seaports. RAILROADS OF OAHU. Oahu Railroad. —This line extends from Honolulu, 19 miles, to Ewa plantation ; passing around Pearl Lochs, with a branch along the pen- insula to Pearl City, and a spur extending into a quarry at Palama. Eoadbed good. It is proposed to run the railroad completely around the island. Depots. — There is an excellent depot at Honolulu; also turntable. Stations, with suitable houses, at intervals along the line. A fine depot, also turntable, exists at Pearl City. Wharfage. — The company's wharf at Honolulu is 60 feet wide and 200 feet long and is ample for present needs. Products can be unloaded directly from cars to vessels and vice versa. Rolling stoclc, etc. — The rolling stock and equipments are of the most approved and modern style. At the port of Waianae, in northwest portion of Oahu, there are sev- eral small railroads, in all about 4 or 5 miles, branching to plantations in the interior and along the coast. About these there are, however, no obtainable data. RAILROADS OF HAWAII. In Hawaii, from Mahukona to the Kohola district, some 15 miles of railroad exist. RAILROADS OF MAUI. In the island Maui a little railway of very narrow gauge now con- nects Wailuku and Kaluilui. The railway also extends 3 miles further eastward to the sugar mills of the great plantation of Sprecklesville, in all 13 miles. (The distances between these places are given from the overland dis- tance tables in the Hawaiian Annual for 1893.) Data concerning gauge, quantity of rolling stock, etc., as well as reli- able maps, are at present unobtainable. RAILROADS OF KAUI. On the island of Kani there is (according to the Hydrographic Office chart of Waimea Bay) a railroad from Waimea village to Kekaha. No details known. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 39 ROADS. There are a few well- constructed roads on the Island of Oahu, leading from Honolulu to places of interest to tourists ; but in general the roads on the island are not good, being frequently heavy with sand and muddy in wet districts. No positive information obtainable. TELEGRAPHS. There are telegraphs round the island of Oahu as well as in Hawaii and Maui. Oahu and Hawaii are connected by telegraphic cable. Total length of telegraphs, 250 miles. TELEPHONES. Telephones are in general use in Honolulu and probably elsewhere on the islands. POSTAL SERVICE. For Hawaiian Islands postal service and post-offices. INTER-ISLAND STEAMERS AND VESSELS. There are 22 coasting steamers plying between the ports of the island, of which 9 belong the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Company, 7 to the Wilder Steamship Company, and the remainder to various private owners. There are also 25 sailing vessels belonging to various firms and owners. There are, besides, 2 steam and 6 sailing merchantmen and traders of Hawaiian register plying between the islands and foreign ports. LEPROSY. In his report to the Hawaiian legislative assembly of 1884, the presi- dent of the board of health makes the assertion that " Hawaii has to meet a calamity of widespread disease. * * At least 2 per cent of her entire native population is attacked by a fearful and supposed incurable malady [leprosy], of an exceptional character, that demands separation and isolation." In the same report it is shown that the appropriation of $90,000, for the segregation and care of lepers, voted in 1882, for the biennial period closing March 31, 1884, had fallen short of the demands upon the health authorities. The Hawaiian law has provided for the strict segregation of lepers since 1865, and the district of Kalawao on Molokai, a territory of about 5,000 acres, was selected at that time for the leper settlement. It is asserted that up to 1882 at least, the law requiring segregation was not carried out with vigor, but it is shown that under the partial enforcement of the law during sixteen years prior to June 1, 1882, 2,602 cases, an average of 162-62 cases per year, had been sent to the 40 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. leper settlement. The biennial report of the president of the board of health for 1890 states that "the work of collecting and segregating lepers had been carried on with firmness and impartiality, and that the number of lepers collected and sent to Molokai for the biennial period closing March 31, 1890, was 798. Of these 2 were of British and 2 were of American birth." The report shows that $331,057.80 was expended by the board of health during the biennial period, and it is asserted u that the maintenance of the leper establishment is the almost bottomless pit into which more than three-fourths of the money appro- priated is cast. 7 ' It is hopefully claimed, however, "that its requirements are on the wane, and judging from the most reliable information obtainable there are but very few undoubted cases of leprosy now at large in the country, and they will come under the care of the board as rapidly as it is pos- sible to get control of them." In proof of this it is stated that on the 31st of March, 1888, it was estimated that there were then at large throughout the Kingdom 644 lepers, while at the date of the report under consideration, March 31, 1890, "according to the best informa- tion obtainable, there are * * * about 100 persons supposed to be affected by the disease still at large who have not been before the examining board." The reasons why these suspected lepers have not been examined are stated to be that some very bad and unmistakable cases are hiding in fastnesses of the mountains, while some mild cases change their residence so often as to baffle the efforts of the officers of the law for their arrest. In regard to the contagious character of the disease and the precau- tions necessary to be taken it is claimed by Surg. Tyron, U. S. Navy,* that the spread of the disease in the Hawaiian Islands is due, or was due at that time, 1883, to the general belief that "the disease is only slightly contagious, and its treatment as such from the begin- ning, allowing free individual intercourse, with weak enforcement of the laws for its suppression." That leprosy has not always been regarded by the authorities of the Hawaiian Islands as eminently contagious is shown by the following extracts from the report of the president of the board of health to the legislative assembly of 1884. He says: "Such a characterization is entirely uncalled for, is not warranted by experienced medical opinion, and the violent and hasty segregation which it would inspire is a wrong to a suffering community." "The confirmed leper should be separated from the community, but there should be no alarm in consequence of the temporary presence in the street of a leper, or on account of any ordinary intercourse with a sufferer from the disease." On the other hand the report of the board of health for 1890 declares in the most emphatic manner that "complete, thorough, and absolute segregation offers the only safeguard" against the ravages of leprosy. The same report asserts that if, from the time when leprosy was first recognized as an established fact in the islands, the policy of absolute segregation had been firmly decided upon and unflinchingly pursued, * # # Hawaii would be as free from leprosy to-day as any civilized nation." The report concludes with the hopeful words: "It is safe to say that if we do not relax our efforts we have seen the worst of lep- rosy in this country." The average leper population of the leper set- tlements in Molokai for the two years ending March 31, 1890, was 1,035. * American Journal Medical Science, April, 1883. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 41 A. Lutz, M. D., a specialist employed by the Hawaiian Government as "government physician for the study and treatment of leprosy," reports, under date of April 1, 1890, as follows: "The infection from one person to the other furnishes probably the largest number of patients; heredity, if it really exists at all, is quite secondary, being perhaps only simulated by family infection. The influence of vaccination appears most doubtful." From the Sanitary Instructions for Hawaiians, by the chairman of the sanitary committee of the Hawaiian legislature, the following state- ment of predisposing causes of leprosy and rules to be observed is made up : "Be careful that where the operation of vaccination is performed pure vaccine is used." "Avoid a leprous bedfellow as you would a pit of fire." "Eat regularly and of the best obtainable food." "Avoid dark, damp, badly- ventilated rooms." " Never lie down to repose in damp or dirty clothing, and keep the body clean." "Nearly all the lepers come from among the poor, who have fared badly and have lodged in damp and ill ventilated huts." "Take care of the first symptoms of leprosy. The moment numb- ness of feeling, or any marks or swellings that indicate leprosy are observed, a physician should be consulted." Venereal diseases favor the attack of leprosy. "If two men, one perfectly well and clean in body and the other diseased with venereal virus, were each brought into intimate contact with a leprous individ- ual, the diseased man would be affected and become a leper far sooner than the sound man." Dr. Lutz, Hawaiian Government physician for the treatment and study of leprosy, was encouraged to declare, under date of April, 1890, that he believes "we shall * * * see cures, which may be attrib- uted, not to extraordinary chance, but to our methods of treatment." It appears, however, from later reports, that the study of leprosy by spe- cialists employed by the Government was soon abandoned. Dr. Lutz resigned September, 1890, without having effected a permanent cure. The president of the board of health reports to the legislative assem- bly, session of 1892, on the subject of the study of leprosy by Govern- ment specialists, as follows: "In deference to the oft-repeated requests, * * * the board of health opened correspondence with the leprosy commission of England and with Dr. E. Arning, of Hamburg, Ger- many, with a view of * * * continuing the study and treatment of leprosy." The substance of Dr. Arning's reply is: "That the scien- tific work connected with the etiology and pathology of leprosy can, with surer prospects of success, be carried on here in its European centers, and this is actually being done; there are a number of bac- teriologists * * * at work on this intricate question and slowly unraveling knot on knot towards its solution." The report of the board of health for 1892 states that on " December 31, 1890, there were 1,213 lepers in the custody of the board, that being the highest number ever reached, and on March 31, 1892, there were only 1,115, a decrease of 98 during the period." In regard to the segre- gation of lepers the report affirms that at this date, % March 31, 1892, " there are very few known lepers at large, with the exception of per- haps 17 at Kalalau, Kaui, but there are about 60 suspects at liberty in 42 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Honolulu, and some in the outer districts, and more or less of them will, in time, become confirmed cases." The same report shows that the cost of the " segregation, support, and treatment of lepers " for the biennial period closing March 31, 1892, was $224,331.88. In regard to venereal diseases, so well known as prevalent in the Hawaiian Islands, the statement is made in the Medical Record for April, 1889, that the " effects of hereditary immunity * * * has resulted in the production of a much milder form of the disease in the course of three or four generations. At the present day syphilis in the Sandwich Islands is comparatively a benign disease, and furnishes but a small contingent to the sum of mortality." The writer, Dr. P. A. Morrow, states that " not only has the disease moderated in severity, mit, according to the testimony of numerous physicians, # * * it has materially decreased in frequency." The writer also asserts the "comparative rarity of hereditary transmission" of syphilis in the islands, and explains it by the fact that the native Hawaiian s of to-day are a sterile race. u In some of the districts the percentage of births does not exceed 2 per 1,000 instead of 28 per 1,000, as it should be, to bal- ance the mortality rate." Note. — The maps and charts mentioned in this paper omitted. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 43 VII. Also the following- lecture, delivered at the tj. s. NATIONAL MUSEUM, FEBRUARY 9, AND MARCH 15, 1881, BY CAPT. C. E. DUTTON, OF THE U. S. ARMY, IN WASHINGTON, D. C. [Ordnance notes— No. 343, Washington, April 23, 1884.] THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS AND PEOPLE. Lectures delivered at the TJ. S. National Museum February 9 and March 15 j 1884, under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution and of the Anthropological and Biological Societies of Washington. . [By Capt. C. E. Dutton, Ordnance Department, U. S. A., on IT. S. Geological duty.] Ladies and Gentleman : The Hawaiian Islands are the summits of a gigantic submarine mountain range. If the waters of the Pacific were removed from their vicinity we might behold a range of mountains as loug as our Appalachian system, from Lake Champlain to Chattanooga, and quite as wide, with summits five times as high as Mount Washing- ton. The summits of Mauna Loa and Mauna Kea are nearly 14,000 feet above the ocean, and their bases are from 15,000 to 18,000 feet beneath it. Kef erred to the bottom of the ocean these mountains are higher than the Himalayas. Standing upon the northeastern coast of Hawaii the crest of Mauna Kea is less than 20 miles away, and is nearly 3 miles above us. At a distance of 30 miles at sea the ocean floor is about 3 J miles below us. I am not aware of any other place in the world where, along a line less than 50 miles in length, may be found a difference in altitude of more than 6 miles. The Hawaiian group consists of four larger and four smaller islands. The largest island is named Hawaii. It has a length of about 90 and a width of 70 miles. Its area is nearly 4,000 square miles, being a little less than two-thirds of the area of the entire group. It is not, however, the most populous, for that distinction belongs to the islands of Oahu, on which is situated the principal town and capital, Honolulu, which is the center of trade and the seat of the Government. Only a small portion of each island is capable of sustaining a dense population. The interiors are mountainous and generally rough, craggy, and cut with profound gorges of the wildest description. The habit- able portions are near the seacoast, forming a ring around each island; but only a part of each ring is habitable or cultivable. Some portions are arid and barren; others are covered with recent floods of lava, and still others are bounded by lofty rocky coasts, and trenched with ravines so deep and abrupt that access is difficult. Generally speaking, the proportion of habitable area is singularly small. But those portions which are well favored are probably capable of sustaining as dense a population as any tracts in the world. The climate of these islands is the climate of Paradise. It is never hot, and, except at considerable altitudes, it is never cold. Rarely has the thermometer been known to reach 90° on the seacoast, or to fall below 65°. The temperature in most localities may be averaged the year round as varying between 75° and 85°. But while the tempera- ture of any given locality is uniform, there is wonderful variety in the climate as we pass from one place to another. Indeed, there are almost as many climates as there are square leagues. As a rule the windward or eastern sides are rainy and the leeward sides dry. On the eastern coast of Hawaii the annual rainfall varies from 150 to 250 inches. On the northwest coast of the same island it is probably less than the 44 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. twentieth part of those amounts. The islands being situated within the trade-wind belt, the wind blows constantly from the east and north j east during the greater part of the year, and is only subject to brie: interruptions during midwinter. Violent storms occur only in thr winter time, and these, coming once or twice a year from the southwest are known as konas, which means in the native language the south § west. During a stay of six months on the islands I only heard a single peal of thunder. These islands are all of volcanic origin. They are composed 01 basaltic lavas, and no other rocks are found there excepting a few con: solidated coral sands, which are remnants of old sea-beaches, upheaved from 50 to 200 feet. In the two westerly islands the volcanic activity has long been extinct. Most of the ancient craters have been obliter ated, and the volcanic piles built up during the periods of activity have j been greatly ravaged and wasted by subsequent erosion. Next to the< plateaus and canyon country of the Eocky Mountain region, it would b* difficult to find anywhere more impressive and suggestive examples oi> the wasting and slow destruction of the land than those presented by these islands. We find there grand illustrations of the two methods by which the general process of erosion accomplishes its work. First is the action of the rains, followed by the decomposition of the massive i rocks and their conversion into soil, and also the action of running, water and decay of the rock masses, resulting in the formation ol ravines and mountain gorges of imposing grandeur ; secondly, we find' the slow but incessant inroads made by the waves of the ocean upon I seacoast, gradually wearing back the cliffs and slowly paring away the rocky shore, until, after the lapse of thousands of years, the sea has eaten its way several miles into the land. Thus we have on the one* hand striking examples of one way in which mountains are built, and we have on the other hand equally striking examples of the ways ini which those mountains are destroyed. Travelers in the lofty volcanic islands of the Pacific have frequently noted with some surprise the singularly sharp, angular, abrupt features of their mountain scenery. It is very impressive in the Fijis and Samoa, in the Ladrone, Caroline, and Society groups. But none of them rival in wildness and grandeur the still loftier islands of Hawaii. Gorges little inferior to Yosemite in magnitude are rather numerous. But in a certain sharpness of detail and animation in the sculpture they are unique. The island of Kauai and the western portion of the island of Maui consist of old volcanic piles as high as Mount Washington, and much broader and longer. They are literally sawed to pieces by many immense canyon-like gorges, which cut them to their foundations. Over all is spread a mantle of tropical vegetation in comparison with which the richest verdure of our temperate zone is but the garb of poverty. Whoever reads Shakspeare's Tempest and visits the Bermudas will be disenchanted from some of the most pleasing illusions of the play. But, if Shakspeare could have known the eastern shores of Maui or Hawaii and made them the scenes of his play, it would have had, if possible, another claim to immortality. This wealth of verdure and splendor of scenery usually occur upon the windward sides of the islands, for upon those sides is found the cause which produces them. This cause is the copious rainfall brought by the perpetual trade winds. Nothing can be more pleasing to the lover of beautiful scenery than a ride along the windward coasts of Maui and Hawaii. The land terminates in cliffs, varying from 200 to 500 feet in height, plunging down almost vertically into the Pacific. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 45 The long heavy swell, driven for thousands of miles before the trade wind, breaks with great force against these iron walls. The surface jabove slopes upward towards the mountainous interior, at first with a gentle acclivity, which becomes steeper inland, and at length precipi- tous. This plat forniis gashed at short intervals by true canyons, which ^iead far up the mountain slopes, and open seaward in the great ter- minal wall. A mile or two inland from the brink of the cliff-bound Shore is a forest so dense that it can be penetrated only by hewing a ^ay through it or following a path already hewn. To describe the glories of this tropical vegetation is impossible. Only those who have beheld it can conceive of its splendor and luxurance. Yet there is one unrivaled feature of the island vegetation which has no parallel else- where than in the Pacific and Austral islands, and which may be men- tioned. This is the ferns. There are more than 300 species of them in the Hawaiian Islands, and the most conspicuous are tree ferns which grow in amazing abundance and sumptuousness. They often cover the sides of the ravines, forming a thicket which is quite impenetrable, and become a mantle of green velvet so deep, rich, and exquisitely patterned that it makes an imperial robe seem ridiculous. But there are contrasts. There are portions of the islands where the features have at first sight no more in common with those just spoken of than if they belonged to another planet. The beautiful or grand scenery is found in those parts where the volcanic activity has long been dormant. The contrasted portions are those where the volcanoes are still in action, or have recently put out their fires. The southern half of the great island of Hawaii is covered with the two grandest volcanoes in the world — Mauna Loa and Kilauea. The great central pile is Mauna Loa, which is certainly the monarch of modern volcanoes. Its name signifies the Great Mountain. No other in the world approaches it in the vastness of its mass or in the magni- tude of its eruptive activity. There are many volcanic peaks higher in air, but these are planted upon elevated platforms of stratified rock, where they appear as mere cones, of greater or less size. Eegarding the platforms on which tjiey stand as their true bases, the cones them- selves and the lavas which have emanated from them never approach the magnitude of Mauna Loa. iEtna and all its adjuncts are immeas- urably inferior ; while Shasta, Hood, and Eanier, if melted doAvn and run together into one pile, would still fall much below the volume of the island volcano. In the greatness of its eruptions, Mauna Loa is also without a rival. Some of the volcanoes of Iceland have been known to disgorge at a single outbreak volumes of lava quite equal to them. But in that island such extravasations are infrequent, and a century has now elapsed since any such have been emitted. The eruptions of Mauna Loa are all of great volume and occur irregularly, with an average interval of about eight years. Any one of its moderate eruptions represents more lava than Vesuvius has outpoured since the last days of Pompeii. The great flow of 1855 would nearly have built Vesuvius, and those of 1859 and 1881 were not greatly inferior. The Hawaiian volcanoes are in some respects abnormal. The most distinctive of their characteristics is the quiet and undemonstrative method of their eruptions, liarely are these portentous events attended by any of that explosive action which is manifested by all other vol- canoes. In only one or two instances within the historic period have they been accompanied by earthquakes and subterraneous rumblings. The vast jets of steam blown miles high, hurling cinders and lapillifar ajid wide and filling the heavens with vapor, dust, and ashes ? hay§ ueyer 46 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. been observed here. Some action of the sort is indeed represented sometimes, but only in a feeble way. Ordinarily the lava spouts for til in stupendous quantities, but as quietly as water from a fountain. Sq mild are the eruptive forces that the observer may stand to the wind-! ward of one of these fountains and so near it that the heat will makd the face tingle, yet without danger. Usually the outbreak takes place without warning, and even without the knowledge of people in th| vicinity, who first become aware of it at nightfall, when the heaveni are aglow with the reflected light and the fiery fountains are seen; playing. As the news spreads hundreds of people flock to witness thj sublime spectacle, and display as much eagerness to approach the scene of an eruption as the people of other countries show to get awaj from one. All this is in contrast with the ordinary volcano. At the othen extreme is such an eruption as that which happened last August, at Krakatoa, in the Straits of Sunda. With the published details of thil catastrophe you are all familiar. Appalling as it was, the eruption of Sumbawa in 1815 must have been, if can rely upon the accounts of it, even more energetic and destructive. The eruption of Ooseguinaj in Nicaragua, in 1835, appears to have been of the same character, oi upon a scale quite equal; while once or twice in a century Cotapaxi shakes the chain of the Andes through half its length, fills the skj with dust, and converts noonday into midnight for a hundred inilel around. The eruptions of ^Etna have all been on a smaller scale, buj still sufficient to fill all Sicily with terror. Vesuvius is usually regarded as an obstreperous vent, but its performances are mere Fourth of Jul I fireworks in comparison with these Day-of- Judgment proceedings al Sumbawa, Krakatoa, and Cotapaxi. The explosive agent in these terrible convulsions is steam. In theinj original seat, miles deep in the earth, the lavas contain considerabS quantities of water; but the condition of this water is such as we navel at the surface of the earth, no experience with, except as we observe it in volcanoes. It is water red hot, or even yellow hot, and under J pressure hundreds of times greater than that of the steam in a loco] motive boiler — a pressure probably comparable to that exerted by gunpowder in a powerful cannon. Under the enormous pressure! occurring at a depth of several miles within the earth, water is absorbed by the lavas in much the same way as water itself absorbs ammonia gas, or as wine absorbs carbonic acid. When the lavas rise to thd surface where the pressure is removed their explosive energy becomes terrible. The steam is given off as the uncorked bottle of wine gives off its gas, only a thousand times more violently and energetically. Sal densely charged with vapor of water are some lavas that when, as inj the case of Krakatoa, a vent is found, the explosive energy becomes sol great that the lava is blown into fine dust and dissipated in the surj rounding atmosphere. Although this extreme of explosive activity is far too common for the comfort and safety of the human race it is bjj no means the most frequent. The more ordinary type of volcano is one in which the explosiveness is not so intense as to blow the whold of the ejected matter into impalpable dust, but blows it into pellet! termed lapilli. These grains of lapilli are of all sizes, from that of a kernel of wheat up to those of cannon balls, and sometimes weigh a hundred tons or more. With a majority of volcanoes, whether activa or extinct, the greater part of the material ejected is cast into the ail in this fragmental form. Falling back around the orifice it builds up a fairly regular cone, with a cup om the summit. This is termed a cindel HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 47 cone. Most ol the volcanic piles of the world are crowned with cinder cones, the principal bulk of which consists of lapilli and scoriaceous lumps, with some massive portions of flowing lava streams mixed in. It is probable that quite half of the volcanic material now visible upon the globe consists of accumulations of such fragmental matter. To this general method of extravasation Mauna Loa and Kilaueaare remarkable exceptions. They consist almost wholly of massive sheets and floods of lava. On Mauna Loa there are but the most insignificant traces of fragmental products, and on Kilauea there are only a dozen or two of small cinder cones. The lavas of these great volcanoes flowed quietly out in enormous