/ff/'Jr -y {'///" // ■> 
 
 rawt«nMif >/ f,o///tr/ini 
 
THE 
 RELATIONS OF EUROPEANS WITH CHINA 
 
 THESES 
 
 BY 
 
 LEWIS S. PALEN 
 
 AND 
 
 JESSE H. WILSON, JR 
 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 IT 'T AC A, N. Y. 
 1900 . 
 

 ■ 
 
 
 IICHRY MORSE STCPHCM* 
 
 

 514341 
 
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 OF I T J R P ft! tRtll 
 
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 BA0H*LOfi op arts 
 
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 ITHACA, it. Y., 
 1900. 
 

7 A :•■ OF || I ! I » S S. 
 
 P A P I I . 
 
 THE RELATIONS 0>' EUROPEAN VIT*T OUT* HUM SO Ifl . 
 
 I. 
 .6 D^rolopiaent of the Sari/ Trade with China prior 
 
 to IteoartxHS assy in 1793 1 
 
 ~. 
 The Macartnoy J^nbassy 16 
 
 III. 
 
 the Macartney i&nhassy down to and through J,otd 
 JlMherst'e in 1616 21 
 
 T V. 
 From Amherst's Ettbaasy to the Abolitjon of the 3ast 
 India C«qpany*« Monopoly 
 
PART II. 
 rpp-r-, T^^fip <* ^--!r»" i p. ;"<;•' r, o 1839 
 
 ITS PRINCIPE CAMPAIGNS ARD T ' CTtTS. 
 
 Page 
 The Evonts which lad It] + o thm Pcrnnl Opening if 
 
 TT 
 
 cfltmti**? i 1«*0 32 
 
 II, 
 
 The operations of 1640 48 
 
 ITT. 
 The dflflBpftlgn about Canton 54 
 
 tmssnm iv. 
 
 The rbcpedition In the ? T orth and on the Yan£-t so- 
 le! an- 60 
 
 . 
 The Treaty of Ran&lng bWSttiior 67 
 
 ^ 77. 
 
PART t. 
 
 
 CHINA P 33. 
 
CEAHSB I. 
 
 THE DJitfELOPKKXT OP 1KB EAFXY TRADE 
 
 WITH CHINA PRIOR TO I!AGART!tKY»S EMBASSY IT i'1793. 
 
 In order tc understand the relations of Euroi>eans with 
 China during; the deoade following the abolition of the East 
 India Conprur/'s monopoly of the trade with China in 1833, it 
 is imperative that an account should be given of the relations 
 of Europeans prior to that year. It is , therefore, the purpose 
 in the first pages of this thesis to trace "briefly the history 
 of the opening of the Chinese trade and of its prosecution 
 through the varying vicissitudes of a trifle over two hundred 
 
 rs. For it must he remembered that the history of the trade 
 from the appearance of the Portuguese in 15 16 to the abolition 
 of the Company's charter in 1833 is the history of China 5 s 
 intercourse with Europeans and European powers. The est orders 
 went there to trade. J&ctensien of rheir commerce impelled them 
 to run the risks they did. whatever fighting they did arose 
 out of trade complications or out of difficulties between two 
 otf the European powers at home, with which we have little con- 
 cern. Any embassies or official communications received by or 
 sent from the Chinese court that may be said to have approached 
 the dignity of international relations, as we know them in 
 
this day, invariably had their origin in a desire for some 
 regulation of the trade • 
 
 On the other hand, it is not, fortunately, necessary to 
 give time to the consideration of various historical problems 
 which connect themselves with the earlier periods of this 
 great empire's life. Such a study would doubtlessly prove in- 
 teresting and profitable, but it would contribute little to a 
 better understanding of China's Kuroppan relations during a 
 part of the present century. .Tot until lg?4 do we get any facts 
 which in any way foreshadow or foretell what the future dealing 
 between China and the Europeans may be. In that year two nohle 
 Venetians, Hicolo and Matteo Polo by name, who a few years 
 earlier had mad© a journey to China by way of the land rou»e 
 from the Ked.it err anean, returned to the court of the great 
 Cablai Khan, bringing with then young Marco Polo, the son of 
 Hicolo. Karco served the Chinese government j. n various capaci- 
 ties for seventeen years. Then in the last decade of the 
 eighteenth century he returned to Venice with such stories of 
 the vast wealth Mil resources of the Chinese Snpire that he 
 soon won for himself the name of "Messer Karoo Millione" be- 
 cause of his frequent use of that niimeral. But however dis- 
 credited his tales of travel and adventure may have been in 
 his own day, his careful record of them allows scholars of to- 
 day to attest their truth. His horde of precious stones and 
 jewelB hidden in the linings fcf his tattered clothes probably 
 
3 
 
 constituted the first consignment of Chinese goods whioh any 
 European had "brought directly from the far east, Whatever 
 Chinese goods may have o erne i; to Bur ope before this time must 
 hare passed through the Egyptian or Byzantine entrepots. 
 / Sir John F. Davis in hie excellent work on China, from 
 which the matter of this introduction has hean chiefly drawn, 
 sgcys: "Abundant evidence is afforded "by Chinese records that a 
 much more liberal as well as enterprising deposition once ex- 
 isted, in respect to foreign commerce, than has prevailed 
 since. Ml) This gives us a clue to use in searching for 
 reasons of the later and present unwillingness on t 1 rt of 
 the Chinese to allow unrestricted trade with foreigners. T)\xr4> 
 ing the last part of the thirteenth century, Chinese junks 
 were seen as far west as the Malabar coast of India. And the 
 records show tlui back in the seventeenth century several 
 missions were dispatched to neighboring countries to encourage 
 and build up trade and that the benefits of trade and industry 
 were extolled throughout the Empire. What a change in feeling 
 Lord Macartney and Lord Amherst found in 1793 and 16161 As the 
 reason for this change Davis assigns the conquest ©f 
 
 nchow Tartars in 1644 and their subsequent influence. Their l 
 fear of the evil effects of increased knowledge on the stabil- 
 ity o* their dominions led to their contempt for Europeans. (2) 
 The first Europeans to establish themselves in China were 
 
 (1) Davie, I., 11. (a) Davis, I., 11. 
 
4 
 the Portuguese* TTnder the direction of Prince Henry the 
 Navigator they had slowly worked their way down the western 
 coast of Africa, Then in 1498, although the promoter of the 
 great enterprise had died a3.most forty years before, Vasco da < 
 Gama discovered the direct sea route to India round the Cape 
 of Good Hope. The Portuguese ^irst appeared at Canton In 1516. 
 Rafael Perestrello in that yer conducted the first ship to 
 sail to Chin*, undor a JJuropean flag.(l) IXiring the next few 
 years, under the direction of Ferdinand "Partus do Andr&da, 
 their conduct won for them the confidence and favor of tfi 
 
 Inese authorities, (2) ' 
 
 With .Andrada sailed one Thome Vires, who had been entrus- 
 ted "by the governor of the Portuguese establishment at Ooa 
 wit>^ an embassy to the imperial court at Peking. Its object 
 was to secure trading concessions for the Portuguese at Canton 
 as well as Maooa. The prophet jc spirit of this, the first of 
 
 it lonr* list of embassies that have gore to the Chinese 
 court at Peking, Justifies a somewhat detailed account of its 
 treatment. Pires, en his arrival at Peking, found the court 
 influenced against him by a subject of the Suit cca, 
 whe complained against the action of the Portuguese in forcibly 
 seising the city of that name. Then the Chinese, moved probab- 
 ly by the outrageous conduct of Simon Andrada, who had caiite 
 overturned the good reputation established by his brother, 
 
 (1) Danvers, 200; Williams, 432. (2) Davis, X., 12. 
 
5 
 
 questioned tho validity of the embassy and detained Pires at 
 Canton until 1525, when the:* killed him. This failure to ob- 
 tain any of the important points of negotiation for which tho 
 
 assy had been sent marks the attempts of most of its succes- 
 sors, whether from Portugal or from any other TJuropean power. (D 
 The general deportment of tho Portuguese fo»- the next few 
 
 ra aroused suspicion of all JSuropeane in the minds o 
 
 , who oame to knew the foreigners as men seeking wealth 
 and earing little how they got it. In 1545 the Bane Virion 
 And i had first, aroused the hostile feelings of tl 
 Chinese established a fort at Shang-ch'wan, near Macao, wit: 
 out the permission of -H.ceroy of Canton; and from there he 
 pillaged commerce and captured Chinese subjects for Blares. 
 The Chinese retaliated by driving the Portuguese from their 
 ooaetsinstead of opening their ports to European trade as they 
 
 *e about to do when Simon Andrada arrived. :\\t later, by the 
 exercise of that power to win favor with the Chinese, in whieh 
 the Portuguese showed themselves at all times superior tc V 
 other nations of !5urope f they secured possession of the island 
 of Macao and there btiilt up a permanent trading p^st. The 
 authorities disagree ae to the ownership of this island and as 
 to the way in which the Portuguese gained the controlling 
 interest there. Staunton(l), Panvers(2) r?,r\A the Rev. George 
 Smith A assert, that ? 'acao was given the Portuguese in return for l* 
 
 (1) Staunton, (2) Panvers, (3) Smith, 6&. 
 
6 
 for valuable servicer; against the marauding pirates who preyed 
 upon the Chinese coast. Davis sjqcs that this commonly accepted 
 view of the case is erroneous. Ke points out that the BJsh< 
 of Nacao virote, in lft$j thai it was "by paying a ground-rent 
 that the Portuguese acquired the temporary use and profit of 
 Macao ad nutum of the emperor. n Davis seems to have made t!i 
 
 refill research into the matter(l), while all the others 
 have -vidently copied the statement of some earlier fcthcrity 
 which was Made without a perfect knowledge of the facts. 
 
 For some years after 158*? the tradeof tl o Portuguese with 
 flourish^. t later it gradually fell away until 
 d almost entirely died ettt at the beginning 0fi the present 
 century. During the period from 1516 tc 1753 the Portuguese 
 \/6ent to the court at Peking four embassies, count ir t of 
 Pir . "hey ne«>d little attention and will bear of but trifling 
 distinction because of the similarity cf their treatment ar 
 results; for they all "exhibit the usual spectacle of arrogance 
 the one side and profitless submission on the other. "(2) 
 Such was, in brief, the course cf the discovert first 
 promoters of Chinese trade. Yet contemporaneous with the Portu- 
 guese in China were three other European nations whose early 
 relation* well now be briefly sketched. It has seemed best, 
 however, to treat the whol period of each c< e separately and 
 to lead up finally to the "English relations after the year 
 
 (1) Davis, I., 18. (2) Davis, I., 20. 
 
7 
 1833 will fom the body of this thesis. 
 
 To the Spanish little space need be given. They had the 
 right of trading to Macao indiscriminately with the Portuguese. 
 The privileges of Canton and Amoy were also open to them. Yet 
 because of their shortsightedness in restricting the number of 
 ships to be engaged in the Chinese trade and because of their 
 failure to take advantage of the facilities offered by their 
 possessions in the Philippines, they have been of little moment 
 in the eastern tKade(l). 
 
 The Butch, on the other hand, though of but little more 
 import ince from the standpoint of mere trade with China f 
 deserve somewhat more careful study in their character of 
 rivals and competitors of the English in eastern seas. As early 
 as ln24 the Dutch formed a settlement on the western ooast of 
 Formosa and also oco.npied the Pescadores, a group of small 
 islands lying between Formosa and the mainland. Liberty of com- 
 merce with China was at first denied, but later granted on 
 condition the Dutch would ev .cu vte the Pescadores. Port Zealand 
 in Formosa was built some years later. The capture of Fort 
 Zealand in 1#6£ by Koshinca, the son of the recently dethroned 
 Tartar emperor, and the expulsion of the Butch from the island 
 soon out short the desultory and irregular trade with China 
 and forced the Dutch to return to Java >.nd Batavia, to their 
 taade in spices. A later attempt from Batavia to take Fort 
 
 (1) Davis, I., 26. 
 
d failed(l). 
 Then in 1664 Van ^Toorn was sent as a envoy U Peking tc 
 petition the government for t concessions and fc ~mis- 
 
 si on to erec + factories at certain cities on the coast. 
 mission proved absolutely fruitless, even f arc 14.1 j for the 
 
 r gained nought for his efforts save his own 
 ltanlllatien(2) • Yet Juet one hundred fifty years Inter they 
 
 ntlrely forgotten the leescai of ^ T rn 's 
 
 Llure by pure sub- 
 
 ; prostrating ceremonies ef the court 1- n the 
 
 comn*refctl admrntegee they desired. TheSr hopes vtor* '. ered 
 
 and V ;«n- in 179f>, after obsequiously submitting x o their 
 
 demands and Doing subjected to barbarious hurdlation in return, 
 left Peking without having attained a slng3 e object of his 
 mission. (r>) During t) ' irorin between mission? the 
 
 Dutch had been chiefly engaged in their trade the 
 
 is] and their irregular fighting with the East India 
 
 Company's ships, so that in i ineso trade pro] were 
 
 of but minor 1 njnr t anc e . ( A ) 
 
 Before turning to the IRnglish trade during this earlier 
 period, a moment's consideration should be given to Russ5 . 
 The prcsen-.-d^.y intere, t felt in the outcome of ia's grow- 
 
 ing influence in northern China justifies a search for the 
 cause el t almost hypnotic sway which Ruse! a seems to have 
 
 1) Davis, I., 31. (2) Williams, II., 442. (3) 
 4) Williams, II., 4^3. 
 
n 
 
 always possessed over the authorities at Peking. Their trade 
 itself, being carried on by the overland instead of the sea 
 route, did not associate them with the Europeans and thoir 
 troubles alone the sea coast of China, hut rather offered then 
 an opportunity to penetrate almost unobserved into the northern 
 and we; --tern provinces and to wjn a gradual, seni -unconscious 
 hold upon the poople of those districts. This means of approach, 
 avo ' as it did the clash which the sudden appearance of un- 
 
 sing HarcpeaM off Canotn and the coast provinces ro- 
 duccol, rather separated the Russians from the class of the 
 
 ns and gained for their emhfQ^siss to Peking a 
 degree of respect seldom show* to foreigners. Davis says their 
 envoys in 1 " nd 1J%$ lly cordial receptions, 
 
 "demonstrative pf the estj mat J. on in which the power of Russia 
 a treaty of 1727 the Russians were granted the 
 of establishing a church and college of prieste at 
 Peking and of keeping four young "Russians at the capital to 
 study t" and act as interpreters. (1) the 
 
 Idle of the present cent* lay continued this quiet trading 
 p being seldom if ever considered as possible rivals 
 to their more westerly brethem. Yet in this lonr; established 
 friendly latejpeourt ■■•, protected by its 1s<" 'he 
 
 omfcnr plots of rival traders, seem to lie "cundations 
 of that firmer structure which Russia has been steadily build- 
 
 (1) Davie, T. . 
 
10 
 ing in upper China. Its threatened completion forms England'* 
 mo si puzasling eastern pj'5»l§n of to-day. (1) 
 
 t wh%t Russia and what all the other nations trading 
 with China accomplished or suffered is of importance tc our 
 theme only in so far as it has touched English affairs or has 
 served, by way of il lust rat 5 on, to throw light upon intricate 
 Chinese customs methods otherwise incor risible. Of course, 
 the English had to learn the5r lesson? from experience just 
 as the others did, hut their ultimate success crr.r arc? above 
 that of anjr other nationality tKading in the east may have been 
 partly due to t^eir observation and correction of fche errors 
 made by their competitors. 
 
 It was in 1^37 that Capt. Weddell, with a fleet of four 
 shirs, succeeded in opening: the first. trMlag relatione be- 
 tween the English and Chinese. Arrived off Maoao c 21 , he 
 sailed up the riynr to Cantor, and requested the mandarins to 
 allow him to take cargoes fr.r his ships. The mandari: 
 poisoned by the Portuguese tales against the English, refrained 
 from answering until they could fort oaatls en J Hi *-iver 
 bank. The Bnglish retaliated for an unprovoked bombardment of 
 their vessels by capturing the fort and demanding an explana- 
 tion. The mandarins cringed before them and flowed th 
 
 in 
 load. (2) A second attempt to establish commercial intercourse 
 
 with Canton failed beoause of the exorbitant port charges 
 (1) Davis, I., 32. (*) Davis, I., 34. 
 
11 
 
 Lolals proposed to l«Ty upon ^higlish vessels, a the 
 
 Joalotis plotting of the Portuguese w^s supposed to instrumental 
 in the 1 r failure* 
 
 on In 1670 trade was opened KosMagft after he k 
 
 driven 13 toh fron Formosa only eight years before. This 
 
 Formes trade, however, Mref prov • of i table to w : . its 
 
 continuance and in X661 the fac *awn. 
 
 * r entitirr- suoh f A been brou o India 
 
 16?? f -v doniranilit;. y as fl tradi port thai Sir 
 
 .Tosiah Ch rdorod a factor tafcllshod Mi ere t 
 
 fel is aim I discontinued in 
 
 \noy was aid and cent:' nuod to flourish 
 
 lone after Canton hud Mccone hi el }5ngll*h j -.(1) 
 
 all attempts ocurc a footing at M&eftO wore sod with 
 
 "stupid pertinacity ■ Portugese* TTnder their 
 
 tutelage Vr , or chief commissioner of customs, imp o sod 
 
 such enormous p.nrt. charges on the Sngllsh ships thai ut a 
 
 successful damper en all V-e J^ast India Company's trade wi 
 Ch> i last decade if sovon J b century. (£) 
 
 f the first, sevent}' years of fcho eighteenth 
 century is narked toy little of importance other than the re- 
 
 tompta by the Tnglish to secure the reduction of these 
 on and to huild v,p trade in other ports where such exor- 
 bitance would not he met with. The Indian tmd eastern ■ 
 
 (1) Williams, II. f 448. (2) Davis, I. # 38. 
 
quarrels of the ^English and Fi timing the l« fcer h If of 
 
 this period only aggravated Kite troubles of the &fi nd 
 
 ropeans in the estimation of the Chinese. (1) 
 ■jmer of deal" :lishmen necane intolerable. 
 
 . Flint, who wj : .s colleague Mr. F^rrison bad sought to 
 
 see tc trading ooneeseioi ittf£P*i was seized "by the man- 
 
 Imprisoned for tare yn id finally n hoard ship 
 
 inc'den" ' . * s 
 
 arrogant and dM ■ 4 -ful in 
 
 the e; . (arable treatment at the 
 
 became on-? of tfc« Ohief re eons fe ' 
 di;-/ to the eourt at Peking. n is 
 
 tfcrcw '" •■■ Chinese in i '-■■.>-*- 
 
 Le injustices against re by learning 
 
 ndai'iontal I verniy- lir intercourse wltlJ 
 
 \* . A faith* rattalatten runs: "The barbari re 
 
 a "beasts and are nc ruled on the ease principle as 
 
 e it 1 sens. one ti attempt controlling '" " ;reat 
 
 f reason it would 1 nothing hut. eenfaslen. The 
 
 ano kings well understood this, ind accordingly ruled bar- 
 
 by misru! -of ore to rule barbarians by mi Brule is 
 
 host | them. "(2) 
 
 ftlt of this theory of Justice and eut of the fact 
 
 Is assisted the Chinese in ataimisteris 
 
 (1) Davis, X., It, (2) X>avls t I., 54» 
 
13 
 
 tioo gre-v- may atrocious i,uniyhrienta for homicide* purely 
 accidental or wholly excusable ?>ut one ©xanplo need bn c*ven 
 ant. because its grose injuatioe prev 
 
 coming enl assy to Poking. 
 
 e "Gunner's Case 11 arose In 1?S4« A cunner, firing i 
 8 wltl tally killed a Chi?-, arc an. ^ho 
 
 • ^? was " '>ly sei gad and retained 
 
 ner wai . Tn §pitt his 
 
 purr hhat no han come 
 
 to hi (ftgNnw *a decision had been r od, the 
 
 eh soon found on jltd. 
 
 1 inai "'shrian Buffering death in 
 
 this v y and it sh plainly t v need of some Int.f- I onal 
 
 ont . (1) 
 
 "ore dealin HalHUfay iltii " as 
 
 if. pre unfr .t.e ©rent, it In 
 
 o define fe] terns "sivnercarcn", Wtitd Id iii« pre- 
 cedar '^raph, "Hone 3^erc}-rnl s" and "select c orani 1 1 < .■ ", all 
 
 of T h ~ r fro 'OUghti 3 f o"^ lisr • . 
 
 Th> o of a rata 111 Vi sent tuft by ttia owners or 
 
 of aha *Mp tc .tend to the ship's tmafttaas ar- 
 its - thai- le to say, to sel.l th* cargo s.n& purchase a 
 Wtm p* At fir si • men were od 
 
 3h i n e s o o f f i a 1 al I tor m i iin In' C an t on for o n l - i n 
 
 (1) Davit, I., 5 r >. 
 
14 
 riods of t- .r, "but 1 tm permitted I nahlt. 
 
 themselves in thci; cry for tin year round, spondir sir 
 
 ,il- 
 rtMllt J of those mm for selsure as hostages for the reparation 
 of alleged injuries, on , , fey 
 
 'lni: down to 'Tar. Canton, en the 
 
 >r, , ' thei : ! .nt tm in the trouble* incident to 
 
 n « 
 yrc the 
 
 fc cor.i I r carry 
 
 on .rade in tho mime of the Or ttd 
 
 to d Chinese of Is in a representative eapa- 
 
 . 
 
 Tho nen w< J A oft cue nt. to contend wit3 ore the 
 
 r, n . ~o these few Chinese m e rch ants J lecti',1 
 
 nt gave lualre privilege of dealing with til 
 
 t. "hrough V .uission nerchants all the bttftl* 
 
 ' I J.ng had to pass. By virtue of their ahso- 
 to 
 
 gnur 1 id gen r did impose exorbitant 
 
 pon t: see Euro. . A supposedly cu ning device 
 'oh they used to employ - t" \t stoppj 'rade - proved 
 
 trous when thev found their opponents wielding their own 
 weapon with much more <le "ect. T arbitrariness and 
 
 rd for their pledges, they added another 
 reason for the dispatch of an embassy to Peking. 
 
15 
 In consequence of all this dissatisfaction felt againet 
 the Hong merchant sin their businessdaalings and against the 
 
 ton officials for their disregard of Engl i shiner. • s rights, 
 and in order to establish thfl British trade with China tt| on a 
 firmer foundation of definite international agreements, the 
 in 28} I dec 5. Id to the • " ; . of 
 
 T 3 directors and tfi 16 miiiitft Xenipol to 
 
 ruling emp'rer. So in Vfb& Colonel fl url Bd1 *1 for 
 
 11 full i-o^rerr rttl the Chinese i r and 
 
 to secure, if 'hie, err ;;lleh 
 
 ^ina vrould * firr le 
 
 basis. J death While en re . ' 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 THE mOAUm embassy. 
 
 The sad and unfortunate check upon the first attempt at 
 an ?;ngiish embassy to Peking did not prevent the government 
 from launching another, as soon as expedient, upon this impor- 
 tant mission . Lord Macartney, chosen because of his wide ex- 
 perience and acknowledged skill in such matters, sailed from 
 Portsmouth in the fall of 1792. 
 
 In his admirable chronicle of the embassy's voyage and 
 its stay in China, Sir George Staunton, Bart., enumerates three 
 reasons for the missions first, to make complaint to the em- 
 peror against the unbearable treatment of Englishmen by the 
 authorities at Canton; (1) secondly, to set before the court a 
 correct statement of the •Gunner's Case* and by treaty agree- 
 ment make the recurrence of such an unfortunate affair impos- 
 sible j( 2) and thirdly, to strengthen England f s commercial re- 
 lations with China by securing permanent representation with 
 its accompanying advantages at the court of Poking and by the 
 extension of the locus of trade on the eastern coast. (3) 
 Furthermore, it is most interesting to note the wide scope 
 given to Lerd Macartney by the private instructions from the 
 King* His Majesty made the object of the embassy so broad and 
 
 (1) Staunton, I M 19, (2) Staunton, !♦, 21. 
 
 ( 3 ) St aunt nn , I . , 25 . 
 
17 
 bo far removed from merely commerci " ins as to allow Lord 
 Xac y countries or islands he might &®en fit, 
 
 for the purpose of either es1 Lng closer intercourse; with 
 
 or gaining or B] newltdge.(l) And although it 
 
 interesting to follow hii mission through the various 
 
 be too 
 \cn from tl 
 Once in Chinese waters the ' entic ssy 
 
 wr.s tt LminaFy w ne greal topic, 
 
 ption by +" eror. Hand 'nieters 
 
 •ly waited upon XH instntc 3 Mcpette 
 
 of tl "5 '-tCW 11 , 
 
 ■••^orrr-j they a] linfc solemn 
 
 ions of the \ ■■■ Terr' - each 
 
 .' ) ^t Lord Mac art ne; ] ble advisers iii&ong his assis- 
 
 es from Canton and proT^t recep- 
 
 tion other embassies had received, *! oy yielded rosily 
 
 to this humiliating cer . -of ore he ©if de- 
 
 I ds by premising to rerf " on condition that a 
 
 Chinese sub J eat of ? rank to his own I I preetrate him- 
 
 Lf In the snm.c :or before k picture of '9G» Stafte 
 
 rd ^'acartnr Id not yield and sine the off' of the 
 
 emperor thought his r ro F°sition was impossible, finally 
 
 reached a compromise. U per or exprejj&ed himself as satis* 
 
 (1) Staunton, I., |& (2) Stanton, II., 303 
 
r 
 
 led with any form of obeisance "by the anh or that \ bo 
 
 rendered his own sovereign. (1) Though to us this natter of 
 cerenony nny seem unworthy of so nuch discussion and diplonac; , 
 holcss It is saf t to Lor "rcoose- 
 
 fiil manipulation of the natter is Ate whatever of success h. 
 emb had. A ready obeisance wmild meant 
 
 md disrepeec 4 TT an T, r iejr< o n t* - her 
 
 i i too rigor out refusal would hart precluded all chance 
 o^ a reception -rd thus made tin ainment of the objects cf 
 
 Ion impossible. 
 
 iffieulty In earrj ut 
 
 ►jetfte of the niseieit lay in the feeling o^ the 
 nese toward treaty r<- tan of their trade. Btauntea 
 
 tes: "Birch were the avowed or affected notions entertained 
 by the Qhlneee go t oruae nt of the euperlo or independenoe 
 
 of the empire, that no tre ion with foreigners * lis- 
 
 sible by it on the ground of reciprocal benefit, but m a grace 
 and condescension from the former to the latter. "{?.) 
 
 !Pin< "! "^ * " aft^r weeks of "n^r^e""" w^^" - " 1 the cov'" 1 off \ cere 
 'acartney was received by the o^per-r with a cX' &d 
 
 or rer hly indie tire ei r**pee>t 
 
 •TnT^eror for ^^^ [r* Tfi^fir? t Vfii owinp 
 
 such an expression of farejp by their ruler earn* inn bio 
 
 privileges fron the peepl« . \3Pi --"■\r<\ Lord Macartney received 
 
 (1) Staunton, III., 22. (2) Staunton, III., 
 
19 
 thfl the viceroy of Canton, who hae cherish 
 
 hostility for the S&lgli , 1 removed ,(1) 
 
 only other important occurrence at fche oourt v^as the ex- 
 tents an. i expression* "_ felt 
 nonarohs. Businoc out of Ml, 7or 
 
 ho " } »o 
 
 from time to time checlced , in 
 
 conversation ■ s5 diary in cc os. 
 
 s of 
 
 jealr- ptility dM Lord 
 
 savr it v/ ■ ' • try to 0Yoto« i ,( left 
 
 Pe v fore, id : f the 
 
 K of I en* Their hepe of gaining iim 
 
 or ir ding P«rt« t \ HJteil tfc« friendly of 
 
 ... 
 
 1 communi n to l »{3j in It 
 
 occurs ' emert strictly 1 Smiting the I 
 
 ' ons to the port of Canton. 
 
 ftxdgoft by the treats* ions, 
 
 thll one ef Lord Kacartriey'r 13 ' ' rly cs ■ f 1 '!, 
 
 lie ■*■ ' " , I I 'St "be 
 
 ■enounced iv • H re* 
 
 J of one officer hostile to t" I es f s rust be 
 
 (1) Staunton, III., 14 . (2) Staunton, III., l 44 - 
 
 ( 3 ) Bt aunt on f III., l« r > 1 . 
 
20 
 hel nlj definite concession granted hy the emperor, 
 
 anonc ^-1 tho embassies to the Chinese court frier to 18r>3 
 it standi noot ■■■ r ry. It served one 
 
 * th- CO of 1 ' ( " Peking 
 
 court of its imros, ihilit&e^ . 
 
 
v u A J i » 1J. J. • 
 
 DOWH 181 ft. 
 
 The peri od eaverinpi few jcnth 
 
 century and the first f ourte- n of the present was os^c of cc - 
 
 paratlve tranquility. In 180n t i to 
 
 cut the cable of the Providence were injured b; ' 
 
 crew, the Cannon officials fcnad r unwarra nted demands 
 
 sternly met and they allowed the matter to blow over. A few 
 
 years later the troubles "between SSngland a \ance were, 
 
 usual, carried, out into ttu fcera seas. A fleet of $ i- 
 
 defeat ft rench fleet which 
 
 pany's ships, in 1805, had heen cruisfcng above the straits for 
 
 the purpose of capturing R] from Canton, otiv- 
 
 of the piratee between %9Q& %81 led te tfc oh 
 
 ef two of the Company's ships in+e Ike Chinese - , w&5 
 
 ult, imatel* r did more ^ood. b ,r making a careful curve*"" of 
 
 neighboring seas than by any service against the pirates. (1) 
 
 In 1814, however, t> rri r>& at calm was foil a 
 
 rm. The high-handed act ion ef the 8antc 
 
 provoked, the English beyond all endur Court 
 
 (1) Davis, I., 71. 
 