deluges, running sometimes for months, or even a whole year, with little or no explosive action throughout the entire duration of the flows. One consequence of this quiet method of eruption has been to give to these colossal piles a wholly exceptional form among volcanoes. Instead of a huge cone crowning the apex of Mauna Loa, its summit is nearly a flat plain, 5J miles long and nearly 4 miles wide. Within this plain is sunken a pit 3 miles long, 2 miles wide, and 1,000 feet in depth. In the floor of this pit at certain times may be seen a lake of red-hot liquid lava, varying in size from time to time, but occasionally as large as 30 or 40 acres. At intervals of fifteen or twenty minutes a column of liquid lava of great brilliancy, as large and as high as the Washington monument will be when it is completed, is shot upward and falls back into the lava pool in a fiery spray. This grand display is sometimes kept up for months, and is generally terminated by an eruption. When an outbreak occurs it does not take place usually at the summit, but a fissure suddenly opens in the side of the mountain, out of which a sheet of lava spouts hundreds of feet into the air, and, falling, collects into a river of fire half a mile in width, and rushes at first with great velocity down the slope. After running some miles it reaches more level ground, where it spreads out in great lakes or fields. It also cools on the surface, which gradually freezes over. But it is still hot within, and beneath its hardened covering the liquid rivers are still running, and at the edges and along the front of the great sheet the limpid lava constantly breaks forth, pushing out fiery rivulets in advance and laterally. These rivulets are shot out in quick succession here, there, and every- where, gradually covering the ground by repeated offshoots. They soon blacken and harden, but only to be covered by another and another belch. The later progress of the stream is slow. When the lava first leaves the vent it may run 10 or 15 miles an hour. But later on the stream may advance less than 100 yards in a day. In November, 1880, a great eruption broke forth near the summit of Mauna Loa, and the ava poured out in heavy streams unceasingly for eleven months. There were three great streams flowing in as many directions, and the largest one extended from the vent a distance of nearly 50 miles. It reached the outskirts of the beautiful little town of Hilo, whose inhabitants had abandoned all hope that their village would escape, and had removed their portable property. But the flow stopped just at the edge of the village. The massive and highly liquid character of the flows from Mauna Loa is the cause which has given this mountain its peculiar form. It is in contrast with all other volcanoes by virtue of its flat and gently sloped profiles. It ia a gently rising dome whose steeper slopes are only about 7 degrees, while its longer ones are only 4 degrees. Most volcanoes have slopes ranging all the way from 15 to 30 and even 40 48 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. degrees. The liquid lavas run off from the summit and upper dome and distribute themselves at immense distances. But if fragmental prod- ucts were ejected in any quantity they would pile up around the orifices from which they were ejected and thus form steep conical hills. The ascent of Mauna Loa is a feat wholly unworthy of the name of mountaineering. It is necessary, however, to procure a guide who knows the way, otherwise the journey is pretty sure to prove more interesting than was expected. Many of the lava streams are masses of clinkers of the most angular and cruel aspect imaginable; indeed, the hummocks of an arctic ice field are good traveling in comparison, and only a guide familiar with the mountain knows how to avoid them. Just east of Mauna Loa, about 20 or 25 miles, is the far-famed vol- cano Kilauea. This has been visited and described so often that little needs to be said here. It contains a great pit similar to that on Mauna Loa, and somewhat larger, though not so deep. Within it are the • great lakes of fire always burning. The lake at the summit of Mauna Loa is frozen over and silent, without a trace of volcanic activity, for several years at a time, and is open only for sev- eral months or sometimes a year or so before a great eruption. But at Kilauea the lava lakes are always aflame, and have been so ever since the earliest traditions of the natives. Forty years ago there was a pit within a pit, and in the lowest deep was a lava pool half a mile or more in diameter, always boiling, spouting, and flaming. At the present time the inner pit is quite filled up with solid lava, and a large conical pile of rocks is built up over the site of this former lake. Within this pile of rocks, however, is the remnant of this lake, now about 10 acres in area. Half a mile distant is a second lake which is easily visited, and it is an exhilarating sight to stand at night upon the brink of it and watch the boiling, surging, and swirling of 6 acres of melted lava. At brief intervals the surface darkens over by the formation of a black solid crust with streaks of fire around the edges. Suddenly a network of cracks shoots through the entire crust, and the fragments turn down edgewise and sink, leaving the pool one glowing expanse of exactly the appearance of so much melted cast iron. The heat of fusion in this lake is maintained, in spite of the enormous loss of heat by radiation, by the constant ascent of large quantities of intensely hot vapors from the depths of the earth. An hour's lecture, ladies and gentlemen, leaves no time for rhetoric and graceful transitions from one theme to another. Having shoveled out to you, so to speak, some incoherent remarks concerning points of special interest in the islands, I proceed at once to a subject which will, I hope, prove more interesting, and that is the people who inhabit them. When we were boys and girls our general idea of the inhabitants of the Pacific islands was that they were typical savages. What savages were we knew pretty well, or thought we knew, for had we not all read Robinson Crusoe? We thought of them as naked, black creatures, whose principal occupation was blowing conch-shells, brandishing thigh bones, and dancing a horrible cancan around a fire where a human carcass was roasting. But we were mistaken. The Polynesians, as a rule, were not savages, though many of the white people who first visited them were so. In the Pacific islands two very distinct races are found. Of one race the Hawaiians or Tahitians may be regarded as the type. This race peoples also the Society, Samoan, Navigators, and Friendly groups, #n4 includes the Maoris of New Zealand All these islanders have tu§ HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 49 same physical features, similar social cults, and speak dialects of the same language. The difference between the language of a Hawaiian and of a Society islander is not greater than that between the German and the Dutch. The difference between the language of a Hawaiian and a Maori is less than between the Dutch and the English. This and the community of physical type establish the identity of race sufficiently. The western islands of the Pacific are occupied by a race which has such apparent affinity with the inhabitants of Papua or New Guinea as to raise a very strong presumption of their community, and the sup- position is corroborated by many other circumstances. Of the two races, the first mentioned is much superior physically, mentally, and morally, and of all branches of that race the noblest is the Hawaiian. Physically they are rather large, and have a light-brown color, straight hair, and are handsomely formed, of good bearing, and well featured. The women also are pleasing and comely. There is nothing about them savoring of the squaw, hag, or wench, which is almost universal among so many of the primitive dark-skinned races, and they are not without beauty, even according to the taste of the white man, if he is willing to admire a robust type of feminine grace as easily as he does the "pale, pious, pulmonary" persuasion. Among the Hawaiians the old kings and chiefs seemed to form a distinct caste and a breed greatly superior to the common herd. They were very large, sometimes almost gigantic in size, and of very impressive form and bearing. Their color was lighter, and they were of more massive frames. At the time of the discovery of these islands by Capt. Cook, in 1776, these people were by no means savages. Their social system was as much above savagery on the one hand as it was below civilization on the other. A careful study of their habits and customs discloses the interesting fact that their social organization bore a striking similitude to that of Europe in the tenth and eleventh centuries. It was a feudal system almost exactly. They had kings who were in all strictness heredi- tary suzerains. Under them were chiefs who owed them fealty, and who held lands and titles by a tenure which can hardly be distinguished from enfeoffment, and which, at all events, was a truly feudal tenure; for it carried with it the recognition of the principle that the allodium was vested in the king alone, and the tenure was granted to the chief as a vassal in consideration of military service. The common people were mere villains, bound to the soil, though in some sort as tenants at will. The islands were divided up into several kingdoms, over each of which a king reigned, whose power was very absolute; in all things he was lord paramount. The kingdom was subdivided into tracts, for which the term now used in the islands is simply the word "lands." These lands were lorded over by chiefs, of whom there were several grades. They were subdivided again and again down to the smallest holdings, of a fraction of an acre, tenanted by the lower classes, and all were marked off' by metes and bounds. The power of the King was absolute, and limited only by the endur- ance of his subjects. Life and death, as well as property, were subject to his will; and yet there was a division of power. To make the par- allel with mediaeval Europe more complete, the power of the King was rivaled, and in some cases even overborne, by the power of a priest- hood ; and the priests enforced their sway with a spiritual weapon of resistless potency. The weapons of Eome were many, chief among which were excommunication, the inquisition, and the interdict. The Hawaiian priest had a weapon more powerful than them all. it wa» the tabu. This word has been adopted, metaphorically, into the Eng- S. Kep. 227 4 50 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. lish and many other languages, but few people comprehend its signiflj cance in the places where it originated. The word means prohibited or forbidden, and a great deal more besides. Almost anything might be tabu. The penalty of violating a tabu was always death. The instti tution derived its power from the fact that there was not a native in all Polynesia who did not devoutly believe that even if the King or priesti did not cause him to be killed for violating a tabu the gods certainlj would. In respect to the arts possessed by these people they were few ant! simple. The islands contained no metals and very few substitutes fo| them, except stone, and not the best kinds of stone for implements at that. Considering the want of materials, however, their arts werd hardly to be despised. They made many articles of wood with suil prising neatness. Their only substitutes for cloth were a fabric made! of a peculiar bark, macerated in water and pounded out as thin as paper, and mats woven from the fibers of the pandanus with ho little skill. Their houses were large, commodious structures made of grass! often neatly woven, and attached to a framework of poles. They were scrupulously neat within, and matting of pleasing aspect was useq abundantly. They were wonderfully expert fishermen, and had device! suited for capturing each kind of fish. More than that, they had fish ponds and preserves for rearing select varieties. Agriculture was practiced systematically. They constructed caualj for irrigating, the remains of which are still visible in numerous places] Their chief vegetable was the root of the taro plant, a species of arunj to which the calla lilies belong. It may not be generally known thaf this is probably the most prolific food plant in the world. Humboldl gives that distinction to the banana, but the banana is nowhere in thd comparison ; for a square yard and a half planted with taro will yield food enough to support a man for a year. This plant is poisonous when raw, but cooking completely destroys the poisonous quality and renders it very wholesome. The Hawaiians first bake it and then pound iq gradually adding water, which is kneaded in like oil in a mayonnaise! and when fully prepared it is of a consistency very muchlikemayonnaiseJ In that state it is termed poi; and to this day the natives regard it as we do bread, and it serves still as their favorite food. Many of thj white residents also have become exceedingly fond of it. The primitive Hawaiians were very bold and skillful navigators! There can be no question that they frequently visited in their littlj canoes the Society Islands and Tahiti, south of the equator and 2,401 miles distant from Hawaii. How they could cross such vast wastes 01 ocean seems at first mysterious ; but they had a knowledge of astronom^ such as we sometimes marvel at in the old Egyptians and Chaldeansi They knew the planets, and had names for the brighter stars. Thej also had a good calendar. Their year was three hundred and sixt^l five days long, and began when the Pleiades rose at sunset. They had twelve months, of which eleven had thirty days each, and the twelftM thirty-five days. They had also a primitive arithmetic and a system of numerals in which they could number up into the hundreds of thou] sands. It was partly decimal and partly tesseral. The religion of this people was in some respects analogous to that ol the Greeks. Their gods were hero gods and of many grades. Indeed] it is quite literal to say that the woods were full of them. Every locality, every conspicuous rock or tree, had its tutelar, corresponding perh ips to the Grecian fauns and dryads. They also had animal gods! most notably the shark god, and the divinity of the volcano of Kilauei HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 51 was a female named Pele. The amount of myth and legendary lore in which these divinities figured was something amazing. We have for some years been finding out that our own Indians were rich in myths, if nothing else. But the extent of such lore among the Hawaiians quite surpasses any tiling known of other primitive peoples. Many of them are highly poetical and ingenious. The origin of the Polynesian race has always been a mystery. There is very little light thrown upon it as yet by ethnologic research. The view most favored is that they came from the East Indies at a remote period. That the larger islands of the Pacific have been inhabited for many centuries is an inference which finds considerable support. Attempts have been made to ascertain whether the language has any affinity to known languages of southeastern Asia, but the results are little better than negative. Some coincidences have been found, or supposed to have been found, but it does not seem that they are any better or more significant than such as may be frequently discovered between two languages which are surely known to have absolutely nothing in common. Coincidences between legends and customs have also been discovered. But ethnologists of the present day have come to attach less importance to them, if possible, than to languages. Thus the manners and customs, and also the legends, of the Maoris of New Zealand have very little in common with those of the Hawaiians. Yet the absolute identity of physical type and the virtual identity of their languages are tantamount to proof of a common race. And primi- tive peoples, world over, are constantly surprising us by furnishing correspondences in legends and peculiar customs, when it is absolutely certain that they are widely distinct. On the other hand, there is good ground for believing that if the Polynesians did not come from some known Asiatic or East Indian stock, they may at least have communi- cated with them in one way or another. When the islands were discovered by Capt. Cook pigs were very abundant there, and the animal was an East Indian variety. The peculiar tusks, the portentiously long snout like an icthyosaurus, and ears set in the middle of its body 1 ; give us pretty reliable testimony as to its origin. They also had dogs, and certainly no dog could have come either from America or Australia. Finally, and even more con- clusively, they had common hens and chickens, which are certainly of Asiatic origin. What people brought these animals to the islands is a question. I have already mentioned to you that the Hawaiians often made voyages to Tahiti in their little canoes, a distance of 2,400 miles; and their ancient poems and legends are full of vague accounts of voy- ages to even greater distances. They knew of the Samoan and Tonga islands, which are more than 3,000 miles away and farther westward. Possibly also they knew of New Zealand, but the evidence of that is not so clear. But I have never learned that anything. in their poetry or traditions indicated a knowledge of either America or Asia. While, therefore, it is not impossible that they may have had communication with Asia, there is no other evidence of it than the fact that domestic animals of Asiatic origin were found among them. The transition of this people from barbarism to civilization has been wonderfully rapid and complete. It is a very remarkable fact, too, that it is the only dark-skinned race that has ever been brought into full contact and relation with civilization without Avar and generations of bloodshed, ending in subjugation. The reasons are many. Promi- nent among them are the following: In the first place, there can be little question that it is the finest and most intelligent race of dark- 52 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. skinned people in the world. In the second place, it is due in a great measure to the wisdom, tact, and good sense of the missionaries through whom this civilizatioii was imparted. But it seems to me the third reason is still more potent, and this was the great ability, wisdom, and good sense of the kings of the line of the Kamehamehas and the abso- lute power they originally held over their people. Fortunately, also, at the time of the advent of the white men the con- \ trol of the islands had already been consolidated into the hands of one man, who was fully capable of wielding it. If the lot of the first Kamehameha had been cast in Europe instead of the remotest islands of the sea he would have been one of the most conspicuous figures of history. Originally a little kinglet of a district at the north end of Hawaii, he gradually conquered the whole of that island and finally the whole group. No King in history ever knew better how to rule his people. Brought into contact with civilization, he grasped its meaning with a breadth of comprehension which is perhaps without example among barbarians. He knew instinctively how resistless was its power and how inexorably it crowds the weaker races to the wall. But he had the wisdom not only to avert the destruction of his own power and the obliteration of the nationality of his people, but actually to draw strength from it and make it his servant instead of his master. The greatest achievement of his life was the work of his declining years, and it was an achievement of surpassing skill. He broke completely the secular power of the priesthood. He had the sagacity to discover alone and unaided the grandest truth in political science, and one which white men never discovered until three or four centuries ago. That great truth was that church and state had better let each other alone. We need not wonder, however, that he discovered it, for the Kings of Europe understood it well enough; indeed they were about the only ones who did. The marvel was that this barbarian should have had the courage and address to make the truth a practical reality and put it into execution. It is one thing to perceive the foolishness of super- .stition and quite another to break down a whole religion. W hen Kame- hameha began his career the priesthood was far more powerful than he. When he died they were as powerless in secular matters as the Pope now is in Italy. The finishing stroke was given when his dead body, as yet unburied, was awaiting the obsequies. His widow and son deliberately broke many of the most sacred tabus, and enjoined the same sacrilegious acts upon their households and followers. They were promptly obeyed, and the example was followed by the whole nation. Next the temples were despoiled, the images of the gods broken and burned, and the priests themselves driven into the forests and jungles. An act so sweeping and revolutionary as the trampling under foot of the most binding superstition or religious conviction that ever held sway over the human race would never have been ventured if the peo- ple had not been gradually wrought up to it. In truth, Kamehameha had first revolutionized the whole social and political condition of the people, and had elevated them immensely against the influences of a priestcraft which was all the time "striving to hold them down. When the issue came the King triumphed and the priest was overthrown. It was probably this change which prepared the Hawaiian people for what followed. It established the kingly power independently of a priesthood and left the people without a religion. The year following this important event the missionaries landed there for the first time. They soon secured the good will of the second Kamehameha and found their work a comparatively easy one. To the HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 53 missionariis is due the credit of having bees the agents through whom civilization was imparted to 'he islands. Those who are specially devoted to the interests of foreign missions have been in the habit of regarding the Hawaiian Islands as a signal instance of the triumph of Protestant propagandism. On the whole, there is a large measure of justice in this claim. But, on the other hand, a closer view will prob- ably disclose to the impartial mind the fact that, while the amount of Christian proselytism has been very considerable, the outside view of it is somewhat overdrawn. There are certainly many devout Christians among the Hawaiians, but there are also many who cherish their old religion, and the greater part of them are more or less tinctured with the ancient superstitions. But whatever doubts may arise as to the complete success of the prop- aganda, there can be none as to the success in imparting civilization. Fortunately, they had to deal with and through a succession of kings who were men of preeminent sense and of practical wisdom, and who knew how to manage their subjects. They were kings in the best pos- sible signification. Boyalty was inborn in them, and the loyalty of their subjects was such that the loyalty of an Englishman is a feeble sentiment in comparison. The Kamehamehas, from the II to the V, inclusive, were quick to recognize the advantages of civilization, and had wonderful tact in discriminating between good and bad advice. The missionaries proved to be discreet and judicious advisers, and the transition from barbarism to civilization was effected safely \ step by step ; the Government was transformed into a constitutional monarchy, the feudal tenure of lands was changed to fee simple. Statute laws were enacted and codified, and suffrage was made as broad and liberal as in America. Perhaps the most important step was compulsory education, which is provided for by the State, and to day it is hard to find a native who can not read, write, and cipher. The economic condition of the Hawaiian is probably superior at the present time to that of any other tropical people in the world; and, on the whole, I think it quite safe to say that it is but very little sur- passed, if at all v .by,that of the working classes of America. He has even more to eat and better food, plenty of beef, pork, and fish, and could have an abundance of flour if he desired it, but he prefers his taro. He owns his property in fee; he makes laws and executes them ; he reads and writes; he has but one wife; he tills the soil and tends flocks; sometimes he accumulates wealth and sometimes he does not; he makes his will in due form, dies, and receives a Christian burial; in no land in the world is property more secure. Indeed, I have yet to learn of any where it is equally secure from burglary, rapine, and thiev- ery or those subtler devices by which the cunning get possession of the property of the less astute without giving an equivalent for it. The few relics of barbarism remaining are of the most harmless description, and probably quite as good for him as anything he might adopt in place of them. Unfortunately, the population is rapidly decreasing. A century ago a fair estimate would probable, have been over 150,000. To-day the native population is 45,000 to 5b,000. The causes of this decrease are many. It has usually been attributed to diseases brought by contact with the whites. While it is indisputable that such diseases have in a measure contributed to the result, I believe there is still another cause at work tending to the same result, which is as follows: The Hawaiian is the most amiable and social creature in the world. Life without plenty of society is intolerable to him. He is also fond of display — of 54 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. giving feasts, of treating, and extravagantly fond of dress, horses, and sport. His instinct is to leave the country and crowd into the towns. This is as common among the women as among the men. But to live in town, or to indulge in dissipation, requires money, and therefore a fam- ily is a burden, especially to women, who are so fond of gaiety. There is, therefore, a deliberate and willful curtailment of the birth rate, and, in my judgment, this has been not much less potent in reducing the population than the abnormal increase in the death rate. The Government of the islands is now a constitutional monarchy. The King is the chief executive officer, and his powers, though in theory no greater than those of the English sovereign, are in reality much more extensive and effectual. The legislative branch consists of a repre- sentative assembly, elected biennially by the people, and a house of nobles limited by the constitution to 20 members. The nobles are appointed for life by the King, but their titles are not hereditary. The judiciary is organized upon a plan somewhat similar to that of New York State, though considerably simpler. At the head of the judicial branch is the chief justice or chancellor and two vice-chancellors, who perform the functions of a supreme court and final court of appeals. They have also original jurisdiction in a wide range of subjects, and indeed in almost all important cases of whatsoever nature. Each of these justices holds circuit courts in various parts of the Kingdom, at which cases are tried both originally and on appeal. There are also lower courts in which petty cases are tried, and in which more impor- tant ones may originate. The higher judges are white men truly learned in the law, and they have reflected honor upon their profession and upon their adopted country. All of them are Americans, who received their education and training in law in the United States. The primary judges are in some cases whites, in others natives. The native judges were formerly appointed by the chancellor, but are now appointed by the Crown. There is generally much difficulty in finding men of native birth who possess the requisite legal knowledge and experience. Their intentions are always of the best, but their tendency is to construe law in accordance with their own notions of abstract justice rather than upon legal principles, and few of them are capable as yet of under- standing the value and significance of precedents. But the higher courts are always open to appeal. The administration of law is excel- lent and will, on the whole, compare favorably with any country in the world. The respect of the native for statute law is very great, and the sheriff, policeman, or taxgatherer has no more difficulty in executing his process than in England or Massachusetts ; indeed, he has, if any- thing, less difficulty. The statutory code is in general modeled after that of New York, though it is apparent that in matters of detail many minor differences were at the first and still are necessary. But the underlying princi- ples were identical. The tenure of real estate, the laws relating to liens and mortgages, to wills and inheritance of property, to bank- ruptcy and debt,, to marriage and divorce, to partnership and corpora- tions, are founded upon those of New York State. The system of jurisprudence is also fundamentally the same. There are many differ- ences of detail and these are sometimes wide, but never so wide as to constitute differences of principle. The processes of the courts are more frequently summary, and their action is much more speedy and direct. Devices for protracting and complicating litigation have not as yet been developed to any great extent. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 55 All laws are enacted -by the Legislature, which regulates taxation and customs and appropriates specifically for all public expenditures. In theory the powers of this body are very nearly the same in their broader features as those of one of our State legislatures. The mem bers of the lower house are elected biennially and are mostly natives. In practice, however, there is a wide difference. In England and America the representative body dominates everything and every- body, especially the chief magistrate. In Hawaii the King dominates the representative body. This arises from the fact that this people has always been intensely loyal to the King for scores of generations, and the habit of unquestioning submission to the royal will is far too strongly settled and ingrained to be readily shaken off. The want of experience in self-government on the part of the people, and the habit of absolute command on the part of the kings, will suggest the expla- nation of the great influence which the King holds over the Legislature. At the present time the condition of the people of the islands is one of great prosperity, and they are rapidly advancing in wealth and gen- eral improvement. The reciprocity treaty now existing between the islands and the United States has been mutually beneficial. Large amounts of American capital have been invested there in sugar planta- tions and in the commerce with the little Kingdom. The result has been to give abundant employment to the entire population. Wages are high, and all the produce of the islands brings good prices. Thus the condition of the natives has been greatly improved. They are no longer idlers, but the recipients of well-earned wages and incomes. They are rapidly replacing their primitive grass nouses with neat frame buildings, built in the regular California cottage style. They have adopted civilized clothing, hats, boots, and shoes, and the women "cultivate the fashions as eagerly as our own farmers' wives and daugh- ters, and it is by no means uncommon to see them clothed in silks or delicate woolen fabrics, or white lawns made in scrupulous regard to the latest numbers of Harper's Bazaar. They wear them as easily and naturally as the mulattoes or quadroons in our own country. The women of rank are ladies who are competent to sustain with grace and dignity all the appearances of cultivated society, though it would be expecting too much to look for any high degrees of mental culture according to the rigorous standard of the great white nations. Both men and women, however, are quick to catch the externals of social customs and refinement. The better culture, however, will come in *time as wealth and the comforts and luxuries of civilized life increase among them. One of the most important agencies, and perhaps the most impor- tant, has been the enforcement of education. Common schools are sustained at public expense, and a college for the higher education has been established. Unfortunately the natives have never been taught to speak the English language, and this has been a serious obstacle in the way of their intellectual advancement. It is far easier for a white man to acquire the Hawaiian language than for the Hawaiian to acquire English, and as a consequence few of the natives are able to converse or read except in their own tongue. On the other han£, the white residents can converse easily with the natives, and some of them have obtained an excellent knowledge of the Hawaiian language, while almost all the whites can at least use an intelligible jargon. The defect is in some measure offset by the extensive use of books and newspapers printed in the Hawaiian language, and by a postal system which, under the circumstances, is a highly creditable one to the 56 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. nation. By means of the newspapers the natives are kept fulb informed about their own affairs, and receive considerable knowledge of the great far-off world beyond the sea. That the papers and posts system have been of great potency and utility to them is sufficiently apparent. Whoever wishes for a delightful and instructive journey will do wel to visit these islands. They are only seven days' sail from San Fran cisco in a first-class steamer, and across an ocean which is rareb troubled with storms. He will find scenery as beautiful as any in tin- world and as novel as it is beautiful. He will find charming sociel among his own people residing there, and unbounded hospitality, he is philosophically disposed he will find many instructive subjects for his contemplation. If, without forgetting for a moment the splendor of the civilization in which he has been reared, he can rise above its prejudices, and if he is able to study men and human society from a relative rather than an arbitrary standpoint, and judge them according to the fundamental principles of human nature, he will find his own humanities greatly enlarged and he will be much instructed and bene- fited. VIII. Also the following paper prepared by hon. sanford b. DOLE AND READ BEFORE THE HAWAIIAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY DECEMBER 5, 1892. [Papers of the Hawaiian Historical Society No. 3.] Evolution of Hawaiian Land Tenures. [Read before tbe Hawaiian Historical Society, December 5, 1892, by the Hon. Sanford B. Dole.] When the Hawaiian pilgrim fathers first landed on the lonely coast of Hawaii from their long and exhausting ocean voyage in their canoes decked with mats and rigged with mat sails, it was for them a new departure in government and social and indus trial economy. Their past, with its myths of origin, its legends of struggling and wandering, its faiths and customs, and rites and ceremonies, its lessons of victory and defeat, its successes over nature, was still their present authority and paramount influence, as they feebly began a new sosial enterprise upon the desolate yet grand and beautiful shores of their new inheritance. Their past still held them through its venerable sanctions, and yet they were free in the freedom of a new and unoccupied land to add to its accumulations and to improve on its lessons. We may imagine that the remnant of the freight of their storm-worn canoes included a few household idols, a live pig or two, some emaciated chickens, a surviving bread-fruit plant, fcow, and other seeds. There were women as well as men in the company; the little children had succumbed to the hardships of the voyage which was undertaken to escape the indignities and confiscations incident to the status of a defeated party in tribal warfare. These people, lean and half- famished, gladly and with fresh courage took possession of their new world. As soon as they recovered their strength they built a heiau* and sacrificed to their gods. After a little exploration they settled in a deep valley sheltered by steep cliifs and watered by an abundant stream of clear water, abound- ing in fish and shrimps. At the mouth of the gorge was the sea, where * Heiau — temple. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 57 there were shellfish, crabs, and a variety of fish. Fruits of various kinds nourished on the hillsides, some of which they were acquainted with, while others were new to them. They found varieties of the Jccupa* plant, and understanding the process of making its bark into cloth, they restored their wardrobes which had for the most part dis- appeared in the vicissitudes of the voyage. They also discovered the taro] growing wild in mountain streams, which they hailed as an old friend, feeling that now their satisfaction with their new home was complete. The cultivation of this was begun at once as a field or dry- land crop, as had been the practice in the home land, but as time went on and some crops failed for want of rain, irrigation was used, until at length, it may have been generations after, the present method of cultivating the crop in permanent patches of standing water became established. This result was greatly favored by the abundance of running water, which w r as a feature of the country. Children were born and grew up and intermarried, and the colony grew and prospered. Exploring parties went out from time to time, and other watered valleys were found, and bays and reefs rich in fishing resources. As the community began to crowd the limited area of the valley which was their first resting place, one and another of these newly discovered and favored localities was settled, generally by a family con- sisting of the parents and grown-up boys and girls. And now and then new companies of exiles from the southern islands found their weary way over the ocean, bringing, perhaps, later customs and adding new gods to the Hawaiian pantheon. So Haw r aii was gradually populated, and when its best localities were occupied, Maui began to be colonized, and then its adjacent islands, until the whole group was stocked with people. There may have been a few chiefs in the pioneer company who largely directed the affairs of the colony, and whose descendants furnished chiefs for the growing demands of the branch colonies. Among the new arrivals also from the outside world were occasional chiefs, who were hospitably welcomed and accredited as such, and accorded correspond- ing position and influence. It is also probable that in the very early period when chiefs were scarce the head men of some of the settlements which had branched off from the parent colony acquired the rank of chiefs, from the impor- tance of their positions and the influence which their authority over the lands of their respective settlements naturally gave them. Such acquired rank descended to their children, in some cases doubtless with an increase of dignity due to marriages with women of chief rank; and so some new families of chiefs, originating from the common peo- ple or malmainanas,% were established. This early period of Hawaiian history for a number of generations was a time of industrial enterprise and peaceful and prosperous growth. There was no occasion for fighting, for there was land and water enough for all and every one was busily employed. It w r as the golden age of Hawaii. There were taboos^ indeed, but only religious ones. No chief was powerful enough yet to proclaim taboos for political purposes, nor had the necessities for political taboos yet arisen. The arts prospered ; the Hawaiian canoe developed; the manufacture of kapa flourished and made progress in the direction of variety of fabric and its esthetic finish and decoration ; royal garments of birds' feathers were manufac- *Kapa — native cloth. t Malmainanas — common people, t Taro— arum esculentum. § Taboo— -repressive enactment. 58 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. tured; implements of stone and of wood for mechanical and industrial work were invented and improved upon ; and great engineering enter- prises were taken, such as the irrigating systems of Wakiawa, Kapaa, and Kilauea on the island of Kauai, and great seawalls inclosing bjys and reefs for fish-ponds, such as the one at Huleia, on Kauai, and at many other places all over the islands. The antiquity of some of these is so great that even tradition fails to account for their origin, as in the case of the parallel irrigating ditches at Kilauea, on Kauai, the dig- ging of which is attributed by the Hawaiian s to the fabled moo, or dragon, and the deep water fish-pond wall at the Huleia Eiver, on Kauai, which is supposed to have been built by the Menehunes — the fabled race of dwarfs, distinguished for cunning industry and mechanical and engineering skill and intelligence. In reality they were the pio- neers of the Hawaiian race, who took complete industrial and peaceful possession of the country, and this early period is distinctly the age of the Menehunes, or skillful workers. Principles of land tenure developed slowly through this period, proba- bly from some form of the patriarchal system into a system of tribal or communal ownership. There was laud enough for everyone, and holdings at first were based upon possession and use. As in the irrigating customs of the Hawaiians, where there was an abundance of water, every taro grower used it freely and at all times according to his own convenience, and there were no regulations, but in those localities where the watersupply was limited strict rules for its distribution grew up ; so that when the land was not all occupied there was freedom in its use, it being easier to locate new holdings than to quarrel about old ones. But as land irrigation developed, requiring permanent and costly improvements in the way of irrigating ditches and the building of ter- races on the valley slopes for the foundation of taro patches, such improved localities acquired a special value, and the more real sense of ownership in land, which is based upon an investment of labor in the soil beyond the amount required for the cultivation of a crop, began. A quality of this ownership was necessarily permanence, because of the permanence of the improvements which created it. Another element of tenure arose as the population increased, and the best lands became occupied; the increasing demand gave them a mar- ket value, so to speak, which gave rise to disputes over boundaries. Although such feuds, sometimes attended with personal violence, favored the development of the later feudalism of the Hawaiians, yet the early period, containing many of the features of tribal government and land tenure common to the Samoans, Fijians, and Maories of New Zealand, probably lasted for a long time, with a gradual development of the principle of ownership in land and descent from parent to child, subject to tribal control, until it was perhaps radically and violently intemrpted by the turbulent times beginning in the thirteenth century, and lasting until the conquest of the group by Kamehameha I. This was a period of internecine warfare, promoted by the ambition of chiefs for political power and personal aggrandizement, and was most favorable to the growth of feudalism, which rapidly took the place of the previous political status. As was inevitable under the new conditions, the importance and influence of the chiefs was greatly increased, to the immediate prejudice of the rights and privileges of the people, who were oppressively taxed in support of the wars brought on by the whim of their respective rulers, or to defend them from the attacks of ambi- HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 59 tious rivals. The growing necessity for protection of life and p /operty caused everyone to attach himself closely to some chief, who afforded such protection in consideration of service and a portion of the pro- duce of the soil. Then the chiefs, as their power increased, began to levy contributions of supplies arbitrarily, until it came to pass that the chief was the owner of the whole of the products of the soil and of the entire services of the people, and so it was a natural consequence that he became finally the owner also of the soil itself. These results, which were hastened by the constant wars of this period, were yet of slow growth. The small valley and district sovereignties one by one disap- peared in the clutch of rising warrior chiefs, who thus added to their dominions and power. As such principalities became formidable, it became necessary for the remaining smaller chiefdoms to ally them- selves to some one of them. And so this process went on until each island was at length under the control of its high chief, and then finally the whole group passed under the sovereignty of Kamehameha I., and the feudal programme was complete. During this period the control of land became very firmly established in the ruling chiefs, who reserved what portions they pleased for their own use and divided the rest among the leading chiefs subject to them. The position of the latter was analogous $o that of the barons of European feudalism; they furnished supplies to their sovereign, and in case of war were expected to take the field with what fighting men their estates could furnish. These barons held almost despotic sway over their special domains, apportioning the land among their followers according to the whim of the moment or the demands of policy, or farming it out under their special agents, the Jconohilcis* whose oppress- ive severity in dealing with the actual cultivators of the soil was notorious. " Thus the occupancy of land had now become entirely sub- ject to the will of the ruling chief, who not only had the power to give but also to take away at his royal pleasure. This despotic control over land developed in the direction of greater severity rather than toward any recognition of the subjects' rights, and it finally became an established custom for a chief who succeeded to the sovereign power, even peacefully by inheritance, to redistribute the lands of the realm. It is evident that this status was, for the time being, disastrous and destructive to all popular rights in land that may have previously existed. If there was formerly anything like succession in tenure from father to son and tribal ownership, such holdings were now utterly destroyed, and the cultivators of the soil were without rights of culti- vation or even of habitation. "The count; was full of people who were hemo, i. e. dispossessed of their lands at the caprice of a chief. Three words from a new to a former Jconohiki* — c JJa hemo oe J ] — would dispossess a thousand unoffending people and send them houseless and homeless to find their makamalcas% in other valleys." (Alexander's reply to Bishop "Staley.) The redistribution of lands upon the accession of a ruling chief was naturally carried out with great severity when his accession was the result of civil war between rival factions or the triumph of an invading army. In the case of a peaceful accession of a young chief to sover- I eign power, the redistribution was mainly to his personal friends and I companions, and was less complete than in the case of a revolution of ! force. Yery influential men of the previous reign would not be dis- *Konohiki — land agent of chief. \Ua hemooe — you are removed. t Makamaka — friend. 60 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. turbed, both because it would be dangerous and impolitic to do sojl and because their assistance was desired. A curious survival of thin feudal custom of redistribution of power and land upon the accession of a new ruler is recognizable in the equally reprehensible sentimenfl of modern politics expressed in the well-known words, " to the victor J belong the spoils." When Kamehameha I conquered the group, excepting the island of Kauai, which was accomplished only after the most desperate fighting! his success carried with it the fullest and severest application of this custom, and it meant to his defeated enemies loss of all political powen and of the lands which were the basis of such power. The island of Kauai, through the treaty of annexation between the King of that island, Kaumualii, and Kamehameha, might have escaped such misl fortunes but for the rebellion of Humehume, the son of KaumnaliiJ some years later, which, being suppressed, subjected the insurgent chiefs to the rigorous rule of confiscation of their lands and the annihi-1 lation of their political influence. Thus Kamehameha became at last, through these feudal customs and by virtue of his conquest, the fountain head of land tenures for the whole group. The principles adopted by the land commission in 1847 opens with the following statement: "When the islands were conquered by Kamehameha I he followed; the example of his predecessors and divided the lands among his prinl cipal warrior chiefs, retaining, however, a portion in his hands to be cul-l tivated or managed by his own immediate servants or attendants J Each principal chief divided his lands anew, and gave them out to an] inferior order of chiefs or persons of rank, by whom they were subdi-t! vided again and again, passing through the hands of four, five, or sin persons, from the King down to the lowest class of tenants. All these persons were considered to have rights in the lands or the productions of them. The proportions of these rights were not very clearly defined, but were, nevertheless, universally acknowledged." During Kamehamena's long and vigorous reign affairs became set- tled to an extent to which the country had been unaccustomed. Long and undisturbed possession of their lands by chiefs was a preparation for the development of a sentiment favorable to permanent individual rights in land. Such a sentiment had become well defined in the mind of Kamehameha before his death, and may be regarded as the seed germ of the system of land tenures which afterwards developed. Many of those who have been interested in this subject have been~ accustomed to regard the idea of private rights in land in these islands as one of foreign introduction during the reign of Kamehameha III, at which time the remarkable change from feudal to private real estate control took place. But the landed reforms of that reign were the results of causes which had been long and powerfully at work. The century plant had slowly grown, but when its full time came it swiftly and abundantly blossomed. At the meeting of chiefs at Honolulu, upon the arrival of the frigate Blonde, in 1825, with the remains of Kamehameha II and his wife, to consider the question of the succession to the throne and other mat- ters, as reported in the Yoyage of the Blonde, page 152 and following, Kalaimoku, the regent, in his address to the council, referred to the inconveniences arising from the reversion of lands to the King on the death of their occupants — a custom partially revived under Kame- hameha II, but which it had been the object of Kamehameha I to HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 61 (exchange for that of hereditary succession. This project of their great King he proposed to adopt as the law, excepting in such cases as when a chief or landholder should infringe the laws, then his lands should [be forfeited and himself tabooed. Several chiefs at once exclaimed: "All the laws of the great Kamehameha were good; let us have the same!" Lord Byron, captain of the Blonde, presented the council some writ- ten suggestions iu regard to the administration of affairs which are contained the following article: "That the lands which are now held by the chiefs shall not be taken from them, but shall descend to their legitimate children, except in cases of rebellion, and then all their prop- erty shall be forfeited to the King." The account proceeds as follows (page 157): "These hints, it will be at once perceived, are little more than a recommendation quietly to pursue the old habits and regulations of the islands. Kamehameha I had begun to establish the hereditary transmission of estates, and Lord Byron's notice only adds the sanction of the British name to it." This principle, adopted previous to the reign of Kamehameha III, greatly influenced the progress of events. When, after the death of Kamehameha I, his son, Liholiho, came to the throne as Kamehameha II, the administration of the Government was shared with him by Kaahumanu, the Kuhina Wwi* one of Kameha- meha' s widows, and a woman of great force of character. It was the desire of Kamehameha II to make a redistribution of the lands of the realm according to custom, but Kaahumanu was opposed to it, and her influence, together with the united strength of the landed interests which had become firmly established in the chiefs during the long reign of Kamehameha I, was too strong for him, and beyond a few assign- ments among his intimate friends, he relinquished his purpose. The distribution of lands therefore by Kamehameha I remained for the most part as a permanent settlement of the landed interests of the Kingdom, to be afterwards modified in favor of the common people and the Gov- ernment, but never ignored. During the period from the distribution of lands by Kamehameha I, about 1795, till the year 1839, the sovereign held a feudal authority over the whole landed estate of the Kingdom, which included the right, as above set forth, summarily to cancel the rights in land of any chief or commoner. There was a growing tendency, however, during this period toward the provision in favor of the descent of lauds from parent to child adopted by the chiefs upon the return of the Blonde, and the feudal right of the sovereign over the land of the subject was more rarely exercised as time went on. Increasing security in tenure led to increasing activity in land transactions. Chiefs transferred lands to others, and they became a marketable commodity. There was buying and selling — some speculating. The sovereign gave away and sold lands here and there. Foreigners became landholders. Still there was no permanence in the tenure, the enactment by the chiefs at the time of the Blonde being in the nature rather of an expression of an opinion than a binding law. The Kingdom then was under the regency of Kaahumanu and Kalanimoku, and Kamehameha III, being still a minor, was not a party to this provision and it was not regarded as binding upon him. The status of land matters at this time was similar to that which existed in England after the Norman conquest, but here the progress of events, owing undoubtedly to the influence of a foreign civilization, * Kuhina Nui— -a premier or minister having a veto on the King's acts. 62 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. was far more rapid than there. The possession of land by foreigners with strong governments back of them, represented here by men oi war and zealous consuls, had a stimulating effect upon this movement! It was a transition period ; the strength of the feudal despotism was fast waning and there was as yet nothing of a positive nature to take its] place. This uncertainty in regard to land tenure was a serious obstacle tol material progress. The large 1 audholders — the chiefs an d some to whonj they had given or sold lands — felt a degree of security in their holdings through the growing sentiment toward permanent occupation and hereditary succession; but this was insufficient to place land matter* upon a satisfactory footing and to justify extensive outlays in permal n§nt improvements. But that class of occupiers of land known as ten J ants, which class included a large proportion of the common people, was still in a condition which had scarcely felt the favorable influences which had begun to improve the status of the chiefs. They were hardly recognized has having civil rights, although they enjoyed freedom of movement and were not attached to any particular lands as belongings of the soil. If a man wanted a piece of land to live on and to cultivate he had to pay for it by a heavy rent in the shape of regular weekly, labor for his landlord, with the additional liability of being called upon to assist in work of a public character, such as building a heiau on making a road or fish-pond sea wall. With all this the tenant was liable^ to be ejected from his holding without notice or chance of redress! That this defenseless condition of the common people was rigorously! taken advantage of by the landholding chiefs and their JconohiJcis, wel have the evidence of those living in this period, including some of the! early missionaries, that it was a feature of the times that large nunvj bers of homeless natives were wandering about the country. Thisj want of security in the profits of land cultivation led many to attach i themselves to the persons of the chiefs as hangers-on, whereby they might be at least fed in return for the desultory services which they| were called upon to perform in that capacity. This practice of hang- j ing-on or of following a chief for the sake of food was a feature of the! perfected feudalism, when insecurity of land tenure was at its height,* and the word defining it — lioopilimeaai* — probably originated at that period. In 1833, Kamehameha III, then 20 years old, assumed the throne, I and soon became deeply interested in public affairs. In many waysj the unsatisfactory status of land matters was pressed upon his atten- tion. The growing sentiment toward permanence in tenure powerfully influenced the situation. The defenseless and wretched condition of the common people in regard to their holdings appealed to his human- " ity and to his sense of responsibility as their ruler. The inconsistency of his sovereign control of all the lands of the Kingdom with any prog- ress based upon the incoming tide of civilization became more and more evident every day. The increasing demand among foreigners : i for the right to buy and hold land was an element of importance at j this national crisis and doubtless had much to do in hastening the course of events. The King not only consulted the great chiefs of thei realm, who certainly were in favor of permanence in tenure for them- 1 selves, but he also conferred with foreigners on the subject. In 1836 Commodore Kennedy and Capt. Hollins visited Honolulu in the U. S. ships Peacock and Enterprise, and during their stay held conferences with the chiefs, in which the question of land tenure j was discussed. In 1837, Capt. Bruce of the British frigate Imogene * Hoopilimeaai — adhering for food. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 63 had several meetings with the chiefs in regard to matter j of govern- ment, when, in all probability, land matters were considered. The influence of Mr. Richards, for a long time the confidential adviser of the chiefs was undoubtedly very gre^t with the King in leading his mind to the definite conclusion which he reached in 1839, in which year, on the 7th day of June, he proclaimed a bill of rights which has made his name illustrious, and the day on which it was announced worthy of being forever commemorated by the Hawaiian people. This document, though showing in its phrases the influ- ence of Anglo-Saxon principles of liberty, of Robert Burns and the American Declaration of Independence, is especially interesting and impressive as the Hawaiian Magna Charta, not wrung from an unwil- ling sovereign by force of arms, but the free surrender of despotic power by a wise and generous ruler, impressed and influenced by the logic of events, by the needs of his people, and by the principles of the new civilization that was dawning on his land. The following is the translation of this enlightened and munificent royal grant: "God hath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the earth in unity and blessedness. God hath also bestowed certain rights alike on all men and all chiefs and all people of all lands. " These are some of the rights which He has given alike to every man and every chief of correct deportment; life, limb, liberty, freedom from oppression, the earnings of his hands and the productions of his mind — not, however, to those who act in violation of the laws. "God has also established government and rule for the purpose of peace; but in making laws for the nation it is by no means proper to enact laws for the protection of the rulers only, without also providing protection for their subjects; neither is it proper to enact laws to enrich the chiefs only, without regard to enriching their subjects also, and hereafter there shall by no means be any laws enacted which are at variance with what is above expressed, neither shall any tax be assessed, nor any service or labor required of any man in a manner which is at variance with the above sentiments. "The above sentiments are hereby proclaimed for the purpose of pro- tecting alike both the people and the chiefs of all these islands while they maintain a correct deportment; that no chief may be able to caress any subject, but that chiefs and people may enjoy the same protection under one and the same law. "Protection is hereby secured to the persons of all the people, together with their lands, their building lots, and all their property, while they conform to the laws of the kingdom, and nothing whatever shall be taken from any individual except by express provision of the laws. Whatever chief shall act perseveringly in violation of this declaration shall no longer remain a chief of the Hawaiian Islands, and the same shall be true of the governors, officers, and all land agents. But if anyone who is deposed should change his course and regulate his con- duct by law, it shall then be in the power of the chiefs to reinstate him in the place he occupied previous to his being deposed." It will be seen that this bill of rights left much to be done in defin- ing the rights in land granted by it. It appears by the constitution enacted by the King,* the Imhina nui, or premier, and the chiefs, the fol- lowing year, that the feudal right of controlling transfers of land was still retained in the Sovereign, in the following words: "Kamehameha I. was the founder of the kingdom, and to him belonged all the land from one end of the islands to the other, though it was not his own private property. It belonged to the chiefs and people in common, 64 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. of wlioin Kamehameha I. was the head and had the management of the landed property. Wherefore there was not formerly and is not now, any person who could or can convey away the smallest portion of land without the consent of the one who had or has the direction of the kingdom." The bill of rights promoted activity in land matters, and for the next few years difficulties arising from land disputes pressed upon the King, producing great confusion and even endangering the autonomy of the kingdom. In 1841, Ladd & Co., the pioneers in sugar cultivation in this country, obtained from the King a franchise which gave them the privilege of leasing any unoccupied lands for one hundred years at a low rental. This franchise was afterwards transferred to a Belgian col- onization company of which Ladd & Co. were partners, under circum- stances that made a good deal of trouble for the Hawaiian Government before the m atter finally disappeared from Hawaiian politics. The intim- idation of the King by Lord Paulet, captain of the British frigate Carysfort, under which the provisional cession of the country to Eng- land was made in 1843, was based largely upon a land claim of Mr. Charlton, an Englishman, which was regarded by the King as illegal, but which he finally indorsed under Paulet- s threat of bombarding Hon- olulu. These troubles naturally developed among the Hawaiians an opposition against the policy of allowing foreigners to acquire land which, in 1845, reached the definite stage of political agitation and peti- tions to the Government. During these years of undefined rights, the common people were pro- tected in their holdings by law to a certain extent, but their tenure was based mainly upon their industrious cultivation of their lands, except as to house lots and the payment of rent in labor. The question of the proportionate interests of the King, the chiefs, and the common people in the lands of the kingdom was one of great difficulty. As we have seen, the constitution of 1840 distinctly recog- nized such a community of interest, but Hawaiian precedents threw no light upon the problem of division. It had been a new departure to admit that the people had any inherent right in the soil, and now to carry out that principle required the adoption of methods entirely for- eign to the traditions of Hawaiian feudalism. In this transition time the necessity of an organized government sep- arate from the person of the King, became apparent even to the chiefs, and this was carried out by three comprehensive acts in 1845, 1846, and 1847. The first, "to organize the executive ministry of the Hawaiian Islands;" the second, "to organize the executive departments of the Hawaiian Islands;" and the third, "to organize the judiciary depart- ment of the Hawaiian Islands." As soon as the existence of a responsible government, detached from the person of the King, became an accepted feature of the political sys- tem, it was felt that in some way or other the Government ought to have public lands and become the source of land titles. At its inception the Government, as a distinct organization, was possessed of no landed property ; it may be said to have had a right to that portion of the King's interest in the landed property of the Kingdom which he held in his official capacity, in distinction from that which belonged to him in his private capacity; but this was a mere theoretic right, dimly recognized at first, and only after innumerable difficulties and fruitless expedients was it finally developed and carried out in the great mahele or division of lands between King, chiefs, and people in 1848. Elaborate laws were made for the purchase of land by the Government from private land- HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 65 holders which do not appear to have added materially to the public domain. The act to organize the executive department contained a statute establishing a board of royal commissioners to quiet land titles. This statute was passed December 10, 1845. It was a tentative scheme to solve the land problem, and though not in itself sufficiently comprehen- sive for the situation, it was in the right direction, and led, through the announcement of principles of land tenure by the commission, which were adopted by the Legislature, to a better understanding of the sub- ject, and finally, in the latter part of 1847, to the enactment by the King and privy council of rules for the division of the lands of the King- dom, which, with the statute creating the land commission and the principles adopted by them, formed a complete and adequate provision for the adjustment of all recognized interests in land on the basis of the new departure in the principles of tenure. At the time of the creation of the board of commissioners to quiet land titles and up to the enactment of rules by the privy council for land division, the nation was still feeling its way through the maze of the difficult questions which were pressing upon it in this great reform in land matters. Each step which it made threw light upon the path for the next one. The rapidity with which this reform was accom- plished must be attributed not only to the wisdom and fidelity of the advisers of the nation, but largely to the earnestness and patriotism of the King and chiefs, who cheerfully made great sacrifices of authority and interest for the sake of a satisfactory solution of these questions. The commissioners to quiet land titles were authorized to consider claims to land from private individuals, acquired previous to the pas- sage of the act creating the commission. This included natives who were in the occupancy of holdings under the conditions of use or pay- ment of rent in labor, and also both natives and foreigners who had received lands from the King or chiefs in the way of grants. The awards of the board were binding upon the Government if not appealed from, and entitled the claimant to a lease or a royal patent, according to the terms of the award, the royal patent being based upon the pay- ment of a commutation of one-fourth or one-third of the unimproved value of the land, which commutation was understood to purchase the interest of the Government in the soil. The principles adopted by the land commission use the words King and Government interchangeably, and failed to reach any adjudication of the separate rights of the King in distinction from those of the Gov- ernment in the public domain, or, in other words, they failed to define the King's public or official interests in distinction from his private rights, although they fully recognized the distinction. There was, however, an implied apportionment of these two interests through the proceedings by which an occupying claimant obtained an allodial title. The com- mission decided that their authority coming from the King to award lands represented only his private interests in the lands claimed. Therefore, as the further payment of the claimant as a condition of his receiving a title in fee simple from the Government was one-third of the original value of the land, it follows that the King's private interest was an undi- vided two-thirds, leaving an undivided one-third belonging to the Gov- ernment as such. The commission also decided that there were but three classes of vested or original rights in land, which were in the King or Govern- ment, the chiefs, and the people, and these three classes of interests were about equal in extent. The land commission began to work February 11 ; 1846, and made S, Sep. 227 5 66 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. great progress iD adjudicating the claims of the common people, but its powers were not adequate to dispose of the still unsettled questions between the King, the chiefs, and the Government, though it must be admitted that it made progress in that direction. Neither was the chiefs ready to submit their claims to its decision. After earnest efforts between the King and chiefs to reach a settle- ment of these questions, the rules already referred to were unanimously adopted by the King and chiefs in privy council December 18, 1847. These rules, which were drawn up by Judge Lee, embodied the follow- ing points: The King should retain his private lands as his individual property, to descend to his heirs and successors; the remainder of the landed property to be divided equally between the Government, the chiefs, and the common people. As the land was all held at this time by the King, the chiefs, and their tenants, this division involved the surrender by the chiefs of a third of their lands to the Government, or a payment in lieu thereof in money, as had already been required of the tenant landholders. A committee, of which Dr. Judd was chairman, was appointed to carry out the division authorized by the privy council, and the work was com- pleted in forty days. The division between the King and the chiefs was effected through partition deeds signed by both parties. The chiefs then went before the land commission and received awards for the lands thus partitioned off to them, and afterwards many of them com- muted for the remaining one-third interest of the Government by a surrender of a portion. After the division between the King and the chiefs was finished he again divided the lands which had been surrendered to him between himself and the Government, the former being known thereafter as Grown lands and the latter as Government lands. This division, with the remaining work of the land commission, completed the great land reform, the first signal of which was announced by Kamehameha III, in his declaration of rights, June 7, 1839. A brief ten years had been sufficient for the Hawaiian nation to break down the hoary traditions and venerable customs of the past, and to climb the difficult path from a selfish feudalism to equal rights, from royal control of all the public domain to peasant proprietorship and fee-simple titles for poor and for rich. It came quickly and without bloodshed because the nation was ready for it. Foreign intercourse, hostile and friendly, and the spirit of a Ghristian civilization had an educating influence upon the eager nation, united by the genius of Kamehameha I, with its brave and intelligent warrior chiefs resting from the conquest of arms, their exuberant energies free for the con- quest of new ideas; with rare wisdom, judgment, and patriotism they proved equal to the demands of the time upon them. IX. Also the following extract from the report of hon. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. "It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human improvement and virtue, that by the mild and gentle influence of Ghristian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power 7 within the last quarter of a century, the people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Ghristian gospel; united under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights of persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 67 right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the people of the North American Union are urged by an interest of their own, deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth — by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the celes- tial panoply of the gospel of peace and love." X. Also the following Hawaiian treaty and review of its commercial results. The Hawaiian Treaty. a review of its commercial results. The Hawaiian treaty was negotiated for the purpose of securing political control of those islands, making them industrially and com^ mercially a part of the United States and preventing any other great power from acquiring a foothold there, which might be adverse to the welfare and safety of our Pacific coast in time of war. They are situated midway on the direct way from Panama to Hongkong and directly on the shortest line from the Columbia Eiver or Puget Sound to Australia. Here the two great lines of future commerce of the Pacific Ocean inter- sect, and vessels must stop there for refreshment and refuge. The islands prior to the treaty were declining in population, and owing to the decay of the whale fishery, were declining in wealth. Their soil is, perhaps, the most productive for sugar raising of any known in the world. But the high tariff on sugar and the exceedingly low wages which must be paid in tropical countries for raising sugar to supply the United States rendered the industry difficult. In 1875 a movement arose in the islands for the importation of Hindoo coolies to supply the requisite cheap labor, and the consent of England was promised. The growth of the Australian colonies had gradually devel- oped an improving market for Hawaiian sugar, and, after a trial of it by some of the Hawaiian planters, it was found that better prices could be obtained in the free-trade port of Sydney than in San Fran- cisco, and return cargoes could be bought there much more cheaply. Preparations were making for sending there the entire crops of 1876- ? 77. These matters came to the knowledge of the State Department. The Hawaii ans had been pressing for many years for a commercial treaty with the United States, but without success. It was now felt in the State Department that the question was assuming graver impor- tance, and, as political supremacy in the islands must inevitably follow the commerce, it was recognized that this country must make favorable concessions to them, or else let them follow the inevitable tendency and drift slowly into the status of an English colony. The result was the negotiation of the existing treaty and its ratification by the con- sent of the Senate. The effect of the treaty was as follows : It was anticipated that the remission of duties would make the profits of sugar culture very great. But a sugar plantation requires for the most economical work a large amount of capital, $500,000 being very moderate for a single plantation, and $250,000 being about as small as is prudent. The islanders had no capital of any consequence and were obliged to borrow it from the United States (i. e., from or through the mercantile houses of San Francisco who import their sugar and act as agents to the planters for selling it to the refineries). The opening of plantations proceeded rapidly until the output of sugar has now nearly 68 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. reached the full capacity of the soil, and is seven or eight times greater than in 1874-75. Our exports to the islands have increased in very nearly the same ratio, being five or six times greater than in 1874- ? 75, or, if measured in quantity rather than by price, are about seven times as great. A new merchant marine has been created, consisting of vessels built expressly for the service, costing over $3,500,000. Of this total tonnage over 90 per cent is American built, and the rest was bought. These mercantile houses, with their shipping, transact the entire commerce both ways, and transport annually about $12,000,000 worth of merchandise at very high rates of freight, commission, and exchange. In general, the effect of the treaty has been to make the islands a field for very profitable investment of American capital. It has created a demand which would not have existed otherwise for American prod- uce to an amount which may seem small ($23,000,000 in nine years) when viewed in comparison with our total export, but which, when viewed in connection with the fact that the population which has made that demand is less than 80,000, is remarkably large. During the last four years it has averaged about $40 per capita per annum, and, if the transportation charges be added as they properly should be, it will amount to over $50 per capita per annum. This is four or 1i\e times as much per capita as England or Canada buys of us. The general-results of the trade may be seen in the following tables: Values delivered by the United States to the Hawaiian Islands for nine years — 1876 to 1885. Invoice value of United States exports to Hawaii $23, 686, 328 Bills of exchange to pay for all Hawaiian imports from third countries. 9, 868, 674 Difference between coin exported to and received from Hawaii 2, 222, 181 Outstanding liabilities of United States to Hawaii not known Total values paid by United States 35,777, 183 To balance the account : Profits already realized on merchandise account * $18, 414, 766 Cash debts payable to United States at maturity out of future shipments . 6, 500, 000 Increased values of productive properties in the islands owned by Amer- icans 11,680,164 72, 372, 113 Values received and receivable by the United States from the Hawaiian Islands for nine years— 1867 to 1885. Invoice value of Hawaiian exports to the United States. . . $51, 294, 764 Add freight and insurance to obtain value in United States ports 2,897,185 Value of merchandise received $54, 191, 949 Liabilities of the islands to the United States for advances on crops 3,000,000 Bonded debts payable in United States and secured on island property 2, 500, 000 Hawaiian Government bonds paid for % in silver, coined on Hawaiian Government account '. 1, 000, 000 Total liabilities to United States 5,500,000 Increased value of plantation properties owned by United States citizens, as assessed in 1883 10, 180, 164 Value of other productive properties 1, 500, 000 11,680,164 Total values received and receivable , , 72,372,113 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 63 General distribution of profits. To American shipping: Freights and insurance on imports from the islands... \ $2, 897, 185 Freights and insurance on exports 5, 127, 964 Passenger receipts • 1, 325, 000 $9,350,149 Commission on purchases for export to the islands 592, 158 Commission on sales of islands' produce 2, 209, 463 2, 801, 621 Premium on exchange 812, 839 Interest on loans and advances 2, 160, 000 Dividends and miscellaneous profits 3, 290, 157 Total profits already realized 18, 414, 766 Debts receivable held chiefly by the San Francisco banks 6, 500, 000 Increased values of productive properties owned by Americans 11, 735, 464 Total gross profits 36,650,230 1. In the foregoing table, beginning with values delivered, the first item is the invoice value of our exports to the islands, as shown in the Treasury statistics for the nine years. It is the home value, and, since we are comparing San Francisco values with San Francisco values, freights are not added. 2. The second item represents what we have paid in the form of bills of exchange to settle the balance of trade against us. Since the Hawaiians export almost nothing to third countries, but do import con- siderable from them, it follows that they must draw upon shipments to the United States to pay for all they import from third countries. They have no other source of credit to draw upon. Hence turning to Hawaiian official statistics we find their total imports in nine years to have been $9,181,522. The freight and insurance must be added, and, as these are known to be about 10 per cent of the value, we get $10,099,674. Deducting $231,000, which is their total export to tkird countries in nine years, and which liquidated just so much of their indebtedness to third countries, we have $9,868,674 on merchandise accounts, which we must pay in bills of exchange drawn in San Fran- cisco against Hawaiian account and in favor of third countries^ 3. In further settlement of the balance of trade are coin remittances. In nine years the excess of coin shipped to Hawaii over coin received from Hawaii amounts to $2,222,181. Of this $1,000,000 was a silver coinage for the Hawaiian Government struck at the San Francisco mint, for which that Government gave its bonds for $1,000,000, which are now held in this country. If we have given Hawaii any other consideration it must be in the form of obligations of some sort which do not appear in statistics. None such are known, and in a small community like the islands, where everybody's business is known to everybody else, it is hardly possible that if any appreciable amount of them existed it would not be known. As the Hawaiians are deeply in debt to the United States it is not likely that any such obligations of importance exist. This side of the exhibit is therefore as complete as present knowledge can make it. On the other side of the account we have: (1) Value of Hawaiian exports to the United States, $51,294,764. This is the invoice value at Honolulu. As we are comparing San Fran- cisco values with San Francisco values it is necessary to add freights and insurance. (The American consul at Honohdu requires invoices to state the values delivered, less cost of transportation.) This require- ment, being a matter of indifference to shippers, is complied with. If 70 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. the merchandise had to pay an ad valorem duty they would put the invoice value as low as possible in accordance with the actual export costs. (2) Liabilities of the islands to the United States. — The sugar crop is an enormously expensive one to raise. It requires fifteen to sixteen months to mature, and employs hundreds of laborers to each planta- tion and sugar mill. The planter must, therefore, borrow large amounts of money to mature it, giving a lien upon the crop .as a security to his factor. The factor in turn borrows the necessary amounts from the San Francisco banks. On an average this lien amounts to nearly or quite half the market value of the crop. I have estimated it for safety at about one-third that value, or $3,000,000. (3) Many plantations have also mortgaged debts held in San Fran- cisco. The amount of these is not fully known ; but I am sure of at least $2,500,000, and believe the real amount to be much more than that. (4) The value of the plantation properties held by Americans was assessed by the Hawaiian Government in 1883 at $10,180,164. This was assumed to be about two-thirds the real value. This value has been created almost wholly since 1876 out of the ground, buildings, and machinery.* (5) Other productive properties held by Americans are the inter- island mercantile marine, two railroads and equipment, a marine rail- way, warehouses, etc., all of them the creation of the treaty. The esti- mate of $1,500,000 is a very low one. The value of these properties far exceeds the sum of their mortgages and capital stock indebtedness. No man is rated in this argument as an American citizen unless he has the right to vote in the United States tcithout naturalization and has the right to the protection of our Government under public law. The most striking feature of this exhibit is the very large profit to the United States — so large that it seems at first unaccountable; but the "great discrepancy between the exports and imports will vanish when we take full account of the fact that the whole carrying trade and mercantile business is ours in both directions. All economists regard transportation and mercantile functions in the passage of commodities from the purchaser to the consumer as a part of the production. To the value of our produce at San Francisco must be added all further accessions of value until it finally leaves our hands and passes into those of the Hawaiian. Add, then, to the invoice value of our exports the cost of transportation, commission, and insurance until we have put the produce into the Hawaiian's hands, and the $36,000,000 becomes not far from $44,000,000. It costs the Hawaiian not far from one- sixth of the value of his crop to get it to San Francisco. Deduct that from $54,000,000 and we have $45,000,000. Thus if we reckon Hawaiian values against Hawaiian values the exchange becomes less unequal, as it should, for the real exchange takes place in Hawaii. It is there that * This is reckoned as profit for the following reasons : Among the commodities whieh we send to the islands, and also among those which we buy in Europe and send there on Hawaiian account, are machinery, building materials, etc. These are used in construction. The labor which is employed, the improvements which come from cultivation, and the natural appreciation of land make up together the final value of the property. The cash outlay directly applied to the creation of this value is, of course, small in comparison with that value. Whatever cash value has been so applied is already accounted for and included in the table showing values delivered to Hawaii. The value of the properties thereby acquired should of course appear on the other side of the account, and also in the list of profits, for such it clearly is. It pertains, however, to the capital-stock account and not to simple mercantile profit. The figures here given largely understate the value of these jjroperties. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 4 71 our own products finally leave our hands, and it is there that Hawaiian values first come into our hands. The Committee on Ways and Means, seeing' that our exports in nine years have shown on invoice value of $23,000,000, while our imports show $54,000,000, have hastily concluded that the apparent balance of trade against us of $31,000,000 had to be liquidated in coin aud exchange. In fact, only about $13,000,000 is liquidated in that way, and the $18,000,000 remaining is paid over to our own people and may be reck- oned as a gross profit already realized. Over $9,000,000 has gone to American shipping, nearly $3,000,000 to San Francisco commission houses, nearly a million to the banks, over $2,000,000 for interest on loans and advances, and over $3,000,000 as dividends and miscellane- ous profits. In addition to this we hold $6,500,000 of Hawaiian debts which they must liquidate out of future shipments, and have created $15,000,000 worth of magnificent productive properties in the islands out of the soil by the combined action of capital and labor. It would be difficult to find in all the annals of trade and production a result more gratifying. The Committee on Ways and Means have taken it for granted that the loss of revenue to the Treasury is equal to the computed remission of duty. This is a grave error. First. The tariff on sugar for more than twenty years has been so graduated as to become more and more forbidding, and, finally, pro- hibitory as the grade and quality of raw sugar increases. This excludes all eatable raw sugar from the grocery trade and makes it more profit- able to the refiner to buy the lowest grades he can get. But it raw sugar is duty free, it is the interest of the refiner to buy the highest grades and the interest of the planter to make them. Accordingly the Hawaiian planter makes the highest grades, not exceeding No. 20, above which grade he must pay duty. But without the treaty he would do as the Cuban does, i. e., make them of as low grade as possible, so as to pay the minimum duty. The Committee on VVays and Means has computed the remitted duties on Hawaiian sugar as actually imported in the highest grades at $3.18 per cwt. prior to June 30, 1883, and $2.40 per cwt. subsequently 5 but Hawaiian sugars, which would have been imported had the treaty never existed, would have been in lower grades and paying presumably the same average duty as all imported sugars. This was, prior to 1883, about $3.41 per cwt. and about $1.96 subsequently. Of course we can not reckon a duty we never could have collected, as a loss of revenue. Instead, therefore, of losing on sugar $23,000,000 in nine years the loss has not been ovef $18,000,000. Second. But this loss must have had very large compensations to the Treasury. Fully five-sixths of the Hawaiian crop has been bought and paid for by exports, transportation services, and otherwise, for which the treaty has created a demand, and for which no demand would have existed elsewhere without the treaty. Our exports to third countries could not possibly have been diminished by it. Now, the free entry of Hawaiian sugar has no doubt caused us to purchase from third coun- tries less dutiable sugar. Obviously the exported values withheld from the purchase of dutiable sugar remain available for other purchases. The full value of our exports must come back to us somehow, and if we get less dutiable sugar we must get just sq much more of something else. The only question is whether this " more of something else" pays as much duty as the su^ar would have paid. Probably it does no't; and so far there is* a loss, because some of these residual values come 72 • HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. back in the shape of duty-free articles and because the duty on sugar is higher (computed ad valorem) than the average of our total imports. A part of the California bullion and wheat and wine sent to England pays for Hawaiian sugar, which is duty free. About one sixth of the Hawaiian crop is thus paid for, and to that proportion there is a total loss of revenue. While it is impossible to compute what the real loss is, I think it safe to say that it probably does not exceed one-third, and certainly does not amount to one-half of the $18,000,000 computed as lost on sugar. In any event the duty never leaves the country. It is paid over by the refinery to the consignee of the Hawaiian, and is paid out again, with much more besides, to American shipping, banks, mer- chants, and stockholders. The gross profit of $36,000,000 throws into insignificance the possible loss of $6,000,000 or $8,000,000 of revenue. It has been said repeatedly that all the profits of this magnificent trade and industry go to the benefit of Olaus Spreckels and a small clique of speculators. What nonsense! If it did, he would richly deserve it, and a vote of thanks by Congress besides. It will be going to the root of^the matter at once to say that the opposition to the treaty has arisen from the systematic and in some measure successful attempts to saturate the public press and Congress with utterly false ideas about Claus Spreckels and his relation to the islands, to create a bitter personal prejudice against him, and by impli- cation to illogically and unjustly extend that prejudice to the commerce and industries of the Hawaiian Islands. Claus Spreckels certainly has for many years monopolized the manufacture and sale of refined sugars on the Pacific coast, and ruled that market to the extent of his powers with a rod of iron. But the first grand mistake consists in supposing that the Hawaiian treaty has or could have given any assistance to the establishment of his monopoly or to its maintenance or confer upon it any benefit whatever. The second mistake consists in wholly false impressions about the wholly distinct personal relations of Mr. Spreckels to the industry and commerce of raw sugar. In these he is only one of many men, and though individually his relations are large, yet rel- atively to the whole they are small, and he can no more control the whole than the Cunard Company can control our commerce with England. As a monopolist of refined sugar he can not escape the odium which always attaches to a monopoly. As a planter and stockholder, as a director of an American steamship company, and a banker, his whole career and course of conduct will compare favorably with that of any great and successful merchant in America. The monopoly of refined sugar in San Francisco is, like all other monopolies, a perfectly legitimate object of attack; and if it can be broken up in any way such an end is devoutly to be wished. But Claus Spreckels's relations to the island trade and industry are a totally different matter, and when rightly understood will present themselves to the unprejudiced mind in a totally different aspect. In this field his operations are perfectly legitimate. It is my jmrpose to point out that any attempt to terminate the treaty is simply an attempt to strengthen and fortify his monopoly and to break down commenda- ble enterprises which should be built up and sustained, and in which Claus Spreckels is merely one of many participants. Whatever dam- age might be inflicted upon him in respect to his island interest would be more than compensated to him out of enlarged profits of his monop- oly as a refiner, while the blow would fall with full and disastrous effect upon thousands of innocent third parties, both in Hawaii and California, whose interests should be dear to Congress and to the Ameri- can people. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 73 The Hawaiian treaty lias become an object of attack by the sugar- refining interest of the Eastern States and of the sugar-planting inter- ests of Louisiana. The motives which have led to this attack are as follows: During the last few years the sales of sugar imported from Hawaii, Manila, and Central America, and refined in San Francisco, have been extending gradually into the markets of the Mississippi Valley, advancing further eastward every year, thereby displacing the sales of eastern sugars in the States and Territories west of the Mississippi Eiver. The Eastern refiners and the Louisiana planters believe that the possibility of this arises from the free entry of Hawaiian sugars, thus enabling (as they suppose) the San Francisco refiners to purchase raw sugar much more cheaply than they otherwise could. Thus they believe that the treaty discriminates severely against their interests, and is unjust to them. This position is denied by the San Francisco refiners and importers of sugar and by the owners of Hawaiian sugar properties in California. They contend that the San Francisco refineries get their raw sugar no cheaper by reason of the treaty, but are obliged to pay the same price for it as for equivalent dutiable sugar from Asia; that the ability of the Pacific refiners to compete successfully with the Atlantic refiners is founded upon conditions wholly independent of the treaty, viz : First, because unlimited amounts of Asiatic sugar can be laid down in San Francisco cheaper than raw sugars can be laid down in New York; second, because through eastward freights over the Pacific railways are scantier than westward through freights, and the railroads natur- ally prefer to carry sugar at low rates to hauling empty cars. They contend that this competition is a natural one; that it is not helped by the treaty and will not be hindered by its abrogation; that it is des- tined to grow, and would grow if the Hawaiian Islands did not exist. Since it is also claimed by the opponents of the treaty that it fosters and sustains a monopoly of refined sugars, and that the benefits of the treaty accrue only to that monopoly, and since the whole complaint is founded in a gross misunderstanding of the nature and conditions of the sugar business on the Pacific coast, it seems proper to discuss the facts at some length. From these it will appear that these charges, as well as others, are utterly without foundation. It is a self-evident proposition that a cargo of Manila sugar delivered in New York must sell at a price just equal to that of so much Cuban sugar of equal grade. It is evident, also, that the price of that cargo at Manila "free on board" must be less than the New York price by an amount equal to the cost of transportation. It is further evident that the price of a similar cargo of Manila sugar delivered in San Francisco must exceed the Manila price by an amount equal to the total cost of transportation. It is, therefore, an easy matter to compute whether Manila sugar in San Francisco ought to be cheaper than Cuban or Manila sugar in New York. The rate of freight from Manila or Hongkong to San Francisco on sugar is very low. A vessel can be chartered to go from San Francisco to Manila in ballast and bring back sugar at $5 or $6 per ton, but dur- ing the last eight years Asiatic sugar has largely come as mere ballast. Freights from Manila to New York range from $9 to $12 per ton. Interest, insurance, and shrinkage being proportional to the time of the voyage are evidently in favor of San Francisco as compared with New York. In brief, the San Francisco price of raw sugar is lower than the New York price by three-eighths to five-eighths of a cent per pound. 74 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Hawaiian sugars are shipped by the agents or factors of the planters j in Honolulu to commission merchants and importers in San Francisco, ] and sold by the latter to the refinery. The terms of purchase after the. treaty took effect were known as the "Manila basis.'? The refinery j agreed in substance to take the whole of each planter's crop at a price i which should be equal to that of an equivalent quantity and grade of j Manila sugar delivered, duty paid, in San Francisco. The price of a j certain grade of sugar at Manila known as "extra superior," polarizing ■] 91, and in color Eo. 10 Dutch standard, was telegraphed daily to Sani Francisco. To this price was added $6 per ton for freight, 2. per cent! insurance, the cost of sixty days' exchange, and a specific allowance! for the remitted duty. This constituted the Manila basis for the day of quotation. Just here is one point of dispute between the sugar men of New York \ and those of San Francisco and Honolulu. The New Yorkers refuse j to believe that Spreckels pays the full normal price and the entire duty J to the Hawaiians. If anybody is particularly interested in knowing whether he does not it must be the Hawaiian planter and his Honolulu factor, for an eighth of a cent per pound means to them a profit or loss 1 of hundreds of thousands of dollars. Time and again they have exam- ined this question and put it to the most crucial tests, and the verdict is universal that Spreckels has dealt with them fairly and squarely, and this is the testimony alike of friends and enemies whose bread and butter depends on knowing the truth and abiding by it. Who ought to know best about it, they or people who live 3,500 miles away ? A little over a year ago Spreckels withdrew the tender of the Manila I basis and would only offer the Cuban. The result was, a new refinery competing with him. Spreckels has always contended that the Manila basis was higher than it ought to be; that he was overpaying the planters and giving them more than Manila and China sugar would have cost him. A second refinery, C. Adolf Low & Co., which was pooled with Spreckels up to 1885, also seemed to think so, for, while having the option of taking as much Hawaiian sugar as they wanted, they declined taking any on the ground that Manila and Central Amer- ican sugars were cheaper. My opinion is that Spreckels was in a great measure right.* To show this would require a detailed examination, * For the following reasons: Spreckels allows -$■ cent per pound for the value of every degree of polariscope. The Manila standard polarizes 91°. The average polarization of the whole Hawaiian crop is about 94°, and the allowance, therefore, is, on the average, f cent above the Manila basis. Suppose, now, the price of Hawaiian sugar delivered is 5 cents per pound for 91° ; for 94° it is 5f cents. But a 94° sugar contains - 9 3 r more of pure sugar than a 91° sugar, which at 5 cents is \\ cent, or about \ cent. In other words, Spreckels pays f cent for what is worth to him only £ cent. The lower cost of refining a 94° sugar than a 91° is fully covered by the -£ 5 cent allowance for every color above No. 10, Dutch standard. This differ- ence, computed on the last Hawaiian crop, amounts to over $350,000. If it be asked how Spreckels came to concede too much for quality the answer is that when it was first agreed upon, in 1876, the price of raw sugar was very high, and at that time the allowance was not very excessive. The New York allowance was -fa cent per degree of polarization. Moreover, it was at that time anticipated that the run of the Hawaiian crop would not be above 91° or 92°. Once fixed, the allowance became a custom, and custom is a powerful conservative force sometimes in matters of price. Again, the great bulk of the Hawaiian crop comes to San Francisco in December to March, inclusive, and Spreckels must pay for it on delivery. Hence he must carry an enormous surplus stock, worth $3,000,000 to $4,000,000, during a great part of the year, and the interest on that is no trifle. If he could buy Asiatic sugars as he wanted them, or take advantage of the favorable stages of the market, he would have an advantage he does nv>t now possess. All things considered I have no ddubt that the practical working of the Manila basis was to make Spreckels pay more for Hawaiian sugar than Manila sugar would have cost him. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 75 which no one but a sugar expert would easily understand. At the same time it seems to me that the true price, while lower thau the Manila basis, ought, during the extremely low prices of sugar last year, to have been a little better than the Cuban basis. Be this as it may, the vital fact remains in any event that the price on either basis would be considerably lower in San Francisco than in New York. It also re- mains true that the attempt of Spreckels to better himself in respect to \ the terms on which he purchases Hawaiian sugar has cost him very dear in the organization of an opposition refinery, and the end is not yet. And this brings to us the next link in the chain. Mr. Spreckels was obliged to buy the whole Hawaiian crop and pay the full market price for it, including the entire duty, or else subject himself to competition. To understand this it is necessary to look at the nature of this monopoly. A monopoly means the want of effective and full competition. What are the possible sources of competition in the sale of refined sugars in California? There can be none from foreign refined sugars, because the duty upon them is prohibitory. There can be no effective competition from Eastern refined sugars, because their price is established on the Atlantic seaboard, where sugar is dearer and the railway transportation is prohibitory. Why is there no local competition"? Because there is not work enough for two refineries. A single refinery half as large as Havemeyer & Elder's can saturate with sugar the whole country west of Denver. If, then, there are two refineries, as has actually been the case, they must either pool and divide the market, which they did, or else begin a war of extermi- nation, which they are hoav doing. The causes which have rendered a monopoly easily possible are, therefore, a prohibitory tariff on refined sugar, the isolation of California from other States where sugar is refined, its comparatively small population, and the fact that one ordi- nary refinery is ample for all needs. Under such circumstances a monop- oly, or else a pool, which amounts to the same thing, is inevitable. Nothing on earth can stop it but time and the changes of conditions, which time will ultimately bring. The Hawaiian treaty has had nothing to do with the establishment of this monopoly; the monopoly was fixed before the treaty, and so far from being helped by it, has been embarrassed and weakened by it, and may be yet more seriously embarrassed by its continuance, for the treaty rendered possible two new sources of competition. The nature of this competition is very instructive and will repay careful examina- tion. The duty upon raw sugars not only increases with their purity and lightness of color, but increases in a faster ratio than the value of the sugar itself. The result in New York is that it is cheaper and more profitable for the refineries to purchase the impurest sugars they can get, and that raw sugars of fine high quality are, in consequence of this disportionate duty, dearer than refined sugars. In short, the duty on raw sugars which are fit to eat is, to all intents and purposes, prohibitory. This is the reason why raw sugar has entirely disap- peared from our grocery stores. In England, the greatest sugar-eat- ing country in the world, where sugar is duty free, a large proportion of the sugar consumed does not go through the refinery at all, but is sold to customers just as it comes from the plantations. If the tariff on sugar were exactly proportional to its purity vast quantities of raw sugar would be sold in the stores in the place of just so much refined sugar. So it would be in the Eastern States if raw sugars up to 20 Dutch standard were duty free. It is easy to see that in California 76 Hawaiian Islands. tlie free entry of Hawaiian sugar up to No. 20 put the refinery into the following difficulty : It must not permit the sugars to go upon the open market. How was it to prevent it? By making it more profitable to the planter to sell to the refinery than the grocery store. How was ■ to do that? First, by paying a maximum price for the raws, and,', second, by keeping down the price of refined sugar to points whichj should not exceed the price of raws by more than a certain smallj percentage. The maximum price of the raws was the Manila basis,! and if the price of the refined exceeded the Manila basis by more than] a certain small percentage the Hawaiian sugar would be tempted] into the grocery trade direct. Congress has been saturated with the idea that Spreckels has bought^ Hawaiian sugar at his own price, appropriating the remitted duty toj himself and at the same time increasing the price of refined sugar, j The idea is absurd and impossible. The truth is just the reverse. The- command of prices for raw sugar up to the Maniia basis rests with thei planter, and Spreckels must yield or provoke a competition in which] the planter is sure to win. Above the Manila basis the planter can ni go without loss to himself. Spreckels, moreover, has been obliged to] sell refined sugar at lower prices than he could command if the Hawaiian] crop were out of the way. To restore the duty would crush the] planter, leaving him to Spreckels' dictation and give him ( Spreckels)] the power of exacting a larger price for his output without fear ofl any competition from the planter. The effect of the treaty upon thei monopoly has been to hold up the price of raw sugar to the full normal] price and to bring the price of refined nearer to that of raws than it would otherwise have been. (2) The second source of competition is a new refinery. Mr J Spreckels himself controls, as a majority stockholder, only one planta-] tion on the islands. He has a minority interest in each of four others] (unless he has acquired more since 1884). He and his friends together - can not control more than a fourth part of the Hawaiian crop except by j buying it on terms satisfactory to the planters. Suppose the others planters to become dissatisfied with the terms of purchase he may] offer, what is to prevent them from joining hands and starting a new refinery in San Francisco to work their own sugars? Nothing, except the want of an. inducement. The question of capital offers no difficulty if there is anything to be gained. What would constitute an induce- ment? Not the prospect of profit on the sale of refined sugars unless they are prepared to crush Spreckels out completely and set up a new monopoly in place of his. But a genuine inducement would be estab- lished at once if Spreckels were to insist upon paying too low a price . for their raw sugar. Suppose the cost of Asiatic sugar, duty paid, in San Francisco is 5 cents and Spreckels will only pay the Hawaiians 4J cents. Suppose two-thirds of the planters refuse and start a new j refinery. A war of rates instantly follows. How low can Spreckles afford to sell refined sugar? As low as the price of Asiatic sugar plus] the cost of refining. How low could the planters afford to sell sugar?] As low as the cost of raising raw sugar, shipping it to San Francisco,] and refining it. When Spreckels has touched the bottom price the] planter is still making the full profit on his raw sugar, but nothing on his refined, and Spreckels is making no profit out of his refinery. This is precisely what has happened. When Spreckels dropped from the Manila to the Cuban basis some of the California stockholders and] some of the keen Yankees in the island thought he was going too low. 3 They clubbed together, and, with the aid of San Francisco capitalists! who hold Hawaiian plantation stocks, they started a new refinery. They j HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 77 did not expect to make much profit out of refined sugar, but they do expect to get the fullest price of their raws. The ultimate result of this contest will depend upon whether Spreekels is right in his asser- tion that the Cuban basis is the normal price of sugar. GENERAL RESULTS OF THE TREATY. The treaty has developed a trade with the islands which, relatively to the population, is enormous, and of which the profits have been and still are exceedingly large. The profits have not, as generally sup- posed, accrued to the great sugar monopoly, but chiefly to the Ameri- can snipping which was evoked by the treaty, to the mercantile houses which have handled the merchandise, and to the investors who have advanced the capital to open and develop the productive properties. These profits have been nearly double the remitted duties and four or five times as great as the probable loss of revenue. So far has the treaty been from benefiting a monopoly of refined sugars in California that it has restricted its powers and embarrassed it, and may even yet destroy it. The refinery is powerless to obtain the benefit of the remitted duties in any degree whatever. It must pay them in- full to the consignee of the planter, who, in turn, pays them, and more besides, over to our shipping, banks, mercantile houses, and investors. The remitted duties never leave the country. The treaty has brought up a mercantile marine of our own, employ- ing American-built steamers and sailing vessels, and the entire com- merce, amounting to $12,000,000 annually, is in our hands. It is the only foreign commerce to-day which we can call our own. Before the treaty the sugar and rice imported at San Francisco came chiefly from A sia and the East India Islands, where it was bought with London exchange and shipped in foreign vessels. The treaty has had no assignable effect whatever upon the sales of sugar in the Mississippi Valley. These sales would have been the same and would continue to be the same without the treaty as with it. San Francisco is the natural source of supply of sugar for almost the whole country west of the Kansas Missouri line, and of a considerable territory still further east. The only real competition of San Francisco in that region is the Louisiana planter, who has no more right to com- plain of it than of the competition of New York. This competition is independent of the treaty. Congress can not prevent it, and ought not to if it could, for it is a normal and healthy one. XL Also the following article in the forum for march, 1893, ON "HAWAII AND OUR FUTURE SEA-POWER," AND WRITTEN BY CAPT. A. T. MAHAN. [The Forum, March, 1893.] HAWAII AND OUK FUTUEE SEA POWEE.