2.2 
 of directors tc i etition once more for an English embassy to 
 the imperial court to seek redress for thier grievances. (1) ITo 
 one could fail to recognize the neod for some commercial tre 
 or defined relations of cone kind to take En : th 
 
 ina out to field of chance. The Canton officii 
 
 A he on violated in the 
 1 
 
 * i I the T>nris 
 ". ' mdtti "cercy th ' their 
 
 In no i I war, 
 
 ~ r.ed to recocr.' of authority 
 
 bogan aari vrerr. s*(Z) "•-"• seised 
 
 v^oef?, , retail tad 
 ago' ■ of o; "by step - . 
 
 j>. Then t lang ion 
 
 in remo ar toy 
 
 of nafcian * } rej^ clearly 
 
 rtanc^ of de to V d province 
 
 Canton. (3) 
 
 In addition to oris affair the .tion 
 
 of ] ■? 'he m rch nte 
 
 '.ed to rf or- 
 
 enco b; m g<r iintme:;;, c n I*r. 
 
 aa ohief which 
 
 (1) miis, 41. ( ;-;) Ellis, 43. (a) Baris, I., 78* 
 
23 
 
 the supercargoes sought to have remove-. . 
 
 Consequently, in 1816, the requests of the Court of Direc- 
 rs were fulf 111*4 by the a£poi»tj»sat of Lord Amherst as A; - 
 bas s ador 3&;t r a,ord i nary t o t . . ( I ) Tw o e one e s - 
 
 *s were recommended to him desirable: first) per- 
 mi8sion for the supers ueal with sue 
 they sUgh- sea lit, in ether prer4i the sbeXities of t' e ta*g 
 merchants; and secondly, the establishment «f direct diplomatic 
 intercourse with Peking. Opportunity would also be afforded for 
 explaining the seizure of American ships and for protecting 
 against the actions of tho Canton officials. The Company v 
 likewise very desirous of having another attempt made to se- 
 cure trading privileges in some of the northern ports, ( 
 
 • story of the proceed inrrs of the embassy may be briefly 
 told, Mr. Bills, third commissioner o. embassy and a man 
 of some experience in Chinese a fairs, recognizee, leaned i at el. , 
 the necessity ef complying with any reasonable demunds as to 
 the manner of apprcaohing the emperor. v an ! s 
 embassy as a warning agamftgt servile accession is 
 
 demands and with -'acartney's as a precedent for subsequent 
 English envoys, he saw likewise the advantages of securing 
 audience without prostration. 'So when the mandarins at Tientsin 
 demanded performance of the M kc~tow w , Amherst refv n the 
 ground of ?^acartney't nt eknd of respect to Kis Hajesty, 
 
 (1) Ellis, 49. (2) 351110! 48. 
 
the Prince Regent ♦ In response to this, some of the eye wit- 
 nesses of Lord Macartney's audience declared that the English 
 ambassador prostrated hineelf . -Amherst held firm and m is 
 
 compliance Hcti mands conditional upon one of two 
 
 thing! - r th- %£na*« snbjec lal in rank to him- 
 self should n< - ra a picture m trince 
 ligent, or th. > emperor should issue a jmbi ic proclamation 
 promising that &ny Chinese ambassador visiting England would 
 
 form the "ko-te aiglish soverel, . :, as in 
 
 17^3, the emperor finally consented to receive them in the 
 manner of the- ish court . (1) i.ord Amherst was hurried into 
 Peking • e&rly in the morning, while greatly 
 
 fatigued jid unprepared to appear at court, ordered to present 
 himself to the emperor. (2) On offering hi;j ill health and vn- 
 preparedness as an excus< , ■ - was roughly handled by the court 
 officials and shortly afterward hustled out of Peking as 
 had come in. (3) 
 
 Nothing had to«B accomplished save perhaps the acquisition 
 of mere knowledge regarding the Chinese court. One or two gen- 
 
 observations HOftt be made. Through out thw whole journey 
 to and from Peking the attitude of the officers and people 
 toward the embassy was markedly more unfriendly than it wae in 
 Lord Macartney's case and showed a great desire to hurry them 
 out of the country as rapidly as possible. The dealings with 
 
 (? as, 95. {%) Ellis, |1N . (3) KUU, 18*. 
 
2i> 
 mandarins and court officers revealed frequent offences against 
 the absolute truth and uncovered many of the courts contemp- 
 tible methods of diplomacy* And lastly, both Davis and Kills 
 give it as their opinions that the real cause of the failure 
 
 ■nbassy wata prolyl to the secret hostility of the 
 mousse an Canton effiolaXft* xhe viceroy, ist whose 
 treatment of i .-iglish since 1814 it was one of the purposes 
 
 of the embassy to complain, did his utmost to poison the m - 
 per or his court gainst the Jftiglish* 
 

 CHAPTER IV. 
 FROM AMHERST 1 ■* WBM0R TO THE 
 
 ABOUT .1 ;." # 
 
 "This unsuccessful mission" cf Lord Arahorst "was followed 
 >y a longer interval of tranquility cu eedom fron Chinese 
 
 loyance thaji had ever been experienced befGre."(l) From 161 
 ;o 1829 the British trade was stopped <aiee, that in IBA2 
 
 tttause of the "Topose affair". A few cases of homicide revived 
 a slight degree the old troubles. In 1820, for ins^anot , 
 Vfesa a Chinese hoy was accldentall, killed, the oi Is as 
 
 usual demanded the surrender of some mm to a\n t. 
 
 o fact, however, that -hineso seised the opportunity of 
 
 declarin * a suicide on one of the ships to be the guilty par 
 showed at once a changed attitude toward these affair i a$£ a 
 wonderful anxiety on their part to ^ymrw the trade una:- - 
 pared' ~ } ' » > -rnlslK. 
 
 their oa) *# of 
 
 Then in ■ of the foils .r, an I' ,ilor 
 
 on bourd an American ship ace ese woman, 
 
 m i ...i ■ ■ i. m .1. n . i n . . ■■ ... n ..,.. ... — — — ■■«» 
 
 (1) Davie, I., £9. (2) Davis, I., 90- 
 
27 
 trading alongside the vessel, and was surrendered for trial. 
 After a secret trial, absolutely contrary o their pledged 
 word, the officials causae to be ftrrfrflllfi and they r< ~ 
 
 ported to Peking tha* the American consul had witnessed, the 
 
 Btttlen. »!ncov >is e> ion r mess, 
 
 Chinese c . iittl- L* in the *Sft* 
 
 M affair 1 *. In January and Vebruary Sf IMA the select com- 
 mittee were forced to resort to stopping the trade for six 
 weeks until the Canton off i civile recognized the division of 
 authority and responsibility between the officers ttf 
 Majesty's ships and the servants of the Company ad exonerated 
 
 >mmittee from al ^responsibility in the matter. An English 
 court martial acquitted the Topaze's lieutenant for repelling 
 the attack of reus Chine so upon the sailors of his crew 
 
 who were engaged in retting r. These findings were accepted 
 
 by the Chinese and practically settled the affair. (1) 
 
 j)uring this decade was worked out an important change in 
 the purely commercial relations of t3 r chants at Canton, 
 
 ihe failure of some of the Hon*-; merchant* led to a governmental 
 regulation freeing the Consoo or corporate body of merchants 
 from liability for the debts of individual members. This measure 
 stopped the unhealthy aretes of credit upon which the trade be- 
 tween the 35nr;ii 8 h and Hong merchants had been baeed. Vvrther- 
 mr>r&i the reduction of the number of Hon^ merchants to six as 
 
 (1) T>vi i. f Ql 4 
 
a coneequaaee of these failures greatly inconvenienced the 
 English and rendered the remaining half y.ozon merchants even 
 dictatorial than t3 body, while still in' c , had 
 ■m. This fti '■ . ■ •* e 
 
 oomit.i ships 
 
 re detained en ntil t Jtdi o. ) i ^it- 
 Id be net. They asked that the number ©: aits 
 bo increased, that the heavy port charges on ships trading at 
 
 , ... , some oheefe aced 
 upon the govern) tent officers eeted with the customs. Tip on 
 a ifXanitlea viceroy in March , 1830, that three new 
 Konp: merchants would he cr- and that the subject art 
 Ml had been referred to rcperor, the committee r> - 
 rted t.he trade. (1) That same year the Chinese o; Is made 
 most strenu ejections to reside. f foreign women in 
 
 IfB and ordered that in th ure they he confined to 
 Macao. Later in the season grievous trouble ej arose at the Canfc 
 ton factory, Just because the Knglsih made a little park out 
 of some waste ground in front of their factory and built, for 
 
 -•rmelves a pier into the river, the Fooyuen or vieero; * s 
 deputy of Canton openly invaded factory and demanded an 
 
 Ian at i en of the acts contrary to the viceroy* s orders. With 
 an imperial sanction of the yocyuen's measures and an unsatis- 
 factory attempt by V ■■<-. committee to secure redress, the matter 
 
 (1) Davis, I., 96. 
 
was allowed to rest .(1) 
 
 An< bon ' . sele&t committee 
 
 tineu. in a "s to 
 becoae the culminating griev 
 
 Lng the} I ^es 
 • In 
 J82 Is i Hie it i,c^o by the exact ion a 
 
 of t n -tugueso to .-.ntin, situated 
 
 opium 
 ruled as kin, over all* The m, ndarins connived the emuc- 
 hinoso subjects were killed from the opin ps with 
 no 03 -fic- 
 
 tion given the venal officials them- 
 
 selves. The trade, tgh wholly outside the 
 . .elect committee, flourii increas a such an e. 
 as to implant in that body a belief I the whole eas 
 
 •uld quite as read! nd itself t;c a smuggling trade 
 in staple merchandise. Aeeerdingly, 1 out the IV 
 
 Amherst. , en a surreptitious trade with forbidden 
 
 ports along the northern part c.f the coast. As was always the 
 caso the people themselves appeared Willis nut 
 
 rietiene , "but their wiliingnes ilea noth- 
 igtl against the opposition of the mandarine, whjc used he 
 lure of this most questionable venture, (ii) The expedition 
 
 (1) T)aTis, I., 105. (2) Davis, I., 306. 
 
30 
 
 had two c : it elicited severe criticism of the 
 
 seloc t md and it demonstrated "beyond the 
 
 securing imperial con* 
 
 for trad I cities alon^ the coast. (3j 
 
 equent violent &ffr Ltnttn marked <Oose of 
 
 . Anoth s graceful atteppt 
 
 rt of -»ese ' o secure a sham redress 
 
 fci -rdoro idy larpe list of 
 
 'm n^ 6/^^* r i'l v*r '""^i ft ^ ?iOA4tion cf ^ "** f* f'T*''' i rrr^n er*? i'ir^6r 
 
 semi-official protoctic ed tn disagree* 
 
 Le co; flclftia and > 
 
 lis'.' . -.ff irs in 
 
 Chj o^ the Ifftft Xn4i* 8efl$4 ve way to 
 
 nts. Jtoftt %wt hundred years ho- 
 
 ; mo the (* f ww pa ■ ""• ■f"rad^ T ^ fT tfr^th Hh^ . ~ow 
 
 "by the • 'a monopoly was abolished. This 
 
 ..td well '-lers into the 
 
 east v fth#r teglish tr --ders and 
 
 consequently " ; BtM&ttieil of 1' 
 
 itself. In the l committee was to 
 
 ie a b I title Jnveived securing 
 
 the nMrgmiai ■* -cr privileges the 
 
 Com; had heretofore wrci ' C««»l hren^fe its 
 
 e 
 
 Mdliuu of a seljot c . ) 
 
 (1) Deris, I.| 103. (2) Davis, I., 110, 
 
Such fsfcrjuent mention is mado time the follwoing 
 
 pages of the places In tttti the Canton River 
 
 as to require at le . "brief toseri] 
 
 of that 'Li strict v/here the b trade Mid its es 
 
 . The olty of Canton If on the nor ae of bh* river 
 
 it seventy-five miles £ru . i . • Just t* and east 
 
 of / is the .where the foreign sliip- 
 
 ig lies. i the river tunas in a southwesterly 
 
 in and j'Ioyjs through a narr amiel ca. ogue, 
 
 ris or Tiger's 3£©ut: , which leads itself verv readily 
 to defenoe "by the shore "batteries and forts lining e side. 
 
 >oca Tigris the river wider of 
 
 ab< sntj — f ive miles at its mout^. Just off the point cf 
 
 southern shore lies the ;uese island of Kacao, while 
 
 g occupies the same t lit ion on t 
 
 way "between these %vm tmd a short nee up $h$ river lies 
 
 Lintin, the little island so famous from its connection vith 
 pium smugglers and their forbidden trade. 
 
PART 
 
 
 - 
 WAR OF 1340-184;}: ITS PKIHCIPAL CAKPAIG 
 
h 
 
 CHAPTER I . 
 
 8 WTIC7F LED UP TO 
 
 no tokmai opjttt— o- a&smxfrts tt imo, 
 
 , • , E*«rd api«r -j ved at Canton as "Chief 
 
 o Majesty's subjects with 
 1 .. . OSfl ioi^l ai>p ointments of Sir 
 
 eorgt . as second ana bhird super- 
 
 . [l! a his arrival U»e Canton oificials refused 
 
 to tra mwd t hi Mttfc fei Um in er.u,l court and ordered 
 
 until iiibsicriers should leave the 
 
 rd Kapler *tftar ucloi rained i:rotests reluctantly retired 
 tA , onlj c e disease which brought his 
 
 ml 0a in less than three months after 
 
 he teal bailed up U. #ris.(2) 
 
 Sir Johii Davis »u«ceedea Lord ITapier for a brief term. An 
 L edict . blame i'or the troubles of Jul:* 
 
 anc , 1834, one merchants secured a short period 
 
 tfUiuil Ad unuistu. intercourse between the traders 
 
 of tha 1 ;.U>) 
 
 following Sir John Davis, the administration of Sir George 
 ... t in 18oo m proved quite as peaceful as that of 
 
 (I! b, I., 113. (2) Davis, T., 120. (:5) 13 rls, T ., 123. 
 
33 
 
 his predecessor. But a change began to he felt by the time 
 Capt. Charles Elliot assumed the duties of chief superintendent 
 in |A59* Little by little the old troubles incident to the 
 opium tr^de had been aggravated and brought i ly to 
 
 ctice eminc eh 
 
 the government had now assumed. In respooc io j mt's 
 
 att-ituat), Uapt. Sllio : ' jj Issasnse, tist 
 
 be | 14 the raoj-'t unfortunate, increase of the si during the 
 last fo-jr years , the rapia growth in the east coast in 
 opium, and the continued drain of the silver, have no doubt 
 greatly a? armed, the government. "(1) Opium si 
 thee© years became so bold as to carry of their trade ri& 
 inside t ;gris, xn the very mXt ship— 
 
 ping. 3"*ut the worst of all the complications at on 
 this smuggling trade arose o> i perfidious double dealing 
 
 hy the government officials themselves. Vh- m received 
 a royalty on orery ^hest passed in. Bven those in chargeof the 
 war funics under orders to drive away the smugglers' ships ac- 
 cepted bribes f PSSJ daring traders and rendered back false 
 reports to the government . iz) Whenever the central authorities 
 did mete out punishment to any of the natives found one 
 in the proscribed traffic, the punishment was most severe. And 
 all this time the Canton officials were making inter mi .ten" 
 demands upon the recognized >]nglish merchants ana the sujperin- 
 
 vis, r. y . (2) Pavis, I., ISO, 1~1. 
 
34 
 
 tendent for the arrest and delivery of English smue#lars. Their 
 .ilure to recognize tho fact that the snug^lere worked at 
 
 n rink and were neither amenable to nor under the pro- 
 •tion of the superintendent, led to great oonfm mis- 
 
 . aline, 'sh 
 
 bourco of discomfiture, much embarBaoB- 
 
 ,-.; marohantf fee the 
 uur#j emeu. . ra* 
 
 waa i'inall;- r td by allowing tfca Co*Bang 
 t#a year* in 
 xhe matter, r, was finally adjusted by t 
 
 atea 
 the War of (fttOHfe, wherein the emperor bound himeel: 
 fraat »00 debt 
 
 or the Coin] , -onceBsions 
 
 ed in order to preserve the i . And 
 since, tional, the i\iffer@v< .g on 
 
 j.t rei i not into consideration by j inese, 
 leniency of previous years waB ex$>ecte< . 
 
 W% after -ill, • griev noes;? anu Lcultiai played 
 onl. dnor ] in preeipiat ig«g the war which ended with the 
 
 tty fcf Nanking • Around the opium trade oenteree im- 
 aodi -t,te causes of tho necessity for armeu intervention on the 
 
 (Dp . t., i :a„ (a) to* . a i, - 
 
 (3) Bingham, I., 2. 
 
part of Um hone p;overnmen1 . J of review of the develc - 
 mn- itself will tend to elucidate somewhat 
 
 the foil j-agr&phs dealing he troubles just prJcr 
 to the war. Oj . m coming into Chin -. lust f t the 
 
 ei century . (1) In 1994 an opium ship, I »y 
 
 pium p03 at Lai. .. , moved up to VJbumpoq, 
 whorv the trade thrived until 1&1&. As t irly as 1798 the C3 l«« 
 nes trade and in 1820 a prchib- 
 
 ion co increased vigilance of 
 
 compel the c, ^ealers to moke the Island 
 of Lint in, in the mou- ... 
 
 Chinese aomiralo offlel .. , under bribes of from j ir to, 
 per chest, readil: set the laws at defiance and 
 ?g Buffered the trade to he quietly prosecuted, with only 
 
 rupticns, until th« reak of u ler, 
 1837. During thi . • > > ; worth cf opium was im- 
 port , - rn, a large exportation of siiv<- , 
 since at this time the Chinese die not have sufficient experts 
 with i to pa^' for tl ^ds brought ir • kingdom. Most 
 cf this silver, however, had been in earlier years for 
 teas and in balaneiu- Uq orts had • ■ . he 
 Chinese would punch silver out of every coin passing through 
 their hands a: gopr .ed coins BtftM finally be collected 
 and c< ed into silver bars known cts "Syoco silver ".(a) 
 
 (1) Bingham, I., 4. (2) Bingham, 1., 11. 
 
36 
 
 Binghau, who se< have had the oppo nolination 
 
 to examine into r of 1. — , st tee J as 
 
 his opinion that "the oo^in-; out of sycoe silver fro; -n- 
 
 .1 flowery land" was th« .»so o_ Chineso oition 
 
 to %m trade, and any roi oe mor 
 
 tve had against >ut a small part 
 
 in influenoin ir ao towaj . ,,; . The willin - 
 
 ness of tht ciiJts to aonnlve la Miggl and 
 
 eagerness -die nacl lewei -ses to secure it 
 
 *.d tend 10 support this view. Unfortunately, the; o» is torn - 
 amo. inese £ov«rnnient officials of composing edicts fc 
 
 mere jAippose of "savinn their faces** with tbo emperor renders, 
 the highly ; tirades against o; absolutely worthless 
 
 fnr h-ili-int'; t« a decision in this matter. 3o that all 
 
 we kno liinese gri rtperor and 
 
 some of his off icials -opposed the opium tracie on • two 
 
 grounds rt ntioned ahove f, ore wished to stoj at 
 
 nton shared w emperor and some tais 
 
 it officers a dislike f< eigners, and hence ti 
 
 wished to harass arid huiribl i&iglish ant on in QYQry 
 
 possible w--.y. *#hile seekirs -ry out their designs they 
 
 o reckon with their host. 
 
 In , in reply Is advocating a auty on opium 
 
 and also requesting; the prohibition of the drug, ; • emperor 
 issued an edict to his high officers at Canton, ordering them 
 
37 
 to seize all native dealers in the drug, the Hone merchants, 
 "brokers, boatmen and the naval officers and militia who 1 
 received "bribes. (!) Tang, the admiral, took adavntage of thin 
 edict to monopolize the trade and thus secure a f. "before 
 
 the fi lei 1 t$*a&« i: rse, 
 
 "■paved his face" by §* ,ise report to kfee lllljiHI i . 
 
 or, in t , "by reviving an olu ouiet forbid-- 
 
 ding continued resiaenoe o -ton, ho forced the 
 
 foreigners . ear Chinese edicts 
 
 o acta and ad all foreign ships to leave the east ooast anu ordered 
 the receiving ships at %*hampoa to drop down to Macao, on pain 
 of destruction jjf fee order was not carried out. 
 
 iring the following year great embarrassments were im- 
 posed upon the trade and tJ izjtre of the opium began. In 
 
 re of this, however, the bold smugglers built up an open and 
 mdlsguished trade right at whampoa.(^) i'he change m coming. 
 In December, Ittftj occurred the first ev«nt that f ormed one of 
 iiot's specific grou; sequent radical v.ction. 
 
 ,1 officials at Canton chose the square in front of the 
 Hiuropean quarters as tfc* the execution of a native 
 
 opium do ale , .ag was struck the momoiv crowd 
 
 d. Ihe rabble became aggravated at the foreigners' in- 
 terference with theiijpieasure and re. ,ed by mobbing the 
 factories and houses. Jhey were di&per&oa after two hours b; 
 
 >"..?.'". ( ) Bin 
 
38 
 native police. 
 
 This unfortunate affair preceded, by a few days, an act 
 of Capt. J&liot's which many of his critics have considered 
 mere detrimental to the Ifriglish interests than any at 
 gone be?e*Hb ^pace will B n into the 
 
 felly of Capt. ^lliGt's Measure, tfhile chief super- 
 intent . a an elaborate thesis in it- 
 o faoto may be mentioned . Desirous of assisting 
 i Chinese xn .u.1 legitimate attempts at suppressing the traf- 
 , he on. 1 English ships oarrying opium to proceed 
 outside t oca ligrio at the same time warned of 
 the retribution which would follow the killing of any native 
 ring the prosecution of this trade. This authority to drive 
 ships beyond iferis, it is urged, implied 
 the authority to euppress the trade entirely, whereas supi res* 
 si on was I QHJoi ill impossible by the constant demand. (1) 
 
 Purine January t 1359, feelin n ran high, 'she 
 Chinese proposed that no vessel be allowed to trade during the 
 following season until its master should sign a bond declaring 
 the vessel had no opium aboard and agreeing, if any were found, 
 
 confiscation of the vessfca and to the 
 iuent aous fines. (<;) On February 86 anot: tive 
 ium dealer was strangled on the square in front of the tac- 
 tories, without, any regard whatever for Capt. >;iliot*s protests 
 and remonstrances. (5) On : arch 1<\ ijin t the governor of Hu- 
 (1; iBingEam, I. t *"3"S7T2) Bingham, I,, 5dTT37TIngham, I., 46. 
 
39 
 
 kwang, who had been anointed special commissioner to invetti- 
 ga I affairs of the seaports of Kwang-tung, arrived at 
 
 ton. One of his first official acts was to issue an edict 
 forbidding for* i^ners to gr acao; this Mftf followed by a 
 second, ordering all slips to give bonds that thej'- had no opium 
 
 thernore, all opium in the port was ordered to be 
 deliver ed np within three days, and on the third day the lives 
 of ong merchants were to be threatened if the opium was 
 not 1Mb* ly surrendered. The Tlurcpeans allowed sjT'pat" 
 
 merchants to influence and they assisted in gather* 
 chests. Commissioner Lin expressed dissatisfaction at 
 number of chests offered and showed great anger when in- 
 formed that :ir. Dent, who then had charge of the trade at Can- 
 
 , refused to venture into the tity to answer the summons 
 so; i. 
 
 On Kar#i , '"'apt. Klliot issued a circular from Facac 
 stating that all confidence in the local government had ceased. 
 
 •d himself to Canton, hoisted tfet flag over the 
 factories and ordered up the fleet to help in any trouble that 
 might result. (1) Troif le did follow, in which neither the fleet 
 nor any other protect ken by the Europeans were 
 
 of ?jiy avail. By order of Commissioner Lin all the passages 
 to the factories were closed by coolies, the river blocked t. 
 a tri.}- rrion of boats, soldiers stationed en the roofs of 
 
 (1) Bingham, | M 61. 
 
40 
 
 .ses surrounding tin iV.ctory buildings and all the n 
 
 servants of :h.e European made to abandon th ir masters. With 
 
 * food supply also cut «ff| ■ inmates of the facta re 
 
 -ecaricu alt ion. (1) Under these t oirctu - 
 
 the 
 stancep. •' . tliot is; i notice "1 En.^lishnon in^Can- 
 
 ton Ri^e.', s the immediate delivery of all t' 
 
 th- owned opium would alone procure for the :>irc; their 
 
 freedom ako a renewal of trade possible. Fe called for a 
 
 Lng to hold himself r« ible 
 
 for fell committed to him before six o 1 c|oc?< that day. (2) The 
 
 •sit ion and showed 
 itatemen s, accompanying what little was actually 
 sent. In dui I , tl they held at that ti 
 
 river and on ships en route from India, Arrange- 
 delivery of the opium to Lin provided fmt 
 gfrndual restoration of trade and parsosal privilege; 
 confiscated iter* b iheultf 1 . . ri son- 
 
 men t of ns, 1 '0 of the Commissioner sub- 
 
 mitted to the Jiiglish in the factory a bond similar I or 
 
 to tho former ones mentioned above and sought by threat* and 
 coercion to secure its ucc- signature. It ■ - Capt. 
 
 nend away all empty receiving ships and to petition 
 the kinc to eoinmand all his subjects "tremblingly w to obey the 
 laws of empire forbidding ■ and 
 
 (1) fl ja yft i — i I., 63. (2) Bingham, I., fl . 
 
41 
 
 importation of the dru£. Lin* 6 relentless efforts accomplished 
 M thing .By Ma&r 81, the whole number of 20 f 283 chests had been 
 surrendered, so that Capt • Elliot and the ether British su~ - 
 jeots finally secure^ r freedom on Baa; 2«1-, after seven 
 
 weeks detention in the factory buildings at Canton. Merchants 
 who hart been trading in opium were required tc puit the country 
 and give bonds never to return. In Juno Commissioner Lin des- 
 troyed the surrendered opium. Because of the threatenir 1- 
 
 a of off lev, Is and natives at Canton, the British stepped 
 at Hon uidtrn as shipped their goods to American vessels 
 
 transportation at Canton. 
 
 In July, Cn.pt. Elliot appealed to Lin to reaiaiV this 
 Levoua state of affairs by carrying out the provisionn of 
 the agreement entered upon when the surrender of thfcoyitas was 
 pr« . it at this time, howev n, kOtther of those unfor- 
 
 tunate homeide affairs complicated the relations between the 
 officials. The accidental death of a Chinaman named Lin Weihe 
 in : .bbi e some American and English sailers ifl| 
 
 brcught dotal upon Capt. Elliot the usual demands for the 
 surrender of the murderer to Chine m and practically de- 
 
 .1 hjm of all chance of obtaining any concessions from the 
 
 ty Lin. About the middle of August the Chinese officials 
 even went so far as to send troops against tbe few Hsgliehmen 
 at . hus deprived of Lheir means of living t^oy had to 
 
 move pen tly to ITogn Kong. On August ?A aoourred the affair 
 
42 
 
 of the Black Joke. This small English vessel lying in the Can- 
 ton River had most of her orow murdered without the least 
 provocation for the action by a native hoarding party. To add 
 
 insult, the leader of the assassins received an honorary 
 promotion. v,y t-M? MM all tbf fcitfj had been driven 
 
 :e refuge on their ships «t Sfiflg Hong ai re suffered, of 
 inconvenience. (1) 
 The hostility of linese now fectiy oi en . 
 
 Lin and Admiral IVng authorized the natives to fire on ;\ny 
 ISnglish rvi tempting to land and to cut off .nil food e, er 
 supplies. Welcome relief c mo on August 30 with the arrival of 
 
 ... , followed shortly . food , 
 
 MUhr had "been so effectually cut off by the mandarins at 
 
 loon that .. . Billot ordered an attack upon them early in 
 Sei r. The move had little effect exc elicit from 
 l fiery edict commanding the oxt ermine $t ion har- 
 
 is and the capture of Capt. Elliot. (2) At last, however, a 
 peaceful settlement seemed most probable and arrangements for 
 on.Lng .rade had been nearly completed when Lin upset 
 of oil into the TXre by demanding the signature of his 
 loathsome bond and by insisting upon the surrender of Lin 
 Weihe's murdered, j.he sudden shange in his attitude can be 
 traced to the inoonstancy of the Thomas Coutts in entering the 
 B*fte* Vigris and in signing the bond contrary t 1 lot's 
 
 (1) 'iggham, I., 9t , < . (3} Ungham, J., :.03. 
 
43 
 orders. (1) 
 
 The renewed attempts to de&troy the ^Snglis^ shippjjjf be- 
 lt agcravat tng arid unbearable . Capt. Smith in command 
 of J . . S. Volage, with orders to protect ahips 
 
 inst these schemes of the Chine, I hum the;::., revested 
 
 Hommissioner JAn to rescind his orders for the destruction of 
 the English shipping and to grant permission for the merchants 
 an<- Lr servants tog to return 4*0, pending 
 
 im ions from one gov eminent . His Msp&toh on] 
 
 "brought out another demand for " -ihe'e nurdrer, which met 
 
 with the customary refusal. Bh«a ■ <pt. Smith took m< tive 
 
 projective measures. (he Volage and Eyacin .->ked, 
 
 feated and scattered six war junks and thirteen fire 
 
 ships in the h .ttle of Chuenpee. After the engagement Lin sent 
 a g lowing account of the grand Chinese victory 
 bad heen won !• courage and skill of he great Admiral 
 
 -wan! (2) 
 
 nrlng the fall of j. he Koyal Saxon ' ! signed 
 
 Lin's bond and proceeded up to the anchotage at Vhampoa. This 
 
 ; soon followed by a proclamation cutting off all trade with 
 the ."inglish forever, since they refused, to execute this bond. 
 The opening Of the new year brought little change. Early 
 in January came news of Lin's reduction bcca\isa of ; he false 
 reports hi had submitted concerning the engagement at Chuenpee. 
 
 (1) Bingham, I., 107. (ft) %+ \i^ . 
 
44 
 Tan 30, was called to Peking, but through powerful court 
 
 influence he succeeded in being returned as governor of Fuki 
 
 i first six months of this year the annoyances tc 
 ^English ships anchored at Hong Kong continued. r h.e English 
 
 were troubled by aggravating regulations, n&d ...11 this 
 emperor was advising thed. r dost metier: .. Lin drill *A & 
 small arrv and made what preparations he could to carry out 
 the emperor's wishes. He issued an edici re<,jui* . Ipe 
 
 1 assing i >coa '.Tigris tc give bonds not to trai ior 
 
 33bglish ships during their stay in Chinese 
 waters. Vo ships were allowed to cy.},crl: more tea or rhubarb 
 than was requisite for nsumption of thei*' own countries. 
 
 He threatened to stop all trade wi eao if the Portuguese 
 
 : not cease h^-rboring and aiding the English. His unsi>ccess- 
 fill i&fcempts to ih ships drew forth a plan from 
 
 a clover prefect in the prnvinc ochili by wh5ch all the 
 
 ships were to be boarded simultaneously by large bodies of men 
 and their crews put to the sword. This scheme was actually 
 tried the following year. On June 11, 1840, the Chinese tri^ 
 for h....' last tjne to set fire to tegllth Lng«<3) 
 
 lit outline of events which precipitated bl 
 
 makes possible an examination of the popular theory as to the 
 is os which England advanced as justifying ».nd requiring the 
 dispatch of an armed expedition to the coasts of Ohina. The 
 
 (I) BJ , I, i 136. 
 
m 
 
 usual assertion Is th* Great Britain sent out ''nor fleet 1 
 bombard the Chinese ports and open them to the opium trade. 
 
 lacy, for it seems to mo to be such, ma;/ very easily 
 have arisen cut af a misconstruction of the BJMi com 
 
 r - the Op ' ir. Mfl ■■ iters til hout 
 explaining that it is, i- -ertaijji extent, a misnomer, In the 
 fir t. Mliot showed hy the assistance Ire eneclered 
 
 the Chinese officials In er, 1338,(1) that " 
 
 rove of the opium trade while it was fe 
 Chinese government and he contended, throu 
 
 ubleseme and dangerous time*, not for the admission of opium 
 t for a . treatment of the Knglis: nts whf were 
 car on legitimate "businesses at Canton. One of 
 
 int. 's official notices, quoted from the Chinese aitor. , 
 III., i, clearly states his position on this matter: "Her 
 ' s flap; doesn not ■: protection of a trade 
 •lared illegal by the emperor; and, therefore, whenever a 
 vessel is suspected of having opium on hoard, Oapt. Elliot will 
 that the officers of hin establishment shall accom- 
 y the Chinese officers in their search, and that if afi 
 strict. e?:amination, opium s&all he found, he "ill C no 
 objection to the seizure and confiscation of the cargo. "(2) On 
 1, it cannot he disputed thai the one thir h Leh 
 conduced more than any other to bring about this war wtti the 
 
 (1) . (2) Soulger, TTJ., l», 
 
44 
 
 opium trade 1th the troubles and difficulties Incident to it. 
 Yet hack of ?,11 this, it must he remembered that the English 
 in China had submitted to over two hundred years of ex.. it- 
 
 tag treatment j that their embassies to the imperial court had 
 hfif M»l"&9d| in one noteworthy tfurtlUtee fct leaftt, r^e^ptions 
 
 t of what was dur; I • ; that ship?, h en 
 
 .rdod and pjiclishr.en slain without any reparation being made; 
 obligations or th« Chinese government to thorn had heen 
 f recently disregarded; and, in short, tha iir residence, 
 
 trade and even their lives within re 
 
 matters of t *roat uncertainty to . By the an of 1840 
 
 th 1 in addition to these general gro er cortpl tint a 
 
 aeries of specific insults to redress: their flag been 
 
 fired upon; the chief superintendent of trade, together 
 some merchants '\ei r families, had been in in the 
 
 3 for seven weeks; their property had heen un* 
 lawfully seized and confiscated or destroyed; their memorials 
 
 d heen treated with barbarian icnorance; the sanctity of 
 
 iblio 
 ir residencies had been violated by executions before their 
 
 doors and, finally, their persons had been driven from Canton, 
 
 On the other hand, the Chinese advance their opposition 
 
 to the opium trade, based either upon moral considerations or 
 
 upon the fear of having their land stripped of its silv ~ , nd 
 
 their dislike for foreigners as a defence for their actions 
 
 toward the Iftiglish. 
 
47 
 Under end* a state of ftattf 8*1 ritain declared war, 
 
 for the purpose net orl: of demanding reparation foi 
 
 1 payment for p report: troyed f "but also to secure a free 
 
 unlrapecfed trade with different ports alon • coast and 
 
 to elbtain a guarantee ar o©#Sr~ 
 
 Canton. (l) 
 
 (1) JoeelyB, 17. 
 
C XT A P T 9 II. 
 
 Irst few monthecf the year 1840 wltnubt>ei ; . repar- 
 
 ation and equipment of the force which was to or orwte in China 
 and the neighboring Beas under the n n te- 
 
 pedition" . Lori Auckland, t rnor-Oeneral of In<: , 5 as 
 
 he ministry to pre;; ftaft force for =x- 
 
 ition, wis both the Caj d Indian fleets were ©an 
 
 to reRdeSTOHfl ,-. re to element of the 
 
 force. As f r completed in Hay th ition comprise 
 
 four - regiments, the 18th, 26th, 49th and 89thj , £« 
 
 Madras infantry and artillery cc togethe. hody 
 
 ^C&l vol- ~s, making in all obou" 3600 bayonet r, "besides 
 
 the artiilary force; four ships of 7<* ^ms , two of 4tf, five of 
 i£ht c oi*vettes and four steamers beside, 
 orts for the troops, (1) Rear-admi ral tlie Hon, George 
 Elliot was appointed senior plenipotentiary and also made 
 commandor-in~chief of t] o&ltion. lure 
 
 arrive neap ore on time to ge north with the squadron, 
 
 the chief ceesaand dev< .rily v 'omnodcre Sir 
 
 Gordon 3 . The plan of campaign provided ft voue 
 
 (1) Jocoly ; Bernard, 100 < 
 
49 
 of the whole forct at Singapore before WKf 30. Prom there they 
 were to proceed directly to the Island of Chilean at tflM th 
 
 •-tse-kian,^, stopping on ,cao to 1 .rd 
 
 Capt. es HI let i who had "been Rgpoii! ! or 
 
 plenipotentiary. After establipMr. 
 
 Mai, the conrmnder-in-chj of us tc 'el- 
 
 ate 1 .:r and thence 
 
 cnmmun ions with the in: 1 court in^.d) 
 
 e fleet . ere on J . ?\odorc 'Mr 
 
 Qera o n Areaer in enariwd. . ■ . rlos Elliot wm 
 
 ■>,oao, as ed, and the fleet coi i usan 
 
 . ArrJ . harbor of Cbusan OB July 
 
 found the Chinese prepared to defend the poi e 
 
 ai, whic of a rid^o f ne 
 
 i of t r o fehore line. Lorti .Tocelyn, vfae served as i 
 secretary to the H— miHi linnTittr c.nd who h'-,s Ik; .- 
 
 able account of this fir. t cwnpaign, accompanie b, Fletcher, 
 
 in . . S. Wollesley, i>rete r ' on "board 
 
 junk to discuss terns of surre 
 Although the Chinese recognised at once of the 
 
 Jtaglirh force, they asked that the attack he do until t 
 
 following morning at day bre <k, in order to rive thorn an 
 
 tunity to del ermine that course to adoj t . As n ,d 
 
 con tile e'eloe of the following day, shortly after th 
 
 (1) Jr. , 17 - . . 
 
50 
 hour the Bttglleh gyillti fi • junk;.; :,a( **• 
 
 . ine minutes sufficed to silence t". ineso juiu-rs and 
 
 to . . nts into j . ■ « : ; ' 
 
 On i oil owing Pt "bom^arfeent of I " Ting 
 
 in giving the JtagllKh free aceer:;: to Qw city the 
 
 -o.(l) «rt 
 
 tlv or of 1 illustrai in which, the Chi 
 
 o many of 'heir cities and. fortifieatic war. 
 
 many instances r gav; or 
 
 a forlorn and sim x heir 
 
 o "m* v At 
 
 , drawn from 1 re- 
 
 did bc, en several occa&j c 
 
 rer. a stuhhornness worthy of Riropeams. 
 
 ■ ly 7 Admin je Elliot arrived a 'n- 
 
 Lef and fire-' tentii eetablii r» 
 
 ters en the Wellesley. He irjnodiately deelert en 
 
 ngpo, a large trading city si Jrv 
 
 irectl;; opposite Chusan, anc 5 began preparations for 
 ettlag communice-r iom with the inxeri-1 court. The 
 at Auk refusir a frienc at eeokinc te open 
 
 negotiations under a flag* of truce, suffered severe pur nt 
 
 the hands of E. K. S. Blonde's gunners. An attend ingpo 
 
 to rei HMuiieatloB ferwar< isc failed, tal in th:' 
 
 (1) Jooelyn, 66*56. 
 
51 
 case through fear pert o^ tl xlarins tc 1 nit 
 
 such a ■chop" the emperor, (1) 
 
 On July 2fl pal '-.e squadron saiDod for 
 
 . At t! ith o: rltv Palke, re 
 
 Tmf. whe vc ' ra tl M 
 
 ;ncjr Keashen. Afetr about a tv fh 
 
 I , it w >s fimvlly agreed that hob- ilities 
 
 espe< * re 
 
 into the troubles atteru Lin 1 8 acts at Canton, ehoiO vc 
 
 tine for an invest:* rgfti alleged b; 
 
 If fourd true, reparation wvs l -rorcitse . _e tg 
 
 n the rt of September i *4 
 
 for a per f coi':;. r iipenG? 
 
 ■s. 
 nton and Macao the season had r .ssed rati' or ly, 
 
 r on his arrj- ith tho fleet from S: re 
 
 ued a no ice that frcn June 28 the port of Canton would be 
 considered in a sta blockad . I ^ 
 
 ton officials retaliated "by offering rewards fcr the ^rc 
 
 destr -aiglj lag an 8C run ship of the 
 
 lir , he En V, rfcttrfclario 
 
 price and even the natives guilty of 
 8upplyir . English WJ .'ovisicne or of helpii. :vs 
 
 servants did not escape. (o) inese resorted to Mis 
 
 (1) Jocolyn, ?S, ) Jocelyn, 99-120. (3) } ir I., 1?2 
 
 •Mackenzie, 201. 
 
. 
 
 ••thod of i e war, seeki; 
 
 rsonal a&ring and sacrifice What their mil .1 
 
 could not attain, F >v!;^nco, w! . . fell 
 
 in',o the hands of Chine. , 'ho 
 
 only i nco tc !" } he 
 
 Portuguese governor of that .nd, v 
 
 . annoyance* Boon : ion ■ .ish 
 
 rious. o . Smith ir ;,he 
 
 iron changed natters, however, by sue- Mlly 
 
 line so y bX on shore, arm, v: *e, 
 
 •. seventeen © r guns, burned their jid 
 
 inner harbor. (1) 
 A dorr .-.tier. . . . .nd 
 
 Chusan, clo he 
 
 ions . . -, 
 
 (tentiaries 
 o 'Tacao, v MRmlefKMt-on was opened with the spec 5 
 
 ssioner Ke ashen, late' mton. Tn December a 
 
 ijice nat. or able ory 
 
 at m and ton officials, due in all prc- 
 
 he growing influence of the antj 
 court and to the activity o: 
 fill .(3) 
 
 Meantime, i line SO had for ceo. Admiral Charles JSjLliot to 
 
 (1) Ottehterlony, W), (2) Ouchterlony, Si, (3) Jocelyn. 138 ; 
 
 Ouchterlony , 8 f U93. 
 
53 
 resign the chief afHMnd Gordon 
 
 his res aoo<l ti 
 
 local, i\-. net rxxv. 
 refore, 
 ■s yet r« 
 )fore paasi ;;ecorv r it U 
 
 o note t :l\or~ 
 
 lug of 
 nrt lc . os: 
 
 "I ye 
 
 nner \ese jeer 
 
 >.me subject, Joe el:' n 
 i ' rt mom< have doubted Pictio , 
 
 circulated thro 
 dislike of nativesin China to tYr 1; rtar rulers; for it 
 
 I, as t rtuni 
 
 latest "'.on." On 13 
 
 11 owing J "and their e and anxious face a r-roveu 
 
 to us I -'alee was the ld< w* were amongst a people who 
 
 only wi 
 detep-i id tyrant •." 
 
 (1) Ouohterlony, 90. {%) Kaoken 
 
 (3) Jocely-., 51. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 JJfB JAMPAKrfl AB<W tf A3PPW. 
 
 ?he English had not yet learned the lesson of their first 
 Ign ir China by tho openin cf he second and , conse- 
 quently, they .lost some valuable time "before "beginning their 
 
 t effective work. English victories were ropaatedly deprived 
 of all their value hy wiley Chinese diplomacy. These unscrupu- 
 lous diplomats used the armistices fhey secured for refitting 
 their fortifications and collecting largojrlhodier of troops. On 
 
 -rtiary 7, Ga.pt . Charles Elliot, finding his munerous "chops" 
 availed no a toward a final settlement, gave over to Sir 
 
 remer and allowed him to order an attack on the two 
 forts defending the Bocca Tigris. Both places fell readily into 
 the hands of the English with the loss of hut thirty wounded 
 as against the Chinese loss of six hundred killed. On the fol- 
 lowing day tho r hips delayed their attack on the larger forts 
 in order to give the officer in e ' . rge time to consult with. 
 Keashen about surrendering the Chinese strongholds, Shortly 
 afterward Capt. Kiliot reported such satisfactory progress in 
 the negotiations as to warrant the withdrawal ©f the ships tc 
 Hong Ktthg, which had just "been ceded to England. (1) Although 
 
 ( l ) Ifeokenxi • , 29 . 
 
65 
 the cession ,vo_th the rest of this first attempt at a treaty, 
 - not ratified, England continued in virtual possession of 
 trim this date .(I) 
 e T, 'onr Kong matter composed one of the clauses of the 
 yrovisional treaty which Capt. Elliot and ireashen drev up at 
 this time; 
 
 1. Cession of Hong Konc in perpetuity to the British 
 
 crown; 
 
 2. Payment of #£,000,000 indemnity; 
 
 . Direct official intercourse "between the t 
 
 countries upon an equal footing; and 
 . Opening: of the trade ten days after the Chinese 
 
 Mil 
 
 Vlkuen Capt. Elliot sent up the final treaty about tho middle of 
 February for Keashen's apicoval, he could not understand the 
 
 nifiaanoe of the hostile reception which was r;iven the 
 vessel bearinr his messenger. Then the English suddenly real- 
 
 4 that "©ashen was playing thorn false, tha 4 he had. now "by 
 
 his treacherous dealingr on three reparate occasions deprived 
 
 them of 1fce advantage which, if c ire fully followed up, would 
 
 have enabled them sach time to dictate terms to the Chinese 
 
 without the hardships and losses of the following campaigns. 
 
 In th« first instance, when he in hi* capacity of viceroy 
 i 
 of Pechli was responsible for tho defence of that province, he 
 
 (1) .TLackenzie, i: . (2) Ouchterlony, 105. 
 
56 
 artfully succeeded in voiding any one runt er by having "himself 
 declared special commissioner to investigate affairs at canton 
 by persuading the English to withdraw thither to await his 
 action. Then this suspension of hostilities agreed upon be- 
 tween the belligerents gave Chusan, Amoy, Z T ingpo and ether 
 'cities and harbors along the coast an opportunity to fortify 
 
 dnst the coning of the English* And, finally, his meaning- 
 less I : ations at Canton saved the fortifications an the 
 Btc Igrla and took, as it were, the city of Canton r 
 
 lish hands. For during the tine gained by "chopping" 
 he repaired the batteries de troyed on January 7 and gathered 
 an additional force of soldiers for the defence of Canton. (1) 
 • treachery which has characterised the efficila dealings 
 Chinese throughout all their relatione with foreigners 
 has entailed upon England much trouble and expense,- from the 
 Nasjartney embassy down to the negotiations with Keashen, Its 
 
 Roe as aaa influencing factor in Chinese diplomacy 
 warranto the quotation of a passage given by Fackenzie as a 
 
 ftal translation of a Chinese statesman's maxim: "When the 
 territory of our sovereign is in difficulty, we ought immedi- 
 ately to deliver it. Ifr at • -ould be the use of adhering bigoted* 
 ly_ to a lit tle bit of good faith thereby involving doubts and 
 
 TTad the English plenipotentiaries been set this as a copy 
 
 (1) Kackenzie, A* (2) Mackenzie;, 46, 
 
57 
 "before they began negoti siting witli the crafty Keashen, they 
 could have saved the Ifriglish forces much loss of time m 
 life. As it w ostilities at Canton opened again with 
 
 attack upon t ' hened fortifications on . The 
 
 series rtillery actions and attacks by the }.and forces 
 
 which led to the capture of Canton occupied from February 25 
 to T'arch lo. Or J'arch 5 Sir Hugh ftou rived from " r -.dras to 
 
 as»ume the chief MHNBd <■? the army, on the day of Canton's 
 
 ' .ti on t v c Chinese node a fitting ending to this chapter 
 of the war hy firing upon a flag of truce, (1) 
 
 On March 80 Capt. Charles Elliot announced an armistice 
 re- opening of t . Accordingly the fleet and the 
 
 troops moved down to Fong Kong, while IT. K. r.. Melville, 74, 
 •fid H« K. B, Samarang, , sailed for England. It did not take 
 long for t re of Canton hy the English to show decided 
 
 results. The emperor boiled with wrath and issued fiery edicts 
 Hid providing i^nishment for Feashen, .jointing in 
 place an "exterminating commission" and breathing hatred 
 war inextinguishable against the JSngliah barbarians • Chusan 
 and all |bo northern cities again rang with the din of defon- 
 re pre] ions. (2) 
 
 As usual, this armistice proved but another ruse on the 
 part of the Chinese to gain time for collecting troops and for 
 acting new batterie and fort *fie at ions. Trade continued for 
 
 (i) sie, ; '- , acliierlony, 110-l.av . 
 
 (2) Ouohterlony, 128-130. . 
 
only. 3 n on ?lay 21, in spite of the fact that 
 3 lieutenant-governor of Canton continued to publish fear 
 allaying "chops" and assurances of safety and good will, Capt. 
 KLliot %dvised all nglishjnen to leave the city. tion 
 
 was timely; for that night the Chinese made a barbarous attack 
 
 •n the fact< nd upon the small cutter to which Capt. 
 
 ■Blict had retreated. This time English, for some unknown 
 
 reasor . 3 d refused to use their knowledge of the Chino 
 
 r ind the play w?»s soon on again. Sir Hugh C< 'im- 
 
 mediately prep for an attack upon the fort? north of \ 
 
 captured by the 27th, everything was in readi- 
 ness for he city when word c^me that Capt. Elliot had 
 
 angod terms? of . der. Th.ese provided for vtion 
 
 of the city by the troops and the payment of a ransom of 
 
 ,000.(1) ^Then the fact that SirHugh Rough's force amounted 
 to hut 334 , ,11 told, is taken into consideration, those terms 
 of on, forced upon an ar7#y more than ten times us 
 
 , should not furnish grounds of criticism of Capt . Elliot's 
 •ioncyin saving Canton from the --ell desen- tion of 
 
 turn by assault. The first of June saw the troops and ships 
 again withdrawn from before (3 eft ton. (ft] 
 
 On h ttttfc of August Sir Henry Pottinger, who had been 
 l sole plenipotentiary and chief superintendent of 
 the trade, arrived at Fong Kong to succeed Capt. Charles 
 
 (1) Lord Colchester, 12. (2) Mackenzie, 100-126; 
 
 Ouchterlony, 134-150. 
 
59 
 £11 ic . : ilral Sir Gillian Parker also came out A this tine 
 as commander-in-chief at the India and China station and. "by 
 virtue f his appointment siicceeded Commodore Sir Gordon 
 Bri r; commar-a^r- In -chief of the I force with tl 
 " stern Sagp edit ton". .After the arrival of reinf ore orients at 
 Tcng KfcBg the squadron sailed for the north on August 21 and 
 sed tl ond campaign of the var.(l) 
 fore the departure of Sir Henry Pottlnger : he north, 
 
 mton official b an interview lc to an arrange- 
 
 t| for once, they receive. 1 a refusal from 
 ngliah plenipotentiary to allow British subjects I 
 
 upon the treacherous mercy cf the Chinese. With the , 
 e in the diplomatic representative from 33ngland came a 
 
 ig« in the attitude V gliflh in China were henc - 
 
 forth to assume toward these advances from the scheming Chinese 
 official . , instead cf openin. t t establishment at Canton, 
 
 cttinger made provisions Tor a permanent and order- 
 ly settlement at Konc Kong. A sufficient force wai detach-- 
 from the expedition ;uard the 35nglish interests there and 
 prevent the Chinese fron further Military preparations. (2) 
 
 (1) Kaokexusit, 18G*1BS| Cue ...ony , 161 j "urray, 10. 
 
 (2) Mackenzie, 187 j Ouoattrlony, 170-172. 
 
o h a ] r r\r. 
 
 point of attacV on the way north way Amoy, the 
 •hosen "by Sir Josiah Child some one hundred fifty years 
 'ore fof the establishment of the first Rnglish factory in 
 n . Mtfceugh more strongly fortified and def ondod than the 
 I prev attacked, it fell before the general bonb >rdm 
 
 •Tjont of 'he fleet and the stormin of the marines and no Idlers 
 on the twenty- sixth of ttfet* 'Vithan loss of a single man 
 
 ,ntry drove the Chinese who still sto rds "by il fptof 
 
 f the Frenches around the oity wall and occupied the city 
 elf without any resistance worthy of the rtarto.(l) 
 
 . K» S. T>ruid, Pyl ? ides and Alger tee t o blockade 
 irt and a garrison of abeu': seven hundred non f 
 Mi and '.ments for the island of Koolarigsco vf 
 
 commands Araoy, the expedition continued northward of September 
 fifth and stood for ClniBan. Hen found tho chine bo had' 
 
 ,de excellent use 61 the interval since the departure of the 
 lish in February hy throwing up a strong lino of fortifica- 
 ns about the harbor and city of Tingh&i. These in turn were 
 all itemed and Uflttn jlieh on October 1, the land 
 
 (1) , XI., 232-250$ Ouehtorlony, X74rl77j ' -"rr^yt 12-22, 
 
61 
 
 ces doing the brunt of the work under support from the 
 
 ships * guns.d) Iamediately upon the recapture of tin island, 
 
 "enry Pottinger announced t3 ^rrangsmenta woiild be made 
 
 bliahi] gpci. . .- •' ■ " no 
 
 aire n.£hai and its d«r reels he restored to 
 
 t , until the ufcole if the dei of 
 
 not only complied with, but carrier o full bff 
 
 >t»"(2) Binj , writi fore H . ■ .- I : " ' 
 
 quotation b he permanent retention of 
 
 conaidera one of hi moat advantageous point* 'he 
 
 whole northern coast. 
 
 > tab or 9, A l rir William Parser ore 
 
 attack upon the cit? ttt Ghlnghai at the mouth of the ? T ing] Q 
 
 . The followir ht vesaels took up their positions 
 
 "ore the fortifications and pursued the usual tactics of 
 
 breaches f< to advance upon a frustrat 
 
 enemy. The soldiers escaladed the walls and one l e planted 
 
 •ifrlish flap; up en t" of a captured Chinese cit: . 
 
 Imated losses* of the imperial forma In actions of 
 
 tills one day unountod to fifteen hundred against sixteen killed 
 
 d a very few wounded on ide of .(3) 
 
 ree days later the advance of part of he force u] OH 
 
 o revealed the unexpected sight of a great city of ^.n^^o^X) 
 
 itanta deserted by its defenders. The English took posses- 
 
 aion on October 51, but they could find no manaarins or of fit? 
 TTT~ 1 . ~ "., TTTT^O; Ouchterlony, 17a j la-r^r, ."*-:w,. 
 (2)Bin£ham, II., 266. (5) ttin^aa, II., 266-281} Murray, 42-50. 
 
wh om to ar r ang • a r ai n i ic r i . ( 1 ) 
 DvHU ftw r- cceeding months?, the English had 
 
 ative rest and were further strengthen efl "by the arrival of 
 
 .its from JYigland ai ' . inor 'r.st 
 
 iflri cr J t nt:.l the 
 
 middle- of March, 1842.(2) Vhe of this nor." ) >n 
 
 looted by the Chinese as tl 
 ; cities of King d Chi. 
 
 *' nforl' day*** So it turned out to be, thai 
 
 osite sense fi^cn irhich the; Intended it. Their forces having 
 enetered ?Tingpo at night v;ith the intention of surprising i3 
 fcgllsh, net witl ible defc/t. Th&ir fire rafts and 
 
 gainst the fleet succeeded no belter. At Chinghai 
 "celestial*" escaped with lees loss hut with no Mere credit 
 th s at : 
 
 This demonstration on the tsnV cf 
 
 the Chinese "exterminating" lav. As soon as the Engli. 
 wanders- in-chief learned t" large force w s massing he 
 
 river at Ta#kt , they took about 1 ;CK i vj to 1 J :,ck 
 
 and disperse .(4) Sir Hugh Ocugh's ( ch then hat the 
 
 Chinese place* .t hopes in the body of flaked Ire •«- 
 
 bled .about O.'sekee and thai the aetlea on the Heights of mi, 
 
 just back of , gave proof of the c< 
 
 (1) Bingham, II., 282-28 , urra, , 58. (2 , ZX« f 28? . 
 
 ■, , 67*2 • . 
 
 (3) Bingham, II., 2SK>j Ouohterlony, urray, I -11*. 
 
 (4) Bingham, II., 306. 
 
*8 
 
 officers and nen. As usual , the Chinese suffered d.ef ©• t and 
 utter rout.(l) Xt was just after the return from' Tsekee that 
 
 lllaJi discovered another o^ those proclamations, Issued 
 "by a h e of-ric5.nl, whieii prw irml rewards for 
 
 tlte capture and slaving of >inglish officers and men. $50,000 
 attached to 1" re of either of the "rebel chiefs" and 
 
 urn to the production of tr heads. (2) 
 
 urly li Lngpo was in It* turn evacuated ard tl 
 
 fleet proceeded northward for an attack apon Chaptio, a srtftlJ 
 
 I rty miles below Hang-chau and the por ; ntry 
 
 for nese .The f .11 of Chap*>o w s marked by nn un- 
 
 usu 11 stubborn resistance on t! wt of the Tart a- risen 
 
 f great self-slaughter and carnage the 
 
 , who so far misunderstood their conquerors as to 
 trover 1 -der their own families rather than to allow thorn 
 
 t-i r^ar? n f ] nds«(3) feci, here for the first 
 time, signs of waver? ^an to show in the Chinese official 
 
 circles. THepoo, who had "been restored to the governorship of 
 Che- rcvince arc figured throughout alt th< lattdr 
 
 part of the negotiations with the JJnglieh, S' to arrange 
 
 terms of -.(4) Ihe Tlnftlish plenipotentiary, however, re- 
 
 fnsec' to treat with anyone save persons delegated fro 
 emperor with plenary powers to conclude rx treaty. (5) 
 
 (1) Bihghan, II., 29< — 1 j ierlon", 2i : .:->-2'V . 
 
 y, 1 ' . "1. 
 
 {:} ham, TT ., 318 j Ouchterlcn; , £81 ; Murray, 136-14 . 
 
 (4) 'a communication to Sir Hugh Gough; iSttrrav, 271* 
 
 (5) Bingham. II., 327. Eng. plenipotentiaries te Rlepeo ^turray, 
 
 27*. 
 
54 
 Leaving Chapco on , the fleet mmg round the head- 
 
 ed SKn£~&nfli Ba;- and el In to e\t1 ' ' os 
 
 of *©oeung(l) %&$Utl(£) en r . After in- 
 
 i.ctin. tl] *ae oj re- 
 
 inf mflWmc? and Xnd5a tl : "or the 
 
 bions up the Ynag-tee-ktan , the fleet again "broke out 
 lit sail . Aire 9 was well into 1 hi river. (3) 
 
 •er of infantr; , elve liable fcr 
 
 Aye Bcrvic* in dgn amounted less than 9000 
 
 , i , "<"th, 
 
 r< ' ts; t' , ■ ' ftftd 4 1st regitoenta 
 
 of \ative i , and lerv. 
 
 lonel . miral Sir VilJ r commanded 
 
 - '- i s, 2 an<ied eurraying vessels, 
 
 ;j armed - , irmeS steamers as the of 
 
 openigg of the.se 
 It is m ' 'ip until t. : . letual -at ions I 
 
 : Yang-tse— ' valley, the court at Pekino had suffer* 
 
 XI tile uirect h.jrm or inconvenience fron the Kn ; . victories 
 
 le ar* ude occasioned b le 
 
 reports. During the campaign about Canton and cities on 
 
 tern coast the Peking officials haat, % put 
 
 (1) Blr T%gh (tough* 8 dispatch to Lord Bt nley, June 1 , 1842,- 
 
 . 
 