* The suddenness so far, at least, as the general public is concerned, with which the long-existing troubles in Hawaii have come to a head, and the character of the advances reported to be addressed to the United States by the revolutionary government, formally recognized as de facto by our representative on the spot, add another to the many significant instances furnished by history that, as men in the midst * Copyright, 1892, by the Forum Publishing Company. 78 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. of life are in death, so nations in the midst of peace find themselves] confronted with unexpected causes of dissension, conflicts of interests, j whose results may be, on the one hand, war, or, on the other, aban-1 donment of clear and imperative national advantage in order to avoid an issue for which preparation has not been made. By no premedi-j tated contrivance of our own, by the cooperation of a series of eventsj which, however dependent, step by step, upon human action, were not, intended to prepare the present crisis, the United States finds herself] compelled to answer a question, to make a decision, not unlike and not less momentous than that required of the Roman senate when the Mamertine garrison invited it to occupy Messina and so to abandon] the hitherto traditional policy which had confined the expansion of Eome to the Italian peninsula. For let it not be overlooked that, whether we wish or no, we must answer the question, we must make the decision. The issue can not be dodged. Absolute inaction in such a case is a decision as truly as the most vehement action. We can now| advance, but, the conditions of the world being what they are, if we do not advance we recede; for there is involved not so much a partic-j ular action as a question of principle pregnant of great consequences i in one direction or in the other. Occasion of serious difficulty should not, indeed, here arise. Unlike j the historical instance just cited, the two nations that have now coma into contact are so alike in inherited traditions, habits of thought, and views of right, that injury to the one need not be anticipated from the; predominance of the other in a quarter where its interests also pre- dominate. JDespite the heterogeneous character of the immigration which the past few years have been pouring into our country, our polit- ical traditions and racial characteristics still continue English — Mr. Douglas Campbell would say Dutch, but the stock is the same. Though thus somewhat gorged with food not wholly to its taste, our political digestion has so far contrived to master the incongruous mass of mate- rials it has been unable to reject; and, if assimilation has been at times imperfect, the political constitution and spirit remain English in essen- tial features. Imbued with like ideals of liberty, of law, of right, cer- tainly not less progressive than our kin beyond sea, we ar,e, in the safeguards deliberately placed around our fundamental law, even more conservative than they. That which we received of the true spirit of freedom we have kept — liberty and law — not the one or the other, but both. In that spirit we have not only occupied our original inheritance, but also, step by step, as Rome incorporated the other nations of the peninsula, we have added to it, spreading and perpetuating every- where the same foundation principles of free and good government which, to her honor be it said, Great Britain also has throughout her course maintained. And now, arrested on the south by the rights of a race wholly alien to us, and on the north by a body of states of like traditions to our own, whose freedom to choose their own affiliations we respect, we have come to the sea. In our infancy we bordered upon the Atlantic only: our youth carried our boundary to the Gulf of Mex- ico; to-day maturity sees us upon the Pacific. Have we no right or no call to progress farther in any direction? Are there for us beyond the sea horizon none of those essential interests, of those evident dan- gers, which impose a policy and confer rights? This is the question that has long been looming upon the brow of a future now rapidly passing into the present. Of it the Hawaiian inci- dent is a part, intrinsically, perhaps, a small part, but in its relations to the whole so vital that, as has before been said, a wrong decision HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 79 does not stand by itself, but involves, not only in principle but in fact, recession along the whole line. In our natural, necessary, irrepressible expansion, we are here come into contact with the progress of another great people, the law of whose being has impressed upon it a principle of growth which has wrought mightily in the past and in the present is visible by recurring manifestations. Of this working, Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt, Aden, India, in geographical succession though not in strict order of time, show a completed chain; forged link by link, by open force or politic bargain, but always resulting from the steady pressure of a national instinct, so powerful and so accurate that statesmen of every school, willing or unwilling, have found themselves carried along by a tendency which no individuality can resist or greatly modify. Unsubstantial rumor and incautious personal utterance have each suggested an impatient desire in Mr. Gladstone to be rid of the occupation of Egypt; but scarcely has his long exclusion from office ended than the irony of events signalizes his return thereto by an increase in the force of occupation. It may further be profitably noted, of the chain just cited, that the two extremities were first pos- sessed—first India, then Gibraltar, far later Malta, Aden, Cyprus, Egypt — and that, with scarce an exception, each step has been taken, despite the jealous vexation of a rival. Spain has never ceased angrily to bewail Gibraltar. "I had rather," said the first Napoleon, u see the English on the heights of Montmartre than in Malta." The feelings of France about Egypt are matter of common knowledge, not even dissembled; and, for our warning be it added, her annoyance is increased by the bitter sense of opportunity rejected. It is needless to do more than refer to that other chain of mari- time possessions, Halifax, Bermuda, Santa Lucia, Jamaica, which strengthen the British hold upon the Atlantic, the Caribbean, and the Isthmus of Panama. In the Pacific the position is for them much less satisfactory, nowhere, perhaps, is it less so, and from obvious natural causes. The commercial development of the eastern Pacific has been far later and is still less complete than that of its western shores. The latter when first opened to European adventure were already the seat of ancient civilizations, in China and Japan, furnishing abundance of curious and luxurious products to tempt the trader by good hopes of profit. The western coast of America, for the most part peopled by savages, offered little save the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and these were jealously monopolized by the Spaniards, not a commercial nation, during their long ascendency. Being so very far from Eng- land and affording so little material for trade, Pacific America did not draw the enterprise of a country the chief and honorable inducement of whose seamen was the hope of gain, in pursuit of which they settled and annexed point after point in the regions where they penetrated and upon the routes leading thither. The western coasts of North America, being reached only by the long and perilous voyage around Cape Horn, or by a more toilsome and dangerous passage across the continent, remained among the last of the temperate productive sea- boards of the earth to be possessed by white men. The United States were already a nation, in fact, as well as in form, when Vancouver was exploring Puget Sound and passed first through the channel separating the mainland of British America from the island that now bears his name. Thus it has happened that, from the late development of British Columbia in the northeastern Pacific and of Australia and New Zea- land in the southwestern, Great Britain is again found holding the two extremities of a line between which she must inevitably desire the 80 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. intermediate links; nor is there any good reason why she should not have them, except the superior, more urgent, more vital necessities of another people — our own. Of these links the Hawaiian group pos- sesses unique importance, not from its intrinsic commercial value, hut from its favorable position for maratime and military control. The military or strategic value of a naval position depends upon its situation, upon its strength, and upon its resources. Of the three,, the first is of most consequence, because it results from the nature of things; whereas the two latter, when deficient, can be artificially sup- plied, in whole or in part. Fortifications remedy the weakness of a position, foresight accumulates beforehand the resources which nature does not yield on the spot; but it is not within the power of man to change the geographical situation of a point which lies outside the limit of strategic effect. It is instructive, and yet apparent to the most superficial reading, to notice how the first Napoleon, in comment- ing upon a region likely to be the scene of war, begins by considering the most conspicuous natural features, and then enumerates the com- manding positions, their distances from each other, the relative direc- tions, or, as the sea phrase is, their u bearings," and the particular facilities each offers for operations of war. This furnishes the ground l plan, the skeleton, detached from confusing secondary considerations, and from which a clear estimate of the decisive points can be made. The number of such points varies greatly, according to the character of the region. In a mountainous, broken country they may be very many; whereas in a plain devoid of natural obstacles there may be few or more save those created by man. If few, the value of each is necessarily greater than if many, and if there be but one its importance is not only unique, but extreme, measured only by the size of the field over which its unshared influence extends. The sea, until it approaches the land, realizes the ideal of a vast! plain, unbroken by obstacles. On the sea, says an eminent French tactician, there is no field of battle; meaning that there is none of the natural conditions which, determine, and often fetter, the movements of the general. But upon a plain, however flat and monotonous,, causes, possibly slight, determine the concentration of population into town and villages, and the necessary communications between the centers create roads. Where the latter converge, or cross, tenure confers command, depending for importance upon the number of routes thus meeting and upon their individual value. It is just so at sea. While in itself the ocean opposes no obstacle to a vessel taking any one of the numerous routes that can be traced upon the surface of the globe between two points, conditions of distance or convenience, of traffic or of wind, do prescribe certain usual courses. Where these pass near an ocean position, still more where they use it, it has an influence over them, and where several routes cross near by that influence becomes very great — is commanding. Let us now apply these considerations to the Hawaiian group. To anyone viewing a map that shows the full extent of the Pacific Ocean, with its shores on either side, two circumstances will be strikingly and immediately apparent. He will see at a glance that the Sandwich. Islands stand by themselves, in a state of comparative isolation, amid a vast expanse of sea; and, again, that they form the center of a large circle whose radius is approximately, and very closely, the distance from Honolulu to San Francisco. The circumference of this circle, if the trouble is taken to describe it with compass upon the map, will be seen, on the west and south, to pass through the outer fringe of the HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 81 system of archipelagoes which, from Australia and New Zealand, extend to the northeast toward the American continent. Within the circle a few scattered islets, bare and unimportant, seem only to emphasize the failure of nature to bridge the interval separating Hawaii from her peers of the Southern Pacific. Of these, however, it may be noted that some, like Fanning and Christmas islands, have within a few years been taken into British possession. The distance from San Francisco to Honolulu, 2,100 miles, easy steaming distance, is substantially the same as that from Honolulu to the Gilbert, Marshall, Samoan, Society, and Marquesas groups, all under European control, except Samoa, in which we have a part influence. To have a central position such as this, and to be alone, having no rival and admitting no alternative throughout an extensive tract, are conditions that at once fix the attention of the strategist — it may be added, of the statesmen of commerce likewise. But to this striking combination is to be added the remarkable relations borne by these singularly placed islands to the greater commercial routes traversing this vast expanse known to us as the Pacific, not only, however, to those now actually in use, important as they are, but also to those that must necessarily be called into being by that future to which the Hawaiian incident compels our too unwilling attention. Oircum stances, as was before tritely remarked, create centers, between which communication necessarily follows, and in the vista of the future all, however dimly, discern a new and great center that must greatly modify existing sea routes, as well as bring new ones into existence. Whether the canal of the Central American isthmus be eventually at Panama or at Nicaragua matters little to the question now in hand, although, in common with most Americans who have thought upon the subject, I believe it will surely be at the latter point. Whichever it be, the convergence there of so many ships from the Atlantic and the Pacific will constitute a center of commerce, interoceanic and inferior to few, if to any, in the world; one whose approaches will be jealously watched and whose relations to the other centers of the Pacific by the lines joining it to them must be carefully examined. Such study of the commercial routes and their relations to the Hawaiian Islands, taken together with the other strategic considerations pre- viously set forth, completes the synopsis of facts which determine the value of the group for conferring either commercial or naval control. Kef erring again to the map, it will be seen that while the shortest routes from the isthmus to Australia and New Zealand, as well as those to South America, go well clear of any probable connection with or interference from Hawaii, those directed toward China and Japan pass either through the group or in close proximity to it. Vessels from Central America bound to the ports of Northern America come, of course, within the influence of our own coast. These circumstances and the existing recognized distribution of political power in the Pacific point naturally to an international acquiescence in certain defined spheres of influence for our own country and for others, such as has already been reached between Great Britain, Germany, and Holland in the Southwestern Pacific, to avoid conflict there between their respective claims. Though artificial in form, such a recognition would, in the case here suggested, depend upon perfectly natural as well as indisputable conditions. The United States is by far the greatest in numbers, interests, and power of the communities border- ing upon the North Pacific; and the relations of the Hawaiian Islands to her ni.turally would be, and actually are, more numerous and more S. Eep. 227. 6 82 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. important than they oin be to any other state. This is true, although unfortunately for the equally natural wishes of Great Britain and her colonies, the direct routes from British Columbia to Eastern Australia and New Zealand, which depend upon no building of a future canal, pass as near the islands as those already mentioned. Such a fact, that this additional great highway runs close to the group, both augments and emphasizes their strategic importance; but it does not affect the*: statement just made that the interest of the United States in them is greater than that of Great Britain, and dependent upon a natural cause, nearness, which has always been admitted as a reasonable ground for national self-assertion. It is unfortunate, doubtless, for the wishes of British Columbia and for the communications, commercial and military, depending upon the Canadian Pacific Kail way, that the United States lies between them and the South Pacific and is the state nearest to Hawaii; but, the fact being so, the interests of our 65,000,000. people, in a position so vital to our role in the Pacific, must be allowed to outweigh those of the 6,000,000 of Canada. From the foregoing considerations may be inferred the importance of the Hawaiian Islands as a position powerfully influencing the com^ mercial and military control of the Pacific, and especially of the north- ern' Pacific, in which the United States, geographically, has the strongest right to assert herself. These are the main advantages, which can be termed positive; those, namely, which directly advance commercial security and naval control. To the negative advantage^ of possession, by removing conditions which, if the islands were in the hands of any other power, would constitute to us disadvantages an<| threats, allusion only will be made. The serious menace to our Pacific coast and our Pacific trade, if so important a position were held by a possible enemy, has been frequently mentioned in the press and dwelt upon in the diplomatic papers which are from time to time given to the public. It may be assumed that it is generally acknowledged. Upon one particular, however, too much stress can not be laid, one td. which naval officers can not but be more sensitive than the general public, and that is the immense disadvantage to us of any maritime enemy having a coaling station well within 2,500 miles, as this is, o| every point of our coast line from Puget Sound to Mexico. Were there many others available we might find it difficult to exclude from all. There is, however, but the one. Shut out from the Sandwich Islands as a coal base, an enemy is thrown back for supplies of fuel to dis- tances of 3,500 or 4,000 miles — or between 7,000 and 8,000, going and coming — an impediment to sustained maritime operations well nigh prohibitive. The coal mines of British Columbia constitute, of course, a qualification to this statement; but upon them, if need arose, we might at least hope to impose some trammels by action from the land side. It is rarely that so important a factor in the attack or defense of a coast line — of a sea frontier — is concentrated in a single position, and the circumstance renders doubly imperative upon us to secure it, if we righteously can. It is to be hoped, also, that the opportunity thus thrust upon us may not be narrowly viewed, as though it concerned but one section of our country or one portion of its external trade or influence. This is no mere question of a particular act, for which, possibly, just occasion may not yet have offered; but of a principle, a policy, fruitful of many future acts, to enter upon which, in the fullness of our national prog? ress, the time has now arrived. The principle accepted, to be con- ditioned only by a just and candid regard for the rights and reasonal " HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 83 susceptibilities of ether nations — none of which is contravened by the step here immediately under discussion — the annexation, even, of Hawaii would be no mere sporadic effort, irrational because discon- nected from an adequate motive, but a first fruit and a token that the nation in its evolution has aroused itself to the necessity of carrying- its life — that has been the happiness of those under its influence — beyond the borders that have heretofore sufficed for its activities. That the vaunted blessings of our economy are not to be forced upon tin? unwilling may be, conceded ; but the concession does not deny the right nor the wisdom of gathering in those who wish to come. Com- parative religion teaches that creeds which reject missionary enter- prise are foredoomed to decay. May it not be so with nations? Cer- tainly the glorious record of England is consequent mainly upon the spirit and traceable to the time when she launched out into the deep — without formulated policy, it is true, or foreseeing the future to which her star was leading, but obeying the instinct which in the infancy of nations anticipates the more reasoned impulses of experience. Let us, too, learn from her experience. Not all at once did England become the great sea power which she is, but step by step, as opportunity offered, she has moved on to the world wide preeminence now held by English speech and by institutions sprung from English germs. How much poorer would the world have been had Englishmen heeded the cautious hesitancy that now bids us reject every advance beyond our shore lines. And can any one doubt that a cordial, if unformulated, understanding between the two chief states of English tradition, to spread freely, "without mutual jealously and in mutual support, would greatly increase the world's sum of happiness ?- But if a plea of the world's welfare seem suspiciously like a cloak for national self-interest, let the latter be frankly accepted as the adequate motive which it assuredly is. Let us not sink from pitting a broad self- Interest against the narrow self-interest to which some would restrict us. The demands of our three great seaboards, the Atlantic, the Gulf, and the Pacific — each for itself, and all for the strength that comes from drawing closer the ties between them — are calling for the extension, through the Isthmian Canal, of that broad sea common along which, and along which alone, in all ages prosperity has moved. Land carriage, always restricted and therefore always slow, toils enviously but hope- lessly behind, vainly seeking to replace and supplant the royal high- way of nature's own making. Corporate interests, vigorous iu that power of concentration which is the strength of armies and of minori- ties, may here for a while withstand the ill-organized strivings of the multitude, only dimly conscious of its wants; yet the latter, however temporarily opposed and baffled, is sure at last, like the blind forces of nature, to overwhelm all that stand in the way of its necessary prog- ress. So the Isthmian Canal is an inevitable part in the future of the United States; yet scarcely an integral part, for it can not be separated from other necessary incidents of a policy dependant upon it, whose details cannot be exactly foreseen. But because the precise steps that may hereafter be opportune or necessary can not yet be certainly fore- told, is not a reason the less, but a reason the more, for establishing a pri nciple of action which may serve to guide as opportunities arise. Let us start from t-ne fundamental truth, warranted by history, that the control of the seas, and especially along the great lines drawn by national interest or national commerce, is the chief among the merely material elements in the power and prosperity of nations, It is so 84 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. because the sea is the world's great medium of circulation. From this necessarily follows the principle that, as subsidiary to such control, it is imperative to take possession, when it can righteously be done, of such maritime positions as contribute to secure command. If this principle be adopted there will be no hesitation about taking the positions — and they are many— upon the approaches to the Isthmus, whose interests incline them to seek us. It has its application also to the present case of Hawaii. There is, however, one caution to be given from that military point of view beyond the need of which the world has not yet passed. Military positions, fortified posts, by land or by sea, however strong or admirably situated, do not by themselves confer control. People often say that such an island or harbor will give control of such a body of water. It is an utter, deplorable, ruinous mistake. The phrase may indeed by some be used only loosly, without forgetting other implied conditions of adequate protection and adequate navies; but the confidence of our nation in its native strength, and its indifference to the defense of its ports and the sufficiency of its fleet, give reason to fear that the full consequences of a forward step may not be soberly weighed. Napoleon, who knew better, once talked this way. "The islands of San Pietro, Corfu, and Malta," he wrote, "will make us masters of the whole Medi- terranean." Yain boast ! Within one year Corfu, in two years Malta, were rent away from the state that could not support them by its ships. Nay, more; had Bonaparte not taken the latter stronghold out of the hands of its degenerate but innocuous government, that citadal of the Mediterranean would perhaps — would probably — never have passed into those of his chief enemy. There is here also a lesson for us. It is by no means logical to leap, from this recognition of the neces- sity of adequate naval force to secure outlying dependencies, to the con- clusion that the United States would for that object need a navy equal to the largest now existing. A nation as far removed as is our own from the bases of foreign naval strength may reasonably reckon upon the qualification that distance — not to speak of the complex European interests close at hand — impresses upon the exertion of naval strength. The mistake is when our remoteness, unsupported by carefully calcu- lated force, is regarded as an armor of proof, under cover of which any amount of swagger may be safely indulged. Any estimate of what is an adequate naval force for our country may properly take large account of the happy interval that separates both our present territory and our future aspirations from the centers of interest really vital to European states. If to these safeguards be added, On our part, a sober recogni-. tion of what our reasonable sphere of influence is and a candid justice in dealing with foreign interests within that sphere, there will be little disposition to question our preponderance therein. Among all foreign states it is especially to be hoped that each pass- ing year may render more cordial the relations between ourselves and the great nation from whose loins we sprang. The radical identity of spirit which underlies our superficial differences of polity will surely so draw us closer together, if we do not willfully set our faces against a tendency which would give our race the predominance over the seas of the world. To force such a consummation is impossible, and, if possible, would not be wise ; but surely it would be a lofty aim, fraught with immeasurable benefits, to desire it, and to raise no needless impedi- ments by advocating perfectly proper acts, demanded by our evident interest?, in offensive or arrogant terms. — (A, T. Mahan.) HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 85 XII. Also the following extract from the report of hon. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN )l OF PRESIDENT TYLER, DECEMBER 30, 1842. "It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human improvement and virtue that, by the mild and gentle influence of Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century, the people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to 4he blessings of the Christian gospel; united under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civiliza- tion by a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights of persons, property and mind, and invested with all the ele- ments of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the •human race as a separate and independent community. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the people of the North American Union are urged by an interest of their own, deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth — by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love." XIII. Also the following, a translation of the constitution OF THE HAWAIIAN GOVERNMENT OF 1840. "In the Hawaiian bill of rights, the chiefs endeavored to incorporate in few words the general basis of personal rights, both of the chiefs and common people, and to guard against perversion; and this they have accomplished with, perhaps, as much precision and consistency as the Americans, who affirm 'that all men are born free and equal, possessing certain inalienable rights, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 7 " With distinguished and commendable care do the Hawaiian s of 1840 acknowledge the paramount authority of God, in which Kaahu- manu had set them a noble example, and the importance of an unwav- ering purpose in legislation not to controvene his word," The following translation I have made with care from the original, published at the islands as the constitution of 1840 : "God has made of one blood all the nations of men, that they might alike dwell upon the earth iu peace and prosperity. And he has given certain equal rights to all people and chiefs of all countries. These are the rights or gifts which he has granted to every man and chief of cor- rect deportment, life, the members of the body, freedom in dwelling and acting, and the rightful products of his hands and mind; but not those things which are inhibited by the laws. " From God also are the office of rulers and the reign of chief magis- trates for protection; but in enacting the laws of the land it is not right to make a law protecting the magistrate only and not subjects; neither is it proper to establish laws for enriching chiefs only without benefiting the people, and hereafter no law shall be established in ! opposition to the above declarations; neither shall taxes, servitude, nor labor be exacted: without law of any man in a manner at variance 1 with those principles. , "PROTECTION FOR ALL. c Therefore let this declaration be published in order to the equal tection of all the people and all the chiefs of these islands while 86 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. maintaining a Correct deportment, that no chief may oppress any sub- ject, and that chiefs and people may enjoy equal security under the same system of law; the persons, the lands, the dwelling enclosures, and all the property of all the people are protected while they conform to the laws of the Kingdom, neither shall any of these be taken except by the provisions of law. Any chief who shall perseveringly act in opposition to this constitution shall cease to hold his office as a chief of these Hawaiian Islands; and the same shall apply to governors, offi- cers of Government, and land agents. But if one condemned should turn again and conform himself to the laws it shall be in the power ol the chiefs to reinstate him in the standing he occupied before his tres- pass. "FOUNDATION OF LAWS. "According to the principles above declared, we purpose to regulate this Kingdom, and to seek the good of all the chiefs and all the people of these Hawaiian Islands. We are aware that we can not succeed ty ourselves alone, but through God we can; for He is King over all king- doms; by whom protection and prosperity may be secured ; therefore do we first beseech him to point out to us the right course, and aid 01 work. " Wherefore, resolved, "I. No law shall be enacted at variance with the word of the Lord Jehovah, or opposed to the grand design of that word. All the laws of this country shall accord with the general design of God's law. "II. All men of every form of worship shall be protected in their worshipping Jehovah, and in their serving Him; nor shall any one be punished for merely neglecting to serve God, provided he injures no man and brings no evil on the Kingdom. "III. The law shall support every unblamable man who is injured by another all shall be protected in every good work, and every man shall be punishable who brings evil on the Kingdom or individuals. Nor shall any unequal law be established to give favor to one through evil to another. "IV. No man sballbepnnisheelunlesshiscrimebe first maele to appeal nor shall he be punished without being examined in the presence of his accuser. When the accused and the accuser have met face to face, ane the trial proceeds according to law, and guilt is established before thei both, then punishment shall follow. " V. It shall not be proper for any man or chief to sit as judge juror to try his own benefactor, or one directly connected with hii Therefore, if one is condemned or acquitted, and it shall soon be knowi that some of the triers acted with partiality to favor whom he loved, perhaps to enrich himself, then there may be a new trial before the impartial. " EXPLANATION OF THE POSITION OF THE RULERS. " The nature of the position of the chief magistrates and of the polie of the country is this : Katnehameha I was the head of this Kingdom dynasty. To him pertained all the lands from Hawaii to Niihan, bi they were not his own personal property ; they belonged to the people and the chiefs, and Kaineliameha was their head and the dictator of the country. Therefore no one had before, and no one has now, the right to convey away the smallest portion of these islands without the consent of the dictator of the Kingdom. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 87 " These are the dictators or the persons who have had the direction of it from that time down, Kamehameha II and Kaahumanu I, and at the present time Kamehameha III. To these persons only has belonged the direction or dictatorship of the realm down to the present time, and the documents written by them only are the documents of the Kingdom. "The Kingdom is to be perpetuated to Kamehameha III and to his heirs, and his heir shall be one whom he and the chiefs shall appoint during his lifetime; but if he shall not nominate, then the appointment shall devolve solely on the nobles and representatives. "PREROGATIVES OF THE KINO. "This is the King's position: He is the sovereign of all the people and all the chiefs. At his direction are the soldiers, the guns, the forts, and all the implements of war of the Kingdom. At his direction is the public property, the revenue from the poll tax, the land tax, and the three days monthly labor tax, to accord, however, with the pro- visions of law. He shall possess his own private lands, and such as shall be forfeited for the annual tax. " He is the chief judge of the supreme court, and to him belongs the execution of the laws of the land, the decrees, and the treaties with other countries, in accordance with the provisions of the laws of this country. " It is for him to make treaties with the rulers of all other kingdoms, and to hold intercourse with ministers sent hither from other coun- tries, and to consummate agreements. " It is for him to declare war should a period of distress arrive, and the chiefs could not well be assembled; and he shall be commander in chief of the army. All important business of the Kingdom not com- mitted by law to others, belongs to him to transact. "of the premier of the kingdom. " It shall be the duty of the King to appoint a chief of ability and high rank to be his prime minister, who shall be entitled premier of the I Kingdom, whose office and business shall be like that of Kaahumanu I I and Kaahumanu II. For in the life time of Kamehameha, the ques- i tions of life and death, right and wrong, were for Kaahumanu to decide, and at the time of his death he gave charge, i Let the Kingdom be Liholiho's, and Kaahumanu the prime minister.' That policy of Kamehameha, wherein he sought 'to secure a premier, ,is to be per- petuated in this Hawaaiian country, but in accordance with the pro- visions of law. " This is the business of the premier : Whatever appropriate business of the Kingdom the King intends to do the premier may do in the name of the King. The words and acts of the Kingdom by the premier are the words and acts of the King. The premier shall receive and acknowledge the revenue of the Kingdom and deliver it to the King. The premier shall be the King's special counsellor in all the important business of the Kingdom. The King shall not transact public business without the concurrence of the premier; nor shall the premier transact public business without the concurrence of the King.* If the King shall veto what the premier counsels or attempts that is a negative. What- ever important public business the King chooses to transact in person he may do, but only with the approbation or consent of the premier. 88 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. "OF GOVERNORS. "There shall be four governors in this Hawaiian country; one of Hawaii, one of Mani and the adjacent isles, one of Oahu, and one of Kauai and the adjacent isles. All the governors from Hawaii to Kauai shall hold their office under the King. "This is the character and duty of the office of governor: He is the director of all the tax officers in his island, and shall sustain their orders which he shall deem right, confirming according to the provisions of law, and not his own arbitrary will. He shall preside over all the judges of his island and execute their decisions as above stated. He shall choose the judges of his district and give them their commissions. "The governor is the high chief (viceroy) over his island or islands, and shall have the direction of the forts, the soldiers, guns, and all the implements of war. Under the King and premier shall be all the governors from Hawaii to Kauai. Each shall have charge of the reve- nue of his island, and shall deliver it to the premier. "In case of distress he may act as dictator, if neither King nor pre- mier can be consulted. He shall have charge of all the King's business on the island, the taxation, improvements, and means of increasing wealthy and all officers there shall be under him. To him belong all questions and business pertaining to the government of the island, not assigned by law to others. "On the decease of a governor, the chiefs shall assemble at such a place as the King shall appoint, and together seek out a successor of the departed governor, and the person whom they shall choose and the King approve by writing shall be the new governor. "OF CHIEFS OR NOBLES UNDER THE KING. : "In the public councils of the chiefs these are the counsellors f( the current period: Kamehameha III, Kekauluohi, Hoapiliwahin Kaukini, Kekauonohi, Kahekili, Paki, Konia, Keohokalole, Leleiohoku, Kehuanaoa, Keliiahonui, Kanaina, Li Keoniana, a me Haalilio, and if a new member is to enter the law shall specify it. These persons shall take part in the councils of the Kingdom. But if the council choose to admit others merely for consultation it shall be allowable, the specified counsellors only being allowed to vote. No law shall be enacted for the country without their consent. "In this manner shall they proceed: They shall meet annually to devise means for benefiting the country and enact laws for the King- dom. In the month of April shall they assemble at such time and place as the King shall appoint. It shall be proper for the King to take counsel with them on all the important concerns of the Kingdom in order to secure harmony and prosperity, or the general good, and they shall attend to all the business which the King shall commit to them. They shall retain their own personal estates, larger or smaller divisions of the country, and may conduct their affairs on their own lands accord-, ing to their pleasure, but not in opposition to the laws of the Kingdom. "OF REPRESENTATIVES ELECTED " Several men shall be annually chosen to act in council with the King and chiefs, and to devise with them laws for the country. Some from Hawaii, some from Maui, some from Oahu, and some from Kauai, shall the plebeians choose according to their o%n pleasure. The law HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 89 will determine the method of choosing and the number to be chosen. These chosen representatives shall have a voice in the Government, and no law can be established without the consent of the majority of fchem. "OF THE MEETINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE OR PARLIAMENT. "There shall be an annual meeting as aforesaid, but if the chiefs choose another meeting at another time they may meet at their dis- cretion. "In the assembling of Parliament, let the hereditary nobles meet by themselves and the elected rulers meet by themselves. But if they choose to take counsel together occasionally at their discretion, so be it. "In this manner shall they proceed: The hereditary chiefs shall choose a secretary for their body, and on the day of their assembling he shall record all their transactions; and that book shall be preserved that what they devise for the Kingdom may not be lost. "In the same manner shall the elected representatives proceed; they shall choose a secretary for themselves, and on the day they assemble, to seek the good of the Kingdom and agree on any measure, he shall record it in a book, which shall be carefully preserved, in order that v the good desired for the country may not be lost. And no new law shall be established without the consent of a majority of the nobles and of the elected representatives. "When any act or measure shall have been agreed on by them it shall be carried on paper to the King, and if he approves and signs his name, and also the premier, then it shall become a law of the Kingdom, and it shall not be repealed except by the body which enacted it. "OF THE TAX OFFICERS. "The King and premier shall choose tax officers and give them a com- mission in writing. They shall be distinct for the separate islands. There shall be three, or more or less, for each island, at the discretion of the King and premier. "A tax officer, having received a commission, shall not be removed without a trial. If convicted of crime he may be removed ; but the number of years the office shall continue may be previously limited by law. " This is clearly the business of the tax officers : They shall apprise the people of the amount of assessment, that they may hear beforehand at the proper time; they shall proceed according to the orders of the governors and the provisions of law; and when the time for paying- taxes shall arrive, they shall collect the amount and deliver it to the governor, and the governor to the premier, and the premier to the King. The tax officers shall also direct the public labor for the King, but may commit its details to the land agents, presiding themselves over them in this work. They shall also have charge of any new business which the King may design to extend through the Kingdom, but in their doings they ahall be subordinate to the governors. They shall be arbiters of the tax laws, and in all cases where land agents' or landlords oppress the peasantry, and in every difficulty between land agents and tenants, and everything specified in the tax law established June 7th, 1839. "In this manner shall they proceed: Each shall exercise his office 90 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. in his own district. If a difficulty arise between & land agent and a tenant the tax officer shall investigate it, and if th£ tenant is in fault the tax officer and land agent shall execute the law upon him; but if the land agent is in fault in the judgment of the tax officer the latter shall call the other tax officers of the island, and, if they agree with him, judgment against the land agent is confirmed, and the governor shall execute the law on him; but if any believe the tax officer to have erred the governor may be apprised and try the case over again, and if he is believed to have erred the case may be made known to the supreme judges, and they shall try the case anew. "OF THE JUDGES. "The governor of each island shall choose judges for the island according to his own mind, two or more, at his own discretion, and give them a written commission. When they receive this they shall not be removed without trial, but the law may limit their term of office. " In this manner shall they proceed : The court days shall be declared beforehand, and when the appointed day arrives they shall proceed with trials according to law. To them shall be given jurisdiction in respect to all the laws except those connected with taxation, and to the difficulties between land agents, landlords, and tenants. The governor shall sustain them and execute their judgment. But if their judgment is thought to be unjust he who thinks so may complain or appeal to the supreme judges. ."OF THE SUPEEME JUDGES. - "The elected representatives shall choose four judges to assist the King and premier, and these six shall be the supreme judges of the Kingdom. This shall be their business: Cases of difficulty not well adjusted by the tax officers or island judges they shall try again according to law; the court days shall be declared beforehand, that those who are in difficulty may apply, and the decision of this court shall stand. There is thereafter no appeal. Life and death, to bind and release, to fine and not to fine, are at their disposal, and with them the end of controversy. "OF CHANGES IN THE CONSTITUTION. "This constitution shall not be considered as fully established until the people generally shall have heard it, and certain persons as herein mentioned shall be chosen and shall assent to it, then firmly estab- lished is this constitution. "And thereafter, if it be designed to alter it, the people shall be first apprised of the nature of the amendment intended to be introduced, and the next year, at the meeting of the nobles and representatives, if they agree to insert a passage or to annul a passage, they may do it lawfully. " This constitution, above stated, has been agreed to by the nobles, and our names are set to it this e" ghth day of October, in the year of our Lord 1840, at Honolulu, Oahu. (Signed), " Kameiiameha III, " Kekauluohi." HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 91 a The house of nobles, or hereditary lords and ladies, consisted of the King himself, a female premier, four governors of islands, four women of rank, and five chiefs of the tyiird rank. The people were allowed to choose by districts annually seven men to be members of the national Legislature for a year: two from Hawaii, two from Maui and adjacent islands, two from Oahu, and one from Kauai, the Govern- ment bearing their expenses. The proposition was also distinctly made to increase the number after a time. The right of suffrage, so far as to vote for one or two men to act in making laws and appointing supreme assistant judges, was extended to all, but guarded with pecu- liar care." XIV. Also the following from the remarks of mr. draper, OF MASSACHUSETTS, MADE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AND PUBLISHED IN THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD OF FEBRUARY 4, 1894. I believe that the true policy of this Government is to negotiate a suitable treaty with the de facto Government in Hawaii, and annex the islands. After this (or before if necessary), if Liliuokalani is supposed to have any rights, purchase them (since she is willing to sell), biit on no account ought we to neglect this opportunity of securing this naval and coaling station, so important to us, both from the point of view T of com- merce and of coast defense. I will first point out briefly its advantages to us from a commercial point of view. Situated at the intersection of the trade route between North Amer- ica and Australasia, with the rich commercial stream which will flow between the China Seas and the Atlantic as soon as the Isthmus canal (whether it be through Nicaragua or Panama) is opened, the position of Hawaii is ideal for controlling both lines of commerce; and, for a nation which expects to maintain trade routes in the Pacific, its pos- session is a necessity. All the great commercial powers recognize the fact that our trade must be guarded; that convenient stations, as near as possible to the well-defined trade routes, must be established; and that supplies and facilities for refitting may be available at distances not too widely separated. Until 1886 Hawaii was nearer to the territory of the United States than to that of any other power, the distance to San Francisco being but 2,100 miles, while the British fortified port of Victoria, with its neighboring dockyard of Esquimault, and coal mines of Nanaimo, was 2,360 miles distant. The next nearest British port was Leonka, in the Fiji, group, 2,700 miles distant in an opposite direction. French territory was 2,380 miles distant at Tahiti ; Germany held the Admiralty Islands, distant 3,400 miles; and Spain the Caroline Islands, 2,600 miles distant, and the Ladrones, about 2,900 miles distant. Since that time Germany has moved up to a distance of 2,098 miles, by annexing the Marshall Islands and placing herself in a flanking position on both the South Pacific and transpacific trade routes. France, by the acquisition of the Low Archipelago and the Marquesas Islands, is 2,050 miles distant from Hawaii, on the South Pacific route. Great Britain has advanced from Fiji toward the intersecting point on clearly define! lines, annexing group after group and detached islands when they were on the line of approach, even though uninhabited or without harbors and of no commercial value, until in 1891 her flag was 92 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. planted on Johnston Island, 600 miles from Hawaii, and the nearest point she can approach to her American territory, unless the next move be the occupation of Hawaii itself. In one year, 1888, British cruisers took possession of the Savage, Suwarrow, and Phoenix groups and Christmas and Fanning islands, and in 1892 the occupation of the Gilbert and Ellice groups and Gard- ner and Danger islands completed the covering of the South Pacilic trade from Johnston Island to Australia. The only unannexed group on that line remaining is the Sainoan Islands, and they are closely sur- rounded by British and French possessions. It has not been a blind grab for territory which has been going on in the South Pacific for six years past, but a working out of strategical schemes with definite ends in view; and the United States is the only great power interested in the Pacific trade which has uothad the wis- dom to acquire territory in localities where the great trade of the future will need guarding and supplying. Samoa and Hawaii have been ripe to our hands for years. They are most advantageously situated for our needs, as bases from which our cruisers could work in time of war to protect our own trade and break up that of an enemy. The moral force of the United States is all that has kept European hands off these two groups to the present time, but should a strategic necessity for their occupation by either of those powers arise moral force would lose its power and we would have to be prepared to then fight for them or to retire at once from the absurd dog-in-the-manger position we have so long occupied. To appreciate fully the question of ocean trade it is well to observe the policy which Great Britain has consistently and successfully fol- lowed for generations in developing and supporting her commerce. Trade with India was established, then the route was guarded. When the Suez Canal was cut a different disposition was needed ; and they now have the complete chain of guard stations formed by Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt, and Aden, the chain being continued to China by Ceylon, Penang, Singapore, and Hongkong. The route around the Cape of Good Hope and to Australia is covered by Sierra Leone, Ascension, St. Helena, Cape Town, Natal, Zanzibar, and Mauritius. To America the route is guarded by St. Johns, Halifax, Bermuda, Jamaica, St. Lucia, Barbados, Nassau, Balize, and Demerara. The Falkland Islands at the southern extremity of America form a guard station for the trade passing around Cape Horn, and up to this point it is well to note that no station is farther than 3,000 miles from the next on the trade route it is designed to protect; and cruisers patrolling the routes, as well as merchant vessels traversing them, need never be farther removed than 1,500 miles from a base where supplies of coal and facilities for refitting are available. The foresighted statesmen of Great Britain have had a full under- standing of the fact that the i)reservation intact of the circulation of British ships in the great arteries of trade is an absolute requisite to the well-being and even life of the British Empire, and this it is which has guided them in the establishing around the world a complete chain of guarded stations, from which her commerce can be supplied and succored, whether peace or war prevail. Until very recent times British trade in the Pacific has not been essential so far as the welfare of the Empire was concerned, and the guarding stations at the Falkland Islands, Fiji, and Victoria, British Columbia, may have been supposed to be sufficient for all needs; but it is worthy of note that as long ago as 1877 an essayist of acknowl- edged ability (Vice- Admiral Colomb, of the British navy) asserted, " I HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 93 bold it futile to attempt the defense of the Pacific trade route by any sort of vessels which must rest on the bases of Vancouver, Fiji, and the Falkland Islands." It is also worthy of note that contempora- neously with the completion of the Canadian Pacific Bailroad, and the establishment from its Pacific terminus of regular steamer lines to China and to Australasia, the British bases began to be moved closer together; and when the probability of the building of the Nicaragua Canal was established, the movement toward the trade center at HaAvaii became a very rapid one. At present, instead of the wide gaps in the British system of 3,000- mile stations, which existed when the Falkland Island station was 7,900 miles from that at Vancouver and 6,700 miles from that at Fiji, which in turn was 4,800 miles from Vancouver, they have established the flag of the Empire at Easter Island, 2,400 miles from the Falkland group, which is in turn 600 miles from newly acquired Ducie Island, from where Pitcairn Island is 300, and the Cook group still farther, 1,800 miles, on a line toward Fiji. On the