 (2) Sir T s dispatch of J '-,- v-rr^> ■ '■•■; Sir 
 
 ottinger's Circular of oune 84,- rurray, W£6 . 
 . II. , 328-340; . a; , 295-3 . 
 (4) Ouchterlony, 329. 
 

C5 
 every effort to render the Peiho Piivar and the capil ." 
 pregnable. They feared t] nee of the enemy J.r '" 
 
 f cf Peehili f hut tfetv seemed to ferret the great injurjr the 
 3C!ild Infl:l • blocking ■ June* 
 
 ture with the Yfcfcg^tse-kiane a* fciri£ nff af "he 
 
 supplies of the iinp.erl.al city. This the English set ahent doing. 
 On the 21 jst of c T ui;y they landed in three hri Lajcr- 
 
 G-nereal Lei htoun, Major- >ral Schcedde an - ar - .1 
 
 ; tley, and opened the Yang-tse-kiang campaign by stormljog 
 f -hin-kianc. The ' r resistanc* ) 
 
 vith the extreme heat tc an arduous or . 
 
 column fought spirited engag enente without i 
 walls before the Chines cd.(l) Ouchterlony traces 
 
 these movements with great c;re and point out the decisive re- 
 Its of his victory. (2) By it the empire was 
 severed. The carried beyond the strictly maritime 
 
 districts where the emperor ■■ hie subjc< I would 
 
 be easily confined; great distress had been caused nmon£ the 
 natives of the inner provinces 1 I is stoppage of t] - 
 
 .11 eise, the defeat pf a favorite general vith a 
 
 (1) BinghaSL, II., 344-31 ; array, 172-17y ; 
 
 r ~enry Pe.ttlftgar's Circular w ?o -er ?r ' ie 
 
 ty» s p China. July 24 t » I*nrr< , 841; 
 
 Sir Hugji (tout's dispatch of July 35 a - ffcirray, 279; 
 Report of Ma^ .-Gen. Schoedde, in eomm and of second 
 brigade, to Sir >ug!fa on Jul,- SO,,* } • . 
 
 (<i) Ouoxi w or 1 unj' , u;j 3-411. 
 
66 
 
 l.rge army of picked soldiers had at 1st brought the imperial 
 court to its senses and dispelled from their minds the "blind 
 "belief in the invincibility of the Chinese forces. (1) 
 
 After the fall of Ching-kiang Xlepoe tried agala to open 
 negotiations. Sir Henry Pottinger mot his advances by refusing 
 absolutely to check the British advance until he should receive 
 from Peking duly appointed plenipotentiaries with assurance* 
 of good faith. Consequently the fleet proceeded on Up thu 
 river and took up its position before Nanking during the first 
 few days of August. (2) Once more Elepoo asked f©r delay but. 
 with little better success than before. Sir Hugh Gcugh con- 
 tinued his active preparations for an attack upon the city. (3) 
 until informed by Her Majesty* s plenipotentiary on the seven- 
 teenth that negotiations ah& reached a sufficiently satisfac- 
 tory stage to warrant a suspension ef hostilities. (4) Sir 
 
 mry Pottinger's determination and firmness had at last con- 
 vinced the court of the necessity for speedy action, if banking 
 was to be saved. After the usual preliminary negotiations and 
 diplomatic intercourse between the plenipotentiaries, the treaty 
 was signed on board K. M. S. Cornwallis on August 29, 1842.(5) 
 
 (1) Ouohterlony, 411-413, (2) Oucnterlcny, ■' in^ham, 
 
 II. i 355. 
 
 ( 3 ) S }. r ' ' b p at c h t q Lord S 1 1 tn 1 ey o n Axa r; i 1 > 
 
 ;,- Murray, 300,509. 
 
 (4) Bingham, XI.. SrtOj Ouchterlony, <■:" j; ' tugl " u * f s dis- 
 
 patch to Tord Stanley on August. 21, 1842,- Mtt?Tiqr.~91ti| 
 Sir y Pot dinger's dispatch to Sir Wtlljam Parker 
 
 and Sir Hugh Gcttgh, August 17, 1842,- y, 313. 
 
 (5) Ouchterlony, 450 j Cixv.} ie, ; "Ir Ttnnrz Pottinger' e 
 
 dispatch to Sir William Parker and Sir Fugh Crough, 
 August 2? t 1842, - ffurraj , S3 \ 
 

CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE TREATY OF H4RKIJR3 «3D II CTTfTOK, 
 
 Considerable conflict exists fanong the authorit5.es con- 
 sulted over the date and manner of the signature of the treaty 
 that ended the First Chinese War. For instance, ;ingham(l) 
 makes the statement that "the plenipotentiary on the 17th com- 
 municated to the comrianders-in-ohief that the following treaty 
 of peace had "been signed by the imperial commissioners", and 
 passes over the business of the 29th with this meagre reference: 
 "Active hostilities therefore oeas d, and the &nperor f s assent 
 to the provisions having been intimated by an imperial edict 
 on the 29th, vessels were dispatched to the different Chinese 
 ports to remove the embargoes on their trade. "(2) From such a 
 statement of the facts it must be inferred that the formal 
 signature of the treaty took place on the 17th, whereas the ^ 
 
 articles drawn up and signed that day const! tu ted only a pro- 
 visional treaty that mbckx had to be submitted to the emperor 
 and receive his approval before the Chinese commissioners 
 cmld sign in full authority to bind their government. ?#iat 
 Sir "enry Pottinger really did communicate was the request for 
 
 (1) I-irebam, II., :>CO. (2) Bingham, II., 36... 
 
r>8 
 
 a suspension if hostiliti es, (1) T, is dispatch ran: "Gentlemen- 
 I', affords me great, satisfaction to have it in my power to 
 inform you that my ne tions with the Chinese high officers 
 
 who have boon appointed by \r t(fl for no- 
 
 to that slate that authorize b Mi u ba^ thai you 
 
 will consider hostilities suspen&fcd (Dated) Steam Frigate, 
 
 en, off Nankin, 17th_AugUBt, 184f;.»(;>) 
 
 Confusion "becomes worse confounded when the proceedings 
 on August 20 -\re examined. S, Wells Willi 'ins writes: "It wa» 
 
 ill lake at night on the 17th that the final draft was 
 sent to the 'hinese", and he says that the visit of the Chinese 
 
 loners to the Cornwall is on August ^#(3) was one of 
 ceremony only. ~ 7 urray(4) and Ouohtorlony{5) speak of an earlier 
 arrangement of a provisional treaty and give considerable space 
 to their derailed accounts of this visit of the 20th without 
 oven mentioning the transaction of any official business. Yet, 
 on the other hand, Sir Henry Pottinger in his circular "To her 
 2*ri tannic Majesty's Subjects in China", which was "P>ated on 
 board the steam frigat* Q^ieen, . . .off Hanking, this gQ&h^Jl ay of 
 August, 1843*, says: " TT er Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary, 
 etc., in vThina has extreme gratification in announci. her 
 
 (1) Ante, "\ 
 
 (2) Sir Kenry Pottinger f s dispatch to Sir William Parker and 
 
 Ugl '•• ■" it 1" , 1^42,- ?.!urraj . $!&*> 
 
 (3) Obviously written by mistake for the 20th.- Williams, 56f>. 
 
 '-•-ray, 197. 
 (n) Ouchterlon^ , *42. 
 
69 
 Majesty's subjects in China, that lie has this day concluded 
 
 and signed with the Chinese High Commissioners, deputed to 
 
 negotiate with him, a treaty, of which the following are the 
 
 most Important provisions w (l) Nov-, of two things, one: 
 
 tither the authorities who treat this period and seem to agree 
 
 that this provisional treaty was signed before the 86 th are 
 
 all wrong, and tMs dispatch of Sir Rinry Pott ingot's must he 
 
 controverted 
 taken as settling beyond a doubt thla A <pteetlen] or some mis- 
 take may have been made in th g or printing Gf fh^s dis- 
 patch, which weul4 readily explain away the disagreement . But 
 from the material at hand eh3 b orach can bo stated ai cer- 
 tain; tf. provisional treaty 0*a signed and Rent T v, for tfui 
 
 nrrr i~ apprev aettmo during the interval between August 
 
 h4 BOtfc* 
 Lieutenant -Con 0*^0 ftm&iwil , In Ms fclfe of Colin Campbell, 
 Lord Clyde, (2) also makes a mistake as to the date of 'his 
 treaty when ho says: *A treaty of peace was cor eluded on the 
 
 "■ of fcuguet....; and the object of the expedition having 
 been attained, the squadron retraced its steps down the Yang- 
 tseoki- ■- •*. " Furthermore, Colonel rnollys la hie Life of General 
 
 - TTopr ' ait glvei Mi 27t^ ae the d ft the second 
 
 visit of the Chinese commissi on era t .• Cornwall is and 
 
 of the •elgning of the final treaty*, "is story of this meeting 
 (?>) corresponds ic closely 5r detail wltfc the aecotwts ef 
 
 (1) Sir Hetty Fetttnger'a circular,- ^rray, 'PW&, 
 aadwell, 118. '?>) Khellye, !^7 
 
70 
 
 Ouchterlony! 1) and Murr«y(2) of the meeting on the 29th as to 
 preclude the possibility of reference to different instance** 
 
 Murray's mistake in chronicling the events attendant upon 
 the signature of the treaty under of August :*H>th(3) must 
 he attributed to carelessness, for he publishes in the appendix 
 to his work the vary dispatch cf iter Majesty's plenipotentiary 
 which set bias beyong all question of doubt that this meeting 
 with the Chine.se high coiamie si oners, together with the signing 
 of the treaty, took place on August. 29th. (4) 
 
 The commissioner a appointed by the eaperer +c nej + * 
 
 tr * s trp'it" wf*re i 
 
 l*Kaa**ving, a cousin of the or himself ^ 
 
 General of the ^ an ton forces; 
 
 8 T;ieutei - -oyernor of ^'hapooi and 
 3.^nu, Qentral-ir^Chief of Fiang-su and Kiang-si.(5) 
 The treaty itself as finally concluded furbishes an epifc- 
 Acme of the re Ml In th 1 s W'«.r, A synopsis 1 ifcs 
 
 warranted because %ha pf 'Wfal provisions show 
 tea definite settlement of long mi inns, and because 
 
 horities consult (6j Is r -Iriost generally copied the 
 
 ■iff ; t %t tha articles £iven by Sir Tr enry PettiHgar in 
 
 i i . i , . >— - , . . n . .,..,.., . , .., „ ,,.... ,, , .i i. n. — i —. 
 
 (1) Ouchterlony, 450. (2) Hurray, 209. (3) Murray 209. 
 [4* Sir Haiiry Pottinger's di spat oh to Sir William barker and 
 
 Sir Hugh Gough, dated August 29, 1842, ~ Murray , 316; 
 
 Sir Hugh go Lai jalay, Augu , - : '\i fi<\j , G12 
 
 Annual Register, 18*4, £83.. " ~ 
 
 (5) Bingham, II., 560j Murray, 19< . 
 (p>) Bingham, II., 360; Ouchterlony, *5i; Williams, II., 568; 
 
 Davis, I., 158. 
 
71 
 his "Circular to her Britannic Majesty 1 * Subjects in China*, 
 under d to of August 20, 1842.(1) The articles are: 
 
 1. Lasting peace and friendship betweenthe two empires, 
 
 2. Xfci ports of canton, Amoy, Fu-ch*u, Finfrpo &n& Shanghai 
 
 tc bo thro- on to British subjects for residence 
 
 and trade; superintendents or consular officers to be 
 appointed tc reside at these ports; regular and just 
 dues to^the Chinese government to be established and 
 published* 
 
 3. The island At Hong Kong to be ceded in perpetuity to 
 
 eat Britain. i 
 
 4."The mperor!of China agrees to pay the sum of six 
 
 millions of dollars as the value of the opium ^tiich 
 was delivered iip * at Canton in the month of Karch, 
 1859, as a ransom for the lives of her Kajesty*s 
 superl^lUBdent and the subjects, w!?o had been im- 
 ,nd threatened with death by the Chinese 
 Wtgh Officers. "(2) 
 
 5. " T ong merchants and Co-hong at Canton abolished and 
 
 permission to trade in above xtwa named five ports 
 with homsoever they will granted to English mer- 
 chants. Furthermore, p -^Tnent of 83,000,000 agreed 
 upon as compensation for debts of insolvent ^ r ong 
 merchants due British traders. 
 
 (1) jtttiy, 238. (a) Annual Register, 1844, 48^. 
 
72 
 6. j&aperor to pay *~ 12,000,000 war indemnity to defray the 
 expenses of the English expedition; with the reser- 
 vation thnt from this sum there shall he deducted 
 all monies collected, by the British, as ransoms for 
 Tillages and. cities, subsequent to tei£ , 3 £1. 
 
 ft ?«**& sun of £21,000,000 to he paid as follows: 
 
 six immediately; 
 six in I ■ ■; 
 five in 1<>-4| and 
 ur in 
 Pi^e percent interest to run on all amounts not paid 
 b^ stipulated. 
 
 I . ish subjects confined in any part of China to 
 he unconditionally released. 
 *->. An act of full and entire amnesty to be published by 
 the emperor to all Chinese subjects under the ban on 
 having held service under or intercourse wlihg -he 
 British government or its officers. 
 lO.Vhe emperor agrees to establish and publish at the five 
 oj>on ports a fixed and equitable tariff for exports 
 
 and imports. British merchandise having once paid 
 
 conveyed 
 custom dues at any of the five regular ports may be^ 
 
 by Chinese merchants to any province or city in the 
 
 interior, on paying a further amount as transit dues, 
 
 Lcl shall not exceed (the amount to he fixed) per- 
 
73 
 
 cent of the tariff value of such goods. 
 
 11. Correspondence between the officers of the two govern- 
 ments to "be ccnd\*cted on grounds of perfect equality. 
 
 W.British forces to retire from "ankinf: and the frand 
 i".l and the blockade of Chinese titade to he re- 
 moved, as soon as the emperor* s assent to the treaty 
 be received and the first instalment of the indem- 
 nity paid. military post at Tinghai also to be 
 abandoned; Kcolangsoo and Chusan to continue in 
 possession of the Kn^lish until full payment be made 
 id definite arrangements for opening the five ports 
 to English merchants be consummated. 
 
 lo. notifications to be exchanged as soon as possible. (1) 
 I»one at Nankinf;, August 29, 184J . 
 
 After t3 ''or had signified his approval of the treaty, 
 
 enry Pottin^er ordered the embargo of the Vang-tse-lciarc 
 and the grand 1 to bo remoroo . (:l) 0| 12, 
 
 th« fl#6t dropped dovTi th« river. At Chusan they found suf f j - 
 oient reinforcements and supplier to enable (he expedition to 
 
 ■ry out another year's Ofunpalgn. TTon^ Kong was sifted about 
 the middle of October and finally left behind by V\c r* burning 
 
 •et of anted -p-esaels and transports late iv T^ecom^er. 
 force of abou- A Lned in China, nd 
 
 (1) Annual Register, 1844, 483. 
 
 (2) Sir Henri' Pott inker's dispatch of AugUftt 29,- Hurray, 316. 
 
74 
 of Lord Saltoun, to hold Ohusan and Koolangsoo according to 
 tho provisions of the treaty, and to constitute a permanent 
 garrison for ' T oni: K"on£. Major -General Sehoedde commanded about 
 2000 of tho man stationed at Ohtisanj Lieutenant-colonel Cowper 
 ltad about 1000 to hold Eoolattcsoo; while the remainder con- 
 stituted the garrison at Hon/; Kor! ( , er* Lord Saltoun had his 
 liGadjuarters. (1) 
 
 With this disposition c the troops left in China, Sir 
 Henry Pottinger was in a position to demand a fulfilment, of 
 the treaty. The Chinese High Commissioner Keying exchanged tho 
 ratifications with Sir Henry on Juen 26, 1843,(2) and at that 
 time signed with him a declaration which fixed the transit 
 duties according to Article 10 of the Treaty if :Tankinf;. (3) 
 This date also marked the beginning of Sir Henry Pott inker's 
 term as governor f -- n»- rone:. (4) ?y the 22nd of July Sir 
 
 was able to publish the commercial treaty and the scale 
 of tariffs which tod been i d upon, and. in his proclamation 
 accompanying these documents he warned the British subjects 
 that they were forbidden to trade in any of the four new treaty 
 
 ■rts until formally opened and that they must in no case at- 
 tempt to trade in any but the treat:-' ports along the coast. (6) 
 
 (1) Willi* Boulger, 221. IZ) ' r, H30. 
 
 (o) Annuaa Register, 1844, $86. 
 [4] & Regis ter, 18/- , 571. 
 
 (b\ Anniial fieglst e r , 184 3 , 368, has "June" for July. 
 Annul a Kegieterj lt>43, 
 
75 
 Keying, in his proclamation, in turn urged the Chinese to ob- 
 serve with, greatest Cv7tre the provisions of the treaty and 
 announced "that a commencement M should "he made with t- 
 opening of the pert of Canton under the new regulations, on 
 the first of the sQYerith month (July 27, 1 I '.(1) On August 3, 
 "■nry Pcttinger published another proclamation in the Hone 
 
 ng Gazette discountenancing the attests tc take opium into 
 treaty ports and warning the English merchants that they 
 diu. so at their peril, (2) Then on October tj 1-43, followed 
 the lementary Treaty between Her Fajeety and the Emperor of 
 China which regulated the conducted of the Inglish in thejtreaty 
 ports and in general cohered all matters in dispute which con- 
 nected themselves with the new arrangement about to be initi- 
 ated. (S) 
 
 Under this new regime Mr. G. Y. Lay began his duties as 
 consul at Cnnton on July 27, IMS] Capt. George Palfour went 
 up as 8onsul tc Shanghai and ?*r. Fenry Bribhle to Amoy in 
 
 '■ember of that year; while 'ft*. Robert Thorn took up the work 
 shortly afterward at Ningpo.(4) 
 
 With these offieeri est ' at the fiTC open ports 
 and the trade again runr Ln peaceful channels, there r> - 
 ined little more to he done to carry out in full the Treaty 
 
 (1) Annual Register, 1843, 369. 
 (<.) Beulger. lis., o71« 
 
 (3) Annus istfr, 1844, 487. 
 
 (4) ^oulger, III., H50, 250n. 
 
76 
 
 of Nanking. The Chinese govern* ient, on its side, mad© its pay- 
 ments promptly at the stipulated limes and demanded in return 
 the evacuation of Foolangsoo tat Chus&n by the British forces. 
 The garrison left Eoolangsoo and QEtttftfia *&i evacuated in «Tul; , 
 '5, just a little toe soon tc "be of use tc the SngljU & 
 
 crd to play against the hostile attitude recently e,»trumed by 
 the populace and officials at Canton. (1) 
 
 Sir Henry Pottinger, who had passed over the governorship 
 of Hon.- Fong t« BUr Fohn Pranoie X>avis in July, 1844,(2) left 
 the British interests in China hn what appeared to be a road 
 of permanent | eace and prosperity. £££ had discountenanced the 
 opium trade and had hogged his countrymen to observe with 
 strictest faith the new commercial regulations. Then, after 
 his term of most valuable and honorable service to the British 
 government throughout all these important diplomatic re&ktions 
 with the Stipiro of the East, he departed for England in fej 
 hopes that his work would yield, a permanent peace. This hope 
 he shared wilfc the rest of Her Majesty's subjects in China; 
 but like them he failed to reckon with that constant source of 
 trouble and discord, which had been the cause of many grievous 
 complaints in earlier ye rs. In the rabble ?n& officials at 
 Canton were to be found the elements of strife which were soon 
 to upset the newly established peace ^nd launch the two nations 
 into another costly war. 
 
 (1) Davis, I., *#*< (2) Boulger, III., 853* 
 
L X a R A P H Y. 
 
 — o-- 
 
 Annual Register , The, or a ^ievr of the History and Politics 
 of the Year 1B4 ■', London, lo44. Same for 16441 London, 
 
 rratire of -e round orld, performod in Her 
 
 ■*s Ship Sbfljfetty du fcfce Years ia^-18^2, in- 
 
 -dinc T>etails of the > Thyh1 Operation* 5n Chin , from 
 Beeeaber 1840, to "ovem'ber 1841; 2 vols.; London, 1843. 
 
 Bernard, W. Bit 
 
 rative of th< ^gos and Services of the Nemesis from 
 
 1840 l,o 16421, and of the Combined Military and ]7aval 
 Operations in China: Comprising a Complete Account of the 
 Colony of Hong Kon£, and Remarks on the Character and 
 Habits of kfee Chinese. Prom Notes of Commander W. F. Hall, 
 R. V«| London, 104 . 
 
 Ighatt, Commander J. Ell let, R, Jf • J 
 
 -rratire of xpodition Lna, fro?- "*nenee- 
 
 fit of the War to its '• ermination in 1842; with Sketches 
 
 of the banners and OtistOM of that fiingttli , ft hitherto 
 
78 
 almost Unknown Country} 2 vols.; London, 1843. 
 
 Boulder, T>emetrius Charles: 
 
 TT i story of China} S vols.; London, 1881, 18G4. 
 
 ■j "Shad welly 
 
 Colchester, Lord: 
 
 History of the Indian Administration of Lord Ellcnborough, 
 in hie Correspondence with the Duke of Wellington. To 
 which 3s prefixed, by Permission of Her Majesty, Lord 
 
 lenbe ' s Letters to the Queen during that Period; 
 London, 1874. 
 
 Cunyn&harie, Cap lain Arthur; 
 
 An Aide-do-Camp's Recollection of "e rvi.ee in China, a 
 Residence in its to Other Islands in 
 
 the Chinese BtoMtJ 2 vols. ; tendon, 18.44. 
 
 fir John Francis, Bart., . . Ui 
 China: A General Description of that Empire and its Inhab- 
 itants; with the History of Foreign Intercourse down to 
 the ?>ents which produced the Dissolution of 1857: Z role.; 
 London, 1867. 
 
 SI 1 enb o r ough , 3 ,c r d : 
 
 oe "Colchester". 
 
79 
 
 8U>i*! "enry: 
 
 Journal of ho Proceedings of the Late Embassy to Chijta; 
 
 Comprising a Correct Narrative of the Public Transactions 
 
 of t y \e HKtoamsy, of tlia fojrage to and frttta China, and of 
 
 ./noy f ttffc of IL.o Pel-fe ulurn to 
 
 Canton; London, 1817 . 
 ht% General Si 1 " Hope t Bee "XnollyB*. 
 
 jTeeelTlT, 5>erdi 
 
 "ix Months with the Chinese Sxpedltitm; ^ ( Leaver? from 
 
 Soldier f s Net c-l^ov ; Lend on , I&41 . 
 
 9lly«, Colonel Henr : 
 
 fe $f General Sir Hope Grant with Selections from His 
 Correspondence: 2 vols.; H&intourgh and London, 169- . 
 
 okenzie, Keith Stewart: 
 
 Narrative of t.ho Beeeftd CuqealgB in China; London, 1842. 
 
 /'urray, Lieutenant Alexander 1 
 
 lings ii« China. P.einfl thi Personal Tfarrntive of 
 Officer engaged in the Late Chinese Expedition, from the 
 ^capture of Ghusan in 18*1, to the Peace of banking in 
 1842; London, 1843. 
 
 Oprehterlony, Lieutenant John, P. G. S« i 
 
 nese Tar: ■' ••cunt of 411 the Operatieite if the 
 
 .-•itish. Porces from the Commsncenen* to the Treaty of 
 r&ingj Le a den * 1844, 
 
80 
 
 Shadwell, Li out enant -General , 0. B*l 
 
 The Life of Colin Cam], hell, Lord Clyde, Illustrated "by 
 libctracts from His Diary and Correspondence; 2 vols . | 
 Minjsurgh and London, Iftfil. 
 
 Smith, Kev. 0«Tg» , **. A.: 
 
 A Narrative of an .Tftcploratory Visit to .Haoh of tho Consular 
 Cities of ChllMt, and to the Islands of Fon~ Kong and 
 
 isan, in "behalf of the QSmTftD "Missionary Society, in 
 the ^ears 1844, 1«40, |846| London, 1047. 
 
 Staunton, Sir George, Bart.: 
 
 An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great 
 
 itain to the -mperor of China (Macartney* • ISmbassy) ; 3 
 vols.; London, 1797. 
 
 Willims, CH >. ^ell* : 
 
 Dm Middle ttj A Summary of the Geography, Government, 
 
 Education, Social Life, Arts, Religion, etc., of - 
 Chinese ?mpir Tp.hahit.ants ; 2 vols.; Hew York and 
 
 rtden, 1846, 
 
THE RELATIONS OF EUROPEANS 
 
 WITH CHINA 
 
 1516 - 1800 & 1847 - 1860. 
 
 THESIS 
 
 Presented for the Degree of 
 
 Bachelor of Arts 
 
 by 
 
 Jesse H. Wilson, Jr. 
 
 Cornell University. 
 
 1900. 
 

 
 1 - 
 
 
 eiiA 
 
 
IA^le OF contends. 
 
 PART I . 
 
 The Earliest Trading Relations through 
 The Macarteney Embassy. 
 
 I.— The Portuguese 
 
 II. — The Spaniards 
 
 III.— The Dutch 
 
 IV. The English 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Prom 1847 through the Exchange of ratifications 
 at Peking, November 5th, 1860. 
 
 Chapter I.- Prom 1847 to the arrival of Lord Elgin, 
 July 6, 1857. 
 

 » 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 , 
 
 
Chapter II.- From the beginning of Elgin* s Ml 8 si on 
 
 to the Treaty of Tien-tsin. 
 
 Chapter III.- From the Treaty of Tien-tsin to the 
 
 exchange of ratifications at Peking, 
 November 5, 1860. 
 

PART I. 
 
 The Earliest Trading delations thromgh the 
 Macarteney Embassy. 
 

 
The Portuguese. 
 
 In an essay which is to deal mainly with the growth 
 of commercial relations between China and the western 
 world, it seems unnecessary to go further tack than the 
 voyage of Rafael Perestello in 1516. The somewhat hazy 
 stories of communication with the Rome of Marcus 
 Antoninus, and the marvelous telle s of Marco Polo, even , 
 though they may be now conceded to be something more 
 than mere efforts of the imagination; such stories of 
 the dim past, however interesting in themselves, &o not 
 seem to have a sufficient bearing on the growth of Chinese 
 trade, to warrant them more than a mere notice, in this 
 place. 
 
 Then let the year 1516 be our starting point. 
 That surely is a long enough sweep, from 1900, to include 
 even the most remote sources of the influences which are 
 at work in the commercial China of to day. 
 
iiXJ"lO^ 
 
 
 .... 
 
 . 
 
In that year the great Portuguese conquorer 
 Albuquerque sent Rafael Perestello by junk from Malacca 
 to China for the double purpose of exploration and trade. 
 Concerning this voyage nothing is known except that it 
 was very profitable. It is after ascertainment of this 
 comparatively simple fact, that confusion begins. 
 Secondary authorities, Williams, Davis and Danvers, 
 contain a hopeless conglomeration of contradictions of 
 themselves and each other. They all agree, however, that 
 the next expedition went out in 1518 commanded by the 
 Peres de Andrade, (barring Davis who sends him out in 1520) 
 and that it was accompanied by an ambassador from the 
 king of Portugal, Thome Teres. Concerning Thames advent- 
 ures, the accounts are infinitely and irreconcilably 
 varied, The general impression seems to be that he 
 reached Peking, and that the main cause of his diplomat- 
 ic failure was the conduct of Simon de Andrade, who es- 
 tablished himself on the island of S changes 1 wan in the 
 estuary of the Canton River in - several different years, 
 

 <_ 
 
 
according to your author. Williams alone, of tho 
 writers named, mentions the influence of an envoy from 
 Malacca, as contributive to the Portuguese Ambassador's 
 non-success. The length of time given for Thome's stay 
 in China varies from three to twenty- seven years; - with 
 the date given for Simon de Andarade's arrival. 
 
 The Viconde de San tar em > who may be almost con- 
 sidered an original authority, because of his research 
 among the original manuacripts preserved in Lisbon, in 
 his n Memoria Sobre 6 Estabelecimento de M&cau", clears 
 up some points and adds worse confusion to others. 
 In the first place, he makes no mention of Ra fael Peres- 
 teilo who is said to have come out in 1516, nor of Simon 
 de Andrade whose rascality is presumed to have turned 
 the tide against the Ambassador Thome 1 . Nor does the 
 name Thome Peres anywhere appear. 
 
 His account reads : that Fernam Peres de Andrade 
 arrived with a fleet in 1517, and reached Peking in 1521, 
 being the first Portugaese since Marco Polo's time to 
 

 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 ill 
 
 
 
come to China; that an envoy from Malacca arrived 
 and accused Peres of being a spy, whose real object was 
 to find out the weak points for attacking the Empire, 
 and that Peres, commission was not in a form pleasing 
 to the imperial court; and that, Peres was consequently 
 ordered to be taken back to Macao, and executed, and that 
 the Portuguese were to' be driven out of that place, 
 why these orders were not carried out, he does not explain 
 but goes on to say that Peres did not perish but con- 
 verted a Chinese woman, married her and remained there 
 about twenty-seven years. This story, however, is some- 
 what weakened by the fact that Santarem seems to support 
 it by a tale of the notorious liar Mindes Pinto, who 
 relates that, in Sempitay, about 1548, or 1549, he met 
 a Chinaman who could recite in Portuguese the first few 
 words of the Dominical Orison, and who explains the 
 fact by saying that, the Chinaman's wife was Peres* 
 half-breed daughter, calling herself Ignez de Leira. 
 

 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 < 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
For the next step in the story, the beginning of 
 Macao, Santarem appeals to a Frenchman, Sonnerat, com- 
 missioner of the French Marine, and Member of the 
 Acadamie of Sciences of Paris. In the extract quoted, 
 he tells a tale of how the Portuguese helped the Chinese 
 defeat the Ladrones ( pirates infesting the Canton River) 
 he says: w Pour prix de leurs victories ils obtinerent 
 un p&tlt ile seche et avide a 1' entree de la riviere 
 de Canton, ou ils batirent Macao? This is the story 
 followed by Dan vers, and emphatically denied by Williams 
 for the rather insufficient reason that in his day, 
 1857, the Portuguese paid a nominal ground-rent of 
 500 taels. 
 
 Sate rem then dismisses the. early complications 
 concerning the Portuguese establishment with the remark 
 "Tal e a incertesa e obscuridade de nossas primemras 
 relacoes com a China". 
 
 After all the details are not highly important. 
 The point is that the Portuguese did establish themselves 
 
■J ..-/ 
 
 
at Macao before any other Europeans had opened relations 
 with China, and along abput 1537, had some sort of a 
 settlement there. 
 
 Davis admits only a temporary shelter, while 
 Williams states distinctly that there were " three 
 Portuguese settlements near Canton, one at St Johns, (l) 
 ( S ehan ch T wan ), one at a smaller island, called 
 Lamflacao ( Lang-peh-kau ) , lying north-west of the 
 Grand Ladrones, and the third just begun at Macao." 
 He adds that by 1560 all the Portuguese had concentrated 
 at Macao. 
 
 The settlement at Macao seems to have grown from 
 the few sheds built there qs shelter for merchandise, 
 
 On all other points, until the barier wall, the 
 authorities are delightfully diverse. Davis states, 
 that the factory at Ningpo was established by the ships 
 of the fleet of Pernam de Andrade in 1518. Williams 
 dated the settlement after Simon de Andrade had been 
 
 (I) The italics are mine. 
 
driven out of Schanch'wan (which occurred according to 
 his version, in 1521). Both agree, however, that the 
 Portuguese were driven out by a popular rising caused 
 by their own outrageous conduct. One of their most 
 unpopular habits seems to have ceen jfchafc of scouring 
 the neighboring country for handsome women and virgins. 
 Williams, quoting from an unnamed authority, s&ys that 
 the people in their vengeance "distroyed twelve thousand 
 Christians, including eight hundred Portuguese, and 
 burned thirty-five ships and two junks". How there 
 could have been so many Christians of which such a 
 small proportion were Portuguese, unless the said Portu- 
 guese had accumulated unusually large harems and - - 
 ££&Selyted the members thereof, and whether, under the 
 circumstances, any of them could be called Christians, 
 are off-shoots of the question upon which dilation is 
 perhaps unnecessary. 
 
 Davis makes mention of a fact not elsewhere noted 
 when he states that about 1522, one Alfonso de M&Lo, 
 

arrived off the coast of China, ignorant of the enmity 
 
 which Simon de Andrade had aroused. According to 
 
 Davis he had, "six ships under his command, ' These • 
 
 a Portuguese writer observes, and 'was sent on shore 
 
 for water and returned with blood 1 ." The meaning is 
 
 clear, if the antecedents are a bit mixed; and it 
 
 followed that Melo sailed away from such an inhospitable 
 
 coast. 
 
 Davis al30 discants at some length concerning 
 
 of 
 
 the marvelous adventures . that marvelous liar Mendes 
 
 A 
 
 Pinto. It is to be hoped that he bases his story on 
 some better authority than that gentleman's own. The 
 date given for these adventures is "about 1552". 
 
 He also mentions that it was about this time 
 "that the famous apostle of the East, St. Francis.. Xavler;, 
 "concerning whom so many credible and edifying miracles 
 have been related," died at San-Shan, or St. Johns", 
 (or Schanch-wan )• He makes no statement. , as does 
 Williams, that the secondPortuguese Embassy, which was 
 undertaken by the vice-roy of Goa, and , with beautiful 
 

insubordination prevented by the governor of Malacca 
 from proceeding to China, was attempted at his suggestion. 
 It may not te uninteresting to note that the remains of St. 
 Xavier»s tomb may be still seen at Scaanch f wan. 
 
 As to the further development of Macao since 
 1560, Danvers has a tale of how the Portuguese aided 
 the Emperor in driving out a noted pirate (I) and in 
 return received the gift of the island by imperial 
 edict. This story, which Williams does not mention at 
 all, Davis emphatically denies. He says that Maco 
 never was held in full sovereignty by the Pontuguese 
 that they still (1857) pay the nominal ground rent af 
 500 taels, that the Chinese mandarins periodically 
 inspect the Portuguese forts, and levy import duties. 
 It also appears that a Chinese officer called a 
 Tsotang, governs the Chinese residents and the town, 
 the Portuguese being granted the privilege only of govern- 
 ing themselves and being even prohibited from building 
 any houses without official permission. 
 
 (I) v. ante Santaren, who dates this occurance much 
 earlier. 
 
. 
 
10 
 
 The story Macao during the last half of the 
 eighteenth and the first decade, of the nineteenth 
 centuries, is one of decline. The Chinese became more 
 and more arrogant and stringent in their rediculous 
 trade limitations until, when in 1820, the opium trade 
 was removed, the colony hardly survived the blow. 
 In 1880, the antire income from customs was only seventy 
 thousand taels and there was a population of only five 
 thousand Portuguese to contrast with the Chinese number 
 of thirty thousand. The history of this period comes 
 more naturally under the treatment of the beginning of 
 English trade with China, inasmuch as the Company&s 
 fcupercargbe6 made their residence at Mac<ajO,and were 
 during that time the most important figures in foreign 
 trade. 
 
 The only events of strictly Portuguese si gnif- 
 icence were two embassies, one in 1667, the other in 
 1723. The embassy of 1667, sent in the name of Alfonso 
 VI , on the occasion when trade at Maco had been suspended 
 
. 
 
 
 .-:• . 
 
 
11 
 
 cost the people of that place $40,000 arid availed them 
 so little that they petitioned their very faithful 
 monarch to thereafter allow them to suffer in peace. 
 Nevertheless, when In 1723, Magaillans was returning 
 to China on some mission from the Pope to the Emperor 
 Kanghi, he was accompanied by Alexander Me telle His 
 diplomatic success was limited to the attainment of an 
 exchange of gifts. In 1T53, came the fifth and last. 
 It was unimportant and unavailing. 
 
 It may not be out of place here at the end of 
 the account of the first attempts to establish a trade 
 with China, to present some of the speculations as to the 
 cause of the obstinately unfavorable attitude assumed 
 by the Chinese, with which all trading nations have had 
 •to contend. It seems to be indubitable that this prej- 
 udice against foreign trade was something that grew up 
 after the Chinaman had had some dealings with the 
 European. That is an unpleasant proposition, and any- 
 thing but flattering to our own type of civilization, 
 but, nevertheless, it is true. There is quoted in Davis 
 

 rS 
 
12 
 
 the petition of a certain Fooyuen of Canton, setting 
 out at length the advantages of foreign trade, and in- 
 tercourse. As to the change in sentiment there are 
 several theories. It is true, as Davis points out, 
 that the more stringent limitations were laid on after 
 the establishment of the Manchu dynasty, and that dynasty 
 was undoubtedly ^alous lest its newly fastened yoke 
 might be losened by outside influence. But it is just 
 as true that the rascality and brutality of the Portu- 
 guese themselves, or at least of their early represen- 
 tatives, is in a large degree responsible. Moreover, it 
 is worthy of remark, that it was a fugitive from for- 
 eign rule in Malacca who had much to do with the non- 
 success of Peres 1 mission. Doubtless the fal$ of India 
 as well as Malacca, and some of their other neighbors, 
 caused the prudent Chinaman some apprehension, And 
 Williams makes as a final point the fact that the first 
 Europeans to arrive in China were Catholics, firm in the 
 belief that the "heathen lands" were at the disposal of 
 

 
 • > 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 « 
 
 
13 
 
 His Holiness the Pope, who was eager to reward his 
 faithful servants. 
 
 II 
 The Spaniards. 
 
 Since we are dealing with commercial relations, the 
 early relations of the Spaniards, and the Dutch may fair- 
 ly be given baa*- small notice here. 
 
 Especially the Spaniards. The Spaniards had un- 
 paralled opportunities in the early days to gain control 
 of the trade of China, and naturally, neglected them. 
 As early as 1543 the Spanish admiral, Legaspi, con- 
 quored Manilla. Once when a Chinese naval officer 
 came out looking for a pirate, and received aid from 
 the Spaniards, they were allowed t.o send back some 
 friars with him. Phillip II_ ordered an ambassy to be 
 sent to Peking. It got itself shipwrecked and generally 
 flared ill. No attempts at trade were made* although 
 Maco was open to the Spainards, as well as to the Portuguese 
 

14 
 
 On the contrary, they made it a point to particularly 
 burden any trade which came from China to Manilla. 
 They established a system of imposts as unreasoning 
 and suicidal, as those of China itself. It is said 
 that a powerful Chinaman having this condition of 
 affairs brought to his notice, took care that exactly 
 the restrictions practiced at Manilla should be levied 
 up 013 all Europeans seeking to trade at Canton, and this 
 was the beginning of the famous . oo-Hong. Davis (Vol. I 
 p. 26) is somewhat eloquent on this subject: 
 
 "It has been suggested that , had bonded ware- 
 houses, with a system of draw- backs on re-exportation 
 been established at Manilla, one half of the trade of 
 China might have been established there at present. 
 The heavy charges and vexatious conduct of the Chinese 
 government, together with the close monopoly of the 
 Hong merchants, would have driven many a ship from Canton, 
 could a neighboring port have been found with a supply of 
 goods in case,of need. Formerly, American and English 
 ships often found it convenient to stop at Manilla 
 

 
 n 
 
15 
 for a cargo of rice, by the importation of which to 
 Canton, they avoided the heavy port charges; but so 
 ignorant is the Spanish government of the commonest 
 principles of political economy, that rice is forbidden 
 to be exported from Luconia when its price is above a 
 certain limit". 
 
 III. 
 The Dutch. 
 After the Dutch had won their independence from 
 Spain they turned thsir attention to the Asiatic poss- 
 essions of their ancient opressors. Malacca, the Spice 
 Islands, and other places having been taken, seventeen 
 Dutch ships appeared off Macao in 1622. They were def- 
 initely repulsed. This was, of course, a movement on 
 the part of the Dutch to get the trade privileges denied 
 them by Spanish and Portuguese jealousy. Their first 
 attempt in this direction, was as early as 1607. A foot- 
 hold on the mainland seeming impossible, in 1624 they 
 

 ■ 
 
16 
 established themselves on the Pescadores Islands, lying 
 between Formosa and the mainland. Here they became 
 an annoyance, not only to their European rivals, but 
 also to the Chinease authorities. They built a fort 
 and enslaved and ill-treated the natives. The matter 
 was finally settled by the sending of one Von Mildert 
 to Amoy, and thence to the governor of Fuhkien. The 
 Chinese offered to trade privileges on condition that 
 the- Dutch would remove to Formosa. The proposition was 
 not immediately accepted, says Williams, but the fact 
 remains that in the same year of the establishment in 
 the Pescadores Fort ZeaL&nd, or Zealandia,was built, on 
 the west coast of Formosa. The Chinese had not the 
 slightest claim to Formosa; in fact, they hardly knew 
 anything about it. 
 
 The Dutch extended their sway with difficulty. 
 Religious teaching which was helping them, was discon- 
 tinued (I) because the Japanese were at that time 
 very inimicial to missionary work, and their good will 
 
 (I) Williams. 
 
101 3 . 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
IT 
 
 and their trade was a matter of first importance to the 
 Dutch. Difficulties were increased and complicated 
 by the Manffihu ctpnqsasst . During the ensuing disorders 
 
 Chinese in great numbers MuSd to Formosa. The Dutch 
 
 than 
 rather conciliating them tried to keep them out. 
 
 And still the trade with China remained trifling 
 Probably this was the main source of discouragement 
 to the trading Dutch. In 1653 Schedel was sent to 
 Canton. He returned with the suggestion that it would 
 be well to send an embassy to Peking. Upon this the 
 Dutch East India Company saw fit to act, in 1655 sending 
 two Batavian . merchants , Goyer and Keyzer. Nieuhoff, 
 the author of " The Chinese Repository" was steward of 
 the Commission. The envoys humiliated themselves without 
 stint, and were giranfced the valuable privilege of sending 
 an embassy with four trading ships once in every eight 
 years. Jesuit influence is said to have worked against 
 them. The only practical result was Nieuhoff's account 
 of the expedition, - which desseminated an amount of 
 information about China and Chinese. 
 
• 
 
 . 
 
 • 
 
 
 ( 
 
 
 
 9 
 
18 
 About the same time that the Commission left 
 China ( -165.2 J , began the trouble with Koshinga. 
 The following account of the conqueror is taken from 
 Davis, who has abridged it from the second volume of 
 Nieuhioff's Chinese repository, 
 
 Koshinga, Koxinga, Ching Ching-kung, or 
 Kuo-shing was the son and successor of a successful 
 sea captain, who was one of the last to hold out against 
 the Manchus. When his father went over to the Tartars , , 
 Koshinga being in command of the fleet, held true to the 
 cause of the Chinese. It was because of the hopeless- 
 
 ness of this cause that his eyes were turned upon Formosa 
 Coyet, the Dutch governor, of that island, getting wind 
 of the chieftain's designs, had up twelve ships from 
 Batavia. Everything being in readiness to withstand an 
 attack,, Koshinga was requested to declare himself for 
 peace or for war. He wrote a most lovely reply, and 
 sent over some merchant vessels. The fleet sailed away, 
 Coyet was called a foolish coward, and a certain 61enk 
 started out to succeed him (1661). This was, of course, 
 
■ 
 
 
19 
 KosMnga*s moment. He. landed with twenty thousamd 
 picked men, and threw four thousand into a position 
 to cut communications between the two forts. Two 
 hundred and forty men were sent out to dislodge him; 
 about one half of whom returned. One ship was burned 
 by a Shine se fire-raft. Another set out for Batavia. 
 
 A parley was held at which Koshinga said: "Formosa 
 had always belonged to China; and now that the Chinese 
 wanted it, the foreigners must quit the island immediate- 
 ly. If not let them ofcly hoist the red flag." 
 In the morning the red flag was flying. 
 
 Then follows a sdBge of nine months. Koshinga 
 gathered all the Dutch from the surrounding country. 
 He then sent a certain *93f RetVi Mr. Hambrocock, whose 
 wife and daughters were among the captives, to demand 
 the surrender of the garrison, threatening as an alter- 
 native, the massacre of all he held prisoners. 
 Hambrocock exhorted the besi.-eged to keep up the fight, 
 saying the Koshinga* s resources were giving out. 
 
? 30)1 
 
 - 
 
 ■ 
 
 
20 
 
 He went back to his wife and daughters and delivered 
 to Koshinga a message of defiance. All the Dutch male 
 prisoners, some five hundred, were then slain. Nor 
 were the children spared, nor the women, except those 
 whom the Barbarians chose to reserve. 
 
 Ten ships and seven hundred men came from 
 Batavia. The offensive was assumed. It is impossible 
 to say whether by collusion with Koshinga or not, the 
 governor of Fuhien wrote to Koyet asking him to send 
 forces to join with his own to defeat Koshinga 1 s men on 
 the coast, and promising then to aid in driving him out 
 of Formosa. A remarkable piece of folly sent away five 
 ships. As soon as they were gone, the attack was re- 
 doubled. Three of them were lost at sea; the others 
 returned. A desertar pointed out to Koshinga the weak 
 places in the fortifications. The Dutch surrendered. 
 In this siege about sixteen hundred men lost their lives. 
 The evacuation took place in 1662. 
 
 Koshinga became an independent sovereign, but in 
 1683 his grandson surrendered Formosa to Manchu dynasty. 
 

 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 8*1811 
 
 [ 
 
 
 
 itt ill 
 
21 
 Twelve vessels were sent out from Batavia under 
 the command of a certain Bortt who brought them tb the 
 mouth of the river IQLn, before the end of 1662. His 
 offer to the Tartar's, of aid against the Chinese, seems 
 to have been but suspiciously accepted, yat after leav- 
 ing Rashinga for some time, he returned to Batavia for 
 a larger force. This aided the Man chus materially in 
 the taking of Amos and the complete subjugation of 
 the province. In return the government had the gener'o 
 osity to loan Bort two jjunks for an expedition against 
 Formosa. That captain took his fleet back to Batavia. 
 
 The counsel at that place now thought the time 
 ripe for an embassy to the Emperor himself. Accordingly 
 Van Hoorn arrived at Fu-chau in 1664. He was fairly 
 well received, but his journey to Peking was postpones 
 until the disposal of his cargo. Meanwhile, the Dutch 
 seized upon a Chinese junk laden with bullion from Java. 
 The necessity of restitution caused further delay. When 
 about one year after the arrival af Fuchau Van Hoorn 
 
22 
 and his suite came to Peking by way of the river 3JEJUI 
 
 and across the mountains to Hangchau, they were com- 
 manded to bang their heads on the floor before an 
 einpty- throne* They complied. They were then told that 
 this act of prostration caused their nation to be en- 
 rolled among the tributaries of the grand Khan and 
 that it was the will of their liege lord thaft they 
 should go away. 
 
 There seems to have been no further attempts at ' 
 diplomatic correspondence for over a century. 
 
 It was just after Macarteney 1 s stiff 3a@cek: 
 
 that 
 had brought him apparent failure^ Van Braam consular 
 
 agent at Canton, forgetting Van H&ann 1 s experience came 
 to the conclusion that the opposite of the English 
 envoy 1 s method would be the successful one. Plis com- 
 mission was therefore as humble and conciliating as 
 possible. The Chinaman had lots of fun. Williams 
 speaks thus of the Dutchmen; "They were brought to the 
 capital like malafactors, treated when there like beg- 
 gars and then sent back to Canton like mountebanks to 
 
trf* 
 
 ; 
 
23 
 
 perform the three times three prostration at. all times, 
 and before everything their conductors saw fit; who on 
 their part stood iiy and laughed at their embarrassment 
 in making these evolutions in their tight clothes. " 
 The whole affair was disgraceful, even allowing for the 
 prejudice in favor of the English method which natur- 
 ally affects Williams account of It. After a skating 
 exhibition which they gave the emperor they were: sent 
 from his table some broken meat on a dirty plate. 
 The commission which left Canton in 1793 and returned in 
 April 1.7, '96 was headed by Isaac Titsing, Van Braem 
 being nominally his second. 
 
 IV. 
 The English. 
 The English whose trading telatlons with China 
 are of most importance, were late in coming. Not only 
 late but severely handicapped by the ill-will of their 
 European fore-runners. The Dutch and the Portuguese 
 
 did their best to keep them out altogether. Peeling 
 
. 
 
 
24 
 themselves too weak to effect this by direct means, they 
 attempted it fcy prejudicing the Chinese. The naturally 
 healthy growth of Chinese prejudice does not stand in 
 much need of encouragement, Dutch ships with English 
 pennant prominently displayed Eommitted acts of piracy 
 upon Chinese trading vessels, which tended to undermine 
 the celestial confidence in the cross of St. George. 
 The "treaty of defence" between England and The Dutch in 
 1615 . which took cognizance of the bitter rivalry 
 seems to have been ineffectual. The hostility of the 
 Dutch and English traders continued until it. culminated 
 in the fearful massacre of Amb<<?/iia in 1623. As for the 
 Portuguese they whispered lies into the ears of the 
 Mandarins, which helped cause the fight with the 
 river forts, at the time of the xfti first English 
 expedition. Chinese prejudice needs no encouragement. 
 
 The beginning of "English intercourse came 
 naturally, SQXr through India • Under the Charter of 
 1600 the London East India Company ftad established 
 

 
25 
 a factory at Bantam , which became the headquarters for 
 trade with the "Eastern Islands and China". The first 
 attempts appear to have been directed toward Firando 
 and Tao-wan and have owed their failure entirely to 
 the determined hostility of the Dutch. Weddel's voyage 
 of 1628 though financially successful was isolated and 
 diplomatically a failure. Arriving off Macao he found 
 it impossible to open any official communication with 
 Canton and consequently determined to proceed up, the 
 river. Meanwhile the Mandarins had been busy strengthen- 
 ing the site of the afterwards well-known Bo&ue Forts. 
 Thence they fired upon ¥eddel f s ships with remarkably 
 poor aim. The quaint account in the Records of the 
 Company says that the ships "did on the sudden display 
 their bloody ensigns; and weighing jusk their anchors, 
 fell up with the flood and berthed themselves before 
 the castle from whence came many shot yet. not any that 
 touched so much as hull or rope; whereupon, not being 
 able to endure their bravadoes any longer each ship began 
 

 
 ;■ ■ ■ . 
 
 E 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 I 
 
 ' 
 
26 
 to play furiously upon them with their broadsides;" 
 The defenee, or rather the attack which had been, only 
 lasted a couple of hours, then boat crews were landed 
 who found no one to prevent them in taking the artillery 
 and firing the Council house. Communications were then 
 opened and cargoes loaded. But the ships sailed away 
 leaving ground for but little friendly feeling to follow 
 them. The account quoted above, lays the whole trouble 
 at the door of "their perfidious friends the Portugalls". 
 To the same account Davis credits the enormous port 
 charges made and the hostile attitude assumed towards 
 the Company's agents who made Macao a visit in 1664. 
 
 This last was the first attempt made since Weddel f s 
 voyage; in the meantime the struggle between the Chinese 
 and their eventual conquerors the ManManchus had pro- 
 duced conditions which made trade practically impossible. 
 The Company labored under severe disadvantages, both at 
 home and abroad during this time, and had the added 
 aggravation of an obviously excellent opportunity which 
 
■ 
 
 . 
 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 
27 
 it was compelled to slight. In 1654 Cromwell, in a 
 treaty with John IV of Portugal, stipulated that the 
 ports in the East controlled by each nation should be 
 open to each. Not only was there an unsettled condition 
 of affairs in China, (1) but also in England; and, more- 
 over, the Company was crippled by a forced loan of 
 50,000 -Ibs.to Cromwell. (2) 
 
 No actual renewal of trade took place 
 until 1870, when Koshinga opened E-aiuan in Formosa ' 
 to the English. (3) More privileges were here granted 
 the English than is hitherto recorded of any European 
 traders in Chinese waters. It is probable that Koshinga 
 or his son introduced the English here on account of 
 their known lack of sympathy with the Dutch. The trade 
 proved unprofitable. On the authority of Williams, which 
 by inference supports the idea that Koshinga (or his 
 son) at that time had control of Amoy, a ship was sent 
 
 (1) Davis 
 
 (2) Danvers 
 
 (3) Davis , but Williams says with Koshinga 1 s son and 
 s#ys that trade with him was also opened at Amoy 
 
! 
 • • ! 
 
 
 • . ■ - ... 
 
 T 
 
28 
 to that place in 3d677 and q factory established the next 
 year. Trade here was very successful, but was discon- 
 tinued in 1681, or thereabout, when the Tartars took 
 possession and began their imposition. The flates of with 
 drawal, however, from Amoy and Taiwan are somewhat con- 
 fused, it being said "the company in 1681, ordered their 
 establishments in Formosa and Amoy to be withdrawn, and 
 a trade established, if possible, at Canton and Hockchue r 
 sea or Foochow,." >-Qi the same page the author quotes from 
 a (I) despatch from Formosa dated Dec. 20,1683. Trade 
 was reestablished at Amoy in 1685. 
 
 About the time of the removal of trade from the 
 Amoy the Company's headquarters were shifted from Bantam 
 to Surat. Ships soon began to voyage directly from 
 England to China. 
 
 It was in this dacade (1680-1690) that the company 
 began to make a more systematic and sustained effort i 
 toward a Chinese establishment. It was the decade 
 of the Child control, and the direction of his 
 
be 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 , 
 
 , 
 
 X, '2 . 
 
 
 
 . : 
 
 T 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 : ed 
 
 
29 
 
 ships toward China was one of Sir Josiah's hobbies. 
 Pie seemed to realize more than any man before him, 
 the immense potentialities of the China trade. 
 
 But the trade was not to be built up in a day. 
 its grwwth was destined to be monotonously slow, 
 and to be retarded by monotonously similar obstacles. 
 
 The ship "Defense" appeared at Canton in 1689, and 
 the Hoppo, or chief commissioner of customs, demamded 
 the port-charge of tls. 2484. He finally got tls. 
 1500. Meanwhile, one of the crew had improved the time 
 by killing a Chinaman. There was instantly a row, which 
 resulted in the loss of several lives, but the Mandarins, 
 fancying money more than revenge, announced that the 
 "Defense", would not be allowed to sail until payment of 
 tls. 5000 was made. When they had refused 3fex tls. 2000 
 the captain weighed anchor and sailed away. This early 
 affair is an example of the continually recurring 
 altercations which finally resulted in ambassies, pro- 
 tests, and wars. 
 
 In October 1700, a commission from the English East 
 

 
 . 
 
30 
 India Company arrived off Chusan in the "Eaton" frigate. 
 It was found that the Mandarins dictated the prices of 
 both investments and sails. 
 
 It was probably this same ship that carried a 
 consul's commission to the chief supercargo in Canton, 
 Mr. C&tchpoole. (l) This was a curious episode, which 
 seems to have teen completely lost sight of in later 
 years. The letter from the Court of Directors to 
 Mr. Catchpoole reads as follows; (2) "We have obtained 
 a commission from his Majesty to constitute you, and 
 those v/ho come hereafter, be appointed by us, as our 
 President in China, to be the King*s minister, or consul 
 for the English nation, with all powers requisite there- 
 unto." There is no record of the nullification of 
 these powers. This Mr. Catchpoole, according to Williams 
 made a number of efforts to establish trade at Chusan, 
 Hingpo, Amoy etc., but commerce had already begun to 
 narroY/ down to Canton, and he met with /little or no 
 success. 
 
 (1) Williams 
 
 (2) Davis. 
 
' 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 , 
 
31 
 at 
 The English^Canton pegged away aid the most un- 
 promising and patience-destroying task. At first they 
 were compelled to conduct all their business through one 
 man the "Emperor's merchant". They called him a 
 "Monster in trade", but for a long time, he maintained 
 control, farming out his privileges. 
 
 But, despite everything, by 1715 intercourse had 
 become fairly regular, the supercargoes lived and messed 
 together while in Canton, and had formed themselves 
 into a Coun.cal. By their united action, they had even 
 
 routed the "Monster", and the outlook was brightening 
 greatly when five years later his place was taken by an 
 even more formidable foe, the co-Hong of the famoss 
 Hong merchants. This was a monopolistic organization, 
 even closer than the Council itself. Duties, port- 
 charges, "presents", etc., were now heaped upon them, to 
 such an extent, that in 1727, they threatened to leave , 
 unless some of them were lifted. The Hoppo promised 
 redress, and the next year laid on an extra ten percent 
 duty. 
 

 
 
 
 . 
 
 
32 
 
 Naturally enough the trade fell away under such 
 discouragements, until in 1734, only one ship went to 
 Canton, Matters were improved somewhat when, on the 
 accession of the Emperor Kienlung, in 1736, the ten per 
 cent duty was cancelled. It was on the occasion of 
 reading the edict to this effect in the Imperial Hall of 
 Audiance, that the afterwards serious question of pros- 
 trations first arose. The European traders unanimously 
 and flatly refused refused to humiliate themselves. 
 
 Prom this time to 1753, the train of events, although 
 interesting enough, as, for example, the visit of Commo- 
 dore Anson, in the "Centurion" on his circumnavigating 
 voyage, the trouble between the English and French sai- 
 lors, etc., had but little bearing on the trade develop- 
 ments. 
 
 At the end of this time we come to the first really 
 significent man whose name has yet appeared. That is 
 Mr. Flint. Mr. Flint first made himself notable by 
 mastering the Chinese language. At a date variously 
 
ma 
 
33 
 
 given from 1753 to 1755, Mr. Flint was sent on a miss- 
 ion to try to re-establish the recently abolished fact- 
 ory at Ningpo. He made apparently a very fair opening 
 The Fooyuen (deputy-governor) made the greatest con- 
 cession, but in doing so he seems to have exceeded his 
 power, for when the w Holdernesse" came to take ad- 
 vantage of them, an order was received from the Viceroy 
 that she must be subjected to the same duties in force 
 at Canton, and that all her arms, must be surrendered. 
 The Fooyuen could not absolutely disobey, but did the 
 next best thing by sending the order to Peking for cer- 
 tification. In the meantime, however, he insisted on 
 half the arms being surrendered, and proved himself 
 faithless in his promise of ligbt duties, placing them 
 even higher than those prevailing at Canton. More- 
 over no shore-residence was permitted. According to 
 Davis's account, the supercargoes left with the under- 
 standing that no more trade was to be had, and found on 
 arival at Macao an edict confining all commerce to Canton, 
 Williams agrees, but Danvers makes the assertion that 
 
- I 
 
 
 - 
 
34 
 when, in 1759, Mr. Flint went out to Hingpo again to try- 
 to re-establish trade, he was on his way before the 
 above mentioned edict was published. At any rate, he 
 v/ent, and found that he could get no hearing. He then 
 made up his mind to proceed to Peking and appeal to the 
 Emperor. An enterprise which the accredited and well 
 supplied embassies of nations, had and were to find 
 beyond their powers, seems a bold undertaking for a 
 single unassissted man, perhaps, but sailing in a native 
 vessel to Tien-tsin, he actually succeeded in getting 
 his petition to the Emperor's attention. Moreover, the 
 Emperor thought favorably of it, and sent an officer 
 back to eanton with Mr. Flint. Two days after arrival 
 he, with the local Mandarins, received the foreigners 
 and told them that a new Hoppo had been appointed, and 
 that all charges had iceen abolished, except six per 
 cent on goods and the "present. " or cumshaw of tls. 1950 
 for each ship. 
 
 This was certainly encouraging. It seemed as if the 
 merchants were at last to experience rational treatment. 
 

 
 
35 
 They were allowed to enjoy this impression for but very 
 few days. Then the viceroy sent for Mr. Flint. The 
 Council not only insisted upon accompanying him, tut also 
 refused to enter one at a time. Until they reached 
 the gate of the inner court, they were courteously 
 treated. Then they were suddenly seized, hurried into 
 the viceroy's presence and thrown down by by weight of 
 numbers during the struggle caused by a forcible at- 
 tempt was made to make them do the kutow . The viceroy 
 when they had sufficiently proven their obstinacy, in- 
 formed Mr. Flint that he was banished to Macao, with 
 orders to return to England and stay there. He also 
 casually remarked that the Chinaman who had written 
 Mr. Flint's petition was about to be beheaded. Mr. Flint 
 was then improsoned near Macao at a place called Casa 
 Branca or Tsienshan, from March 1760 to Hov. 1762. 
 He was fairly well treated and Williams says, told the 
 Company that a fee of 250 lbs. to the viceroy would un- 
 doubtedly buy feis liberty. But the officials with re- 
 markable appreciation of Mr. Flint's abilities and ser- 
 vices, simply concurred in the protest made by 
 
;. . 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
36 
 French, Dutch, Swedes and Danes, and. allowed the man 
 who, up to that time, had done more than any other to 
 develop trade in China, to be sent back to England. It 
 is significant that the Portuguese did not even protest. 
 
 Their insolence remaining unpunished, the Cantonese 
 became more and more unbearable. The record of the 
 years from 1762 to 1784, is simply a tale of overbear- 
 ance, squabbles, occasional free fights between sailors 
 and populace, diminution of trade, and every increasing 
 ©nmity, culminating in the noted "gunner's case" in 1784. 
 Ships were searched on the pretense that they might 
 contain foreign women who were forbidden. One of his 
 Majesty's ships, the "Argo", Capt. Af fleet was actually 
 compelled to submit to measurement by the Mandarins. 
 An Englishman named Scott having been accused of the 
 murder of a Chinaman, was delivered up to thee threat- 
 ening Chinese authorities by the Portuguese, although they 
 admitted their certainty of his innocence. In 1780 a 
 French sailor killed a Portuguese in a quarrel and was 
 given up by the French minister to Chinese justice. He 
 was publicly strangled. This was the first instance of 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 ( 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
37 
 
 Chinese authority being exercised to punish a crime 
 committed by one foreigner against another. It estab- 
 lished a most unfortunate precident • Chinese ideas 
 of seeking out the truth of accusations were limited. 
 If one of the foreign devils were killed, all the 
 better if another could be disposed of. Affairs 
 like that of xk Captain Mc Clary etc. will have to be 
 brushed aside, tempting as they are. Revenons a nos 
 moutons. 
 
 In 1767 the Hong raised the price of tea and 
 thereby increased the silk trade. Tea plants 
 were imported to Fort Malborough. In the same year 
 the Franch East India Company began its two years ex- 
 istance in China. 
 
 In 1770 the Company greatly strengthened its 
 organization by arranging that its supercargoes should 
 take permanent residence in China instead of remaining 
 as heretofore, only during the sailing season. This 
 enabled cargoes to be brought up during the winter. 
 (Danvers follows this statement with the remarkable one 
 

 
 
 
 
58 
 
 that in the next year the supercargoes by a payment of 
 tls. 100,000 procured the dissolution of the Co-Hang. 
 No other authority makes the slightest mention of such 
 an occurrance, and the Co-HOng figured so largely in 
 later times that its abolition was one of the stipu- 
 lations of the treaty of Nankin in 1842. The mistake is 
 inexplicable). In 1778 the organization was further 
 increased by the establishment of a Ruling Committee of 
 which the President was a member, called the Select 
 Committee. Later, 1781, it was" altered to compose of 
 the President and six others. In 1791 & 92, it was aga 
 again changed upon the establishment of a Secret and 
 Superintending Committee in addition, of which the 
 President was also a member. 
 
 The Company in fact being the only English or- 
 ganization, began to arrogate to itself control of all 
 Englishmen in China whether employes of the Company, or 
 not. A test case arose in 1780, that of Mr. George 
 Smith, it was decided that the Council was authorized 
 to send away from China any private citizen of whose 
 
, 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 I 
 
39 
 presence they disapproved, (l) 
 
 But some of this is rather in the nature of antic- 
 ipation. In 1784 there occurred bnt an accident not 
 very much unlike many other s/ but important in its 
 results. This was the "gunners case". The "Lady 
 Hughes" a country ship (2) in firing a salute, acci- 
 dentally hit a chop-boat and injured three Chinamen, 
 one of whom died The gunner who fired the gun, terri- 
 fied at the probable results of his carelessness, took 
 refuge in the Company's Factory, A wuyuen or deputed 
 Mandarin demanded his surrender, of the chief of the 
 factory, Mr, Pi g.osa, saying the man was evidently innocent 
 but that he must be examined, Mr. Pigan said he had no 
 
 objections if her were examined in the factory . Two days 
 
 one 
 later the wuyuen reappeared with ^ankhegua and 
 
 the same demand. The "Lady Highes" was not a Company 
 vessel but Mr. Pi^u said that he would do what he could 
 to get Mr. Smith her supercargo to produce him for ex- 
 amination in the factory. At first the Chinese maintained 
 

 
 
 
 OBl 
 
 
 - 
 
40 
 
 that the examination must take place regularly before 
 
 Fooyuen, of the city, but finally pretended to agree. 
 
 They then took the first opportunity to kidnap Mr, Smith, 
 
 barracad the avenues leading to the river and cut off 
 
 Whampoa. The matter was finally arranged by giving up 
 
 the gunner to be tried in Mr, Smiths place. Kim they 
 
 kept awhile and then incontinently strangled. 
 
 It was this outrage together with the large sums of 
 
 money owed by the Hong merchants to the Company, and 
 
 the desire to build up a tea trade that led to the 
 
 determination upon an Embassy. 
 
 set out 
 Accordingly in 1787, an Embassy headed by 
 
 the Hon. Lieut. Col. Cathcart in H. M. S. Vestal, but 
 
 by the time it had reached the Sunda Strait (between 
 
 Sumatra and Java) its leader died and the vessel put 
 
 back to England. 
 
 January 12, 1792 Mr. Pitt informed the 
 
 Directors that Lord Macartney was to be sent on a mission 
 
 to China. The Directors do not seem to have been 
 
I< 
 
 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
41 
 
 enthusiastic .They expressed their doubts, but voted 
 
 30,000 lbs. toward expenses. 
 
 Sir George Staunton, who accompanied Lord 
 
 Macartney, as Secretary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
 
 in his absence, gives a three volume account of the 
 
 mission. It includes "notice of the several places 
 
 amff 
 where they stopped, on the way out A home; being the 
 
 Islands of ;$a$ie^3, leneriff and St. Jago; the 
 
 Port, of Rio de Janiero, in South America, the Islands 
 
 of St Helena, etc. etc.", but, nevertheless, is not 
 
 entirely devoid of some useful information. Winterbotham 
 
 another contemporary authority, who made a volume on 
 
 China out of his experiences with the Embassy, gives 
 
 a very unsatisfactory account of the business of the 
 
 Mission. 
 
 Staunton brings out very clearly that it was 
 
 not entirely the desire to straighten out the troubles 
 
 of Canton, to arrange the debts owed by the Hong (I) 
 
 merchants, and to assert the injured dignity of the 
 
J> 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 
 
42 
 
 ( I) Macpherson "History of Commerce" Vol. Ill , p. 655 
 gives the following foot-note: 
 
 " A letter from Canton, dated 15th January 1780 
 states the amount of the debt to be 3,8o8,075 dollars; 
 the memorial of the agents of the dreditors in 1778 
 stated it to be 1,000,000 lbs; and Mr. Smith's account 
 of the debts raised the total to 2,025,863 lbs. sterling? 
 
 Considering the high reputation for commercial 
 probity, which the Chinese now seem to enjoy, this 
 was rather a remarkable state of affairs. 
 

43 
 English crown that was the occasion of the mission, 
 
 but that tea was an important factor. Tea was becoming 
 
 such a popular beverage in England that England could 
 
 not afford to be on ill terms with the source of supply. 
 
 The Embassy apparently accomplished nothing. 
 
 Although Macartney found the old Emperor intelligent 
 
 and well disposed, the Colao and the other jealous 
 
 ministers effectually blocked all attempts to speak of 
 
 business. On the whole, the foreigners were treated 
 
 with great courtesy. Macarteney in the velvet scarf 
 
 of a Knight of the Bath, and Staunton in the scarlet 
 
 Laws 
 rob© of an Honorary Doctor of which costumes Staunton 
 
 explains were worn as a concession to the Chinese dislike 
 
 of tight fitting clothes - together with the magnificent 
 
 silks of the court, must have presented a dazzling 
 
 spectacle. The whole importance of the mission, and 
 
 it is not slight, as may seem, may be summed up in the 
 
 two facts that when Macarteney approached the throne, 
 
 instead of doing the heretofore indispensible KutQW, 
 

 
44 
 he merely sank on one knee in the manner customary before 
 an European sovereign, and that the Emperor accepted 
 his casket of presents with his qwo. .hdnd. Trivial 
 as these points may seem, they do not lack significance. 
 Some dignity, for the first time, was conceded to a 
 European visitor. The quiet prevailing at Canton for 
 some years later (first broken by the Providence affair 
 in 1800 ), goes to prove that even from a purely mate- 
 rial point of view, Macarteney's efforts were not 
 ineffectual. 
 
 Note.- For the train of events from here on through 
 Amherst's Mission, the events leading up to the Opium 
 War, and the account of that war itself, with its imme- 
 diate results, see the companion thesis by Lewis S. Palen 
 This account re- commences with the year 1847. 
 

 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PART II. 
 From 1847 through the Exchange of ratifications 
 at Peking, Hovember 5th, 1860. 
 
45, 
 Part II . 
 
 Chapter 1* 
 
 Prom 1847 to arrival of Lord Elgin, July 6,185 7. 
 
 The Treaty of Naniin would seem to have put 
 affairs in China on the highroad to peaceful and natural 
 development. So it would have, had its terms been 
 honestly and literally fulfilled. But the Chinese, 
 though famous for commercial probity, took long to 
 learn anything like good-faith in diplomatic matters. 
 Canton, in spite of the express terms of the treaty, 
 was not made free of access. The English authorities 
 in Hong Kong were not allowed %x> uninterrupted aiid direct 
 communication with the Chinese authorities in Canton. 
 These points after all are the ones to be remembered. 
 They relate to matters of principle. The outrages and 
 insults leading to the somewhat inadequate climax of 
 the "Arrow" affair, provoking, even maddening, as some 
 of them were, were incidents which allowed of indi- 
 divual redress. 
 
 Nevertheless, they must be followed through, as 
 in every case they form the causae proximae, and give 
 
. 1 II 
 
 •1 
 
 Bel 
 
 ■ 
 
 ■ 
 i . ■ ' 
 
 - . ,10 
 
 - 
 
46 
 
 immediate excuse of the recourse to arms. 
 
 In March 1847, a party of gentlemen (among 
 them an officer of the Royal Artillery) was attacked 
 while on a excursion up the Canton river. Sir John 
 Davis was governor of Hong Kong. On previous occa- 
 sions his demands to Keying, the Chinese governor, 
 commissioner or viceroy at Canton, for redress of simil- 
 ar outrages, had met with indifference or rudeness. 
 This time he seems to have had instructions from home. 
 A dispatch ordered him to demand the instant punishment 
 of the mob leaders and intimated to the Chinese author- 
 ities that,** if "they would not fcy tha exacfcise of 
 their own power, punish and prevent such outrages, the 
 British government would he obliged to take the matter 
 into their own hands, and it would not be their fault, 
 if in such case, the innocent were involved in the 
 punishment sought to be inflicted on the guilty." (I) 
 
 (I) Davis, Vol. II_, P. 169. 
 

 
 . 
 
 
 
 
47 
 Y/hich intimation when conveyed to Keying, produced no 
 effect. Sir John therefore determined to send a military 
 expedition to Canton, to bring Keying to his senses. 
 
 On the 3rd of May the English merchants drew up a 
 list of their demands which ran as follows: recognition 
 of the right to make one day trips, coming and going, into 
 the country; fifty acres for ware-houses and dwellings; a 
 site for a church and churchyard; a burial-place for the 
 Parsees (who were the rich opium merchants of Hong Kong) ; 
 a bridge to connect the two factory gardens; a cook-house 
 for Lasearg; the railing in of lower China Street, and the 
 freedom of the garden walls from Chinese buildings; and 
 the removal of the stationary boats which encumbered the 
 river approaches to the factory gardens. (I) 
 
 To enforce these demands, Gen. d'Aguilar, 
 commanding the troops at Hong Kong, with the squadron 
 under the command of Captain M'Dougal, proceeded 
 up the Canton river, taking every fort on the 
 
 (I) An. Reg. 1847. 
 
• 
 
 
48 
 
 ray to Canton, without the loss of a man, and, indeed, 
 with very little fighting. He destroyed all the ammu- 
 nition he found, and spiked the guns ( about 875 ) . 
 The negotiations entered into were perfectly satisfactory 
 and the expedition, entirely successful, returned to 
 Hong Kong on the eighth day after starting, 
 
 Nevertheless, when an the 5th of December of the 
 same year, another party of gentlemen went up the river, 
 they came to a village called Hmng-chu-kee , which had 
 posted declarations that if any J£isr«i -tse, (foreign 
 devils) came thither, it would slay them and their guides 
 This word was kept. The mutilated bodies were not 
 recovered until several days later. On the 12th Sir 
 John Davis came up from Hong Kong. On the 20th four of 
 the criminals ( the manner of whose identification to 
 the foreigners is not explained) were executed in the 
 presence of the British officials. 
 
 As recompense for his decisive actions Sir 
 John Davis was succeeded by Mr. (afterwards Sir George) 
 BojJham, as Plenipotentiary in 1848, Lord Russel's 
 

 
 
 .%:.-. 
 
 :y- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
49 
 cabinet was alrarmed at Davis somewhat high-handed pro- 
 ceedings in the previous year. The Colonial Secretary, 
 Earl Gr&y, reversing Lord Palmers ton's policy, "peremp- 
 torily forbad any further offensive operations to be 
 undertaken against the Chinese without the previous 
 sanction of the government. These instructions Bonham 
 carefully followed. Only once in 1852, when Dr. (after- 
 wards Sir John) Bowring was temporarily promoted from 
 his consulship at Canton to act for Bonham in his ab- 
 sence, was any mo#e made toward insi stance on the right 
 of access to Canton. He wrote at length to Lord Clarendon 
 ( 19 Apr. 1852 ) (I) The only result was a rebuke 
 from the Foreign Secretary Lord Malmesbury who simply 
 told him to "avoid all irritating discussions with the 
 Chinese" and abstain from mooting the question of the 
 rights of British subjects to enter into the city of 
 Canton." (2) But, as Lane-Poole remarks, " Bowring 
 did not change his opinion; he merely postponed its 
 execution. 
 
 (1) Text. given in Lane-Poole Vol. I p. 161 from 
 PaEl. Papers 1857 (C. 1173) P. 3 - 9 
 
 (2) Same Pari. Papers 1857 ( C. 2173) P. 10 
 
- 
 
 ■...-. 
 1 
 
 ■ : 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
50 
 
 Therefore, when, early in 1854, Bowring received from 
 
 Lord Clarendon, now became Foreign Secretary, a dispatch 
 containing the following passages, it was evident that 
 Bowring T s opportunity had arrived. The dispatch in- 
 formed him of his appointment as Plenipotentiary and 
 Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China, and by 
 way of instruction said "There are unquestionably points 
 which it would be desirable to secure , and to which 
 we have even a right by treaty; and among these I 
 would mention free and unresrtrained intercourse with 
 the Chinese authorities and free admission into some of 
 the cities of China, especially Canton." (I) With this 
 encouragement Bowring immediately began a correspondence 
 with Commissioner Yen > Viceroy Governor at Canton, 
 which led to nothing. The excuse for this action did 
 not have to be long awaited. It came with the famous 
 "Arrow affair." 
 
 So heated was the controversy to which this matter 
 led that it is very difficult to find out just what the 
 

 
 
 
51 
 
 facts were. However, they sift down to something 
 
 like these (I) 
 
 two 
 According to a colonial ordinance^ ships owned 
 
 by British subjects were required to be enregistered 
 
 yearly. The Colonial Legislature of Hong Kong moreover 
 
 took it upon itself to grant registers to Chinese ship 
 
 owners whom it chose to consider as quasi-naturalized 
 
 because they had become tenants of crown lands. This 
 
 quite contrary to English law which required that if a 
 
 ship would receive the protection of the English flag, 
 
 it must not only be owned by a British subject, but also 
 
 that a certain proportion of its crew must be composed 
 
 of English British subjects. 
 
 The "Arrow" a small vessel described as a "Lorcha" 
 
 (1) This account taken mainly from the Annual Register 
 for 1856. The succeesing volume contains a recapitula- 
 tion which is simply a defense of the action taken 
 
 by the English authorities. 
 
 (2) Quoted An. Reg. 1856 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
52 
 
 was owneeL by a Chinese resident of Hong Kong. It was 
 commanded by an Englishman, but its entire crew of fourteen 
 &&, consisted of Chinamen. Nevertheless, in accordance 
 with custom, it had been granted a British register, 
 which expired Sept. 26th, and flew the English flag. 
 On the 8th of October 1856, while lying at Canton, she 
 was suddenly boarded by Chinese officials in search of 
 a native pirate. Whether her English master was at the 
 time on board, and whether the English flag was flying, 
 are mooted questions; but the weight of evidence seems 
 to be that the flag, at least, was flying and was pulled 
 down by the officials. All of her crew but two were 
 seized and imprisoned. 
 
 Mr. Parker, British Consul at Canton, as soon 
 as he heard of the matter went to the junk containing 
 the prisoners and demanded that they be brought to the 
 Consulate for examination. This being refused, he wrote 
 a similar demand to Commissioner Yeh, Vice-roy, or 
 Governor at Canton, and dispatched the news to 
 
:o ve- 
 
 iw 
 
 
 
 
 rtt nO 
 
 to. rio 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 .t&n B 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
53 
 Sir. John Bowring, the British governor at Hong Kong. 
 Bowring wrote back, "It appears on examination 
 that the Arrow had not right to hoist the British flag;-- 
 But the Chinese had no knowledge of the license; - - - 
 you will inform the Imperial Commissioner that I require 
 an apology for what has taken place and an assurance 
 that the British flag shall in the future be respected; 
 that forty-wight hours are allowed for this communication 
 which being passed, you are instructed to call on the 
 naval authorities to assist you in forcing redress." (I) 
 
 Bowring than wrote to Yeh. "whatever repre- 
 sentations may have been made to your Excellency, there 
 is no doubt that the Lorcha Arrow lawfully bore the 
 British flag under a register granted by me &c. " (2) 
 which does not well accord with his own admission to 
 Parkeis, that the register had expired. Yeh in his reply 
 stated that no foreigner was seen on the vessel when it 
 
 (1) An. Reg. 1856, full text given 
 
 (2) Same, full text given. 
 

 
 
 
 . 
 
 B OB 
 
 
 3 -i At) ■ 
 
 
 ' ' 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 oJ J 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 - ' 
 
 -, 
 
 
54 
 was boarded nor was the English flag visible. He also 
 protested generally against the issuance of registers 
 to Chinese owners. 
 
 It being made evident that Yen would make no 
 reparation unless there was some display of force, 
 Bowring called upon Admiral Sir Michael Seymour to 
 seize a Chinese junk. This proving insufficient, H. M. 
 S. Coromandel and a squadron of gun boats proceeded 
 to take a number of the fortifications below Canton, 
 and to bum some buildings. On the 25th Oct. the Dutch 
 Folly Port, on an island opposite the city was taken. 
 Commissioner Yeh then becamse more amenable to reason. 
 He offered to surrender all of the men except two whom 
 he claimed as pirates. He then sent them all back with 
 the demand that the pirates be immediately returned. 
 The re turn, however, was made quietly and with a careful 
 avoidance of anything like the appearance of apology. 
 Mr. Parker refused to receive the men, saying that they 
 must be returned to the Arrow as publiely as they had 
 been removed, and that Yeh must offer an apology. 
 

 . , ■ 
 
 
 oiq 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
55 
 
 From this point the Arrow episode ceases to be the 
 important issue. It. ceased to be such at. the moment 
 Sir John Bowring instructed Mr. Parked to write Yeh 
 the additional demand that all foreign representatives 
 be allowed the same free access to Canton as was en- 
 joyed at the other four treaty ports. The claim was 
 justly enough based on the treaties and conventions 
 beginning with the Treaty of Nankin, but it is doubtful 
 whether the moment was well chosen for insi stance upon 
 it. The provocative cause was not. openly replaced by 
 the underlying one. 
 
 This was soon realized, even by those actively 
 concerned. Mr. Parke© declared it plainly, when in 
 an interview with the Canton merchants on November 15th, 
 he said that if, "simple reparation for the outrage in 
 the Arrow case had been all we required, the Admiral 
 would doubtless have been long ago satisfied with what 
 had been done, but that a principle was at stake which 
 could not be abandoned." 
 

 TW 
 
 V 
 
 TXOO 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 - 
 
56 
 The demand being made upon Yeh, was completely 
 ignored. Therefore Admiral Seymour on the 21st opened 
 fire, shelling some of the government buildings (among 
 them Yen's residence) and a body of Chinese troops, 
 which took position on some rising ground in the rear 
 of the city. Yeh offered a reward of thirty dollars 
 for the heads of Englishmen. On the 29th a breach was 
 made in the walls and a body of marines and sailors 
 succeeded, with small loss, in blowing up the city gate. 
 The city was then ^entered and Yen's house taken poss- 
 ession of, but the troops were withdrawn at sunset. 
 Yeh was invited to a conference, but refused. On the 
 3rd of November the attack was renewed, more government 
 buildings being destroyed, while on the 5th a large fleet 
 of war junks lying under the protection of the French 
 Folly Fort, was destroyed and the fort silenced. 
 Seymour's demand upon the Bogue Forts met with the 
 answer from the commanding mandarin that surrender would 
 mean for him decapitation, so he preferred to fight. 
 These forts mounting four hundred or more guns, were 
 
' 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 a ' 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 Off 
 
 blij 
 
 i<NB 
 
 , 
 
 
 
57 
 
 taken on the same and the next day. One boy was killed 
 and four men wounded. During the engagement the Chinese 
 fired upon an American man-of-war's boat. Commodore 
 Armstrong silenced the fort from which the shot came, 
 before he saw it was an accident. The last consider- 
 able event of the year (1856) was the burning of the 
 foreign factories at Canton. Admiral Seymour had assumed 
 a defensive attitude while waiting for reinforcements. 
 
 It may now be well to take a glance back 
 at the reflex afction of the various events just recorded 
 in England (I) Sir John Bowrin& in beginning hostili- 
 ties had undertaken a heavy responsibility. He had 
 neither appealed to the Emperor for redress nor waited 
 for instructions from the Foreign Office at home. It was 
 toward the close of 1856, before the home government 
 got the particulars of the events in China. By the 
 beginning of 1859 the press and the people had thoroughly 
 taken the matter up, and for the most part, expressed 
 unfavorable opinions of the decision and severity with 
 which Bowring had acted. On the 5th of November in the 
 
 X'l) Following from Dodd. 
 

 
 ei , T - ■ tJtl 
 
 . 
 
 ■ 
 
 1 
 
58 
 House of Lords the Earl of Ellenborough asked for in- 
 formation concerning the real status of the lorcha 
 "Arrow" Avoiding this question, the Earl of Clarendon 
 excused the summary proceedings of Bowring on the 
 ground that his instructions had been "to bear in mind 
 the desirableness of obtaining that free access to Chinese 
 ports which was mentioned in the treaty, and more par- 
 ticularly as regards Canton." Parliament divided 
 on the question ■whether Bowring' s methods were justi- 
 fiable. Bowring having been appointed by the Whigs, 
 was attacked mainly by the Conservatives. Clarendon 
 supported Bowring nobly, dispatching his approval and 
 his opinion that the "Arrow" was a British vessel, 
 under the terms of the treaty, and later his approval 
 of the forcible entry of Yen's house and his congratu- 
 lations to Bowring, Seymour and Parke s, upon their 
 moderation. The ministry was thus thoroughly committed. 
 Nevertheless, on the 24th of February, 1857, the 
 Earl of Derby introduced in the House of Lorfls resolutions 
 

 
69 
 
 beginning "that this House has heard with deep regret, 
 the interruption of amicable relations between her 
 Majesty 1 s subjects and the Chinese authorities in Canton, 
 arising out of the measures adopted by her Majesty's 
 chief superintendent of trade, to obtain reparation for 
 alleged infractions of the Supplementary Treaty of the 
 8th of October, 1843" etc. etc., continuing in the 
 same tone. Through the efforts of the ministry, this 
 measure was defeated by a vote of 146 - 110. But, despite 
 all that, the ministry a jssx similar set of resolutions 
 introduced intfc the House of Commons by Mr. Cobden was 
 passed on the 3rd of March. Lord Palmerston immediately 
 appealed to the country by dissolving Parliament and 
 calling for a new one. In the meantime, he named 
 regiments to be sent out under the command of Gen. 
 Ashburnam, appointed Lord Elgin as Plenipotentiary with 
 large powers and arranged for joint action with Prance. 
 Palmerston^ defense of his absent subordinate proved 
 popular and the new Parliament supported him. 
 

 
 
 
 . 
 
 To 
 
 
 
 
 
 rftlw 
 
60 
 To return to China. Seymour had remained on 
 the defensive and nothing save the usual outrages had 
 occurred'; In the latter part of 1856, a party of 
 disguised Chinese soldiers had taken possession on 
 board the small steamer "Thistle" plying between Canton 
 and Hong Kong, killed the eleven Europeans on board, 
 ran her aground, set her on fire, and escaped. In March 
 1857 an attempt was made through the bakeries supplying 
 Hon Kong at a wholesale poisoning of the European in- 
 habitants with arsenic. It failed only because the 
 arsnic was mixed with the dough in such large quantities 
 that it gave notice of its presence in time to take 
 emetics. Sir John Bowring speaks of this attempt as 
 a "mode of warfare." 
 
 The military policy from defensive, became one 
 of withdrawal. As early as January 1857, it was con- 
 cluded that the English force was too small to hold all 
 the positions taken, so all the troops were concentrated 
 at a place called the "Gardens" and at the Dutch Polly. 
 

 • 
 
 , 
 
 DO 
 
 - 
 
 ■ 
 
 
61 
 
 Then the suburbs were fired and the Gardens and tthe 
 Gardens deserted in favor of the Bird's Nest Port. 
 Finally, the whole upper part of the river was abandoned 
 and the troops concentrated at the Teatotum Fort 
 near the Macao passage. Commissioner Yeh was elated 
 He issued an elaborate schedule of rewards for the 
 capture or destruction of the " red-haired foreign 
 dogs", their vessels, and any who might aid them. 
 
 It was time for a display of force. Accordingly 
 on the morning of the 25th of May 1859, Commodore George 
 A. Elliott with a force of gun boats steamed up in to 
 the most northerly of the four creeks running into the 
 Canton River from the east. The major part of a 
 large number of junks anchored here escaped through 
 their lightness of draught. The next day Elliott took 
 the boats and after a twelve mile row suddenly rounding 
 a curve found himself before a large town called Tang- 
 koon, protected by a fleet and batteries. The Chinese 
 were so taken by surprise that the English were enabled 
 to destroy all the junks before the fire of the batteries 
 
lie tit 
 
62 
 became hot enough to force them to retire. 
 
 On 3Tune 1st Admiral Seymour on board the 
 "Coromandel" led the squadron of gun boats against 
 Hyacinth Island which the Shinese believed to be 
 impregnable because, before the junks could be reached 
 it was necessary to mount a hill in face of their guns. 
 This the English did and also boarded the junks. They 
 then proceeded to a place where twenty junks lay moored 
 In order to reach them it was necessary to go through ' 
 a passage narrowing to a funnel where there was not 
 water to carry two boats abreast. Capt. Henry Kippel 
 attempted to take his boats through. The first time the 
 fire was so tremendous that he was forced back, but 
 the next time he went through and pursued the junks, 
 to the towns of Fat-shan, destroying all but three. 
 Elliott then withdrew. "Next morning", says the Times 
 correspondent, an eye-witness, "as we passed down the 
 river, two war junks appeared three miles astern, 
 and fired a gun. They were chftsing the barbarian fleet ! w 
 

 
 . 
 
 
63 
 
 Chapter II. 
 From the beginning of Elgin's first mission 
 to Treaty of Tien-tsin. 
 
 Lord Elgin upon his arrival immediately 
 became the central and commanding figure. It is there- 
 fore necessary to take into consideration all that 
 affected his position and his policy. On the way out, 
 at Galle, in Ceylon, he met Gneral Ashbumam proceeding 
 to his post in China from Bombay. He brought the news 
 of the outbreak in the northern provinces of India. 
 He knew enough of what had happened at Delhi and Meerut, 
 to make it evident to the Plenipotentiary that his 
 mission to China would probably be very much affected. 
 About a week was spent at Singapore, during which time 
 Elgin arranged for the diversion of the Chinese expiedltion 
 ary force to India. Ships were sent to the Straits of 
 Attgia*, , Sunda Straits, to send back the 90th and 82nd 
 regiments; and the "Simoonf which arrived with the 5th 
 Fusileers was immediately re-despatched to Calcutta. 
 It soon became evident on arrival at Hong Kong, that no 
 

 ■101 
 
 . 
 
 siiev. 
 
 
64 
 
 diplomatic measures could be effective without the back- 
 
 of 
 ing force. Since the force had been diverted to India 
 
 A 
 
 and an inactive residence at Hong Kong would injure the 
 prestige of the mission.-, Lord Elgin determined to leave 
 for Calcutta, where his ship the "Shannon" and Captain 
 Peel's seamen and marines might be of use. Gsneral 
 Ashburnam also returned to China and offered his serv- 
 ices to Canning and Sir Colin Campbell. But events 
 in Inida are outside the province of this essay. 
 Suffice it to say, that Lord Elgin received word that the 
 China force would be replaced by fifteen hundred marines 
 and returned to Hong Kong on the 20th of Sept. (I) 
 
 On the 14th of October 1857, Baron Gros, a diplomat- 
 ic of great experience and reputation, arrived accredited 
 as Plenipotentiary for France. The Admiral Rigault de 
 Genuilly with the French fleet had proceeded him. 
 Count Putiatine came by the way of the trans-Asiastic 
 route from Russia. He had been refused admission to Peking 
 
 (I) Foregoing from Oliphant. 
 

 I 
 
 ; 
 
 
_. 65 
 Mr. Reed represented the United States. Russia 
 and the United States, however, were determined upon 
 an attitude of neutrality, Russia because of her naval 
 weakness and her consequent inability to get troops to 
 the China coast, and the United States because Mr. 
 Buchanan would not break away from the traditional 
 policy of strict isolation. This attitude on the part 
 of the United States was not at all well understood. 
 Oliphant says that Mr. Reed arrived in a huge frigate, 
 "and the "Missippl" , "Powhatan" and "San Jocinto" were 
 already in Chinese waters. With this string contingent, 
 it seemed as if America might do something towards 
 gaining those privileges which, in view of her great trade 
 with China at that time, were so important to her. 
 The Baron Moges attache 1 to the French Embassy says, 
 that there was no love lost between the American sqjuadron 
 and the Allied fleets, since "Whilst the seamen of England 
 and Prance were risking their lives in the cause of 
 civilization, four American ships of war, manned to their 
 

 
 
 
 
66 
 
 full complement and bristling with cannon, were riding 
 tranquilly at their anchors in the roads of Hong Kong." 
 He also states as a general impression, the feeling 
 that the Americans were waiting around until they could 
 "without expense to themselves, reap a share of the 
 advantage won by Anglo-Franch shot and shell." 
 
 Early in December most of the marines having 
 arrived, and the French force being ready, Elgin and 
 Grcos sent in their ultimata, Elgin's to the effect 
 that, hostile operations would continue until full treaty 
 engagements were fulfilled, including, of course, the 
 right of free entry into Canton, and Cfros to somewhat 
 the same effect, with the additional demand for full 
 reparation for the murder of Pere Chapdelaine, a French 
 missionary. Yeh was allowed two days. In the mean 
 time, the island Plainan, opposite Canton, was occupied. 
 Yen's answer consisted mostly of advice to imitate 
 Bonham, rather than Davis, pointing out the relative 
 treatment of the two men by the Home government. 
 
. 
 
 
 
 
67 
 
 Gen. Strawbensie, who had. succeeded Gen. 
 
 of 
 Ashburman, went about the Straubenais A Hsinan and the 
 
 French and Dutch Folly forts, right under the guns of 
 the Chinese, which, however, remained silent. On the 
 21st of Dec. 1857, Canton was given twenty-four hours 
 notice of bombardment. The Chinese did not seem to 
 realize thsir danger. The bombardment, however, was 
 not opened until the morning of the 28th. It contained 
 tinued all day and the following night. Under cover of 
 it, troops were landed, and the next day the walls were 
 escaladed. The walls were soon cleared, and then ensued 
 a most peculiar state of affaird. Absolutely no of- 
 ficial notice was taken of the fact that the city lay 
 at the mercy of the Allies. The Cantonese went about 
 their business as if a state of war never existed. 
 Finally, on the 5th of January (1858) a party invaded 
 the labyrinth of narrow streets and succeeded in finding 
 and capturing Yeh. Mr. Parkes also succeeded in finding 
 Yen's papers, among which were matters not only of in- 
 terest, and because they gave the Chinese point of view 
 

 
 
 
 erf! 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 •> 8 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
68 
 on the Europeans and their affairs, (I) but one, at least, 
 which afterwards proved useful. Peh-Kirsri,; the governor 
 of the city and the Tartar general whose name is given 
 by tfcre English as ftaaat- -Tseang-Ksieji ., and by the 
 French as Muh, and variations thereon, were also taken, 
 Yeh was sent to Calcutta as a prisoner on board H. M. S # 
 "Inflexible." Peh-KSv*!.. was put in charge of the city 
 with a European tribunal to aid him and to watch him. 
 
 The blockade was then raised, factories settled 
 to be placed in the suburbs, at a point opposite the 
 -Dutdh Polly Fort, a small occupying force was left, and 
 the rest of the expedition withdrew. 
 
 The four plenipotentiaries drew mp a joint note 
 to the Emperor, asking that commissioners be appointed to 
 
 (I) See memorial address to the Emperor by Keying the 
 previous commissioner, quoted by Moges pp. 145-151 and 
 Fisher 40-43. Also report of conversation between Emperor 
 and Ki-Shuli-tsan ex-judge of Kwang tung, quoted by 
 Oliphant, Vol. I. pp. 100-111. 
 
■ 
 
 
 I 
 
 i • 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 , 
 
69 
 
 meet them at Shanghai , M. de Contades and Mr. Oliphant(I) 
 started with it for Peking. They went as far as Soo- 
 Chowri and the despatches were forwarded thence to Peking. 
 The Embassies then proceeded to Shanghai. Where 
 they received an answer from Yu , the senior minister. 
 He did not condescend to write personally (despite 
 treaty agreements) but sent a message through the local 
 governor that one Kwang had been appointed to succeed 
 Yeh at Canton, and that they had best return thezre 
 and treat with him. The Russians, however, were invit- 
 ed to meet a Tartar magistrate at the mouth of the Black 
 Dragon or Amour. It was immediately determined to 
 proceed toward Peking. 
 
 6fi the 14th of April, 1858, 
 the mouth of the Peiho -the river leading up to Peking - 
 was reached. 
 
 H©re another demand was made for commission- 
 ers, this time to meet the Ambassadors at Taku . 
 
 (I) Attaches to the special Ambassy of France and 
 England. 
 

 
 
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 ■ 
 
 J" b 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jb OB 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
70 
 
 Three of them came to Tan, T sung - lun ,- and :Pu . Because 
 they could not produce any commsiion delegating to them 
 full powers, Elgin and his associates would not, at first, 
 treat with them. However, later, to gain time, while 
 the gun boats beat up and down the coast against adverse 
 winds, Tan was informed of the objects of the mission, 
 and there was some show of diplomatic discussion and 
 conference, Meanwhile, the Chinese continued to strength- 
 en their fortifications. Finally there were anchored 
 about the mouth of the Peiho, some inside and some 
 outside, the bar, fifteen English ships containing more 
 than two thousand men, and eleven French ships, besides 
 
 two American frigates, and Count Putiative's conveyance, 
 
 the 
 the little side-wheeler^ "Amerika ■"• Then, on the 20th 
 
 of May, the Forts were bombarded, stormed and taken 
 
 in short order, and with very little loss from the fire 
 
 of the Chinese, although the explosion of a magazine 
 
 after the Chinese had fled, caused a frightful disaster 
 
 among the French. 
 

 ; e 
 
 
 - 
 
 I 
 
 100 
 
 ■ . 
 
 . 
 
 is:. 
 
71 
 The envoys then made their way up the river to 
 Tien-tsin, where they took residence in "The Temple of 
 Supreme Felicity," somewhat feelingly described by 
 Mr. Oliphant, whither they were immediately followed 
 by Count Putiative and Mr. Heed, and whither come two 
 fully qualified ambassadors, Kwailang., and Hwashana. 
 The first interview, however, of Lord Elgin with these 
 gentlemen terminated abruptly. In the course of the 
 ceremonies of meeting, he discovered that the Commiss- 
 ioners were unprovided with a certain seal of office 
 termed the Kwang-fang. They explained that this was 
 only conferred on those holding permanent office, and 
 not upon temporary Commissioners, such as themselves. 
 Lord Elgin, however, having now had some experience with 
 the methods of Chinese diplomacy, stated that without 
 the Kwang-fang, the negotiations could not proceed, and 
 left. It seems that the commissioners had hit hh 
 nearer the truth than is customary in Chinese official 
 

 :tct 
 
 
 . 
 
 eii 
 
72 
 life, and they were really in somewhat of a quandary. 
 Plowever, after consultations with Mr. H. IT. lay, who by 
 virtue of his position under the Chinese governfiaant as 
 Inspector of Customs at Shanghai, was more in their 
 confidence than any other European, they finally suc- 
 ceeded in getting the Kwang-fang down from Peking. (I) 
 
 Matters then went smoothly enough until the 
 sudden and unexpected arrival of Keying, the mandarin, 
 who had preceded Yeh at Canton, and who had negotiated 
 the treaty of Nankin with Sir Henry Pottinger. He was 
 now a very old man. At first he presented himself in 
 no official capacity, but later, obtained an Imperial 
 appointment as third commissioner. Then he began to 
 make trouble. The other commissioners were for peace, 
 and concessions; he was for war and no concessions. 
 
 (I) Oliphant - the only account I discovered of the 
 Kwang - fang episode - not mentioned by 7&>ges, 
 and irrecognizably mixed up elsewhere. 
 

 lltia 
 
 800 
 
 I 
 
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 13- e: 
 
 
 
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 Moreover, he worked to incite the population of Tien-tsin 
 It. became necessary to quiet him. Among Yen's papers 
 discovered in Canton by Mr. Parke s, was a memorial ad- 
 dressed by Keying to the Emperor. It spoke in very 
 plain terms of the "blindly unintelligent" barbarians 
 and how he was hoodwinkailg them. (I) This document 
 was turned over to the Commissioners. Plwashana read 
 it aloud. Poor old Keying was so frightened that he 
 immediately left for Peking, where he was incontinently 
 invited to quaff a cup of poison. As the invitation 
 was conveyed by autograph decree from the Emperor, it 
 was accepted. Unsuccessful celestial statesmen travel 
 a rough road. Yeh was immediately degraded after the 
 capture of Canton, and Tan when the Allies passed the 
 Taku forts, not only lost his tea honors, and titles, 
 but was sent into exile in the interior. 
 
 Nothing further occurred to interrupt the process 
 of negotiations until the 26th of June. Mean while, (on 
 the 14th) the Russian treaty was signed, gaining the right 
 
 (I) Pull text given by Oliphant Vol. I pp. 359-366 and 
 elsewhere. 
 

 : 
 
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 $£ t t01©: 
 
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73 
 of correspondence on an equal footing between the Russian 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Prime Minister or 
 First Minister of the Council of State at Peking; per- 
 mission to send diplomatic agents thither on special 
 occasions (mpon which point, however, it is to be noted 
 that the text of the treaty distinctly puts it that 
 envoys may be sent whenever the Russian government 
 sees fit ,) (I) liberty of circulation throughout the 
 Empire of Missionaries only under a system of pass-ports 
 and the right to trade at ports athen open with the 
 addition of Swatow, a port in Formosa, and one in Hainan. 
 Dodd alone makes the statement that a large area near 
 the mouth of the Amour was ceded. 
 
 Hoges and Oliphant, although they were on the 
 ground, and attached to the Franch and English embassies, 
 seem to know nothing of this. The point is not without 
 interest, especially as the Sprun.er -Hanks Atlasgives 
 the Amour territory as being ceded in 1858. 
 
 (I) Martens , Re cui el des Trait es. 
 

 
 
 
 ton 
 
 
 
 
 
 ( «j 38 
 
 
 hboa 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 ■ • 
 
74 
 Reference to the text in Martens, proves this erroneous, 
 though not without its excuse and its element of truth. 
 A fact of importance has teen overlooked in all the 
 books dealing with this question from the Anglo-French 
 point of view. It is this. In May 16-28 there was 
 made at Anghoun a treaty by Nicholas Muriatviev and Prince 
 I -Chan, a treaty, the first article of which began 
 as follows: 
 
 "La rive gauche du fleuve Amour s partir de 
 la riviere Arg-Roun jusqu f a 1* embouchure de 1* Amour 
 appartiendra a 1* empire de Russie, at sa rive droite 
 en aval jusqu 'a la kh riviere Oussouri appartiendra 
 a l'empire Ta-Tsing; les territoires et endnoits situes 
 entre la riviere Oussouri et la mer comme jusqu»a present 
 seront possedes par l'enpire Ta-Tsing et 1* empire de 
 Russie en attendant que la frontiere entre les deux 
 Etats y soit reglee." 
 
 The treaty of Tien-tsin did not settle this 
 matter, although one of its articles states that such 
 

 
 
 
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75 
 
 regulation shall be the subject of an additional article. 
 TTo such additional article is recorded, but by another 
 treaty, made at Anghoun in 1861, the matter was settled 
 and the territory definitely ceded to Russia. There was 
 certainly clever diplomatic work going on for Russia, 
 while the borad-sides of England and Prance were thunder- 
 ing. 
 
 The American treaty granting practically the 
 same general concessions, was signed four days later. ' 
 Dodd takes a ^ittle fly at the United States in speaking 
 of this, saying her attitude was "more courteous than 
 threatening, more submissive than dignified." 
 
 Tn England's negotiations -fehere was on the 
 26th of June, what threatened to be a serious hitch. 
 There were two points upon which Elgin placed great 
 insistence; the right of a British Minister to reside 
 permanently at Peking, and the right of British subjects 
 to travel freely for trading purposes in all ports of the 
 Empire. Perceiving that they pled in vain with the 
 
be.; , '. te eb£± , $aiJ 
 
 . ifIB 
 
 101 n. JLICW ! 160 
 
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76 
 English Ambassador, the Chinese Commissioners appealed 
 to the representatives of the other nations to impose 
 inform Lord Elgin that they had received an Imperial 
 decree from Peking, informing them that their heads 
 would be the price of their agreement to these concess- 
 ions. The rumor, of Keying 1 s death had just arrived, 
 and it seemed hard to subject these well-disposed 
 commissioners to the same fate. Lord El gin, however, 
 finally decided that the matter was of too great import- 
 ance to allow the interference of personal motives. 
 Moreover, the appeals for mercy might be a ruse. After 
 some hesitation, therefore, he declared that he would 
 not recede from his position. The treaty was signed 
 with elaborate ceremonies on the 26th of June 1858 (I) 
 The French treaty was signed the next day. 
 
 The following is a resume 1 , with the more 
 important provisions quoted. 
 
 (I) Kweilang and Hwashana escaped with their lives. 
 
. 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
77 
 
 (I) Treaty between Her Majesty and the Emperor 
 of China. Signed in the English and Chinese languages 
 at Tien-tsin, June 26. 1858. 
 
 "Pier Majesty the Queen of fcfce Brited Kingdom 
 of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the 
 Emperor of China, being desirous to put an end to the 
 existing misunderstanding &c. - - - have named as their 
 Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:- 
 
 Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, the Right Honorable, the Earl of Elgin, and 
 Kincardine, a Peer of the United Kingdom, and a Knight 
 of the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle. 
 And his Majesty the Emperor of China, the 
 
 High Commissioner Kweiliang a Senior Chief Secretary of 
 
 of 
 State, styled the East Cabinet, Captain - General of 
 
 the Plain White Banner of the Manchu Banner Force, 
 Superintendant-General of the Administration of Criminal 
 Law; and Hwashana, one of His Imperial Majesty's ex- 
 positors of the Classics, Manchu President of the Office 
 
 (I) Annual Register 1859, pp 206- 
 
vv 
 
 
 
 
 : 
 to , 
 
78 
 for the regulation of the Civil Establishment Caplains 
 General of the Bordered Blue Banner of the Chinese 
 Banner Force and Visitor of the Office of Interpretation; 
 Have agreed upon and concluded the following Articles 
 
 I. Treaty of Hank in .renewed; Supplementary 
 Treaty and General Regulations of Trade Abrogated. 
 
 II. Her Majesty may appoint Ambassadors, Ministers 
 or other diplomatic agents to the Court of Pekin; and 
 his Majesty the Emperor may likewise appoint Ambassadors 
 etc. to the Court of St. James. 
 
 III. His Majesty the Emperor of China hereby 
 agrees that the Ambassador, Minister or other Diplomatic 
 Agent, so appointed by Her Majesty the Queen of Great 
 Britain, may reside with his family and establishment 
 permanently at the capital, or may visit it occasionally, 
 at the option of the British Government. He shall not 
 
 be called upon to perform any ceremony derogatory to him, 
 as representing the Sovereign of an independent nation 
 on a footing of equality with that of China. On the 
 other hand, he shall use the same forms of ceremony and 
 

 • • 
 
 . I ', 
 
 . 
 
 
 . 
 
 ' 
 
79 
 
 respect to His Majesty the Emperor, as are employed by 
 the Ambassadors, Ministers or Diplomatic Agents of Her 
 Majesty towards the Sovereigns of independent and 
 equal European nations. 
 
 "It is further ggreed that Her Majesty's 
 Government may acquire at Pekin a site for building 
 or may hire houses for the accommodation of Her Majesty's 
 Mission, and that the Chinese Government will assist 
 it in so doing. 
 
 Her Majesty's Representative shall be at 
 liberty to choose his own servants and attendants - - - 
 
 Any person guilty of disrespect ot violence 
 
 of His Majesty's Representative, or any member of his 
 
 family, or establishment, in deed or icord, shall be 
 
 severely punished." 
 
 IV. " It is further agreed that no obstacle or 
 
 difficulty shall be made to the free movements or Her 
 
 Majesty's Representative, and that he and the persons 
 
 of his suite may come and go, and travel at their 
 
 send 
 
 pleasure. He shall moreover leave full liberty to and 
 receive his correspondence, -----; and, generally 
 
igH to a t 
 
 r 
 
 ■ 
 - - - 
 
 T 
 
 -- 
 
 
80 
 
 he shall enjoy the same privileges as are accorded to 
 
 officers of the same rank by the usage and consent 
 
 of Western nations." 
 
 V. The Emperor agrees to nominate one of the 
 
 Secretaries of State, or a President of oiie of the Boards 
 
 with 
 as the high officer^ whom the Ambassador, Minister or 
 
 other Diplomatic Agent of Her Majesty the HJueen shall 
 
 transact business either personally or in writing, on 
 
 a footing of perfect equality." 
 
 VI. Her Majesty extends some privileges to 
 Diplomatic Agents of the Emperor of China to her Court. 
 
 VII. Her Majesty may appoint Consuls to reside in 
 the open ports. Consuls shall rank as Intendants of 
 Circuits; Vice-Consuls, Acting Vice-Consuls, and In- 
 terpreters, with Prefects. 
 
 VIII. The Christian religion, as professed by 
 Roman Catholics and Protestants, shall be allowed to 
 be taught. 
 
 IX. British subjects to be allowed under a system 
 of passports to travel for business or pleasure in all 
 

 
 .:lo 
 
 " 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 . IV 
 
 : : 
 
 - 
 
 
 
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81 
 ports of the interior. Persons without pass-ports to be 
 turned over unharmed to the nearest Consul. No pass- 
 ports needed for excursions not exceeding 100 li and 
 for a period not exceeding five days from an open port. 
 This article does not apply to ships crews. 
 
 X. British Merchant ships authorized to trade 
 on the Yang-tsz (Great River) - Upper and lower 
 valley however being disturbed with out -laws no port 
 opened bu Chinpiang, which shall be opened a year from 
 signing of this treaty. 
 
 Also upon restoration of peace, British 
 Minister shall bhoose three ports below Han - Konir. 
 
 XI. In addition to the five ports opened by Treaty 
 of Nankin, it is agreed that British subjects may fre- 
 quent the ports of New Chang , Tang - 6hou, Tai - Wan 
 (Formosa), Chan - Chow (Suatoa) and Kieung-Chtfw (Haini^n) . 
 
 XII. British Subjects may buy land for sx ware- 
 houses, churches, hospitals, residences, burial grounds, 
 at the prevailing rates. 
 
_ 
 
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82 
 XIII. British Subjects may employ Chinese subjects 
 in any lawful capacity. 
 
 XIV. British subjects may hire boats for goods 
 or passengers and there shall be no monopoly in regard 
 to either boats or coolies. 
 
 XV. All questions arising between British 
 subjects shall be subject to British jurisdiction. 
 
 XVI. Chinese guilty of criminal acts toward 
 British subjects shall be arrested and punished by the 
 Chinese authorities, according to the laws of China, 
 and vice versa. 
 
 XVII. Matters of complaint between British and 
 Chinese shall be referred to the Consul, for amicable 
 settlement, and in case of failure on his part alone, 
 he shall request assistance of the Chinese authorities. 
 
 XVIII. The Chinese authorities shall at all times 
 protect British subjects from insult and violence, and 
 shall promptly punish incendiarism and robbery. 
 
 XIX. Chinese authorities shall capture and punish 
 pirates offending against British ships. 
 
■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
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 blTB 
 
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83 
 
 XX. British subjects ship -wrecked on the Chinese 
 coast shall be succored, received friendly treatment, and 
 if necessary, receive means of transportation to the 
 nearest consular station, 
 
 XXI. Chinese criminals refugeeing at Hong Kong 
 on board British ships, or in the houses of British 
 subjects shall be given up on due requisition by the 
 
 Chinese authorities. 
 
 XXII. Each of the contracting parties agrees to 
 arrest and enforce the payment of debts of any of its 
 subjects abscounding against subjects of the other. 
 
 XXIII. Chinese trading in Hong Kong and owing 
 debts shall be dealt, with on the spot by the English 
 Courts of justice; if they abscond thence the Chinese 
 authorities shall see justice done. 
 
 XXIV. The Tariff rates strictly, and nothing 
 more, shall be demanded on imports and exports. 
 
 XXV. Import duties payable on landing of goods, 
 export on shipment. 
 
 XXVI. Tariff fixed by Act. X. Treaty of Nankin, 
 abrogated. Upon signature of this treaty , officers to 
 
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 • enob er, 
 
 ,ft£ . XX 
 
 bits e 
 
 
 
 .*n 
 
 ' 
 
 3" r. :' t 
 
84 
 be appointed by contracting parties to arrange a new 
 one at Shanghai. 
 
 XXVII. Either party may demand a revision of tariff 
 at the end of ten years, but if within six months after 
 the end of the ten years no such demand has been made, 
 tariff shall continue for ten years more unchanged. 
 
 XXVIII. whereas, according to the treaty of Nankin, 
 British imports having paid the regular tariff duties, 
 were to be transported into the interior unburdened, 
 save by a transit duty, and whereas such duty being of 
 no specified amount, led to much dispute and dissatis- 
 faction; four months from the signing of this treaty, 
 the authorities charged with the collection of such 
 duties, shall declare their exact rates and a notifica- 
 tion thereof shall be published in English and Chinese. 
 But it shall be at the option of any British subject 
 transporting goods from place of production to place of 
 shipment, to clear them once for all by the payment of 
 
 2 l/2 $ ad valorem. This in no way to affect tariff 
 duties on imports and exports. 
 

 
 - 
 
 <fcent?i>-u .' .Lit ©itt c j siew 
 
 - 
 
 ■ J I. 
 
 to 
 
 to ' 
 
85 
 
 XXIX. Arrangement for tonnage dues and certif- 
 icate of clearance. 
 
 XXX. Ditto 
 
 XXXI. Ditto 
 
 XXXII. Concerning beacons and light-houses. 
 
 XXXIII. Duties to be paid to the Bankers appointed 
 by the Chinese government, either in Sycee, or in 
 foreign money, according to the assay made at Canton 
 July 13, 1845. 
 
 XXXIV. Standard weights and measures. 
 
 XXXV. Pilots. 
 
 XXXVI. Customs officers to reside upon and 
 protect incoming ships without fees. 
 
 XXXVII. Report of incoming ships to consul and 
 Superintendent of Customs. 
 
 XXXVIII. Permit to open hatches, from Consul. 
 
 XXXIX. Ditto, from Superintendent of Customs. 
 XL. Transhipment permits. 
 
 XLI. Port clearance. 
 
■ 
 
 : 
 
 ni to : idi 
 
 
 . .. 
 
 - 
 
86 
 
 XLII. Appeal to highest price merchants would 
 pay in case of disagreement over ad val Oram duties 
 
 XLIII. Fixing of tare. 
 
 XLIV. Damaged goods same appeal as XLII. 
 
 XLV. Reexportation, draw- back certificates etc, 
 
 XLVI. Smugling left to Chinese authorities. 
 
 XLVII. British vessels entering any other than 
 open ports shall be subject to confiscation by the 
 Chinese government. 
 
 XLIX. All such penalties belomg to public 
 service of Chinese government. 
 
 L. All official communications to be written 
 in English with Chinese translation. In case of dif- 
 ference, English version to prevail. Applies to 
 this Treaty. 
 
 LI. Agreed that henceforth the character "I" 
 (barbarian) shall not be applied to the English in any 
 Chinese official document. 
 
 LI I, British ships of war to visit any port 
 for provisions etc. 
 
, 110 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 A f\ rr Ck •* c "¥ 
 
 . . . 
 
 | 
 
 
 , 
 
 voiq ' 
 
87 
 LIII. Concerted measures to be taken against 
 piracy. 
 
 LIV. " Most favored mation" clause . 
 
 LV. Indemnity clause to be added, 
 
 LVI • Ratifications to be exchanged at Peking 
 
 within one year from the day of signature 
 " In token whereof the respective Pleni- 
 potentiaries have signed and sealed this treaty. 
 
 " Done at. Tien-tsin this twenty sixth day 
 of June in the. year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and fifty-eight; corresponding with the Chinese 
 date, the sixteenth day, fifth moon, of the eighth 
 year of Hi en Fung. 
 
 (E S) Elgin and Kincardine 
 
 ( Signature of 1st Chines©' 
 PI enip ot ent iary 
 
 ( ■ " 2nd " 
 
 ( Seal of Chinese Plenipotentiary) 
 

 , 
 
 ' 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 ■ - ' ■ 
 
88 
 
 Separate article :- 
 
 Agreed to pay an indemnity of two million 
 taels - the British troops to evacuate Canton when 
 it is paid. 
 
 ( Signed as above ) 
 

 
 :©s 
 
 <i 
 
8.9 
 Chapter III. 
 Prom the Treaty Tien- t sin to the exchange of ratifi- 
 cations at Peking, Nov. 5> 1860 
 
 The Honorable Frederick Bruce G, B., brother 
 of El&in, was appointed to be Minister to China, in 
 accordance with highly rated privilege won at Tien-tsin. 
 His instructions were moderate. He was not to insist 
 on his right of residence at Peking, but was "for the 
 pre sent, at least, "to make Shanghai his headquarters, and 
 conduct the oversight of English affairs in China from 
 that point, Sir John Bowring at Hong Kong being super- 
 seded. However, he was to go to exchange ratifications 
 in the Treaty of Tient-sin, in fact, he was specially 
 instructed not to he tempted to exchange them elsewhere. 
 
 At this time, the China Station was established as 
 a post in the English navy, consequently, Admiral Seymour 
 who had been in command of the East India Station 
 (then including the China eoast) was succeeded by Admiral 
 Hope, who was appointed to the new China Station. He was 
 instructed to escort Mr. Bruce with an adequate force, to 
 
• ■' 
 
 - 
 
 • ■ 
 
 ani 
 
 • • . -. 
 
 
 . a nx 
 
90 
 the Peiho, which he was to ascend in a British ship of 
 war. Reaching Hong Kong in May, 1859, he was joined by 
 the French Ambassador il.de Bourbonlon, bent on the 
 same errand. At Shanghai the evidence of Mr. Bruce* s 
 instructions was illustrated* Kweilamg and Hwashane 
 were waiting there with the proposition to exchange 
 the ratifications on the spot and then make an overland 
 journey to Peking. Mr. Bruch refused and with M. de 
 Bourboiilon, and Admiral Hope and a squadron of some 
 nineteen vessels, mostly gun-boats, (I) proceeded up 
 into the Gulf of Pechile to the mouth of the Peiho, 
 where he arrived on the 18th of June. The river was 
 found to be obstructed with iron cables and the forti- 
 fications much strengthened. Boats sent on shore to 
 announce the approach of the plenipotentiaries and desire 
 that the obstructions be removed, were met by a sort of 
 armed mo£, which, refusing to permit a landing, seated 
 
 (I) Seven steamers, ten gun-boats, and two transports, 
 two French ships. 
 
■ ' ■ 
 
 * 
 
 I 
 
 • ■ • 
 
 I eiorl;. , 
 
91 
 
 the fortifications and abstructions constituted a meas- 
 ure of defense against pirates, and that they being 
 militia not directly under the control of Peking, 
 had received no instructions concerning the arrival of 
 Ambassadors, would take messages to Peking. 
 However, they appeared to make no particular objections 
 when Admiral Hope requested that the river be opened 
 in three days, - except that they failed to honor the 
 request, and calmly went about further strengthening 
 of the defenses. Patience exhausted, the envoys on the 
 21st asked the Admiral to employ force - Hope gave 
 warning, and on the night of the 24th, blew up part 
 of the obstructions. The next day the gun-boats went 
 over the bar. Immediately they came within close 
 range, the Talfcu forts opened fire. A number of 
 batteries hitherto mashed with matting, added unex- 
 pected force to the fusilade. This unexpected strength 
 and the unusual precision with which the Chinese 
 gunners aimed, resulted in the almost immediate dis~ - 
 ablement of tifcBc four gun-boats. Admiral Hope was 
 
' 
 
 - 
 
 
 J i 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 • • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 I 
 
 [ 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
92 
 severely wounded • The ships continued to engage the 
 forts and then a storming party made a lamentable at- 
 tempt. They were caught by a series of three mud-ditches 
 in which the men were fairly slaughtered.. Out of the 
 eleven hundred men landed, four hundred thirty-four 
 were put "hors de* combat". It was on this occasion 
 that the American Commodore Tatual , with his famous 
 signal, "Blood is thicker than water", went under fire, 
 to tate up reserves and rescue the men struggling in 
 the mud. Admiral Hope behaved with great gallantry 
 and determination, even after he was wounded, (I) but 
 was compelled to report to the ministers his inability 
 with his small force, to clear the river. The envoys and 
 their convoy, consequently withdrew to Shanghai. 
 
 (I) See Rennie P. 5 - account of eye-witness. Also 
 report of eye-witness An. Reg. (265-266) For the Chinese 
 point of view, read the report submitted to Emp. by "Sing- 
 ko-len-sin Prince of Potolekutai of 
 
 the Korchiii tribe An. Reg. ( 166 - 267 ) 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
93 
 Such was the overture to the third war with China 
 At first, the feeling in England seem<s.. to have 
 been surprisingly mild, the general feeling was against 
 war, and the impression prevailed that the affair at the 
 Taku forts was after all of merely local signifixcence. 
 Reflecting this public sentiment the government directed 
 Bruce to simply demand the ratification of the Treaty 
 of Tien-tsin and an apology. When information came 
 that the Chinese government, instead of disavowing the 
 Taku business was rewarding the participants therein, 
 there was a change of feeling. A large allied 
 expedition was prepared, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros 
 were re-appointed to the positions they held in 1856. 
 Sir Hope Grant K. C. B. of Indian fame and General Cousin 
 de Montauban, "vieux soldat.d 1 Afriqua", were put in 
 command of the English and French forces respectively. 
 Admiral Hope remained in command of the English fleet. 
 Bruce* s ultimatum was to the effect that 
 

 .-., sA 
 
 
 -i- 
 
94. 
 
 M 1. That an ample arid satisfactory apology be made, 
 - - - - and that the guns and material, as well as the 
 ships abandoned - - - be restored. 
 
 "2. That the ratifications of the treaty of Tien- 
 tsin be exchanged without delay at Pekin; that when the 
 Minister of her Britannic Majesty proceeds to Pekin 
 for that purpose, he fre permitted to proceed up the 
 river by Taku, , to the city of Tien-tsin in a British 
 vessel, and that provision be made by the Chinese 
 authorities for the conveyance of himself and his suite, 
 with due honors from the city to Pekin. 
 
 n 3. That full effort be given to the provisions 
 of that treaty, including - - - - prompt payment of the 
 indemnity of 4,000,000 tails etc." 
 
 " TSbe Undersigned is further directed to state 
 that, in consequence of the attempt made to obstruct the 
 passage of the Undersigned to Pekin, the understanding 
 entered into between the Earl of Elgin and the Imperial 
 Commissioners in October 1858 - - - - is at an end, and 
 
• 
 
 :.':: 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 
 fc 
 
 
 . 
 
 t 
 
 
95 
 that it tests, henceforward, exclusively with her 
 Britannic Majesty, in accordance with the terms of 
 Article II of. the treaty of Tien-tsin to decide whether 
 or not she shall instruct her Minister to take up his 
 abode permanently at Pekin' - - - "The Undersigned 
 has only to add that unless he receives within a period 
 of thirty days from the date of this communication, a 
 reply conveying the unqualified assent of his Majesty 
 the Emperor of China to these demands, the British naval 
 and Military authorities will proceed to adopt such 
 measures as they may deem advisable, for the purpose of 
 compelling the Emperor of China to observe the engagements 
 contracted for by him, by his plenipotentiaries at Tien- 
 tsin, and approved by his Imperial Edict of July 1858. " 
 The Great Council declined to hold communica- 
 tion directly with the English Minister, but sent word 
 through the Shanghai Commissioner Ho, that Bruce 1 s 
 letter had "occassioned the Council the greatest aston- 
 ishment. " They painted out that Kweilang and his 
 associates were waiting to treat with Mr. Bruce, and he 
 
aed: 
 
 .. 
 
 
 el 
 
96 
 refused them. They were to have warned him that the 
 Peiho was closed; "and as he was coming to exchange 
 treaties, why did he bring his ships of war ? It was 
 plainly his intent to pick a quarrel. - - 
 
 "(Then the demand for ) indemnity and 
 
 for the restitution of guns, arms and vessels, is yet 
 more against decorum. The wafc expenses of China have 
 been enormous - - - Were she to demand repayment of 
 England, England would find that her expenses do not.' 
 amount to half those of China, " and further, "The 
 dispatch written An this occasion (by the British 
 Minister) is in much of its language too insubordinate 
 to discuss its propositions more than superficially 
 or to go deep into argument. For the future he must 
 not be so wanting in decorum. 
 
 " The above remarks will have to be communicated 
 by the Commission to the British Minister, whom it will 
 behoove not to adhere too obstinately to his own opinion 
 as by so doing, he will give cause to much trouble here- 
 after." 
 

 ' 
 
 
 '^©T 
 
 
 
 
 .te 
 
97 
 When this impertinent communication arrived, (I) 
 Sir Hope Grant and General de Montaubon were both 
 already at Shanghai . The English force consisted of 
 about 12000 men, two thirds English, and one third 
 Indian, and the French force of nearly 8000 The opin- 
 ion is proffered by M. Paul Varia, in his "Expedition 
 to China" that the French were willing to send as many 
 as fifteen or eighteen thousand men, but that the 
 English insisting that their force be enough larger 
 than the French to make the expedition seem mainly 
 British, the French agreed, in order not to risk the 
 "entente cordiale". However, M. Varin throughout his 
 book is obviously affected by a strong patriotism. 
 
 The different positions which England and France 
 held as regards China and the divergent underlying 
 motives which induced them to undertake the war, made it 
 seem to those with eyes to see, that co-operation could 
 not be long effective. The primary object with the 
 
 (I) For full text of this and of Bruce *s ultimatum, see 
 Wolseley pp 7 - 14, 
 
- 
 
 ,1 
 
 
 . 
 
98 
 
 English was, when all is said and done the maintenance of 
 
 trade relations. Lieut. Col. G. J. Wolseley, English 
 
 he 
 officer though ■ was, puts this matter brutally, and yet 
 
 not entirely untruthfully, when he says. "With John 
 Bull, his commerce is of greater moment than revenge 
 for past injuries, or the maintenance of national 
 honor. '(I) With the French, it was a military expedi- 
 tion purely. The French people were yearning for 
 martial glory. Sidney Herbert, Secretary of State, for 
 War, in his letter to Sir Hope Grante, dated Nov. 26,1859 
 states the matter pretty clearly. In the course of his 
 instructions, he says, "There are two difficulites 
 which beset our course, one as regards our enemy, the 
 other as regards our ally - - - - 
 
 - - - Our object is to get our peace ratified without 
 being obliged to have recourse to an advance on Pekin 
 itself ----- the operation ( i.e. taking of Pekin), 
 if successful, might possibly, in the present dis- 
 organized state of the Chinese empire, end in upsetting 
 the existing dynasty, and throwing the whole country into 
 
 (I) Wolseley p. 75, 
 
■ 
 
 . 
 
 • 
 
 
 . 
 
 
99 
 
 a state of anarchy, fatal to the interests of cocimerce, 
 because destructive of all production - - - - 
 
 An early determination xk of our Chinese dif- 
 ficutly is, therefore, most desirable. Our allies 
 probably have different views. They have no great 
 commercial interests at stake. The good will of the 
 Chinese or the stability of the Chinese Empire is not 
 important to them; but the prestige of a bulletin 
 dated from Pekin would give great satisfaction to the 
 French people." 
 
 Elgin and (Jros, after having undergone shi- 
 wrech off Ceylon, arrived at Hong Kong on the 21st of 
 June 0-860). They immediately joined Grant, and Montau- 
 ban at Shanghai. The time for delay was now passed, and 
 the troops were hurried northward as rapidly as possible 
 The English rendevous was the bay of Tah-lien-hwan, in 
 the gulf of Pechili, and the French at Che-fow, or 
 
 Tche-fou (as the French spell it ). From these places 
 
 the 
 they proceeded to meet near the mouth of A Peiho, and to 
 
 go into camp at Peh-tang, about twelve miles north 
 
" 
 
 
100 
 of the river. In this, a most dismal and disagreeable 
 place, they were detained until the 12th of August by 
 heavy rains. The weather seems to have told on Sir 
 Hope's temper, for he took occasion to threaten to go 
 ahead alone, when the French seemed to him a bit slow 
 about landing their guns. Montauban, replied that 
 the English certainly could not move their own guns 
 through the mud. And made the truly Gallic remark, 
 " Que partout ou iraient les Anglais iraient les Francais; 
 et qa'lls ne seraient pas les denier s , w (I) 
 However, the matter was smoothed over. 
 
 On the 12th the troops were set in motion, 
 the second division, under Sir Robert Napier, making 
 detour off to the right, and the first division, with the 
 French, marching across a very troublesome swamp, directly 
 toward Sin-ho, where some small redoubts were cleared 
 out in half an hour. About the same time as this 
 action, some 4000 Tartar cavalry attacked Napier. In 
 accordance with their custom, they attacked from all 
 
 (I) Varin. 
 

 
 
 I 
 
 : 
 
101 
 sides. Armstrong guns and Sikhs made great havoc among 
 them and they were driven off toward Tang-Ku. 
 
 General Montauban insisted on immediately 
 attacking the fortifications at Tang-ku, which Sir 
 Hope says were large enough to contain forty thousand 
 men, (I) - but was soon compelled to retire. 
 
 The next day, having employed in building 
 some necessary pontoon bridges, etc., Tang-ku was taken 
 by the Allied forces on the 14th. 
 
 The bombardment of the Taku forts was not 
 begun until the 20th. In the meantime, proposals and 
 petitions for peace were received, but as they came from 
 no qualified official source they were not regarded. 
 
 The proper method of attack upon the Taku 
 forts became the theme of a somewhat heated discussion 
 between Sir Hope and General Montauban. Sir Hope 
 maintained that the fort on the northern bank of the 
 Peiho, though the smaller, was the key of the position, 
 and, moreover, could be attacked with less danger of the 
 
 (I) Knollys Vol. II, p. 97. 
 

 . 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 IB 
 
 
102 
 inroads upon the flank, which would have to be provided 
 against, if the Allies, following General Montauban's 
 plan, crossed the river to attack the town of Taku,and 
 the stronger southern fort. Sir Hope prevailed, and 
 the French general said, that, of course, he would help 
 him, cut felt that he must put himself on record as 
 opposed to the plan of attack. So he and Sir Hope 
 mutually wrote each other memorials. (I )The gun-boats 
 wer9 called in to cannonade the north fort and the flank 
 of the south fort. In the esclading of the walls it 
 was nip and tuck between the French and the English to 
 get over first, until finally an Englishman or a French- 
 man (according to the nationality of the writer), got 
 over, and after the most spirited resistance yet made 
 by .Chinese against Europeans, the north fort was taken. 
 Sir Hope»s theory proved to be the right one; the south- 
 ern fort was easily taken after the north fort had fallen 
 After the second fort was taken, two mandarins arrived 
 with an edict enclosing permission to the Allies to enter 
 (I) Knoll y S Vol II, pp 106 - 110 
 

 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 - 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 "1A 
 
 
 
 rw 
 
103 
 
 the Peiho, if they would cease hostilities. (I) The 
 forts contained about four hundred guns, and they had 
 been taken with a very small loss. 
 
 On August 23rd, Admiral Hope occompanied 
 by Mr. Parke s, ( whom, by the way, the average Chinaman 
 firmly believed to be the sole pDnductor of the war) 
 went in the "Coromandel" on a reconnoitering expedition 
 as far as Tien-tsin. They found that Sang-ko-lin-sin, 
 the Tartar commander at Taku, had passed through without 
 attempting to take advantage of the fortifications there, 
 being content with posting placards, explaining that the 
 Barbarians had been defeated, and were suing for peace. 
 
 The Allies then proceeded to Tien-tsin, and 
 on the 2nd of November two supposed Imperial Commission- 
 ers arrived, ^weilang and Hang-fuh. They placidly 
 accepted all terms, but when, on the 6th, Mr. Parkes 
 submitted to them the plans of a Convention, embodying 
 Lord Elgin's demands, they said they were not empowered 
 
 77) Varin. 
 
eriT 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 '...■-■ t 
 
 t eorfir ) < . 
 
 jC 
 
 eTertJ 
 erii 
 
 
 . 
 
 •no 
 
 c 
 ievoq. 
 
 
 
104 
 to sign without reference to the Emperor. Lord Elgin 
 immediately requested Sir Hope to continue his inarch 
 toward Peking. 
 
 However, the expedition did not leave Tien- 
 tsin until the 9th, on account of shortage of supplies. 
 Whether or not the delay was justified, after Elgin 
 had told the Commissioners that he would enter into no 
 more negotiations short of Tang- chow, is a mooted point, 
 of which Wolsely best states the affirmative, and 
 Parke s excitedly argues the negative. On the 15th 
 
 the Allies came to Ho-si-wu, a place on the ffeiho,a 
 place on the Peiho, about half way between Tien-tsin 
 and Peking (that is, about thirty-five miles from Peking) 
 Plere Lord Elgin laid himself open to criticism by con- 
 senting to enter into further negotiations. New Com- 
 missioners had been appointed, one of v/hom was one of 
 the three Princes who practically ruled the country, 
 the Prince of I, a nephew of the Emperor. He attempted 
 to induce Lord Elgin to go back to Tien--tsin to reopen 
 

 • 
 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 • - t ■ ■ 
 
 I t ' ■' 
 
 lo Bfli to er ■ . t •■ 
 
 - 
 
105 
 negotiations. Elgin, of course, refused, but, although 
 he had threatened to march immediately on Tung-chow, 
 which is only ten miles from Peking, he agreed to halt 
 the army some five miles this side of Tung- chow, and 
 himself proceed thither with an escort. It is not good 
 to make concessions of any sort to a Chinaman; the o&ly 
 sort he understands, is that which proceeds from weakness 
 
 Messrs Parke s and Wade went on to Tung- chow 
 to complete arrangements and returned with word that 
 the Chinese forces were to be withdrawn toward the 
 Capitol, that a camping ground had been located, and 
 that the Commissioners had agreed to sign the Convention 
 which had been submitted to their predecessors. On the 
 17th, Parkes, with Mr. Loch, Lord Elgin's private secre- 
 tary, Mr. de Norman, attache' to Mr. Bruce, Col. Walker, 
 Quarter-master, Mr. Thompson, Deputy Commissary General, 
 Mr. Bowl by, of the Times , and Lieut. Anderson, commanding 
 the escort of five King's Dragoon Guards, and twenty 
 Sowars of Pane's Horse, went to Tung- chow to arrange 
 

 . 
 
 
 
 • - 
 
 
 - 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 < ' ■< ■ t ■ T 
 
 < • ■ I 
 
 ■ - 
 
 • - 
 
 ; 
 
 
 
106 
 details of the proposed conference, and to have definite- 
 ly pointed out, the ground for the camp (known as "the 
 five li point" ). The Commissioners had one objection 
 to offer; that was to the delivery of the Queen's letter 
 to the Emperor by Lord Elgin personally. They said that 
 according to law, the Emperor was spending this season 
 in his hunting -lodge. It was agreed to leave this 
 question to Lord Elgin. 
 
 The next morning, proceeding to the proposed 
 camp, Mr. Parke s found it occupied by a large Tartar 
 army. Instantly, his eyes were opened to the treachery 
 so carefully prepared, and he succeeded in dispatching 
 Mr. Loch with the news to Sir. Hope, thus averting the 
 possibility of a tremendous disaster. Ke then hastened 
 back to Tung-chow, in order to get his party out. 
 He also saw the Commissioners, who told him that they 
 would not direct the troops to re tire, be cause the audiance 
 question remained unsettled. When Mr. Parkes said 
 that he would refer this question to Lord Elgin, they 
 answered, "You can do much more if you like. You can 
 

 
 
 . . 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 ©ri;. 
 
 
 - uc 
 
107 
 
 settle the point at once yourself; but you won't". 
 Y/hich is merely illustrative of the common belief among 
 the Chinese, that Parkes was the commanding spirit among 
 the English. It was now a question of making good his 
 retreat. There were six miles to go, and his party, 
 which had been rejoined by Mr. Loch, accompanied by 
 Capt. Brabazon, was within half a mile of safety, when 
 they ran into the Chinese troops. The flag of truce 
 was ignored. They were seized, hauled before the 
 Tartar General, Sang-ko-lin-sin, in front of whom they 
 were thrown violently to the ground, That worthy having 
 amused himself with a few gratuitous insults, bundled 
 all of them except Parkes, Loch, one of the Sowars, and 
 two French soldiers who had been taken, off to the in- 
 terior, where all but a few of the Sikhs succumbed to 
 cruelty of treatment. Those named were taken to Peking 
 and thrown into the common jail (I) . 
 
 (I) See Parkes 1 report quoted p. 384 Lane-fool e 
 Vol. II, also pp ( 267 - 268 ) An. Reg. 1860. 
 

 ' 
 
 
 
108 
 Meanwhile, after getting Mr. Parke s 1 message 
 Sir Hope had remained inactive for some time, for fear 
 of inducing rough treatment to the prisoners. He was 
 halted in sight of the Chinese army, whose cavalry- 
 was gradually surrounding him. Suddenly, , there was 
 a commotion in the Chinese center, and Col. Walker and 
 Mr. Thompson, with several of the soldiers, who had 
 tecome separated from Parkes, came galloping through 
 and made the English lines. They had been attacked 
 as Parkes, under a flag of truce. Sir Hope immediately 
 attacked, and without difficulty, scattered the Chinese 
 forces. (I) 
 
 Prirc e Kung, one of the three rulers, was 
 now attempted to save the city by threatening that 
 its entry would "be the signal for the massacre of the 
 prisoners. Lord Elgin met him by refusing to enter 
 into any negotiations until the prisoners were liberated , 
 
 (I) For Lord -Elgin's dispatch see pp. (26S-267) 
 An. Reg. 1860. 
 
T 
 
 
 ; • t • 
 
 • iM 
 
 
109 
 and declaring his intention to assault Peking unless 
 thtipy were delivered in three days, the convention 
 signed at Tung-chow, and the ratifications exchanged 
 at Peking. Prince Kung failing to come to terms, the 
 army advanced, took and looted the palace of 3fuen- 
 min- yuen, or the Summer Palace, This looting is 
 one of those points fought about among the French and 
 English chroniclers. The facts seem to be that the 
 French probably begun it, but Sir Hope, after reproving 
 his Allies for their vandalism, himself naively admits 
 that the booty was divided between the two armies. (I) 
 
 At any rate, two days later the prisoners 
 were liberated. On the 12th of September, siege guns 
 were in position, and Peking given until 2ioon to capitu- 
 late. This was unconditionally done. 
 
 Prince Kung had assured Lord Elgin tha t the 
 prisoners had been well treated, and before he had 
 learned the falsity of this statement, Elgin had promise 
 
 ed 
 
 (I) See correspondence pp. 197 - 202 Knollys. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
110 
 to spare the city. When he learned the truth, his 
 feelings may he better imagined than described. 
 He immediately addressSd the following communication 
 to the Prince. (I) 
 
 • Of the total number of twenty-six British 
 subjects seized in defiance of honor, and of the law of 
 nations, thirteen only have been restored alive, all of 
 whom carry on their persons evidence, more or less dis- 
 tinctly marked, of the indignities and ill treatment ; 
 fr'om which they have suffered, and thirteen have been 
 barbarously murdered, under circumstaces under which the 
 undersigned will not dwell, lest his indignation should 
 find vent in words which are not suitable tee a communi- 
 cation of this nature. 
 
 " Until this foul deed shall have been. expedi at ed, 
 peace between Great Britian and the existing dynasty of 
 China is impossible. 
 
 " The following, therefore, are the conditions 
 the immediate acceptance of which, will a.lone avert from 
 
 (I) An. Reg. 1860. 
 
on 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 :o wsl Of; , 
 
 tO . : Villi 
 
 
 morfw 
 
 io e^oxc. 
 
 tjs riol itJt? 
 
 lo 
 iHv eve enolJB II tw , / 1 
 
 
 .. 
 
 at b 
 
 edi 
 
 , 
 
 I) 
 
Ill 
 
 it the doom impending on it: - 
 
 " What remains of the Palaseof Yuen-Min-yuen 
 which appeas to be the place at which several of the 
 British captives were subjected to the grossest indig- 
 nities, will be immediately levelled to the ground; 
 this condition reqires no assent on the part of his 
 Highness, because it will be 4tonce carried into affect 
 by the commander-in-chief. 
 
 " Asum of 300,000 taels must be paid down at 
 once to the officers appointed by the undersigned, 
 to receive it, which sum will be &pr>$rppr<iated at the 
 discretion of her Majesty's government, to those who 
 have suffered, and to the families of the murdered men. 
 
 * The immediate signature of the Convention 
 drawn up atTien-tsin, which shall remain as it is,wi,th 
 the single change, that it shall be competent for the 
 armies of England and France to remain atTien-tsin 
 until the whole indemnities spoken of in the said 
 Convention are paid, if the Governments of England and 
 Prance see fit to adopt this course." 
 
eiii to . 
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112 
 The Convention was signed October 24th, 1860, 
 and ratifications duly exchanged on November 5th. The 
 Allies then evacuated Peking, retiring on Tien-tsin. 
 
 The Convention itself, as Lord Elgin's com- 
 munication indicated, was merely an agreement to enforce 
 the Treaty of Tien-tsin. It contained practically 
 nothing new, except the provisions for indemnities 
 to the families of the murdered prisoners, the insistance 
 upon legations being located at Peking, and the retainal 
 of troops at Tien-tsin to enforce these various stipu- 
 lations. Curiously enough, every thing was carried 
 out according to agreement. But the Chinese were 
 well watched, and, moreover, they had had a salutary 
 example of the power of the far-reaching barbarian arm. 
 Though their hate, or even their superior contempt for 
 foreigners may not have been decreased, hencefotkh they 
 at least knew that even the celebrated Tartar army was 
 no match for the unceremonious barbarian with his incon- 
 siderate new gun. More than that, it had begun to sink 
 

 
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113 
 into the placid Qelestial mind, that foreigners were, 
 after all, easily managed persons, whose plebeian 
 desire for trade was not a matter of great moment 
 and might even be turned to advantage by the superior 
 cunning of the native merchant. So, from that day 
 to this, the Chinaman, finding that legal commercial 
 robbery is not only easier, but more profitable than 
 fighting, has made no further objection to trade with 
 other nations. - 
 

 
 . 
 
114 
 
 sialography. 
 
 Annual Register The; for the years 1847, 1849, 1850, 
 1856 - 1860 - cited as " An. Reg. 18 - " 
 
 Bazancourt , Le 3aron de; Les Expeditions de Chine et de 
 Cochinchine d'apres les Documents officiels. 
 Two vols. Paris 1861. Cited as"Bazancourt" . 
 
 Danvers„Frederick Charles. Registrar and Superintendent 
 of Records; Report to the Secretary of State 
 for India in Council on the Records of the India 
 Office, London 1888. See P. P. 191 to 254 for 
 Report on China and Japan. Cited as "Danvers." 
 
 Dodd, George. ( una elm owl edged) . The History of the 
 
 Indian Revolt and the Expeditions to Persia, China , 
 and Japan. 1856 - 7 - 8. London 1859. See P.P. 
 585 - 604 for Chapter on Chinese Expedition. Cited 
 as "Dodd." 
 
. .■ . 
 
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 1 • 
 
 eri; ' 
 
 . - . - - ■ 
 
 B£» 
 
115 
 Dunne, J. H. Prom Calcutta to Peking, being notes 
 taken from the Journal of an Officer between 
 those Places. London, 1861. 
 
 Fisher, C. B. Lt. Col., Royal Engineers. Personal 
 Narrative of Three Years Service in China. 
 London, 1863. 
 
 Knollys, Henry. Capt. Royal Artillery. The Incidents 
 of the China War of 1860, compiled from the pri~ 
 vate journals of General Sir Hope Grant G. C. B. 
 London, 1875. 
 
 Knollys, Henry, etc. Life of General Sir Hope Grant, 
 with selections from his correspondence. ( Vol. 
 II contains identical chapters of proceeding 
 work, with additions) London, 1894. Cited 
 as "Knollys". 
 
 Knowlton, D. C. Administration of Sir Josiah and 
 
 Sir John Child in Indian affairs (1680 - 1690) 
 Thesis, 1898. 
 

 • 
 
 ) , ; 
 
 I - ' . 
 
116 
 
 Lane-Poole, Stanley. The Life of Sir Harry Parkes 
 K. C. B., G. C. M. G. sometime Her Majesty's 
 Minister to China and Japan. Two Vols, London 
 and Hew York, 1894. Cited as "Lane-Poole. " 
 
 Macpherson, Davis. The History of European Commerce 
 with India, etc. London, 1812. 
 
 Martens, G. Fr. de. Mouveau Recueil General des 
 Trait es, Conventions, etc. etc. Cited as 
 
 "Martens." 
 
 Hedhurst, D. D., W. H. , China; Its State and 
 
 Prospects, with especial reference to the spread 
 of the Gospel. London, 1857. 
 
 M* Ghee, The Rev. R. J. L., ( Chaplain to the forces). 
 How We Got to Pekin, a narrative of the campaign 
 in China in I860. London, 1862. 
 

 • 
 
 • S18J , 
 
 
 . . 
 
 . 
 
117 
 
 Moges, The Marquis de, attache* to the Mission. 
 
 Recollections of Baron Gros's Embassy to China 
 and Japan in 1857 - 58 ( authorized translation ) 
 London and Glascow, 1860. Cited as "Fioges. " 
 
 Muter, Mrs. Travels and Adventures of An Officer's 
 
 Wife in India, China and New Zealand. Two Vols. 
 London, 1864. 
 
 Oliphant, Lawrence, Private Secretary to Lord Elgin. 
 
 Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China 
 and Japan, in the years 1857, '58 & '59. Two Vols. 
 London, 1859. Cited as "Oliphant." 
 
 Rennie, M. D., D. P., Senior Ufcdical Officer of the 
 
 Force in the North of China. The British Arms in 
 North China and Japan: Peking 1860; Kagosiina, 
 London, 1864. Cited as "Rennie." 
 
 Santarem, Viconde de. Memoria sobre o estabelecimento 
 de Macao. Lisbon, 
 

 
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118 
 
 Van Braam, Andre* Everard. An Authentic Account of the 
 Embassy of the Dutch East-India Company, to the 
 Court of the Emperor of China, in the years 
 1794 and 1795, etc. etc. Taken from Van Braam 1 s 
 Journal. Translated from the Original of M. L. E. 
 Mareau de Saint Mery. Five Vols. London, 1798. 
 
 Varin, Paul. Expedition de Chine. Paris, 1862. 
 
 Williams, S. Wells. The Middle Kingdom: A Summary of 
 the Geography, Government, Education, Social Life, 
 Arts, Religion, etc. of the Chinese Empire and 
 its Inhabitants. Three Vols. Hew York and 
 London, 1848. Cited as "Williams. " 
 
 Williams, S. Wells. "Present Position of the Chinese 
 
 Empire, in relation to Intercourse and Trade with 
 other Nations." Article VII, in Vol. II. y 
 Translations of the American Ethnological Society. 
 
• • ' . f 
 
 c.'V. 
 
 
 
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 i teti 
 
119 
 
 Wolseley, L t. Col. G. J. ( d. A. Quarter-Master- General 
 of the Expeditionary Force ). Narrative of the 
 War in China in 1860, etc. London, 1862. 
 
- 
 
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