line from Fiji to Vancouver the gap has been shortened to L',900 miles from Johnston Island to Van- couver, and all the intermediate territory from Johnston Island to Fiji is under the British flag. Other stations are still needed, and British strategists make no secret of the assertion that on the outbreak of war with a maritime power, a necessary first move, unless the Pacific trade were to be abandoned, would be the occupation and retention of Hawaii, Guadalupe Island, off the coast of Lower California, and one of the islands in the Bay of Panama, with a reliance on the friendship or fears of the South Ameri- can States for depots at Callao and Valparaiso. As a matter of fact, they have such a depot at present in the harbor of Callao. Now, Mr. Speaker, sentiment has not hoisted the British flag over these isolated ports, which, to maintain in a state of efficiency, are a source of great expense without any apparent return. Their coal depots, storehouses, repairing facilities, and at salient points batteries and garrisons, are provided by a business instinct purely, which recog- nizes that the trade which is the lifeblood of the empire must be efficiently guarded; and centuries of experience have taught them the proper means to employ. If there is a gap in the guard stations of the Pacific trade at present, or a salient point which should be possessed, and Hawaii is such a point, sentiment, which does not trouble our British friends, will not pre- vent their cruisers, under the direction of far-seeing statesmen, whose aim is to secure any and every advantage for British trade, from seizing and holding, when the time to them seems propitious, just what is thought necessary to strengthen the weak places in their trade-route patrol. War ships to pa.trol a trade route efficiently, to guard their own com- merce and damage that of an enemy, require bases from which to operate with the certainty of finding their necessities supplied at any oneof them. Merchant vessels in time of war require them as points of rendezvous and refuge, and, as we have seen, Great Britain has* foreseen the necessities and provided such bases at convenient points. No other nation has this immense advantage, although France and Germany ar# making great efforts, the former in Africa, Asia, and Australasia, and the latter, so far, in Africa and Australasia only, where coal depots and bases for naval operations have been established. The United States has the right to establish coal depots in Samoa and Hawaii, and at present small supplies exist at both places; but 94 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. unprotected they are of no value, and Germany has aiual rights in the former. The concession in 1887 of Pearl River, in Hawaii, to the United States for use as naval station, with exclusive privilege of establishing a dry dock, storehouses, and repair shops, is a valuable one, but has never been utilized. The situation is admirable, and the estimated cost of necessary fortifications and harbor works is moderate in view of the great advantage to our nation. Our position with regard to dry docks in the Pacific is peculiarly weak. Modern war vessels require docking at intervals, and a fleet to maintain command of the sea must have dry docks in which to make repairs and maintain the ship in a state of full efficiency as to speed. We have not one dock outside the mainland of our country which would be available for our ships in time of war; and on the entire Pacific coast have at present but one large and one small dock, at the Mare Island navy-yard, and one building in Puget Sound, and our vessels in the Pacific would have to return to them whenever docking was requisite. Great Britain, on the contrary, has made ample provisions in this respect. Bordering on the Pacific she has Government dry docks at Esquimault, Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, and Hongkong, while many private docks are available in the ports of Australia, New Zealand, Hongkong, Singapore, Penang, and Lndia. France has Government dry docks in New Caledonia and Saigon, Cochin China. Holland has governmental dry docks, which would probably be available for Germany, in Sourabaya and Batavia; and Russia has two large ones in the southeast corner of Siberia, at Vladi- vostock. We must have additional docking facilities if we are to maintain either naval power or trade in the Pacific waters it time of war. Coming now to the strategic advantages from coast defense point of view. No naval force can operate on a hostile coast without a friendly base within easy distance. Our Atlantic coast is faced by a line of foreign bases. England has strongly fortified Halifax on our Northeast border, and built Government dry docks both there and at St. Johns. Six hundred and ninety miles from New York, and less than 600 from the Carolina coast, she has at great expense fortified Bermuda, furnished it with the largest floating dry dock in the world, and supplied it with great stores of coal and shops for repair work, and all for the sole pur- pose of maintaining a base from which British naval forces could oper- ate against the Atlantic coast of the United States in time of war. Jamaica and St. Lucia perform the same duty with regard to our Gulf coasts and the isthmus transit; and it is a notable fact that the defenses of all these places have been extensively augmented since an isthmus canal became a possibility of the near future. France has St. Pierre and Miquelon on our Northeast borders, with Guadeloupe, Martinique, and Cayenne on the South coast. Spain has her bases in Cuba and Porto Rico; the Dutch in Curacoa, and the Danes in St. Thomas; and it is not improbable that either of the two latter may be available for a German base should occasion arise. Any power which has not such a naval base off our coast can not make successful war upon the United States, a fact which was quickly appreciated by Italy during a late diplomatic incident; and an early move of the United States in a war with either of the European powers possessing these bases would have to be their capture and retention, if HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 95 possible. If the United States held all the bases named it would be practically free from attack on its Atlantic coast. In the Pacific we now have the opportunity to secure our Western coast by accepting possession of Hawaii as our most rational form of coast defense. With adequate fortifications on these islands, and a suitable naval force in the Pacific, our coast would be far more secure in time of war than it could be made by any expenditure for harbor defenses on the mainland alone. Further, if our commercial interests are to predominate in the future in those waters our fleet must predominate there also, and a properly proportionate fleet would be a sufficient guaranty that serious attack would not be made on this most important naval base. The same is equally true of our entire Pacific coast, as with such a fleet, with bases at San Francisco, Hawaii, and the entrance to the Nicaragua Canal, not only would our Pacific trade be secure and that of any other power untenable, but our coast line would be equally secure, and American control of the canal, so far as the Pacific end of it is concerned, would be assured. Excepting Hawaii the only base for possible extensive naval opera- tions against the Pacific States is the British station at Esquimault, which is susceptible of capture by a land expedition. It must be distinctly understood that Hawaii can not remain indepen- dent supported only by moral force. It is of too great strategic value and will assuredly meet the fate of all islands and isolated points of like value at the hands of either Great Britain, France, or Germany, each of the two former having already once seized them (once in 1843 and once in 1849). Even if the United States were by moral force to pre- serve Hawaiian independence during time of peace the islands would undoubtedly be seized by the first naval power with whom we went to war, and held by all the force it could muster, as a base from which to attack our Western coast and gain control of the prospective canal. For the United States to expend great sums on the local defense of San Francisco in the shape of forts and harbor defenses, and leave Hawaii to become a base for operations against them, is a short-sighted and extravagant policy. As Bermuda is a standing menace in front of our Atlantic coast, so will Ha waii become a similar one to our Pacific coast, if we do not hold it as an essential part of our coast defense. COAL. To make the advantage of Hawaii to this country from a naval stand- point clearer I will devote a little time to some details of the question of coal and coaling stations. The possession of unlimited coal is a great advantage to a nation, but in order to convert it into naval advantage it must be placed on board of a ship of war. This is a simple thing with us so long as our naval vessels are in home ports, or so long as we are at peace, wherever the ships may be. It is in time of war that the difficulties of making our naval strength felt away from our own coasts will become apparent. Keutral ports will then be closed to our cruisers so far as supplying their coal necessities is concerned, for coal will be contraband of war as much as is other ammunition. Coaling in the open sea from supply ships is, up to the present time, an unsolved problem, and even if satisfactory mechanical arrangements be devised the supply vessels must run the gauntlet of hostile cruis srs for great distances. A certainty of finding 96 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. the collier in specified localities on definite dates, which is almost impos- sible without naval stations, must also be established, as a failure to meet would result in leaving the cruiser helpless. Wind is no longer a motive power for ships of war, and the days when a cruiser could keep the sea and do the work she was designed for, so long as her provisions and water held out, are gone. Coal is now the prime necessity, and unless our cruisers have points provided for them to which they can go with a certainty of finding a supply, they will on the outbreak of war have to be brought home to operate off our own coasts from the home bases of supply, or else be left pow- erless in neutral harbors until the close of the war. The only other solution is to build cruisers of such size that they can carry their own coal and remain at sea for long periods independent of coal depots or supply vessels. According to the published performances of our cruisers the very best that has yet been done by one of them is the late voyage of the Phila- delphia, steaming from Callao to Honolulu, a distance of 5,200 miles, burning 703 tons of coal in eighteen days, at the rate of 12 knots an hour, and 39 tons of coal a day, which gives a distance of 7-3 knots per ton of coal burned. As this ship and all the others of her class (and we have a number of them) can carry only about 1,000 tons of coal, in some cases less, she would have been powerless to reach any other port from Honolulu had she not been able to replenish her supply upon arrival. It is not known that the cruisers of any foreign power have done so well ; and it is a fact that, class for class, our cr uisers carry more coal and steam better than do those of other nations; but it is also a fact that we need much greater coal-carrying capacity than we have at present, or else we must follow foreign example and establish coal depots. It is published that we have two commerce-destroyers, with light batteries, substantially completed, each to carry 2,200 tons of coal, which at the Philadelphia's rate of 7*3 knots per ton of coal, would enable them to cover at slow speed about 16,000 miles ; but if they are to destroy commerce they will have to occasionally steam at much greater speed than 10 to 12 knots, and it is safe to say that in time of war they could not cover a greater distance than 12,000 miles without replenishing their supply. This would mean an immediate return after a cruise of 6,000 miles, as we have now no place to which they could go away from our mainland, with a certainty of getting the coal that is absolutely necessary to their usefulness. England does^not need a coal capacity in any of her vessels greater than will enable them to traverse 4,000 or 5,000 miles, as we have seen that her coal depots are planted along the trade routes at dis- tances of about 3,000 miles. France, where she has important commercial interests, has similar depots; so have Germany, Holland, and Spain. Eussia is nearly as badly off as is the United States, but she has the fortified depotof Vladivostock in Asiatic waters and has lately acquired the use of French ports wherever she may need them. Even with these advantages she is furnishing herself with crusiers of great size, carry- ing over 3,000 tons of coal. We have neither the depots nor the cruisers of great coal endurance; and the most rational mode of strengthening this very apparent weakness would seem to be to obtain coal depots, as the English do, and to begin by accepting the most valuable one of Hawaii, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 97 As an example on this point, no foreign armored ships have a greater coal endurance than those of Italy, yet not one of these immense ships can steam over 7,000 miles without replenishing its supply, and some of them can not do so well. As the distance from Italy to the coast of the United States is prac- tically about 5,000 miles, they would have a very brief period of use- fulness after arrival on our coasts, in the absence of the bases possessed by other European powers, and would have to rely on supply cruisers over a long line of communication, which could be cut off by cruisers, in the absence of the most efficient patrol. The same is quite true of the United States or any other power which undertakes a naval expedition without a base, as no number of batteries or battalions stationed on the mainland can secure the safety of the needed supplies while in transit, or the usefulness of a naval force at any distance from a home port. The development of foreign commerce is one, perhaps the principal, argument advanced for the free-trade policy of the Democratic party. While not agreeing with this policy, I am willing to agree that ocean trade is an important source of prosperity to .any nation. That of the Pacific is just opening on an era of activity which will be vastly aug- mented on the completion of an isthmus canal, and this trade belongs to the United States, if we are wise enough to secure it. But trade, to establish itself on a sound basis, must feel assured of protection at all times, and know that it will not have to be abandoned on the outbreak of every little war which may turn loose upon it a pack of destroyers of insignificant strength, compelling it to lie idle with all the capital involved until peace prevails again. If the United States aim at commercial supremacy in the Pacific, its trade must have such assurances, and a first necessity is the acquisi- tion of bases for the protectors. Not only Hawaii is needed, but Somoa (distant 2,260 miles) ; a station at the mouth of the canal (say, 4,200 miles from Honolulu and 3,000 from San Francisco) ; and another at the Straits of Magellan (distant 4,000 miles from the isthmus and 5,000 from Somoa). With these bases, a properly organized fleet of suffi- cient size to keep the communications open between them, will hold the Pacific as an American ocean, dominated by American commercial enterprise for all time. Now, the value of these islands to the United States for the reasons I have stated has long been appreciated by American statesmen. Minister Stevens, whatever attacks may be made upon him, is cer- tainly an able, farsighted, and loyal American, and his letter of November 20, 1892, to Secretary Foster, on this subject, is well worthy of perusal. Minister McCook wrote in 1866 to Secretary Seward in regard to the Sandwich Islands, in part, as follows: "They are the resting place, supply depot, and reshipping point of all our American whaling fleet. The greater part of the agricultural, commercial, and moneyed interests of the islands are in the hands of American citizens. All vessels from our Pacific coast to China pass close to these shores. " Geographically these islands occupy the same important relative position toward the Pacific that the Bermudas do toward the Atlantic coast of the United States, a position which makes them important to the English, convenient to the French, and, in the event of war with either of those powers, absolutely necessary to the United States-" S. Kep. 227 Z 98 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Minister Pierce, in 1871, wrote the following to Secretary Fish: "Impressed with the importance of the subject now presented for consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period has not arrived making it proper, wise, and sagacious for the United States Government to again consider the project of annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the Eepnblic. That such is to be the political destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion in the opinion of all who have given attention to the subject in this country, the United States, England, France, and Germany. "A majority of the aborigines, Creoles, and naturalized foreigners of this country, as I am credibly informed, are favorable, even anxious for the consummation of the measure named. "The native population is fast disappearing. The number existing is now estimated at 45,000, having decreased about 15,000 since the census of 1860. The number of foreigners in addition is between 5,000 and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are from the United States, and they own more than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented in the agri- culture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the Kingdom. "I now proceed to state some points of a more general character which should influence the United States Government in their decision of the policy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geograph- ical position, occupying, as it does, an important central strategical point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps necessary, to the United States for a naval depot and coaling station, and to shelter and protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hemisphere is des- tined to increase enormously from our intercourse with the 500,000,000 population of China, Japan, and Australia. Humboldt predicted that the commerce on the Pacific would in time rival that of the Atlantic. A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy fulfilled. "The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possession ot Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that suffered by the English from French privateers from the Isle of France during the wars between those two nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of anticipating and preventing, if we can, similar evils that may issue from these islands if held by other powers. "Their proximity to the Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and soil, and tropical productions of sugar, coffee, rice, fruits, hides, goat- skins, salt, cotton, fine wool, etc., required in the West, in exchange for flour, grain, lumber, shooks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and other articles, are evidence of the commercial value of one to the other region. Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be at war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this weak Kingdom in view of the great injury that could be done to our commerce through their acquisition to them?" Secretary Fish, in a letter of instruction of March, 1873, used the fol- lowing language: "The position of the Sandwich Islands as an outpost, fronting and commanding the whole of our possessions on the Pacific Ocean, gives to the future of those islands a peculiar interest to the Government and people of the United States. It is very clear that this Government can not be expected to assent to their transfer from their present control to that of any powerful maritime or commercial nation. Such transfer to a maritime power would threaten a military surveillance in the Pacific similar to that which Bermuda has afforded in the Atlantic. The latter HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 99 has been submitted to from necessity, inasmuch as it was congenital with our Government, but we desire no additional similar outposts in the hands of those who may at some future time use them to our dis- advantage. 77 Gen. Schofield, in May, 1873, under confidential instructions from the Secretary of War, made a full report upon the value of Pearl Harbor as a coaling and repair station, recommending its acquisition, and later lie appeared before a committee of the House of Eepresentatives to urge the importance of some measure looking to the control of the Sandwich Islands by the United States. Now, the desired and desirable opportunity has arrived. The Pro- visional Goverment proposes a treaty of annexation, and the so-called Queen is ready to part with such rights as she has for a comparatively small sum. The whites of the island desire earnestly to join us, and the natives certainly are not violently opposed. This is shown by the fact that when the American flag was lowered in Hawaii, by order of Commissioner Blount, although it created some excitement in this country, it caused no rejoicing there, according to Mr. Blount's report. He says: " Inspired with such feelings, and confident no disorder would ensue, I directed the removal of the flag of the United States from the Gov- ernment building, and the return of the American troops to their ves- sels. This was accomplished without any demonstration of joy or grief on the part of the populace. 77 Capt. Hooper says : " There were no demonstrations of any kind as the American flag came down, and not a single cheer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it was raised aloft. The native men stood around in groups, or singly, smok- ing and chatting and nodding familiarly to passing friends, or leaning idly against the trees and fences, while the women and children, which formed a large proportion of the assemblage, were talking and laugh- ing good-naturedly. As the hour for hauling down the American flag approached, many people, men, women, and children could be seen approaching the Government square in a most leisurely manner, and showing more interest in the gala-day appearance of the crowd than in the restoration of their national flag. The air of good-natured indif- ference and idle curiosity with which the native men regarded the pro- ceedings, and the presence of the women and children in their white or bright- colored dresses was more suggestive of a country "fair 77 or horse race than the sequel of a ' revolution. 7 77 Even the presence of the "armed forces 77 of the Provisional Govern- ment, numbering, perhaps, 200, parading the corridors of the Govern- .ment house, failed to elicit any sign of a feeling of anger or resentment. Mr. John F. Colburn, one of the Queen 7 s cabinet, in describing the revolution, says: "The next day (Monday) the proclamation dictated by these gentle- men was printed and posted and distributed all over town. Later on in the day two mass meetings were held, one by the native element and the other by the foreign element. At the former the natives accepted the proclamation, though it was directly contrary to what they wanted (a new constitution), and the latter denounced the Queen and left everything in the hands of the committee of safetv suoke.n about, 77 100 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Colburn's remark that the natives accepted the proclamation, althoi gh it was directly contrary to what they wanted, is delicious. There is no reason against annexation in the dissimilarity of laws, as an official document issued by our War Department in February of this year contains, the following statement: "The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a supreme court of justice, and, in addition, circuit judges and justices of the peace." On the authority of this book I also state that 01 per cent of the trade of these islands is with the United States. The former policy of our Government toward Hawaii and the antici- pation of their eventual annexation is detailed in the report of Secre- tary Foster, of February 15, 1893, from which I will read briefly. [Seriate Ex. Doc. No. 77, Fifty-second Congress, second session.] "The policy of the United States has been consistently and con- stantly declared against any foreign aggression in the Kingdom of Hawaii inimical to the necessarily paramount rights and interests of the American people there and the uniform contemplation of their annex- ation as a contingent necessity. But beyond that it is shown that annexation has been on more than one occasion avowed as a policy and attempted as a fact. Such a solution was admitted as early as 1850 by so farsighted a statesman as Lord Palmerston when he recom- mended to a visiting Hawaiian commission the contingency of a pro- tectorate under the United States, or of becoming an integral part of this nation in fulfillment of a destiny due to close neighborhood and commercial dependence upon the Pacific States. "Early in 1851 a contingent deed of cession of the Kingdom was drawn and signed by the King and placed sealed in the hands of the commissioner of the United States, who was to open it and act upon its provisions at the first hostile shot fired by France in subversion ot Hawai ian independence. "In 1851 Mr. Marcy aadvocated annexation, and a draft of a treaty was actually agreed upon with the Hawaiian ministry, but its com- pletion was delayed by the successful exercise of foreign influence upon the heir to the throne, and finally defeated by the death of the King, Kamehameha III. "In 1867 Mr. Seward, having become advised of a strong annexa- tion sentiment in the islands, instructed our minister at Honolulu favorably to receive any native overtures for annexation. And on the 12th of September, 1867, he wrote to Mr. McOook that 'if the policy of annexation should conflict with the policy of reciprocity, annexa- tion is in every case to be preferred.' "President Johnson in his annual message of December 9, 1868, regarded reciprocity with Hawaii as desirable ' until the people of the island shall of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for admission into the Union.' "In 1871, on the 5th of April, President Grant, in a special message, significantly solicited some expression of the views of the Senate respecting the advisability of annexation. "In an instruction of March 25, 1873, Mr. Fish considered the neces- sity of annexing the islands in accordance with the wise foresight of thoro who see a future that must extend the jurisdiction and the lim- its of this nation, and that will require a resting spot in midocean HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 101 between tlie Pacific coast and the vast domains of Asia, whicK jire now opening to commerce and Christian civilization.' And he directed 'our minister not to discourage the feeling which may exist in favor of annexation to the United States, but to seek and even invite infoi [na- tion touching the terms and conditions upon which that object might be effected. U Since the conclusion of the reciprocity treaty of 1875 it has been the obvious policy of the succeeding administrations to assert and defend against other powers the exclusive commercial rights of the United States and to fortify the maintenance of the existing Hawaiian Government through the direct support of the United States so long as that Government shall prove able to protect our paramount rights and interests. "On December 1, 1881, Mr. Blaine, in an instruction to the American minister at Honolulu, wrote: