titntt of Accountantr. CGOCOCCCOQCO.GX3OQOCQOCOGCOOC DEMOCEACY IN EUROPE FIRST V L U M E. DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE: A HISTORY. SIB THOMAS EES.KINE MAY, K.C.B., D.C.L. IX TWO VOLUMES VOL. I, LONDON : LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO PREFACE. No POLITICAL QUKSTIOX of the present time excites more profound interest, than the progress of Democracy, or popular power, in European States. It gravely affects the interests of society, and the welfare of nations. By some it is regarded witli satisfaction and hopefulness ; by others with repugnance and dread. But all must desire to learn the causes to which it may be ascribed : how far it has contributed to the good government of States ; and what have been its dangers and its mis- chiefs. A careful study of history, by establishing some political truths, and removing many prejudices, may conduce to the better understanding of this important subject ; and, with this view, I have endeavoured to trace the fortunes of Democracy, and political liberty, throughout the history of Europe. I have not ventured to entitle these volumes a History of Democracy, as such a work would be no less than a history of Europe itself. But, taking Democracy. VI I'REl'.U 'I-:. iii all its aspects, as my theme, I have illustrated it from the history of those States, in which its incidents have been the most remarkable. I have investigated the causes of the political development of nations : I have studied the inner life of many republics, in ancient and modern times : and I have followed the most memor- able revolutions, and the greatest national struggles for civil and religions liberty, to be found in the annals of European monarchies. While passing lightly over the beaten track of English constitutional history, I have dwelt upon those periods, in which democracy has taken a prominent place. These events are necessarily de- scribed with studied brevity : but the form of historical narrative has o-enerallv been maintained. D Most of the examples of popular power which the history of Europe affords, are those of political liberties and franchises, rather than of Democracy. But I have thought it better to use a comprehensive term, which embraces every degree of popular power, or influence. whether in a constitutional monarchy, or in a republic, Montesquieu has pointed out the various senses in which the term 'liberty' lias been understood; and 'democracy' has acquired at least as many. Asa form of Lfovernment, it signifies the sovereignty of the whole I'KKFACK. vil body of the people. .But there arc ;is many degrees and conditions of democracy, as of liberty; and the term also comprehends the political power, or influence, of the people, under all forms of government. It denotes a principle or force, and not simply an institution ; and it is in this sense, that the term is to be generally understood, in this history. But it is also used in some other senses, which if not so accurate, have been sanc- tioned by conventional use. For example, in default of a more extended vocabulary, it is often .spoken of as a revolutionary force, opposed to existing institutions, if not to law and order ; and in view of many popular movements abroad, such a term can scarcely be misap- plied. Again, it sometimes refers to the humbler citi- zens- of a State, as opposed to the aristocracy ; and, lastly, it is taken to define a particular type of demo- cracy, such as the Athenian, the Florentine, or ihe French democracy. In short, the sense in which I lie Avord is used, in any case, can only be judged aright, from the context. In attempting so extended a survey of European history, I have been painfully sensible of my own shortcomings, Xeither in learning, nor in leisure, could I feel myself equal to such a work : but. led on by the deep interest of the subject, I persevered, for Vlll PREFACE. many years, in a task which no abler hands had under- taken. I have not thought it necessary to multiply authori- ties for the well-known events, or accepted conclusions. of history : but I have freely cited the opinions of other writers, whether in agreement with my own. or other-- wise. without allowing myself to be diverted into inconvenient controversies, If any profession of political faith is expected from the author, as a pledge of the spirit in which this> history is written, it is this: I hail the development of popular power, as an essential condition of the social advancement of nations : I am an ardent admirer of political liberty. of rational and enlightened liberty, A / * C? . ' such as most Englishmen approve; and I condemn any violation of its principles, whether by a despotic king, or by an ill- ordered republic. TEN r J OF 'I' II E K 1 11 S T V L I* M ! INTRODUCTION. S(iidv of political history ...... .Moral, social, and physical causes of freedom Influence of superstition upon freedom In Ihience of higher forms of religion Popular enlightenment tlie i'oundation of freedom Kii,u> and aristocracies the earlier forms of government Social causes of advancing freedom .... .Development of popular power a natural law . l'hy>ieal laws afiecting freedom .... I'll'eets of climate ....... The East Temperate characters conducive to freedom Influence of the terrors of nature upon freedom . Pliy.-ical conditions of Juirope iavoiiraV.e to freedom Society in pastoral States ...... In agricultural countries ..... Jjitlerunt classui of cultivators ..... Inilueiice of mountains npuii society and freedom Of the sea . . . . * . Of navigable rivers and laki_.- ( >f miiieral? ........ Democratic tendencies of town populations; !;.[!uenee of race ...... Special causer- ol iVeedom ii: model'!! States Increasing power of democracy . I LVJ intercouise of nations lie\oluti.)uar movemeuta ... v COJNTKM.S OK Constitutional monarchies Aptitudes of an aristocracv for ile . 'aus'.'S of tlio alisence of freudom ]'!xc''j)tion;il examples of fref.'doiu Tlieir earl J!]-ti!ntio; : - The republic of The ,Itj\vish tlieocrar- Association of inielliejici and frc< do Their mi'_r,-i.tion~ and de-C( hdar.t 11 IK FIltST VOI.C.MK CHAPTER II. The (Jrceks the highest tvpo (if European races Contrast between the (!reeks ami Jv,isli,-ni n;itioi The heroic a.'.res ...... JiuIiUions d[' the people with the St;tte Puhlic lii'e fliavaeteristio of (ireelc society (ireece dividi.M^ iiiln small States 1 )oca v df monarchies ..... Political ivaclion : the Tyrants . Advance of democracy ..... Different forms of goverumeiil . Tho ruling class limited in Greek democraciiH C'Onilict Ix'tween aristocracy and democracy Agricultural and to\vu populations . Uenitirkable society of Greek cities Sparta ........ It.s constitution and lawa .... Contrast bohveen Atliens and .Sparta Athens Athenian oligarchy ..... Tlio constitution of Solon .... The constitution of Cleisthenes Ostracism ....... J Reforms of Pericles ..... Pavinents for public services Popular amusements ..... Public works ....... The theoricoii ...... Athenian democracy ..... Overthrow of the democracy. 41 1 r..c. And of the oligarchs .... The thirty tyrants ..... Hvline of Alhens Sketch of AtliL-niiin liistorv CHAPTER III. GKKKCK CuiitiilV.e XI 1 CO.VTK.NTS OF Intiuence of birtii ..... l)L-mairo _''.? 'if 1 1 i!.l\ - i ' . '. ' ..' i\\ of m in.'irclii' - i:. Italv a~ in Or Instil iti'in.- !' the li'iinun niniiarch . i - nftL i liuiuiin J,'- puolic . TIi prx-sthr, ,[ The - ' i ::"_'.'. Tl ir :i x-::di icy '. . . I'! eir b i!..-], : if den '. . : : ,' i- . THE FIRST VOLl'.MK. xiii Fusion of the old and new aristocracy , . . . . ]r>-2 Conquest of Italy ....... . . ],"j:{ 1 Ionian and Latin colonies . . . . . . . 154 Kllects of Italian conquest upon the society of Koine . . . !;">."> The Punic wars . . . . . . . . . . 157 1 Ionian virtues . . . . . . . . . . 1 W Influence of the Stoic philosophy . . . . . . . ir/,> The Sliiics and Puritans compared . . . . . .1(10 Faults of the Koman character . . . . . . . 101 Public lite in Koine compared with that of Athens . \C>-2 ( 'oiirU of justice .......... If!:', Eloquence and freedom ........ 104 CHAPTER V. HOMK continued, KlYects of foreign conquests upon the republic . . . , 10o Political reaction of the patricians . .... ](>;"> Consequences of standing armies . . . . . . . 10(1 Social changes in Home . . . . . , . .107 Growth of corruption . . . . . . . . , 103 Factions and tumults . , . . , . . . .108 Increase of luxury ...,..,... 10!) Decline of paganism . , . . . . . . .170 Want of a middle class . . . . . . . . 1 70 Moral effects of the public domains . 171 Dependence and corruption of the poor . . . . .172 Debtors and creditors ..... 17-'! Demoralisation of slavery . . . 17-'> Undue influence of the nobles ...... 17-1 Tiberius Gracchus ..... 17-") Cains Gracchus . . . . . . . . . .177 ITis democratic measures ..... ... 17*- The memory of the Gracchi ... ... 1^1 Patrician advances to the people . HI Mari: 1 ..- : hi- popular measures .... ]*:_' Livius DriiMH ...... . F.nfvai'.c'iisi-jiient of Italian cities .... . Pulilius Suipicius Kufus, the reformer . Sulla master of Koine - .... Ili> reactionary poiiey ..... His polirv rever.-ed hy the. consul Cinna . Pro-cvintion under Mariu- XIV CONTEXTS OF China con-ul ...... ,.]>!> Sulh's measures as dictator .... ... 1>9 Xovi homines ....... . 1M} Home changed into a military oligarchy ... . . IM.'J The two parties ........ ,10-3 The oligarchy P'4 Pompey and the democracy . . . . . . , l'.4 Overthrow of the constitution of Sulla . . ]0.~> Crcsar, Crassus, and Cicero ..... , lUo Cato the younger ...... . Alliance of Pompey and Ca?sar . . . , Ciesar's popular mea-nres ... . His military command.- and victories . . . . Anarchy in "Rom-- , . The triumvirate of Pompey. Cojsar. and Cra-sus ... The patrician party ....... . . Ifivalrv of Pompey and C;e.-ar . . . C;e?ar crosses the Ihiljicoti ........ His extensive powers ......... His policy ... IIi= constitutional and remedial lavrs . . . The usurper slain ... ...... Anarchy after !iis death . . . . . . . , Octavius (J;esar . . . . . . . . . Transition from the lu-public to the Empire . ... HomriL-e paid Ly emper,,rs to freedom . . . . . . Causes of the fall of the republic .... . Home never a pure democracy ..... . . Irreirular forces of democracy . . . . . . . ILnv far di'inocracy ci>!itriljnted to the fall of tlv r^puLlic I lisorders quelled by the sword . . Faults in the Unman institutions . . . . Pusition and attributes of the senate . . . Trreirular action of the comitia . . . . . . Concentration of forces originally divided . ... Social causes of ]iolitiral 1'ailure , . . . . . . . Demoralisation nf the people under iho cmpir>- . THE FIRST VOU'MK. XV Barbarian conquests ..... The Dark Aires Feudalism ....... Causes of social and political improvement Teutonic customs ...... Greek and Teutonic customs compared Relations of chiefs and vassals Traditional institutions of Homo Feudalism ruinous to towns .... Traditions of Rome favoured irreat monarchies Roman laws ....... Christianity, and the Catholic Church Political precepts of Christianity Spread of Christianity .... Corruptions of Christian churches Church government ..... Influence of the Church of Rome upon freedom The Ascetic spirit ..... The Church and civilisation .... The priesthood ...... The aristocracy and the Church Relations ,-,f the Church to Idngs Six centuries of darkness .... Spiritual and secular power of the Church Growing refinement of the harons . Chivalry ....... The Crusades ...... Their influence upon European enlightenment Their effect upon feudalism .... And upon the enfranchisement of communes >! rubles of towns with the barons Their political influence Imperial and fret- cities of Germany Gro-,\-;h of European constitutions R.A i\ :il of learning . School- and universities Mmm.-terie.-i .... I ', xanline civilisation Saracen ci\ ili-ati' m . Th.e Jews promoters The Si hoolmen . ( irowth '!' l-'iii'' ipi ; Revival of cla sical XVI CONTEXTS OF PAGE Its service-.- to religion .... . -0-'! Revival of oriirinal thought . . . . 204 Scientific discoveries ....... . -04 Clmrchmen supplanting nobles in the councils of inner? . -00" Conflict of tlie Church with freedom of thought .... iJOO The Inquisition . . . . . . . . . . . 20" Opposition to the Church of Rome ..... The Protestant Reformation ... ... 2<>i) Its intlu'TiCi' upon freedom ... . . - ( > ;< Politic'd views of !!!' inners .... . . -70 Lut!.er;n;ism ...... Calvinism .......... -71 Catholic ivacti m ........ -< 1 The Reformation the fMiiniT-nremcnt ^f n rovolutiminrv uerimi . '11 '1 CHAPTER VII. THE ITALIAN Jii'.rT'BI. Early rise of Italian citi'-s Buil.liiijjr uf city walls ... T!i2 f'-ndnl lord's of It^ily . Weakness of Italian soveroigns ... Spr< ad of repiihlifs over the whuV "f Itely r4er.eral view of their ^overmnent.s Thought emboldened bv liberty . Italian culture . .. Useful arts Civic patriotism .... Oreek aiid Italian republic.- compured Creek and Italian society Rarity -if eloquenc- in the Italian republic- Venice : it- antiquity find t-arly lii-tnry . Its extended relations .... THE FIRST VOLUMK. XVli Chit'!' Italian cities and their allies . . . Frederick Barbarossa ...... Treaty of Constance ...... Election of podeslas in Italian cities ... Ascendency of the nobles ..... Their factious violence ...... < iuelph and Ghibelline parties .... Democracy in Florence ...... Ascendency of the mercantile class . . . Fxclusion of nobles ...... Florence the leader of free republics . . . Cradle of a new aristocracy ..... Rivalry of old and new families , ... Revolt of the Ciouipi ...... Democratic spirit of the republic . . . Strife of classes in other Italian cities ... No\i homines in Rome and Italy . . . The ( 'oiidottieri Tnrbnleuce and ambition of noblea . . . Guelph and Ghibelline feuds ..... fnfluence of classical learning upon Italian libertie Revolution of Rienzi . ..... Social degeneracy of Italy ..... The Tyrants ....... Tyrannicide . . . . . . . . Florence in the fifteenth century The .Medici ........ Savonarola ....... J-'allofthe Florentine republic .... Ilevastation and political .-abjection of Italy . Sarvival of Venice ...... San .Marino ....... Review of the Italian republics .... Later fortunes of Italv . CHAPTKR VIII. SWITZERLAND. XaTural features of the country . The Alps The S\\ iss cliniate ..... Geo^-rapliii-al incidents of Swit/i-rhir.d , VOL. i. a XVlll CONTEXTS OF Early independence of the Swiss . . . . . . . :',:','> Switzerland overrun by Northern races ...... ',',:',('} Feudalism established ......... :',:',('> (irowth of municipal privileges ....... .';:;7 llival cantons ........... !'>'.','.) Democracy in tlie forest cantons ....... :;.40 Its unchanging type .......... .'!41 Freedom of towns .......... l'A~2 Struggles of tlr; Swiss for iVe" .League oi' the thirteen cantons, 3 ."",01. . . . . . . :\.\~ Italian and Swiss liberties compared ...... .'!-I^ Fortunes of Switzerland compared with other states , . . . '!!'.> Constitutions of the several cantons ...... :',">() liiile of tin,' nobles .......... ;>'.'! -Mixed constitutions ......... -!-V; (ieneva ............ .'J-Vt [)emocra tic cantons ......... '.':-~>.~> '\'}'i- f Jrisons ........... ',}~>i~> Conservative democracv of the rural cantons ..... .'!")<; L'rinciples of the Swisis confederation . . . . . . .V>s Political state of Switzerland earlv in the sixteenth ivnturv , .'i'10 irAPTEU IX. T/ ]; I;LA x i> r,on /in S^."ial changes ........... ^t' .Military service .......... :''! S-,vis> mercenary troops ... .... .'if'c* (Corruption .... ... ';<;.< lifilifrioits discords .......... '') Tin' Ui-formation in Switzerland ....... :;;t; Divisions amonjr tbe cantons . ..... .'i(U; I '(-formation in (Icncva . ...... ''^'7 Moral effects of the Information ... ... :ii',s Tiie P fta.an1 war. |r,r,:j ... . :',7() |!,creasiti:r ])rosperity of Swilzerland . . ... -;7I IN'la! ions of Switzerland with foreign i'nvvi-rs . . . :;72 I :.ci-( iisc of uli^arfhies ..... (''itnniei'cial and democratic cantons 1 '.tll-cis of thf I'Vcnch Ili'voliition . . . . . . . -".77 '!'! Helvetic republic imposed by France Heroic resistance of tlie rural cantons . . . . . . :>() THE FIRST VOLl'MI'!. XIX IIoputor\ . i.e. the stud\ of the laws whirh pivern political events, !ir>t to Flobbe.s, and then to i) -:iet t /'////ox. I'm. \i. :i!7) : hut I should rather a SMITH it to Aristotle. This author will >> often ci;>d in the course of tirN work : Hot iiecaiiM- i ,1111 attracted l>v his peculiar philosophy, hut l:ecau.-e }; displ;i\> ;, i' -r.'arkahle historical ii'.-iirht. wliollv (iistiuct from his btraiiir*- 1 llu-orie-; of t : : ri'lii'ioiir ;ind social tlestinies of mania: d. principles, founded on human nature, and leading to similar results in different ages, and in many States. [low these results have been moditied by the con- ditions of society, and by other local and incident;;! causes, is another object of inquiry not less important. This study brings us into contact with the im>l intellectual and polished nations of the world ; and introduces us to the most interesting periods of their history. The nations which have enjoyed the highest, freedom, have bequeathed to us the rarest treasures of intellectual wealth, and to them we owe a large measure of our own civilisation. The history of their liberties will be found concurrent with the history of their greate.-t achievements in oratory, literature, and the arts. In short, the historv of civilisation is the history of freedom. 1 It has been usual to conduct controversies regarding political institutions, and forms of government, as i; they were simply founded upon abstract expediency ; as if monarchies and republics had been established upon // priori theories, and were to be judged according to their approach to some ideal politv. It is not in thi.-? .spirit, that history is to be studied. If any instruction i- to be gained, it will be by the investigation of tin moral, social, and physical causes which have con- tributed to the rise, growth, and overthrow of insti- tutions, of despotisms, of free monarchies, of an.- MORAL CAUSES OF FREEDOM. XXill of philosophers and lawgivers, that political institutions INTI:<>!>. have been formed: but bv the conflict of social forces in the several states. Freedom owes much to statesmen, who, in different ages, have laboured to enfranchise nations: ii owes much to great thinkers, who have pro- pounded broad principles of civil government, to Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, and Seneca, to John of Salisbury, 1 St. Thomas Aquinas,- Marsilio of Padua, 3 Milton, Locke 1 . Montesquieu, and Edmund Burke. They have given liu'lit and guidance to the leaders of popular movements : but no laws or principles will avail, until society is ripe for their acceptance. Pullers will not willingly sur- i veneniens socintix, de maniere a permettre. comme pour tout autre ordre de pheiiomenes, et entre les limites <_>vncrale- imposees par line compli- cation superieure, une eertaine prevision systematique de leur sucer.s.-ion uiterieure.' ( 'omte, J'/ii/of. J'os. iv. '2^'2. A line aphorism of L'-ibnitx is also citrd by (!omte. ' Le present est gros de 1'avenir.' ll/'nl, iv. '!<)?. 1 See Infra, p. iMO. 2 Lord Acton, iu his learned and eloquent address on 'The History of Freedom in Christianity.' thus summarises the doctrines of this writer. A Id'tir who is unfaithful to his duty, forfeits his claim to obedience. It i- not rebellion to depose him, for he is himself a rebel, whom the nati'.ii has a right to put down. ]>ut it is better to abridge his power, thai he may be unable to abuse it. For this purpose, the whol<' nation ought to have a share in governing it-elf. The constitution ought to combine a. limited and elective monarchy, with an aristocracy of merit, and sue!; a:i admixture of democracy as shall admit all classes to ollice by popular election. Xo government has a right to lew taxes beyond the limit determined by the people. All political authority is derived from pop;t- hir -iiiirag!-: and all laws must be made by the people or tlnir represen- tatives. There is no securitv for us as long as we depend on the will of an ither man.' A. :; This writer's views are also given by Lord Acton. 'Laws derive their authority from the nation, and are invalid without its assent. . . . In obeying laws to wli^ch all m-'ii have agreed, all m^n. in reality, troi themselves.. . . The monarch is responsible to the nation, and subif ! I thela\v-. and tlie nation that appoints him and assigns him liis dn'.ies, h;i- to >ee that he obeys the constitution, and has to dismiss him ;; he hrcalvs it. Thi' rights of citix^ns an- independent of thf f;.i'.h th-'\ iio- fe.-.- ; and !'.u man mav be puiiish'.-i.l for i is : v '!i_'! a\.'Ib>il. xxiv INTRODUCTION. INTKOD. render their power: nor can a people wrest it from them, until thev have grown strong enough to wield it. The political constitution of a State will be found gene- rally to follow its social condition. the religion, the cultivation, the industry, the wealth, the arts, and the self-respect of its people. Such causes were the origin of the earlier historical institutions ; and they still shape the destinies of the more advanced societies of modern times. IK- ':".. Foremost amonir the moral causes which repress or , .a favour liberty, is the national religion. A superstitious faith. inspiring awe and mental prostration in the worshippers, assigning iJivine attributes to kings and priests, and abasing the people. has ever been the ; rent ally and instrument of despotism. Throughout A.-ia. in Egypt, in Turkey, in ancient Mexico and Peru, we lind the grossest superstitions associated with despotic rule.' A supers! itious faith cannot fail to rivet the political chains of a people. It adds Divine sanction to civil authority : it strengthens power and weakens re- sistance: it exalts tradition above reason: it depresses the fret.' will of believers : it lowers intelligence and perpetuates ignorance. It tends to make men -lave- in- stead of freemen. Jnfiuor.r-o Such being the natural effect- of superstition, a r-iL : .. higher and nobler faith promotes the development of 1 In all t!n'->' countries 'thor iiart of tin; u]i})-'r cla.-.-i , :i'iii'al f;iii-- df which ivliyi 'ii wa~ mi" ' ! -';!' rntiior thai) t< > n-li-'i 1.1 i'.-eil'. MORAL CAl'SES OF FREEDOM. XXV the condition and destinies of man : instead of inspiring mi:. an abject terror of rulers, it holds them responsible to ( u>d for the righteous government of His people: it exalts the sentiments, quickens the intelligence, and directs the moral aims of believers. 1 iSuch are its aids lo liberty. "\Ye shall find, in the course of this history, ample niu-tra- illustrations of these opposite principles. On one side, we shall observe despotism allied to Pagan superstitions and corruptions of the Christian faith : on the other, we shall sec' liberty flourishing in union with the best and purest types of Christianity. - .Next to religion, we mu>t reckon intellectual ad- vancement as one of the causes of freedom. Stipersti- lon, indeed, is so closely allied with ignorance, and a Hire faith with enlightenment, that it may sometimes be li.'licull to distinguish the relative effects of religious and ntellectual progress. J]ut it is mainly with the latter lat we are, at present, concerned. The observation of human society, under every aspect, exhibits the influ- ence of knowledge, and intelligent will, upon the affairs of men. The conditions of a community, or State, are not very different from those of a family. 3 When the people are helplessly ignorant, they render blind ; ;ive had the mo-T obvious efl'ect in strengthening the races who believed them, and in making those races the winnii:^ races.'- J'aireliut. I : /< //-! - (turl 1'olilir*. Jlii. -' l.f-; peiiplrs du nord ernbrasserent la protestantisiue, et rtux d ;i n:;< i ^avdoveiil la catliolique.' '' ("e-1 (iiie 1"< penjile- du nord nut et nuruiil j uirp mi rs]irit d'indopendanot 1 et de lilierti-. <|ite n'mit pa* U-s ]-rnpl'-> (l.i midi.' Montesquieu, Eaprif ilex L<>1<\ livr. xxiv. c-!i. '). " S;r Ileiirv Maini' savs, ''I'll" ni'^i recent ri'si-arclies into i'i' j prinii- tivo 'listory ofsocietv ^int to the conclusion that llie ''arlii'-l tie whicii XXVI INTRODUCTION. ivn:<>. obedience, like children, to their stronger and wiser rulers; but as they acquire more knowledge and dis- cernment, I hey murmur against wrongs, and are pre- pared to resist oppression. If they still submit them- selves loyally to their government, it is no longer in the same unreasoning spirit. They are grown up; and will no longer be treated as children. Xor can rulers con- tinue insensible to the changes which are occurring in their relations with their subjects. Mutual coniidcn given them, have been continually cultivated and im- proved. Deplorable superstitions have given place to knitted nicti tnp'ther in communities was consaiiiruhiitv or kinship.' Eis of .suciftv. in SOCIAL CAL'SIvS OK KKKKbOM. XXVii higher 1'onns of religion ; and ignorance has vielded to INTROD. education and rational experience. As European societv advanced, heroic and heaven-born kings were generally succeeded bv aristocracies 1 ; Avho, in their turn, Avert 1 constrained to share their power with tlie people, or to yield it to a democracy. Of this political development of society in Europe, the history of Greece and .Rome, the two most important, nations of antiquity, abounds in familial' and instructive examples. 2 Intelligence alone Av.il 1 not ensure the libertv of a s "' : ' ; cuusi-s i,| ])eople. A nation of dreamers might still be slaves, fm.-d.jm. Imt active enlightenment improves the social condi- tion of a people, makes their industrv fruitful, distri- butes wealth, raises up nt'AV classes of society, create- varied interests; and changes the entire character of the state. 3 The government of a State follows its general social condition. material, as well as intellectual ; and it is to the relative forces of different classes, that AVC must look for the determination of political supremacy. Increasing Avealth and resource's, arising from com- merce. manufactures, and industry, necessarily asso- ciated with enlarged intelligence, have disturbed the historical era of aristocracies succeeded a historical era of heroic lu;i_ - niav li.' considered as true, it' not of all mankind, ;,i all events of all branches of the [udo-Kuropean 1'umilv of nations.' Maine, Ancient I. ' '. ii. See Chapters II. lit. IV. and V. of this history. ' Political liberty was. in ancient time?, almost restricted to cities lilce Atln-ns and I.'oun'. wlior.- pulilic lit'", and art, and all the intellectual inlluences tiiat \v,-. concentrated in a irreat ni^tropoli^, could rai>e the people to an excep- tional elevation." Lcckv. //>'./, < 7 < < 1' />. It., i. I 1 '-. XX Y1L1 INTRODUCTION. iXTuon. balance of power in States, originally governed by a king or aristocracy, and largely increased the political influence of the middle and industrial classes. 1 The great varieties of constitutions in many States, and in different periods of their history, may be traced to the proportionate social influence of the clas-vs of which they were composed. A powerful aristocracy, when it has lost its exclusive power, may still maintain a very large, if not a preponderating, influence in public a (lairs. Its intrinsic power may be unimpaired : its wealth, its territorial possessions, its moral and intel- lectual elevation, may be greater than at any former period; and these characteristics will ensure, in any State, and under any form of government, an enduring political power. In the earlier stages of such a State, when other sources of influence were undeveloped, such attributes were naturally all-powerful; and under new conditions of society, they must continue to be an essential power. Whether they still giv sovereignty of the whole community, will depend upon the relative progress of the several classes of society. Hence the variety of institutions which have formed themselves, throughout the history of Europe. Osten- sibly the conceptions of statesmen and lawgivers, their first cause was the social condition of the people. Th operation of these principles may be studied, with peculiar interest, in the hi-tory of Greece;- of ;nicien< 1 ' i)epiiis vt'm;s dc-. soiim - clt! lores' M ilf richt'sses. on (Kit coiisiduvr rlinqiie di'vi'luj^ienii-nl ill [;: sciuiice, cliatjitc ('nnmiissanct! nouvollf, cliaqiu 1 iiU'i 1 lU'iive, comme un uvrnv -. la di'tniirt 1 . au lieu de ohercher a 1'instruire "t a, la corriLi't'i 1 , ct sa;is vouloir lui nppvondvc a Lrouvonit'i 1 . il.s ne songerent qu'a la rejiou.-ser du 1^011 vernoiniMil.' 7/.'/r/. S. 'ThtM't 1 is no nsi> iniiK-inir llie matter: luiU^fs the world iroes Lack, de- inoor.-icv inii-t iro forward. The will ot' the people must more and more prevail. A\"f c-annot |ii'event numbers rn'iiiir: we can oiilv persiiadi' them to rule well. '-Mi'. W. M. I-'orster's Address, as Lord Hector of the ("uiver.-it v of Aberde'-n, Xovemlier i'4, !>"(>. INTRODUCTION. ;\Ti;oi). defied, or resisted by rulers, it provokes popular dis- contents, disorders, and revolution : if welcomed and propitiated, it is a source of strength and national union. To discern rightly the progress of society, and to meet its legitimate claims to political influence, has become one of the highest functions of modern states- manship. Of both these political axioms, the history of Eng- land presents instructive illustrations. The Stuarts failed to recognise the adumcing force of the com- monalty in social power, and religious earnestness; and clung obstinately to the principles of absolutism in the state, and in religion. They were blind to the con- spicuous signs of their own remarkable times ; and one of that misguided race forfeited his life, and another iiis crown, to this political blindness. At a later period a more discerning policy has been signalised by the most striking results. Modern English statesmen have recognised the advancing intelligence and social power of the people; and have taken them into active part- nership with the State. Xor has this confidence been ill requited. The crown and aristocracy, the wealthy, the cultivated, and the middle classes have- maintained their legitimate ascendency in the Slate: and they rule with the moral force of a united people. The same moral may be drawn from the blood- stained history of Trance. The Bourbons were as blind as the Stuarts, to the social forces which an advanc- ing civilisation was developing in 1 ieir noble countrv. They continued to govern, in the eighteenth century, a- they had governed in the sixteenth. Everythin-j was changing around them: anew society was growing: new opinions were beiny fnin-d : new political exi- PHYSICAL CAUSES OF FKF.KDOM. XXXI gencies demanded the most watchful care. l]ut they ivn;o;>. saw none of these things, until it was too laie. They maintained the greatness of the monarchy, the splendour of the court, and the invidious privileges of the nobles: but they ignored the advancing power, and accumulat- ing needs of a neglected people. At, length, Louis X.VI. perceived, but too plainly, the urgent claims of his subjects, and the alarming necessities of the State. The people were suddenly called into council, in the States-General, without experience, without prepara- tion, without foresight, without any of the resources of statesmanship ; and, in reforming the manifold abuses of an absolute monarchy, they precipitated a democratic revolution. 1 Such being the moral and social conditions affect ing <''.>.-: political progressive may now consider the influence "-'<' of certain physical laws in arresting or advancing that development of society, which is conducive to freedom. Montesquieu has traced, with luminous precision, the influence of climate, soil, and geographical position, upon the laws and government of nations.- 1'mckle has examined, with extraordinary learning, and fulness of illustration, the physical laws affecting civilisation/' 5 His generalisations are bold and masterly; and while some of his conclusions are open to controversy, many of them will scarcely be disputed. lie may sometimes attribute too much effect to the operation of physical laws, to the. exclusion of moral causes ; but any philosophy would be imperfect, which failed to a>Hif;: to such laws a considerable influence, in forming and XXX11 INTRODUCTION. iNTRon. modifying the social conditions of different race? o mankind. The operation of such laws is no nev theory : but has been accepted by writers of all ages from Homer and Aristotle to Taine 1 and Buckle. Thinkers who are most inclined to narrow the effee' of ph\>ical laws upon morals, will not deny tin. influence of climate in modifying the character o men; 2 and we propose, very briefly, to point out the. manner in which the political institutions of dili'eivn! countries have been affected by their climate, soil, and other geographical incidents. History and observation alike attest that tropical regions have been the everlasting abodes of despotism: where kings, chiefs, and priests have governed, from time immemorial, without control : and where the people have been unresisting subjects and slaves. 3 Temperate climes alone have been the homes of freedom. This fact is the more remarkable, as the earliest civilisations arose in the hottest climates. Here we should naturally have looked for a concurrent progress, in the social and political condition of the people. In other lands, civilisation and liberty have advanced together : but throughout the East, and in 1 Tris source; 3 diil'^rep.tes oontribuent a produive cet etat mora 1 . t'le- meniaire. la race, If milieu, ft If moment/ JIi*t. // In Lift, Anq. Intr. 22-33. 2 'Climate and physical surroundings, in the lai'ireM sense, have 1111- questionahlv much iiiiluc nee : they aiv one factor in tin- cause, hut tlu-v an 1 not the ciily factor: for we iirul nn>s1 dissimilar races of men iivin'!. " See ( 'ha]). I. Montesquieu. Y.'.-y*/-// rii-.t Loi.r, \i\r. siv. ch. 4 ; \\ii. oh. :',, Ci. l,a servitude ]iolitif|iie i:e deji'-nd pas n . i; s i!e la nul ire du climat. ( [Uf hi (.i\'il >i et donie>tiquc. cumiiie on vt! .';,i.e voir.' Montei- (|i;ieu. J-^/in? di-s Lvic- livr. xvii. ch. 1. PHYSICAL CAl'SKS OF FUKKDOM. XXxill other liot climates, however much learning, pnefrv, miion. philosophy, and the arts may have flourished, there lias been no social and political advancement for mankind. Wliv is this? It cannot be due to accident: nor will the superstitions of these countries, however detrimental to human progress., suffice to explain the permanent stagnation of Eastern society. A people, advancing in intelligence and influence, would have outgrown them. l)i it the physical conditions of tropical life are opposed to social development. A hot climate and a fertile soil multiply the means of subsistence, and foster the rapid growth of population. The wants of the multi- tude are few and easily gratified. A loose cotton gar- ment, a meal of rice, or Indian corn, and a draught of water, a dwelling of the simplest fashion, designed for the free admission of the air, rather than for protection against the climate, are all their needs. There is no check to the increase of their numbers. Hence follow cheap labour, and a low and imimproviiig condition of societv. 1 Xor can it be doubted that great heat is enervating alike to the minds and bodies of men, dis- inclining them to vigorous thought and action, and disposing them to a languid acquiescence in their accustomed lot. In colder climates all these conditions arc 1 changed. ^'"K^"' o cumati'.s The bounties of nature are less prodigal: 2 men labour <' 1 "". 1 '" ivi - to tivi hard to win them : their wants are multiplied, and more dillicult to satisfy : their food, clothing, and dwellings are more- costly. Hence the growth of population is 1 Burlvlr, ///*'. : General Introduction, .'5f' !K ; ' Ainsi, le ^rouvernement d'u:; .->'ii; >r tvnuvo plu? ,~ouvcr,! u,-. !: !(> ifoiiverni'incnt di- jilusii'iir- dans lc- pa\ nui in I pus.' -M'l'iifsi^uirii, 7,'.^ i/-// confianoe en soi-momo, cVst-u-diro. plus d<- oourairo : pin- do connoissance do *a supO'iim-ito', o'ost-a-diro, nmins dr dt'sir df la vengeance ; plus d'npimnn do sn sun-to. oVst-a-dhv, plus dc . ninins do snupcons, do pnlitiqm- <-t do ruses.' Mmitts'iniou, if dp* Lai.:', livr. .\iv.,di. -2. PHYSICAL CAUPF.P OF FRKKDOM. XXXV or volcanoes vomiting forth (lames and burning ashen; I\TI;. or wide impetuous rivers; or a rock-bound coast, 1 he sport of storms and clouds; or a boundless desert, or tangled torest ; and how can they fail to humble them- -elves before the awful and mysterious powers of nature and of God. 1 With a reasonable faith, and an intelligent Tr-m,^ <.r comprehension of physical laws, such phenomena as "(V.'.'i' YJ" these exali the imagination, and arouse the soul to the highest religious emotions. But with superstition and ignorance, they encourage an awe-stricken worship, or helpless fatalism. Instead of raising men above them- selve<. by the contemplation of the wonderful works of their Creator, they inspire abject fears and moral abase- ment. Without self-respect, or assurance of the high destinies of man. there can be no striving for social and political progress. Europe being comparatively free from the more riiy^i fearful of these natural phenomena, and the forces of <>f Kun.j).. nature being more easily subdued to the control and to fiwiom. use 1 of man. the influence of these causes has been generally less felt, than in the scats of earlier civilisa- tions. 1 ' And in this circumstance we may discern one. among many concurrent causes, of the hiu'her de- velopment of European religion, civilisation, and liber- ties. ?ome writers may have attached undue impor- tance to this consideration: but no investigation of the 1 Buckle, ///*. i. 107-110. ' Tn early ;ip^. mon wciv frkrhtonc'd of ' the world; " the pt-ctacle of nnimv tilled tii' i m with awe and div;u!. They funrird there were power- licliind it. which must lteple:i-ed. sontluul. ihiitcri'd. mid thi> ut'tt'ii in a inuiil'iT nt' !:idt'nn.s ways.'- Bagehoi. //' din' Polittt'S) ~i~i. ' Tho ti'iider.cy ni' tho surroiindinp 1 plif!in;v,i'ii;i WM-. i;> Indiii. to in- c i'ii''' l'o;iv : in ( ircor^. to n'iyc fipiitidfiioi'. In Indin. in:in w;i- innini'hitfil : in fiVi'OPt 1 , lie \\',i-- I'ncouvati'cd . . . In (Jrceco. ntiluri' \vji-* li'> - s daiitrt'TMiis. I'- iiilvi!>ivi-. und lc - in\ sti'i jiin- tlinu in India.' IJucKl' 1 . //A/, i. li'7. XXXVI INTRODUCTION. INTIIOD. causes of social and political progress, could pretend to completeness, which failed to weigh seriously the in- fluence of the terrible and mysterious aspects of nature, upon the destinies of mankind. Analogous to the influence of climate, is that of the character of the soil and its cultivation. Where a country consists mainly of vast pastures, a feudal society of chiefs and dependants has generally been found. Large tract-; of land being in the hands of a few proprietors, and a scanty population being engaged in tending the ilocks and herds, the elements of a free and progressive society are wanting. To which we must add another cause pointed out by Aristotle, 1 that in such countries war has generally been carried on by ca- valry, which is the arm of the rich and not of the poor. Those who defend their country and maintain its inde- pendence are supreme in its government ; and thus an aristocracv is the natural constitution of a pastoral Stale. The same causes operate, in a less degree, in coun- tries mainly agricultural. But there we iind conditions favourable to the growth of classes independent of the proprietors of the soil, and capable of acquiring political rights. In the tilling of the soil, a larger population is engaged than in pasture : the laud is generally divided among a greater number of proprietors : and a considerable class of farmers are spread over the country, forming an intermediate order between the landowners and the peasantry. And, to supply the needs of a large agricultural community, towns spring up. in which mer- chants, tradesmen, and artificers, add to the independent and progressive elements of societv. Tim-, although 1 1'olif., vi. :;. PHYSICAL CAUSES OF KRKKDOM. XXXVll MIL agricultural society is generally conservative, true INTUOD. to its old traditions of loyalty, and bound up \\itii the interests and sentiments of tlie proprietors of the -oil. history presents many examples of agricultural democracies. Of these, the most conspicuous are the ancient republics of Greece and Koine in their earlier stages, the more modern republic of Switzerland, and the great agricultural democracy of the United States of America. The political character of an agricultural Slate will Dinvivm generally be found to vary according to the classes of cultivators persons by whom the land is owned, and its cultivation conducted. Large estates let to tenant-farmers, and tilled by lured labourers, are naturally favourable io I he predominant influence of the landowners. Again, this influence is greater where the custom of tenancies at will, or from year to year, prevails, than where long leases are granted to tenants. The Metayer system, so common in France and Italv, 1 under which the peasants pay a certain portion of the produce of their holdings to the owner, in return for the use of the land, and the whole or part of the stock, identifies tlie cultiva- tors still more; clo-elv with their landlords, and secures the paramount influence of the lords of the soil. atil tenants, like the Irish cottiers and Indian ryots, have necessarily ensured the helpless dependence of the cultivators of i tc soil. 15ut where the land is sub- divided among numbers of small proprietors, a class is created, in< epcndentoi the great lam owners, and whosr interests mav be diilereiit. and even antagonistic. it XXXV111 LVL'RODUcTIOX. iNTKon. tJicii 1 estates aiv large enough to require the hiring of labourers, they will probably side with the- greater pro- prietors : but if they can be cultivated by the owner and his family, with occasional help from others, a class of peasant proprietors arises, whose social position and interests would range them with the people rather than with the nobles. Such were the old yeomen, and forty-shilling freeholders of England, now approach- ing extinction.- and the ' statesmen ; of Westmoreland and Cumberland. 1 Of tin- cla.-s also are the proprietors of the greater part of Switzerland, of considerable por- tions of Norway, the Netherlands, Germany, France, and Italy, and of nearly the whole of the Northern States of the American Union. The political characteristics of peasant proprietors are generally determined by the extent of their hold- ings. Where these are sufficiently large to ensure a good livelihood, with some mean- of saving, there is no society more sturdy and independent, or more in- clined to assert their political rights ; and of this class are the proprietors of Norway. Switzerland, and the United States. But where the land- are unduly subdivided, and the proprietors, becoming impoverished, are driven to other employments t<> eke otit a subsistence, their condition is little better than that of hired labourer.-. They are ignorant, dependent, and prone to supersti- tion; and are generally found to follow the nobles and priests, rather than to associate themselves with the people. Such are a nunicroii- class of peasant proprie- tors in France, and some other part.- of the Continent. LM1YSICAL CAUSES OF FKKKDOM XXXIX 1.1 must further be observed thai where numbers of IYH;OI>. >mall proprietors associate themselves, in a common Association cause, to resist oppression, or to advance their own j',',,^!';', 1 , 1 ,!,^. interests, tliey enjov facilities of intercourse and union, not very different i'rom those of the inhabitants of towns. But whatever the distribution of the soil amojiii' ^em-nii cliar.'iricr owners, and whatever its svstem of cultivation, there will f auri.-i.i tur;:l cuin- geuerally be found more inertness of mind, more aver- muniti.-. sion \o change, and more incapacity for social and poli- tical progress, in agricultural than in town populations. Such being the general influence of climate, soil, otiu-r and cultivation, upon the social development and iniiiiciicc-.<. political destinies of nations, other geographical and natural conditions must betaken into account. Of these the most important are mountains and the sea. The influence of mountains upon the character of ii the people is evervwhere recognised. 1 In hot climates, u J O the elevation of a mountain range exempts the inhabit- n ants from those conditions which surround the popula- tion of tlie plains. The climate 1 itself is more temperate ; the soil h.-ss fertile; the difficulties of subsistence arc greater; the obstacles to an undue increase of numbers are multiplied; and the hardship:- and endurance of mountain lite endow men with strength, courage, and independence. Accordingly, mountain tribes, even in tropical regions, are (jiialilied for freedom, Jjut other causes are adverse to the growth of free Stale-. Agri- culture is diflicull, and extended commerce impossible, upon the mountains. Xo new classes can, therefore, INTRODUCTION. arise among these ancient tribes: but the old relations of chiefs and warlike followers are perpetuated. Their energies are devoted to constant wars, fends, and pre- datory raids upon their neighbours. Such men cannot be submissive slaves, like their brethren of the plains : but we may search among them, in vain, for examples of the regulated freedom of more civilized States. In temperate climates, the characteristics of moun- tain life are well known. The men are brave, hardy, industrious, and frugal. Their straitened industry can rarely raise them above the condition of peasants. They are removed from the civilising influences of the outer world : they have little culture : they are. t. / perhaps, narrow and bigoted in their faith : there is nothing progressive in their contracted society : but their manly independence forbids oppression, and nourishes an indomitable love of freedom. The influ- ence of such physical and moral qualities, in perpetuat- ino- the political freedom of a mountain race, has received O 1 the most conspicuous illustration in the memorable history of the Swiss cantons 1 , a history scarcely less fruitful of instruction, than that of the renowned re- publics of ancient Greece. influence The sea has ever exercised an extraordinary in- promotc- ihe growth of dili'eivin J'lLVSlCAL CAUSES OF FUKKDO.M. merchants, traders, sliipowncrs, seamen, and arii- licers. Their several callings c-iuickeu llieir intelligence O -I o and increase their wealtli : their intercourse with foreign lands enlarges their knowledge and range of thought. Their interests require protection, and their growing power asserts itself in the councils of the State. As in a country mainly agricultural or pastoral, the influence of landowners is supreme, so in a maritime Slate must the influence of the commercial classes prevail. The operation of these causes has been illustrated by all history. Even Asiatic races settling upon sea coasts, removed from the influences of a tropical climate and Eastern customs, have exhibited social progress and freedom, unknown in the plains of Asia. The Phoenicians and Carthaginians broke from the traditions of their aboriginal stock, and founded free commonwealths, re- nowned in history. The shores of the Mediterranean were tin 1 birthplace of European liberty; and, from an early period of Western civilisation, were crowded with Greek and Italian republics. The Netherlands and England are examples of the union of maritime activity and political freedom, in modern times. new classes of society are formed ; and the elements of soeial and poliiieal power are multiplied. The lakes and inland navigations of the Netherlands largely con- tributed to ilieir commercial and industrial p rus erity, and lo thi growth <>(' those remarkable eitio. which Xili I.NTRODUCTIOX. iNTUoi). were tiie seats of municipal .sovereignly, in the middle ages. 1 Minerals. Similar result* follow the discovery of minerals, and particularly of coal and iron. Manufactures are estab- lished, population and wealth are increased, consider- able towns are multiplied ; and a, new society arise.-, prepared to contend with nobles and landowners, for its share of social consideration and political influence. Xowherc has the growth of mineral "wealth and industry had so remarkable a bearing upon political development, a s in our own country.'-' Wherever cities and large towns have grown up, the inhabitants have inclined more to democracy than their fellow-countrymen in the provinces. They have been less under the influence of social and physical causes adverse to the development of freedom. They have had their own interests to protect, their own municipal affairs to administer. Their intelligence has been quickened bv their varied occupations, and by a more extended intercourse will) other men, than falls to the lot of tillers of the soil. They have been able to combine more readily for the attainment of common benefits; and association and discussion have trained them for the political duties of citizens. Hence, throughout the wide range of history, in Greece, in Italy, in France, in Spain, in Germany, in the .Nether- lands. and in England,- we find, in cities, l he earliest and the most memorable examples! of freedom and >cU- sjfovernmcnt. I'lLYSlCAL CAUSES OF FllEKUOM. xliii The lust physical cause of social and political dove- JNTI;. lopment, which need here be noticed, is that of race. The history, and social and political characteristics, of the diflerenl races of mankind have lately become an important and popular study 1 ; and in the politics of Kurope, wars and revolutions have sprung from the sym- pathies of race and nationality. iSome eminent writers attribute to the influence of race, most of the distinctive peculiarities of nations, in religion, in government, in literature, and in art : ~ while others, no less eminent, and particularly John Stuart Mill 3 and Buckle, 4 con- temptuously ignore it altogether. A controversy upon i his broad question, would be beside the purposes of this history. It will be sufficient to explain to what extent the inllucncc of race is recognised, in the course of these historical inquiries. AYe find many varieties or races of mankind : 5 we trace their history : we observe their characteristics ; and it were blindness to overlook those peculiarities of mind and body, which affect their social and political development. These races have migrated, from distant lands, to their present homes: bringing with them not only physical qualities, due to the climate, soil and geo- graphical sit nation of their birth-place, but their .religion, their traditions, their language, their customs, and their institutions. Those who attach least importance to 1 .Mx MiilW. Picti-t. Kc. - <.//., ( KTvinus. (.'uvtiiis, Freeman, Motley, and Tainu, " r/-i,lcij>/<' <>f Poll! trill LroiKhll!/, I. :!!l(). : Hiat.qf L'ii'iliitatioH', f Jrncrnl [nU'ud notion, i, -'IT. " ' 11 y a natuvellemont do* varietes d'lu mimes, GOIUIUL! dr> varii'te-- d< lamvaiix el do rh< vau.v, L 1 - un<>,- braves ot inti'lli^rontus, lusautroa limidi 1 - et bonit'us.' Tainu, Hist.de la Lit I. An;/!. Jntr. -j:}. '{']}'.' rac* 1 , ciininio 1'ancioii -priijtlo Arvi'ii. rpar-o dcpui- L (iani:''' .jn.-u'au.v JJoln'idc-. otablio suits Uui> !- cliuiat-. cohckuineo f\ lull; k-.~ LMRODUCTICLN. physical diversities of race will, ;il least, admit the inlluencL' of traditional and hereditary sentiments. And this history -will present striking illustrations of the aplitnde of some races for religious enlightenment and politieal freedom; and the disposition of other races to cling to ancient superstitions and forms of govern- ment. So many other causes may have contributed to these results, that we must guard ourselves against any hasty conclusions concerning the influence of race : yet some remarkable coincidences, at least, demand attention. The inert and unprogressive character of Asiatic races has been already noticed. And in Europe, some races have been distinguished by those qualities which win and assure freedom : while other races, not less brave in war. nor less ingenious in the arts of peace, have yet been wanting in that self-assertion which com- mands liberty. Conspicuous were the differences between the Germans and the Gauls, as described by Cajsar. The former were the freest people of antiquity ; their polity the most democratic. Every public act was that of the assembled people. They elected their chiefs and magistrates: they had a voice in the administration of justice: they declared peace or war. by acclamation. Even their religion was distinguished by ii- freedom. They worshipped the unseen God without temples, and without priots. Their faith was popular and sponta- neous : no creeds were enforced bv law: priestcraft was unknown amongst them. d.-.-.v- d>; hi dvilisiti'jii. tnia-lorni'M it siccloi d>j ix-vnln iniinii'i'-t" p, urtiu-t dan- $>:< lanirue ; . dan.- tru* ivliiri'ms, dan- -e- liu>'m- Uuvs. d dun- .-e= })liiln.-upliii->, la pommiimiut! 1 de -ai _ et dY-pvii. ^ui r-il" ciicoi't 1 aiij'iin'd'luii toil.-: -'- rcji.'lini.-.' -Tain'. 1 . Iliians, J>alavians, and other German races ; and its u'lorious struim'lcs for civil and religious liberty are i . O / among the most memorable events in the history of European nations. 1 Belgium, which was chieily in- habited by C'eltic races, submitted more readily to foreign conquests,, and to religious subjection." England, peopled by Saxons, and other Teutonic Enu-iumi, tribes, has been the historic home of freedom/'' France, and other peopled by Celts, has been oppressed by despotism, or ami critic given up to frenzied democracy. Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, whose populations are German and Scan- dina\ian. have been renowned for their free, and even 1 See Chup. XL ~ According to Motley ' the Batavian republic took its place nuii'i.^ the leading powers ut' the earth : the I5el;/ic provinces reniiiiiifd lIoDinii. tSp;nii>li, Au.-tvian property.' Jlixf, vf Dutch Republic, i. 1s. :; Sculland and Ireland, lnwrvri 1 , ai'i 1 mainly Celtic. The I'lrni.T has Ijerii animated by as strong a sjiirit of freedom, and lias displayed the >ame powers of selt'-govt'l'liiueut, as Jui^Lind. The latter ha- lie^n too mueli disturbed by factimis to enjoy the full benelit- "i' lilnTU : bill it- de.~tinie- may yet bo niure fully d'\ eloped. xlvi INTRODUCTION. INTIJMD. democratic, institutions. Spain and Portugal, wheo])le have a large infusion of the blood of the Gauls, while enjoying some ancient franchises, have fallen short in the race of freedom. Oil the other hand, Germany, the European birth- place of the Teutonic races, has not herself been con- spicuous for political freedom. The free cities of the middle ages, indeed, presented striking examples of municipal liberty : 1 but nowhere have emperors and kings been more powerful, or feudalism more firmly established. It was in this Teutonic land, however. t hat the revolt against the Church of liomc commenced, which proved one of the most active causes of the advance of European liberties. And of late years, the general movement of European society, having extended to the several German States, lias introduced constitutional freedom and popular institutions. 2 These several causes, moral and. physical, have constantly contributed to the arrest, or development, of civil liberty, in the different States of Europe. But, in modern times, other special causes have also promoted a general increase of popular influence. The revival of learning, the 1 invention of printing, and other useful arts, geographical discoveries, and above all. the Protestant Reformation, awakened the minds of men. throughout Europe, to freedom of thought in politics and religion : :; and an impulse was given to democratic forces, which has continued, with ever-increasing power, to our own age. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, religion became 1 the LMvat moving force in IXCEEASLVd TOWKR OF DEMOCRACY. X\VU European politics, nrul in the advancement of civil INTKOD. liberty. The leading events which followed lliis general uprising of European society, were the revolt of the Netherlands from the despotic rule of Catholic Spain : the Puritan revolution, which brought an Eng- lish king to the scaffold : the milder revolution of 1(188. which assured the liberties of England: 1 the foundation of a vast federal republie in America, bv Kn^lish colonists ; and lastly, the momentous French Revolution. All these events proved the increasing power of increasm.. modern democracy ; and the latter, in its terrible and 'irmnri' ,.->-, protracted convulsions, may be said to have revolu- tionivcd Europe. The revolutionary wars of the firs! republic," and the empire 5 shook the thrones of em- perors and kings, and disquieted their people with democratic sentiments. The three days of July 1830 aroused revolutionary movements, and political excite- ment, throughout the entire community of European nations. 1 The revolution of 1848, acting upon a more advanced and sensitive society, passed like a tempest over Italy. Austria, Hungary, and Germany. : ' Eng- land. not unmoved by revolutionary movements :i broad, was able to direct the popular forces of this Birring period, to the regeneration of a free State. She reformed her own ancient institutions, upon popular 1 At this period was also published Lodce's treat i-v nn c-ivil <_rovern- nirnt. which, according t<> Uallani, ha- hei-n i'erlile of pruat revolution-., .mil p'-vli.-ip- preiriuuit witli more.' . . And jiaviiii, '.-ili-ntly spreading its IN ><> I over -luirnpc and Anicricii.it prepared the v/ny inr thi'.irux of jioiitii-al society, Imvdlv huld'T in their announceiii'.'nt. l>ai expressed ^\it!! ni iiv piHsioiniti' ardour, 1'roiu which the great revolutions ;i.;f have sprung;'.' IIi*t. of Lit<-rtitiir<', iii. J ; !o !'! Infra, vol. ii. 17-1. 17'. . L'().",. \-c. 1 Ibid, -2i~>. " Uiid, -^-'-iVS. INTRODUCTION. INTIIOD. principles; and she reconstituted her distant colo- nies as democratic republics. Even Spain, with her stagnant and unenlightened population, has since had her revolutions; and has tried the futile experiment of a democratic republic. Uussiii. llussia alone, among the great States of Europe, being far less advanced in civilisation, has hitherto escaped the shock of political revolution ; but she is passing through critical social changes. The emanci- pation of the serfs,- for which the Emperor Alexander is entitled to immortal fame : the new character which her village communities have since bei/un to assume : -- the extension of local self-government : the want of a stable middle class between the nobles and the pea- santry: the deeply-rooted corruption of the administra- tion : the spread of European thought in her society : the growth of nihilism, communism, and secret socie- ties : the passionate Pausclavonic sentiments of the people, first stirred by the friends of democracy, and since encouraged by the ambition of her rulers; and the rapid impoverishment of the country])}' exhausting Avars, all portend considerable changes in the auto- cratic polity of the empire. 1 The free intercourse of nations, in the present age, facilities of travel and postal communication, the pub- licity of State affairs, and the universal expansion of the press, have brought the different States into so close 1 Thij rcmarko.!)!'- -\v>rk of Mr. Mackon/ii' Wallace ulioumN with illustration- .if these -ncia.1 clmnjros. Si;<> also I [.il/"i!. L<> Montl<- Hi/.^c rtni-. FREE INTERCOURSE OF XATIOXS. xlix a contact, that the common sympathies and interests I\TI;<>I>. of mankind pulsate through ihe whole of European society. Hence the rapidity \vitli wliich revolutionary inovemenfs have spread from one country to anollicr. But such movements liave assumed different forms, according to the natural and geographical incidents of each country, the character of the people, the condition of society, and the laws, customs and traditions of tile state. France stands alone, as an example of wild democracy, sweeping away laws and institutions, with blind rage ; and wading through torrents of blood, in pursuit of visionary schemes of a democratic or commu- nistic republic!. In other countries, the people have; revolted against their rulers: there have been popular violence and bloodshed, and even civil war: but they have resulted in constitutional freedom, not in demo- Consti cracy. Kings have lost their crowns ; dynasties have fv< been changed: but monarchies have survived ; and aris- tocracies have retained much of their former influence. Mediaeval institutions have been popularised, and brought into harmony with the spirit of modern freedom. Many of these popular conquests have been won at great cost. Where blood has not, been shed, there have been bitter strifes : classes have been exasperated against one another ; and society has been convulsed by fac- tions. Yet has the gain been notable. Wars have been among the greatest scourges of mankind: but they have advanced civilisation; and revolutions, which have disturbed the peace of many lands, have secured liberty and popular contentment. 1 Democracy. 1 ' It is -\vnr that maki'< nations, Natinn-chai;p-inv pr-ncet'iii revolution. t!iou:Hi cvt'i) liici! \var. tun. l>la\s its part.' -K-i'.ivhot. I'/n/xtf* ' impvovi'inciil of nation.--. llil.^'-'- VOL. L. c INTRODUCTION. IXTT.OD. associated with the State, has been at once satisfied and controlled. 1 Confidence has been established be- tween rulers and their people ; and nations have set forth npon a more hopeful career of prosperity and usefulness. 2 Throughout the greater part of Europe, society lias attained that degree of advancement, that a large measure of political freedom is essential to its well- being. It is the breath of social life. It gives vitality and strength to the citizens of free States : it stimulates the education and enlightenment of a people. Who can doubt the uses of political life in the cultivation of every class of society? They have been conspicuous in every period of history, 3 and are patent at the present time. Compare the nobles of Italy. illiterate. 1 ' Pour contenir et reirler la democratic, il faut qu'elle soit beaucoup Jans IV'tat, ft qu'ellf n'y -oil. pas tout ;. quVlle pui-se toujours monter ellf-m<'iiie. ft jamais i'aire dt>scendiv oe qui n'est pas olio ; qu'elle trouve partout des issue?, ft rencontre partout des barrieres.' Guizot. iJi-nio- crtttic at F/'(inr.'C, 50. - l>f Toeqiifville, naturally appalled by the peculiar forms of French dfinoorncy. took a more gloomy view of the future of Europe. He wrote : Le livre entier qu' qiu-llf a faites.' Dei/we, i-n Ami-/-i'jU'.; Intr. (J. f'<>mra-t the free States of the m>rld, while their frcedi.im lasted, with the contemporary subjects of monarchical or oligarchical despotism : tiif I'l'efk citie- with the Persian satrapies: the Italian republics and thf five towns of Flandfi's and CJermany witli the feudal monarchies of luiropc : Switxerlai;d. Holland, and Ihi-'land. with Austria, or ante- re-\'oiutiui;ary France.' Mill, licj>r. (rod. o7. ' ' All 'he irreat movement- of thought in ancient and modern times have bffn nearly connected, in time, with i/overnnifiit In- di.-cu~sinn. Athens, Pome. the Italian republics of the middle apvs. tin- commoi:- ;n.d states-general <'f feudal luirope. have all had a special and peculiar inllu- enco, which tliey owed to their freedom, and niiich Plates, without tliat i'lv-dom, have never communicated.' Bairehot, 7 '////.-/'.> ami Politics, !>('>. FKEEUOM AXD ENL indolent, and purposeless, with the enlightened and active peers of England, who take the lead in every good and useful work. Compare the middle and working classes of Italy and Spain with the same classes in England and America. Everywhere it will be found that politics form the main education of a people. And what do they teach? The whole people are now invited to assist in the councils of their statesmen. They are free to discuss whatever concerns the government of the State, religion, po- litical science, history, the laws, the social condition of the people, and the diplomacy of foreign powers. How wide a range do these questions embrace, in the whole iield of human knowlege! Who can fail to be enlightened by the study of them? And political studies surpass all others in the interest they excite, and the earnestness with which they arc- pursued. They form par! of the daily life and conversation of the citizens of a free State. Books may be laid aside or read with languid inattention : but the stirring interest of public affairs arrests the thoughts, and stimulates the faculties of the most inert. Freedom is the best of national schoolmasters. It has often been maintained, indeed, thai wl freedom calls forth the active and practical qualities of men. it is unfavourable to science and to reflective and philosophical thought It has been said thai the period of political decline in Greece was distinguished by its most eminent thinkers, Plato and Aristotle: ilia; the Augustan ago of Koine succeeded the fall of (lie republic; thai the Elizabethan age followed (lie era of the Reformation; and thai the stagnant reign of Quern r -2 Hi INTRODUCTION. Anne was the birth-time of modern English literature. But each of these periods of intellectual fertility had been preceded by great political struggles, in which oratory and free discussion had stirred all the faculties of men. Demosthenes, in Greece ; Cicero, in Home ; the Protestant reformers of the sixteenth century, and Pirn, Eliot, Ilampdcn, Milton, and the Puritan preachers of the seventeenth, in England, had prepared the way for the literature of more tranquil times. And what period of European history is to be compared with the last half century, for scientific discoveries and inventions, for bold speculations in philosophy, for his- torical research, and original thought:' There is room in the world for contemplative thinkers, as well as for politicians ; while the awakening of the general intelli- gence has enlarged the sphere of their teaching and ij O O 3 encouraged their pursuit of abstract truth. An inert society is no fit school for genius or fruitful learning. V O It is not among fellows of colleges, or dwellers in cathedral towns, that we find the leaders of modern thought. Wherever the safeguards of old institutions, and a settled society, have been respected, the general aspects of popular freedom have been hopeful. The govern- ment of a State should be the representative of all the elements of its society; and political changes arc; most effective, when they arc but the development of past experience. And in ihis spirit have the institutions of most; European States been re-cast. Monarchies have stood their ground against democracy : but they have become constitutional. Aristocracies have retained a power inseparable from their wealth and social influ- ence : but have been stripped of many invidious privi- e el- OLD INSTITUTIONS AND FUKKDOM. lili le. Klsewhere he says, 'The safety of every free government requires that the greater part of the citi- zens should enjoy a certain weight in the administration ; otherwise the majority must ljo dissatisfied; and where the majority are dissatislied, the government will soon he overthrown.' l'o/if. iii., ch. 7 ; and again, see l'uli/.\., ch. !). See also 1'olybius, Hi*/., Pref. to Books s'i. and vii. According to Uicero, 'this alone can with propriety be called a com- monwealth, where the interests of the whole people are connected, and I lie government is conducted with the .sole view of promoting the common good.'- -De Jii'/mhficd, i. ch. .'11 . Again Cicero says, 'There remains that last species of government which is the l>est of all, viz. that which is moderated in its action and steadied in its course by the due admixture of all the three simple forms, of monarchy, aristocracy, and popular power.' And again, ' I greatly prefer a form of government that is composed, as it were, by the fiisi"ii and combination of all the three.' J)c Rcpnblu-a, i. ch. 20, ,'lo. .But Tacitus, while approving of such a form of government, say.-, Landari facilins, quam evenire, vcl, si evenit, baud diuturna esse potest.' A/nutlet, iv. '!'!. In reference to this view of Tacitus, Lord Acton .*ay>, Thf experiment has been tried more often than I can tell, with a combi- nation of re.-onrces that were unknown to the ancients, with Christi- anitv. parliamentary government, and a free press. Yet there i.- no trample of such a constitution having lasted a century. If it has suc- ceeded anywhere, it is in our favoured country, and in our time, and we know not yet how long the wisdom of th-- nation will preserve its equi- poise.' Adtlrt'** on 'The,' lli-tory of Freedom in AniiquJtv.' Sir James Mackintosh >ay-, 'The best secni'ity which human wi>dom can devise, seems \ be the distribution of political authority among ditli'ivnt individuals and Ixnlies, with separa.te interests and separate, characters, corresponding to the variety of classes of which civil sncict\ i- ci>mpii~ed. each interested to guard their own order from oppression liy the rest : each al-o interested to pre\ent an\' of th.e uffiel's t'rom sei/ing an e\clusi\e. mid therefore despotic power; and all having a conimnn interest to co-operate in can'\in^ on the ordiuarv and itece.-sary admini - INTRODUCTION. Monarchies continue to give unity to great States. They command the traditional reverence of society: 1 thev are centres of authority, and political organisa- tion : they unite different classes in the administration of affairs; and they give security and permanence to i he institutions of the country. But the personal rule of monarehs lias generally given place to the respon- sible councils of their most powerful and able subjects. - whether nobles, or men of the people. It is well that nobles have still held their place in the service of States. They have some qualities pecu- liar to their order. In early life their natural courage is strengthened by games, by manly sports and horse- manship. The traditions and habits of their order leach them how to govern men ; and political power falls naturally into their hands. Their councils [ire prompt, bold and spirited. Their proud fortunes raise them above the hesitation and dread of responsibility, which are apt to oppress men of humbler lot. Such are the qualities which have made capable and vigo- rous statesmen, in all ages. Great in war and diplo- macy. bold and resolute in council. often leaders of the people, nobles have ever taken an eminent place among their countrymen. [ration of ^ovunniH'nt. . . . 1 f. liy calling t mind. t':n.t in tlii- '" more '.lu'.'ply coiL-idtjivd iind I'olyLin-. \vitli L'iceln and Monti'sqnii.'U ami Iluni".' ]<) Of. SI-'/. Sri- alxi Tremenheer /',,////-// I-'., ,,/'',; frnni \ !, i. ".") ft .:",. my own conviction greatly strengthened Baron iind Macliia\ !. with GOYI-;KMX<, FACULTIES OF MJULKS. lv Hal these very characteristics, which have lilted tlu'iu for command, liave in many Stales shaken ihe duration of I heir power. Proud and defiant in their temper, they have been too ready lo disregard the feelings of the people, and slow to perceive the growth of popular influence. Hence a people increasing in power have often been brought into conflict with the nobles. Sometimes they have overthrown them, as in the Greek states of antiquity : sometimes the si niggle has continued for ages, with varying success. Some- times, as in ancient liome, and in England, the people have been gradually admitted to a considerable share of political power, and have divided with the noble< the government of the ceuntry. 1 And the like result has been attained, more suddenly, in several Continental States. This latter combination has secured the most fortunate results for the State. The lofty spirit of the nobles has given force and daring to the statesmanship of their country: while the power of the middle classes has restrained their imperious temper, modified their policy by a more prudent and conciliatory spirit,- and protected the interests of the community from any excesses of aristocratic rule. And the union of these classes, in the administration of affairs, has given the inmost force and concentration to the national will. ;i 1 According l" Comb', 'The KiiLrlisli aristocracy is tin,' able.-! p,. Iriciati- thf world has M'rii since thi 1 Human Semite.' S>/*lf /'/- fii-r /V////, iv. -1'J'S (C'oni:Tevt.''s translation). ( ioi'vinu- siiys 'The middle class has seldom proved it>rlt' capal>it of political rule. A a -'parate bndy.it is neither ainliitinii-. nor ha- it tin- lri>uiT ['HI- thr occir r 'ati"]i, IMI- thu inclinations or lialats in iis.-er; '. pniiticiil pn.-iunn with tlic hand ol' pn\ver. To \vhicli ii nia\ In ; that tht-v sir'' fin 1 mmv di-pciideiit ujioii (he 1'uurth class, and -eparnli I In a much naiT\vu' channel iVnn it, tli.au tln-y tliemsulvi-* \\-iv l'nniu-rl\ 1'iMin the nobles.' Intr. lo ///.-/. '//' U/// C, nlnr,,. IL>>. 1 Tile -itiuc iiHtli'ir -a-. In tin- u'evjnl day. n* in UK- sixlt until cuiii iu'\ ; Ivi INTRODUCTION. iNTiiui). Tliere is yet another political force, in every State, which dominates over the councils of kings and senates. This is the mysterious and inexplicable force of public opinion. It was recognised in the States of antiquity : it si irred the inert society of the middle ages : it received a signal impulse from the invention of printing and the .Reformation ; and, in modern times, it has acquired extraordinary power from the rapid circulation of intel- ligence, the constant intercourse of society, the freedom of public discussion, and multiplied facilities for the communication of thought. From its very nature, intangible and irresponsible, yet is it able to determine the policy of States, in opposition to statesmen and par- liaments. It is potent everywhere; ; but its force is naturally greatest in free States, where its expression is without restraints ; and where governments are most sensitive to its promptings. As it controls the will even of despotic rulers, it is one of the greatest forces of democracy: but it spe-aks with the voice of the nation, not of the multitude.- 1 It is generally diree-leel by the intellectual classes : by statesmen and orators, by political parlies, by the ablest writers in the press, and by influential leaders of opinion, in the capital and in the provinces. There. 1 is oficna conflict between the views of different classes: sometimes the capital, and I he people move in ma sses.' ' It is this peculiarity which makes tin- irreat- noss of our times.' ' The reputation of this century docs not depend as much on the r ciuirr my own words, in regard to public opinion in Kiiirland. 'Public opinion i> expre-->-d. not by the clamorous choru- of the multitude, but by the mea.-nred voices of all da".-, parties, and intei'e>ts. It i- declared by the press, the e.xchanj/e, the market, the dub. and society at laiye. It i- .-ubject to a- many checks and balance- as the mii-til iitinii it--'!': am! represents the national intelli- ..e;,ee. rather than the popular will.' (,'//.>/. lli^l. /' I'.nijluinl ^ ii. |;_'O. PUBLIC OPIXIOX. Ivii the cultivated portion of society, are at variance with ivn:on. provincial and popular impulses. And it is not until a general unanimity, or a clear preponderance, of opinion lias been pronounced, that the national judgment is accepted. Sometimes it may represent the force of numbers: but more often it embodies the prevailing sentiment of all classes of society. Public opinion, thus formed, modified and corrected, instead of being dreaded like the threatening shouts of the populace, may be deferred to as the matured judgment of the general council of the nation. It may overrule a govern- ment : but it may also protect it against wanton and mischievous popular movements. 1 Democratic in its ori- gin and character, it may associate itself with the State, and ailbrd it the most powerful encouragement and support. Public opinion is, at once, the guide, and the moni- itsu tor of statesmen. The essential conditions of a good mcnt government are : that it shall be in accord with the traditions and general sentiments of the people : that the rulers shall be unable to act, for any length of time, in opposition to the wishes of the majority of the people; and that every class shall have the means of exercising as much influence over their rulers, as will ensure a due regard to their several interests, and a reasonable confidence that such interests are not neg- lected. These conditions are best secured by public opinion; and if they be fulfilled, the will of the govern men! is ;dso the will of the peopli ihe strongest and the safest politv for a State. Iviii INTRODUCTION. IXTHOD. sidered from another point of view. It lias resulted from the general progress of .society, and from resistance to misgovernment. But if the growing wealth and intelligence of society are adverse to absolute or ir- responsible rule, arc they not equally opposed to the ex- treme development of democracy? liich and educated members of society, if powerful in resisting the do- mination of a monarch or of a nobility, are no less powerful in withstanding the political ascendency of other classes. Hence the first tendency of national progress is to overcome narrow forms of government, and to favour liberty ; while its later tendency is to associate itself with the State, and to become the firmest of all barriers against democracy. Of this principle England offers a striking example. The wealthy manu- facturers, and the middle classes, were the most strenuous supporters of Parliamentary reform in 1832, and of all the liberal measures which followed that popular triumph. But since the accumulated abuses of former times have been corrected, they have displayed con- servative instincts, scarcely less marked than those of the proprietors of the soil. 1 While democratic movements have been rife throughout Europe, the rivalry and ambition of the great Continental States have led to the raising of enor- mous standing armies, and a costly military organisa- tion. This policy has. undoubtedly, arrested the de- velopment of democracy. The militarv spirit has been encouraged ; and armies mainly designed for foreign wans, of defriicc or aggression, are bulwarks against internal disaffection. Standing armies are naturallv ECCLESIASTICAL KEVIVAL. lix viewed wit.li jealousy, in free States ; and the great INTIIOD. military monarchies of Europe have thus opposed them- selves to the progressive spirit of the present age. Hill it may be open to (question whether this reaction- ary policy may not ultimately precipitate revolutions and democracy. The prodigious cost of vast armies, the intolerable burthens of conscription, the injury tiny inflict upon industry, and their unpopular demonstra- tion of force, combine to cause national sufferings and discontent, to alienate the people from the government, and to provoke- revolutionary sentiments. Where the people have acquired political power, will they submit to be led. like sheep, to the slaughter? will they not rather cry aloud for peace to their homes and honest industry? 1 In States mainly pastoral and agricul- tural, the warlike spirit of rulers will encounter little resistance ; but as commerce and manufactures are extended, industrial interests may be expected to pre- vail over military ambition. Another check to democracy during the revolution- i-k-fiwius- ary period, since 1830, has been caused by an ecclesi- revival. astical revival, in many parts, of Europe. The Church of Ixoi ne has received some crushing blows in Italy and (ierniany ; and the free spirit of modern thought has shaken her hold over the more cultivated minds of her own communion. ]5ut she 1 has recovered much of her former power in France, in Spain, in ]>elgium, and in Southern Germanv. She has been active in making 1 Tmi.- Ics di\vy.- moyens -vm'nutx dVxplnvatinii nuionrlle applicable ;m\ ivflierclii's political's, i ml drift spnnt-nii'nii'iit I'Miicoui'ii it civnstaU'V, il'iinc mani'Mv i-jfalf mi-lit d''ci-i\x', ]'i;u'\ iinblt 1 li-iiiliinci' pviiuitivt 1 lit' riiuniiiuiti' 11 uiii- vi' pvincipaleiuenl milituhv.t'l sn dc.-linatiun finalt 1 . nmi niniii- inv-i-tilile, a unc fxl-tciici 1 Oiseiitielloment indu-lrirllr.' r.<., IV. 71-'J. Ix INTRODUCTION. converts, and extending her inllucnce, in Protestant lands. Jjut this revival lias been signalised by dogmas, miracles, and pilgrimages, litter for the 1 dark ages than for tlie present era ; and by denunciations of modern science and thought, which mark her narrow and un- changeable creed. A Church which teaches in the spirit of the- eleventh century, and spurns; the highest intelli- gence of an advancing society, cannot exercise an ^. * ' enduring influence over the political development of Europe, while it repels many earnest friends of liberty. 1 A similar revival has occurred in the Chuivh of England. There is no Church in Christendom so zealous in the religious and secular instruction of the people, and in all good works : but the zeal of some of her clergy has lately been taking a direction not free <-_. > */ from danger. If she would keep her hold upon the affections of the people, the present revival must not be that of Laud, and the High Church bishops of Charles I. There must be no more leaning towards lioine. Xeither the Church of liome, nor a Romanised Church of England, can create a general reaction of religion- thought, in a progressive age. It is vain to seek the revival of bygone forms of faith. The world lias (/hanged, and the general spirit of religions thought has changed with it. The more en- lightened Catholics deplore the reactionary !<>licy of the Holy See. The great body of English Churchmen, true to the Protestant spirit of the lie form eel Church, revnli against the revival of liomish doctrines and cere- iiii mies. Other sects are imi le- INFIDELITY. Ixi their ancicnl ways. Puritanism has lost much of its aus- INTROD. lerity and fanaticism. Xo such Puritans arc to be found, in any sect of nonconformists, as the sour zealots of the age of Cromwell. Nonconformists are still alienated from the Church, and religious dissensions are as bitter as ever : but the majority of enlightened Christians have emancipated themselves from the superstitions and re- ligious extravagance of former times. Religious re- ad ion is alien to the prevailing sentiments of the present age. Meanwhile, every creed in harmony with the rational judgment of society maintains its accustomed influence; and an enlightened faith has never proved itself unfriendly to freedom. It. is to the union of religious moderation with civil i;<-ii.u-;i-lli'i \ ^\I COMMUNISM. But such an ieleal of freedom is decried by com- INTI:OI>. munists as 'individualism/ 1 Their scheme utte-rly ig- Tvr.muy nores liberty. The individual man is no more than a mechanical part of the whole community: he has no frer will, no independence of thought or action. Everv act of his life is prescribed for him. Individual liberty is surrendered to the State. Everything that men pri/e most in life is to be taken out of their hands. Their religion, their education, the-- management of their families, their property, their industry, their earnings, are- dictate-d by the 1 ruling powers. Such a scheme of government, if practicable, would create a despotism, e-xceeding any known in the- history of the- world. It was one of the e'vils of the 1 ivligious crce-d of the dark age-s. that the dignity of human nature was abased, until the nobler aspirations of me-n were humbled to the dust. In civil life, communism aims at the same abase- ment of the human character. I>ut in the one case, men at least humbled themselves before- God : in the e>the-r. they arc required to prostrate themselves before- their equals among men, for the sake of an arbitrary scheme- of government, in which all are called upon to sacrifice- their liberty, for the remote and -pevulative irood of the community. "For the sake of equality/ said Mablv, one of the earlier masters of this school. 'the State ouii'ht to be intolerant. - And in this scheme of |: 1 Louis 'Klinio, 7//x/. dc (// An*, ii. 177 i'-i: - !>! l/i Li'i/ixlittioit, 177(i: li\T. i\'. cli. -1. //,V. <[< tli.i- Ann, iii. Km. lid. VOL. I. d Ixvi INTRODUCTION. INTIIOD. or industry; but is to minister to the wants of the weak, the stupid, a] id the idle. To want much and to do little, would be the aim of the communist economy. The experience of our own poor laws would furnish a, fitting comment upon such principles. The natural effect of such theories woidd be to repress the energies of mankind : and it is their avowed object to proscribe all the more elevated aims and faculties of individuals, and all the arts and accomplishments of life. Baboeuf even denounced intercourse with foreigners, as dangerous to principles of equality. 1 While critics of communism have shown that equality could not fail to deprive nations and society of their highest distinctions, of genius, of learn- ing, of the arts, of invention, of cultivated taste and manners,--- its professors have not shrunk from confess- ing their jealousy and hatred of those aspirations, which have ever been the pride and glory of mankind. Doctrines so repugnant to any existing scheme of society, and to human nature, might be regarded as the visions of some eccentric Utopia. But the dreams of philosophers, in ancient and modern limes," were to be reduced to a terrible reality in France. It was too late to construct an ideal community, with the general con- sent of its individual members. Society was already established upon the basis of property, and public and 1 Pieces -aisios ii 1'arrestation do r>aho:iif, puhliucs on lxl>>. ; [[oino, writing from Paris, in ls.10. thus spoke- of the communists, 'Truly only \vith fear and tremlilinir can I think of the time when those dark- iconoflii-ts shall attain empire: with their horny lianiN >'2'-'>. e'O.M.MUMSM. private rights; and the communists Were resolved !o J\TI;<>I>. subvert il. \Yhellier by social contracts, or progressive taxation, or prohibitory laws ag\;insi accumulation, or a legislative division of property, or by force, the aim of all alike- was the redistribution of property, for the common enjoyment of the community. In the lirst revolution, the political principles of < communism were so widely spread through the mass of i","",'..'".'.//,!. the working classes, and received so much recognition, yrdiu-L that their dangerous power eontinued to threaten every successive government ;' and is still the dread of France and of Europe. Its dangers, becoming more formidable in every revolution, culminated in the brief reign of the Commune, in Faris, in 1871," which revealed the power of the communist party, and the disastrous operation of their subversive principles. Meanwhile, the social theories of communism a.s- r,,m- sumed a new revolutionary character. It had been the ami \vurk- aim of the early revolutionists to overthrow thrones and aristocracies, iu order to ensure liberty and (.'quality. It was the further aim of the communists to crush capitalists and the middle classes.'"' Communism wa.-> accepted by working men as a, revolt against capital. Li was m this spirit, that they took part in the revolutions. of iSoO, 1 of February, 1848, : ' and in the terrible in- surrection of June, in the same year. 1 ' For a time, they were utterlv routed and cast down. The 1 strong rule of the second empire lelt them no hope of a successful 1 Infra, vol. ii. I'--'! i".M. = Vwl '.}'>}. Pt'iisi-t-un qil'iipivs uvnir (ItHmil In Iriiiliilii.'. H \nincii 1< r. i . Li ilriuncnitio rcciili'i'ii dt'\:int lc> bouiyi'nis ct K'- ricln 1 -:' S'strri'lriM-l i 'ilc muInU'nnnt .-i I'MJIjli-s : I >r 'rtiri|iit!\ illr. Dt'mo'T. <-n Anii'i-iijii,-, lulr. (>. ; lufrt, vol. ii. l'4s. .', ;;'/, . v,,l. ii. J-.; ^--". 7/W. l".). a -i Ixviii LXTKODUCTION. INTKOK resistance 111 Erance ; and at length they resolved to advance their ends, by a general combination among the workmen of Europe. An ; International Association of Workmen' was accordingly established in 1804, for mutual defence against employers of labour, in all countries. But it was not enough to combat the power of capital, by combinations of working men. Capital itself was their natural enemy, and must be overcome. It, had made workmen slaves; and it was now their turn to subject it to their own uses. Socialism and communism were uppermost in their councils. All rights of property were to be confiscated, in the interests of the many. They declared that the emancipation of labour, in all countries, was the end to which every political move- ment should be subordinate, and that it was their duly to recognise the rights of man and of citizen. 1 War was thus declared against capital ; and societies of work- men were affiliated in all parts- of Europe. Xewspapers supported the movement, and proclaimed it.- objects, with even less reserve than its leaders. LEijcdite warned the boiiryeouie that they were about to be swallowed up. and that the triumph of the workmen, upon the ruins of capital, wa^ at hand. 2 L? International a contended for the collective proprietorship of the soil, co-operative workshops, and the exclusive taxation of the rich. :; The same journal affirmed that the working classes had overthrown the nobility, merely to put the [xiiLi'ijco/x/i' in their place, and that the 1 domination ol the boitryeoixie was the slavery of lhey>/vA/V'OV'il, and restore it to the community; and that it was necessary to exercise that right. - Local sections of the Association also, from time to i.,,,. ; time, published their sentiments to the world. The Marseilles section, in April. 1S70, wrote : ' Let the state, the church, and the bourgeoisie combine for a work of imposture and ignominy, the avenging people will confound them in a common ruin.' ;i In the same month, the workmen of Lyons, addressing their countrymen, bid deliance to capital and to employers of labour, and promised to the working classes possession of the soil, the mines, and the workshops. 'Henceforth no em- ployers; none but workers.' 4 1 <>-..-ar T.-!ut. I I. lli/'/. '.'">. ' In tin' niiii of communist;! by the Correctional Tribunal I it' Lvons, in April I >7-l. evidi-iuv was produced in proof of the dan^'crou? ilnclriiH-s nf tin- priynners. One of them lnnl iiiil. ''God ;md pro]nn'ly can onlv iiinKi' t\ ran I - iiml slaves, aiiu l ha I i.~ why i declare a^ain.-t hm h. ' In a ]iaiii]ih'ii't entitled Km-inl Liqi'ltJulu'n, it wa wiitti.'ii. 'Ma am ,niij-iit to lie tin 1 sole tiu>;i_rlit and occtipatioi! of the workinir man. \\ Im>i inti'i'r.-t it \^ In rid liiin.-i'lt'niinploti'ly nt' thioe who live by hi- laliour ; , . .iii it v tn tin 'aiiif . 'i' et v. - L'ive'.i. Tim . M i ' ' '. ' - 7 i. Ixx INTRODUCTION. The leaders of llii> mischievous Association were the chief promoter.-: ; ol' the movement of the Commune of JAiris in 1871 ; and their dangerous aelivity lias eon- tinned to disquiet many European States. They have it >und litlle favour among the working men of England ; ' and elsewhere they have been rigorously repressed, a- dangerous conspirators against the peace of society, and the rights of property. 1'njudhoi;. one of the apostles of communism, in a memorable phrase, denounced pro- peri v as theft ;' J and every government, everv proprietary class, and all friends of liberty and order, have combined to put down his disciples as robbers. Whatever dis- orders may spring from this Aside-spread conspiracy, society will be strong enough to repress and to punish them. It is not the province of history to forecast tin. 1 future; bui some instruction may be gathered irom the lessons of the past. All the causes of progressive popular influence, in the government of kftate-. are in full and ever-increasing activity. All the causes "which retard and control that influence, are being constantly impaired or modified. The intercourse of nations ac- celerates the: action, and multiplies the forces of popular movements. Hence it maybe inferred, that State- not yet reached by democracy, \vill soon feel it- power : and i;~ ui i_;i:i;;! di'-i^n. liv !uvi ._ tin ;;_ :i it- loaders. IT til' tii- ilisili'i.rtiM.1 fr ' i'j 'III ,'_..li:i-l it!!V ivpiv-i -.- ( at < iuiU'V.-i ). I >i !irr a - -uri.-i 1 1 iii- ! " .- ' I ; 1 : ' ; ! ' : i II ; i ' 1 - i I < i' >.it 1 I r I ! 1 . ' - J. S t - al~ , i,,fi;i. vu 1. II. 170, TTTK FUTURE. Ixx'l 1 hat States already under its partial influence, inusl he prepared for its increasing force and activity. 1 P>ut. as the progress? of democracy is the result of general social development, an advanced society, while; command ing a greater share of political power, will, at the same time, protect the State from democratic excesses. If the latter should anywhere prevail, for a time, they will he promptly repressed : but their brief triumph will en- danger public liberty and encourage political reaclion. 'Flu. 1 natural advancement of society will be checked ; and even a revival of absolutism may be endured, for the sake of peace and order. It should be the aim of enlightened statesmen to prepare society for its increas- ing responsibilities, to educate the people, to train them in the ways of freedom, to entrust them with larger franchises, to reform the laws, and to- bring the govern- ment of the ^tate into harmony with the judgment of its wisest citizens.' 2 1 Tie nm-t i;ulml bo an enthusiastic republican, who can agree will; I'lv-idi-nt (omit : ' It is my firm conviction, said he, that the ri\ili>rd world is tending towards republicanism. The government and, t!n'oii'_:'h their representatives, the people, of our great republic, are destined to lie the L:-uidinu j star of all other countries.' (Inaugural Mes^auv to Oongrcs?. .March 4. 1K/3.) Tliis saturnine forecast -was followed by another, even more improbable. I To added ' As commerce, education and the rapid transition of though! and mailer, bv telegraph and steam, have changed even t liing, T rather l>.'lic-\v that the :/ivat Maker is preparing the woiid to become one nation. speaking one, language, a consummation which -\vill render anni^- ;md navie- no longer necessary.' ; In-truire la. democratic, vanimev. s'il s pent. -<-- croyances, puiiliei ses iiHX'iirs, regler ses mouvement.s, sub titui-r. jii'u a pen. la 'ience do- ; i Ilii ires a son inexperience, la connni-.-ance dt> -e< vrai- interets a >c avtnia'les instincts: adapter son gonvernenn'iit aux teni]is 1-1 aux limx : Ir modifier suivant les circoustances et les homines: tel e>t le pivmirr de- devoirs impost'- de nos jour.- a i-eii\ ipii divigeut la Mieii'tr, II t-nn uai- -rience pMliii(|in- nouvelle a 1111 nionde tout nnuvcau.' !) Toi'(|ii.>\ illr. / in, mi', i n An AVESTERX" CIVILISATION- FREEDOM ALIEN* TO TIII; EASTERN* POLITY IXDIA PERSIA CIJ.IXA JAPAX EH YPT TURKEY Till: P1UKXICIAXS CA RTHAGE THE JEWS Till: I\ tracinir the growth of institutions, the history of t lie CHAP East cannot be severed from that of the West. The pan-lit races of niun are naturally associated with their descendants; and the political history of the East ex- plains many of the causes of democratic development in Europe. Accordingly, a brief sketch of Eastern society and institutions will fitly introduce the history of European liberties. The contrasts between Eastern and European civilisation are among the most striking illustrations of the laws which govern the political destinies of mankind. Europe owes much to the East in her religion, in. x " ;iin her traditions, in the first lio-hts of her civilisation, in Ea frc the early development of her arts, and in the ancestry of intellectual races who have peopled her historic lands. But freedom is the growth of her own soil. Whatever philosophy may be found in the ivli- rnf , " ... . "'' l' f nous systems of the East, and whatever civilisation in "vi tidl Asiatic arts and manners, the people generally have ne\\-r attained the enlightenment of European races. VOL. i. r. > THE EAST. CHAP. Their ignorance has been opposed to freedom; and r - their enslavement has perpetuated their ignorance. The learning and the arts of the East are strangely un- progressive. They were far advanced when Europe was a wilderness ; but they were stereotyped three thou- sand years ago. 1 Barbarous races have since risen to a high civilisation, while the ancient culture of the East is unchanged. Other nations have cast off their superstitions and ignorance ; but the Eastern mind has shown no signs of development. Its religion and its polity may be accepted as the chief causes of this intellectual stagnation ; but Eastern civilisation has further been arrested by constant invasions, conquests, and exterminating wars. Such scourges cast Europe back into darkness for many centuries ; and they fell more terribly upon Eastern lands. Xor did Eastern cul- ture ever approach the standard of European thought. We may respect its early development : we may ad- mire the u'orcreous imagery of Eastern poetry, and the mvsiic subtleties of Eastern religions and philo- sophy : bur the best critics of the literature of the East have agreed in assigning to it a place very inferior to that of the West.' 2 Xo less inferior were its pretensions to science and the arts. 3 So immutable are the con- ditions of Eastern society, that a study of the Hindus of the present day. while it throws light upon the ancient civilisation of that people, at the same time illustrates the social history of the Persians, the Chinese, and even 1 'Better iifty yeaio in Juirope than a cycle in Cathay.' Tonny.-on. Iee Mill. 7jV///x/ ; /.'//'.. 1>" pic ii. Hi. 5 \..-\vheiv varinus authorities are collected. Sjee also Yon Schleirel, l'Jiilu*:>pt iv.- vii. ; Macaulay, Lifr end. L 'f,-iv. i. 101. < Mill. Bn'tMt Iiidt". Li->k ii. ch. x. EASTERN CULTURE. tlu 1 Egyptians. 1 The early culture of all these nations, CIIAI- especially the latter, has been the subject of much ex- ." aggeration. Many of their ideas have leavened Euro- pean thought and traditions : but the Asiatic mind has failed to reach the mental elevation of the West. It has proved itself inferior in religion, in morals, in science and the arts, and, above all, in freedom and the art of government. Xot only has liberty been prac- tically unknown through Thousands of years: it has even been ignored in theory. Xever did the founders of Eastern religions, or lawgivers, or philosophers, dream of it. Xot a word is to be found in the Yedas concerning freedom or national rights. The Institutes of Menu vest the government in an absolute monarch. The 1 .Buddhists, indeed, favoured the doctrine that all men arc' ei[iial; but it was barren until quickened, a thousand years later, by Christian faith: and wherever 'Buddhism has flourished, first in India, and afterwards in China, Japan, and Eastern Asia, liberty has been beyond the conception of the races who have embraced that religion. Xot even in Indian poetry or sonir, is utterance uiven to any sentiment of liberty." Some examples of Eastern States will illustrat? the incompatibility of popular freedom Avith Asiatic prin- cinlcs of o-Qvernmeiit. 3 India first claims our attention i ~ According to the 1 ancient laws of Menu, a king was or- dained from above. 'If the world had no kinir/ they 1 .Mill. IlritiJ, Jinf.'tr, Look ii. cli. x. See also Tulbop Wheeler. ni#f wi/ nf linlld. \nl. in., for an elaborate view of Kasti-ru literature, ami 1-iu-l.le, ///*.'. i. li'l) c/ KMJ. Draper, Intellcfltml I)t>i-elopmrn1 <>f EiirujK', i. 7.) (i:!. ; .Vccnrdiiur to the (.'misus of 1^71 7-1. the population of !::.li;i. under IV.-iti-h ;!'l:i:ii;;.-tnuio;i. \va- 1 '.'').." (',:!.() I < : iiud, iucludinjr i'eudaturv States, I: THE EAST. CHAP, declare, 'it would quake on all sides through fear; hence . r - the ruler of the universe created a king for the mainte- nance of this system.' To the king divine attributes are assigned nay. he is described ' as a divinity in human shape.' 1 A divinity is naturally served by priests, and accordingly his chief councillor is always to be 'a learned Brahman distinguished among the rest ;' his council is to be composed of 'men of noble birth, descendants of the servants of kings, learned in the holy books, and versed in war.' Priests, nobles, and soldiers were his councillors. One-fourth of the people were set apart for the profession of arms, and became an hereditary standing army. The Brahmans assisted and advised the king in the administration of justice, or repre- sented him in the judgment-seat. The sacred books of Menu being revered as the code of a divine lawgiver, the legislation of the Hindus was restricted to the interpre- tation of the holy text; and that function wa- th'.- ex- clusive privilege- of the Brahmans. To interpret the laws, at pleasure, was at once to make and to administer them; and thus the Brahmans assumed the rights of legislation, and of the administration of justice. In the executive government, their power was scarcclv less supreme, for the king was commanded to consult them, and abide by their decision. But he was j^f't five to command his own armies: he was also per- mitted to administer the revenues of his State. He was thus able to wield a great power, and to maintain a barbaric splendour, congenial to the tastes of his Eastern subjects. The- government was that of a war- like king, a dominant priesthood, and an enormous 1 Lif. of Mf.Hii, ch. vii. : 31 ill. IP*', lii. INDIA. 5 army. In such a scheme of despotism, priestcraft, and CHAP. military force, what place was there for freedom * * ' among the people? Xor was it the form of government only that for- \v\w\\\ su- perstitions. had freedom. The religion of the Hindus, while it embraces some lofty conceptions of their deities, 1 ex- pressed in language worthy of the Hebrew Psalmist, abounds \vitli silly and childish fables, and is defiled by base superstitions and obscene rites.' 2 Xo refinements of allegory can purify this barbarous faith ; and while Pagan superstitions have utterly perished throughout the Western world, the barbarous religions of the Hindus and other Eastern races have survived, and may be witnessed, in all their grossness, at the present day. The Hindu laws are otherwise opposed 1o freedom. Indian cnsto. It is the lot of man that there should be inferior grades of society; but these are ordinarily the result of natural causes. In India, however, they are ordained, as by a divine law, and society is divided into here- ditary castes, unchangeable and compulsory." Xo such chains were ever forged for binding down the natural liber! v of man. A Brahman regards himself as of a v O different race from the lower castes : he despises them ; lie has no pity on their sufferings; he cares not for their lives ; and, as they were born, so must they die. ; T!i.-ir three irreatest deities are Brahma the Creator. Vishnu the Preserver, and Siva the Destroyer. - Mill, Uixt. of Jii'ilixJi India, honk iii. ch. vi. See ako Bryant. A,, '!:!':.< <>f Att'-t-iif MiilMotiy. Culibrookv, Asiatic Hi*enrcJte*\ Flalhed, of G'cuton Lmi^i Thornton, lli*t. of India ; NMiwler, //-'. "f THE EAST. without hope or aspirations, and without progress. The ancient Hindu laws deliberately aimed at the re- pression of the great body of the people: labour was an object of contempt and reproach : the masses were condemned to social degradation : they were forbidden O / to grow rich : they were compelled by cruel and re- volting penalties to abase; themselves before their supe- riors: ignorance was forced upon them ; even to read the sacred books was a crime. ISTor did Mohammedan conquests improve the lot of the people, who became subject to a foreign rule. The followers of the Prophet were pitiless conquerors, and the new faith, like the old. was theocratic : absolute rulers were an essential part of its polity: its immutable laws were prescribed by the Koran ; and the creed of Mohammedans, like that of Hindus, was incompatible with freedom. The ignorance of the people- has been another cause of their political slavery. The early culture of the Hindus has often been extolled by some 1 writers far too highly but whatever its merits, it was confined to the Brahmans. Their crude philosophy formed part of their religious faith. Judged by European standards, their historv was extravagant fiction; ' their poetry was a tissue' of bombastic rhapsodies; their e-hief science was astrology. Had such knowledge descended to le>we.T castes, it would have availed them little in the formation of character; but nothing reached them but low and debasing superstitions. They displayed, how- 1 Mr. Tallioys Ay heeler .-ays: ' Sanskrit, literal are, whether Vedic or Brahmauic, has no historical annals in the modern sense of the word. It is devoid ol' all real sequence and chronology. It is irrievou-ly marred l>y the introduction of monstrous and supernatural fables, which aiv revolting to European ideas.' Hi*t. of India, iii. 0. See the same author's account of the Hindu drama, iii. ch. vi. INDIA. ever, a rare skill in many handicrafts in spinning, CHAP weaving, dyeing and embroidery; in delicate workman- r ship in gold, silver, and precious stones, and in the carving of wood and ivory. Their excellence in special industries may have been promoted by the system of castes ; but that system denied their labour its natural rewards. For them there was no rising in the social scale, no escape from the toils inherited from their humble parents, to which they were doomed by the bonds of an arbitrary law. 1 Incessant labour is the common lot of the multitude, in every part of the world; but the laws of nature are not aggravated by the laws of man.' 2 In India this hard destiny of the human race has been impiously decreed by earthly lawgivers. Under different conditions of climate and soil, in- A stitutions so oppressive to the population at large could not have been maintained for thousands of years. In more temperate climes, the natural development of society would long since have overthrown them. But in a tropical climate, and with a luxuriant soil, the laws of nature favoured a rapid multiplication of the people. In food and drink, in clothing, and in their dwellings, their wants were few, and readily satisfied. There were no checks upon the increase of population, save war, famine, and pestilence; and accordingly the plains of India swarmed with ever-increasing millions of inhabitants. The natural consequence of so constai:' 1 Von Schli'Livl considers Indian castes ' in many aspects more favour- able to institutions of a republican nature, or at least a republican tendency, than the constitution of any other Asiatic State.' I'mbx. o; Jlixf. lecture iv. ]>ut I am at a loss to understand his views. - At the same time, c:i*te compels the observance of uumeror.? holidays. 5 THE EAST. CHAP, an increase, and so facile a subsistence of the popnla- . ' tion, was a permanent depression of the value of labour. Wages were necessarily low, and the industrial classes were hopelessly reduced to an inferior and stationary condition. Cheap labour ministered to the wealth and luxury of the few, while it weighed down the labourers in poverty and dependence. These rigorous inequali- ties of Eastern society have forbidden anv political pro- gress; and institutions not unnatural to an early age, and a rude civilisation, have been perpetuated to our own time. In Europe, such oppression would have pro- voked revolts and revolutions ; but in the East, the inhuman policy of a dark age has been continued by the immutable conditions of society. The narrow and selfish laws of man, which, in other climes, could not have endured for ages, have unhappily found confirma- tion in the irreversible laws of nature. Among races oppressed by law and custom, and subdued by the material conditions of their existence 1 , there was no at- tempt to resist oppression. Political and social power was firmly upheld by rulers; submission and obedi- ence were meekly rendered by a people disabled for resistance by poverty, ignorance, and traditional sub- jection. Kings and dynasties have been overthrown by Avars, assassinations, and intrigues ; but never bv popular insurrections. Other physical laws have contributed to the com- plete subjugation of Indian and other Eastern races. They have been tied to superstitions, from ihe earliest times; and their imaginative and superstitious tem- perament has been stimulated by the majestic features, and awful phenomena of nature in the East. Moun- tains towering" above, the clouds, vast plains extcndim;; INDIA. further than the eye can reach, mighty rivers flowing a TAP. from unknown lands, and ever rushing onwards to the ' r distant sea, dense forests and jungles, and arid deserts, constantly remind them of their own insignificance ; while earthquakes, tempests, pestilences, wild beasts, and poisonous snakes, 1 fill their uninstrneted minds with awe and a sense of helplessness. It is not in such regions as these that a spirit of self-respect and self- assertion finds encouragement. 2 Xor must the moral and physical character of the character people be overlooked, as among the causes of Eastern people, despotism. The Hindus, as well as other races inhabit- ing the plains of India, enervated by the climate, and subdued by the habits of Eastern life a spare vege- table diet, and pernicious indulgences are not the order of men who command freedom for themselves. The hill tribes are strong, brave, and adventurous: but their energies have been spent in frontier wars, and prcdatory raids upon their neighbours. They have followed their chiefs to battle, not without a rude spirit of independ- ence ; and amon^ the brave there will always be a <^ spirit of freedom : but they resemble the old Highland clans of Scotland, rather than a free civil society. Jjut notwithstanding the political and social debase- 1 This is no imaginary danger. In 1>7.1, 1^,07^ persons were reported ;H kilh-d in British India Ly wild Leasts and snakes : and Dr. Fayrer estimates that, if proper returns were kepi, the deaths 1'roni snake-Lit es alone would lie I'mmd to exceed L'0,0(H). 'A single tigress caused the destruction of tliiii.ee!! villages, and ~2^\ square miles of country were thrown out of cultivation.' ' The natives regard a man-eating tiger as a kind of incarnate and spiteful divinity whom it is dangerous to otli'iid.' X/n'i-iiU'ii't of ^lorul a/nf Malcriitl I'roi/fc^-: of India for 1 v 7--7->. ]>. I-''". - The influence of physical laws upon the social ami political condi- tion of diilerent races has Leen treated Lv .Buckle, with his usual wealth of illustration, in the second chapter of hi.- remr.rkaLle History. til 10 THE EAST. CHAP, mcnt of the people of India, remarkable examples of r local self-government have been found in their village communities. 1 These patriarchal societies, in the midst of despotic States, are interesting examples of local freedom existing for untold ages," in association with political slavery. They have survived invasions, wars, dynasties, the domination of conquering races, revolu- tions of government, changes of religion ; and they still flourish as Jiving witnesses of antique and unchanging forms of society. 3 Their original design was the culti- vation of the soil which is the common property of the community; and so far they assumed the character of agricultural companies, or co-partnerships, rather than of civil governments ; but where many families were dwell- ing together, an organised society naturally grew up, customs amounting to laws for the management of the common lands were observed, justice was administered, taxes were assessed, public functions allotted to different members of the community, and the relations of several villages defined. 1 Colonel Sykes, Land Tenures of UK- IJcMrui. 200. ./jO. Colonel Sykes discover^] evidence which L-d him to heli>-ve that Vais-ili. or Allahabad, was in ancient times a republic : Xof<-^ on 1h>- licliijioua, Moral, and I'oliti'-al State of India liffore iJif- ^InJiomednn Iiicrtsion, '!'>]. - They are even referred to in the liixtitrti-x of M/'nn : Maine. Vilbi'jf ('(i/n//t/!tiifi<:*, 104: Talbuvs "\Vheeli-r. 7//V. of India, in. ."'.). l\>r u:i account of the fabuloii- antiquity of Ka.-teni tradition?, see Mill, 7/;V. of British India, book ii. ch. i. " In the wurd.s of Lonl Metcalfe. ' tho villas- rommunities aiv littl-- republics, havin_r iii-arly cverytlnn^ they can want within themselves, and almost independent of any foreign relations. They si-eni t<> last wlin-'j nothing 1 else lasts.' T'l-p. of Committee of IIou*-* of Comma/is u/t India, ]>.'"52. According to Sir II. Maine. a village communnity is an organise 1 society, and be.-ides }irovidin^ for th>' management of the comuii:.'!] fund. it seldom fails to provide, by a complete .-tat! of functionaries, for internal government, for police, for the administration of justice, and for the appor- tionment of taxes and public duties.' An'-irn? Lan:. 2'!2. INDIA. 11 The constitution of these communities is not every- CHAP. where the same. In some there is a council of elders, - r Avho declare the customs of the village, and ensure their ^utioiT" observance ; in some there is an elective or hereditary headman, who takes the place of the council ; in some, one family enjoys hereditary superiority over one or several villages, like that of the chief of a clan. 1 The head of each family is despotic in his own house- hold. 2 The council does not assume to make new laws, but declares the ancient customs by which the community are bound ; in short, it is judicial rather than legislative. 3 When there is a council, its char- acter appears to be virtually representative, consisting generally of the oldest men of the village. 4 In addi- tion to the cultivators of the soil, these villages also comprise the hereditary members of various trades and handicrafts blacksmiths, saddlers, and shoemakers a village police, and a village accountant. 5 These men work for the whole community, and are paid in kind, or by an allotment of land. 6 These societies, however remarkable as examples Their prin- democracy. Even where the ascendency of particular families has not created an oligarchy, the iron rule of ancient customs, and of castes, has left little free will to the community. They live on, from one generation 1 Maine, 1'illmje Communities, OS, 108, 121', 155, 170. 2 Ibid. 107, 1J.>. :; Ibil. 310. 4 Ibid. 124. '' Ibid. 125, 175. 11 Ibid. ]2f>, 175. Further details relating to the village system in India will bi- found in the Reports of Parliamentary Committee* in LSI 2 ( tilth Ileport) and ]s:51-32 on the Affairs of India; in Martin. Hi*t. <>f the Colonies, fr-s.. 120; 121; Mill, ll'ixt. of British India, book ii. ch. v. : Colouel Sykes, Land Tenures of the Dckkan, 200. ;3Gs> : and Tytler, Political State of India, 111 ct sey. 12 THE EAST. CHAP, to another, in the monotonous course of Eastern life ; --- . - a] id if the form of their government sometimes resem- bles a republic, they cannot be said to enjoy liberty, as understood in Europe. As the villages are types of a primitive society, little removed from the patriarchal, it is not unreason- able to conjecture that before the <_rreat invasions by which India was overrun, and before the sway of con- quering rulers had been firmly established, there may have been more of freedom, in these simple associa- tions of families, than in later times. They were formed by the Aryan and other races who occupied India in the earliest atfes ; ] and they bear a strong re- semblance to Teutonic institutions in Europe." Under more favourable conditions, they mijjht have developed the free spirit of those Aryan races who migrated to the West, where their descendants have furnished the most signal illustrations of political liberty, in the Greeks. the Romans, and the Teutons.'" Indeed, the principles of self-government were so apparent, in thi- village life, that the Greeks, familiar with their own more advanced institutions, were impressed with the belief that there were republics in India.' 1 But the absolute power of the Hindu kind's and Brahmans/ and the ^h accidental. . . . It has the same douhle. aspect o Lv the a. iunption of omimion kin.-hip. and exercisiiur joint ownership of land..'- Maine. ^ Further studies of these rpi-'Siion^ may ii Yon ilatirer i'.ml ProiV'ssor Xasse, in >!ax l-'reeman. Cump, 1'ulit if* \ Maine. V'dlt; - rowth of political CHAP. T freedom. There was no progress in society, as in - '<- Europe : but self-government in these little communities could not be divested of its tree character, notwithstand- ing the dominion of kings and priests, and the cruel and merciless laws of the Hindu code. 1 It was reserved for more favoured realms, free from the pernicious influences, of the East, to develope the primitive village communities of India into the town communities of ancient Greece and Italy, and the commune and parish of modern Europe/ Whatever measure of liberty these small societies enjoy, they form oases in the political desert" of India. Elsewhere there has been no vestige of freedom : but kings, chiefs, and priests have held the minds of millions of human beings in pitiless sub- jection. In later times, the enlightened rule of England has relish introduced into India the administration of an advanced tavnur.-ibk- -,_, -r-r-r ...... -. European fctate. Vv estern civilisation is spread through- out the land. Education has been encouraged ; a. free press has arisen ; justice is impartially administered ; the taxes are equitably levied ; natives are associated with the government ; the material interests of ilk" country are developed ; and an Eastern rule is tem- pered by the constitutional principles ot a free State, England has already iriven more liberty to India than \J t \. she ever aspired to, under her former rulers ; and. in future times, an Eastern people may possibly share the political privileges of their Teutonic conquerors. 1 Mill. Hnti*li Lifh'n, bonk ii. eh. iv. : Cnlebronke, ])i ; /i>*t of ]li,i!' our irovernment, and mv quite distinct from the old village, communities.' floral and Material Progress of Inch//, 1>74. p. ; J. 14 THE EAST. CHAP. Persia, an ancient and historic State, is another j - example of an Eastern polity. From early ages the ivi-M..,. kings of Persia were absolute ; their persons were held in reverence, as .sacred. Sometimes they consulted the military princes of the royal house, sometimes they were at Avar with these powerful chiefs. There was an established priesthood, who, as in other Eastern States, enjoyed tlie monopoly of learning; 1 and there was a numerous and well-organised army, maintained for the service of the king.' 2 The people we're divided into distinct classes or castes : but it does not appear that the bondage of caste was ever so great as in India. 1 " There was a vigorous executive administration under Satraps, whose rule was as despotic as that of the king himself. 4 It were idle to seek any traces of liberty in a, State like this. the very type of Asiatic despotism. And down to the present day, the Shah of Persia may be seen ruling his dominions as one of the most absolute monarchs in the world. lie is the vire- 1 \Ye loam that 'the primeval faith of Persia was a firm belief in one Supreme ( made the world bv his power, and iroverned it by his providence: a pious fear, love and adoration of him; a reverence for parents and au^'d persons: a fraternal ail'ectiou for the whole human species, and a compassionate tenderness even for the brute creation' .Malcolm. Hi-it, (if I'c/^itf. i. 'l^o. I lad so noble a faith not been corrupted bv the snper-titiou-; worship of the planets and of lire, how LTeat miirht have b'-en it- influence upon the civilisation, and possibly even the liberty, of the Persians! ' These classes were, ]. The Priesthood; 2. the Writers (or civil >'Tvio"). to Keep the St a t" .record- and accounts : ]. .-oldier.s ; 4. artificers, husbandmen, and tradesmen: which were, indeed, the natural divisions ,.f .-oci.-tv: Malcolm. 7//x/. i. 17. ]>:.', I'D.,. ' Malcolm. ///.'. i. JCC; Ilecren, Hi-.i. llwnrchc* (PerMansj. i. J:!() PERSIA. 15 gerent of tlic Prophet, and is absolute master of tlie CIIAI-. lives and fortunes of his subjects. '<- - The condition of the people is generally that of other Eastern lands. The cultivators of the soil are oppressed : there is no security for property or in- dustry ; there is no social progress. Their implements of agriculture are rude and primitive, after the fashion of remote ages ; their national arts and manufactures continue without improvement. The only class enjoy- ing any measure of freedom are the predatory and warlike nomads, who range over wild and rocky tracts, beyond the reach of tyranny. The Persian intellect is of the true Eastern type. The learned have acquired some science from the Arabians ; but their knowledge lias neither been extended nor applied. Their history is fabulous : their poetry, rich in the flowery metaphors and imagery of the East, is yet bombastic and extra- vagant. 1 A government and a society so characteristi- cally Eastern afford no basis for the growth of freedom. The country has been convulsed by frequent insur- rections : but no change of religion or dynasty has mitigated the despotism of its government. Another Eastern State demands special attention, China; its as presenting examples of a peculiar government and lisatiop. society. The Chinese Empire is of great antiquity, and al an early period had attained an advanced civilisa- tion. It was forward in useful inventions, and anti- ' Omar Khayyam, the astronomer-poet of' Persia, who flourished at tlie end of the eleventh and the Ijcirimiiiiir of the twelfth century, must !); separated from the race of Oriental poets, lie has heen compared with Lucretius, and in speculative thought and poetic feeliiur, he certainly shows more ailinity to the European. tha:i to the Asiatic, mind. His Ituhaiyat. or ~tan/.as. have heen lutelv rendered into Ki)'_r]ish verse, and remind us. of I'ercy IVv-lie Shelley ('.'Jrd edit., Quariteh. 1*7:?). 1C THE EAST. CHAP, cipated Europe in the discovery of the mariner's com- - '- ' pass, in the manufacture of paper, porcelain, and gun powder, and even in the art of printing. Learning, and letters were also cultivated, not only by priest- and chosen rulers, but by considerable classes, nuclei the encouragement of the State. Without any inter- course with Europeans, the civilisation of the country advanced, in parallel lines, as it were, with that o: Europe ; and more than a thousand years ago this isolated Eastern State had attained a knowledge of the o arts and sciences, and a material welfare, not inferioi to that of any contemporary State in Europe. 1 Such enlightenment should give promise of free- dom ; and theoretically the institutions of China have been founded upon more liberal principles than those of any other Eastern State. From the earliest times, the emperor was regarded as a patriarch, deriving hi.- power from heaven, and accountable to heaven alone for its just use. Two successful rebellions, the one 170(1 B.C. and the other 1122 B.C., were expressly justi- fied on the ground that the reigning sovereigns had not fulfilled the decrees of heaven, and had forfeited their rights to the throne." And Confucius, the great moral teacher and lawgiver of China, illustrated the principles of its government by these instructive examples. Mencius, another Chinese saore, who was born about O } 400 years B.C., carried the principle of the responsi- 1 St-e Du Haiti", J)e*c/-ij>f in/1 (If in Chine; Le Corate, Hfe/n. KHI- I'efaf present '.H;-n. IJi/if>(/*!/ to China; ^Iwellfinfous Xotirrs lielatiiti/ to Cliina; Sir .lohn .Davis, TJic ('/iinr' : China dnriiif/ 1l' ll'nr find since, flic Peace; I>r. Mor- ri.-iin, Chiitesc. 3Ii*<\'ll * - the throne; and he who loses them, loses the throne.' And, further, 'When ihe pri;^ ,- is guilty of great errors, the minister should reprove him : if, after doing so again and again, he docs not listen, he ought to dethrone him and put another in his place.' 1 Such doctrines as these were nearly two thousand years in advance of the principles asserted, in the Netherlands and in England, in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- turies. Such are the theoretical relations of the emperor to heaven and to his people. But whatever the abstract theories of his rule, the emperor is the supreme head of the 'State, the vicegerent of heaven, appointed ' to govern all nations:' his power is absolute. Like the Tope, he claims to interpret the decrees of heaven it- self. In state, in title's, and in reverence, this celestial sovereign surpasses all other monarclis. 2 His power, though absolute, is controlled to an extent unusual in Eastern States. lie is bound to govern, like a constitutional sovereign, according to the laws of the land. And these laws are not left to be declared by priests, or rulers: but are comprised in an ancient code 1 , commencing twenty centuries ago, con- stantly improved and corrected by the legislation of successive generations, and rcpublished every five years, in an authentic form. 3 With manv of the faults of a barbarous system of riiillisi> v nm-iiru- :; Williams. Middle Kinydum, i. .'500. VOL. I. C 18 THE EAST. CHAT, jurisprudence. the use of torture and cruel punish- ^ ' ments. this code is superior, in enlightenment, in juridical science, and in all the best qualities of legis- lation. to the laws and institutes of any other Eastern people: and may be compared, not unfavourably, "with the laws of many European States. 1 Such a body of laws, though badly administered, are yet a testimony to the enlightened spirit of the government, and afford securities to the people for the observance of their rights. rh "" Xor is the celestial potentate, at Pekin, left to govern iii!!i- I .;:- ; - rii - according to his own absolute will. He is assisted by a council, or cabinet of six ministers or chancellors, who deliberate concerning the affairs of the empire, and advise him. in the exercise of all his powers. There is, also, a general council, consisting of princes of the 1 tlood. the chancellors of the cabinet, and other high functionaries. 2 Further, tin-re are six great boards, to which the administration of the several departments of the public service is entrusted. 3 The provinces are governed by viceroys, invested with extensive powers, and living in great splendour: but they are accountable to the boards for the proper administration of their govern- ments. 4 vk^.-f This extended administrative organisation resembles adiniiii-- . tration. that of a European Slate : but it is administered with tin,- corruption, the cunning, the injustice and oppres- sion of Asiatics. The multiplication of intelligent public, officers, however, throughout the empire, cannot H..H. i. .-44. CIIIXA. 1 fail to intercept a considerable portion of the Imperial CHAP power. . - Among' the high officers of State are the censors, cvn.sors. whose duty it is to warn the emperor of faults com- mitted by himself, or by any departments of his govern- ment ; and it is affirmed that they are not unmindful of their ungracious duties.' They are the terror of mandarins, whose administration they watch, and whose delinquencies they expose. Another limitation of the absolute power of the emperor is to be found in the encouragement of public education by the Stale. In this enlightened policy, the Chinese Kmpire is honourably distinguished from all other Eastern countries ; and, in some respects, has been far in advance of the States of Europe. The only avenue to the public service has, for many centuries. 2 been proficiency in learning. Candidates undergo various examinations, to qualify them for the different grades of the public service : they receive degrees to mark their attainments ; and the best are selected for public employment. Thus while the State secures a. iarge body of instructed servants, thousands of educated men. who fail to obtain public employment, are spread through the country, and earn a livelihood as school- masters or otherwise. In most families there is at least one member who can read ; and his reading is listened lo with unfailing interest. Everywhere learn- ing i" respected, as the sole road to power and distinc- tion. :! 1 Du Ilalilc. ii. .".<) t-t *ct[. : Williams. Millie Klmjdotn. i. :}:',7 '-ML - Thi- system was intiMduc-rtl aluml A.i>. noo. :; Williams, Mlr. Morrison, ('////<-.>< ^lisci'llintij (1825), 43. - Williams. Middle Kingdom, i. o^s. 3 I^J,[. ;_ :}<_ CHINA. Asiatic States as in its institutions. There is no CHAP mysterious and all-powerful priesthood, assuming to '< declare the vail of the Deity, sanctified by superstitions rites, and supported by State revenues. Xo faith can be more simple : being the worship of the Supreme Ik'ing, or spirit, to whom sacrifices are sometimes ollcred. So simple and abstract, indeed, is this faith, that the mandarins and literati, who profess it, are im- bued with a spirit of scepticism; and by many writers have even been described as Atheists. Such a national faith as this might, at least, have been expected to favour toleration : but all other forms of worship are rigorously proscribed by law. Such proscription, how- ever, is vain. The State religion is far loo simple for the ignorant multitude who have embraced the super- .stitions of Tao-tse and of Fo, or lx>odh, and believe in astrology, divination, magic and sorcery. Elsewhere the people have learned superstitions from the State : but in China, they have revolted against the State religion, and have adopted superstitions of their own, as gross as any by which the minds of Eastern races are enthralled. 1 The Chinese people are amonu' the most ingenious [iKiu-m- . . . f tin- am! industrious in the world. Every inch of ground is \w\fa. laboriously cultivated : irrigation i< carefully applied: rare products of ihe earth tea. -ilk, and cotton arc raised in abundance : minerals are skilfully worked : manufactures in silk, cotton, porcelain and ivory flourish : the Chinese excel in every kind of handicraft : tiie extent of their 1 rade and navigation is marvellous. 22 THE EAST. CHAP. From early times the country has been intersected by . canals, and inland navigations ; and these channels of communication, as well as the sea coasts, are covered with innumerable craft, of all sizes and descriptions : an immense population live upon the waters : fisheries are everywhere carried on with rare industry and in- genuity. Causes of Among such a people as this, we might expect to theabsem-e . L > .' . .. . of freedom, find freedom as the result of so widespread a civilisation. Intelligent, industrious, inventive, enterprising : occu- pied in trade, manufactures, and navigation : why are they not free ? In Europe they would long since ' . i_ have commanded freedom : in Asia their lot is that of slaves. Why is this? The causes may be briefly stated. Superstition and a repressive Eastern govern- ment are fatal to freedom: but social causes contribute to the same result. There are no wealthy classes in China. When riches are acquired thev are soon dispersed : accumulation is rare: the families of the rich are soon mingled with the toiling mass of the people. Xor is wealth respected in China as in other countries : all honour being re- served for public employments and learning. There are no independent and prosperous landowners : but the land is subdivided into an infinite number of small' holding-, generally cultivated by the owners them- selves. These poor peasants toil early and late, to secure; a bare subsistence. Hence there is a marked absence- of a middle class. Society is composed of mandarins, and literati, on one side, and millions of industrious and wealth-producing people, on the' oilier, who never grow rich themselves, ]>ut, above all. the climate, the soil, and the cheap food and clothing of the people in CHINA. 23 tliis Eastern region, have encouraged the most extraor- CHAP. diiuuy multiplication of its inhabitants. In no other * - -* country in the world is the population so dense : its hundreds of millions 1 swarm over earth and water, 2 and are now overflowing into distant lands across the ocean. 3 This latter cause alone would prevent that social - AIor;i1 (i ; >- ditiuM nt 1 development which assures freedom. But there are the people. nu>ral causes which contribute to the abasement of Chinese society. The superstitions of the people are too gross to admit of true enlightenment : their know- ledge, remarkable as it is, is narrow and unprogressive : their instruction is prescribed by the State, according to certain fixed standards : independent thought and inquiry are sternly discouraged ; and nothing maybe learned from foreigners. Again, the race arc singu- larly mild, timid, and unresisting. Often provoked to rebellion by intolerable oppression, they are gene- rally as docile as sheep. One other trait of Chinese character must not be overlooked. The people are selfish and unsocial : living apart in families, and in- different to the welfare, or the sufferings, of their neigh- bours : they have few human sympathies : they work apart, in their several callings, without partnerships or combinations : they care not to lend a helping hand to 1 The population of China is now estimated at upwards of 400,000.000; Dixon. ll'/iifi- CotxjiK'jf. For un account of several censuses and other estimates of population, see \Yilliams, Middle Kiii(/dot, ch. v. ; also "\ on Schl.^vl, I'/til. of Hi-it., lecture iii. The latter author assigns reasons lor believing thai the population is not greater than the country can support. '' ' China is the poorest and most crowded country in the world.' Ilixon, ir/n'tr (.'ott'itK-*/, ii. 111. ' Iveang-Su has twice as many persons on a square mile as BeUriu:::, the niu.-t thicklv peopled Corner of Furope.' lliid. ~2\~>. " For an account of the Chinese emigration to the L nited ^tute-. s..v I)ixon, ll'/tifi- C'uii^in-.-if. 24 THE EAST. CHAT, others ; and value little even their own -wretched lives. " r Such a race as this cannot work together for the common good : they are poor units of humanity, wholly wanting in the first conditions of social advancement and freedom. japan. Japan a country no less singular than China- demands a passing notice. Its civilisation, like that of China, had advanced on its own lines, independently of Western teaching and examples ; and in arts and useful inventions might have been favourably compared, for many centuries, with European States. But its political and social life has ever been purely Asiatic. The Mikado, or emperor, is absolute in spiritual and temporal affairs : but for ages his civil power had been usurped by a Mayor of the Palace, or Tycoon, and by the Daimios, or feudal nobles. His spiritual attributes were revered : but they doomed him to a holy seclusion, while others governed in his name. At length, in 18G8, the Mikado quirted his sacred retirement, and assumed the active govern- ment of his empire. He summoned the Daimios : he resumed his feudal rights over their vast estates ; and restored his Imperial rule. I hit Western ideas had now found their way into the councils of Japan. The Mikado determined to assemble a national council, or parliament, and declared that ' the practice of discus- sion and debate shall be universally adopted, and all measures shall be decided by public argument.' Pailes and regulations were prepared for the Parliament, upon a European model ; and it was divided into numerous standing committees. Il was opened indue form, by an Imperial message ; and this ceremony was followed by debates of rare wisdom and brevity. At the same time, a liberal spirit was displayed by the Japanese JAP AX. government. Iiitercour.se with foreigners was favoured : CHAP. _ j railways, telegraphs, and other public works were ^ encouraged : education was promoted : freedom of the press was recognised; 1 and praiseworthy efforts were wen made to reconcile the various discordant forms of worship, and to establish a single religion, which should embrace the whole empire in its comprehensive faith. A change of policy, so sudden and complete, could free insti- to scarcely be expected to endure ; and the experiment of j',' 1 ^ parliamentary institutions was not long continued : but 1>CC the administration of Japan has become enlightened and progressive : European experience is accepted as its guide: foreigners are employed in its service; and Eastern customs and ideas are giving way before \Ycstcni civilisation. It remains to be seen whether an Asiatic State can successfully advance in the direction <>*' political freedom. It is not without some hopeful conditions. It has feudal nobles as political leaders: an intelligent people : European teaching : increasing Avealth : a geographical position well fitted for maritime commerce, and extended intercourse with foreigners ; and an interesting political problem still awaits solution. Egypt, though geographically removed from these i-:-yi>t. A>iati States, has exhibited the same characteristics, its religion T .. . , and [lolitv. Its ruling race sprang from an Eastern stock, and brought with them Eastern traditions and customs. Tin*; mysterious country, of fabulous antiquity, and re- r.owned for a high culture when the light of civilisation had not yet dawned upon Europe, was yet so purely Eastern in its government and in its religion, that no traces of freedom can be discovered in its history. Its 26 THE EAST. CHAP, rulers were absolute : its people slaves. Its religion . was debased by low superstitious and idolatry : l its hereditary priesthood were as encroaching, as crafty, and as powerful as the Brahmaus of Hindustan. A long- succession of dynasties had reigned for many cen- turies. Society was divided, as in India, into castes.' 2 Of these, the priesthood were the highest : they were not only supreme in the mysteries of religion, but as chief officers of the king ruled over the State : they were custodians of the laws, which they alone were qualified to expound : they were the sole professors of jurisprudence, of medicine, and of architecture : all. learning, history, and science were left to their sacred teaching. So exalted was their caste, that it even embraced the king himself. 3 Being all-powerful, they naturally secured exemption from the burthens of the State. The caste of soldiers was next in rank ; and they were carefully organised in one of the most ancient standing armies in the historv of the world. 1 o *, The ascendency of these ruling castes, over an op- pressed and degraded people, was the more easily main- tained, as they were sprung from a superior race, while the people were chiefly composed of a lower type of mankind the natives of Africa. In an Eastern State., governed by an absolute king, by priests and soldiers, a grinding slavery was the natural lot of the people. 1 Of all the superstitions to be found in the llonmn Empire, (Gibbon pronounced the Egyptian to be 'the most contemptible and abject;' llixt. of Jiotiian Empire, i. ~>'2. - \\ilkinson, ^laiiner* aid Cii$toi$ of the ancient Egyptians, ii. -'!(> ct seq. 3 Ibid. 1st ser. ch. xii. xiii. ; 1'nd ser. xiii. xvi. 4 Herodotus, ii. :'J7, lii4-H>-<: Diudorus, i. -2$, ;">4, 74, &c.; Wilkin- son, Manners and Ciiffoin^ of iJte undent JZt/i/ptians, i. 4, ii. '2*-~> i-t $e M'l^iili. ch. v.: Kemick, I'/nnticin : I To 'ivn, Hi*?. ltc.-n'ttrr]n>x (Tliaiiiician.-O. i. L' : >4-'!(>1. 1 The Je \vi.-h chrnnoWy extends to almut i-'OOO years B.C. The Ph'-nii-ian reache- some hmiihvils of year- earlier perhaps :7 ">(), or -:iL --it 'lie i'"iirt> ei.th ;i of numerous offices in the same families, further r ended to contract the constitution into an oligarchy. 2 32 THE EAST. This prosperous and enlightened State, however, con- tinned a republic throughout its strange vicissitudes of fortune, until it fell under the vengeance of its ruthless enemies, the liomans. The Jews. But by far the most interesting example of freedom, in an Eastern race, is that of the Jews. Palestine Dcsrrip- Avas favoured by nature, with a fine climate and Palestine, a fruitful soil, which developed an early civilisation. But these natural advantages were accompanied In- ert her conditions which discouraged the sloth and effemi- nacy of the people too often associated with the luxuriant abundance of Eastern climes. There were earthquakes, floods, hot winds, and tempests : there were plagues of locusts and scorpions : there were fearful visi- tations of pestilence : there were incursions of hostile tribes. Beyond their fertile plains stretched the burning desert and rocky mountains, in contrast to their own more fortunate land. One side of their narrow territory was bounded by the far-reaching sea. Naturally a gifted people, these conditions gave elevation to their character. Surrounded by the mysterious forces of nature, they were led to revere the transcendent power of Jehovah, and to become a religious people. In defence of their homes they were trained to arms; and the sea, with its maritime and international associa- Tiicir onriv (ions, en con raged a spirit of freedom. 1 For ages their "ions."' society continued patriarchal; and no king had risen up amongst them. From an early period, in their history, the Hebrews had a congregation or assembly, Livy, Look xxxiii. cli. xlvi. xlvii. ; PnlvLiu.s vi. ">! ; Diodorus, xx. 10; Justin, xi.v. 2; Valerius Miiximus, ii. 7 : Movers, Die 1'honizicr, ii. 4^-'> <>f st'f/. ; firote, Ilixf-. of drew, ::. <">-l^; Ileerf-n, Hixf.. licscrtrchcs ( i\>lifirx and Commerce of /.he Cnrthf/t/inifimt, iS'v.J, i. 10") -14:?. 1 1'lwald, //ir. \-24. y Ibid. iii. I 1 : and see Psalms Ixxxii. ' F\vald, 7/>V. book ii. "' For rioine curinus speculations upon tins subject, see ('unite. I'/iilo*. ' ; See .Mill. Ilixf. of Ii riti*l> Iiulin. 1 ">'.: (iui/nt. 7//V. (;:!) i. 2. 14^. 1 ."X Ky-lfX -"''. i ; !:l iMo.:?r>5-:>7J : Kwald. ///-/. of I*rcL book ii. sect ii. In a lecture fit ".Brussels by M". Astruc. the Chief Ifabbi of JSeknuni. in March i>74. it was stated ' the law recognised the absolute equalitv of all citizens, and (inferred, even upon the stranger, nearly all civic rights. The provisions of the land tenure law were such a- t prevent the accumulation oflaive fortunes.' 'The hiirh priest was nut the representative of (u>d on earth, but the representative of the people before lation was 'the exercise of political liberty bv the ji'Mple. and the reeoirnitioii uf the rights of the wea]<.' '- AX'hen Mo>es projio.-ed i thepe,ip] t . that the Avise men amongst th'"iu should be clio-en a> their ruli-rs. they answered. ' The thinir which th'Ui hast spoken is u'ood tor us to do' (1 lent. i. l.'"5-17): thus >how- 5 nu' an appeal to the people concerning the choice of their rulers, and their concurrence in the irovennuent of the State. ' In those days there was 11 i i. in^in Israel, and every man did that whidi was riirht in his own eyes' (Judges xxi. -"). 'Then .Teplitliali wi-nt with the elders nf (iilead, and '.lie pei'iple made him head and c;q tain over tliem ' ( J uiltri."- ii. 11.). THE JEWS. 35 But the rule of an unseen God can only be exer- CHAP. vised by human agents, who assume to declare and 1 interpret the Divine will. Hence the prophets and jthTheo- priesls of the Hebrews took the place of civil rulers in the government of the State ; and the strong faith of that people in supernatural influence, in all the i-veiits of lite, and over the order of nature, made them as children in the hands of their spiritual guides. In tin. 1 opinion of some, indeed, a theocracy is no more than a government by priests : but as the people whether swayed by reason or by faith followed {he lights of their own religion, and their laws, they must be accounted free. They may have been led by priests, but their freedom was not sacrificed to their faith. In all free States the people have ever been led bv a few of their number by warlike chiefs, by bold and eloquent leaders, by fanatical preachers, bv de- magogues, and, in modern times, by an anonymous and irresponsible press. They have been swayed by reli- gion, by warlike passions, by the love of plunder, by popular prejudices, or by national pride, no less than by reason and patriotism : yet, if in the people lay the ultimate power to will and to act, upon them rested the responsibility of the national resolves, and they were free. Where there is free will, there is freedom : and so were the Jews free, even when awed by the voice of Jehovah. 1'hey were not oppressed by their priesis. like ihe people of Asia, and Egypt: but were trained to hiurh conceptions of (iod. and of the moral duties of man.' 1 'Tlit' ivmarl< >it' a di>tin^ni-l!f'd IiVl>iY>\v. ~M. Salvador, iliat the ] voj hots v, civ. in Church and State, the Hjiiivalmt of tlu> modern Jili.-rt v of tin- pivss. Lrivt>s a just. lmi not an adequate, conception of the part fulfilled, ti.iiial and universal history, l>y this invat element ->!' -MvMi iiv.' Mi;:. On llcpr. Guff. ii'. n ' 36 THE EAST. CHAP- At length, not without ample warning of tlic tvr- i. . . " - , - - aiiny they were bringing upon themselves, they chose ''''"-. kin ITS to rule over them. 1 A monarchy was not forced Jewish Monarchy, uon tlu'in l) violence or fraud : the freel chaned the form of their own tfovernment, and Saul was elected king by all the tribes.- The king of tin- free people ascended the throne as a constitutional monarch. Every king of Israel was anointed by the High Priest, and lie was accounted sacred." All the powers of the State were centred in him : but on his accession, he pledged himself to observe the fundamental laws of the king- dom : and above his crown was placed a copy of the laws.' 1 Tin. 1 monarchy, like the commonwealth, was theocratic : the prophets were a power superior to the kinifs. warning and rebuking them for their sins, in the name of Jehovah, and protecting and encouraging the people. The Jews were still animated by the spirit of freedom, and. inspired by the cry of 'To your tents, (> Israel,'' they kne\v how to resist oppression. Xor were the children of Israel ever ruled like the slaves of an Eastern despot : they were called into council by their kings. 6 and contended boldly for their rights. ' Accordingly tlu- Jews. instead of heiap- stationary like other Asiatics, were. next to the fh'eeks. tin.- nmsT progressive people ot' antiquity, and. joimlv with tin-Hi, have be.-n the starting-point and main propelling- airem-v ,>f modern cultivation.' 3H11. <)n Jii-/>r. (tort. 4-'>. 1 ] Saniut-1 viii. C 'I'l. - Mihnan. 7//.-7. of tin- Jcv*. \. :>(\~)-27 \ . ' l-Iwald, Ili^f. iii. 0. 4 ILid. iii. 7 : JH-ut. vii. IS-L'O: -2 Kin-> xi. 1 1' : '2 Chron. xviii. 11 : J..L xxxi. :!(. " 1 Kin--- \ii. -10: 2 riimn. \. '' And the kinir went up ir.to tlu- IIini.-o of th- Lord, and all th>- inr-n d!' .Jud;ih. and the i;:hahitant- of Jerusaleni. and t'ie juie-ts and the- L-\it---. f;ii'l all th'- p M.,pl.>. uTt-;it and small, and he read in their ears all th<> v.--iyd- of the J'VIM]; of the f'oYeiiant that was found in tli-- Ilou-e uf the L. ; ; - -1 f'lm.r.. xxxiv. -"(>. THE JEW*. 37 This free people were ]iot overawed by llie cruellies ciiAr. of Herod, hut murmured and conspired against him. ^_ ' f ' ruder his son Arelielaus, the last of the kind's, they clamoured for a. release of prisoners and a reduction of taxes. 1 Thev resisted by force the spoiling of the -' / temple by Sabimis ; and when, at length, Judica had become 1 a .Roman province, the Proconsuls were obliged lo consult llie wishes of their resolute subjects throuii'h the Sanhedrim a council of chief priests., scribes and v der.s of the people. When Pontius Pilate was build- ing ;m aqueduct, out of the revenues of the Temple, the offended populace rose against the workmen en- gaged upon the impious work.- And. lastly, the popular power was illustrated bv the most momentous event in t ie history of mankind. Pontius Pilate was compelled, by the clamours of the people, to condemn the innocent Jesus to death. The chief priests and elders crucified our Saviour, not by persuading the (-rovernor of his guilt, but by stirring up the multitude lo cry aloud for his blood. ;i Of all Eastern races, the Jews were tellectual. In science and culture they were unequal to the Egyptians : but in genius, in sublimity of thought, in moral sentiments, and in religious elevation, they were without rivals. Their inspired prophets and law- givers were destined to quicken the minds, and regene- rate the faith of the most civilised nations of the world ; and they tang it a gifted people. Israel is the country, 1 Mihuun. ILI*1. ofJcicit, ii. 01 ,.v\v thai lit- ouiid dn nothinu', Imt r l;;i::ii:i \va- int'i.I- 1 . }\i>. Ujuk Avatcr and \v;).~]u;d his i;amU In-i'. ti;d>'. ^.tyini;-. I ; : liiiiuot'iit it' the lilt tod of thi< ju-t per-on : -3! a'. ' . xx>, ii. 1' I. oS THE EAST. CHAP, above all others, which Christendom regards with re- > .' - spect and reverence, as the birthplace of its religion. Its sacred writings are cherished above all the works of human genius. Scholars revel in the masterpieces of Greek and Poman genius : but Christians of every creed, throughout the world, pay homage to the higher inspiration of the Hebrews. Xo one will venture to compare Solon with Moses, or Plato with St. Paul : no one will shrink from comparing the Hebrew Psalmist with the sublimest poetry of ancient or modern times. 1 As*wia- That a race more entitled to our reverence than. tinn of in- . t.-iiiuviKv any people or antiquity should have attorded an ex- :iml I'ri'f- , * ' , . , , . , . iii.m. ample or ])opular freedom, notwithstanding their Eastern origin, and the influence of Eastern despotism, by which they were surrounded, is a conspicuous illus- tration of the principle that the spirit and intelligence of a people are the foundations of libertv. The Eastern ' race which was distinguished from its contemporaries by the purest faith, and the highest ideal of morals, afforded also a conspicuous example of freedom. 2 Contrast This sketch of the governments of Eastern races thc^Enst affords a striking contrast to the ideal of a free European kur.ip". State. Theocratic despotism, and the hard rule of con- querors, have been the lot of Asia ; and the onlv races. which have enjoyed any measure of political liberiy have dwelt on the shores of the Mediterranean, or in proximity to Europe, which was destined to be the home of civilisation and freedom. 1 Scf f-]H'Ci;ill y I'.siln:- Ixxviii. civ.-ovii. - Fur intdv-tinir .-tiutif- of the .Tev/isli clmracivr nr.it hi-t"rv. ?ee l!r.thsHiil'. irnd Lit. ,,f t],p Jews : CT^-.V/.. J[i*t. oft),,-- J-n-.< : Kali>ch, C(ini))i<-)iff')'ics oil Lt-ritirxs, \,-.; Dr. 1'eniscli. Jiidtnxm Xnn''-i/rd ; II---/H*/ a >SI,'cfc/i of tin- Jit*'" and Development of Jndi*in from jMozcs to /*. THE ARYAXS. 39 But there was one Eastern race prehistoric and traditional whose high destiny it was to migrate from their Eastern birthplace, and to people new lands in ] the West, where they became the progenitors of the noblest and most conspicuous races of mankind. The Aryans, to whom modern science has assigned this rare distinction among men, are supposed to have sprung from the country about Balkh known to the Greeks as Bactria near the sources of the Oxus and Yaxartes, and the highest elevation of Central Asia : whence they spread to the west and south, as far as the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf. 1 Their history lias been constructed from their language, by the studies of comparative philologists, just as the early history of the material world lias been deciphered from strata and fossil remains, by the researches of geologists. 3 \j o c; The part of Asia, occupied by the Aryans was re- nowned, from the earliest times, for its commercial inter- course with other nations ; and its position and com- munications were favourable to the migrations of its people. These migrations are assigned to a period between 3000 and 2000 years B.C., and they spread over Greece, Italy, Germany, and other parts of Europe. In their own lands they were chiefly a pas- 1 ' The Aryans migrated (into India ) from the cold region of the Iran, or Aryana, and were a cognate race with the ancient Persians. They were, in fact, an oll'shoot of the same Indo-European stem which sent forth other branches, under the names of Greeks, Italians, Germans, Slave-. and Celts, to coii'juer the AYestern world.' Talhoys Wheeler. Hist, of India, iii. 14. 2 The laborious investigations of Grimm, Bopp, Pott, Knhn. Wei >:. Curt ins. Schleieher, and other German authors, may be studied by tl. learned in philology. The evidences are, however, presented in a mio> popular and interesting form by Max M i tiler (Led in'cs on the tii:tcm\- <' Z,aii'/itrr(/f)j and by I'ietet (Let Ot'it/ines I>ulo-12u 40 THE EAST. CHAP, toral pcopk'. 1 trained to arms. In these highlands of j i , ' Central Asia they enjoyed a temperate and invigorating climate, and a fertile soil ; and they appear to have belonged to the highest type of the human race, in strength, in courage, and in intellect. Their language bears witness to their civilisation and social advance- ment ; and modern philologists have traced its roots in the dead languages of Greece and liome. and in the living tongues of modern Europe. "Whatever their laws and government, their pastoral life was the freest, condition to be found in the East, and the most remote from the control of despotic rulers. They were gifted with the spirit and manly attribute- of freedom ; and wherever their migration can be discovered, by the evidence of language, we find a civilised and progres- sive people, and examples of free institutions. lie- moved from the repressive polity of the East, and mingling with Western races, they played their part in the history of Europe, as Greeks. Itomans. Celts, and Teutons.- So far, the East contributed to Euro- pean liberty : but. while giving the Aryans, credit for their share in its development, we must now leave; them, and approach those Western clime- which form 1'Ju 1 . }><. lli- say.*: ''As th>- Arvu:i limiilv uf nation.-. a> a wh"li>. -tauds out aliove th" other liiniili-'s of tin- world . so the ( hvt-k. lli^ ] Ionian, and thy Teutuii, i-ai'h in hi- turn, stands out ahove the- otht-i 1 nation- of tht- Arvan i'amilv: each, in hi- turn, has n-iichi-d tliu liiirlie.st stain. 1 alik*; of pow'-r and ci\ ilisntion that wa> to Le had in his own fi:. r e, and each has handed on lii- o\vn stmv, to In- furthi-r enriched li\" .-iu'C''':-.-ors wlio wcro CHAPTEE II. GREECE. THE (.KP.I:KS Tin: IIICIIKST TYPP. OK PAT.OTKAN I:A< i>- Tin: in:i;oic AI.K.S T.AKI.Y TUAININI; IN KI;K.I:DO^L DEI AY or MONARCHY YAKLors KOK-MS OK (JO YPKN.MK.NT ^YII It'll SIVC EP.iii:!) IT CITY ( "OMM .1' XI .XI "I OS Sl'AliTA ATII KXS C'oXSTUT I'TU^S' OK sol, OX OK CLE1S- TiiKXKs 1 OF ri:i:ici.i:s YICISSIITDES AND PALI, OF r;n: HE.MOCIIACY. TOUTICAL liberty, ignored alike bv rulers and ])eople CHAP. . 1 !. in the East, has been prized by all intellectual nations ^ in luirope, from the earliest times. AY here not en- j.'p'^.'i'Vv by philosophers, and extolled by poets ; and a con- siderable part of the history of European States is the history of struggles for political and religious freedom. ( )f all the races of the West, tin 1 ancient (i reeks riu-Crcfk! culti\"ation. From them the liomans iir.-i. and afier- wards the whole of modern Europe, deri\~ed their l)esl examples of literature, eloquence and art. They were the firs! teachers of European philosophy, history. poetry and the drama of architecture, sculpture', paint hiLf and music. The creations of their genius have served as models for the imitation of succeeding aires : and, if sometimes rivalled in excellence, have certainly 42 GREECE. CHAP, never been excelled. And it is among this intellectual * . people tliat we are able to study the first examples of freedom, and the earliest experiments in democracy. 1 The Greeks afforded a striking contrast to the nations of the East. They differed in their religion, their customs, and their government. Descended from the Aryan races of the East, the climate, and other physical conditions of their new home, had wrought essential changes in their character. ]S"o longer exposed to the iniinences of Eastern climes. 1 ' they outgrew the superstitions, and repressive customs of their forefathers ; and. surrounded by sea and mountains, and by the temperate and genial bounties of nature, they improved upon the earlier civilisation of the East, and attained the utmost development of which man is capable. They had superstitions of their own, but these were not such as to inspire awe and terror. Their deities were clothed in human form : their kings and heroes boasted of divine parentage: there was kindred between gods and men. However frivolous their mythology, however corrupt its morals, it did not depress and abase the human mind. Zeus, with his thunderbolts, never assumed the tremendous shape of 1 It was well said by Arnold 'that the history of Greece and Uonio is not an idle inquiry about remote aires and forgotten institutions, Lut a livinir picture of things present, lined not so much for the curiosity of the scholar, its the instruction of the statesman and the citixeu.' l'ri-fc>> to TJtucydides, vol. iii. - See fi/prci. Intro, and p. 7. > : Givte says : 'General propositions respecting the working of climate ami physical agencies upon character are treacherous/ 'The Contrast between the population of Greece itself, for the seven centuries preceding the Christian era, and the Greeks oi more modern time--, is alone enough to inculcate reserve in such specula- tions.' Hist, of (r/'fi-iT. ch. i. lut he does not overlook the influence of physical cause.-, in mouldin_- the character and institutions of the Greeks. Til!-: HEROIC AfiKS. 4, Siva <.)] Vishnu. The Greeks were able to cultivate CHAT. their noble faculties, to form a higher social life, and v . to qualify themselves for freedom. 1 lu the East, the interests and feelings of the people were ignored by their rulers.- In Greece there was mutual confidence : we find t lie people sharing in the national councils: kings debating with their chiefs, before the multitude : aristocracies yielding privileges and franchises to the commonalty ; and the people themselves exercising sovereignty in democratic republics. Whatever the form of government, there was always a place appointed for the people. In the earlier or legendary ages the Greeks, like other races in the lh>t stage of civilisation, were ruled by kings and chief-, descended from the gods, or under their divine protection. 3 But in the character of these kings, and in their relations to their subjects, we may discern the elements of future liberty and popular government. The ideal of a king, ill the heroic ages, was that of a soldier who. in the words of Grote. must be brave in the field, wise in the council, and eloquent in the agora.'' 1 lie was expected to excel in 1 r>uckle forcibly illustrates the influence of religion in India arid in Greece: ///.-/. <,f Civ. i. 1 IS- 133. - Aristotle says: The irenius of the Europeans is different from that lit' the Asiatics, who of all nations are the most patient of despotism.' J'ulif. hook iii. ch. 10. And, nirain : 'The inhabitants of Asia are artful and iiiLrem'ou-. but mean-spirited and dastardly. They, therefore, alway- have been, and continue to this dav, either subjects or slaves.' Ibid. book iv. ch. 7. :; ( )f ( ireek kinirs, Mr. Freeman says: ' The mortal kinir on earth i- th- living imaire of the immortal king on Olympos. lie is at once his chiM and his representative amonir men. The Homeric kinsr is Zeus-bom am.] /eiis-iHumsli<-'l : lie comes of the divine stock, and he rules bv th>- di\i:.<- commi.-sion.' ('(>>///>. J'ulif. 14"). 1 ////. t,f ff recce, ii. >7. The Homeric Icimr was d^inTf^iiv Mi<-L\(ix r' ays XI>" TC :""'' "' iv^'/T7/f.' GREECE. CHAP athletic spoils and manly accomplishments. In the 'arhcst times, the king is represented as seated on a throne in the public place, or agora, supported by his chiefs, and surrounded, in war by his army, in peace by a multitude of the people. 1 Whatever his royal authority, he had to convince his chiefs in the council, and to persuade his followers and people, assembled in the' agora. Whatever his personal ascendency, he was constant in the habit of meeting his people face to face, and announcing the resolutions of his council, seeking their applause, appeasing their discontents, and associating them with himself, in a common cause, and in united action. His sovereignty was essentially popular rather than absolute. He was at once king and leader of his people : he was trained to the arts by which free States are governed ; and the rude accom- plishments of a warlike king foreshadowed the higher cultivation of an Athenian statesman." The people, on their -ide. were called to a -hare in the councils of the State. They were invited to approve, and not blindlv to obey the resolves of their chiefs ; and they gave free expression to their feelings bv murmur- ing- and acclamations. Our Teuton ancestors, as de- scribed by Tacitus, were not more demonstrative. Thus they were raised far above the subjects of an absolute monarch. 'They learned to judge the wisdom of their leaders. to respect their valour, to admire their eloquence, and criticise their faults: to dispute and murmur among themselves : to form opinion- of their own, and to con- cur, with an intelligent will, in all national acts. Here LTIJLIC ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTK'K. were sown the seeds. n( once 1 , of cultivation ruul of free- dom, Tluir minds ;ind manners were improved by the eloquence of their chiefs in the agora, while their self- respect ;ind self-reliance were encouraged. At first ap- proving all the counsels addressed to them, with impul- sive acclamations, t hey advanced gradually to greater independence', and from soldiers and followers grew into citizens. In the Greek councils of Avar before tin- walls of Troy, and in the assembly of Telemachns in Ithaca, as described by Homer, we may trace the sferms of Athenian democracy. Kven justice pnbliclv administered in the assembled agora, by tin- king himself, or by the chiefs. The people had no voice, indeed, in the judgment of the court : but they took an eager interest in the proceedings, and were not checked by the heralds when they gave loud expression to their sentiments. 1 Such publicity could hardly fail to impose some restraint upon a wrongful exercise of power by half-civilised chiefs, and to create a public opinion favourable to justice, and the maintenance of civil, rights. The agora also aided in the education of the commu- nity. It was a popular institution, ultimately destined to become a democratic judicature. The custom which sanctioned the presence of the people in deliberative and judicial assemblies, naturally grew into a constitu- tional right ; and the freemen who. in earlier times. merely assisted at these assemblies, at length acquired the right of voting. 1'ublic life was the characteristic of Grecian society : all freemen were invited to engage in it. They were a ,-oeial and, demonstrative people, and every function <>t I he State was carried on in the mid>! ot them, llnio 46 GREECE. CHAP, oratory became the principal a^ent in tlie government ii. . ^ ' of the Greeks. Any man who desired to acquire or iry ' to maintain influence with the people, studied the arts of public speaking ; and the tastes and habils of Greek society afforded him constant opportunities of displaying his talents. The more cultivated the people, the more finished became the oratory of their leaders. Oratory was to the Greeks what the pulpit and the press have been to modern Europe il instructed and civilised the people, and it encouraged their instincts of freedom. Public discussion and freedom are inseparable : the one cannot exist without the other. iiiiapso- Another excitement kindred to that of oratory, was the recitation of epic and lyric poetry to large assem- blages, in the public festivals. Delivered, in the earliest times, by the bards themselves, with musical accom- paniments, and later by rhapsodisls, with rhythmical in- tonation and dramatic action, they inspired the people with the imagery and stirring language of their popular poets. Xarrating the deeds of gods and heroes, they aroused the reverence and emulation of the ea!_!'er crowd, cultivated their imaginations, and refined their taste. At a time when reading was unknown, no surer means of educating a people could have been devised, lu'citations of poetrv were succeeded by the still more exciting representations of the drama. 1 I'ui.ii,- The free spiiit of the Greeks was further encouraged by their passionate devotion to public games, and other national and religions festivals. In the games the ambition and rivalry of private cili/ens were exeiled, and the people learned to admire courage, strength, skill, activity, beauty of form, grace', and accomplish- 1 (iruto ///..:'. ii. 1-! t-t .vv. rt'BLIC GA.MKS. 47 mcnts. The victor in the Olympic, or Isthmian Barnes, CHAP. was for a time the popular hero, sharing with kings ^ - and chief's the idolatry of the people 1 . And athletic sports, if less favourable to culture than other diver- sions, were well suited to a people who were at once citizens and .soldiers, and whose lives were spent in vigorous activity and bold independence. Nor were more intellectual excitements wanting: for poetry and music contributed to the popular entertainments, and sometimes even lectures on philosophy and history. 1 Authors recited their writings; and orators addressed the eager multitude. This union of athletic games with more ennobling studies is illustrated, at the present day, in the public schools and universities, in which our own manlv youth arc 1 trained for the duties of public and social life in England. At the same time, the assemblage of large 1 bodies of people promoted, by social intercourse, that quickening of wits and exten- sion of knowledge which, in later stages of society. arc 1 found to result from the 1 congregation of men in populous cities. And, further, there arose an inter- change of common sentiments, and union in the 1 bonds of citizenship. Thus every usage 1 of Greek society contributed to advance 1 the 1 s -hit of freedom. These public games, however, were not without their evils.' 2 If they we're 1 conducive 1 to emulation and culture, they no less ministered to the 1 idleness, the 1 love of pleasure, and passion for excitement, for which the Greeks we're 1 remarkable, and which afterwards became the 1 chief 1 (h-Dic. Hint. iv. (i.s-'.ts. The Olympian frames alone Avert 1 rest rid oil to athletic sports and races. '- T'r." pillule- iranies did noi meet vrith the approval of -.mie con- temporary sa^es. ,-.0-. Aristotle. 1'oL vii. s. \\. Se al- > (Juhl ami KMIHT, Lffi of f/ic (irct-L-* and 1'ouiaii*. L' 1 if- J-'i 1 . States. 48 GREECI-:. causes of their political corruption. These popular o'athcrinii's. indeed, may not have been without some of * j the debasing influences which are too notorious on an English racecourse 1 . In reviewing the social habits of the Greeks, we look the reveivnce attaching to women, in all Grecian legend and poetry, which attests the superior refinement of the- Greeks, as compared with Asiatic races. 1 Piespect for women has ever been the characteristic of five race's, and contempt for them the mark of a loweT civilisation, and of slavery. Greece The 1 natural configuration of Greece its islands, its into small gulfs, and mountain ranges favoinvd the multiplica- tion of small separate States and independent cities ; and in the 1 earlier stages of European civilisation. difhYul- ties of communication with distant countries had a tende'iicy to create^ small political communities. Aryan customs, which unite-d families and tribe's, by religious bonds. t'urtheT contracted tlu>se primitive societies. - Hence a country smaller than Portugal, 1 " and less than a third of the are;! of England, comprised upwards of a hundred independent States. Within the walls of a city, or in the confined area of a small territory, municipal government could be- conveniently adminis- tered : but without roads or security to travellers, the union of distant provinces, in a popular government, was scarcely practicable. So extensive a division of a country into small States was an obvious source- of ex- ternal weakness : but it fostered that fondness for public life and political activity which distinguished the Greeks. These small communities we're not too remote HELLENIC INTERCOURSE. 49 from one another for commercial and social intercourse, CHAP. and for the interchange of thought : while the peninsula "- ^ - was conveniently situated for maintaining communica- tions with kindred nations dwelling on the shores, and in the islands of the Mediterranean. The Hellenic races were spread far and wide upon that classic sea, on the western coast of Asia Minor, in Sicily and Southern Italy on the shores of Africa, of Spain, and of Gaul. Arts and commerce from the East and from the West from Egypt and from Carthage contributed to the culture and civilisation of the Greeks. They lived in the very centre of the civilised regions of the ancient world. Commerce alone will not create liberty : but without it liberty has been rarely known to flourish ; and the Greeks, especially on the sea-coasts, enjoyed at once the benefits of commerce, and of intellectual sym- pathies and affinity with the most advanced nations of their own time. Every condition favourable to liberty was to be found in Greece. The several States were further united by the sympathies of a common race, the same language, and the same religious traditions and usages. The Greek people were one : but their States were many. In the Aniphietyonie Council, held twice a year, The Am- . phictyonic twelve Hellenic races were represented by deputies. Council. Their functions were religious rather than secular : but they brought together the citizens of different States, and formed another variety of public life in Greece. The results of all these popular influences, among the Greeks, is to be observed in the changes which took place in their forms of government. Bv the time we reach the historical period of Deca . vof inn nar- Greece, heroic kings had lost their influence : the very chk ' tf - VOL. t. E 50 GREECE. CHAP, name had become unpopular, while the council and the N ~ i -* agora had acquired extensive powers. By about 500 B.C. the States of Greece had generally become either elective and limited monarchies, oligarchies, or demo- cracies. The particular character of the several govern- rnents was determined, in great measure, by the geographical position, social development, industries and local traditions, of the different States. These changes were effected, at about the same period, in a multitude of small independent States ; and it is clear that they were due to causes affecting the whole range of Greek society. It was not in the order of nature that along line of heroic kings could be main- tained, bravest in war. wisest in council, just and eloquent in the agora. They were watched by jealous chiefs, and a quick-witted people. The king of a petty State was always in sight : he was surrounded by none of the awe and mystery of the unknown ; and he could not affect the pomp and splendour which, in larger monarchies, inspire the multitude with veneration. His crimes and his failings were known to all men : if he wronged a citizen, or outraged a woman : if he was feeble and effeminate : all his subjects murmured round about him. Sometimes a race of kings died out : sometimes they were overthrown by conquest : now a cruel or depraved king was deposed, now a weak kin if set aside; and so these little States became republics. The--e revolutions were effected not by the people, but by the chiefs, who retained all the powers of the kings whom ihey had deposed. 1 At first, all that TYRANTS. 51 the people gained by the change was this that, in place CHAP. of an irresponsible king, they had rulers who at least ^ acknowledged the supremacy of the law : there were a council to make laws, and magistrates, elected for a limited time, to execute them : power was exercised on behalf of the people ; and the State to use a modern phrase enjoyed a constitution. But a period of deplorable reaction ensued in the Political political life of these Greek States. No form of govern- the L nient is so much exposed to the dangers of individual ambition and intrigue as an oligarchy ; and in most of these States the chiefs were afterwards overpowered by usurpers, who became known by the odious name of ' tyrants,' or ' despots.' Sometimes the usurper was a chief who supplanted his colleagues, by cunning or by force : sometimes a chief, or citizen, who incited the people to rise up against oppression and misrule. 1 Such men were justly execrated : they were without the traditional respect due to a royal lineage ; and, as usurpers, they were generally arbitrary, suspicious, and cruel. The people having learned their own power, by the appeals made to them for aid, stung by the betrayal of their trusts, and goaded by tyranny, re- volted from time to time, and overthrew the despots. Even to assassinate a tyrant was accounted an heroic virtue, among the Greeks. 2 This singular phase of tyranny had generally passed away by about 500 B.C. ; times, most impatient of the insolence of princes.' Pol vbius, Look vi. See also Cox, II.:*!. of Greece, i. JlO. 1 This lat'vi'V olas- are commonly called demagogues by Greek hisforiuns 7 but mu-t not be confounded with the class of men to Avhom the same title was assigned in Liter period? of Greek history. 2 >ee collection of authorities: Grote, Il!.*t. iii. -,T ; Fivoman, Federal Guct. -j>i. 52 GREECE. CHAP. II. Advance of demo- cracv. Aristo- cracy. and throughout Greece, republics had been restored, some oligarchical as before, some democratic. Meanwhile the Greek people had made great advances in commerce and the arts, in wealth and enlightenment. They were better able to protect themselves ; and as cruel experience had taught them the evils of irresponsible power, they sought in more popular constitutions, not only securities against oppres- sion, but a just execution of the laws, and publicity and free discussion in the government of the State. Many generations of Greeks had been trained to the usages of public, life, before the people had acquired political rights ; and now they were prepared for the part they were destined to play in the history of their country. In many States the chiefs and territorial nobles governed, with the general confidence and good will of the people ; and such a form of government was distin- guished as an aristocracy. But where by conquest, or usurpation, or party intrigues, power was restricted to a favoured few, a constitution so restricted was known as an oligarchy. It was natural that an aristocracy, or an oligarchy, should endeavour to maintain its power intact : but in many States, the growing influence of other classes forced the ruling body to admit them to political privileges. 1 This was more particularly the case when towns grew into importance, and maritime and commercial wealth began to rival that of the 1 Aristotb' says where the magistracy ' is confined to a few families, wealth and eminence will not patiently brook an absolute exclusion from authority, but will Convulse the State rather than submit to bo debarred from civil honours.' 1'ulif. vii. 7. And airain : ' AYherever the political forces of wealth and of numbers are not duly adjusted, the constitution is. likelvto be overthrown.' Ibid. TLMOCIUCY POLITY. 53 owners and cultivators of the soil. The admission of CHAP. new classes to llie franchise was generally effected by *^ - providing a property qualification, as a condition for sharing in the government of the State. The exclusive rights of birth were renounced in favour of the claims of property. This form of government, which the Timocracy. Greeks distinguished from an oligarchy, by the name / ! *J of a Timocracy, often differed but little from that which it had superseded. Where the qualification was high, and was restricted to land, the State continued to be ruled by a territorial aristocracy. But where the qualification was comparatively low, and included con- siderable classes of citizens, it more nearly approached a democracy. A State so governed was called a Polity, 1>olit y- and found much favour with Greek philosophers, as a moderate and well-regulated constitution, in which the people exercised a just influence, without claiming ascendency. 1 According to English ideas, a, Polity was u model Whig republic. But as the society of the state expanded in numbers and in consideration, fresh demands for political privileges were made, until 1 Aristotle everywhere prefers a moderate democracy, in which the middle classes exercise the chief iiuthority. Thus he aiiirms 'a wise legislator will endeavour lo comprehend in Ms scheme of polity, men of tUf middle class, and to make them, if uot more powerful than both the extremes, sit lea>t superior to either.' Polit. vi. 12. Again he speaks of ;i republic or government residing chiefly in men of the middle classes : \vhii-h of all popular constitutions, is the best and safest:' il'id. vii. 1. Au'ain, he savs : ' The intermediate portion of the people are always more steadfastly attached to the public welfare, than those, who are elated by wealth or di pressed by poverty;' ibid. vii. 7. In short, Ari-to'Je may be described as a (Jreek constitutional Whig. Tlmcydides. Iterates. 1'olybius and Plutarch express similar opinions. 1'olybms says : That kind of government is, undoubtedly, to be esteemed the best, which is composed of all the three now mentioned ' (Iloyalty, Aristocracy and I 'emucracyj. i'olybius, lLi*t, bvolc vi. 54 GREECE. CHAP, further extensions of the franchise changed the Polity ir. ' into a Democracy. Demo- AmoiiL>' the Greek democracies, there were considcr- crary. . . . , , able varieties ot constitution : but wherever the sovereign rights of the State were vested in all, or con- siderable classes of the freemen, it was regarded as a democracy. In all such States, foreign settlers and slaves, not being accounted citizens, were excluded from the franchise a law which considerably restricted the numbers claiming political rights. If all the free- men had a share in the government, the State was a pure democracy. But sometimes their rights were restricted by property qualifications : sometimes all were admitted to the deliberative and judicial assemblies, and entitled to elect their magistrates : but the general body of citizens were not themselves qualified to serve in the high offices of the republic. Where such a disqualification was recognised, the Greeks regarded the constitution as an oligarchy, the irresponsible power of magistrates, chosen for life, being confined to a limited number of privileged persons. But in prin- ciple such a State would more properly be called a limited democracy. There were restrictions upon the full rights of the freemen : control over their magistrates was wanting: yet even in t he right of election their sovereign rights were recognised ; and in the assem- blies the rule of the Demos was supreme. Ochlocracy. _/\_n ideal democracy was that in which all citizens were equal, without the recognition of any special pri- vileges. But so fertile were the Greeks in political nomenclature, that when a republic of this type fell into the hands of the lower class of citizens, who domi- nated over the noble and wealthv, it was said to have cass limite all these DEMOCRACY. 55 degenerated into an ochlocracy, a term r.ow vulgarly CHAP. translated into mob-ocracy. 1 - - ^ One characteristic, however, was common to all these r l 1l rillin o class varieties of Greek democracy. The citizens who limited in ' . , o'overned the State were generally a privileged, and O J 1 D comparatively a small, class of the whole community. They enjoyed their franchises by right of birth, or property : they were proprietors of the soil : according to the social habits of the ancient world, they scorned manual labour as dishonourable ; and gave up all handicrafts and agriculture to their slaves. Jealous of their privileges, they excluded strangers and settlers from the franchise ; and the slaves, who formed the en lire working classes, were naturally denied any share of political power. Citizens alone formed the State ; and they owned no fellowship with strangers or slaves. Xone of these States were, therefore, democracies, in the widest sense, being governed by a single privileged class. ^Neither can they be fitly termed oligarchies or aristo- cracies, as some high authorities have regarded them.- The conditions of Greek society necessarily separated the freemen from the slaves: but the citizens formed a complete society, composed of various ranks, noble 1 Aristotle is very severe against a pure democracy. Citing Homer 1 ni'K ayaQuv TroXvKoipavii], 1 Iliad, ii. 204, he says in a democracy ' the people, knowing- itself to be an absolute king, assumes all his pretensions, and exercises all his prerogatives;' PoUt. vi. -1. And, again, 'the worst mode of constituting the deliberative power is that of placing it, on all invasions, in the great body of the people, convened in the assembly ;' ibid. 14. Aristotle's ideal of a democracy was that of an agricultural or pastoral State, where the people could not assemble often or tumultuously ; ibid. viii. 4. 1'lato also says that ' tyranny more naturally results from democracy than from any other form of government; ' Deliepub. book ix. * De Tocfiueville .says: ' Athenes, avec son sutl'rage universel. nV'tait. done, aprcs tout, qu'une republique aristocratique, oil tons les nobles avaieut un droit eiral au irouveruemeiit ; ' ii. ch. 15. 56 GREECE. CHAP, and humble, rich and poor ; and where all alike shared r ' in the government, the State must be accounted a democracy. That large classes were outside this pri- vileged body, was due to the constitution of Greek society, rather than to the polity of the State. Examples of all these varieties of constitution may be found in the history of the Greek communities, or in allusions to them by Aristotle and other philo- sophers and historians. 1 But we cannot pursue the fortunes of democracy, in the minor States, which have not left their mark in the history of the world. Xor is much instruction to be gathered from their local <^- struggles, factions and intrigues, 2 One observation, however, may be applied to all. Wherever a State originally oligarchic ultimately assumed a democratic constitution, a contest was con- tinued between these opposing principles and interests. This political law, as it may be termed, was illustrated by the entire history of Greece. In every State Ave read of revolutions and convulsions: at one time, the aristocracy being in the ascendant, at another time the democracy. 3 All these free States were governed, in 1 Aristotle, Pol it. iii. f>-7 ; vi. 4-1 L Folybius, vi. 4. 0. See Tliirl- wall, 7/;V. cli. x. - For a view of the rancorous spirit of Greek factions, sea Tlmcvdi ,li.-s, iii. ^-2. 3 According to Aristotle, ' oligarchies and then tyrannies suocv^ively prevailed, an usurping faction continually narrowing the basis of its own power, till this power, supported on a sinirle point, was easily ovei turned by the just resentment of the people. I'emocracy then arose and pre- vailed in its turn.' Pulil. iii. 11. Thucydides says : ' The leaders in the cities, making the fairest pro- fessions, ou one side putting forward the political equality of the people, on the other a moderate aristocracy, while in word they served the common interests, in fact they made prizes for themselves. And while struggling, by every means, to obtain an advantage over each other, they dared and carried out the most dreadful deeds : heaping on still greater DEMOCRACY. 57 great measure, by political parties : tlie nobles were CHAP. divided, and whichever party happened to prevail, there . - were generally capable and ambitions members of their order, ready to assume the direction of public affairs. These contests between classes were pursued with the violence and in justice which disfigure the history j o v of half civilised societies. Where the great and rich triumphed, their rule was selfish and oppressive : where the people prevailed, they rioted in their power, and were prepared to trample upon their prostrate rivals. At Megara, during a revolutionary time, the MO B.C. O > O *t rich were forced to open their houses and feast the populace ; x and creditors were required to refund the interest which they had received from their debtors. 2 And at Cyrene the people oppressed the rich so grievously, that the latter rebelled against the demo- cracy and overthrew it. 3 We must confine our illustrations of democracy to a few of the most eminent States, and notably to Athens : but a few observations may here be offered in regard to some of the general characteristics of Greek democracy. The social conditions of the different States affected their political constitutions in Greece, as in other countries. The Greeks themselves were fully aware of the essential differences between agricultural and urban or maritime communities. 'Arcadian simplicity' be- came a proverb. The Lacedaemonians, whose country vengeance, not only so far as was just and expedient for tlie State, but to tin? measure of what was pleasing to either pariv, in each successive case ; and whether bv an unjust sentence of condemnation, or on gairdi:^ ascen- dency by the strong hand, they were ready to glut their animosity: ' Hist. iii. !--2. l Aristotle, Polil. v. o. - Thirlwall, Hist. i. 487. 3 Aristotle, Polit. viii. 4. 58 CHAP. II. GREECE. was bounded by an inhospitable coast, unfavourable / L for maritime trade and foreign intercourse, and by mountain ranges, 1 were known as intellectually inert, unchanging and conservative. The Athenians, dwelling in a city on the sea-coast, were quick, progressive, and impressionable alive to the varied influences of civilisa- tion, and superior to all other Greeks in cultivation and refinement. The difference was not less remark- able in the forms and spirit of their governments. Even in Attica itself there was a marked difference between different classes of the inhabitants. Accord- ing to Aristotle, the maritime population of the Piraeus were more inclined to democracy than the reside] its in the city of Athens itself; and the seamen who won the battle of Salamis, and the sovereignty of the sea, thenceforth turned the balance of power in favour of the democracy." The cities founded in the rich plains of Thessaly were generally governed by warlike oligarchies. Larissa, however, one of the most nourishing, was a democracy. 3 The agricultural and pastoral character of the country assured the influence of the landowners ; and the soil was tilled by the Palestas, a race of serf-, like the Laconian helots. Aristotle observes that oligarchy prevailed ' wherever cavalry formed the national force ; as among the Chalcideans, the Eretrians, the Magnesians, on the banks of the Meander, and many other wealthy communities of Asiatic Greece.' 4 This naturally arose from two causes: first, such coun- tries had wide pastures, with scattered populations ; and, TOWN AND COUNTRY. 59 secondly, the costly equipment of cavalry rendered it the CHAP. peculiar force of the rich. The social condition of such < ^ countries, and their system of warfare, combined to maintain a territorial aristocracy. As the population increased, and infantry became a more important arm of the military service, other classes acquired political influence. But it was mainly by the growth of towns that Growth of i i i TT-I i r towns. democracy was advanced. v\ hen the population 01 any city increased, and out-lying villages were brought within its walls, the aristocracy was generally over- come. Sometimes the latter recovered its ascendency, by dispersing the people again, beyond the Avails of the city. .Wherever there was a maritime population, the democracy gained influence. Everywhere the culti- vators of the soil were the most favourable to aris- tocracy. 1 In the Greek States the distribution of land anionu r^tribu- ' tlOll Ot the proprietors was generally not very unequal. Some laud - had considerable estates : but the possessions of the greater number were so far alike as to cause a general social equality amongst them ; and this circumstance contributed to the maintenance of equal political rights. We- have already noticed the smallness of the com- J munitics which constituted the Greek States ; and this circumstance should be constantly borne in. mind in studying their institutions. It explains much that would otherwise be unintelligible. That all the free inhabi- tants of a city should be concerned in its government may be comprehended : in a large Slate it would be impo.-^iUe without representation. But the general type of the Greek republics or commonwealths, in the best 1 Thirhvall, Hist. i. 454, 455. 60 GREECE. ' CHAP, period of their history, was that of a city community r ' --or 'town-autonomy,' according to Grote -- sur- rounded by a limited extent of territory, and exercising independent rights of sovereignty. 1 In such States the fullest develoj nnent of democracy was attainable.' 2 Every citizen, whether dwelling in the city itself, or in the ad- jacent territory, was able to attend in person the delibera- tions of the assembled people. Where representation was unknown, it was only by personal attendance that a citizen could exercise his rights. If distance excluded him, he was debarred from the enjoyment of his fran- chise. Hence it was in these small States that the ideal of a pure democracy was most fully realised. 3 And what a study of political and social life does such a community present ! Without an army, without representation, with- out a, press, every citizen was himself a soldier, a states- man, and a judge : now hastening to the battle-field to meet the enemies of his country : now debating affairs of peace and Avar : now judging the causes of his fellow- 1 ' The State, the commonwealth, was in ( (rook eyes a city, an organised society of men dwelling in a walled town, as the hearth and home, of the political society, ami with a surrounding territory not too large to allow all its free inhahitants hahitually to assemLle within its walls to discharge the duties of citi/.ens.' Freeman's Coiup. I'ol. ^\. The same writer says elsewhere: ' Tho full and perfect sovereignty of each separate city formed the political ideal of the Greek mind.' Hint, llxsai/x, L'nd ser. 11(5. 2 Aristotle ailirms it to he, ' difficult to (-staljlish any other form of government in large cities and populous communities' (Polil. Look iii. ch. 1 1 .) '' 'Tlie n;:(i;:v.l limit of a democracy is that distance from the, central point which will hut just permit the most remote citi/.ens to assemble as often as their public functions demand.' Federalist, Xo. xiv. 71; 'In the ancient world . . . there could Li; nothing like a regulated popular irovernment, beyond the bounds of a single city community ; because there did not "xist the physical conditions for the formation of and pro- pagation of a public opinion, except among those who could he brought together to discuss public matters in the same agora.' Mill, On liepr. (fovt. 8. CITY COMMUNITIES. 61 citizens. Every citizen was a ruler, directly and con- CHAP. stantly exercising the sovereignty of the State. No higher - ^ - duties and responsibilities can attach to the most eminent ; and there they were habitually discharged by the entire body of freemen. In no other constitution could the power and dignity of the citizen be so exalted, and nowhere could be found such opportunities and incite- ments for political education. While such a system of popular government afforded a noble field for the genius of Greek orators and statesmen, the public dis- cussion of affairs of State trained all the citizens to political thought and action. It spread knowledge and formed public opinion, like the modern press ; and it did more it united with knowledge, and the capacity of forming a judgment, the interest and responsibility of voting, 1 and the stimulus of action. 2 The patriotism of citizens in such a State reached the highest pitch : their country, their city, and their home were identified. Their patriotism may have been narrow, jealous, and exclusive : but it was a passion. This is the bright side of the picture of these little ? e ? ds ? n jealousies. States : let us now glance at its darker shades. We have seen citizens as earnest and instructed rulers, zealous in the discharge of their high functions, and O O 7 burning with patriotic ardour : but we cannot overlook 1 The Greeks understood the practice of putting questions, and divi- sions at their assemblies. Thus in the Laced:enumian assembly the eplmr put the question in this form : 'Whoever of you, Lacedaemonians, thinks the treaty to have been broken, and the Athenian.-, to have been guilty, let him rise and go yonder (pointing out a certain place to them) ; and whoever does not think so, let him go to the oilier side.' They arose and divided, and there was a large majority wlm thought that the treaty had been broken. Thucydides, i. H7. - l The newspaper press/ says John Stuart Mill, ' is not in all respects an adequate, equivalent of the 1'uyx and the Forum.' lupr. Guc. . 62 GREECE. CHAP, the enmities of ambitious leaders more dangerous to ii. ^ - the peace of society, and the liberties of the common- wealth than in larger States the feuds of hostile factions, the corruption of citizens, and, above all, the national pride and local jealousies, which drove every city into war with its neighbours. But such faults as these, it must be confessed, were not peculiar to small city commonwealths : they nave been the faults of large States no less than small, in all ages, and are due to the infirmities of human nature rather than to political institutions. Xo more instructive study is to be found, in the whole range of history, than that of the Greek common- wealths. They differ from any examples of govern- ment in our own time : but they afford some of the best illustrations of popular rule, for the guidance of modern States, established on a larger scale, and upon more rational principles. s partn . Among these commonwealths the renowned mon- archy of Sparta stands alone, as a conspicuous contrast to the general polity of contemporary Greece; and its singular institutions demand special notice. its con- The constitution of Sparta was a limited monarchy stititti- 'ii. , rp1 , . ', of a peculiar character. Ihere were two kings, of equal power, whose chief business it was to thwart one another. They had large possessions : they were en- iitk-d to command the Spartan armies in time of war : they offered sacrifices to the gods, and they enjoyed a traditional reverence : but their power was subject to the Council of Ephors. 3 These magistrates, originally \leskrned to protecl the people and restrain the kings, gradually usurped an arbitrary and irresponsible au- 1 Avist. Tol. ii. !'. -2-\ : ILrod, vi. oG. SPARTA. 63 thoritv over the State. They reduced the kindly power CHAP. 1 . ii. to a shadow, and were themselves supreme in peace ^ - and war. They appointed and dismissed magistrates : they fined and imprisoned citizens at their pleasure : nay, they could even lay hands upon the king himself: they judged causes without the restraint of written laws : they assembled the military forces, and directed their movements ; and two of their number attended to con- trol the kings in the field. Under the institutions of Lycurgus, there was a senate and a public assembly, with some ostensible powers, but little more than nominal influence. The assembly was held in the open air : no scats were provided for the citizens, who were kept standing, and were speedily dismissed. There was no discussion of public affairs: but a simple vote was given on the decrees of the senate. 1 Xo citizen was allowed to speak without the express leave of the magistrates. Silence and secresy were the characteristics of Spartan rule. 2 As monarchy, aristocracy, and popular institutions its narrow were united in the Spartan constitution, several of the } Greek writers commend it." Put, in truth, the consti- 3 Plutarch (Lycurgus), i. 120; Thncydides, v. (>8. 2 ( hv>te. IIM. ch. vi. '-' Aristotle, ii. 4. ; Plutarch (Lycurgus). Polyhius extols it in these words: 'The dread of the people, to Avhom a certain share was allotted in the government, restrained the excesses and abuses of royalty. The p.-ople. on the other hand, Avere maintained in a due submission to the lunirs, by their apprehension oi the poAver of the senate. For the members of the senate, beinir all selected from the best amonir the citizens. Avere always ready to support the cause of justice: and bv tin-owing their own Avcight into the scale. Avhon cither side Avas in danger of beir.Lr oppressed by the other, to pivo suoli strength to the weaker party as the constitution oi' the Stale renuired. Pv lh"so means, the Lacedicmoninns preserved their liberty entire !'or a much longer peri-id than any other people ' (1 ook vi. ch. 10. ) 64 GREECE. CHA-T. tution of Sparta never advanced beyond a close oli- r garchy of hard and narrow-minded landowners and oppressed lielots, who tilled the soil ; and the boasted polity of its great lawgiver was fitter for a military college than a State. Its ascetic rigour of manners and discipline, if calculated to make good soldiers, was fatal to civilisation and freedom ; and accordingly Sparta is not to be numbered among the free States of Greece. Nay, opposed to freedom herself, when she attained ascendency, she trampled out the freedom of other States. She did not aspire to intellectual progress: but she aimed successfully at military domination ; and the stable character of her people ensured the permanence of her institutions for upwards of four hundred years. But at what a cost was this stability secured ! The generous national life of a free State was sacrificed to a narrow and arbitrary discipline : society was im- movable : citizens spent their lives without progress or variety, like Hindus or Chinese: grown men submitted to the intolerable yoke of pedagogues and drill- sergeants : irksome restraints were relied on, for the ordering of the commonwealth, instead of the healthy spirit of rational freedom. Democratic But under kings and an aristocracy, there were tioas. U some institutions in Spar! a of a democratic character. The children of the poor were educated with the chil- dren of the rich : the poor dressed like the rich, and sat at the same common tables. The citizens had the ritziit of election to one 1 of the two highest magistracies, and were eligible to the other. They also elected the senators, and were eligible to the Council of the Ephors. 1 No legislator of antiquity vras socially so 1 Arist. 1'olit. vi. !). SPARTA. 65 givat a leveller as Lycurgus. He divided the lands CHAP. equally among the 4 citizens, and even endeavoured ^ to make an equal division of all .other property. He introduced a cumbersome iron coinage, which discouraged the ordinary uses of money, and restrained luxury. He put down the elegant and refined arts, which contributed to the enjoyment and culture of the rich, and favoured none but the common handicrafts, which were useful to the whole community. The public, tables were established in order to sumptuary counteract the luxurious habits of the rich : even the kings were required to dine at these tables ; and the nobles, instead of enjoying costly repasts at home, were constrained to share the rough dietary of the common- alty. Their favourite dish was a coarse black broth, which was revolting to any but Spartan stomachs : they were restricted to spare potations of wine probably as bad as their broth; and after these frugal repasts, they were not even allowed a lanthorn to light their way home in the dark. 1 By sumptuary laws they were restrained in the enjoyment of the arts and refined tastes of civilised society. Their houses were plain and devoid of ornament : they cultivated none of the line arts at home, neither did they import the works of foreign artists: their dress was plain, if not shabby. and their persons dirty :- they avoided intercourse with foreigners as obstinately as the Chinese, and they re- pelled commerce: they laid no claim to learning, but Severity of prided themselves upon that 'Laconic' brevity which 1 Plutarch (Lyenr. '-' At twelve years of a^e their under jrarment was taken awav, and onlv a shorle upper one a year allowed them. Hence they were neces- sarily dirty in their persons, and denied the p-reat favour of baths and oil, except i in some particular davs of the year.' Ibid. i. ]'!'>. VOL. ]. F trainiiii 00 GREECE. CHAP, became proverbial. Family life was roughly discouraged ' ' by the public tables, by dormitories even for married men, by public education for the children, by the constant training of the men for war. and bv absurd regulations for the separation of the sexes. Such cus- toms forbade the refinements of cultivated society. Hence the Athenians could laugh at the boorishness of their warlike rivals. The Spartans were trained for the endurance of hardships and dangers : war was the end and aim of their lives : their courage was that of free- men : but. wanting the culture and intellectual activity of the Athenians, they never aspired to political liberty. Their social institutions were democratic, if not com- munist : their government was the rule of the few over the many. c'r.nirnst The n 'lc of Sparta was narrow and jealous : it al- .uiH-n'sami lowed no political power to the provincial towns, but concentrated all authority in the capital : while Athens, liberal and expansive, embraced the whole of Attica in the civic franchise. To realise the true character of this singular policy, we must contrast Athens with Sparta. Freedom was the ruling principle of the one: restraint the scheme of the other : in the one. individuality and genius were en- couraged : in the other, all men were straitened to a common type : in the one the government was open, public, free, popular: in the other, close, secret, and reserved: in the one. life was intellectual, expansive, sympathetic, gay: in the other, it was dull, selfish, narrow, and monotonous: in the one. man was de- veloped to his highest ideal : in the other, he was an elaborate social mechanism : in the one, instructive con- COXST1TUTIOX OF SOLOX. 07 verse with foreigners wa-s encouraged : in the other, it CHAK. was repelled with barbarous exclusiveness. 1 Of all the Greek Slates, Athens was the most end- Athens, ncnt in civilisation and in freedom. It is to Alhens that Greece owes her extraordinary reputation. In the works of the Athenians we have learned to admire the genius of the Greeks.' Athens was the intellectual centre of Greece, and of ancient Europe, and her his- tory presents an example of the fullest development of Greek democracy. After the death of Codrus, their last king, the Athenian . , ill oligarch v. Athenians were governed by Archons, elected by the Eupatrid or patrician order, at iirst for life, afterwards for ien years, and at length by nine archons chosen for one year only. The citizens were divided into four Ionic tribes, united by religious and social ties : they were charged with the collection of contributions for the public service, and with furnishing military con- tingents : but as yet they had no voice in the govern- ment of the State. A close oligarchy continued to rule over Athens with what success we may judge from the condition in which the renowned Solon found Tin/ ronsti- l rri T -TIT tlltinn (if his countrymen. Ilns distinguished lawgiver was Soinc. chosen archon in 504 B.C. ; and his country needed all his statesmanship. Attica was convulsed by factions and discontents: the Thetes, or small cultivators,''' were groaning under oppression, povertv. and debt : many .had sunk from freemen into slaves, and an insurrection 1 Thucyd. i. 70. ii. -n 4 '-' J >ra per says, with much truth. that the philosophical ci'L'lirity ol' GmTe i? altoL'othi'r due to Athens.' 'It i> a popular error that (iiveee. in the a^inv^ute, \sas a learned C'.mntrv.' I/ifc/l< >//!/:/ 7'/'oy/-cxx. i. liN. :; Th.'v may lie likem-d tti 1'rci'hokli-is iunl -mull teiiant-i'arnieis in J-illL'lillld. ' v - 8 GREECE. ciiAi'. of the debtors and poorer citizens was imminent. 1 Solon, ^ by summary changes in the laws concerning debtors, contracts, and the tenure of land, redressed the.se present grievances. He was now called by his grate- ful countrymen to reform their political constitution ; and his laws became the foundation of Athenian de- mocracy, lie was the inventor of a property qualifica- tion, or timocratic principle, as it was called by the Greeks. He divided the citizens of all the four tribes into four classes, according to the estimated value of their property. To each class specific duties and pri- vileges were assigned, while a graduated income tax was levied, rising in proportion to the annual value of the property. The first class alone could serve as archons, sit in the senate of Areopagus, and command the land and sea forces : the second were bound to serve., fully equipped, as cavalry, and the third as heavy infantry. The fourth and most numerous class were exempt from direct taxation : but they we're disquali- fied for the magistracy : in the field they fought as light infantry, and in the fleet as common sailors. So far aristocratic rule was maintained : but an aristocracy of wealth was permitted to encroach upon the older aristocracy of birth, which had hitherto enjoyed ex- clusive privileges.'-' Solon, however, did not rest here. To the fourth class he extended the lights of voting for the arehon.s. whom he made accountable to the Helia:';!. or assembly of the people. 8 He reformed the 1 Sir. Cox enters fully into the causes of these troubles: History of (;,-i'Cfi\ i. I'-H; :.'(>::. - Thirlwnll. lfi*f. ii. -I"); Onto, Jh'.-f. iii. 17<>: < 'ox. Hi ft. i. 20:!. ;; Aristotle says : ' Solon justly entrusted the people with the power of electing the main^triites and the riirht of railing Them to account powers \vhic-Ii canr.o; he withheld from tin- people, without deLrnidiiii: them into CONSTITUTION OF SOLON. 6i ancient court of the Areopagus, which was to be the CHAP. guardian of the laws. And, further, he constituted a , . popular senate, or Council of Four Hundred, one-fourth being elected annually by each of the tribes : the lowest tribe, however, being disqualified from choosing anv of o ^.^ .' its own members. And it was ordained that no matter .should be laid before the general assembly of the people until it had been approved by a Probouleutic, or preconsidering council. 1 Popular principles were here recognised, side by side with invidious disabilities ; and the most numerous class, 'while admitted to the franchise, were carefully reduced to a political minority in the senate. Indeed, there is no doubt that Solon, in this balanced constitution, designed to give the people no more power than was necessary to ensure their con- tentment, and pride of citizenship. 2 Athens was still an oligarchy : but popular rights were fully recognised, and merely awaited further development, together with the advancing power and enlightenment of its citizens. And the Ecclesia, or public assembly, which embraced all classes, was an institution essentially democratic. 3 Xor must we part with Solon without alluding to Knamrag incut of the encouragement winch he gave to commerce and i-mmm-tvi! industry, in opposition to the general prejudices of the Greeks. Such a policy contributed no less to the national prosperity of Athens, than to its enlightenment and freedom. It withdrew numbers from agriculture, ,>la\fs. or converting them into enemies.' Pol if. i. ^. The Heli;ea was assembled for tlie election of officers, for the sancti"!i of laws, and f >r judi- cature: Cm-tins, If M. ii. 44S. 1 I'lutareh, Life of Solon. - Solon himself said he 'had iriventhe Athenian- the l'--t law- which ihey wvre ea]'al'!e of receiving.' I'lutarch. i. L'.'!^ : Ari-t. ./'<4, 4'.l-~>. GREECE. and brought them within the social influences of the city ; nnd was one of .several concurrent causes of the advance of Athens towards democracy. Such was Solon's constitution : but like other Greek States. Athens was destined to political reaction, and Solon just lived to sec- the usurpation of Peisistrntus. Under that tyrant, and his sons Ilippias and Ilipparchus, the freedom of Athens was suspended for fifty years. During this prolonged usurpation, the forms of the Solonian constitution had survived : but their vitality had been extinct ; and the expulsion of Hippias. the last of the usurpers, was followed by a political revolution. 1 It has generally been through the rivalry of con- tending parties that popular rights have been extended; nnd here Cleisthenes, the popular leader, in order to overthrow his rival Isagoras and the nobles, ' took the demos into partnership,' 2 and determined upon nu extension of the suffrage/' The four Ionic tribes, who had hitherto enjoyed the franchise, were a limited body, eiiiovhiLr their privileges bv riirht of birth and succes- ' . < O . i sion. and allied in blood and religion, as in other Greek States. Meanwhile, a large population had arisen, not connected with these tribes, and therefore excluded from the franchise. Cleisthenes swept a way the exclu- sive privile*/. ii. ^. Ari.-totle, Pol. iii. \. ']()-. Cirote, iv. 171 ; Thirhvall, ii. M: Xie- Imhr. ii. --'.or,: Cox, 7//*/. i. I.'* 5. The ten tribes remained without alteration until ">()"> j;.c.. when t"\v other tribes were added. CONSTITUTION" OF CLEISTIIEXES 7" latter concession was due to the claims of the seamen CHAP. of the Pirunis, and the maritime population, who had <'- won naval victories for the State, and were constantly groAving in wealth and importance. This franchise broke down the narrow limits of hereditary right : but the privileged citizens still formed a limited portion of the population. 1 The great mass of the people, con- sisting of unenfranchised foreigners and slaves, were beyond the pale of the new constitution. In each deme, or district (of which there were upwards of a hundred) there was an elaborate system for the regis- tration of voters. Solon's senate now became the Senate of Five Hundred, consisting of an equal number of senators from each tribe, chosen annually by lot. It was organised as a continuous and effective body in die State, and regulations were made for holding its sittings throughout the year. The public assembly, or Ecclesia, comprised the entire body of the registered citizens of Attica, and became the sovereign political ] tower. The Ilehaja was now to be developed into the popular judicature of the dicasteries. All citizens were eligible to the Senate of Five Hundred ; but as yet citizens of the fourth class, in respect of property, were not qualified to serve as archons and other high officers. Solon had confined this privilege to the first class : Clcislhenes extended it to the two other classes, but continued the disability of the lowest. The choiee of senators by lot was designed to equalise the chances of the poor and the rich; and this blind principle of selection was hereafter to be further extended in the Athenian constitution. The dicasteries, or committees of the Ecclesia. were also chosen by lot. The military 1 See ])i.'fk. book i. eh. 7; ami infra, p. 11~> ITS ' Z GREECE. CHAP, system was placed upon a popular basis : each tribe - . - appointed its own officers : but the strateyi, or generals like the ambassadors, were chosen by the assembly. The administration of the finances was likewise popular, being conducted by a board of ten elected by the several tribes. 1 )^traci.( . threw open the 1 offices of archon and strategus to every class of citizens. 1 And at about the same period the archons appear to have been first chosen by lot.'-' iMorms of But it was reserved for Pericles to complete the Pericles. . . > ^ ... democratic- constitution of Athens. The principal in- stitution of the 1 olel oligarchy was the ancient court or ThoArco- senate of Areopagus. This distinguished body was the highest court of justice in the State, and was fenced round with dignity and privilege. It had long been upheld by religious respect, and traditions of divine authority: it was composed of men, wealthy and high- born, who had served as archons; and it exercised not only an extended judicature, but a censorship of morals, and powers for ensuring an observance of the laws. It even controlled the proceedings of the Ecclesia. It was naturally an aristocratic and conservative body ; and in jurisdiction, and in reverence, it had once been more than a House of Lords. But it became obnoxious to the democratic partv in Athens. Its members be- longed to the highest class, from which alone the arc-lions had been eligible 1 , and many to the hostile their fall.' Life of Themistocles, i. .'!4o. And again he calls it a mild gratification of envy' ( Ari>t.) ii.4"*n. ' The citizens voted for an ostracism, by ballot, inscribing the names of those denounced upon pieces of broken pots or shells.' Plutarch (Arist. ) ii. 4 ")('). 1 Plutarch (Life of Aristides). ii. 4>1 : Cox, IIi*t. ii. ](i. a Socrates ridiculed the choice of oflicers by lot, saying that no one would so choose a pilot, a carpenter, or a musician : Xenophon, Mem. i. -. And this was one of the charges acrainst him, on his trial. TIII-: AREOPAGUS. 75 faction of Peisistratus and his family, who resisted CHAP. " n - popular influences, and intrigued with oligarchic Sparta * ' and despotic Persia, against their own countrymen. Its exclusive constitution, its ]>olitical sympathies, and its ] lowers were alike opposed to the full development of democracy. Its divine traditions had faded away like those formerly associated with kings ; and the people had lost confidence in its justice and impartiality. The opening of the office of arclion to all classes might in course of time have invigorated this body : but the election of these officers by lot, instead of by intelligent choice, impaired its character and reputation ; l and it was destined to fall suddenly in the conflict of rival parties. The breach between the oligarchic and con- servative elements of the constitution, and the demo- cracy, was widened by the rapid growth of Athens and the port of the Pineus, and the rise of new maritime and commercial interests. Cimon was chief of the 457 B.C. oligarchic and Peisistratid party : Pericles and Ephialtcs were leaders of the popular and democratic party ; and by striking at the senate of Areopagus, as the chief v O i. ^- support of the oligarchy, they at once disabled their rivals, and carried out their own democratic principles. This venerable institution was now stripped of Thcdicas- 111- T T c i teries. nearly all its powers; and its judicature was transferred to the entire people. The archons were at the same time deprived of their independent judicial functions. The administration of civil and criminal justice was now vested in the dicasteries, consisting of about six thousand citizens, annually drawn by lot, sworn, and divided into ten panels of live hundred each, a thousand being left as a reserve. Each dicastery was presided 1 riutarch (FericlesX 0. 76 GREECE. CHAP, over by an aivlion, the cases beinir assigned to it by ii. . ' lot. All the dicasts were now paid for their services. 1 Before these popular assemblies were tried all civil and criminal causes, except those concerning homicide, which were still reserved for the Areopagus. So numerous a body was obviously unsuitable to the functions of a judicial tribunal: but the Athenians, dreading the corruption of individual magistrates, and the weakness of small courts, in dealing with powerful and turbulent citizens whose causes were often espotised by excited followers sought for authority, and respect for the law. in the numbers of the dicas- tery.- So large a body, it was maintained, could neither be bribed nor intimidated ; and if it sometimes erred, they believed it to be not more liable to error than the magistrates whom it superseded. Its generous sentiments could be relied on for the redress of injustice and oppression. Impartiality was also sought in the publicity of its proceedings, and in the choice of its members, from the different tribes, by lot. But whatever their merits and defects as judicial tribunals, the dicasteries ministered to the passion of the Athenians for social and public life. Here was a Held for the display of oratory, subtlety ;md wit. The accused, or panics in a cause, pleaded before an audi- 1 ' AVhen the pc\ver of the popular dicastery camr to !>_ fully recognised, the demos received all the court which is payable to a tyrant, and so the polity was turned into the democracy of which we are witnesses*.' Arist. I'nl. ii. '.'. Aristotle spealcs elsewhert: of the attraction- of the fees to the dicasts : ibid. xi. 4. And Aristophanes, ridicules their restless activity, in the Wtrxps.' - So much ivli,:noe was placed upon the efiicaey of numbers in trcurinir an impartial and fearless decision, that in cu-es of :rreat import- ance, the dicastery was --i-rtinies increased to i>.0'i.>: Curtius. 7//>V. ii. 4-7). THE DICASTERIES. 77 cure keen and quick-witted, sensitive and impression- CHAP. able. Denied the assistance of advocates, every man ^ strove to fit himself for the ordeal of public discussion. To persuade their fellow-citizens with argument or sophistry, to move them with passionate bursts of eloquence, was the ambition of Athenian orators. The dicasts were trained by the exercise of judicature, and cultivated by the forensic struggles which they wit- nessed ; and the more ambitious and capable of their number were ever seeking occasions for the 1 display of their judgment or eloquence. Xo institution of Athenian democracy contributed more 1 to the intellectual development of the citizens: none gave 1 greater power and ascendency to the demos : but as a scheme of judicature it can only be approved by those whose generous devotion to the genius of the Greeks can discover no error in their ways. This democratic judicature has often been compared with English trial by jury; 1 and, undoubtedly, the same popular principle is the foundation of both: but lunv different are the two tribunals! Conceive a trial in Xew Palace Yard, before a magistrate and five hundred common jurors of Middlesex, instead of before a judg, 1 and jury in Westminster Hall ! - Another powerful instrument of the democracy w;;s Scrutiny of found in the scrutiny of the conduct of magistrates by the people. Administrative abuses were checked by the fear of popular displeasure : but censure was too often directed more in the spirit of faction than of patriotism, and was used to ruin a political opponent 1 See (.'specially finite. Iffxf. of (h-<-c<-<\ v. oK! <-f wq. - Anacharsis. Imviujr seen fin assembly of the people at Athens, >aid ' lie %v;i.s surpri.-rd tt> find that in (ireere. wise men pleaded eau-e.-. and 1'uols determined them.' Plutarch (Lit'.- of Soluin. i. I'i'-i. 78 (iREECE. rather than to serve the interests of the .^tatc. In this manner, Ephialtes at once rescued the commonwealth from pernicious corruptions, and struck down the Eupatrid, or aristocratic party. Like impeachment in England, a scrutiny was applied sometimes for the vin- dication of public rights, sometimes to serve the ends of political parties. The two processes, however, were, widely different : in Athens the people were at once accusers and judges : in England the Commons accuse: but the trial of the charge is with the Peers. The working of these democratic institutions, how- ever, was not free from supervision and restraints. The proceedings of the Senate of Five Hundred, and of the public assembly, were watched by assessors called nomophylakes, who interposed to restrain any excess of jurisdiction, or deviation from the law ; and considerable checks and limitations were imposed upon the legislative authoritv of the senate and the assembly: while rash proposals to amend the laws, were discouraged by a liability to penalties. 1 While these constitutional changes were proceed- in Lf. the assembly assumed more extended powers, and overthrew the checks which had been imposed upon it by the constitution of Solon. 2 With a view to limit the legislative authorit v of the public assembly, proposi- tions for new decrees were required to originate wilh the Council of Five Hundred : but these were so altered by the assembly, that its legislative power was pradicallv unlimited. Xor did it always await the propositions of the live hundred : but originated pro- .Le 1 Lv Grot", Hlsf. vol. v. 40* COUNCIL OF FIVE HU.VDKKI). TO posals or decrees of its own, which if sent up to the CHAP. council for approval. It appears, however, that the ^ - power of making general laws, or amending the laws of ihe State, was still confided to a committee of the assembly. How decrees of the assembly were to be distinguished from laws has never been clearly defined, 1 C^ .- and was probably undetermined : but the strongest body is more likely to have encroached upon the authority of the weaker, than to have suffered unwel- come restraints upon its own power. The Council of live Hundred was entrusted with ( '. i . il " H ' il " f 1- ivo im[)ortant functions. It controlled the finances : it re- Hundred, ceived despatches from generals and ambassadors: it laid such communications before' the assembly, to which ii also introduced ambassadors in person ; and it gene- rally arranged the business to be brought before the assembly. Such a body should have given steadiness and consistency to the administration : but its con- stitution was so jealously regulated, that it was itself wanting in stability. It was elected annually by lot, by the ten tribes: each of these tribes chose its fifty members to act for a month as prytanes, or office- bearers, in rotation, also determined by lot. A new Kpistates, or president, was appointed every day, by lot. Xo better scheme could have been devised for en- suring the incapacity of a governing body. The crea- l ure of chance, without unity of purpose or experience, it was powerless in presence of the assembled people. Xor were its deficiencies supplied by any consider- able number of high officers, and official establishments, Mich as those which assisted in the government of Itome, and have been found indispensable in the States of 1 Thirhviill, JIi*t. iv. --7, I'L'S ; and tiutlmrities there cited. SO GREECE. CITAP. modern Europe. A general, or popular statesman, ' r- like Themistoeles or Pericles, was able to dominate alike over the council and the assembly, and to direct the policy of the Stater but otherwise the Athenian constitution ministered to popular impulse, and not to a steady and consistent statecraft. Payments Xoiie of tlie measures of this period favoured the for public .service-. onward movement of democracy so much as the- pay- ment of citizens for the discharge of their duties to the State. Payment for public service was originally un- known among the Greeks. Even military service was performed gratuitously : duty and honour being its sole rewards. Put when the Athenians found themselves constantly engaged in war. or preparing for hostilities, such onerous duties could scarcely be exacted, or per- formed with alacrity, without assistance from the State, on whose behalf great personal sacrifices were required. Hence, in the time of Pericles, military pay was first introduced. 1 Public and political services in time of peace had also been unpaid. Envoys to foreign States, indeed, were provided witli the means of maintaining the dignity of their mission, but all the civil magis- tracies were honorary. The only citizens who re- ceived pay were the subordinate 1 officers, and servants of the greater functionaries of the State. The democratic party, under Pericles, could not fail to perceive that this principle discouraged the activity of the poorer citizens in public affairs. A rich citizen needed no inducements but duty and ambition. to take his part in the government of the State : but his poorer neighbours, though entitled to share equally in the democratic rule, wen; naturally restrained by 1 Onlv 4 nlx.ls or j. PUBLIC WORKS. proposed measures for providing subsistence and amuse- CHAP. ments to the poorer citizens, at the public expense. < r- Tlie munificence of Cimon was eclipsed by the prodi- gality of the State. 1 But Pericles had higher aims than a party manoeuvre, and the temporary favour of the populace. If lie was ambitious of personal power, he vras yet more ambitious of the ascendency and glories of his country. He was resolved that Athens should in war be the foremost State, by sea, and land, and in peace the metropolis of the arts. To train and employ seamen, he kept sixty galleys at sea, for eight months ;'-' ;md in maintaining the efficiency of the Heel, he found employment for numbers of the poorer class of citizens. He completed the fortifications of Athens, which had been planned by Themistocles, and partly executed by Cimon. lie restored the ruined temples ; and erected Public . works at. nevv' temples oi the grandest proportions, and the Athens, noblest architectural designs. The 1 Parthenon arose, under his auspice's, a model of beauty for all time, lie built a new theatre for the instruction and entertain- ment of the people. The first architects, sculptors, and artists of Greece were collected for building and adorn- ing these noble edifices : encouragement was given to trade by the importation of the rare materials used in [heir construction ; and crowds of skilled artificers GREECE. CHAP. II. Avere engaged in the costly work. In a few years, Pericles made Athens the fairest city of Greece ; and the Athenians were justly proud of their capital. At the same time, this concentration of the arts, and of em- ployments, raised, to its highest pitch, the general pros- perity of the people. 1 So noble an enterprise tran- scended any immediate considerations of policy. It served, indeed, to confirm the political ascendency of Pericles, and the popular party : but it made Athens the glory of her own citizens, the admiration of foreigners, and the wondering study of all ages. It extended the knowledge, cultivated the taste, and con- firmed the patriotism of the Athenians. But Pericles was not contented with the embellish- ment of Athens. lie had built a new theatre, and he- resolved that it should be thrown open to the people. Admission to theatrical representations had formerly been gratuitous : but this privilege had been withdrawn after the rebuilding of the theatre. The poorer citizens now complained that they could not afford the small price of their amusement ; and Pericles, instead of restoring the old freedom of admission, provided for the distribution of money, out of the treasury, to indi- irent citizens, for the indulgence of their theatrical tastes. This recreation fund was known as the ' Theoricon.' Its bounty Avas not confined to the theatres, but extended to religious festivals, to processions, and other public celebrations. These, again, Avere increased in number and magnificence ; and measures Avere taken for keep- in^ down the price of corn. Pericles maybe acquitted ~ > of any design to corrupt the people, for party purposes. The public amusements, Avhicli formed part of the 1 Plutarch (IVricl.), ii. 1>3. THE TIIEORICOX. 8 public life at Athens, were at once religious and intel- CHAP. lectual : they were associated with the worship of the r gods : they appealed to the imagination and the taste of the citizens : they presented forms of grace and beauty : they inspired lofty and heroic thoughts : they stimulated the wit and subtlety of the Athenian mind. The cultivated taste of Pericles inclined him to en- courage every form of art ; and his political principles, as a democratic statesman, dictated his present policy. While undermining the influence of his political rivals, and irratifvino- his own party, he was at the same time *J O v * advancing the principles of a pure democracy. Accord- ing to the theory of this democratic State, all citizens enjoyed equal rights; and it was fitting that they should be freely and independently exercised. If the poor oould be bribed by the rich, their independence was for- feited, and the State was governed by the few, instead of by the many. By the intervention of the State, a proper influence was now secured to the demos. Xor were the sovereign people slow to claim all the privi- leges of rulers. 1 They insisted that national celebra- tions, supported from the public treasury, should be open to all citizens alike. The revenues of the State were derived from foreign tributes, and from taxes levied upon the Athenians. The former were won by their valour, the latter were paid directly by themselves. They had paid for the adornment of the city, and they enjoyed its porticoes and public gardens: they had paid 50 GREECE. CHAP, for its theatres and national festivals : why then should r- ' any citizens be denied the enjoyment of the common. possessions and privileges of the entire community? ts evils. But whatever justification may be found in the peculiar democracy of Athens, and the state of Athe- nian society, for so ultra-democratic a policy, it was plainly opposed to all reasonable principles of govern- ment. Its worst evils were not disclosed until after the time of Pericles ; but it encouraged general cor- ruption, in a new form : it demoralised society ; and it was peculiarly injurious to a people so passionately fond of amusement as the Athenians. 1 In reference to the constitutional policy of this period, it may be added that Pericles further promoted the ascendency of the democracy by favouring com- t */ i merce, and discouraging the landowners, who were the conservative power in the State. - By these successive measures, the constitution of Athens became a pure democracy. All citizens were equal ; and in war, in politics, and in judicature, the people were supreme. They were the only source of power : all offices were open to them : the distribu- tion of office- by lot placed high and low upon a level: payment for public service's raised the poor to an equality with tin.' rich: and even the public amuse- ments were free to all alike. It is the first and most memorable example of a government in which popular power ha- been exercised directly, without any inter- mediate governing authority. So complete and direct was the sovereignty of the people, that ambassadors were received, not by any great officer of 1 lie State, but publicly by the assembly 1 See infra. \>. li>3. " Boeck, 3!.'l>. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. 8 itself. 1 During the Persian Avar, the ambassadors of CHAP. Sparta were publicly received in the assembly, and told, - ,' in the memorable words of Aristides, ' that the people of Athens would not, for all the gold either above or under ground, barter the liberties of Greece.' - The 435 K.C. rival envoys of Corinth and Corcyra appeared before the assembly and pleaded the claims of their respective States to thejsupport of the Athenians/' 5 And during 4-25 \\. an armistice after the battle at Pylus, in the Pelopou- ncsian war, the Spartans sent ambassadors to treat with Athens, and were publicly heard by the assembly/ Philip of Mace-don addressed a letter to the senate and 343 B.C. people of Athens ; and it was discussed in the senate and in the assembly. Thus even diplomacy in modern times so secret and reserved afforded occasions for the display of popular oratory in Greece. The assembly combined executive functions with powers of legislation and judicature. It elected the civil and military officers of the State, and it determined questions of peace and war. Its range of powers and functions far exceeded that of the House of Commons; and embraced some 1 In ( Jreece it was the usual habit to transact diplomatic business, like other political matters, publicly before the iroverninir number the council, if the constitution happened to be oligarchical the general assembly, if democratical.' And in this manner the ten Athenian envoys, including .Ksehines and Demosthenes, addressed Philip of Mart-don. (irote, \i. ol".'. - 1'liitarch iAristid.), ii. 401. :; Thur\didi-s, i. .">1-41-. The discussions which ensued present an arly example of an adjourned debate, the assembly having been twic-- held before a resolution was agreed to. Ambassadors were heard in tin.- .-ame manner by the assembly at Sparta, the Corinthians and Athenians bt-iiiL' so heard airainst each other. Thucydides, i. 07-7'.'. And, airain, the ( 'orinthians and other allies addressed the assembly before the comment e- meiit of the Peloponnesian war. Ibid. i. 111'. 1 Thucvdides. [v. in-i'O. 50 GREECE. CHAP, which are jealously excluded from the jurisdiction of . - that powerful body. Democratic in her own institutions, Athens also favoured democracy in all her allied and subject States. Sparta, in like manner, aided and encouraged oligarchies wherever her influence extended. 1 The democratic constitution, thus developed, con- tinued without a check for nearly a hundred years after the laws of Cleisthenes : when, at a critical period of the Peloponncsian war, it was suddenly overthrown by Antiphon, Peisander, and the oligarchic party. The means by which this revolution was brought about afford a curious insight into the political and social condition of Athens, at that time. Before the assembly, Peisander urged the necessity for changes in the consti- tution : but he did not venture to propose them to so democratic a body. lie sought to gain his ends by the. .secret agency of political associations, or clubs, which had long been familiar to the Athenians. Such associa- tions had given valuable aid to Cimon, to Pericles, and to Alcibiades. Some were organised for influencing the elections of magistrates, and for mutual support in the assembly, or dicasteries. These were generally of the aristocratic party, and threw themselves warmly into the intrigues of Peisander, Antiphon, and his confede- rates. The most active of the party, in order to allay suspicion, openly discussed the necessity of some mode-- rate constitutional reforms: but in private they were conspiring to effect a coup d'etat. Androcles, a bold leader of the democratic party, was assassinated : other forward members of his party fell victims to the same ruthless conspiracy. The democrats quailed before the 1 Ari^tutle, I'oUt. vii. 7. OVERTHROW OF THE DEMOCRACY. 89 dairc'er of the assassin : the plot was so widespread, and CITAP. ii. its secrets so dark, that they knew not whom to trust ; - ^ and they were half prepared by intimidation to submit to the designs of their enemies, when the blow was struck. Antiphon, Peisander, and the aristocrats obtained a decree from the assembly changing the mode of electing magistrates, and substituting a new Council of Four Hundred, for the existing Council of Five Hundred : limiting the franchise to five thousand citizens ; and abolishing payments for attendance at the assembly, and other civil functions. The new council was nominated by the conspirators themselves ; and the old council was ejected by force of arms. The Four Hundred at once assumed all the powers of the State, the five thousand citizens being altogether ignored. They en- deavoured to complete the ruin of the democratic party, by executions, exile and imprisonment. At the same time, active measures were taken, with indifferent success, to bring about an oligarchical revolution in all the subject and allied cities. But the rule of the oli- garchs was short-lived. The fleet remained faithful to the popular cause : the army near Athens distrusted the designs of the Four Hundred ; and the citizens were discontented with the usurpation of the oligarchs, and their own exclusion from power. 1 At an assembly, called by the democrats at the Overthrew Pnyx, 2 the Four Hundred were deposed : the sovereign oligarchs, power was vested in five thousand citizens ; and again payments in respect of all civil offices and func- tions wc-re condemned. The oligarchs were overthrown : >V GREECE. CHAP, but the old democracy was not yet restored. A . - limited constitution, distinguished by Aristotle as a polity, was established, for a time, comprising the upper and middle classes only. Peisander and most of the leaders of the oligarchy lied : but Antiphon and Archeptolemus were condemned to death, and their goods confiscated. This restricted constitution, however, seems to have lasted little; longer than the oligarchy which it had supplanted ; and the old democracy soon recovered its dominion. It used its powers with a lenity which put its aristocratic rivals to shame. But national disasters \vere impending, which were to cast down Athens from her ascendency among nations, to cripple the liberties of her citizens, and to demoralise her people. The long Peloponnesian war closed in ruin to the Athenian arms. The fleet was captured by the Spartans : 3000 prisoners were put to death : the proud capital was forced to surrender to the Spartan general Ly- sander ; and imperious Athens was compelled to be- come a member of the hated Spartan confederation. The glories of Athens had culminated ; and were henceforth destined to decline. Since.' the constitution of Cleis- thenes. more than a hundred years had passed ; and they were the most glorious epoch in the historv of th<> Athenian commonwealth. 1 Jiut there were yet some brilliant days in store for her; and we must follow her history rapidly to i\< close. For the present her fortunes were low indeed. Her territory had been wasted bv the enemy: the tribute Th Tyrant THE THIRTY TYKAXTS. 91 of subject cities was no longer poured into her treasury : her fortifications were in ruins: her fleet was disabled by defeat, and laid prostrate under treaty : her com- merce was impaired: her people were impoverished. National humiliation before the conqueror was not all that the Athenians were called upon to endure. At the dictation of Lysander, their cherished constitution was again overthrown ; and all the powers of the State were vested in a Council of Thirty soon to be branded as the Thirty Tyrants. Their Spartan sympathies were shown by their efforts to cripple the power of Athens ; and with the aid of Spartan troops they revelled in a merciless proscription of Athenian citizens. Executions, confiscations, exile and imprisonment marked their rule. The richest citizens were marked out for destruc- tion, not for their crimes, but for their wealth. The chief author of this execrable proscription was Critias. a scholar and a gentleman, of the highest birth, and many accomplishments : but cold-blooded and inexor- able in his determination to trample upon the demo- cracy. All the citizens were disarmed, except tin; knights, and a chosen body of three thousand, who could be relied on. Even peaceful foreign merchants at the 1'irojus, who had taken no part in politics, were sacri- ficed for the sake of plunder. Hundreds of citizens and foreigners iled for their lives, and were pursued into other lands by theii\ ruthless persecutors. Nor was this proscription confined to Athenians: but three hun- dred citizens of Eleusis and Salamis were brought to Athens, and publicly executed. It was said that the Thirty ' had shed more Athenian blood in eight months, than the Peloponnesians in ten years of war.' ! Such 1 Diodorus, xiv. '!']. y^ GREECE. CHAP, monstrous crimes could not long be perpetrated with *- ' impunity. Tlirasybiilus, a banished citizen, raised an armed force at Thebes, and marched upon Athens, to rescue his fellow-citizens from their oppressors. Critias fell in battle ; and the Thirty were deposed. Their place was supplied by a Council of Ten. one being taken from each tribe. But as this council was found to continue the repressive policy of the Thirty, Thrasy- bulus pursued his armed opposition : the citizens Democracy Hocked to his standards ; and after a further interven- stured. tion of the Spartans, under Pausanias, the Ten were overthrown, and the old democracy was again restored. And it must be recorded to its credit, that mercy and not vengeance distinguished its return to power. The oligarchs had been bloodthirsty, rapacious, and unjust : the restored democracy, with noble moderation, pro- tected its enemies by an amnesty. 1 The political ascendency of Athens over other Greek States now gave way to the harsh domination of Sparta. Another half-century of brilliant independence, how- ever, was still allotted to her: her maritime power was greater than ever ; and at one time, she recovered a commanding position in Greece. Jiut her power was greatly reduced by the social war ; and Thebes, under the guidance of Epaminondas, acquired, at once, her greatest freedom and her highest military and political supremacy. Throughout this period, the democratic constitution () f Athens was maintained ; and though her fortunes were less exalted, and her domestic institutions were deteriorated, the genius of the Athenians maintained i;s pre-eminence. When the independence of Greece 1 Tlmcvdides. vi. :!'.) : Xt-nophon, HM. ii. 43 : Grote, viii. 411-410. FALL OF THE ATIIEXIAX DEMOCRACY. 93 was threatened by Philip, and Alexander of Maeedon, cn.\r. the eloquence of Demosthenes surpassed all forme r ^ examples of Greek oratory. ./Eschines was second only to Demosthenes himself. This period of decline was also made illustrious by the genius of Plato, Aristotle, and Xenophon. But the days of her greatness and of her freedom conquest of were numbered. She fell, not from internal dissensions, Maeedon. nor from the failure of her democratic institutions, but ;3:Jb 1!>c - under the overpowering military force of Maeedon. Alexander trampled upon Greece ; and a few years later Athens was required bv Antipater to renounce her i^noftho Athenian democratic constitution, and not only to disfranchise, Democracy, but to banish her poorer citizens. No less than 12,000 of her 21,000 citizens were driven into exile. 1 Her patriots and statesmen fell under Macedonian vengeance. The great orator who had warned his countrymen against the ambition of Philip and Alexander lived to see the degradation of his country ; and was slain by - */ Macedonian foes whom he had denounced. The once free people of Athens and of Greece became the servile subjects of Macedonian satraps. Their fair cities were garrisoned by foreign troops : their national spirit was subdued ; and their genius sickened and died out. The glories of Greece faded with its freedom. 2 1 Grote, Hint. xii. 400 ; Thirlwall, Jllsf. vii. i'OJ). - ( irote says the close of the generation contemporary with Alexander is * the epoch, from whence dates not only the extinction of Grecian political freedom and self-action, but also the decay of productive genius, and the debasement of that consummate literary and rhetorical excellence which ihe fourth century i;.c. had seen exhibited in Plato and Demosthenes/ JL'sf. xii. 001. 94 CHAPTER III. GREECE. REVIEW OF ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY ITS CONSPICUOUS MERITS AND DEFECTS PUBLIC SPIRIT OF THE ATHENIANS ORATORY CULTl'RE LEADERS AND DEMAGOGUES ATHENIAN* FRANCHISE ATHENS AS A STATE JUDI- CATURE PUBLIC AMUSEMEXTS CORRUPTION* AXD DEGENERACY THE ACHAIAN LEAGUE GREEK COLONIES. CHAP, HAY.IXG closed this .sketch of the fortunes of Athens, '- : ' and her democracy, AVC may here briefly review the working of her democratic constitution, its merits and defects, its glories, its vices, and its degeneracy. During the period in which Athens was governed by a democracy, are recorded her greatest material pros- perity, her most brilliant achievements in Avar, her ascendency among the States of Greece, her ablest, generals and statesmen, her most famous orators, phi- losophers, and historians, the highest development of her literature and arts, and the most extended cultiva- tion of her people. Within this period are comprised the proudest memories and monuments of Athenian history. Many causes contributed to this memorable result. First, there "was a coincidence of national enlighten- ment and of freedom. All the social customs of the Greeks, as \ve have already shown, had been, for cen- turies, advancing their education. Nothing had been Avaiitin ' to this end. in an age when printing was mi- REVIEW OF THE DEMOCRACY. 9,' known, and even writing was little practised ; and thus CHAP. in the people were gradually trained to self-government. * -^ The memory of past misrule and oppression led them to value every successive extension of their privileges : while intellectual culture had prepared them for their judicious exercise. When every citizen found himself a member of the body politic, lie was filled with self- respect, and fired with sentiments of national union, prowess and uflory. The people were themselves the warlike O / -!_/ mi i* ^ r* i ? spirit ot State. Ihey went forth armed to fight their country's Athens. battles, with all the energy of a single will : and, strange as it may seem, they showed rare' discrimination in the choice of generals. Among their elected generals at ^Marathon, were ^liltiades. Themistocl.es. and Aristides. .1; was to men of noble birth that the people generally turned, as leaders in the iield of battle. The demos was jealous of any authority but its own : but to its generals it confided more power than it was willing to yield to any civil magistrate. The ten generals superseded the Fifth aivhons in civil, no less than in military, functions. 1 Herodotus, in a well-known passage, has borne witness to the extraordinary impulse given by freedom to the warlike spirit of the Athenians : ' The 1 Athenians while under a tyrant, were not superior in war to any of their surrounding neighbours: but so soon as they got rid of i heir tyrants, became by far the first of all. These things show that, while kept down by one man. they were -lack and timid, like men working for a master: but when tlu'V were liberated, every single man became caner in exertions for his own benefit.' 2 96 GEEECE. CHAP. This warlike energy was conspicuous in the battles in > ^ ' of Marathon, Salamis, Platsea, and Mykale, 1 which })laced the Athenians at the head of the Greek States. Democracy suited the genius of the Athenians, and thus encouraged their warlike spirit. But we must guard ourselves against any general inference in favour of de- mocracy as producing superiority in war. The Spar- tans, without freedom, were not less eminent in valour and in military prowess, and they maintained their ascendency for a much longer period. And all the Greek States, whether free or not, were eventually to succumb to the Macedonian kings. Any national senti- ment, or prejudice, has sufficed to arouse the warlike instincts of mankind. Loyalty, fanaticism, hatred, and greed of plunder have made good soldiers of most races, in all ages of the world, and under every form of government. In Athens and in other free States, the warlike spirit has naturally been most active when the greatest confidence and union of sentiment animated the people and their rulers. Mercenary It was the duty of every citizen to fight for his troop*. , ... . . ,. . country ; and a standing army, in time ot peace, being inconsistent with the freedom of a democracy, was not maintained by the Greek States. At Argos an armed force, called ' the Thousand,' overthrew the democracy and established an oligarchy. 2 Even in time of war, no troops received any pay at Athens, except foreign mercenaries, until Pericles introduced the payment of citizens who served as soldiers. 3 1 Justice, liuwf-vt-r, must be clone to Sparta. Athens won Marathon alone, Salamis with Sparta, havinir the principal part, Platsca with Sparta, the latter having the first honours, Mykale also with Sparta, Athens bearing off the principal honours. * Thucydides, v. >1 ; Arist. Polit. v. 4 ; Boeck, 28:3. 3 IV.eck. 17-2 : supra -0. TUB LIC SPIRIT IX ATHENS. 97 Athens became so frequently engaged in wars, that they could scarcely have been carried on by unpaid forces ; and after the Peloponnesian war, the Athenian citizens became less willing to risk their own lives in battle. They had become addicted to the arts and luxuries of peace, and gladly found substitutes. The same change also came over the spirit of the Spartans. Mercenary soldiers were multiplied in the time of De- mosthenes ; and the decay of military ardour, among the Greeks of the Peloponnesus, favoured the designs of Philip of Macedon. The new military system not only tended to lower the courage and patriotism of the Athe- nians, but led to scandalous corruption : the generals lived in splendour and luxury, and soldiers were charged to the State, who had never served in the field. The same frauds were practised in the navy. 1 With that viu'ourin war which distinguished Athens, rHtieai . . . .'ictivity <>i' in her best days, there grew up a passionate spirit of theAthe- ] /Y ' -pi -ii niaus. patriotism in civil affairs. Every man accounted the interests and honour of his country as his own. No sacrifice was too great for the service of the State. And this patriotic zeal was accompanied by an extraordinary activity in public affairs. In the senate, the ecclesia, and the dicastery there was a constant contention of rival orators. Every citizen was at once a politician and a juryman : his voice was to be heard everywhere : the business of the State was transacted in the streets and in the market-place. To our modern conceptions, nothing but confusion and tumult could be expected from such a system of government, which must, indeed, be regarded as a political phenomenon. Athens, how- ever, was a small city compared with European capitals 1 Boeck, 202. VOL. I. II 98 GREECE. CHAP, of the present day : it could rarely liaye assembled a in. . ' greater number ot citizens than we are accustomed to see, in England, gathered at a public meeting : the issues placed before them were generally simple ; and they were guided to their determinations by the ablest states- men, and most consummate orators of their age. Funeral Some striking passages in the noble funeral oration rericiL? of Pericles, in the first year of the Peloponnesian war, exhibit the zeal and judgment with which the Athenians exercised their privileges. ' "SVc are the only people,' he said, ' that consider the man who takes no part in public affairs, not as unofficious, hut as useless ; and we ourselves judge rightly of measures, if we do not originate them.' And again : 'We always hear and pronounce on public matters, when discussed by our leaders, or perhaps strike out for ourselves correct reasonings about them : far from accounting discus- sion an impediment to action, we complain only if we are not told what is to be done, before it becomes our duty to do it. For. in truth, we combine in the most remarkable manner these two qualities, extreme boldness in execution, with full debate beforehand, on that which we are going about : whereas, with others ignorance alone imparts bold- ness, debate introduces hesitation.' 1 It may be said that this speech was not without flattery to the Athenians, to whom it was addressed: but its general truth is attested by their history. And how rare a picture ir presents of a free State, in ancient times! Popular self-government, freedom of speech, cautious deliberation, bold execution : what more could be said of the most free and well-ordered States of our own aux- : of England, or of America ? -ii"i : Grote. ATHENIAN LEADERS. 00 The men who aspired to lead the Athenians, resorted CHAP. 1 1 1 to the popular arts which have, in all ages, been used -- .- - to influence the multitude. Some, like Themistocles, ^aden!!"' at one time, and Alcibiades at another, sought to dazzle them by display, and by courteous intercourse with the citizens : others, like Aristides and Pericles, were con- tent to lead them by calm judgment, and the mastery of persuasive eloquence. Pericles was the true type of a Greek leader soldier, statesman, and orator. Under his rule, the democracy was instinct with the genius and will of a single mind. 1 And so long as the fortunes <>!' the republic were in the ascendant, the Athenians displayed a remarkable constancy to the counsels of ilu-ir leaders. Il has been said, indeed, that the demo- cratic forms of Athens, and other Greek republics, were deceptive, the real power of the State being always in the hands of a few 'leading men : - but is not this ever the case, under all institutions? The Jews were led by their prophets : the Greeks by their generals, orators, and statesmen : the English are led by their public; men, their political parties, and their newspapers. The Athenians were persuaded by the oratory, or led by the arts of able and ambitious citizens : but the real power of the people was often shown by the disgrace and exile of their foremost men, and by the passionate impulses by which their government was swayed. The Athenians, notwithstanding their democratic influence i i , i i i . . '. . !; t birtli. -pint, valued highly the claims ( >t birth and ancestry. IVricles. indeed, liy his rank, ability, and known integrity,, was en- abled t<> exercise an independent control over the multitude in short, to lead them instead of Ix'inir led Ly them.' ' "\\ lint was nominally a denio- '-.. L vame, in his hands, government Ly the lirst citix-'ii.' Tlnu'vd. : ', . (5(5. '-' Draper, Intellectual Pror/ress in J?in-o)><>, i. 1:27. ii -2 100 GREECE. CHAP. To gain influence with the people, popular leaders ' ' claimed a descent from Hercules or Ajax ; and relied upon their pedigree, no less than upon their gracious manners, to become the spoiled favourites of the popu- lace. 1 According to the theory of the Athenian laws, all citizens were equal, but birth and wealth were generally able to maintain their ascendency. Most of the eminent men who ruled the State Solon, Cleisthenes, Pericles, and Alcibiades were of noble birth. The highest offices of the commonwealth were divided among the Eupatrid families. Earely were fleets and armies commanded by any but men of gentle blood. Never was aristocrat more insolent or audacious than Alcibiades : yet. for some time, he was the idol of the people. Dora- A change, however, in the birth and pretensions of the democratic leaders, is observable in the course of thePelo- ponnesian Avar. The ' demagogues ' who obtained in- fluence at this time Cleon. Cleophon, and others were of a lower social station than the statesmen who ruled Athens from the days of Solon to those of Pericles. Many of these men were bold, capable, and eloquent leaders : but their want of birth was a continual occa- sion for reproach : and their merits received scant justice from their political opponents, or the aristocratic historians of their time. The aristocratic reactions of this period, and the general disparagement of the ' demagogues,' attest the continued influence of the higher classes, in Athenian society and politic^. 2 1 Lloyd, A ' and unskilful ? If they trained tliemselves for the chariot ' race, and for wrestling, why not for the higher art of oratory ? Their conceit may have been encouraged : but conceit has ever been one of the strongest induce- ments to engage in the trials and sacrifices of politics ; and is not incompatible witli the highest public virtues. Many of the popular orators may have been justly exposed to ridicule : but where, in the history of the world, shall we find so high a general standard of oratory, in assemblies of the people, as that for which the Athenians were distinguished above all their con- temporaries :* But far above the range of ordinary rhetoric, oratory a oratory was cultivated as a fine art, like poetry, paint- ing, sculpture, music and acting. 1 It was studied, pre- pared, fashioned, and perfected with the care and prac- tised skill of the artist. The oration was the cherished form of intellectual expression ; and even essays and pamphlets, never designed to be spoken, were written in the guise of speeches, by Isocrates, Antiphon, Andooides, and other masters of the rhetorical art. 2 And in this manner, without the aid of printing, public opinion was formed by the circulation of written ad- dresses to the people. The Greeks had been trained, from early times, to high conceptions of the graces of public speaking: oratory and debate had attained the highest excellence in the Homeric poems : 3 the taste for 1 Jel'K Attic. Orator*, Intr. Ixxi. 2 Ibid. : Curtiua, Hi*t. iv. 14, v. 17:1, 174. ;: ' When we tind these speeches in H<>I>UT, we know that there niu.-t have "been men who could speak them : so from the existence ot' units who could speak them, we know that there must have been crowds vvlin oni'd ieel th-m.' (iladstuiie, Studies on Homer, iii. 107. 104 GREECE. CHAP, rhetoric had been kept alive by recitations of poetry ; ' * ' and where political and forensic oratory was encouraged by free institutions, they exacted finished and artistic performances. It was not so much by close reasoning, that orators sought to convince their audience, as by appeals to their passions, their interests, their pre- judices, and their national pride. 1 But their speech was ever moulded in artistic forms, and designed to pro- duce the most striking effects attainable by art. Froo.inm of Another characteristic of this democracy was an unprecedented freedom of speech,- to which every in- stitution and social custom of the Athenians contri- buted. In the assembly, they discussed all measures affecting the welfare of the State, and heard the im- passioned addresses of contending orators. In the dieasteries, generals and public men were fiercely ac- cused, and boldly defended. In private life, disputation was encouraged by philosophers, rhetors, and dialec- ticians: learned dialogues were eagerly listened to: the profoundest problems in ethics were debated by the disciples of different schools of philosophy. Wherever cultivated Athenians met, they reasoned, and disputed. 1 Aristotle, Hliet. I -2, Sec,; limit's Essay, Of Eloquence-. Lord I>rou^]iaiu's Eloquence of f/ie Ancients. Accordinir to Mr. Fronde. ' Tin; brilliance of oratory is. at all times, and from the very nature of tin 1 art, in tin; inver.-u ratio of the truth contained in it.' 1'roude's Ireland, ii. 329. 2 In the time of Solon the Athenians parsed a decree ' that no one, under pain of death, should, either by speech or writing persuade the city to assert its ri;_'ht to the island ' of Salamis : but Solon contrived to obtain the repeal of this decree. I'lutarch (Life of Solon), i. '2'2~. Ac- cording to Pericles: 'Far from exercising a jealous surveillance over each other, we do not feel called upon to be anjrrywith our neighbour for doing what lie likes, or even to indulge in those injurious looks which cannot fail to be offensive, although they inflict no positive penalty.' Thucvd. ii. 38. FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 105 Hence, freedom of speech was the natural growth of CHAP. . in. Athenian life. The license of public discussion was ^ conspicuous in the libels tolerated on the, stage. The most powerful men in the State even Pericles, him- self 1 - were daily exposed to ridicule and contumely. Cleon was libelled by Aristophanes in the c Knights,' / i. and Socrates caricatured in the 'Clouds.' Such satires were approved by the plaudits of the audience. 2 A re- markable toleration of obnoxious opinions was also generally displayed by the Athenians. There was no attempt to enforce uniformity of though.! ; and the widest diversity of speculations was allowed, upon moral and political theories. Socrates was at once an example of this toleration, and a memorable illustration of its breach. For thirty years he had discoursed freely upon religion, ethics and politics : his doctrines were such as, in later limes, would have been denounced as heresies: his scornful views of the democracy were notorious : his argumentative triumphs and sarcasms had provoked many enmities : yet it was not until the "Thirty had overthrown the democracy that he was for- bidden to teach. At length, under the restored demo- SOD n.c. cracy, he was accused of irreligion, and of corrupting the youth of Athens. Notwithstanding the prejudices raised against him and his fearless defence, he was nearly acquitted ; and had lie not mocked his judges, and courted death, his life would certainly have been spared. \et was he unjustly condemned: he died the victim of prejudice and intolerance ; and his death was i\ stain upon the judicature of his country. ]3ut we must 106 GREECE. CHAP, not forget the age in which his lot was cast. In what *- . other State would he have so long enjoyed impunity ? What king or oligarchy would have suffered him to impugn the national faith, or to deride the laws ? And what was the fate of heretics, in Christendom, for six- teen centuries after Christ had taught the purest doctrines of justice and mercy? There was far more toleration in Pagan Athens, than in Christian Spain. While the public life of the Athenians thus stimu- lated every intellectual faculty, their taste was no less cultivated by art, and by the elegances of a refined society. Tii" First among their pleasures was the theatre. In the fifth century B.C. the drama arose as a distinct branch of poetry. First tragedy, and then comedy, was cultivated. What nobler studies could be offered to an intellectual people than the tragedies of JEscliylus, Sophocles, and Euripides ! What more exciting amuse- ment than the trenchant satirical comedies of Aris- tophanes ! So much were these entertainments prized, thai, as we have seen, the State distributed money to the poorer citizens to enable them to pay the price of admission. .Music. Xor should we omit to mention their study of music, which, according to the Greeks, included not. only the musical art, In it reading and elocution ] ac- complishments essential to public, life and to the refined enjoyments of society, and sadly neglected in the edu- cation of most modern States. MOM! <.f a The ideal of a Grecian education, according to Plato, Isocrates, and Aristotle, combined bodily strength and activity, study, and eloquence the quali- 1 Grote, ////. viii. -177; and see ]>oeck, ch. xii. cation.' ATIIEXIAX CULTURE. 107 tics of the athlete, the soldier, the scholar and the CHAP. orator. 1 And these accomplishments were brought - ,-- into constant activity by the pursuits and habits of Athenian life. With these various means of education, the in- Athenian . . f i A i -i (-'allure. tellectual powers and activity ot the Athenians attained an extraordinary development. Without the aid of printing, with little assistance even from writing, they acquired, by free converse among themselves, by the teaching of philosophers, by the contemplation of works of art, by the theatre, by the public games and festivals, and above all by the active duties of free citizens, a rare and general cultivation. 2 iSo far the aspects of Athenian democracy assume a Athens as a dazzling brilliancy : but truth demands a less flattering view of some of its features. The admiration with 1 (h-ote. xi. ;5r]-:ir4. 3 Iii tin: pregnant words of Macaulay, ' the Athenian might pass every morninir in conversation with Socrates, and might hear Pericles speak four or live times every month. He saw the plays of Sophocles and Aristophanes; he walked amidst the friexes of Phidias and the paintings of Zeuxis : lie know by heart the choruses of .Eschylus: he heard the rhapsodist at the corner of the street reciting the shield of Achilles or the death of Argus: he was a legislator, conversant with high questions of alliance, revenue, and war: he was a soldier, trained under a liberal and generous discipline: he was a judge, compelled every day to weigh the ctl'ect of opposite arguments. These things were in themselves an education an education eminently litted, not. indeed, to form exact or profound thinkers, hut to give quickness to the perceptions, delicacy to the taste, iluency to the expression, and politeness to the manners.' Jlsftrti/*, i. 4i 1 1 (1 5os\veH's Life of Johnson '). In the opinion of John Stuarf Mill, ' Notwithstanding the defects of the social system and moral ideas of antiquity, the practice of the dicastery and the ecclesia raised the intellectual standard of an average Athenian citixen far beyond any- thing of which there is yet an example in any other mass of men, ancient. or modern.' llrpr. God. (>7. And Mr. Freeman says: 'There has never been another political society in the world, in which the average of the individual citixen stood so high as it did under the Athenian democracv. in the davs of its greatness. ' ('<>nin. 1\>!. !'4, tie 108 GREECE. CHAP, which the u'enius of the Greeks lias filled all classical in. - ' scholars, is apt to arouse an undue enthusiasm for their institutions : but an impartial survey of Athens, as a State, may modify our estimate of its pretensions. it< small- First. we must not overlook the small ness of Athens as a State. This circumstance, far from being a dis- paragement of the individual citizen, gave him oppor- tunities for political training, which are denied to the citizens of larger States. 1 Xor does it detract from the rare distinction of the State itself. It only raises our wonder that so small a commonwealth should have occupied so conspicuous a place in the history of the world. Xot all the vast empires of the East ; not even the European empires of Charlemagne and Charles \ ., have left annals so memorable, or are associated with names so illustrious, as this .single city, with a few square miles of territory, in a corner of the Greek peninsula. At the same time, it is necessary for main- taining the due proportions of history, to remember that in population Attica was about equal to Liver- pool ; " and in wealth and resources was not to be com- pared with that flourishing commercial port. If we compare the government of a single city with that of a great country like England comprising many cities far larger than Athens, with extended terri- tories, vast populations, and multiplied interests, we can- not but feel that the genius of the Athenians has accustomed us to form too high a conception of their 1 ' In tli.- "M democracies thnv \vcre r;o nu'uns of keeping out of sidit uny ahle man : the. l>eiua was open to him : In* needed uohody's consent : i Itfcnme a p'.iUic adviser.' Mill, llipr. Gort. ]4-S '- The population of Attica was ahoiit half a million ; that of Liverpool :: 1-71 was -J'.':U<>r>. and now f.xct'tils oOO.i H)d. YTIIEXS AS A STATE. ] Of? political greatness. They were members of a city coin- CHAP. immity, not of a nation. They were strangers to the ^ - wider duties, sympathies, and responsibilities of a great nationality. Petty warfare 1 took the place of peaceful association and national unity. The kindred races, witli whom they should have been united by the closest- ties of a common nationality, they treated as enemies made war upon them by sea and land, and laid them under tribute. l>ut small as was the State 1 , the assembly was far nmioncs- ,. , i /r i vi T M of its form too great for careful and eiiective deliberation. Like <.f govern- ' . , . -IT / moot. an Lnglisli meeting, they might have given fair expres- sion to public opinion : but in Athens they resolved absolutely, and without appeal, questions of peace and war. of life and death, of banishment and confiscation. In KiiLi'land, a meeting is summoned to support some well-known and declared opinions, to hear orators who are all of one mind, and to agree to simple and definite resolutions. If men of different opinions find their way into the meeting, they fail to obtain a hearing : dissension obstructs further deliberation ; and the meeting is closed in confusion and uproar. But in the Athenian assembly every opinion was represented, rival orators addressed the assembled multitude, and to their determination were referred issues as grave as any sub- mitted to chosen senates or parliaments. Whatever the genius of the Athenians, such an institution as the Ecclesi.M was an ill-contrived instrument of popular government. ]>ui it is said that their rare political education qualified them to decide on these momentous questions. They listened to philosophers, rhetors, and statesmen : they went to the play, and they gazed upon the Par- 110 GREECE. ciiAi'. thenon. But can it be seriously contended that any of ' ' these means of education are to be compared with the press, and the multiplied resources of modern civilisa- tion? Upon the political questions of the day, are the higher and middle classes of England less instructed than were the citizens of Athens ? * Xi-od of If this intellectual people had known the political uses of representation, or some other means of select- ing its rulers, their high intelligence would have en- sured them the inestimable privileges of self-govern- ment, without the evils of a pure democracy. A council, like the Roman Senate, for the genei'al administration of the State, was the great need of Athens. But where all the citizens were senators, it is astonishing that they escaped the confusion of anarchy. It was a- rude and inartificial polity, without the checks and balances which political experience has since found to be necessary in a well-ordered State. But it was one of the earliest, examples of popular government, in the history of the world. Compared with an Eastern despotism, or JL Greek tyranny, it was a model of political capacity, virtue, and moderation. Elsewhere force and the arbi- trary will of rulers was the supreme law : in Athens, and other Greek States, the community were governed by the judgment of the majority of citizens expressed, in a constitutional form, after free debate 1 , and according to the counsels of able and experienced leaders. The Greek In comparing Athens and other Greek States with tht 1 States of modern Europe, we must bear in mind the marked differences in their religions. Many Pagan THE GREEK RELIGION. Ill leo'ends and traditions being associated with loyalty CHAP. . . ni. to chiefs and kings, may have kept alive patriotic . - sentiments: but the morals of the ancients profited little by their faith. The gods of the Pagans exempli- fied the worst passions and vices of mankind. They were represented as cruel, selfish, cunning, and licen- tious. There was nothing in their teaching or example to elevate the character of their worshippers. The worst of men could not be worse than Zeus: the most depraved of women could not be more depraved than Venus. The coarse mythology of the Pagans was leavened by noble ideals of virtue : philosophers strove to raise the minds of men above their religion : the greatest thinkers were superior to it : but the multi- tude Avere possessed by their ancient superstitions. In tlie legendary ages, they awaited the direct intervention <;f the gods, in every battle and in every undertaking. They never ventured upon an enterprise without con- sulting an oracle, or being guided by an omen or prodigy. 1 And even in later times we cannot but smile at their superstitions. These may be illustrated bv some well-known examples. What instance of facile credulity can exceed that of the Athenians, when they allowed themselves to be deceived by Peisistratus, returning to the Acropolis under the auspices of a counterfeit Minerva?-' What more irrational than the conduct of Pausanias, the Spartan general, who suffered his troops to be ridden down by the Persian cavalrv, until the soothsayers had declared the signs to be favourable? 3 What more childish than the omen of a -ncexiii"' soldier, which had more effect than the elo- O queiice of Xenophon, in encouraging the ten thousand 1 Urote, ii. 110. 2 Ibid. iv. 140. a Plularcli (Aristid.), ii. 474. 112 GREECE. CHAP, in their retreat ? l Xot less childish was Timoleon's ' ^ - omen of the parsley. That general, in his war with the Carthaginians in Sicily, met some mules laden with parsley. His soldiers were frightened at the supposed omen, because parsley was used for making wreaths for tombs : but Timoleon, decking his own head with a wreath of this homely herb, said it was the victor's crown at the Isthmian Games ; and by this trifling stratagem were the superstitious Greeks persuaded that they were advancing to victory. - A religion so debased, and superstitions so trivial, could not but affect the intellectual and moral character of the people. As their enlightenment advanced, they became less credulous ; and governed their conduct rather by the laws of their country than by the fear of their gods : c but they were unable to overcome the influences of a vicious faith. Decline of The leaders of thought, indeed, in the most ad- paganism. . , L vanced period of GreeK culture, were little impressed with the truth of their own religion. Four centuries before Christ, there were signs of a declining faith, among the Greeks, in their Pagan divinities. Philo- sophers, historians, and poets began to treat ancient circa traditions as allegories and myths. This scepticism continued, until, at a later period, Polybius. a highly- cultivated Greek, thus wrote of Pagan superstition : 'To mo it is evident, that thin contrivance was, at first, adopted fur the sake of the multitude. For if it were pos- sible that a State could be comprised of wise men only, there would be no need perhaps of any such invention. But as the people universally are fickle and inconstant, filled with irregular desires, precipitate in their passions, and prone' to 1 Grote, x. 100. 2 Grrit(?) xi> 24-5. 3 TLid. ii. IK). THIO (JRKEK RKLIG10X. 1 1 ,'> violence, there is no way left to restrain them, but by the dread of things unseen, and by the pageantry of terrifying tict ion.' 1 This decay of the ancient faith having commenced centuries before llie rise of a purer religion, the higher order of minds were left without any religious influ- ences. J)iit Greek philosophy, which .supplied the place of religion, was as intellectual and ennobling as Pagan- ism was gross and contemptible ; and .served as a surer guide to the consciences of enlightened men, ihan any religious system of the; Pagans, until Christi- anity taught them a higher philosophy, together with a spiritual faith. AViili all its vices, the faith of the Greeks did not subdue those sentiments of self-respect and self-re- liance which are essential to freedom. If they sought the help, and dreaded the wrath of their divinities, there was little in their mythology to inspire them with awe, and abject prostration. Their deities were more power- ful than themselves: they enjoyed attributes to which men could not aspire : but they shared the passions and infirmities of their worshippers. They quarrelled among themselves: they engaged in human strifes ; and they were allured by the fascinations of earthlv beaut v. Zeus was a henpecked husband on Olympus, and a, libertine on earth. There was too much fellowship Li'ods like these, to raise mysterious awe. of others. There \\-as nothing in their creed to en- c nirage charity, and goodwill towards men. It bound tin-in to their families, their phratrics, their tribes, and 1 Hook vi. VOL. I. 1 11 -4 GREECE. CHAP, their fellow-citizens : but it steeled their hearts against r- - all other sympathies. To them, foreigners were bar- barians and enemies : slaves were as the beasts of the field. War with other States was their natural pastime : and tliev pursued it without pity or remorse. Even kindred Hellenic races, allied in religion and blood, raided, wilh unnatural hatred, in the battle-field. Xor did the closer bonds of citizenship restrain the bitterest enmities in civil life;. The Pagan faith was narrow and selfish: it united small brotherhoods, but it was cold and pitiless to the human race. slavery. Slaverv was no less linrtful than Paganism to the character of the Greeks. Xot only did it circumscribe political privileges : but it impaired the virtues of the governing class. The Athenians, indeed, had the credit of treating their slaves more gently than their neigh- bours : but wherever slavery has flourished, it has hardened the hearts of masters, and fostered selfish- ness. Slavery further discouraged the useful industry of citizens. Manual labour. being the lot of slaves, was held to dishonour freemen, whose sole occupations were war and politics. Nothing gives so much stability to social life, as steadfast industry ; and this was want- ing to the Greeks. Their business was found in the aifora. the religious festival, and the theatre. Instead of public life being the occasional dutv of all citixeiis. it was their constant vocation. To a certain number of thought ful citizens, leisure was a signal privilege: to the multitude it was a source of demoralisation to themselves, and of mischief to the State'. The operation of these religious and moral influences A'hcnian may be 1 raced in many of the actions of the Athenian-. Wilh the reatest admiration for their enius, and ATHENS AS A STATE. 1 1 for the 1 surpassing interest of their history, we cannot he blind to their faults. 1 The character of a people determines their policy more distinctly than their en- lightenment. With the Athenians, selfishness was the rule of all their actions. They were haughty and quarrelsome with their neighbours : they were cruel to their enemies:'' they were unfair and ungenerous to {heir allies : they were unjust to one another. If an oligarchy ruled, they oppressed the people : if the de- mocracy was in the ascendant, they pressed heavily upon the rich: they had no consideration, or sense of responsibility towards others, while they squandered the revenues of the State upon their own amusements. Such faults, indeed, were not peculiar to the Athenians who were far more generous and liberal than their Spartan rivals nor to the Greeks. They were the faults of human nature', unregenerated by a pun 1 re- ligion, or a high standard of morals, and of an age in which violence and wrong were the law of nations. Kings, tyrants, aristocracies, and democracies were alike under the sway of selfishness. It was not the form of government, but the character of the rulers, which de- termined the policy of the States of antiquity. The conditions of Greek society must be regarded in Atht-ni all our speculations upon Athenian democracy. With 1 ]>oeck. who a:.d cruelty in the popular mind.' Pid). JEc. of At/tens, Sir G. Lewi-'.- trail?- lation. I'.i-t: see also. ibid. :; ( .!,s. -' The massacres of Mityb'ne. Scioiie and Melos displayed the ferocity of barbarians, rather than of civilised Greeks. T > 1 111 OH.KKCK. such habit-; as those which wo have described, we may wonder how tin, 1 Athenian citizens were able to attend to the ordinary duties of life. All their time and energy would seem to have been absorbed in public affairs, or other kindred pursuits. How did they live? The answer is simple: thov had nothing to do. All the toilsome work of life was performed for them bymetics and slaves. The meti'-s rapid !v increased, with the iiTowth of the' Pineus, and the; extension of maritime commerce; many had boon enfranchised by Cleis- thenes, but they wore not general! v admitted to the franchise. r rhe slaves who tilled the soil, laboured in handicrafts, and performed all menial services, and whose numbers amounted to about four-fifths of the entire population, had no political rights. 1 Hence the privileged citizens, who lived upon the produce or rental of their land, or upon the industrv of slaves, wei'e, in relation to the entire community, a select, body, enjoying ample leisure for politics and intellec- tual culture; and, however equal among themselves, exercising power over ' the masses.' The meti'-s and slaves comprised the entire body of the working classes, and many traders and artificers who, in modern society, would be reckoned among the middle class. Hence i 1 appears that the Athenian constitution, however de- mocratic as an association of citizens, was very far re- moved from a republic, constituted on the general basis of population. It could not properly be called an oli- garch v. for il comprised all classes of citizens ; and the exclusion oi aliens and slaves was a natural limitation ATII I-;.\ I AX FKAXC1 1 ISE. 1 1 7 of ilic franchise, -winch has been recognised by modern CIIAI*. States. TJiis principle being admitted, the; number . - o!' Athenian citizens, amounting to upwards of twenty ihoiisand, in a population of about half a million, was no inconsiderable enfranchisement. 1 It may be fairly compared with the electoral franchise of England, before the introduction of household .suffrage, in 1807. 2 The Athenian constitution was faulty, not by reason of the number of citizens associated with the Plate, but of their too direct action upon its councils. Under repre- sentative institutions, the electoral body would have been limited, and even select, comprising the upper and the greater part of the middle classes, and excluding the main body of tile working classes. But as the 1 principles of re- presentation were unknown, and the political conscience of the Athenians was neither sensitive nor elevated, tile citizens who ruled the State were wholly without ^possibility to the classes not included in the Thev were themselves the State : they governed for themselves, and in their own interests : they had no sense of duty to others : no respect for public opinion, beyond their own privileged circle 1 : no patriotism save for their own contracted ideal of the Stale. Considerable chanires in the constituent bodv an- '-"' -' n ' ; - ,,fti'i. pear to have occurred, from the time of the Pelopon- tni- , : - nesian war. So lon as the rule of the old Attic 1 A -.Mi'.iiinir the (hi/o!i> find their' families to have amounted In up- wan 1 - of ! 0,i 'HO persons; they foraied somewhat less than a iiftli of the populati :. 2 \\Y have already compared the population of Atlica ^itli ;ii;ii of Livi'i'jiOiil. and it N i;oi a lilt'" rnrinir? tliat before llu> exton.-ioii nt' tue Hi'lV'-.-. in l-'T. ill' 1 electors of Liverpool nniouiited to ^l. s .'!'->, House- h Id suiirairi' hicrensed the. mr.nVi 1 to ^7.7-~>-. 1 IS GREECE. i ii. vi'. tribes was maintained, the a'overnment, though demo- 1 1 1 ,- ' cratic in form, had been really vested in the noble, the rich, and the cultivated classes of Athenian society. The enfranchised citizens were the elite of Attica. But this limited body was gradually enlarged. Xumbers of a lower class gained admission to the franchise by new qualifications many by fraud. Under Pericles there had been an extensive immigration from the country into Athens; and these immigrants, removed from their accustomed occupations, formed a cily popu- lace, like the Plebs of Home, at a later period. At the same time, numbers of the higher classes were with- drawn from the city by their public services, or lost their lives during the war. The Peloponnesian war made havoc among the Athenian nobles, as the wars of the Pioses struck down the ancient baronage of C England. 1 Hence a preponderance of the poorer citizens less versed in public affairs, less cultivated, and less patriotic was changing the character of the democracy. Xowhere had the citizens of this class such opportunities of political education and culture as at Athens. The public and social life of the city com- prehended all classes alike whether rich or poor. high-born or humble but the hard struggles and necessities of the poor could not fail to reMrict their education, and to expose them to corrupt temptations. And while the general character of the democracy was lowered, it> powers AVI ru enlarged. The Ecclesia assumed the power of initiating public measures, arid determining the policy of the Slate, without the ATIIEXTAX FRAXCIirSK. ] 1 ') ;iullioritv of ;i nre-tletcrmimri" council, and without the CIIAI-. in. need of coiifirination. 1 . One of I lie greatest temptations of this lower class Burthens of citizens was to lay the chief burthens of the State rich, upon the rich. No complaint was more frequently made than this ; and none so much provoked the frequent reactions against democracy. In peace the rich were called upon to contribute towards the enter- tainment of the people. In war they found equip- ments Ibr the forces, and were liable to heavy war con- tributions. The natural repugnance of the rich to burthens which they deemed unfair, was viewed by the people as a proof of hostility to the State ; and aroused suspicions of reactionary conspiracies, which increased the popular jealousies against the higher classes. ( )n the other hand the rich were not slow to exact A t undue contributions from the poorer citizens. On the 8 revolt of the allies of Chios, Ehodes, and other cities, twelve hundred of the richest citizens were divided into twenty symmories, for raiding supplies for the licet. The constitution of this body placed the power of taxation in the rich; and loud complaints were heard that they contrived to spare themselves, and to lay the heaviest burthens upon those Avho were least able to bear them." The partiality of these svmmories 120 GliEECE. < HAP. encouraged by the highest motives by which the . members of a live State can be impelled to activity. Citizens may Lave been ambitious, forward and vain- glorious : but to labour in tlie service of tlicir country was virtuous and patriotic. TLis honourable service was gravely affected by the introduction of payments to the citizens attending tlie public assemblies and courts of justice. The payment of judges and ])ul)lic officers, and even of the members of a legi>la;ive bodv. is consistent with the ])urest principles of a democracy : l)ut to pay the whole body of citizens for attending to their own proper business was. in truth, a svstem of State bribery. In the later days of Athenian degeneracy, the popular assemblies became less earnest and patriotic. '1 he citizens sought amusement, rather than instruction, from their leaders. Coarse jests, and scurrilous personalities found more favour than well-reasoned arguments: and the loudest and most confident speakers swayed the unthinking multitude. The citizens had become in- different to public affairs, and were indolently led by ilatterv and artifice. 1 About a third of the citizens or from ('..OHO to 8.000 *at as ' ecclesiasts ; ' and all these from the lime of Pericles.'-' received fir-t one obolus, and .-0011 after- wards three oboli. for each attendance." Such pay- men's \vere no boon to the rich, \vlnle they offered an irresistible attraction to the poorer classes, who flocked to the agora, and outnumbered the more instructed citizens. This custom undulv stimulated the natural POPULAR JUDICATURE. taste of the Athenians for public display, and disputa- tion. Neglecting their own affairs, they hurried to the ecdesia, and wrangled oyer the a flairs of other people. Many not satisfied with their oboli, received bribes from the litigants, 1 a fi.igitious custom which was en- couraged by clubs formed for mutual protection, in the dicast cries." Another grave evil arose from the practices of a espoused the cause of the party by Avhom they we're retained. Originally, as we have seen, every citizen was required to plead his own cause: 3 but as civil and criminal causes multiplied, and especially as accusations of poii'ical crimes \vere more frequently brought before the courts, the custom of retaining paid ad- vocates was introduced. At lirsi, they merely com- posed the speeches of their clients even Demosthenes wrote such speeches, to be delivered by others but ultimately, by various pretexts, they were allowed to address the dicasteries. in person. Sometimes they claimed to speak on behalf of absent relatives or friends : sometimes they appeared to have an interest, however remote, in the cause itself: sometimes their clients were metics. minors, or women, who. having no place in the dicastery, could not speak for themselves. 4 The employment of advocates has been recognised as necessary for the due administration of justice, in every * tyilisrd Mate : but their pleadings are conducted 1 Illinium.*, mi. <',), - Siijirti, ]!. --. lV()l>:\l>]y llu\*e aspcmlilirs wore scarcely caricaturc-d in the ' Wasp.* " and Kcrli ^iazusro "of Aristnpluir.rs : see Ilin-.-k. I'i'i; ,/ .<, < { > SHJW. p. 77. ' I-'nr ;IM inti'ivstiiiL' acfutuit of the Athenian Cui:r;-. see Fursyth. Hurtut*iu*. nil. ii. 122 GREECE. before an independent judicature : they may convince and persuade : but they have no voice in the judgment. But in Athene the advocates were at once counsel and judges, in the cause : now disputing for their clients ; and now swaying by influence, bv solicitations, by in- trigue, and by their votes, the judgment of the court. So anomalous a practice could not be endured in any well-regulated judicature. But far grosser evils than these perverted the judi- cature of Athens. Assuming the judicial competence of a popular court, of several hundred citixens, in ordinary causes, what tribunal could be more unlit for the trial of political offences ? Here the passions and prejudices of the hour were paramount. How could evidence or reason prevail against popular clamour? It may be enough to refer to the condemnation of the victorious generals of the' Peloponnesian war. and of the great Socrates, as notorious examples of popular injustice. The evils of criminal judicature were aggravated by the nefarious activity of the sycophants, or in- formers. These infamous pests of Atheninn so iety lived upon the fears of wealthy ciiixens. Had the courts been pure and trustworthy, these miscreants mi id it have been defied : but with a popular judicature, jealous of the rich, and ever ivady to suspect crimes airains! the Nate, the innocent too often deemed it safer to pay hush-money to a sycophant, than to brave the prejudice's of a dicastery. No man could rely upon proofs of innocence : he was exposed to the vengeance of fictions, tlic prepossessions of his judges, and even to their greed for confiscations. Xo wonder that the sycophants were hated and demised ! The onlv act of PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS. 123 the Tliirtv Tvranls which met with i>-eneral a])proval, CHAT. in. was the punishment of these .scourges. They may . ' have deserved their doom : but, having done wrong to others, they were condemned themselves, in defiance of all the forms of justice. Other <>Tave evils arose in the political and social PllWi(i ~ :umisi'- state of Athens, which have ever been deplored as a reproach to its democracy. In Athens, as afterwards at liome, gratuitous distributions of corn were fre- quently made to the people, in order to keep them quiet and contented, in times of scarcity. 1 Largesses, in money, were also often distributed, 2 especially from the proceeds of confiscated property." Hence the banishment of citixeiis and the confiscation of their Lroods was too often demanded, not in the interests of justice, nor even in the vindictive spirit of faction, so much as to satisfy the greed of demagogues, and the hunger of the populace. A more pernicious mode of conciliating and corrupting the people had arisen in the time of Pericles. 4 Large sums of money, under the name of theorica, were distributed to the people, to enable them to enjoy the games and festivals, either by payment for admission to the theatres, or for feasting. From i lie same source, the cost of sacrifices was de- frayed, which included public feasting:' Games, fes- tivals, and sacrifices formed an important part of the national and religious life of Athens, and were shared by the whole people." They awakened the genius and 1 Til*'}' wriv liTincd rrtroSocr/fli; TJooclc. Public Economy of Athens, Sir ('.. lewis's tnuishnioa, 2nd od. p. SI). - 11)1(1. 217. " Il.id. . ,!>o. " Supra, p. >4. : ' ~ti P?i,>iii2. "(V.I {/ ,swy. ; ,<->p also suprn. p. *">. ' 'I'll'' ;!'irit>nt I'l'liL'iiii!. not sinijilv nt AtlnMis. In;; tln^-HLTii'Mi! (irct-c^ ;i.:ul ill'/ ('"nti'moi'iu'v world \'er dill'^ruiit in llii> resect from the GREECE. suirit of a infted race. The ifames sustained their l manly emulation in strength and courage : the theatre, in liie absence of a press, was an intellectual exercise; and the highest art contributed to adorn tlie sacrifices. A moderate use of such ceremonials was. therefore, essential to the development of the Greek character: but at length they were so multiplied, that they ministered rather to idleness and dissipation, than to tlie instruction and elevation of the people. Their cost also became so extravagant as to be out of all propor- tion to the revenues of the State. The whole com- munitv looked to the Stale for its amusements. To trust to charily for their bread was bad enough : to insist upon being amused at the "public expense was a more hazardous form of pauperism. Such mischievous waste of the public revenues was allowed at a time when the Athenians had tailed to meet the necessary expenses of their Avars. In fact, the people spent upon their own pleasures the revenues necessary for their ilcets and armies. Ao custom can well be conceived more corrupting to the citizens, or more dangerous to the Slate. The corruption of the Athenians was completed by Eubulus, lie taught the people- to cherish ease and peace, in t ie riot ol public festivals. The theoricon of the age of Pericles had been so much abused thai it was discontinued: but being restored by A gyr- rhiu>.' il had an'ain become one of the institutions of OORKITTIOX. Ailu'iis. And no\v Kubulus made the fesliyal fund the mos! iiii])ortanl branch of the finances. Kyery .MM-yice of tin' Slate was to be so managed that ample mean- should be forthcoming to gratify the passion of the Athenians for feasting and public entertainments. To iind dissipations for the people had become the first duty of the Stale. 1 Happily, this miscliievotis law was iiltimati'ly repealed through the energy and public spirit of Demosthenes. 2 These various modes of bribing the populace were T the \vorst features of the Athenian democracy. They ei were burt hensome to the allies, who contributed largely to the revenue, \\ithout sliaring in ii's distribution, and unjust to the richer citizens : they pandered to the in- ilueiice of the lower clashes ; and they demoralised socle! y. The redeeming point in the system was the cultiva- tion of the line ails of architecture, sculpture, poetry, music, and the stage, which contributed to the high culture 1 of the people, and lias left immortal monuments of the genius of the Greeks. But by far the greater part of the money expended for the support and amusement of the people was wholly mischievous. Large classes of the citizens,, thus maintained in idleness. considered it their right to be fed and constantly amused by the Stale : while they enjoyed ample leisure to crowd the assembly, and clamour for further gratifications. 'iluir leaders, the demagogues, won their \oicesin the assembly, not by a high-minded or worthy policy, but by fiv>h donations and spectacles. Hence in its period of decline, the Athenian democracy was approaching communism. The multitude ruled. 12G GREECE. ( HAP. ni id supported themselves out of the common fund of in. , - the State. Xor were these the only forms of corruption in the government of Athens.. The Athenians had de- vised an elaborate system for checking and auditing the accounts of their officers concerned in the receipt and payment of public moneys: but they failed to secure honesty in their servants. Polybius says, "if in Greece the State entrusts to anyone only a talent, and if it has ten checking-clerks, and as many seals, and twice as many witnesses.it cannot ensure his honesty.' 1 Such offences were severely punished even with death but the unprincipled character of the Greeks, their love of pleasure and self-indulgence, and general demoralisation, defied the safeguards of the law. A more dangerous corruption tainted the generals and ambassadors of all the Greek States. Inaction in the campaign, and the surrender of national interests in negotiation. Avere too often caused by an enemv's bribes. The disgrace of such corruption was shared alike 1 by the oligarchy of Sparta and the democracy of Athens. The Lacedaemonian fleet was crippled at IJhode- bv the bribery of its officers ; and Alhens was betrayed into a dishonourable peace with Philip of Macedon. which hastened the subjection of Greece, by the corruption of JEschines and other Athenian envoys. 2 Such corruption far surpassed, in infamy, the petty malpractices of humbler citixens. Men. tru-ted and honoured by their countrvmeii, and raised lo the greatest eminence to which they could aspire, \vere GREECE COMPARED WITH MODERN STATES. .127 yet so sordid as to be seduced by wretched bribes, to CHAP. connnit the basest treason against their country. . ' Strenuous efforts were made, bv Demosthenes and Kii'urtsof l>.>iiio,- liis national, or patriot party, to correct some of the .',,.* -, growing eyils of Athenian democracy. Strong inea- sures were taken against persons accused of bribing citizens in the assembly, and the courts of justice. Order and decency were enforced in the assembly, by appointing one of the tribes to sit near the tribune, to protect tin 1 orator while addressing the people, and to enforce order. 1 ]>ut the fortunes of the republic were now declining, and it was too late for patriots to raise the corrupted citizens from their degeneracy. While dwelling upon these vices of the Athenian Athenian jiuur laws. democracy, we must not overlook a praiseworthy in- stitution far in advance of the age. The Athenians, alone among the Greeks, had a poor law. They re- lieved the old, the blind, the lame, and the sick, who were destitute, or unable to support themselves; and they brought up and educated the orphans of citizens who had lost their lives in Avar. 2 so widely from our own, that it is unsafe to draw wit!l modern general political conclusions from the history of Greek democracy. Their society consisted, as we have seen, of privileged citizens, foreigners, and slaves. It was without the multiplied grades of modern society, its territorial nobles and countrv gentlemen, its learned professions, its independent gentry, its church estab- lishments and universities, its standing armies, its merchants and manufacturers, its traders, artificers, and free- labourers ALrain. the smallness of Greek 12S GREECE. CHAP. States forbids any useful comparison with the vast ' States of modern Europe, and their varieties of town and country life, religious opinions, and local interests. Their institutions were no less different. Representation was unknown : there was no separation of legislative, executive and judicial functions: there were no effective checks upon the sovereign power : there was no body of trained judges, magistrates, and public oilicers : there was no sense of political or moral responsibility : there was no religious creed to teach the generous and forbearing spirit of charity. With such diversities as these, the morals to be drawn from Greek democracy are tew : but they are not without instruction. To reproduce a democracy, of the Greek type, in the present age, would In 4 as practicable, as to e-tahlish the ideal 'Republic' of Plato, or the ' Utopia' of More, .lint its study illustrates principles applicable tv> all times. We find freedom and intellectual activity combined ; each stimulating and developing the other. We find a cultivated society, achieving political great- ness, and imperishable fame, by its genius and, pa'riot- ism : we see it decline through its evil passions, its selfishness, and corruption. Vuth the expansion of modern society, the growth of popular power is inevit- able ; and it should be the aim of statesmen, profiting by the lessons of the past, to promote the moral and in- tellectual advancement of society, and to cherish free- dom : to invigorate the State with the healthful force of the national will: to associate the people with its li'overnment : to \\m their confidence and attachment : lo moderate their power by social influences, and con- stitutional checks: to rule in a si/irit of justice to all classes: to exalt public morality ; and to root out cor- TIIK ACIIA1AX LKAGUK. 12 rnption. The ideal of ;i free Stale, in modern times, is CHAP that which develojts tlie sound principles of demo- ^ cracy, without its evils : which wields its potent forces ; and parries its acknowledged dangers. JSefore we conclude this view of Greek democracy, we may glance at a later period in the fortunes of Greece, in which we shall still find traces of her former liberties. The federal union of Achaia. was maintained, with Tin- varied fortunes, for 140 years, and assured to a large Len^'to. part of (ireece an honourable freedom, and a political n. independence, which could not have been enjoyed by a number of separate cities. At length. however, it succumbed, first to the ascendency of Macedon, and at last to tlie irresistible dominion of Home. Its history, if Jess glorious than that of the earlier republics of Greece, is yet speciallv interesting, as presenting to us one of the earliest and best-contrived examples of a federal Nate, and the last home of Grecian liberty. 1 This league presented an example of pure demo- cracy, in the form of a federal union. As in Athens the hi<_rhe>t type of pure democracy the sovereign power was vested in the assembly, so in the Achaian league, the like 1 power was exercised by the Federal assembly, in which all citizens of the confederation had equal rights. Tn the latter case, however, the assembly ordinarily met only twice a year, and considerable powers were entrusted, in the meantime, to the magistrates. Again, all the Athenian citixens wen 1 able lo attend tlu-ir as>emblv. which sal three times of the Achaian VOL. I. 130 GREECE. every month, and were 1 paid for their attendance : while tlio citi/ens of tlie Adiaian League Iiad to travel con- siderable distances, at their own expense. Hence at Athens the poorer citi/ens outnumbered the rich in the ecelesia : in Achaia the assembly was chiclly at- tended by the 1 rich. Another diilercnce was this: that whereas at Atliens every citi/en had an equal voice, in the Achaiau assembly, each city had a single vote, deter- mined by tlie majority of its own citixens then present. This virtually, though not in form, amounted to a re- presentation of the 1 several cities. 1 Examples of nearly every form of government are to be found in the varied history of Greece : but no- where do we iind a distinct system of political represen- tation. There is, indeed, a passage in Aristotle which implies a knowledge of the principles of representation. He speaks of ' a moderate oligarchy, in which men of a certain census elect a council entrusted with the 1 de- liberative power, but bound to exercise tins power agreeably to established laws/ 2 There can be no better definition of representation than this : but ii appears to express his theoretical conception ot a governmeiiL rather than to describe; any example within his own experience. Such a system was incompatible with the democratic constitutions oi the city republics : but in iheir international councils and leagues, we may per- ceive a certain resemblance to it. There was an ap- proach to representation m the Ainphictyonic Council. 1 ' 1 ' and in the Achaian League: and the several cities of GREEK COLONIES. the T/vcian League had a number of votes in the as- sembly, proportioned to their size the first example of the kind being a still nearer approximation to the principles of representation.' Hut it was reserved for later ages to devise the great scheme of representative LTOvernment, under which large States may enjoy as much liberty as the walled cities of Greece, and individual citizens may exercise their political rights as fully as the Athenians, without the disorders and perils of pure democracy. Greece, even in her decline, again presented an Grec example of liberty to other States. Some of her ancient liberties had been recovered ; and she proved herself able to use them worthily. But it was not by her example alone, that Greece promoted the cause of free- dom in Europe. Tier relations with the outer world had become extended and multiplied. From an early period, she had sent forth colonies to Asia Minor, to the coasts of the Euxine, the shores and isles of the Mediterranean, and, above all, to Italy and Sicily. - These colonies carried with them the characteristics of the races from which they sprang, and generally the institutions of their own State, at the time of their emi- gration . :; Where kings or aristocracies ruled at home. 1 In this as in so many other cases, the ancient world trembled on the very venre of representative u-overnment. without ever actual! \ pmsMiijr tin- boundary/ Ibid. 211, '2\-2. - \ concise account of the (hvek colonies is triveii in Mr. C'o\'.- ///.-.'. tif (rrrcci; cli. \iii. :; The (rivi-ks formed a just estimate of the relations of colonies to the mother-country. The Coreyr;ean ambassadors, addressing th<< assombh at Athens, said. ' Kvery colony, if well treated, honours its mother- country : but if wronged, is .-tran-vd from it : for thev are not sent out to he slaves, bit! to he on the same footing with those who are left tit home.' ThueydideSj i. .'!-!. K -2 GREECE. the colonies usually assumed a like form of government : - where democracy prevailed in the parent State, demo- cracy was favoured in the colony. The settlers, indeed, occupied their new lands asconqueror<. and the privileges of citizens were at first naturally restricted to the small community of the Greek race. It happened, however, that the settlements as far west as Italy were made long after those in the East, and at a time when Greece had generally formed itself into aristocratic or democratic, republics. Hence the Italian colonists generally estab- lished small municipal commonwealths. And as these colonists were for the most part maritime and commercial, their pursuits, no less than the instincts and traditions of their race, favoured the development of democracy. Thus Greece became the parent of Italian liberties. Xor was it by her free institutions alone, that Greece advanced the freedom of the AYest. Her colo- nists carried with them to new lands the arts and cul- ture of their own wonderful fatherland. 1'oetry and philosophy, architecture, sculpture, painting and music, and the mechanical arts of an advanced civilisation, were naturalised wherever the Greeks set their foot. And even when Greece herself had declined from her hiirh destinies, her intellectual influence was more extended than ever. In the days of her greatness she was narrow in her sympathies, and -hut out from the great world, which was advancing round about her. In her pride, she scorned all foreigners as barbarians. AYhen -he fell under the rul>- of Macedon, the bounds of Greece were widened : and when, at la-1. she bowed to the dominion of Home, her conquerors carried her aris and her philosophy, with their conquests, through every part of Europe. Hers was. indeed, a noble GREEK COLONIES. 1 O destiny among the nations of the earth. By the lusty < 11 vi-. colonisation of' JUT youth, and by the broken fortunes of her old age, did she eivilise the world. Her con- querors completed the mission which her own sons had commenced. Her culture, by quickening the intelli- gence of Italy and of Europe, sowed everywhere the seeds of future freedom. IShe fulfilled a yet higher mission. The spread of her beautiful language, far and wide, over Western Asia and the Mediterranean, became one of the chief instruments for disseminating the Christian faith. This inestimable service to the cause of religion was followed bv other blessings to the West. The principles of Christianity were in themselves emi- nently favourable to liberty, and promoted the political no Irss than tin. 1 religious welfare of Christendom. 1 The \Vesi accepted these fruitful principles : the East re- nounced them. : the West, with a purer faith and higher culture, advanced in civilisation and freedom: the East, impervious to religious enlightenment, and opposed to intellectual growth, has continued unchanged for thou- sands of years, in her civilisation, and in her polity. 184 CHAPTER IV. ROME. UIFEERENCES IN THE GENIUS OF THE GREEKS AND ROMANS GEOGRA- PHICAL ADVANTAGES OE ITALY OVERTHROW OF MONARCHIES IN ITALY. AS IN GREECE SOCIETY AND INSTITUTIONS OF THE ROMAN MONARCHY THE REPUBLIC THE CONSULS THE SENATE THE PATRI- CIANS GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY CONQUEST OF ITALY ROMAN- VIRTUES THE STOICS PUIiLIC LIFE IN ROME. HAVIXG now followed the fortunes of Greek demo- cracy, we approach the history of another ancient State, in which we find institutions more akin to modern political systems, than in any other State of antiquity. For this reason Rome presents the most instructive illustration of the working of democracy. The genius of the Greeks and the Romans was essentially different. The former wen; imaginative, impulsive, and impressionable : the latter, earnest, reso- lute, and steadfast. 1 In in-nius the Greeks were superior !o the Romans : but in moral force and dignity they were far below them. '1 he philosophy of Epicurus was best suited to the temperament of the Greeks : the 1 Garibaldi, in a. .-pt-ocli to tin.- working-men of Rome, IVb. 14. ~li~7~>, after referring to the ancit-nt li'nifuis. concluded In' savin 1 .:. ' Vn- resnlutf like you: ancestors: imitate also tin.- KiiL/li-li ])erij>lf. tlie niodt-nis AVJIO coinu JK-;tre>< to ili'.'i!!. 'J'lif ]'ji^li-h are nevt-r disconcerti^d bv an\-tiii!iL r , ;:i)d always know how to Lft out o!' a diiilcultv : jmssi'Ss tliai virtue, tbt-y call steadiness." 7'itn'.->>, J-'eb. H. \^7~>. CIIARACTKR OF GRKKKS AXI) ROMAN'S. !.'> philosophv of lilt* Stoics was congenial to the more CHAP i v resolute and enduring spirit of the Romans. The Greeks r- wen 1 ever divided into separate and jealous Slates; and after perpetual war among themselves, became subject provinces of Macedon and Iconic. The Ixomans sub- dued Italy, and conquered the world. Unity and com- prehension were ihe great principles of lioman policy. The institutions of the 1 two peoples differed no less than their characters and destinies. In the Greek demo- cracies, the people, as we have seen, governed the State directly and absolutely. In the liomau republic, the general administration of affairs was entrusted to the consuls and other great magistrates, and the Senate, tiie people being consulted on special occasions onlv. The liberties of Greece were crushed by her enemies: the liberties of Home fell before her own victorious armies. Such being the differences of the two countries, we may proceed to examine the well-known history of liome, for illustrations of her democratic government, and may seek instruction from her experiences and vicissitudes. In Italv. as in Greece, all the conditions of climate (H-o-r.-ii.h favoured land. 1 Its extended peninsula, stretching into the Mediterranean Sen. approached the most renowned regions of the ancient world, in which civilisation and commerce had made the greatest advances. The ROME. historic inland sea. which washed its shores, united Europe with Asia and Ai'rica : it brought the East into contact with the AVest : it was the common highway of tlie most celebrated nations of anti([uity tlie Greeks, Phoenicians, Egyptians, and Carthaginians. Commerce and maritime adventure Avere fostered by such associa- tions as these ; and the Italians became a prosperous and progressive people. They were warlike, enter- prising, and independent ; and, like the Greeks, they cherished a manly spirit of freedom. Just as in the Greek States, monarchy almost uni- versally 'gave way to aristocratic or democratic consti- tutions, so throughout the Italian States, originallv settled by Greeks, or deriving their polity from the same source, the like political development Ava> accom- plished. Whatever the immediate cause, in particular States whether the tyrann or the weakness- of the the Apnhiiiis. alike cast oil' their kh;gs. elected annual istrates 1 and constituted themselves into cit com- ch, the >ucial and olitical tutions of Home had alread been develoed : and the determined the character of the republic race were hereditary nobles, or patricians by their family names, by their dress, and by the images of their ancestors, which resembled the armorial bear- ings of feudal times. '1 he plebeians were a subject race, excluded from all public functions and privileges. THE MONARCHY. 1 ;>7 civil and military. 1 The power of the nobles Avas main- CHAP. | y tained bv large bodies of clients, who formed, as it were. - feudal clans. They were served also by great numbers of slaves, and freedmen. Their influence in the ^late was strengthened by the union of several patrician families, sprung from a common ancestry, into gcnt^K^ which sometimes comprised four or five thousand men, capable of bearing arms. 1 ' Families, like that of .Fabius. whieh alone Avere able to carry on a war, Avere naturallv in the ascendent. The patricians Avere the State : and in early times that favoured class assumed for themselves alone, the familiar term of Populus lloniniutx.^ Tliev claimed descent from the founders of ihe cii. and alone asseml)led in the corniticL curiatci. _ ( monarchy, in the distribution of the public domains, or '/'/.'/' y////>//V//,v. li was natural that the patricians, willi paramount influence, and bearing the chief burlhen of tiie wars, shouJd a])])ropriate to themselves the Thev secured most of the uncultivated lands, on con- dition of the pavmenl of a rent in kind, and contrived by |)urchase, and bv force, to displace the smaller proprietors, and enlarge their own estates. 4 Social in- equalities were thus increased ; and a sense of injustice rankled in the minds of the poorer citizens. The kings II"!i, :;:-: Hi*f. / Jnlc-x ('etui', i. '. Jin; Ni'-lnilir >IIL'I;'I->IS ;i closer ,M:;lln_;-\ lll;ll "',' iVfi'lll'-ll of II cilv. ill;(t OtllUl 1 illhiiljitniltS Hot fllji)\ ii:L r tho likf privili'Li't's : ///>/. of Rm<\ i. oi's. 3 Livy. ii. I (5. c,|. I.i\\. ii. "''i; Nii-1'iilir. Hi*', uf R in<-. i. "c'^, iVo. 1 Aji|'i;i'i. i. 7. Nirlnilii- ciiifi's very fullv into tin 1 conditions under \vliicli tin' public land- WLTU liold, ii. It.s cf. $rrj. ; Ariiuld. liu/nc, i. 1^7. to 8 ROME. CHAP, vainly attempted to restrain this abuse: and it was left 1 ' as a fruitful source of discontent and danger to the republic. several _ With n society so coiistit uted. the institutions were Unman naturally aristocratic. Even the king wa.s elected by an assembly of the (jente-y. 1 Jiut. once elected, he com- manded the armies: he was chief pontiff', and first magistrate. The senate was composed entirely of pa- tricians. Avho alone voted in the assemblies of the people. The kings, however, did not favour their exclusive pretensions: but introduced many plebeians among them, raised freedmen to the privileges of citizens, and associated the plebeians with service in the army. Under the monarchy, also, the citizens were divided into six classes, and these classes again into centuries, according to their property. But the centuries were so arranged, and the voting so contrived, that the first class commanded a majority of the centuries.- It is singular that this classification of citizens, according to property, was introduced in liome by Srrvius Tullius. at aboul the same time that a like constitution was designed bv Solon, in Athens. In both State.-, propertv was made the basis of the franchise, and not birth : but in both alike, the highest families were also the richest, and loniT maintained their exclusive power. Xatinuai Under the monarchy, a No. t le national religion was iirniiv established, which governed every public and private act of the lfoman>. It was no exalted faith : it kindled no lofty aspirations after virtue : it abounded in superstitions and fabulous traditions: but it conse- crated the love of the liomans for their country: it hallowed the relation- of the familv : it upheld the 1 Oicrru. DC- liepub, ii. !') ct -scy. - Livy. i. 40. THE CONSULS. i;j9 sanctity of an oath ; and it encouraged an earnest sense CIIAI-. of duly. 1 r-'- When the Tarnuins were expelled from the throne, Consuls of ' the I'oman an aristocratic republic naturally succeeded. An elec- republic. tive king was replaced by two patrician consuls; and the new constitution was at once completed. The re- publican constitution differed little from the monarchy. The supreme attributes of royalty devolved upon the consuls, who exercised equal civil and military authority : they held office for a year, and nominated their suc- cessors, who were chosen, however, by the people. 2 As first magistrates, they received ambassadors, sub- mi 1 led decree's to the senate, and were charged with the execution of them. They also summoned the comilia, and proposed measures for their acceptance. They exercised authority over all other magistrates. except the tribunes. 8 And until late in the history of ihe republic, they had the chief command of the armies. The annual election of the highest officers of the Slate, at once ministered to the ambition of the patricians, and guarded against the assumption of regal powers. The political power of the patricians was un- impaired by the fall of the monarchy: as consuls they exercised the sovereignty of kings ; and m keeping alive popular fears of royal usurpation, thev were able to overthrow rivals, and to gratify the people. 4 A con- 1 Mr. Lecky says: -''Ancient Home produced many heroes, but no saints. ft> -ell'-saeritice \vas patriotic, not religions. Its religion was reither mi independent teacher, nor a source of inspiration, although its rites mingled with, and strengthened some of the K'st lialuts of the ; .].!'/ in*f. ofEttrojwm Mornl*, i. 177. 2 Mummsen/lZiV. of Home, -'ill. ' I'. dyliiu-, hook vi. ' It was no easy tliiiiLr. even for the liomans their.selves, t>detinnirie \vi:b assurance, whether the entire Sftate \vas to be esteemed an aristo- ROME. .sul could not be deposed, during the term of his office. but was afterwards liable to punishment for any abuse of his powers. On critical occasions, also, the consuls were able to abdicate, for a period of six months, in favour of a dictator, who assumed the plenary authority of a king. To guard against abuse and usurpation, a consul was afterwards restrained from offering himself for re-election Avithin ten years ; and although this law was not uniformly observed, its policy was maintained until the later days of the republic. The division of the supreme executive power among two great officers, of equal authority, was another obstacle to usurpation : but it was too often a source of weakness in council, and in the field. UK.- consuls bore themselves simply, as became the magistrates of a republic. Their atten- dant- were no1 allowed \o carry the axe the emblem of sovereignty- and their sole outward distinction was ;i purple border to the white t!.s or pontifices. The Church, so to -peak, thus became separated from the State- : and an independent priesthood did not fail to control the authority of the civil government. The Pontif&c HKLCI- cracv. a democracy, ur a monarchy. \ : > ] i vliiu-. l)oi '.x \ i. THE SENATE. 141 IHH* exorcised Great influence in public affairs -chiefly CHAP. IV. in the interests of the patricians and the augurs and - pontifices were able to overrule, by tlieir sax-red mysteries, the counsels of statesmen and generals. Let us now examine the constitution of the; Senate The Senate, one of the most renowned national councils in tin; his- tory of the world. It was composed of three hundred members the most distinguished citizens of Rome. Without following the changes which were made, from time to time, in its constitution and numbers, it is enough to say that it comprised all the eminent men who had served the State as consuls, cunile ediles, prce- tors, or tribunes of the people. P>ut these 1 great mairis- tracies alone could not maintain the senate at its nor- mal number ; and the censors were allowed to add to the roll of senators, citizens who had tilled offices less exalt i'd, or who had displayed signal bravery on the field of battle. This latter class, however, were not admitted to all senatorial privileges. They could vote : but were bound to silence. The right to guide the deliberations of the senate was reserved to those sena- tors who had the greatest experience in public affairs : but its judgments were pronounced by the equal voice of all. li was a noble constitution. As the great magis- rtsextcn- traie- of the 1 republic were elected by the people, and power,-, became, by virtue of their offices, members of the senate, they were, so far, representatives of the whole commonalty, while their official dignity and experience. MIX! their title to a seat for life, clothed them with tin- 142 ROME. CHAP, liberation ; and not unwieldy when prompt action was - demanded. 1 The greatness of its powers required the highest statesmanship. As a legislature, it decreed laws binding upon the State: it could dispense with the observance of laws in force : and it initiated proposals to be laid bv the tribunes before the comitia. As wielding execu- tive powers, it could appoint a dictator to supersede the regular magistracy : it allotted to the consuls their respective provinces: it nominated generals to command the armies of the republic, and recalled them, or con- tinued their commands, at pleasure. It directed the entire policy of the State, resolved upon war. peace, and treaties, founded colonies, regulated the distribution of lands, and administered the finances. In short, this select and exalted body discharged the various functions which in Athens, and other Greek republics, were en- trusted to popular assemblies. And worthilv did the senate exercise its transcendent power statesmanship, courage. its guidance, liome proceeded from one conquest to another, extending its dominion and influence: the IJonian name was at once feared and respected; and d 1 See -oii:c iv:narkab rliavar; less than that oi' the seiiah'. \\lio. supported hy Ia\v and custom, and by their o \vu weight and dignity, had the chief -hare in the administration of public all'airs. The consuls, indeed. h>'M ilu-ir diice lor one year only : hut their rower \vas in i'act repil. I'lie votes of the as>eniblies of the people were of no avail ss ratilied hy the .-t.-natt. an arrangement which preserved the au;l). - rity oi' the latter, and which they defended with j_Teat delenni! ati"ii.' l)i' Iit'jHililifti, I'll, \\xii. 1 Livv. ii. 44, UO: 1'ionv. Italic, ix. xi. ; Monmisen. i. I'l!. 1 ! -i7-'!. 1 4 i ROME:. CHAP, which their abilities and ambition qualified them to r- fill. And so remarkable were their accomplishments, that a Roman patrician, returning from the wars, could at once apply himself to civil administration, to the arts of oratory, to study and literary leisure, or to husbandry. The patricians were at once the rulers of the State, and tile leaders of Roman society. They were brave, eloquent, capable, earnest and ambitious : they aspired to govern the Romans ; and their fellow-citizens recog- nised their claims, and had confidence in their capacity as leaders. 1 Under their rule the Republic was distinguished by the heroic virtues of its most eminent citizens. A suc- cession of Roman worthies who flourished as generals, statesmen, and patriots, made the history of Rome illustrious for all time. Jjut the absolute ascendency of the patricians how- ever worthy their individual characters led them to resist, Avith a high hand, any attempt to invade their privileges; and the half-civilised ethics of the time en- couraged them to resort to the most violent measures. Twenty-four year-" after the foundation of the Republic, Spurius Ca^sius. while consul, was able to carrv an agrarian la\v : but no sooner had his year of office ex- pired, than he was accused of an attempt to make him- self king, and ruthlessly scourged and beheaded fr hi- pretended offence." 'I he a^s i>-mai i< n o! citizens obnoxious to the exception, aristocracies of puLlic I'uncti muries.' TIII-: PATRICIANS. 145 senate was frequent ; as, for example, of the tribune CHAP. Gi-nucius and others of his party, and of the rich ple- beian iSpurius Melius, 1 Senators deemed it no dis- honour to wield the assassin's danger themselves, or to ' nioir . > < haughty emnlov their faithful clients in deeds of murder. They '" ;ir ; n ~ t(i - wanls tlic invaded the assemblies of the people, and by violence pi^cians. and force interrupted their deliberations, and arrested their lawful resolutions. 2 If laws were passed in opposi- tion to their will, they resisted the execution of them. They insulted the plebeians, turned them out of their houses, molested them in the streets, and carried off their wives and daughters. The scandalous outrage upon Virginia will suffice to illustrate the haughty inso- lence of the patricians, and their contempt for the law, when their own interests or passions were to be LiTatiiied. Their dwellings were fortresses, built on the hills of the city, whence they coidd sally forth, like the barons of the middle ages, to commit out- rages upon their neighbours, and to which they could retire for defence and protection. There they main- tained dungeons for insolvent debtors, and for other victims of their merciless power. 3 The wrongs suffered by the plebeians stung them to a deeper sense of the 1 Livy, ii. o4 : lfi*f. ; Arnold, Hi.*?, i. 175-3. Sometime* the tactics of delay were resorted to. as in modern tiir.es. Tims the ]>ntvici;uis opposed the Puhlilian law. -J7 1 ii.e. Thetrihes !>.:> mice in ei^'ht days, In-iii^- the Roman week : no proposal could he made unless two writs' notice had heeii i/iven : and if a proposal was not carried, on the same diiv on which it was made, it coiild not lie reiie\ved until two mure weeks had r'apsed. l>v inlei'i'nptinir arid delavin^- the -pro- (,.,,;];:-- nf the as-emllv imt'd thev wei'e liron^ht to a close l>v stnisi-t, !/ i atricians c'>niri\'eil to iL'TtT t!u.> ].a~^ini;' of the !nw fora vear : Ai'V' !d. f'niiti'. i. 1 7~>. Similar tactics were resorted to in tin 1 , discns.-ion nf i he Iciliati and Tereatilian laws, -|.")4. 4oo B.C. : il-!d. i'44 ct .?< r. Arnold says, ' the spot on which this p-reat deliverance had l.eeii achieved, l.ecame toihe lloiuaiis what Runnviuede is to J'hiirli.-h- >uen : ' //,'V. <,f Home., i. Mil. ; Accordii'.i!' to Plutarch, 'at first tliev were live in iminher: hut live nihi'i' iriluii'.es were soon added. Their persons were declared -acred:' Plutarch, ii. -! x l. 1'nt. according to Livyand other authorities, there \vere al first iwo only, which nuinher w;is afterwards increased to ten: Livy. ii. o x . iii. -Hi: Iiionv>ius. x. '!*): Cicero. J)r Jli'-<:. ii. ''-!. 1 Ii appears, however, iU'Conlinir to Xiebulir, that a plehiscii u:- retjiiired the previous, sfiiuctiu:] of the senate and of' the a-.-emhh D!' tin Curio . 148 ROME. that chronic slate of civil war, by which the turbulent - .society of Iiome was. i'<>r many years, disturbed. After half a century of anarchy, it \vas attempted, by the laws of the Twelve Table-, to regulate the con- flicting authorities of the State. Alter fierce conten- tions between the patrician decemvirs, by whom these laws wen,' framed, and the plebeian party, the power* of the con-ills were restrained, and those of the tribunes extended. The latter were now admitted to the senate : but patrician, jealousy denied them the riii'lit of voting, and confined them to a seat near the door, or. as we should now term it. below tin. 1 bar. From this humble place, however, they watched the proceedings of this august assembly, and could control, and even arrest its resolutions. 1 This advance of popular power was speedily fol- lowed by more remarkable changes, wrested from the patrician.-, by the united force of all classes of plebeians. The hateful interdict upon marriages between plebeians and patricians was removed ; and the children of such marriages inherited the rank of the father. A few years later, military tribunes were appointed, instead of con- suls. Avith consular powers; and plebeians were thus admitted to the executive functions of the consulate, without being invested with the rank, and religious character, of curtile magistrates. This arrangement was continued, not without interruptions, for abou* fifty year-, when the ancient office of consul was reverted to. From this time the plebeians made their way, bv d( gives, to all the givat office." of the State. "fin- consulate was fir-' opened to plebeians by the Liciniaii laws. Sextius being the fir- 1 : iebeiaii elected 1 Livv. iii. '',}. -11. ;")."}; I ! n . i [. ' . x. xi. xii. POPULAR PRIVILEGES. 149 to that office. But tlio great offices of quo2stor, CHAI censor, and curule edile had been created, and the ancient office of praetor revived, with extensive admini- strative powers. To these olliees the patricians long maintained an exclusive claim ; and thus divided the varied authorities of the State amongst themselves. This monopoly of power, however, could not be per- manently maintained ; and eventually plebeians secured admission to the offices of curule edile, censor, prrctor, dictator, and even to the priesthood. 1 Attempts, indeed, had been made to deny pie- ( > beians the full benefit of these concessions. The Pa> telian law prohibited canvassing (^ ambitus'} for the consulate. Patricians, by their social influence, by combination among themselves, and by the aid of their troops of clients, could command success: lout ple- beians could only hope to attain the object of their ambition, by soliciting the support of their fellow- citizens ; and this privilege was denied them by the jealousy of the patricians. 2 Other means were also resorted to, for setting aside their claims. But the con- tinued social advancement of the plebeians, in wealth and consideration, gradually overcame every obstacle to ilie assertion of their political rights. Xor were the patricians united in their opposition to a liberal com- prehension of eminent citizens, in the government of the State. There were, indeed, many haughty patricians and senators, constituting what may be called an old Tory party, who resolutely withstood every encroach- 1 50 ROME. CHAT, merit of their plebeian rivals, Hut the more enlightened i v -' - members of their order, and tlie majority of the senate. which comprised both orders, favoured the pretensions of the rising class. On their side, the plebeians were associating themselves, more and more, with the in- terests and policy of the patricians. Their leaders relied upon the support of the old agricultural ple- beians. who were themselves a select class, as compared with the mass of the citizens, and other inhabitants of the capital. The union of the wisest patricians with the best classes of plebeians gave strength and vigour to the republic. Such a condition, however, was dis- tasteful at once to the reactionary nobles, and to the lower orders of the people ; and tempted ambitious nobles to seek power, by associating themselves with the populace and the extreme popular party. 1 They formed themselves into political clubs, to secure the election of their candidates to the magistracy, and were active in their intriues aainst the dominant tin- old plebeians generally enabled them to resist such combinations: and for a long period lionie was governed by the soundest portions of Koman society. It was during this period, that Home achieved the con- quest of Italy and of Carthage. By the Hortensian laws, another important con- stitutional change was effected. The senate was de- prived of its. ri'to upon the pb'h/srita of the people assembled in their tribes; and thus the sovereign legis- lative riu'hts of ihe tribes were acknowledged." Hence- forth the onlv veto upon their legislative acts \\-as that. POPULAR PRIVILEGES. I "> I of one of the tribunes; and, for this reason, it became CHAP. an important object for the patricians, and senatorial - party, to secure' the election of tribunes, upon whom they could rely for opposition to popular laws. But the patricians had other means of paralysing Checks the influence of the Comitia. The consul could inter- Comitia. pose and forbid their meeting, or interrupt their de- liberations, by declaring the auguries to be adverse. A timely clap of thunder: strange signs in the heavens : the flight of birds, and other occult obser- vations of the augurs, were rarely wanting to arrest popular agitation. 1 magistrates, the free 1 choice of whom was henceforth vested in the assembly of the tribes. The citizens now elected their magistrates by equal voices, in Exten.*i-i the fi>mihsed for I heir adoption. Indeed, these concessions to the popular power were far from constituting the republic a democracy. The legislative acts of the people were rare, and were 152 ROME. CHAP, reserved for occasions of special popular interest ; while - all the acts of the senate were binding upon the people without their consent. And so great was the authority of the senate, and so multiplied were the executive and administrative powers of the magistrates, that the people, even with their extended privileges, were little concerned in the government of the State. The political rights conceded to them had secured their general con- tentment ; and they acquiesced in the rule of their natural leaders. The tribunes, again, having a veto, alike upon the acts of the Semite and of the people, were able to moderate the proceedings of both. The political constitution of liome had now been brought into harmony with its social forces ; and for a century and a half, conflicts, previously so frequent, between different authorities in the State, and various classes of society, were successfully averted. 1 While these constitutional changes were in pro- gress, other grievances had also been redressed, winch contributed to the contentment of the people. Jiythe Liciuian and later laws, relief was given to insolvent debtors : the rate of interest was reduced : the personal slavery of debtors was ultimately abolished; and further distributions of the public lands were decreed. Meanwhile, the Lfoveriiment was assuming a more authority of the senate proportionally enlarged. The wealthier citizens having gained equal rights with the patricians, grew into a new aristocracy, generally act- ing in concert with their former opponents; and the plebeians, enriched by successive territorial conquests. 1 ArrioLl liuine ii. :^~. STRUGGLE OF CLASSES. were no longer disturbed by agrarian discontents. And CHAP. iv. at length the union of classes was significantly shown ^ bv the admission of the tribunes to all the privileges of the senate. They left their modest seat, just within the door, and sate, as equals, among the noble and illus- trious senators. During their year of office, indeed, they were res! rained from voting, by their executive functions, like the consuls and praetors : but they shared in the debate's, and could demand the resolu- tion of the senate, upon all the affairs of state. On leaving ollice. they continued senators for life, repre- senting the popular element of the constitution. The office of tribune, however, had nearly always been held by the richer citixens now allied, in interest, with the patricians. This lengthened stru.irgle of cLe i bv the united force of liberal members of the patrician order, of wealthy citixens. and of the general body of plebeians. We see the most influential of the plebeians won over, by reasonable concessions, to the.' governing class ; and political tranquillity ensured by national prosperity. It is a lesson not peculiar to Home, but has been exemplified in every free 1 State. With society thus united, and the' constitution r, : ,,, strengthened, Home was able to pursue, her career of ssa-ic conquest in Italy, until the once small State of lionie had extended itself from the south of the peninsula to the distant Alps. In these conquesK Home displayed various statesmanship no less than military li'enius. She aimed ibject all the conquered races to one ROME. niitted. from time to time, and in different degrees, to communion Avith tin 1 conquering State. Some Avere acknowledged as allies : to some Avere conceded the laws of Rome, concerning commerce a.nd marriaire ( in* \ / (l i ritiu ni] ; others were constituted as ni.wt/c/pni. or citv republic--. 1 The rel;>tions of the latter to the dominant State ".'.'ere various. In some, the inhabi- tants Avere inscribed among the tribes of Rome, arid enjoyed all the rights, and Avere subject to all the obligations of Roman citizens : in others, under the '/a* L>rffi* the people, Avith some rights of citizenship, were yet denied the suffrage, unless domiciled in Rome itself. Such nnniicipid elected their own magistrates, and retained the privilege of self-government. In another form of tnunicipiuin the people enjoyed the civil laws of Rome, but were without independence or political privileges. And, further, there were pre- feeture-'. governed by prefects sent from Rome: and deflttifit, which had given up their arms, and destroved their Avails or admitted Roman garrisons. Lastlv. there were colonies, founded u];on con- . and guardinu' iron tiers and other The lands held bv them were the i t rewards of victorious soldiers, and the outlet for dis- contented citizens. Avho were ever clamouring for agrarian laws. r l liese colonies were divide^] into Itoinan and Latin. oil, prosperity was revived : but the old lioman custom of retaining vast territories as public THE PU.XIC WARS. 157 which had been sufFen-d, from the earliest times, in the CHAP. vicinity of Eome. Large tracts were let to nobles and wealthy citizens, who cultivated a port km with slave labour, but left the greater part to lie waste and barren. So grave an error was fatal to the future prosperity of Italy : it prevented the general occupa- tion of the soil by thriving and contented citizens; and it provoked renewed demands for agrarian laws, which the Italian conquests had, at first, gone far to satisfy. The conquest of Italy was rapidly succeeded by the The runic war.-;. Punic and Gaulish wars ; and before the new tcrri- I'lrst Punic lories had been fully settled, or the relations of their ^" 2(H ~ 2-11 U.r. inhabitants to Eome developed, foreign conquests, and desolating Avars, upon Italian soil, were effecting further changes in the social and political condition of the State. The distant expeditions, and great naval armaments of the iirst Punic, war, drew heavily upon the resources of the Pomans. Thousands of soldiers and sailors lost their lives in battle and shipwreck : the lands which they had cultivated, at home, lav waste, or were tilled by multitudes of slaves, who had been taken prisoners in the war. At the same time, the conquest of Sicily first introduced that scheme of pro- vincial irovernment. and the farming of the revenues of distant provinces, which was destined at once to enrich, and to demoralise the upper classes of Poman society. The Iirst Punic war had been waged abroad bv sea Second : ': land. l)iit the Italian -oil was soon to be the prev L>i;>-:Jf the Gauls, than th"v had to encounter' Hannibal and In** Carthaginian armies, and to light for their homes and altars. l)efea!< and disasters befel thcEomaii arms: Home itself was threatened by vie- 158 ROME. CHAP, torious enemies : the danger was increased by the revolt of cities, and the defection of allies and colonies, 1o which they had trusted for military support. "But the spirit of the Romans rose with their dangers. The senate, the magistrates, the generals, the soldiers, and the citizens were animated by a common sentiment of patriotism. When Hannibal was at the gates of Home, the senate sate calmly in the forum, to inspire the citizens with courage, and to give orders for the de- fence of the city ; while thousands of armed citizens rushed to the walls and the citadel, prepared to die; for their country. 1 After /earful sufferings and losses, the courage and constancy of the Romans prevailed. Hannibal was driven out of Italv, and pursued into Africa. Carthage was humbled; and victorious Homo was free to pursue her conquests, to subdue other nations, and to unite the civilised world in a great empire. i;,, mau This critical period, in the fortunes of Home, was illustrious in the domestic history of the republic. ^OIIK.: of the noblest of Roman worthies adorn its annals Fabius Maxiinus, Marcellus, Flaminius. and the ^cipios. The patriotism of great leaders was not examples of the virtues of the Roman character: self-denial, and devotion to their country were their hiejies! aims. The traditions of the republic were held in veneration. Reverence for the gods: a holv patriotism :~ respect for the laws and institutions of the 1 I'D! vliius, i\. (i : Livv, .\.\\i. It. On ;i, former occasion, .'}!>() i;.r., And ROM AX VIRTUES. 15!) State : n. devoted sense of duty : deference to tin- aged : < HAP. submission to the judgment of wise and good men : T - trutJi and loyalty in the relations of private life : such were the virtue's which the best citizens cherished, and which the opinion of society encouraged. 1 It is grateful to contemplate such a society, before 1 its approaching corruption. This was the early man- hood of the lioinan rare earnest, vigorous, hopeful and not yet demoralised by riches, luxury, and self- indulgenre. The character of the best Roman statesmen and influence of the St. iic generals was formed by the combined influences of philosophy. patriotism, religion, and philosophy. Their love of country, and their ambition to deserve well of their the llomans, otherwise a selfish people, Avith no very remarkable f acuities of any land, except the, pmvly practical, derived neverthele>s from this one idea, a certain <_>reatness of soul, Avhich manifests itself i:i all their his'orv, where that idea is concerned, and nowhere else, and has earned for them the laru'e share of admiration, in other respect- not at. all deserved, which hashed! fell for them by most noble-minded person-;. from that time to this,' ' 'That any man, with the smallest pruten.-io: - to virtue, could hesitate to sacrifice li!'e, reputation, family, Bverytliinfr valuable to him, to the hive of country is a supposition, which this eminent interpreter of (Jreek and Roman morality (Cicero) cannot ei;- tertain for a moment.' .John Smart MiU, 'Utility of Iteligion': ' Three Essays,' 108. 1 In the time of I'olybius. tlie ancient manners of the llomans were not yet ('(irrupted: their social and domestic virtues were conspicuous ; and their p-neraN and statesmen were bold, vigorous, Arise, and dis- interested; 7/,'V. ix. (>. Cicero hears wit ness to the same honourable characteristic* of the llomans, in the best period of the Commoinvealth. ]),' R"i>nlit'i< : Hampton, the translator of 1'olvhins, thus describes the period of his history, as presentinir "a ^overnme'it, ni'ris'ed at perfect ^i-owth. and llouri -!iin^ in the fairc-t form: a steady, deep, expensive. and far-seeiiiL: 1 j.oiicy : a ] eo]ile joined tou-ether bv irre-tt and i- 'i u sentiments, even mure than by tiu- tie< nf eoinmoii inteiot : a SUM 100 ROME. CHAT, fellow-citizens, inspired them to achieve heroic- deeds. Their religion, notwithstanding its superstitions and pious frauds, raised them above mere worldly aims, and ennobled them with aspirations to emulate the ideal attributes of their gods. And, whatever was wanting in their Pagan faith, was supplied bv the moral tenets of the Stoics. The Stoic creed \vas well suited to the stern, hard temperament of the; Romans. It braced them in the resolute purposes of their lives : it en- couraged simplicity of manners: it taught them to despise luxury and indulgence: it trained them to virtues, higher than any to be found in the teaching of their religion, or the examples of their gods : it incited them to daring achievements and sublime sacrifices. In many aspects, the Roman Stoics suggest a com- parison with the Puritans of a, later age. As Stoicism had attached a severer moral code to Paganism, so Calvinism imparted a more serious spirit to the Chris- tian faith. The tenets of Zeno and of Calvin, alike encouraged a stern morality, an inflexible purpose, a high ideal of virtue. 1 The tenets of the one were moral onlv : the tenets of the other were religious: but they both aimed a! the same high standard of dis- cipline and self-denial, the same devotion of man to iiis noblest destinies. Hence, there was much of the Puritan in the Roman Stoic : there was much of the Stoic in the Puritan of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Thev were alike in {heir virtues and in their failins. 1 ' In (lifi lidiiiiiii Kmpirc. almost rvcrv irical character, almost t".crv Hl'.irt in 'I"' uisf> <>!' niiiTty. cmanat'-il from j]n> ranks of S!.,icism. \vhil<; Kpic'iivanisi'i was << -nt inually idi-ntiiitMl with corruption ami with tvrannv.' I.fckv, //<'.-/. of F,nn>/>"n,i Mornl*, i. J-'!4. FAn/rs OF TFTK ROMAN CIIARACTKR. 1C, 1 also self-willed and obstinate. Their manners were CUAI-. simple: but their temper was haughty and morose. Deeplv impressed with their own virtues, they were censorious in their judgment of others. Both were narrow and inexpansive in their opinions and sym- pathies : but the Stoics, deriving their inspiration from philosophy, were free from the religious fanaticism of lhe ruritans. But whatever the affinities of their creeds and characters, their political destinies were widely dif- ferent. It was tlu> mission of the lioman statesmen of []R> Stoic school to resist innovations in the laws and manners of tlieir country : they we're the 1 Conser- vatives of their age. It was the' mission of the ruri- tans to si niggle tor liberties in Church and Stale, against lhe established powers oi' their own limes and count rie's. Yet, while dwelling upon the virtues of the liomans of this period, we must not overlook tlieir faults. To tlu-ir enemies they were cruel and merciless: to their allies thev were selfish and treacherous: they had no pity upon conquered race's: thev were haughty and oppressive even to their own countrymen; and thev were harsh and exacting in their families and house- holds. It was held to be the duty of every Horn an ;o exalt the dominion of the 1 Stale 1 ; and no sense oi jtis'.i v. no respect for the rights of others, was suHercd nvs! the march of conquest, or to temper the rule of tiie conquerors. Nor were the Romans free from more sordid vices. Their greed of wealth was nolo ley grasped at the public land- : they were plunder iu war: they were rapacious in th : they racked lhe poor with usury: they 51 ROMf-:. From tliis period, oratory, wlii-'h had been prac- Used from tlu- earliest times of the Republic, was about <> attain its hi^h'-st development. The public life of Rome resembled thai of Athens, in many of its con- ditions. In both these five States. war and oratory were the chief claims to political power. A fjreat '2 iieral became the natural leader of the people; a \'ioii(-d mullitude : to sooth'-! I Ji ji" di the people against tin- L'nMU LIFE IX KOMK. 103 senate. or to win the-m over to its side: to provoke tin-in to war, or to counsel pe-ace : to plead the cause of the poor against the rich: to scourge- the oppressor: to \indicate freedom: to Hatter, threaten, and per- siiade. Xor WCTC these the only occasions for his elo- qncnce. The courts of justice were open to him. The judicature of Uome, if less democratic than, that of A; hens, was no less popular; and the praetor and a numerous body of jiidl'ce* bore a marked resem- blance io the judge and jury of our own country. State trials wc-re held in the forum a place.' consecrated by the traditions of Roman history, adorned bv temples of the gods, and by statue's of Koman heroes, and under the shadow of the Capitol. The court sate in the 1 open air. and was surrounded by excited, clanmroiis. and sometimes threatening. The advocate was escorted to the.' forum by troops of clients, friends, and partisans. With such popular encourauv- ineiit, he was not restricted to arguments ibuneled on ivason and justice 1 : but was free to make 1 the most stirring appeals to popular passions and prejudices, to excite- pity, and io sue for nu-rcy. Xor was the pleading of causes confined, as in modern times, to professional advocates. Patricians appeared on behalf of' their clients : generals and stale-smen contende-d be- fore ihc courts, as in the senate. C.'ato the Censor, Srii.'io the vou nixer, La-liu^. Marc Anton v. 1 Sulnicius. 1(54 ROME. CHAP, frees of the senate, or the votes of the Covnitia. The r conspiracy of Catiline. the op])rcssion and malver>a- tions of the Sicilian pnctor Yerres. 1 the electoral corruption of Minvna. coneerned the whole common- wealth : and the orations which have been spared to us. bear witness to the eloquence which such -no'. omiilatfd tlic- 1'iiiiK' of Cicero. - ( 'icern. ()rin-s : '?< (Jmf "/<>. The constitution and procedure of the lioiiuiii fMim- are discussed in Xi'-lmhr. Hi-'. / limn*-, and otlifr liislnri 1 . 1 .-' : and Mr. I-'nrsvth s. r ivc.- a. popular and >pirited .-kelcli of tlu-ni. and nf IJ'iiiiiMi orators i:i II' in \\v> da\-s i,f ih-- ivpuUic. li:t j S'pe'cclies of ad\"orate? \vei-i- witlioi.it limit : Lilt I'ompey iiitvidnc' d tin' Atiienian iiii-tliod of a ri'-],x/filrr'. or water-p'lass. for iiM-a-iii'iiiL:' the prescribed lein. r tli of tle-ir addre.^es: l-'orsyth, 7/W/.W*/*. li-'J. J I'olitic.-il and forensic elu^juciife si-i-inr- not t..i liavc Lccn vet I'ullv develovtd in America, nutwitli-litndinu" ln-r fi-eeddui. CHAPTER V. ROME. EFKKCTS np FORTCKiN COXQUIHT3 1'1'OX THI-: It KITiM.K' PATRK'IAX P.i:- ACTTdN -MM'IAI, ('MAM.P.S- TI<)\ DKCLIXP. OP KKI.HilOX AliHT.NCK (>P A .MID!)1,K CLASS TIIUMMPS AM) CAM'S CKACCHUS M.uurs - uvirs nursrs - ITALIAN" T:XPKAX< IIISP,.MT:.\T ITHI.ITS I'.rrrs srr.r,.\ PCMPKY .rn.u's c.tSAR ocTAA'irs C.KSAI: TKAXSI- rioN i I;DM TIII: iM'.i'i'i'.i.iu I'D TMK I:M i'ii;j; - I;T:\ n;w or TJII; I.\>TI- TVTioxrt AM) socnn'v OF Tin: ina-uuuc Tin; I;.MIMI;I;. Tn:s sketch of public life in Rome has anticipated CHAP some later periods of its history: but we must now ^~ return io the times succeeding the runic wars. Then? ,!; ,',',' '. 1,1'' now ciime a period of social and political deterioration. ",!!""],]''!' Roman conquests were continued beyond tlie bounds ~' NL of Italy. Neither seas nor mountains could arrest tlie dominion of R<>me. Sicily, Spain, Carthage, Greece, (ianl and Asia Elinor, were overrun by Roman con- (juerors. From a Stale. Rome was rapidly growing an Empire, end conquests which, at one tune, had co'.ilributed to the. virtues and welfare of its citizens, were now becoming the causes of corruption nnd decay. \Vhilethe people were intent upon wars, and the ivi-ticM! enjoyment of the spoil, the patrician and new aristocratic tii',< j.;itri iamilies were assuming a monopoly ot' [)ower. they red I'M themselves all tlie great oflices and mili- ?.;;r\" conmiajids. and appropriated all the honours ol 1GG ROME. CHVP. Roman Lnvainess. while thev contrived to escape from v. " most, of the public burthens. Thev were constantly add- ing to their territorial possessions, bv purchase or by driving out the freeholders ; and were assuming new social distinctions. The franchise was narrowed ; and the favoured body of citizens claimed peculiar privileges and exemptions. A democratic partv. opposed to the rule of an oligarchy, h:ul been overcome bv the remarkable achievements, and conspicuous merits of the aristocratic rulers of the commonwealth. The glories of Jiome were identified with patrician generals and statesmen ; and national pride and patriotism consoli- dated their power. While these encroachments were being made upon the free constitution of the republic, foreign conquests were engendering other evils of the gravest character. In the Italian wars, a consul levied his army of citizen- soldiers, who soon returned to the plough, and resumed their place among their fellow-citizens. The .Roman legions and their generals were ever under the eye of the senate. But in distant and protracted campaigns, the troops assumed the character of standing armies. The citizen was lost in the soldier, who looked up to his general rather than to the ^tate ; and the leader of victorious armiesaccustomed to conquests and com- mand was bcvond the control of the senate. And when conquests had been achieved, distant provinces were to be governed ; and the prajtors and proconsuls wielded roval powers over subject races. rUany were distinguished by virtues and moderation, becoming the older tvpe of Romans : but pride, cupidity, and oppres- >ion were encouraged by absolute rule ; and military governors generallv returned lo Home, haughty, am- SOCIAL CIIAXGKS. 1 ()< bilious, opulent, and demoralised. Farmers of the revenues had long since been known lor tlieir invidious wealth ; and now that their operations were extended over a wide empire, their excessive gains and exactions became at once a reproach to lioman administration, and a danger to the Sate. With dominion, foreign commerce was also extended, and created a wealthy class of capitalists contractors, bankers, money- lenders, and speculators in land, merchandise and slaves. Meanwhile, serious changes were being developed s..-iai in the social condition of liome. This memorable city, which had once been ihe centre of a small agricultural Sate, was becoming the capital of a great empire. 'Ihe veoinen of the Campagna were outnumbered by 1 he mixed populace of a densely-peopled city. Firs: there were the clients of the great families. From the earliest tunes, as we have/ seen, a relation, almost feudal in its chara'Mer, had been recognised between the powerful nobles and the poorer citizens. On one side were given protection and friendly offices : on the other respect and faithful service, when occasion required. In course of time freedmen became the 1 most numerous class of clients. Such men were specially bound to their patrons: and still betrayed much of the character of slaves. Their ranks were further recruited by de- pendents ot various kinds, and many nations, whom the increasing wealth and luxury of lioman society we're attracting to the capital. These numerous clienis now became like clans, and served the ambition of their chieis, in ihe street and in the forum. I>ui below 1GS <;r ""' th ." 1 ' What then had Roman society become? At its ..!;! ti'Hi. head wen: ambitious and wealthy nobles, command- iiiL!" vast means of corruption : beneath them wa*> a wretched ])opii]ace without ]);ilrioiism or virtue, and open to the most vulgar seductions of self-interest and pleasure. Their wants W'-re appeased by a profuse distribution of n'rain from the provinces, below i r s cost price ; and their amusements ministered to bv the eon- ma;' /.'':' - \va- i:i the year i'i'> I \\.c.. UP j art f n rnii-'Vii 1 . >ol('iH!)iiv, Siniilur cxliiliiti'in- nftfr\vanl~ !'"rnit"l j'nvt "fntlit-r I'uiicrals : ami they wr ^radiiiilly inlroducefj as jmblir -pulls, l'iv tbt.f i;:ii"r:stinnif;nt of the peuji]c. S*ji- Cif-i'i/s iirsl <:;.! ;.> ;;--ii;>: \ ^rr*.-. fiKKF.K fTLTUKK. 1(50 In \-;tin the elder Cato protested against these grow- ( -<'"' : "' . ' . Ct-UM.r. ii!' evils. Sonic partial reforms were due to his bold- , I ness and public virtue: but a corrupt society was liic cause of the political disorganisation oi' his time, and \vas beyond a legislative remedy. In the words of Or. Merivale, \vith the death of Cato the Censor 1-19 n.o. the la>t link was snapped which ronnected the 1 exist- ing' generation of Roman statesmen with the traditions of simplicity and. moderation derived from the early and vice. Before t heir foreign conquests, the liomans. distinguished as they were for a genius in war and government, were generally without cultivation and refjnemenl. In literature and the arts they were mere arians compared with the Greeks, whom they were d - nied lo conquer. The more educated had lon'j ad- mired the unapi>roa< i hal)li! irenins of the Greeks: and <;r v k " r:s 1 ami i-fiiiif- (! recce fell under the Ixoinan yoke, ]KT ])hilo~ ln " I:: - >o|-,]iy, icr Hteratinv. lier arts, her very habits, became 1 fashion amon<_>- her conquerors. They Jiatl much '< l-.-ani : bet there was danger in the learniiiLi'. The '^ofTirecce had ]>assed away: her freedom, her \ rdonr, hei' ia! riot ism had been 1 rod, den do\vn hv invad- : ";;i <. Her philosophers hud nearly overthrown ; ' Pa^'an di\inilies. without rai-in-j- a new ftiith : her c! ' re rid declined with her iVec ; dom ; and her sons ri uo\\' ; ( let'em -rat i race. 1 ' ] 70 ROME. Xo one can affect to lament the decline of Paganism. So monstrous a faith could not long impose upon the hit/her intellects of anv civilised neo'-le. It had been of I'r.ito and Aristotle ; and with advancing civilisation, the ancient faith was less revered among the cultivated Itomans. .K\v:i that faith, however, had afforded some security for morals; and bv the Romans especiullv, tJi" national r.'li^ion was associated wiili traditions of patriotism, and wiih public and domestic \irtues. Thev cherished the nujinorv of tlu.-ir i2'od-kiii^' Jiomulus. and idolis.-d their Mtrj-nal (.'itv. ]Jut the conqiu rors of the world witnessed, wiih contempt or disgust, the ab- surd superstitions of various nations ; and learned to interpret them by the liij'h; of Greek scepticism, llie national religion declined at the very lime that the greatest inroads were being made upon Roma;; morals. \\Y-alth, suddenly acquired bv men devoid of culture and moral training, was lull of templaiion ;tnd peril: ihe restraints of an onlerlv society were relaxed bv the influx of >irai!g<-rs; ;iud frivolous and pleasure-seeking r> reeks. ;md debased Asiatics completed the demora- lisation of the Romans. Other causes contributed to the disorganisation of liom;i:i society. r i lie aversion ol' (he Romans to trade and handicrafts, and the universal prevalence ol slave labour, discouraged the natural urowlh of a middle WANT OF A MIDDLE CLASS. 171 I ries which, in modern States, have created powerful CHAP. classes, between the rich and the poor, merely swelled ihc I'ori lines of employers, and multiplied the numbers <>f (he employed. The upper and the lower classes Vvvre left to struggle against each other, without the inter- vention of an intermediate class, to moderate the strife, -iding now with one parly, and now with another. Xor was it in the city only that these 1 cause's were The H)ii<: in operation, to perpetuate the; hard lines between the rich and the poor. The greater part of the public domains had been let out to nobles and powerful citixeiis, at nominal rents, and were cultivated by slaves, wlnlsr vast numbers of the smaller freeholders had been destroyed bv the incessant wars, of the republic. In- stead of fanners and yeomen, to constitute an agri- cultural middle class, the bailiff of the absentee laud- lord drove Ins slaves into the field, to till the soil : the liar vest was gathered in due season, but its profits, left no traces of wealth where it had in/own. There were farm, and bound by lies of kindliness and interest to their employers. The wealth of the landowners was coveted : their privileges were denounced as a wrong to the community : but throughout those par's of the public domains, which had been thus appropriated bv I he rich, there was no agricultural class but their own, to unite in their defence. Frequent ellbrts were made to restrain these abuses, and the Lieiniaii law had grappled boldly with the unjust distribution of the public lands: 1 but it had been frustrated bv neglect, 1 i 17'J ROME. CHAP, the public domains were brought into immediate con- v. . . - ihct with the needy and aggressive populace. There Vu r r; nan was no powerful class of hidej )endent cultivators between them, to break the shock. At the same 1 time, the want of other productive industries, among the citizens. made the occupation of land nearly their only means of support. Hence the continual demand for agrarian laws, during the entire, history of .Rome. \Vithouf trades or handicrafts, land was a necessary of life : and as large territories belonged to the State, claims for a redistribution of the soil were didicult to satisfy, or to silence. This absence of a sufficient middle class could not fail to affect the course of Roman politics. The col- li-ions of classes were more' violent : disorders were 1 aggravated : and the balance and proportion of a well- ordered society were wauling, to moderate the strife of hostile interests. ik-pen- This condition of society had another disastrous .onv.j.tion effect upon the political life of Rome. The poorer own indnv ry. were the humble clients of rich m en. suin!_r fi>r favours, and even subsistence, from their patrons. nad following them blindly, in evcrv party contest. This was ihe class, whose poverty and dependence naturally exposed ih' 1 !!) lo the seductions of bribers', whose- wauls were supplied bv distributions of corn, whose idle tastes were gratified bv games, and bloody spectacles of vild beasts and gladiators, and whose cupiditv was in- flamed bv constant agitations for agrarian laws. Th<- class \\'hi''h oua'hi to have been a source of strength DEBTOTCs, AXD CREDITORS. ami stability, was the cause of demoralisation, disorder?-:, and danger 10 llie Stale. Another dangerous evil in Roman society, and a constant source 1 of discontent, was found in the relations of debtors and creditors. Multitudes of the poorer citizens AVI- re reduced to debt by military servi'.v, and by the want of lucrative industries ; and the laws for the recovery of debts, Avhich had been made by the rich for their own protection, were of galling severity. The rate of interest was oppressive ; and a debtor un- able to discharge Ins debt, became the .slave of Ins creditor. J>y the laws of the Twelve Tables the rate of interest had been reduced to ten per cent. : other laws were passed, from time 1 to time, to appease' the discon- tents of debtors: but such was the condition of Roman society, that debtors continued to be a considerable class, sullenly discontented with the rich, and swelling the ranks of ihe turbulent. Socu-iy was further endangered by the coiistanr multiplication of slaves, resulting from conquests, and a merciless slave-trade. In the city, slaves were em- ployed in trades and handicrafts; and in the 1 country and as live Roman: ill. 1 74 ROME. tinned, as a permanent disturbance of the economy of a free State. In everv free country, efforts are continually made more or less judicious, but nearly always unsuccessful, form a con>iderable part of lioman history, during the last hundred and iifty years of the republic. (hie of the most flagrant evils was the impunity of rapacious and oppressive governors of provinces. It was vain to appeal to a patrician senate 1 , which 'stood bv ils onh r ; ' and in 141* B.C., on the proposal of Lucius Calpurnius Piso, a judicial committee L of the senate was appointed to hear complaints from the pnninces. Again it was attempted (139-131 B.C.) to restrain the by ballot. The young nobles seeking oilice naturally ivlied upon the support of their numerous family clients : but thev also canvassed for votes, in the streets, shaking hands familiarly with all classes of citizens, like modern Urhish candidate-, and Deeming their sii])port bv pro- fuse personal bribery. llo\v far the ballot served io check either undue influence or corruption, may b ' an interesting inquiry for Englishmen of the pre- sent day. who have recently adopted the same ex- eriment. l)'.;t whatever its effect, another abuse was form utterly hop less. So long ;is rjualiiied alone were appealed to. there was some security ord TIBERIUS GKACCTirs. 175 multitudes gaihered together in the streets slaves, CHAP. foiviiniers. and the d nil's of the people. 1 hesc irregu- -,'- lar assemblages, known as cone/one.'-', without any pre- tence of authority, were often able to settle important matters of policy, by tumultuous acclamations, which neither the magistrates nor the' senate ventured to re- sist. Such mob-rule as this was not democracy, but tumult and anarchy. The evils of the llomau constitution and society were Tiiierir.* exemplified by the exploits of the ill-fated Gracchi. u;;';'VJ^ Tiberius Gracchus .himself of a noble and distinguished family .was elected tribune of the people, and at once resolved to redress the grievances of the farmers, bv a redistribution of the public lands. The position of a tribune was that of the leader of a popular opposition, and he owed his election to his promises ot an agrarian law. which were placarded upon ihe walls, porti'-oes, and tombs, throughout the city. His great aim was to enforce ihe observance of previous laws, to correct the irrave abuses of the svstem under which the public lauds were held, and to raise up a new class of small proprietors and cultivators of the soil. v\ ho would have constituted an industrious and stable middle class, to stand between the haughty nobles and the hungry populace, lie proposed to revive theLicinian law. and to provide that no proprietor should hold more than ">!.!> acres for himself and '250 tor each of his sons: he oiK-ml compensation to those whose interests were aff'Cied, and he assigned thirtv acres each, to large n: mi hers ot citizens and allies. In ihe judgment of 1 iu'h authorities, his scheme was wise and euitable : ! 1 7G ROME. CHAP. I' 1 ' 1 ' h ^*as condemned by the landowners, as confiscation. . ; . lie proposed his law to the comitia : but his colleague in the tribunate, Maims Octavius. prevented it. bv his veto, from being ])iir to the vole. Gracchus retaliated by impeding all publi<- administration, and sealing up the treasure-chest, which, in those davs, was the most eJfeci ual mode of stopping the supplies. Again hi> law - now increased in severity against the landowners was submitted to the people, and was a second time arrested by the veto of his colleague. It was then discussed. M'ithout result, in the Senate. A. third time Gracchus appealed to the people, and, iirst, to secure himself ag.iinst another veto, he. invited them to depose hi.- col- league. Such, an act was wholly bevond their powers: but they set him aside, by acclamation. The agrarian Jaw was then passed ; and Gracchus himself, his brother, and his father-in-law, Appius Claudius, were appointed commissioners to carry it into effect. Here was a law carried, in revolutionary fashion, against the senate and the patrician party: but they were unable to arresi its execution, 'ihe popular tribune, in defiance of 'he law, offered himself for re-election : but his oonents I finished I'll- iiifrin^in^ the rights nf tin- (Miiiiiiuiii; v. nr.'l fini >1 f r Ii U- }\]'j' lli |j ];ind~ cinilViii'v t<> !;i\v, wcro In rcci-ivc conipen>atin}] lur u'i\'in^ ;:> tin-ir u-i'iiHiiilIi^.-- cl.iiiiis, and resturiiifr tin 1 t->t;itf'.s \<> sucii ol' tlie citi/:ci;s a~ \vu,-f In be ruiit.'vi.-d ; ' Lii'u "I' TiL. ( a-acclni^. CAIUS GRACCHUS. ] 77 senate-house and beat out Ins brains, on the Capitol. 1 CHAP. Three hundred of his supposed adherents fell with him. ^ - Such was the fate of a Roman reformer, who had threatened the vested interests of the nobles. It is said to have been the first sedition since the expulsion of the Tarijiiins. in whi'-h the blood of citizens had been shed ;- but henceforth every political movement was marked by violence, and stained with bloodshed. Here was the commencement of anarchy, and of rommrmv- . . , '' r incur of' civil war between the senate and the people. Hie con- anarchy, stitution was at fault in permitting such a law to be proposed, on behalf of the Stale, to a mere crowd of citizens: Gracchus was turbulent and revolutionary; and the- senate ferocious and brutal. 12.J n.r. year- later, Cains Gracchus was elected to the tribunate, burning to reform the abuses of the State, and to avenge his brother's death. \Vith many of the (jualiii.es of a great -late-man- eloquence, an earnest purpose, conraife, and a clear insight into the wrong's under the :i D| c(>rn were distributed momhlv to the ei:ixen>. ;;! half their natural price. '1'Li- l.-ountv i Uome !' -el ,'. i in- ci\r/.( i;- ! r< nn ihe i !i-;'i );'c !iu> ~;-i nt- '.' til tii - ' > :'.><>''. VOL. I, ITS ROME. (HAT. country were attracted to the capital, and swelled his r- followers in the street and in the forum. He is said to have been the first magistrate who introduced this pernicious and dangerous custom. Avhich was destined to pauperise the people, a, id to become the source of political demoralisation and disorders. The poorer citizens, already indisposed to Avork. were encouraged in habits of idleness, and accustomed to look for sus- tenance and amusement, to wealthy and ambitious citi- zens, who sought their favour. Crowds of indigent persons Avere attracted to the city ; and an idle and de- moralised populace Avas fostered, for the service of politi- cal partisans and demairojiues. Citizens entitled to the lege the very reverse of the modern ideal of a franchise and were henceforth to be fed. and feied with shows and entertainments. The citizens revelled in these privileges, while all the burthens of the Slate were borne, by the provinces, and distant subjects of the republic. He next strengthened himsel:'. ill the comitia. by an alteration in the method of votin<>'. Since the time of CAIUS GRACCHUS. linus. He abridged the period of military service-: and made 1 great changes in the administration of justice. \Vhile lie withdrew many capital ofl'ence.s from the cog- nisance of the popular tribunals, he transferred much of the jurisdiction of the.' senate to courts constitute'] from the equestrian order. At the same time, he en- croached upon the administrative 1 functions of the senate ; and abased thai august body, while he exalted the authority of the comitia. lie even proposed ;: radical change in the constitution of the senate itself, by doubling its numbers, and decreeing that its new members should be elected from the equestrian order, bv the comiiia. This change, however, does not appear to have been carried into effect. It involved the im- portant principle of representation, which was wanting in all the institutions of antiquity. Xor were these the onlv expedients for conciliating the equestrian order, which comprised the greater part of the new aristocracy. lie also increased their personal privileges; and bribed them by imposing taxes upon the recently-acquired province of Asia, and farming the revenues to eques- trian capitalists. So much favour did he- show to the equestrian order, that he was said to have made 1 the republic double-headed.' The jealousies of the two ruling orders were exasperated by the inciva>ed inllu- eiice of the new men: and seriously contributed to t le dr-ordi r> ot later times, ('ains Gracchus a .-o aimed at the union ot lloman and Italian citi/ens in a common Mate: but this uivat work ol comprehension was left to be accomp ished. at a later period, bv other state.-- men. In a word, it was the poljey of Caius (iraechns to lower tlu 1 patricians, to i^mi over the new ariMocracy to the popular side, to dimini.-li the power aiul enlarge .\ i' SO ROME. CHAP, the constitution of the senate, and lo increase the au- .1 . thority and active interposition of the people, in all tin 1 all'airs of State. siiotVr- Hitherto, orators in the forum. in addressin the comitium. where the patricians were assembled: but Cains is said to have shown his deference to the ple- bcians. by turning round io them, where they clustered behind ihe rostra. And this democratic example was henceforth followed by oilier Roman orators. 1 l)onbt- Icss. his immediate object was to acquire domination for himself: but the tendency of his measures was clearly democratic. His largesses to the people were a dangerous form of communism : and tin 1 weakening of the senate, and the enlargement of the powers of the eoniiiia, were effective instruments in the hands of a demairoLTiie. The populace of .IJome continued to bu a peril to the Stale, no! onlv throughout !Jie rrmaininif vears of the republic, l>nt even durinu' the tribune; and he was elected a second time, J'nl on o'li-riiiL;' himself a third time, he found hi- enemies too >t ron ;2 for him. They had no! been idle., during hi- tribunate, bn! had laboun'd to ^-lin tlie adherence ol ihe [>eo ile. and recover the alliance ol ihe eques- trians, (iracchus wa> defeated, and a quarrel an-ni!_!' between liimsell and ih s 'uate. concerning' ihe coloni- sation of ( 'aillsa^'e, the ^enalors were prompi in their rcveii"'e. (iracchus and his (blowers were proclaimed , PATRICIAX RKACTIOX. 181 as in-urgcnts, and speedily routed and slain by the ( n.vi'. no! iles. assisted by a body of Cretan archers. Cains Gracchus, like his brother, fell under the vengeance of I'n.serip- ' ion of his the parly he had outraged; and thousands of his i'ol- p. my. lowers, who had escaped from the fray, were after- wards strangled in prison. It was one of the worst characteristics of Itoman politics, that the victory of one party was stained by the proscription of the other; and this bloody policy assumed vaster proportions, in later years. Both the Gracchi had perished in the popular cause ; TI < (1 and. at a later period, a grateful people erected statues ' and altars, on the spots where they had fallen, and offered sacrifices in honour of their public virtues. Their distinguished mother, Cornelia, like a iruclioman matron, gloried in the memory of her patriot sons; saying, They perished in the temples and groves of the gods. They deserved to fall in those sacred places, for they dedicated their lives to the noblest object - the happiness of the people/ The patricians now recovered their ascendency, but i'airiHau 'hey could only hope to retain it by doing homage, like '-"'-i" 1 Gracchus, to the people. They were able to reverse the p< )hcy. and abrogate most of the popular measure's of the ( racehi. 'J heir scheme of government was reactionary, and oligarchic: but thev were divided among thein- -elvcs. I he greater number were narrow and old- fashioiied in their views opposed not only to poliiical change, bill to social and intellectual progress. They spurned the culture of the Greeks, and all foreign arts and manlier-. '1 liev were the old Torv parlv of the liomans. Another section ol the patrician.-, and oi the equestrian order, favoured a more liber; 18*2 ROME. o licy, welcomed Greek philosophy and literature, and r : clierislied new ideas in religion and speculative thought. The rivalry of these parties., and the ambition of men aspiring to the magistracy, drove them to the use of a. 11 popular arts. It was in the forum, and not in the senate, that they sought for influence and power. They ilattered and bribed the democracy: and many of the candidates for popular favour were themselves incap- able, self-seeking. and corrupt. The senate had lost respect as we'll as power; and the State was exposed. with weakened anthoritv. to the double danger of de- mo-racy and military dictation. The people assumed to nominate generals; and general.-. with popular snp- port. became master.- of the commonwealth. Of the latter danger, jlariu- was a conspicuous i-xample to be succeeded by other ambitious soldiers who brought ruin upon tin. 1 republic. lie was elected consul, and invested by the people with the first com- mand in the, African war. Having conquered Jugurt ha. lie was re-elected consul in five successive years, 1 con- trary to law. and appointed by the people commander oft ic forces in Gaul, to ivpair the reverses sustained bv Itoman arm-, "\ictovinns over the Teutoue- and the (imbri. lie returned to Home. The lioman legions had been a--umiii!_!'. more and more, the character of stand- ing armies: and Marius. by voluntary enlistments, by a reorganisation of his force-, and changes of discipline, had made ihem less tlian ever an army of citizens. Crowds of soldiers had [locked to hi> standards, who were noi citizens of .lionx- : they lived upon tin ir pay and plunder: they were soldiers by profession: they M ARIL'S. I had no land to ivturn to, after the war : but looked to CHAP their Liviieral for rewards, and future provision. Tlie ,- commander of such an army had liome at his feet : but Hisiiopu he disbanded it an example too rarelv followed, after measures tin's period. He was, however, followed by multitudes of liis soldiers, eager to share his future fortunes, and secure their own part of the spoil. To them, and to the people he appealed, not as a general, but as a popular reformer ; and following in the footsteps of the Gracchi, he became leader of the democratic parly, in opposition to the senate and ihe patricians. Fora sixth time lie was chosen consul : while two demagogues were asso- ciated will; him Gdaucia as prajlor, and Satiirniiius as IOOH.C. tribune of the people. His policy was. in the main, thai of Cains Gracchus, lie proposed to gratifv his soldiers by extensive 1 grant-; of land in Africa ; and to appease that perpetual craving for land, which ever agitated the liomans. by founding new colonies beyond the Alps. As this colonisation was not confined to lioinan citizens, but embraced the Italian allies, it was popular to a class whose growing discontents were dangerous to the State. To propitiate the equestrians, their judicial privileges were to be extended; and to assuage the hunger of the mob. he fixed a still lower price, in tile distribution of grain. When these laws were rescue. 1 here was a battle in the lu\\ > were passed. A bo 'at the same time, the tribune Domitius obtained rii" for the people the right of elect muf the chief poiitiii'. LI.;J 181 ROME. which had hitherto been exercised by the patricians alone. "With a superstitious people swayed by signs, portents, and sacrihce-s. this control over the pontificate was a signal gain to the 1 democracy. But the triumph of the' popular party was short- lived. These- lawless proceedings alarmed t he patricians and equestrians alike 1 , while dissensions arose between Marius and his colleague's. The senate' resolved to put down the popular movement ; and arming themselves and their followers, called upon Alarius. as consul, to assist them. Strange to say. he ivsponde-d to this call : and sword in hand, routed his late 1 friends, and slew Sutiirninus and Glaucia, and other popular leaders of his own party. But 31arius himself was kt. J ii-- trusted and hated by both the' parties, whom he had outraged, in turn, lie ivtiivd from Home 1 , and left the seMiators to wreak their vengeance upon those' who. under his guidance', hud favoured the popular cause. The' senate now recovered much of ils former power : and in order to restrain the hasty legislation of eomitia. it made 1 binding a former usage, which re- quired an interval of seven duys between t ie pro] and voting of any law; and further prohibited -i, Livius 1 >rusus, a hi: who hone-stly sought to reform abuses. Hi- \\\^i attack was directed against llie- eque-strian order. Their courts had abused the judicial fuiictiem.s latelv entrusted to them; and he proposed to re-tore- them to the senate: while he enlarged that hodv. bv the addition of :](H) ITALIAN' ENFRANCHISEMENT. 185 cojucsiriaiis. Assignments of land, and distributions of corn were essential to popular support ; and lie offered ; In-ill freelv. And further, he proposed to extend the franchise of Unman citizens to llie Italian allies. lie wa> only able to carry these laws by violating the recent law against the tacking of dissimilar provisions; and the senate annulled them as illegal. lUit, at Uoine. it was not enough to defeat a reformer, and his measure-: he must be. punished and put out of the way : and so .l)rusus was doomed to fall by the hand of an assassin. Another reformer had fallen, like the ( tracchi, bv the hands of the patrician party. This failure of the Livian laws was followed by events momentous in the future history of Home. The enfranchisement of the Italian allies could no longer be eiKviuallv resisted. The favoured citizens of a small municipal State assumed to govern the whole of Italv. Thev declared war, and called upon the Italians to share in al! i ! .- burthens: they administered the government and finances of the Slate for their own benefit : they appropriated to themselves the glories and spoil of con- ouesl : they divided among their leaders ihe great magistracies, and ihe command of armies and of pro- vinces; and they provided their poor with corn, for which ! le whole em are was ransacked. J5ut in none of these things had the Italians anv voice or influence. rig its. li was as if London should claim the riglii of governing Kngland. Livery attempt to do justice to she Italians had hitherto been defeated bv the narrow 18G ROME. aim of the liomans. Avho had even ifone so far as to I'ome. Tin-re Avas no hope of friendly concessions; aiid at length the Italians determined to extort the franchise by force of arm.-'. The revolt of Fregellee, thirty-five years before, had .shown the spirit by which the people of Italv were animated; and UOAV. when the hopes which ])rusus had rai>ed Avere disa])pointed, a widespread insurrection Avas ])rovoked. The object of the insurgents Avas plainlv declared : ibr they offered to lay doAvn their arms on condition of being admitted as citizens. Their offer Avas rejected : but tlie first year of the Avar Avas disastrous to the lioman arms; and in order to avert the combination of the Avhole of Italy, the rights of citizenship, Avith some invidious limitations, were conceded to all the Italian communi- ties, Avhich had not hitherto joined in the revolt. After two more years of strenuous Avar, the insurrection was crushed; and the' insurgents were still excluded from the franchise. The Avar Avas nearly at an end : but the domestic con- i IK- Ii.-ilian infuriated party strife: liome was full of disbanded soldier- ; and great losses had been sustained bv the recent Avar in Italv. \vhich brought < reditors and debtors into violent conflict. In the midst of these troubles. there arose; another reformer, the tribune Publius Sul- picius liufus. lie sought in purifv tlie senate by the exclusion of insolvent si'iiators : to extend all the rights of citizenship to the new Italian citizens; and to u'ive to freed men lhe.righl of Noting in all the tribes. His laws were passed, in the forum, in llie midst of tumult. The consul Sulla, who had aidi d the senate in rcsi-tinLf SULLA. 1 bl these reforms. now retired, from Home, and rejoined his CIIAI'. v_ army, which, having quelled the Italian insurrection, . was preparing for a campaign against Mithridates. Sul- picius. disi rusting the designs of the unfriendly consul, obtained a decree from the people to supersede him in his command, and to appoint Marius who had done good service in the Italian war to conduct the Eastern expedition. This resolution was a death-blow to Human liberty. Sulla defied his rival, and marched, wilh his Sulla im- ClillK-S victorious army, to liome ; and. easily overcoming tjie master of resistance of Marius and Snlpicius, he made himself master of the city. The former escaped: the latter was overtaken and slain. Having proscribed, at his own will and pleasure, the ni-iv.;.- tinnnrx leaders of the popular party, he passed several laws of i>iii-v'. a reactionary character. The senate having been greatly reduced l>v war and. proscri])tion, he appointed no le; than -Ino new senators all from the conservative, or anti-revolutionary party. He restored the old sys- tem of voting, introduced by Servius Tullius. which gave nearly exclusive power to the wealthy classes : aiid he restrained the tribunes from proposing any law to the comilia, until it had first been approved by the senate. 1 Having accomplished these constitutional changes. he -ailed for the Hast, with his arm. consul China proposed to reverse his policy: to recall from banishment the leaders he had proscribed; an:! to admit to equal privileges the new Italian citizens, and 1 The fullest i:arrauvt'< nf tlit.se events. nn;l of tlie succoeiliiijr ci\il wars nf liniiK 1 . are to I)-.- l^uiiil in A]i]laii. Horn. ll/*'. vol. ii. 1> "^ i.-v. : I'lnlnrrii's Livt's of ^lariiss. Sulla. Pmuiiev. fiesn 1 . ,Vc. : anil i:: i ! .'. Mcri\a!i-'s i-xcdlt'iit history of the fall of the Uonuai ri'V-ttLlic, ROME. fiveclmen. lie invited the new citizens to come to his assistance; and tliey cro\v(K-d into .Koine. Jjoth parties rnslied. with swords drawn, into the forum ; and. instead ot orderly deliberation, there was battle and massacre. The senatorial party prevailed, and. after ^reat slaughter, drove Cinn;i and his followers out of the city. The senate decreed his banishment, and deposition from the consulate: but lie appealed to the Italian.-, and to the army \vhirh was still before XoJa the last of the Italian cities which held out aifahiM Koine, lie soon leathered bands of armed insurgents, and soldii-rs : and. joined bv Manns, who had drawn together another army, he marched upon lionie. 'i'Jie capital was in- vested. In vain the senate aealed lo Sirabo. the d [lie first of a deadly ,->eries of proscription: unparalleled in the annals of Rome, and probably oi any other country, until the French revolution. lo prevent ihe escape oi' hs victims, t ie city Li'ates. were closed : and with mad< died fui'v. t ie obnoxious pa- tricians and s-.-nalors. and their adherents, were slam, (.diastly heads \veivexpos.-d in the forum: and hcad- lec:i;( d and >oM. IVo.-cripiion and terror had ] M i\v iound a sell If -d place in 1 1 ic LJ'O \~eri iniciit oi Rome ; and were henceforth the acknowledged instrument of SULLA DICTATOR. 180 parties throughout the remaining days of the republic CHAP. and of the empire. - ^ - The authors of this monstrous butchery were elected nima ami consuls, and the brutal Marius ruled for the seventh consuls. time. He did not long survive his iniquities, but died in fevered madness. China alone continued undisputed rim . master of Uome. regarding neither the senate nor the consu ]>eo])le. Four times did he elect himself consul, nomi- nating also all the other magistrates. He gave the Italians, and the freed men, the complete franchise; and lie brought rejoicing to the debtors, by cancelling about three-fourths of their debts. And so the revolution prospered. 1'ut at ler.iflh iJpt'i Sulla the Avar against Aluhridates was brought to a close, and Sulla announced his return to lionie. China resolved to give him brittle, before he reached the Italian shores. but was slain in a mutiny of his own troops at Ancona. Sulla landed, and Italv was desolated with civil Avar. The revolutionary party, in possession of the govern- ment, raised armies to defeat the leader of the reaction. in the field: and continued the proscription of the foremost nobles and senators of hi- parly. Sulla ra lied round him the chiefs of the senatorial party. recruited his victorious army among the Italians, de- feated his enemies, one after another, and at length took possession of Ivome. The State 1 was no longer governed either by the senate, or by the people, bin by 1 he s\v< >nl. Sulla proposed himself to the senate as dictator. " - 1(10 ROME. had again triumphed : but their power was wielded by Sulla alone. Yet lie gratified their revenge : and the revolutionists were now proscribed with no less savagery, than that with which they had recently pursued their foes. Lists of the proscribed were made out : and Sulla announced that he could think of no more names at present, but might probably remember more. And for six months lie and his myrmidons continued to remem- ber new victims to their vengeance and rapacity. Civil Avars, military rule, executions and massacres such were the laws of Home ! The property of the van- quished party was confiscated, while the followers of Sulla were enriched. His soldiers were rewarded with grams of land. Where Italian communities had espoused the revolutionary can>e. they were punished and despoiled : where they had supported Sulla, their rights as Roman citizens were confirmed. The freed - men were deprived of the privileges which China had given them. Sulla had the boldness to discontinue the distribu- tion of corn to the multitude: lie abolished the per- nicious system <>f farming the revenues ; and he stripped the equestrian order of all the privileges which Cains Gracchus had conferred upon them. To the senate he gave the sole right of initiating legislation, and ex- tended its powers o! administration and of judicature. Ife added '-)UO members to the senate, who were elected by the comitia : thus filling up the vacancies caused !>y proscriptions, ami at the same time enlarging the senate from its accustomed number of about .">oi>. to upwards of ")!H (. 1 he constitution of the senate \va> further changed by recruiting its ranks from the qua'stors only, twenty in number, who were also annually elected SULLA DICTATOR. 191 by the comitiu. Hence the senate, which had ahvays CHAP. had the elements of representation, through the elected -- ,- - magistracies. now became a representative assembly, in a fuller sense than any deliberative body to be found in the history of ancient States. But as the great odiecrs of Estate from whom it was replenished were members of the patrician families, the aristocratic character of the assembly was constantly maintained. The heads of many of the old families, indeed, had were taken by other patricians, and by the richest and most powerful members of the new aristocracy. These 1 nori homines, though constantly increasing Xovi homi in influence, and often conspicuous for their talents, were still regarded by the old families with lofty con- tempt and jealousy. They contested for oilices and political power with the patricians, who had learned to regard themselves as entitled to exclusive dominion, in the State. 'There was room, however, for both these sections of the oligarchy ; and whatever their rivalry. they shared the 1 spoils of proconsulates, and ruled together in the senate and in the forum. But the older nobles, however thinned bv wars and proscription, and ruined bv confiscations, contrived to maintain their ascendency, and continued to be the foremost men in the State, Apart from poitical rivalry, the social jealousy with which the patricians regarded the noi'i JnnniiH'x was but a natural sentiment, familiar to all societies, .Men proud of their ancestry and their order. leir equals and respected bv 1 leir clients resented the approaches of less favoured ersonal merits were their onl creden- ROME. were repugnant to the exclusively patrician society. Abilities and accomplishments availed them little : for great noble-, when they passed beyond their own charmed circle, more often affected the society of vulgar flatterers and buJlbous. than of cultivated men. who excelled them in everything but birth. The sym- pathies aud antipathies of society were the same hi ancient liouie. as they are in France, in England. and even in Anieri - a. in our own times. 1 From the cemhia Sulla did not venture, expressly to vi;hdr,i\\" tlieir constitutional rights of legislation : but practically tliey were no longer consulted, exce];t to ratify some decrees of the Senate. They retained. however, their riii'li!- of electing magistrates : and their numbers wen. 1 now swollen by the Italian citizens, whose priviL gi s were confirmed. '1 he muni -ipal government < ,f the Italian cities was also reorganised. The powc-rs of the tribunes of the people were eireums/ribed. and submitted to tile overruling authority of the senate. The higher magistracies were a No reorganised : and iii particular the 1 consuls. lioncelortJ) to hold ofliee for two vears. i.:-'c::d of one. Irid their politi-al and mili- tnrv functions careful lv deliiM d. ( 'onsidt rable annMid- meuts wei'e made hi the civil and criminal laws, and i;i the con>ii: utioii of the courts: care being taken to confide t ie administration of justice, in most causes, to - 'iiators. a nd not to e(iei lie POLITtCAL CHANGES. 193 short, may be described as one of conservative re- CHAP. action. In three years, his work was done; and he -- - retired from power, resuming his simple rank of Roman 79 r,. ( . citizen. There was greatness in his power, and dignity in his moderation : but his name is branded with the infamy of his merciless proscriptions. The government of Rome was now an oligarchy, Rome now without vital power, or any of the elements of duration, oij4rdi'v. It was exposed at once 1 to military dictation, and to dangerous social disorders. The democratic party had been overcome by force, but they were not destroyed ; and families which had suffered from proscription hoped to recover their estates, and restore the honours and for- tunes of their houses. The equestrians resented the loss of their privileges, and means of acquiring wealth : the people clamoured for cheap bread. Henceforward, the political contests of Rome were Xoi-.n-or not those of classes of plebeians against patricians, or .,tvm~--. of equestrians against their haughty rivals of the old families but of political parties and ambitious leaders. The democracy, indeed, was ever a social danger: but its political perils were latent, until aroused by the appeals of high-born demagogues. Every ambitious leader, in his turn, sought the support of the people. The St-ate was no longer to be governed by sa^'e counsels in the senate, or even by popular acclama- tion-. MI the coinitia : but by clamours and violence in the streets, Sometimes the populace prevailed: and sometimes a conquering army. The oligarchy had no bold and able leader-. Its Ti^tw,. p;:rt;. -. chiefs were Pompey and Crassus : but they were ever ready to intrigue with its enemies. The democracy was moved by men of dangerous power, ambition, and VOL. I. O 194 ROME. CHAP, restless energy. Foremost among them were Lepidus. A" . . r^ Cotta, and the youthful Julius Caesar. Lepidus raised a revolt against the senate, and threatened the capital I'nmpey. with his forces : but was routed. Foinpey had aided in suppressing this revolt ; and claimed, as his reward. 77 B.C. the command of the armies in Spain. Being still in command of an army, which he refused to disband, lie was able to extort from the senate a mission, which made 71 B.C. him more than ever its master. Six years later, he re- turned with his victorious Spanish legions to the capital. Thf-oii- During his absence in Spain, the oligarchy had re- tained its ascendency : all the high offices and magis- tracies had been held by members of a few great families ; and their anti-popular policy had been un- shaken : yet they had been pressed by many troubles. At homo they had with difficulty suppressed the revolt of Spartacus, and destroyed his bands of slaves and robbers: they had been forced to resume tin.' distribu- tion of grain to the people: they had suffered from rude assaults upon the venality and injustice of the senatorial courts: the corruption of patrician procon- suls had been exposed; and the judicial tribunals had become the arena for impassioned oratory, and political agitation. The elections were disgraced by shameless bribery and violence. Abroad they had striven in vain against the hordes of pirate.-- who preyed upon the commerce of the Mediterranean, and their arms had suffered reverses in the Kast. r j he oligarchy iad been discredited, and weakened: bul were still able to hold out against the popular party. when the return of 1'ompey entirely changed the situa- tion of affairs. His ambition was .still unsatisfied : he sought for his soldiers an allotment of land, and for Sulla. DEMOCRATIC REACTION. 195 himself a triumph, the consulate, and the command of CIIAI-. the armies of the East. Apprehending opposition from - ' r the senate, he threw himself, at once, into the arms of the democratic party ; and was joined by Crassus, the gene- ra] of the army which had lately conquered Spartacus. The two most dangerous elements in the State the military and the democratic were now united against the senate. The oligarchic constitution of Sulla was Overtime speedily overthrown. The populace was fed and pain- pered : the power of the tribunes was restored: the equestrians recovered much of their judicial power, and the farming of the revenues. The censorship was revived; and the first act of the new censors was to remove from the senate the most obnoxious members <>f the oligarchic party. While this revolution was pro- ceeding, the city was surrounded by the armies of Pompey and Crassus. But when the senate had been coerced, the democratic party no longer desired the presence of a military power, by whom they could be themselves overborne ; and they secured the disbanding of the forces. Pompey retired for a while; but renewed disasters in the East, and fresh exploits of the pirates, whose depredations were producing scarcity at liome, revived his ambition, lie was appointed by the people to tiie command of the forces in the East, and of the Mediterranean, with plenarv powers, by land and sea. lor foreign conquest, and for the suppression of piracy. lie went forth and conquered. In his absence. Home was rife with im rigues and conspiracies. The ambitious Cajsar was bidding for popularity with costly games: ('rassus was striving for it with his great wealth, and by his influence with the monied classes : Cicero was winning it with his eloquence. The two former were 1' KM) ROME. CUAI-. plotting at once to overthrow the senate, and to counter- ' < ' act the interest of Pompey. Ca?sar secured by a popu- lar vote his nomination as chief of the Sacred College. The popular leader, loose in his morals, and a notorious scoller at the national faith, thus became supreme pontiff, and director of the State worship. He and C'rassns were compromised by the conspiracy of Catiline. But Cicero, by his activity, as consul, in the discovery and suppression of that movement, became alienated from the popular party. Catiline and his confederate's were destroyed, and the popular party was, for a time, dis- credited and overcome. The leader of the senatorial party was Marcus Porcius Cato, grandson of the great censor Cato. With many of the 4 great qualities of a Eoman worthy courage, patriotism, and eloquence his faults and eccentricities went far to deprive him of his proper influence. lie was born a hundred years too late ; and was now out of harmony with his time. Though not himself of old patrician blood, his principles were haughtily oligarchi- cal. In philosophy he was an austere Stoic: in manners a stern Pioinan of the 1 antique type : in politics, a linn supporter of tlie senate and the patricians, against th" popular party: in public life, a formalist, a pedant, and a bore. Kven to his own parly, he seemed old-fashioned : but he served then 1 purpose: to his rivals and opponents rie was an object of ridicule, rather than of respect or apprehension. 1 j'ut with far greater powers, lie would have been no match for his crafty adversaries, who had armies and the populace on their side. After live year- of victories, Pompey returned to POMPKY AND C.ESAR. 197 Italv. A second time, Rome was at his feet, if he had ciiAr. resolved to assert his power: but he was irresolute and - ,-- infirm of purpose: lie was more vain than ambitious: Konmi ,,f lie was too good a soldier to revolt against the State, and too good a Roman to destroy the republic. He disbanded his army at Brundusiinn (Brindisi), and came to the capital, to be slighted by the senate, and coldly treated by the people. Such was then the state of parties, and such the condition of society, that no man, whatever his claims and public services, could assert an ascendency in the councils of the State, without the aid of an army. Inflated by vanity and self-confidence, Pompey had ventured to rely upon his own personal influence, and to disdain the support of his legions: but Julius Caesar a far deeper and more ambitious politician than himself knew well the need of armies in Roman politics, and was already harbouring the design of uniting military ascendency with democratic influence. Having hitherto figured as an able and eloquent leader of the populace, CYesar had lately given promise, in Spain, of his future glories as a soldier. When 1'ompey returned from the East, (Vesar also appeared in the capital. Rebuffed by the: senate, Rompey was easily persuaded, by his su'olle rival, to ally himself \viih the popular party. The conditions of the alliance were such as to .ruin the authority of the senate, and to pave the way for Caesar's future greatness. What the senate had refused to 1'ompey grants of lands to his r-oldicrs, and a confirmation of all the acts of his Mil- ministration in the East were now to be conceded to liim by the people. He had also sought a second con- sulate: but this honour would have made him too 108 ROME. CHAP, powerful for his allies, and Qesar secured it for liim- ' <- - self. As consul, he carried the demands of Pompey by a popular vote, against all the opposition of the senate, and appointed that general and Crassus. with others, to superintend the allotment of lands to the soldiers. He passed a variety of popular laws, in the conntia, in defiance of the senate ; and during Ins consulate, the people became the supreme power in the State. To make the senate amenable to public opinion, and to give force to the resolutions of the people, he published a daily report of the proceedings in the senate and the comitia, 1 and in order to control the legislation of the senate, and assert the authority of the consul, lie was forward in addressing questions to the senators, whenever any measure was proposed. 2 When the senate resisted his proposals, he appealed to the comitia. When Cato obstructed them by talking against time, until the close of a silting, he sent the obstinate senator to prison. 3 Cajsar obtained for himself, also by the vote of the people, the command of cisalpine Gaul, for a period of live years. This government comprised the north of Italy, with all its legions, from the Alps to the linbi- eon ; and secured to (Aesar at once- the domination of lionie, and opportunities of foreign conquest. This union of the commands of transalpine and cisalpine Gaul secured his ascendency in the State. The one 1 Suetonius ('Giewir), _<> : llixt. d- Jii.lr* C/'.^ir. i. :\7~>. - Livy. i.v. >. l; Tht.^e wn-e favourite tactics with Cato. He had thu- deprived f';esar of hi- triumph ( L'lutaivh. v. SO). At ,'iiiotlier time. Vin;r limited to a ,-petTh of two lioiirs iii the ivistvum. he ])ersi.steil in s])f';i!diiL r ui;til In- w;i~ drrcj-L r ''d down. Xor was lie &ik-nct'd even then : but continued to address the people until turned uiit of the luruiu. and afterwards on his way to prison. Ibid. '.'1. VICTORIKS OF C.ESAR. 199 gave him the continued command of an army, in a CHAP. great foreign war: the other made him master of Italy - ^ - and of Home. The new alliance was cemented by the marriage of Pompey to Cesar's daughter Julia ; and while Crcsar was at the head of his armies, his col- leagues, Pompey and Crassns, aided by the demagogue Clodius, were watching over the interests of the party at Home, thwarting the senate, and propitiating the multitude. 1 It went ill with their opponents in the senate. Cato was appointed to a foreign mission, and Cicero banished from the capital. And now the transcendent genius of Cicsar, as a victories general, and as an administrator, was revealed. His conquests in Gaul, in Belgium and Britain, extended the dominion of Home over Europe, while his adminis- tration of the conquered provinces laid the foundations of European civilisation, and eventually of European liberties. Meanwhile, Home itself was in a state of increasing anarchy. The senate was powerless : Pompey un- equal to the direction of the tumultuous party, of which he was the leader: Clodius busy and mischievous: the agitation of meaner demagogues restless and un- scrupulous. The populace were supplied gratuitously with corn: the rabble and the slaves were organised into bands, ready to do the bidding of their chiefs shouting in the forum and lighting in the streets. The confusion was increased by a quarrel between Pompey and Clodius. Pompey was losing influence at Home. 1 Amonir the nien-mvs of Clodins was one for the revival of political cliil'>, \vhicli had lu"Mi ahvadv twice suppressed as dangerous to the pulilic peace. They were composed of the lowest elates .<' tie- p"ople, and slaves ; and their organisation assumed a military character. 200 ROME. CHAP. while Cn3sar was crowing more powerful every day, y r ' not only by his victories, but by la\isb bribes, games, and largesses, in the capital. Pompey, seeing that he could only recover his in- lluence by a military command, and jealous of Cojsar's prowess, vainly sought a proconsular commission for securing increased supplies of corn, throughout the Roman provinces. So far from acceding to his wishes, the senate, encouraged by the dissensions of the popular party, was preparing to overthrow the triumvirs, and to recall Ciesar. But that bold and wary strategist out- witted his enemies, strengthened the ties which bound his colleagues to himself, and restored the ascendency of Ms party. The triumvirs came to terms, and divided amongst themselves all the power of the State. To Caesar himself, the command in Gaul was extended for another term of five' years : to Pompey was given the proconsulate of Spain ; and to Crassus that of Syria, for the same term. Coi-sar was in no haste to relinquish his schemes of transalpine conquest : ! and while he gave great powers to his colleagues, he re- lied, with fearless confidence, upon his own superiority over Tonipey, and upon the lidelity of Crassus. To overawe tile senate, 1'ompey retained his legions in Italy, and administered the government of Spain by his lieutenants. The senate was no longer consulted: but the will of the triumvirs was carried out. sometimes by a popular vote, but more often by their own direction-. Cicero had been recalled from his banishment, friuiit- 1 Montesquieu says : ' II n'y a point dYtat qui menace si fort les i.utres d'uue cuiKjut'-tf. (jiic o>-lm qui e<1 dans les hnm-urs de la trueriv civilt-.' i !>'< liai)i(iinf,42(j.') Thi> is a wonderful observation tn have made I'-'fui-e tilt- L'reucli revolution : and his reasons ;md examples are no less remarkable. POMPKY DICTATOR. 201 ened. and bought over : Cato had been allowed to re- CHAT. v. turji, and vainly declaim against his masters. The senate was overcome, but the patrician party Ti -...,, - _ . , ', ei; were not subdued, liiey could not copewitn an armed force : but they were active at the elections, where their wealth exercised great influence over citizens, now practised in the most shameless corruption: they we're bold and outspoken in the courts ; and bitter and sarcastic in pamphlets and lampoons. On the other side, the democratic mob were turbulent and riotous; and, with all his force, Pompey saw the capital, over which he was supposed to rule, in chronic anarchy. The popular Clodius was killed, on the Appian Way, by Milo, the senatorial candidate for the consulate; and. in revenge, the mob burned down the senate-house. For some time. Pomnev had been aiminir at increased i'<'"ip<'y (iirtaDir. power; and now. having subdued the tumults by force, ^ '' lie insisted upon his nomination as dictator. lie passed new laws in restraint of electoral abuses and corrup- tion : restrained freedom of speech in the courts; and otherwise sought to cripple his opponents. In a i'ew months he resigned his dictatorship, but continued to serve as a consul. Events were now hurrying on. which were to pre- Rivalry ( >i cipitate the i'all of the republic. C'rassus lost his life in andCa'.-ar, a disastrous campaign in the Kast ; and the two great rivals were left to contend tor the maMery. Poinpev, ever jealous and distrustful of his ab>ent colleague, and himseif invested with civil and military authority m the capital, now began to show ominous sinus of hostility to Caj*ar. The death of Julia had broken the tie which had bound them together: and they were henceforth to strive for dominion. Ciesar beinir the 202 ROME. CHAP, popular leader of the democracy, Pompey was naturally ,- ' attracted to the senate and the patrician party, upon whom he had lately trampled. He needed their legal authority : they required his military power ; and thus their union was effected. It was the design of the new O confederates to recall Crcsar from his command, and to deprive him of the consulate, which had been promised him. But Co3sar, who had now completed his conquests across the Alps, had returned, with some of his legions, into Italy, and was watching and counteracting, from liavenna, the machinations of his foes. To a proposal in the Senate for his recall, it was adroitly urged by his spokesman, Curio, that both himself and Pompey should be called upon to lay down their arms, at the same time. On such conditions. Caesar avowed his willing- ness to resign ; and this subtle counterplot prevailed. Pompey, who had sought the ruin of his rival, found himself also deposed by the vote of his obsequious senate. He refused to resign his command, and pre- pared for war. Co?sar, on his side, having made re- newed overtures for peace, which were rejected, col- lected his forces, and crossing the memorable Rubicon the boundary of his own province marched upon liome. At his approach, the capital was abandoned, with all the State treasures; mid Pompey and the leading sena- tors were driven out of Italy. He pursued them, across the sea. into Macedon, and routed and destroyed the enemy s forces at Pliarsalus. Pompey fled toEgvpi. where he was treacherously slain, on landing, bv one of his own officers. Ca-sar followed up the Pompeian forces, in whatever region they were to be found, and after four years of victory, had destroyed or driven THK RULE OF C.ESAR. 203 into exile, all the leaders of that party ; and was abso- CHAP. lute master of Home. r - It was no longer the domination of a party that was nispxtcn- at issue. Society was disorganised, and a vast civil powers. war had placed Crcsar at the head of the State. Leader of the democratic party, he was now superior to all parties, as well as to all authorities. There had been former dictators, and generals of victorious armies, who had ruled the republic. For a time, Marins, China, Sulla, and Pompey had held absolute sway over liome : but now all the disorders of society, all the elements of political anarchy the impotence of the senate, the ruin of the nobility, the savage lawlessness of the mob, and the command of a great army combined to invest I'ajsar with the permanent government of the State. As dictator, consul, and imperator, he henceforth pre- sided over the destinies of the great empire, which, during the course of live centuries, the republic had conquered. In name, the republic continued : in fact, the empire of the Caesars was now founded by the greatest soldier and statesman of antiquity. While IIN Hicy. respecting the republican sentiments and traditions of the liomans. and keeping alive their time-honoured institutions and magistracies, he centred in his own hands all the authority o!' the State, civil, judicial, military, and religious. First magistrate, commander- in-chief. and chief pontiff, he held all the reins of power in his grasp and reigned supreme. It was his aim to reconstruct the entire framework of the State 1 : to re- organise its administration ; and to regenerate society. His genius and energies AVI -re unbounded; and hi- established a rule, at once imperial and democratic, which lasted tor four centuries, and laid deen. through- ROME. CHAP, out Europe, the foundations of future civilisation and '- liberty. Still recognising the privileges of the citizens, in making constitutional laws, he claimed for himself the right to issue decrees, having all the power of law, so long as he continued in power. lie recruited the re- duced ranks of the patricians, by new families ennobled by himself: he enlarged the senate to 000, selected from his own friends and followers of all classes, and afterwards recruited, by the annual addition of the qua?stors, over whose election he exercised entire con- trol. The senate was his own creature : as tribune, he could put a veto upon its laws : as prince, or leader of the senate, he directed its deliberations : as censor, he de- prived obnoxious members of their privileges. lie used the outward authority of the senate: but lie trusted it with no independent power. lie administered the iinances, upon an improved system : he appointed governors and generals: he constituted himself the supreme court of judicial appeal : he superintended the public buildings, and regulated the police. As chief pontiff, he ministered and interpreted the religion of the State, and took care that all auguries and omens were propitious to his schemes. By restricting the dis- tribution of corn to tin- indigent, he reduced \\ to a reasonable form ot outdoor relief to the poor of the capital. 15v emigration, he relieved the city of great number-- of the idle and dangerous population : and bv public improvements, he found employment for others. ]>y sumptuary laws, he vainly attempted to restrain the luxury and extravagance of 1 te rich, while he ailbrded relief to insolvent debtors. J>ut the policy which was most fruitful in future times, was the extension of OCTAVIUS CVESAR. 205 municipal government to the towns of Italy, and the CHAP. v. lioman provinces. Unity and equality were given to ,- lioman citizens, throughout the wide empire. He fa- voured foreigners, and even introduced some of them into the senate. He founded colonies at Carthage and Corinth. He projected a new code of laws, the execu- tion of which was reserved for Justinian : he commenced an extended survey of the lioman dominions: he re- formed the calendar; and he founded a free public library. He achieved a noble work: but he had overthrown The usur|ior an ancient and famous republic ; and in the eyes of ^'"> republicans he was an usurper. For this usurpation, he paid ilie forfeit of his life : i but his work continued: and an empire was eventually founded, at once military and democratic. .Disorders and civil wars were renewed after Cecsar's Anar.hy nt t ; T deatli : and the proscriptions of the triumvirs Octavius, ca-ui-v Lcpidus. and Marc Antony if less savage and indiscri- minate than those of Maid us and Sulla, were more cold- blooded, calculating, and selfish. The history of lioman parties is a disgraceful chapter in the annals of the lan race. 1 ( )i' the death of f'a\=ar, Montesquieu says: '11 y nviit 1111 oorfnin dri >it des Livns. iint 1 opinion etablie dans tontes k-s repuljliques de Grece ;! d'li.ili''. ([iii I'ai-iiit n^ard.'!- cininiif un lioiume vertuoux L'as.sa.;inct\ A Home, surtout dopuis I\'X]iulsinn drs vi-. la lui rtviit pivcix 1 , Irs cxcinjili's rccus : la pi-piiLliijue ai'in^ii !c l)ras il'' I'liiHiiif ciuiyen, \<- faisoil majristrat pniir !. moment. 1'aviniait pour -a At'>\\nret Dn-adcttce di-x Jtonifiiii*, c]\. \i. Miiiitt'S'|ui('ii lnni#t'lt' justifies the assassin: I-'.n ell'et. le frinie de (',-snr. iiiii vivoil ilans tin ^ouvernomenl libro. u'etoit-il pas Imrs d'etat d'etre ]iuni iiutiviut'iit 1 1 ue par un assassiiiiit ': I'll den i a inter pi>ur>jiii mi lie 1'avoil ]inui'Mil\i ]'iir la I'.iree ouverte. uu par ies l.iix, u'etoit-ce pas dem rais.m ile si'S crimes.' Iliid. 206 ROME. CHAP. Oetavius, the heir of Caesar, under that great ruler's ^ - will, finally secured his inheritance, by the battle of Actium. This cautious and ])olitic ruler, warned by the fate of the great founder of his family, and alive to the republican traditions of the people he Avas called upon to govern, gradually extended his power by modera- tion, and outward deference to constitutional usage, and the popular will. He contented himself, for several years, with the familiar and time-honoured title of con- sul ; and even this modest office he affected to resign. The permanent command of the army entitled him to the rank of imperator, which had distinguished the great Julius. He was proconsul of all the Eonian pro- vinces. Accepting the powers formerly exercised by the censors, he reconstituted the senate, so as to secure its fidelity to himself, and he ennobled new families to support his power. Nominated prince of the senate, lie introduced all new laws, directed the councils of that body, and exercised its authority. Avoiding regal state and titles, he accepted the venerable and ennobling name of Augustus. As chief pontiff he guided the national faith and worship, and strengthened his hands by all the arts of supreme spiritual power. And to associate himself with the people, lie assumed the func- tions of tribune thus wielding the popular assemblies, as well as the senate. ]\ot contented with the legisla- tive authority of the senate and the comitia. of which he was master, he enlarged his jurisdiction by edicts, rescripts, and constitutions. Uniting, in his own person, all the magistracies and constitutional functions of the ^tate. he continued to court popularity, as if he had yet to win power. lie distributed four times the cus- tomary allowance of uTain. was bountiful in his charities. TRANSITION TO AN EMPIRE. 207 profuse in providing games and spectacles for the nuil- CHAP. titude, and pious in raising temples to Koman divinities - ^ and heroes. His respect for the constitutional traditions of the Transitim, 11 frnni the republic ensured a safe and almost imperceptible trail- republic to , the empire. sition ironi one form ot government to another; and the like policv was lonij continued by his successors. .' V Sustaining the dignity and nominal authority of the senate, which he again reduced to GOO, he made it the ostensible instrument of his own power. The monarch willed, I) nt effect was given to his resolutions by decrees of the senate, which were published daily in its a eta tliurnii, or 'Votes and Proceedings.' 1 To conciliate and reward the senators, he' multiplied odices, distinc- tions, and privileges. The son of a senator was allowed to sit with his father in the senate-house, and hence the office of senator grew to be hereditary. To the senate so much outward respect continued to be 1 paid, that for centuries it assumed the right of confirming the successors of Augustus as emperors. But, under the empire, this memorable assembly was ultimately stripped of its ancient independence and power, overpowered bv force, undermined by corruption, dominated by arbitrary power; and. no longer animated bv the spirit of conquest and glory, it sank with the liberties of the people. Xo deliberative body can enjoy more than the shadow of greatness in a Slate, which has lost its free- dom. Acknowledging the popular rights of the comitia, Augustus kept them inert, until it served his purpose to call them into activity: when he ivadiiv commanded their suffrages by the voting-papers of' luilian citizens. 208 ROME. CHAP. which he had ready to his hand. And by degrees, - r - these popular assemblies vhich, however controlled. continued to be troublesome, if not dangerous were suffered to fall into disuse. The time-honoured consul- ate was maintained with a show of power, as a homage to popular traditions ; and while stripped of all real authority, the consuls were invested with exalted dignity and public respect. l The administration of the overgrown capital was en- trusted to u prefect of the city itself an ancient title and to a number of municipal officers appointed and paid by himself. Gradually a numerous official body. or bureaucracy, grew up round the throne, giving an interest in the State to crowds of active spirits, and im- parting method and permanence to the administrative \ standing system, lint above all these means of power, and security to the new monarchy, was the army. We have seen how the old citizen armies of the republic had gradually given way to legions of professional -oldi'Ts ; and now a standing army was organised, with as much svslem as in any modern European State. The person of the emperor was protected by a sin MILT body-guard : and i he peace <>| ihe capital was maintained bv a picked garrison. '1 lie streets of the city were watched bv a regular police force. i ,,:.:,; These cost y establishments- were maintained by a comprehensive scheme of direct and indirect taxation, in whic i we ma find examles of most of the resources " f'iti/i'iis mnjtinu a r-oii.-u] in lh<- stroH wi-iv cxncnu-d t" di>n;'in:];. from tlit-ir chariots or l><>r-'--, a- u mark" of iv-]>'Tt, which i.- jiroliahlv the- origin nf a -imilar homa.." 1 >inr-c puiil t,, th>- 1'ojpr-. ; i'in has generally lisi'J !!: cr^lii nf devisingr the obnoxious window tax: L:it under Aii^n.~tii> and hi- successors, not only windows, "but doors REVIEW OF THE REPUBLIC. 209 imposts provided employment for multitudes of fuuc- CHAP. nonaries agents and supporters of the empire. Great was the power of the Eoman emperors : but n<.ma for more than two centuries, they continued to respect constitutional forms, and to do homage to the traditions of freedom. The shadow of the republic was thrown over the empire, until it sank, at length, under military despotism. The narrative of these events sufficiently discloses tlie causes to which the fall of the Eoman republic is to be ascribed. The ruin of the State could scarcely have been averted by a safer and more politic con- st it i it ion. Its conquests had demoralised the people, and created armies to dominate over the civil power. The city itself was changed by the comprehension of Italian citizens Latins, Tuscans, Umbrians. There was no longer any unity of sentiment or interests in this mixed population. Every new citv, embraced in the Eoman franchise, had its powerful factions: ambitions leaders led entire cities and nations to vote for them and their friends: and the assemblies and comitia degene- rated into political conspiracies. 1 or i of i military empire. But we must not overlook the pol tical and social conditions of Eome, which rendered its i::- : ; : :M ions unsafe, and its society unsmted to the successful working of democracy, It was the boast of (,'icero that the Eoman * const i- ;'. succession dinv \vas ;\}< familiar \^ the Romans. L-Llitei-n centuries before our own .-tau>>iiii'n. Pitt ami ( ilad-tui.f, applied i: in ourselves. ' See MiiiiU'.-'jUU.'U. f>r<:nfl<-nr d iJi'^ml iit-u the popularclicasteri.es heard and determined the causes Conflict* <.c brought before 1 them. At Rome, citizens accused of climes were tried by the magistrates : but, if condemned, they had a right of appeal to the people ; and it was not until the sentence had been affirmed by three public assemblies, that they could suffer the punishment due to their crimes. 1 This attempt to reconcile a magis- terial with a popular judicature, resulted in the failure of both. The Athenian judicature was faulty, by reason of the undue number of its judges : the Roman judicature was still more faulty, inasmuch as trials, already conducted by magistrates, were afterwards dis- cussed in large popular assemblies, where passions. prejudices, and the rivalry of parties and classes, pre- vailed over considerations of justice. A criminal trial thus became the occasion for popular excitement, and an irritating conflict of authorities. It was in this litful fashion that democracy played l"Viru; : r ils par!, in the institutions of Rome. But the real and ikmu-Tj-i-y. con-taut ] tower of the ^tate was vested, throughout ils history, in an oligarchy. In the earlier times of the republic, the nobles ruled by right of birth: in later times, ilie old and the new aristocracy governed by union, and the force of weahh. Tliev held all ilie ni'j'lie^l offices of Sink they were consuls, generals. proconsuls, and prtulors and they tilled the senate. At this period Home had. in truth, become a plutocracy. 2i2 ROME. ciJAi'. lop-ether in dangerous factions now plotting with reae- ' tionary senators, and now courting the populace: they pursued their rivals with proscription and confiscation : they led victorious armies to overawe their own countrymen ; and they usurped, again and again, the supreme power of the State. It was their unbridled ambition, more than any other cause, which brought ruin upon the republic. We cannot, therefore, point to democracy as the principal cause of the lall oi' the Roman republic : but it was a constant source of disorder, and of danger to the State. Ill regulated, misled, corrupted and debased, it was a disturbing force in Roman politics, and con- tributed to that series of revolutions and civil wars, which dest roved the liberties of the commonwealth. Rome was governed by the; oligarchy, as magistrates and senators: but these owed their power to the choice of the people. (Mi one side was the ruling class rich, ambitious and unscrupulous : on the other, a promis- cuous ma>s of citizens, who conferred great ofJicesupon their masters, without responsibility lor their choice, or control over their administration. Political power \vas divorced from its source, directly ihe people hud d eel, -i red l heir election of a magistrate. The candidates had every- thing lo gain from the people power, wealth, and honour^ the people perceived no g;un for themselves, save in tin- libera ity of the candidates. Hence arose that scandalous corruption, which demoralised the people, and perverted the free: institutions of the re- public. Xor were these the onlv abuses of democracy. ei'ixeiis, in. the comiiia: but upon intimidation, and RKVIKW OF THE REPUBLIC. 21 3 threatening demonstrations of physical force. A party CHAP. "... v. conflict, which divided the populace of a great capital - ' into hostile 1 forces, assumed the proportions of a civil war. To quell such disorders, and to save the State from revolution, generals interposed with their dis- ciplined armies ; and military usurpation naturally suc- ceeded to popular tumults. It had become a question whether the civil power should be overcome by mobs or bv soldiers ; and the stronger and safer force pre- vailed. Anarchy was repressed by the sword. In this way. the growing abuses of democracy precipitated the advent of military despotism, which successive con- quests, under ambitious generals, and vast standing armies, otherwise rendered inevitable. Ik'aring these disturbing causes in view, it may not Faults in be without instruction to speculate how far changes in stitution*. the constitutional laws and government might have miti'jated some of the worst disorders of the republic. In default of representation, no better constitution of Position of the senate could have been devised. It comprised the men who had already been chosen to high magistracies, and who had done conspicuous services to the ^tate. Hut, instead of being brought into close relations Avith tin 1 people, il was placed in a position of constant an- tagonism to the tribunes and the comitia. Its constitu- tion was not unlike that of the House of Lords, being Composed of men of high birth, great wealth, and emi- nent public services : but it stood alone 1 , in presence of the people. And what would be the position of the Hou>e of Lords, if il were a single chamber invested with paramount legislative and administrative powers, and were left to bear the brunt of vast meetings in Jlvde Park, and tumultuous assemblages in Palace 1 !14 ROME. CHAP. Yard, without the support of another Chamber, repre- r - tenting the people, and moderating and directing the political sentiments of the commonalty ? Such were, in truth, the relations of the senate to the people of Rome. An appeal to the whole body of citizens was natu- rally the earliest form of freedom : but it was obviously unsuited to any but the smallest States. Yet this form of government, as we have seen, continued throughout the history of the republic. The inevitable results were disorder and anarchy. The senate and the people were constantly in conflict. Xor were the constitutional powers of the senate and of the comitia well defined. There were two popular assemblies the centuries and the tribes. Each of these assemblies claimed an equal right of making laws, being composed of the same body of citizens differently classed and distributed. If a new law was proposed by a consul or prrctor. he convened the centuries : if by a tribune, he assembled the tribes. The vote of either was equally binding upon the State: but neither could properly pass a law which had not received the prior sanction of the senate. A scheme so anomalous as this for distributing the legislative 1 powers between the senate and t lie people could only result in col- lision and popular encroachments. When the powers of the more popular assembly of the tribes we're enlarged, 1 the anomaly of two coordinate bodies of citizens was, in some measure, corrected : but conflicts between the people and the senate' became eve'ii more direct and dangerous. With the lights of modern experience, we are natu- rally led to consider how far a svstem of popular repre- 1 bee svprit, p. lol. KEVIEW OF THE REPUBLIC. 215 scut at ion would have brought these conflicting forces CHAP. into harmony. By such a remedial measure, the force of the. 1 people would have become less dangerous, while the senate would have been strengthened by its moral t support. The responsibilities of the senate would have been increased ; and the political alienation of classes replaced by mutual confidence. The varied forces and interests of society would have been consolidated. The wealthy aristocracy would still have ruled the State: but thev would have shared their power with other classes of citizens ; and the policy of the State would have been determined, not by irregular conflicts, but by timely concessions to popular demands. Representa- tion is the only safeguard against anarchy, in democratic constitutions. 1 In Ifome representation was peculiarly needed, as it oilered the only means by which large bodies of citizens, enjoying the lioman franchise, but living at a distance from the capital, could have exer- cised their political rights. Without it, the citizens of Koine itself usurped all their powers ; and Roman citizensllip, outside the walls of the capital, was but a barren honour. , the attributes of the senate were far too Attri- government of a State. Its proper province was that of legislation : yet it shared its powers, as we have seen, in a very uncertain and irregular fashion, with the people. It exercised wide executive and administrative function-:: but the^e again were divided between the senate and the consuls and other magistrates the 216 ROME. CHAP, former being permanent, and the latter elected by the " people. Encroachments and collisions were the neces- sary consequences of such divided authority. And these evils were aggravated by changes in the constitutional rvmcentra- position of these magistrates themselves. One of the ti .n of J best securities to the commonwealth had been found in the number of important magistracies, with inde- pendent and well-defined authority. The executive power of the State had been divided, with careful limi- tations, among numerous magistrates, annually chosen, who checked and controlled one another ; and it was one of the most significant svmptoms of the approach- ing downfall of the republic, when men like Marius. Sulla, Fompey and Csesar united in their own persons extraordinary, and in some measure permanent. powers. 1 How many of the disastrous evils lately recounted might not have been averted, if the executive and ad- ministrative functions of the senate had been entrusted to a council, independent of. yet responsible to, the senate! The union of civil and military authoritv in the annual consuls was another serious error. The civil power should always have been distinct and supreme. A president of the republic, elected either bv the senate or by the people, for a term of years, and an executive council, controlled by the senate, might have brought into harmonious action the patricians and the demo- cracy, t he senate and the comitia. tin.- conquering armies and th(- civil power. ^\o such remedial measures were attempted ; and the Itonian State fell before a military autocracy, under which all the social evils of tin- republic "were continued and aggravated. 1 Muiite.yjui'.-u. Grandeur <> decadence des 1'onifiitf. cli. xi. THE EMPIRE. 217 But wo must look beyond the political institutions of CIIAI-. "liome, and seek in her social condition, the primary *- , causes of the fall of the republic. The evils of Eoman Sii( - i;tl causes tit society have been already pointed out ; and their con- political " failure. nection with the failure of free institutions is obvious. There was no union of the different classes of society in common interests and sympathies; nor any adequate gradation of classes, to balance their relative forces. Without a middle class, industrious, orderly, progressive and contented, society was broadly divided into the rich and the poor. And in the later days of the republic, both wen 1 corrupted. The rich became 1 more covetous and grasping. In amassing wealth, they had no scruples of honour or conscience. They plundered enemies: they wrung iniquitous exactions from provinces com- mitted to their care: they appropriated the public lands: they traded upon the revenues of the State. In the selfish pursuit of power and wealth, they forgot i he patriotism of the old liomans. At the same time. their morals had become depraved. The lioman cha racier was more prone to coarse indulgences, than to refined enjoyments; and when luxury invaded the homes of the wealthy, it made them gluttonous and >ensual. instead of teaching them to seek after a higher ideal of life, in which pleasure was to lie sought in cultivation of taste, and refinement of manners. 1 Such \veiv the wealthy upper classes, who governed Koine: and under any lorm of government whether mon- archy, aristocracy, or democracy- corrupt rulers have ever brought rum upon a State. demoralised, as 218 ROME. CHAP, citizens, and depositaries of political power. Pauper- r ' ised by bounties of grain : l corrupted by bribery : de- based by barbarous and brutal entertainments : tainted with the vices of slavery: without regulated industry : / O / disunited by the confusion of many nationalities ; and unsettled by incessant wars and revolutions, they were wanting in all the elements of a sound democracy. The causes which had overthrown the republic, pre- pared the Romans for submission to the tyranny of the worst of their emperors. Their public virtues had given way to rapacity and greed : power had become their only law : their spirit had been broken by suc- cessive proscriptions ; and their private virtue had succumbed to luxury and sensual indulgence. In the oppression of their own slaves, they had become familiarised with merciless abuses of power ; and in the barbarous combats of gladiators and wild beasts, they had been trained to cruelty and a thirst for blood. Xor, indeed, did the imperial polity allow of popular influences in the' government, of the {Slate. When once the empire of the Ca.'sars had been established, there was an end of tumults and insurrections: the turbulent populace, which had for centuries disturbed the peace of the capital, was subdued : the democracy was over- come. Henceforth Rome was governed by the army, which made and unmade emperors: 2 there 1 was no 1 ' It was said that In- lii'.-t ruined the Roman people who first gave tin-in treats and gratuities, ('oriolanus, who deprecated the increasing influence and lioldness of the populace, especmllv condemned the distri- bution of at oliiu [mperium, t'a-o->. K>i;imu's, omnia, 1111110 se CniitiiU't. at'jUi' diia< tantuni i>-s auxins optat. PaiitMii oi (.'iivoiises.' .1 rvi:x.u,. x. >1. -' Quint't ~ays. Le peuple eouroniK' : ' but that would seeiu iar too philosophical a \ic\v 1'ur them to conceive, 220 ROME. CHAP tyrannicide. Writing was no less free ; and without - the aid of printing, the circulation of popular works was curiously extensive. Xeither the political nor social condition of the Romans was likely to favour composi- tions, of which their rulers had cause to be jealous: but wit and satire, poetry and annals of the past, might safely be tolerated, even by despots. Rut the imperial rule was fraught with evil to the moral and intellectual character of the Romans. With a complete prostration of political freedom, the upper classes of Rome were debauched by vice, luxury, indolence and frivolity, the populace debased by corrup- tion and evil examples. Xot only culture, but civili- sation, gradually decayed : even the traditional courage and military prowess of the Romans perished with their liberties ; and the proud conquerors of the world were enslaved by barbarians, whom they had despised. The ruin of Roman civilisation precipitated Europe into darkness, which was to be shortly penetrated by the hght of Christianity. The extended conquesN of the Romans, united by their administration, their la\vs and their language, prepared the way for the development of the new religions communion : and. when Rome had ceased to be 1 the capital of a great empire, it became the spiriltial metropolis of the Western Church of Christendom. 221 CHAPTEE VI. THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. Till: Tl.UlK AGES THE FEUDAL SYSTEM EXTTXCTTOX OF FEEED03r CATS I-;* OF SOCIAL AXD POLITICAL IMPKO\ E.MEXT TEUTOXIC CUSTOMS TKADmnXS OF ROME ('HIM STIAXI.T Y AXD THE CHURCH CHIVAI.RY TiiK CKUSADF.S fJRiUVTIL OF TOWN'S DECAY OF FEUDALISM i:i;\IVAL OF LF.AKXIXG AXD TILE AIM'S SClEXTfl'IC DISCOVERIES ui:i'i;i;s>iox OF THOUGHT ISY THE CHURCH THE REFORMATIOX. CIIAI J VI. Tin; fall of the Western empire caused a general dis- organisation of government and of society throughout Tun-ope. The civilisation of antiquity was overthrown, iH^r.-ai.i- and laws and institutions which the statesmanship of snci.-ty ; itt.i -, , .- , ,. -i i - t ' :r '''"'' ' ' ages had built up, gave way to brute force and ph ^o polilv was known but that of conquest ; and society was divided into the conquerors and the conquered. On one side were the lords of the' soil, by right of con- quest : on the oilier, serfs and husbandmen governed by the sword. The rulers were rude and unlettered warriors, whom the culture of (j recce and T.iom<- had never reached, and upon whom the light of modern civilisation had not yet dawned: while the civilised races were trodden down, and the arts and acquire- ment^ of their ancestors were forgotten. 1 he conquering races having taken posses-ion of ;he chosen lands. 1 and parcelled them out. bv rinh; THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP, of conquest, their leaders established themselves as ' ' kings, princes, and nobles, and thus laid the founda- tions of the feudal system. Even when the first violence of conquest and settlement was exhausted, the new social order was incompatible with freedom. At this period as throughout the history of the world invaders were gradually drawn into closer relations with the conquered races ; until, at length, they were fused into one people. But in a society composed of kings, feudal lords, vassals, and serfs, the very elements of freedom were wanting. And, even under conditions less adverse to freedom, the ignorance of the people was alone sufficient to ensure their subjection. 1 Eoman civilisation had already declined under the empire ; and successive invasions of barbarian hordes had completed its ruin. The fairest lands of Europe were laid waste by fire and sword. At one time, the natives were overcome by their fierce invaders : at another, fresh hordes poured in upon them : and their country was desolated by the wars of the rival tribe-. contending for conquest and a division of the spoil. )>v the general laws of antiquity, the conquered became the captives and slaves of the conquerors. The clouds of night seemed gathering over Europe. These evil time- have since been fitly known as the dark ages. r\o! learning only, but the arts, commerce, and industry were overshadowed by their darkness. A new society, and a new civilisation had now to be built up, on the rum- < >f the ancient world, r.urope lay under the rule of force. AVhat the horde?, whose needs were 1'> be satisfied : and rniTjUerois were 'inK r> j - strniii"d in th" sett lenient df lands Ity th.'ir number:?, and their moans of occupation. i s-v Si~::!"r.di. //>*/. /!< I/; C'/inff tic I' Umpire Hoinnin, cli. v.-viii. TEUTONIC GTSTOMS. 223 lords of the soil had won by the sword, they held by CIIAI-. the sword. They raised fortified castles, which frowned ' r ~ upon their neighbours from hill and crag : they armed their retainers to the teeth, and sallied forth on their Mout war-horses, to do battle with their rivals, or to scour the plains for booty. Society was prostrate be- fore the sword and buckler, the spear and the cross- bow. Law and right were determined by the will of the strongest. Every baron was absolute within his own domain ; and his unchecked power, his warlike habits, and his uncultured nature, combined to make him proud and arbitrary. A tyrant ruled over every village. The narrow bounds of these local tyrannies straitened the yoke of the serfs, constrained the free intercourse of the people, perpetuated their ignorance and dependence, and checked their social improve- ment. 1 And this was the government which prevailed over the greater part of Europe for many centuries. - I Jut this general prostration of the people Europe was gradually lightened by the operation of everal causes which contributed to the ultimate re- generation of societv, and the advancement of freedom. causes are to be souirlit in the free institutions of the conquerors tlicmselvc in the traditional laws and 1 Accin'i'.in^ (d M. (!ni/ot, ; Sou- quelrjue ]<>in.; eta vile quo voi \ ::- -idi : iit>x 1> prniri'os ill' la sociilto, vmis ivncontiv/ le ivu'ime i'l'odal eormne oMstar't- : ' lli*t. ill' In Cir. !<)<; -ixtli t'llitinii. I cannot acivji; iln; ojanion .li'Mi'. Motlov (llixf. uf the l',i. .V !]:]:} i. that dmin^' the course of tin- t'nurt""M coiitnvi-'s -iiici- iln- tall \' tin 1 Unman eni]>i:v, lii!" ])ri'_n-i'->. linwevi'i' rniR-cali'il nr iniju'di^l. has Lct'ii toward.- democ'nu-v. 1 )uriiiLr the darlc n_v-. nut only democracy, Intt I'rei d.iiu. a}'}n'ar.- ; i :;, u havf In'i'i) i i xtiiiL p iii-lanl. - It attaiiii'd maturity in tho tenth (vntury-. and di-.'diiii'd f'roiu tho filtei'Utli to the si'Vi'iitet'iith ct-htury. \\hrii it ^-raduallv gave \vu^ I nioiian-hv iGuixot, ///'''. ih- I" Cii: OH). 224 THE DARK AGES AND THE REVIVAL. c "| p - customs of Borne : in the influence of Christianity and -" the Catholic Church ; and in the increasing enlighten- ment and general expansion of mediaeval society. The Teutonic invaders barbarians, indeed, as mea- sured by the standards of Boinan civilisation had, for ages, enjoyed a rude freedom in their own lands, which had survived the liberties of Borne herself. They were brave, and they were free. Their manners and cus- toms had been extolled by Julius Cassar, 1 and by Tacitus. 2 They elected their patriarchal kings : they chose their chiefs or leaders in war, for their valour : the power of their kings was limited ; and their chiefs ruled by example rather than by authority. 3 Their councils were public and popular, like those of the ancient Greeks. The king and chiefs met the war- riors and the assembled people, addressed them in words of persuasion- not of command and sought their approbation, like the orators of a free Slate. Tacitus describes such an assembly almost in the words of Homer. 4 And as the early Greeks advanced from such customs as these, to the most democratic governments of antiquity ; so the Teutons, reared in freedom, were destined, in future ages, to be the fore- most champions of European liberties. 1 !)< Tli'Ho (idllt'-o. ' H-'jv- ex in iliilhnti' : aut libcrn pnt'\-ta.~: ot duro conspicui. .-i ante acieiu airant, admiraiiune pnt'siint.' Tacitus, l)i- Mur. (h-riii. fli. \ li. 4 ' I K> minorilms rrlm- iiriiicipcs consultant, de raairiribiis onnio.-.' Tacitus. I).- Mo/: fi'i-rm. \\. AiidiiL r ain : ' l"t turlco ])lacuit. considui.t arniati. Silentium JUT p;icerdot (>.=, ijuilm- tuni ol ciic-rcondi jus o>t. in:]^- ratuv. -Mi i\ rox vol ])niHcp>, pivut a'tii? cuiquo. prout iHil'ilitas. ]ui>u; docii- Lolliirnni. ])n)ut lacuiidia e>t. amliinitur. auctoritato suadondi niaij-i- quani juliondi putostato. Si displicuit sententia, froniitu asjiornantur : sin placuit, Iranioas C"ncutiuiit.' ILid. TEUTONIC CUSTOMS. Whatever the relations between the conquerors and the conquered, the Teutonic and other northern races carried with them into their adopted countries the cherished customs of their ancestors. 1 Thus we find the Lombards, long after they had settled in the plains of Italy, electing their king. 2 who, like his German ancestors, consulted his assembled people at Pavia. Milan, and elsewhere. And their prescriptive laws were transcribed into Teutonic Latin, and ratified by the king and people. 3 The Burgiindians, the Visigoth-, the Faxons, and other tribes, also collected their law-, in their new homes. 1 And it was the custom of these northern races to determine by what laws they would be ruled : whether bv those of their ancestors, or by some oilier code. The Lombards had no less than six bodies of law; and every man was entitled to declare by which of these IK- would be judged." Wherever the Teutonic races settled themselves, c ,ni their customs continued to ofier a singular resemblance ali.n to those of the early Greeks. Their kings were patri- i v archal : descended from the gods: chiefs in war: supreme in the judgment seal : they assembled the chiefs and people in public council, to determine que lions of peace and war. As in (..i recce, the chiefs had 1 Italy was overrun Tjy the Ostrogoths and Lombards: fianl bv th- l'rank>: I-. norland \<\ tiie Panes and Anjrlo-Saxons : Spain by the Yi-i- uvths : Africa by tlio Vandal:?. ' : Li' rciyaume !uhard> i'tnit electif. P.- tlix-lmil rois <\ ' \ \l itliari-, ii ' iiVn \ 'it que truis on qnativ ijiii ait'iil j Ifurs pr-jvs.' SisiiiDiuii, //'-'. ,1, < ](,-,,. I/,, I. j. t;i;. 4 >ri>nl".-quifii, T'.*)>rit fox Loi.r: (ini/ot, Ifi.-tf. c/r- l/r ('i'-. 7',: Si<- mnndi. ILi*/. (Ir* />'/>. llui. i. 17. ('.'',. 5 Sisiiiontli, Hi*t. fo* !!<',>. //-//. i. 71. Mont.- luien and Sisiuoiuli 220 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP. gradually encroached upon the prerogatives of kings, VI ^ - and established aristocracies : so the Teuton chiefs in- creased their possessions and their military power, equipped troops of cavalry for the field, and became more powerful than their kind's. But while the Greek chiefs generally deposed their kings, the Teuton barons were content to restrain their prerogatives, and to found a proud feudal nobility, almost independent of the crown, and exercising sovereignty in their own domains. The sinallness of the Greek States forbade such a divi- sion of power, between the king and his nobles : there was no room for both : but the extent of European king- doms favoured a constitution, in which the king could assemble the nobles under his banner, to maintain the honour and unity of the State, while they owed him an allegiance, little more than nominal, in time of peace. );1; ' ;ii!1 - The people were without liberty: but there were oi'i-liiofs no despotic monarchies; 1 and a rude spirit of indepen- dence marked the warlike vassals of kings and feudal lords. And in this spirit lay the seeds of future freedom. Partly from the traditions of the Teutonic race ; and partly from the natural relations of chiefs and vassals, it became a feudal custom for the chiefs to assemble their vassals, to consult them as to their wars and oilier enterprises, and to demand their aid. in armed men. horses, equipments, forage, and other sub- sidies. Such assemblies grew into settled institution.-, and ultimately assumed the form of parliaments. The next cause of ultimate social improvement, dur- ing the middle ages, was the continued influence of th .; traditional laws and customs of ancient Rome. Muni- TRAD1TIOXS OF ROMK. 227 eipal institutions were a distinctive characteristic of the CHAP. VI. lioman polity. In Italy, towns had been the centres of [rovernment and of society : the Line! beinsr cultivated Traditional . . institu- by their inhabitants, who prized the privileges of ri ; i! - ; ' citizensllip, no less than their proprietary rights as land- owners. The same customs extended to the more distant dominions of the empire ; and municipal towns had been founded in Gaul, in Spain, and other parts of Europe, which continued to flourish under the empire. Their privileges, indeed, had suffered from the Imperial rule; and invasions and conquests had ruined them: but the traditions of municipal self-government long survived these ancient institutions. In the South of Europe, they were cherished until the revival of popular franchises in the Italian republics of the middle ages. Further north, the like traditions occasionally prevailed, us in Treves, Cologne, Tournai, Amiens, Arras, and Cambrai. 1 The feudal system was fatal to municipal institutions. Femi:iiiM The conquerors had seized upon the most fertile lauds generally the property of citizens : they dwelt in the midst of their own territories, and despised the cities and their inhabitants, whom they had despoiled. 1 lit hrrto dominion had been the privilege of the towns : now it was held with a strong hand by the country. At the same lime, the dissolution of society caused by the breaking up of the Roman empire', and barbarian conquests, had destroyed the commerce and industry of the towns. The ruin of these prosperous communities closed, tor a time, the most hopeful sources of civilisa- tion and freedom : but their slow revival, under new inllucnces was destined, in the course of ages, to shake 1 Si-e Thierry, Hi*t. dc In Gmde, i. 5:J, 1:>4, & c .l - 228 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP. and. at length, to contribute to the overthrow of, the <-'- ' feudal system itself. Another tradition of the empire was not without influence upon the political destinies of mediaeval Europe. The invading hordes had originally settled upon the conquered lands, in great multitudes ; and the vast plains of Europe facilitated their occupation of wide territories. But these were further extended by successive conquests. All races were familiar with the greatness and the power of Roman dominion : all had learned to revere the sacred dignity of the Roman emperor. This tradition fired Gothic kings with ambition ; ensured the support of their barons in schemes of territorial conquest ; and obtained the ready acquiescence of the subjects of many lands, in the growth of new empires. Such schemes, indeed, need little encouragement from traditions : human nature has supplied ample inducements to conquest, in all ages and countries : yet it cannot be doubted lliat Imperial traditions formed one of the causes of the development of European monarchies, and of the great empires of Charlemagne, Charles V. and Xapoleon. There were also the traditions of Roman laws and administration, which we're never wholly lost, and which eventually formed the basis of the laws of the gre;iier part of Europe. If not, in themselves, favour- able to liberty, yei as the laws of an advanced socictv. awl of accomplished jurists, they upheld principles of equity when force prevailed over justice and right ; nnd they contributed to the revival of civilisation, in Europe. And. further, their study produced a new race of jurists, whose place in society was independent of that of the feudal barons, and of churchmen. Thev CHRISTIANITY. 229 formed ;L cultivated upper class, or new aristocracy, CHAP. apart from the territorial nobles, and the princes of tin- ^ Church. They were the only class whose intellectual training qualified them to withstand the barons, by appeals to the law, and to cope 'with the subtle and practised minds of ecclesiastics. By their studies, and the practice of their profession, they were led to logical methods of reasoning, unknown to the theologians of the middle ages. While churchmen, and society which followed their guidance, trusted, for the proof of facts, to miracles, to supernatural agency, to cruel ordeals, and to wager of battle, the jurists v/ere introducing rational rules of evidence, and seeking truth in the sworn testimony of credible witnesses, and in a philo- sophical scrutiny of natural causes and probabilities. Such habits of thought, wholly alien to those of their own times, assisted in the development of original in- quiry, and in relea>mg society from the intellectual bondage of the Church. 1 They acquired great influ- ence, especially in Italy and France ; and without eon- tending for popular rights, they were a counterpoise to the power of kin^s and nobles, and of the Church; and contributed to the support of free institutions. An enlightened class naturally becomes a guide to public opinion, and is a restraint upon the abuses of f these, was workin r ., . , . . uny ,-ni' uie evils oJ toivujfii courtliest, and to nn- ti ' i -- prove the condition of the people, under the feudal I hal cause i- lo be found in the inl hristiamty and the Catholic Church. toman remiblie, and the establishment 230 THE PARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP, empire, had augured ill for the liberties of Europe : but ^ ' at that very time, the rise of a new faith was destined to exalt the moral and intellectual condition of man- kind, and to institute principles of charity and social rights, unknown to Pagans, and leading to wider freedom and equality among men. The precepts of Christianity are purely spiritual and moral : they were not designed, by Christ himself, to affect the political relations of men. It was only by exalting and purifying the moral principles of society. by overcoming the natural selfishness of the human heart, by enforcing the sacred duties of charity to all men. and by raising a jus.t conception of the equal claims of mankind, upon the mercy and beneficence of their Creator, that the Christian faith could temper the government of States. 1 Some of the precepts of Christ and his apostles have, indeed, been pressed into the service of political controversy. On one side they have been held to favour the 1 doctrine of passive obedience, and the divine light of kings :'-' on the other, to uphold the principles 1 'I,o rhristiani'me no s'ost nnllement ndresse a lY;at social: il a annonoe haiitoment qu'il n'y touchrra.il pas: il a ordonne a, l'e>rlave d'oheir an inaitiv : il if a alia'iiu' aiicun des irrmids niaux. aiicuno des -rande- injustice? de la soriete d'alors. ( jm niera pourtant quo lr rhris- tiiiiiisni' 1 n'uil etr (!'- lnrs uiif ^randi- cris.- dr ];; civilisatiMii * \' I \\YC>-- [ \\"\\ a rliaiiL''i': rii'ininn 1 iuU'ririir, s j s crnyances, ->- M'litiiinMits. parcrqu'il a ri-Lr''ni'ri'- I'li'iimnr moral, riuiiiniie intelk-ctiU'lf (iiii/ut, ('i>-/l,'.i.-1cth ilic power, rcsi>tt'th the ordinanoe of (im.l: and they that re-i-t .-liall rei-eive to them>elves damnation.' IJoinan^. xiii. 1 s . ' I'ul them in mind to he ^uhjoi-i to principalities and power-, to ohey madstrates. to lie ready to everv ^ncd worlc.' Titu^. ii ; . 1. 'Snliniit yourselves to .very ordinance of man for the I.' n'dV sake : whether it ho to the king', as CIIIIISTIAXITY. 2 of 'liberty, equality, and fraternity,' 1 and even of the CHA community of goods, or communism. 2 Pnit tlic.se pre- ,-' cepts were addressed to a spiritual brotherhood, united by the bonds of a holy faith, and not to citizens, for their guidance in temporal affairs. They taught the highest principles of duty and charity, of justice, of mercy and forbearance, of self-denial, of peace and good-will towards men. They breathed the spirit of freedom and equality among their fellow-creatures. In the sight of God, and in the kingdom of heaven, all men were equal. God was no respecter of Mipreme : or unto trovernors as unto them that are sent bv him for t lie puiri-hnieut of evil-doer- ami for the praise of them that do well.' ! Kpi.-tleof Peter, ii. 1M, 14. Honour all men, love the brotherhood : fear God: honour the kmr.' 1 Kpistle of Peter, ii. 17. 'And they allied lliui. is it lawful tor us to saires, ainonL 1 ' others, are relied on Ly this school : ' And there v/a- >;vife anumii' them, which -hould he greatest, nnd He sail] unto them, the kin-r." of the Geinil'- exercise hrrd-liip over : (hey tl'.nl exercise authority upon them are called henetiictnrs. !':it ye -hail noi 1 !( . >t i : Lnt lie th.al is ^reale-t amoiii;- you. let him lie us the yuiiiitrer : and lie that i- chief a,- he that doth serve.' Lulu 1 , .\.\ii. I 1 -!. :."'. L'I'I. r.iu In- \e not palled llahhi: I'or one j- your Master, evni i ' : ' : a: id all ye are Brethren. Uut lie thai is "reatcsl an ion-- you -hall vaut. Andwlios, ( -vershallexall himself -hall l.-aha-rd : and he thai hnmlileth himself -hall he exalted.' Matthew, \\iii. S. 11. - 'And all that bt-lievfil wore tturether, nnd had all tilings i nion : ;.. \ ild ' ' ir ; -- -: uis and ^ood^. and parted them to all men, ; - v :-\ nun had need." Act-, ii, H. 4-">. ' Neither said any of them thai : of t!i" lhini> whicli lie po-K-sse. to crown their triumphs, they converted the northern conquerors of the empire itself. 1 j)iit in the course of four centuries, reat chane- Corruji purity of the iailli itself was corrupted by the worship of saints and martyrs. and by superstitions ceremonies. borrowed from the pagans. Too pure for the corrupt au'e. and superstitious races, which it had overcome, it had been so far debased as to approach the lower ideal of its pagan and barbarous converts. There was liitle to repel a pagan from the services of a Chris- pagan lemples : priests ministered at the altars of the Church, with the pomp and mystery of pagan sacri- (ices : images and relics were adored like pagan idols: and votive ollcrings, upon the walls of Christian churches, betrayed ;he grovelling superstitions of the \Yor>l rippers. 'lutelary saints took the place of mytho- logical divinities." 1 Milnmn. Hi-'. of Lfifiii I'Jtr^fiuinfy, IP. ill. eh. i\ 2 I- iidt tlic vror-liip of i-aints and anp'olr- now. in ali r.--i !;-.:: same that the wcir.-liiji of ili'iiions was in fonuer times ? Tlif dfiiii-il in'.-:; i :' tin' ( 'hri>t iui ;uv ^uli^tmiti-tl lur tlie il'/iiirJ iui",i oi' tlu.' riish.iji Nt-Avton. s-,'.' alsii .Miiiuiin, lLif (_'hri*tiintit>j. i'. iii. ch. 7; ///,,'. nfLtin Chri*H '. b. Lii. c'.i. 7 234 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP. The early Christian churches had been founded - upon principles of freedom. Their bishops had been elected by the congregations, and their modest juris- diction had been mainly spiritual. Provincial synods formed a popular element in the constitution of the Church. Such an ecclesiastical polity, if continued, mil/lit have advanced popular rights, and the liberties of Europe. Put the bishops soon enlarged their own powers, and limited those of the people, while they became subject themselves to metropolitan bishops or primates. The Church was divided into the two dis tinet orders of clergy and laity, of whom the former was continually enlarging its authority and pretensions. The union of churches was growing closer, until iinally the Greek and Roman branches of the Catholic Church comprised the great body of the faithful. The Chi mil revenues, derived from tithes and oblations, and after- ward.- from land-, were ever increasing. The growing the wreck of the Roman empire. In the deca\ of old authorities, they were prompt to lake the lead, in guid- ing and governing the people. Where towns had been ruined, and municipalities overthrown, bishops founded their sees, and assumed t lie first place in temporal, as well as in spiritual affairs. When lands were parcelled out among the conquerors, the bishops secured for them- selves, and for the ('hurch. an ample share of the spoil They associated i icniselvcs with feudalism, and enjoyed its tempi >rahl ies. as lords ol the soil, barons, and princes They did not shrink from becoming owners of serfs, like their temporal compeers : and if. in the words of St. Paul, they accounted t iem 'the Lord's freemen.' 1 CHURCH OF ROME. yet were they contented to leave them the slaves of CHAP. man. The Roman pontiff grew in power, until he was - <-'- the sniriiual head of the Western Church, the vice- The Roman IK. mill'. gerent of Christ upon earth, and a temporal sovereign ambitious, worldly, aggressive, intriguing, and im- perious. Such being the state of Christianity and the Church, ( [ " [',';'; 11< ' c durinir the dark aucs, what promise did they Give of church of ' ' lii'iiii- ujKili aiding in the social and political improvement of the freedom. people? Christianity itself, however corrupted, must ever be a fruitful source of moral and social good : of charity, of humanity, and of unselfishness. In the worst limes, its votaries have cherished a higher ideal of life and dutv than 1'agans. Hut the character it had assumed, at this period, was adverse to its proper in- fluence. Its superstitions were debasing to the 1 human mind : it< belief was a credulous love 1 of the marvellous and supernatural : its devotion an abject prostration of the soul: its ideal of Christian virtue, asceli.-m and penance: its divinity, a tissue of scholastic dogmas : its >| initial inspiration not that of the go-peK but of the priesthood: its charity, not, the toleration of error, but the relentless persecution of free religious though:!. Such a faith was incompatible with a free spirit in man : it favoured ignorance : i: discouraged self-respect and moral confidence: it was litier for >laves than for freemen. to ihe hie'hi'-M ideal oi manhood. The uloomv fanatics of Christendom, instead of preaching that men, ( reated in the image of God, should strive to become worthy of tlie beneficence of their Creator. tauu'Ii! them to believe ilia 1 they were a* worm* on ;3ie face ot the 230 THE DARK AGES AND IKE REVIVAL. CHAP, earth, without power to exalt themselves, bv the endow- VI .-' - ments which God had given them. Conceived in sin, and by nature desperately wicked, they were doomed to everlasting torments, unless they could win the mercy of their Creator, by humbling themselves in sackcloth and ashes. They never heard of the dignity of man. nor of the high purposes of his creation: but only of his depravity and helplessness. 1 A belief in such doctrines as these, depressed the spirit, and paralysed the ivligious and moral feelings of many general ions. The higher motives of human action the love of God. a pious obedience to his will, a pure spirit of holiness, and even the moral guidance of the conscience yielded to craven fear-, and pitiful mortifications of the llesh. It was not until a truer perception of the Christian faith prevailed, that any progress was possible in civili- sation and freedom. The teaching of the Church was also directly adverse to freedom. All the early fathers condemned resistance to the civil power, as a deadly .-in. Xo tyranny, or oppression, no outrages upon humanity, were held to justifv subjects in forcibly protecting themselves against to tyrants had been extolled as one of the hi duties of the patriot: in the earlier age- of Christen- dom, it wa> branded as infamous. The Church gave immunity lo prince-. ;md rivetled the chains of their subjects. 2 Yet ii cannot be doubted that the ministrations of the Church, bevond their >i;iriiu;il uses, were conducive CHURCH OF ROME. 237 to civilisation. In the midst of the humble dwellings CHAP. of the peasantry, churches arose in which they could - adinirc structures excelling in beauty their own rude conceptions of art. Religion was the dominant influence in these dark ages, and it gave the first encouragement to the arts, in church architecture and decoration. In these churches, the people were assembled for worship and instruction ; and were trained to association with their neighbours, for the high and holy purposes of their common faith. Whatever the errors and .super- stitions of the time. Christian teaching could not fail to exercise a salutarv influence over the minds of men. And. further, the councils and administration of the Church, succeeding the organisation of the empire, tended to associate the people of different States, to en- courage international relations, and to introduce the obligations of civilised life into the customs of semi- barltarous nations. What Home had done 1 wilh her civil and military administration, the Church now effected with her varied and wide-spread ecclesiastical institutions. From the faith of the dark ages, let us turn to its Tiu- ^-ic-st prie<'hood. How far did the priests of this period en- courage the ignorance of their flocks y In teaching a corrupted faith, in withholding the Scriptures from the people, in denouncing profane learning, in assuming excessive powers over the souls of the faithful, and in repressing private judgment, they ministered to igno- rance, and intellectual prostration. That, in an a ire of darkness, there were multitudes of ignorant prints i> certain : they knew little but the traditions of their own Church: their narrow creed comprised all know- ledge necessary for mankind. But there were many 233 THE DARK AGES AX!) THE REVIVAL. cn.vr. whoso special education for the priesthood raised them vi. J < ' far above the standard of the laity. Such men were familiar with Greek history, with Roman polity, and Hebrew revelation. What baron was the intellectual equal of a polished churchman? But it was no part of their mission to teach the people. They pursued learning in the cloister, or the study, and their writings were in Latin. They extended the influence of ihe Church : they exalted the power of the priesthood ; and they followed their own lofty ambition : but they made no effort to dispel popular ignorance. And as yet the darkness of the age was too deep for enlightenment. But the moral influence of the Church, in these evil times, was most salutary. The feudal power was founded on birth, territorial possessions, and military prowess. Churchmen exercised a moral power, derived from the spiritual mission of the Church, independent of feudal- ism, and superior to it. It, was their office to enforce moral obligations upon warlike barons, and turbulent soldiers; and to protect, the people from oppression and wrong. They set up a moral law against the rule of force. And they spoke with the voice of a Church whose dominions were wider than the empire itself. 1 The Church also assumed relations to the poor, that had been unknown in the pagan world. The clergy visited the sick : thev dispensed charities, with a liberal hand; and they were friends and comforters of the afllicted. Feelings of tenderness and humanity were fostered, in an age of violence. Numbers of the clergv bein'j- drawn from the ranks of the peasant rv, were CHURCH OF ROMK. 239 an piainted with their wants, and sympathised with their CHAT. suiicrings. They stood between the rich and the poor, *- *-' - as a middle class ; and in every village formed a valu- able and improving element of society. By their edn- Aristo- cation and piety, they aided in raising the standard of society ; they elevated the humble classes from which they sprang ; and they served as mediators between the rude and ignorant lords of the soil, and their helpless peasantry. An'ain, in order to secure the best instru- , O nients of her policy, the Church promoted the ablest men to ihe highest, offices; and the raising of humble priesis to the dignities of the Church, in which church- men became the equals of princes, encouraged the aspi- rations of thelowlv. and introduced a degree of equality into the relations of society. 1 These dignities being personal and not hereditary, formed some counterpoise to the hereditarv feudal lordships ; and the celibacy of the clergy prevented the growth of ecclesiastical fami- lies, enriched by the property of the Church. In later times, the ambitious pretensions of the Holy See occasionally imposed a check upon the absolute rights of kings. The Pope arrogated to himself the right of deposing temporal sovereigns, in the name of (mi ; and to increase his power, he was constrained to seek the aid of the people, on. whose behalf he assumed to declare the will of the Almighty. Any pretension-; v\hieh impaired the absolutism of rulers were so tar favourable to liberty: but the 1'ope wa> contending for ecclesiastical domination, not fur civil freedom ; and if 240 THE DARK AGES AND THE REVIVAL. CHAP, the latter cause sometimes profited by his intervention, VI. . - it was because kings were weakened not because the Church was the apostle of liberty. In the writings of theologians and schoolmen, indeed, are to be found opinions favourable to liberty, and even to democracy : l but they were speculations of the cloister, and bore no fruits in the policy of the Church. On the contrary, except when the ambition of Church- men conflicted with that of princes, their influence was ever on the side of the temporal power. For six centuries, Europe continued in intellectual darkness. Whatever the moral influence of the Church, and whatever the attainments and capacity of her fore- most churchmen, she had contributed little to the general enlightenment of the people. Her learning, her science, and her philosophy were purely theological. Every in- quiry and speculation was circumscribed by her tenets and traditions. Freedom of thought was repressed in ^ecular studies, as in religion. The human mind was held in leading strings by the Church. The ignorance of this period, however, cannot be charged mainly on the Church. The education of the people would have been beyond her resources. Even under the favour- able conditions of modern society, we see how obsti- nately ignorance, error, and prejudice maintain their ground against enlightenment. Schools, compulsory 1 John of >ali4>ury wrote in the twelfth century: 'There is no man who loves nut liberty, who wi-he- not strength to defend it. 1 ' Slavery is the imajre (if death, and lilierty is the safety of life.' Joan. Sari-h. Polvcratiftis, \Hi. ";. Thomas Aquinas wrote : ' Tli' 1 power of making law.- lielonirs to the whole people, or to him who repre>; j nt? them :' and. nu'uin. ' A I 1 , .-lumld have a part in the n'overnnient .' ( hunes a!ii[U;nn part'-m habeanl in prineipatu : ' Sm/ni/ti 77icolot/i(i, lih. i._. Many Mini];'.!' example- will lie I'm u id in L/i (//<>!/< fff/urtn'^c an Mui/i'ii-uiji'. par M. Lecoy de la .Mareli". bvo. Paris. !-;-. CHURCH OF ROME. 241 education, preaching from thousands of pulpits, the CHAP. multiplication of books and newspapers, a marvellous - intercourse between nations, and the freest spirit of inquiry, have failed to dispel the ignorance of great masses of the people. In the dark ages, the obstacles to enlightenment were nearly insuperable, and among them must be reckoned the narrow spirit of the Church herself. Few candid thinkers, beyond the reach of theological influence, will now question that the leach- ing of the Church arrested the development of thought and discovery. 1 The spiritual and secular power of the Church, Spiritual . . ...... -. ami secular apart from the ignorance to which it ministered, was a power of ' Ti ,- -11 theClnm-h. severe check to European liberties. Her rule weighed heavily upon the minds and conscience's of men. It was supreme' in religion, in domestic life, and in the State. In religion it forbad fivedom of thought, under the penalties of death and torture: in domestic life, it pursued and watched the faithful in every act. from birth unto death : in the State, it claimed supremacv over kings and rulers, and swayed their policy in the in- teivsts of Koine, rather than for the good of their country. And by what an executive force 1 was this great power administered! A vast army of priests held posses-ion of Europe: superior to laymen in learning: under the 1 strictest discipline: owing alK u'i- 1 Lord Bacon, in the _V<^v'/ Ori/mmm, pronounced it one of the principal causes of the intellectual torpor of the middle aires '.'i*. l.eckv. If/*/, df' Rfffioiirilixiti, ch, iii.. and e>peciailv p. _ -- ,' Draper. ('<>njli<-; hcfjrccn Iuii;i/n,i mid Sfii'itcc, ch. ii.. \. \c. Le\\vs, , of l'!iili>.<(ij>l/i/. ii. ">. The latter author sa\s ' the Church, liotli h\ ins.' and liv precept, was opposed lo science and literal lire.' i)iu (iiii/.oi. despitu liis protestantism, contends that ' I'iiifl IVirlise a plus de\ eloppr qiie comprinie, plus utondu quo rosseir. :' Ili.- ld (//. 1 ")'!. Conite also tul.t- a similar view ; l'/iil. ]\i.-t. v. -lo^'. VOL. i. K 242 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP, ance to a foreign sovereign : separated by their sacred ' ^ office, and by celibacy, from their fellow-countrymen : leagued together by the straitest ties of duty, ambition, and faith : speaking the one universal language : ever striving to exalt the dignity and power of the Church, and to subjugate the wills of men ; and repressing every aspiration for freedom. Growing ^ While such was the state of the Church, and of society, many civilising influences were advancing the enlightenment of Europe. The feudal lords, less oc- cupied with arms, were more disposed to cultivate the arts of peace. As an aristocracy, they were helping to refine society. Poetic, recitals had been the first litera- ture of the Greeks; and they were the first intellectual diversion of the Teutons arid Celts. From the earliest times, bards and scalds had been the delight of the northern races; 1 and these were succeeded by the minstrels and troubadours of the middle aires. The festive; halls of the barons were enlivened by llie songs of minstrels; and the imagination was awakened by poetic tales of love and valour, ^uch entertainments were congenial to both sexes ; and high-born ladies encouraged the humble minstrels with their gracious smiles. In the domestic circle; of the feudal castle, women held a worthy place; and the sentiment of devotion to the fair sex was refined and idealised by poetry." 1 'Celebrant rarmiiiiljus anliqms (qnod ununi ajiud illos memorise et, annulimu !/enus c-.stj Tuislmiem deum . . . I'uissc apud cos i>t Ilorculem memonuif : primumque omnium virorum i'orliimi iluri in ]>r:rliu caiuinl.' 'J acilns, l)c Mar. flcnn. c. 2. ~ Bishu]) .Percy's Kw/>/ on A iicintt, I'lni/lish Minstrel*; Midiolct, Hint, de. France, i. 107, 470; J/ixf.. Lit. tie* Troubadours, .1774: Sir Walter Scott'ri Anne of Giersfeiti, note to cli. xi. CHIVALRY. l)iit the institution of chivalry the great theme of CHAP. poetry and song was the chief source of refinement - -'' . .... to the feudal lords. Knights, consecrated l)y the u Ij y- Church to deeds of })iety and valour, dedicated them- selves !o the service of God and the ladies: they swore 1 to speak the truth : to maintain the right : to shield the oppressed: to observe courtesy; and to seek dangers. And loyally did they fulfil their mission. Higher sentiments of honour and loftier aims were now cherished l>v the young nobles. Their valour and prowess were displayed in picturesque tournaments, which, unlike the more barbarous games of ancient (1 recce, were graced by the presence of the fair sex. The victor received his prize from the hand of the fairest and noblest lady of the 1 company. A generous emulation was encouraged, in valour and in courtesy : 1 he ideal of woman was exalted ; and intercourse be- tween knights of many lands was improving to the mind and manners of society. \\ ith all its worldly lustre, chivalry was true to its association with piety; and knights returning from pilgrimages to the Holy Land, or other pious adventures, brought with them the resources and cultivation of foreign travel. 3 To have taught rude barons honour, courtesy, and good manners, was no small service to society. Honour became, as it were, a social religion, refining the con- science, and exalting the sense of moral duly; courtesy encouraged gentleness in their relations with neigh- bours and dependents: and good manners justly reckoned amono'the tine arts in rearing a race of well- n. forwarded the civilisation of The softer climate of the South beinn especially fa\ 1 GiVbon. Rome. vii. K'O : Sharon Turner, Jh'-<(. of l-'.mi. cb. \i;i. \c. 44 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP, able to the cultivation of graceful manners, Italy and f France took the lead in this attractive art. and have not vet been overtaken by the hardier nations of the Xorth. 1 When feudal society was under the inspiring in- fluence of chivalry, the pious and warlike passions of Europe were appealed to by the memorable Crusades. The flower of the princes and nobles of Europe flocked to the standards of the Crusaders. If these holy wars were fanatical and impolitic, the sentiments which in- spired them were far worthier than the savage feuds and brutal plunder, for which the barons of old had been wont to draw their swords. An exalted en- thusiasm took possession of Christendom : churchmen and laity vied with one another in zeal and sacrifices. All classes were fired by the same passionate ardour : in a fanatical age. the minds of men were raised above fanaticism, by lofty sentiments of honour and duty, and by visions of glory. The spirit of the Crusaders was chivalrous and heroic. The torpor of the dark ages was awakened to great interests and engrossing sym- pathies. Society was stirred with new thoughts and aspirations. For the first time, all Europe was inspired bv the same sentiments, and united in a common cause. Nation-, previously strangers to one another, fought f elisiant realms, new routes were opened for com- meivial e'lile'rprise'. and new industries introduced into Europe 1 . The 1 supply of vast armie's, in the East, also gave a prodigious impulse 1 to navigation anel foivign commerce. In this ivspe'ct no country profited so much as Italy: her geographical position, and lie-r long-i'stablislied communications with the East, natu rallv gave iier the principal share of ihe'se commercial advantages. AYhile other nations were' impoverished. Italv was e'-nnched : anel the ene'ourage'ment given to lie'r industry, and her wide intercourse with other nations, rapidly advamvel the 1 development e>f Italian after generation was decimated bv their ravage's; and the estate's of the barons we're wasted by costly expeditions. During their long absences, the feudal voke had luvonie lighter; and societv had advanced in indnstrv and prosperity. "\\hile the barons we're 1 impoverished. 24(> TIIK DARK AOKS AXD THE REVIVAL. their neighbours had risen in wealth and indepen- dence. Their habits of life were also changed. They had become accustomed to foreign luxuries, ihe in- dulgence of which further contributed to their ruin, while it encouraged commerce and manufactures. Their rude hospitality and hosts of retainers were diminished in favour of costly ornaments, jewelry, and apparel. liut while their tastes were more refined, their courage and manliness were not less conspicuous. They were still animated by the 1 spirit of chivalry : but they had acquired the cultivation of a more advanced society. Their manners wen 1 more polished : youths of gentle birth learned grace and courtesy, as well as the arts of war and horsemanship, in their households. And this was the brave and courteous race, from whom have' sprung the nobles and gentlemen of modern Europe. These social changes, in weakening the aristo- cracy, increased, on one side, the power of monarchs, and on the other the freedom of the people. lUit. above all. they led to the enfranchisement of the ri-ing communes. Hence the rise of new municipalities in Italy, dermanv. Flanders, and elsewhere, which ad- vanced tin 1 liberties of Europe. 1 The period of feuda- lism, picturesque and poetical in many of its aspects. was yet incompatible with freedom; and its decline usheivd in the birth of a new era of social and political enfranchisement . The towns \\luch had >uli'ered decay from invasions 1 Gibbon. H(,,n. F.IIIJI. vii. -11!': Micholet, JIi*f. '"" lecoii : llniiie. ES.-HUI* : <>f lt<-fiin-iii<'iit in tin' *\rtx; Ailaiu Smith, \\~cdlth of \ations, b. iii, ch. -J : lu-'bt'i'tiun. L'/torlc* /".. st.-ct. i. REVIVAL OF TOWNS. 247 MIH! civil wars, upon the fall of the Koman empire, had CHAP. siill been repressed by the feudal polity. The inhabi- tants were ]>oor tradesmen and mechanics, and the serfs of the neighboiiring barons : they were; liable to heavy exactions, and were often a prey to violence and plunder. .Hut they enjo}'ed more productive industries than the peasantry, and readier means of association. Hence ihcir social advancement was far more rapid than that of the agricultural serfs. The municipal traditions of Home had survived, and were confirmed by the free customs of the Teutons. 1 The bishops gave importance to the cities in which they dwelt, and befriended the eiti/cns with counsel and protection, in their contests \vith their feudal lords. From the eighth century, in many of the cities and towns, the burghers assembled annually to elect their magistrates : and the forms of free municipal government were established, J>ut they were siiil defenceless against their feudal superiors; and the greater their riches, the more- frequent and irritating be- came the exactions and oppression which they suffered. They had seen in the barons themselves frequent examples of resistance to feudal claims ; and thev were Tlie!r Hut ii was nol until the eleventh century? that they were s! ron u? enough to make an effectual struggle for their liberties. Many of the towns were then fortified, and their inhabitants trained to arms. The rebellions of single towns had usually been crushed: now they became general, through the greater part of Europe 1 ! observe that ivrtMit writers an> ilissati>tie'- accumulated. A rivalry arose between the wealth and intelligence of the towns, and the birth and terri- torial possessions of the feudal lords. In Italy the cities also became the homes of the nobles and landed proprietors, as they are at the present day; 1 and they were the first to assert their liberties. The learned professions were also personal, and not hereditary; and if they were more generally practised by members of the same families, than at a later period, professional distinctions were due to the personal talents and charac- ter of i he man himself, and not to his ancestry. Hence the hereditary principle was generally weakened by the increasing influence of the towns. Everywhere the great cities became the 1 centres of civilisation and free- dom. Their example was more slowly followed by rural communities : but in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the cultivators of the soil began to be enfran- chised from serfdom, in the greater part of Kurope. AS iii the (ireek States, the dominion of the nobles n?v.-.f power oi the middle and lower classes, enriched by commerce and maritime enterprise: so the rule of the ieuda! nobles was gradually shaken by the like causes. As towns and cities increased in power, and the in taut ry of tin 1 burghers proved itself a match forth* 1 mounted retainers of the feudal lords, the democratic element soi society wen 1 able to combat the aristocracy. At the close 1 of the fifteenth century, the feudal dominion had 1 Gallenera. Unbi /,'Towinut they had other enemies, with whom thev knew how to con- I>52 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. toiul. From ovcrv crag and liill-to]) frowned a castle, from which robber l);irons ;md robber bisliops made desceiils upon the citizens, as they passed, with their merchandise, along the roads and rivers. More serious quarrels also broke out between them, sometimes caused by outrages of the barons, sometimes provoked by the cities themselves, which led to bloody conflicts. Inllalv. the cities endeavoured to disarm the barons by enrolling them as citi/ens: in Germany, they received the, vassals and serfs of the feudal lords with open arms, but defied their masters, or entered into alliances with them for mutual defence. Such being the rela- tions of nearly all the free cities to their dangerous neighbours, they entered into leagues for mutual defence. Thus, in the thirteenth cent urv, t he Ilanse towns formed an alliance, called the 1 llanseatic League. In 1 o()0. this league comprised no less than sixty cities, demo- cratic in their internal government, and confederated for commercial privileges and mutual advantage. They also allied themselves with great numbers of cities in England, in France, in the Netherlands, in Spain and in Italy. 1 A number of cities not less considerable, near the iihine, entered into another Li'reat confederation, known as the IMienish League. They were led by three eccle- siastical electors, and became an important political force in the councils of the empire. In L">7", thi< league entered into a confederacy with the cities of Swabia, and united in opposition to the German princes. The (id-man free ciiies were, indeed, overshadowed bv the power of emperors, princes, barons and the REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 253 Church : but they enjoyed valuable local franchises : CHAT. they were a great power for the protection of commerce, - and they had a voice in the government of the State. With the growth of municipal liberties, European c.n.wthof monarchies gradually assumed a more constitutional n.nstitu- character. Kings, nobles, and people exercised social and political power in different degrees: but no single estate could establish its absolute supremacy. The vast territorial possessions of kings and nobles could alone have enabled them to resist the domination of city demo- cracies, even if the latter could have united their forces ; and tlu-v were powerfully supported by the spiritual in- fluence of the Church. The intellectual resources of churchmen were allied to t he temporal forces of kings and barons, in repressing popular aspirations. And as vet t he intelligence of t he people had not been awakened by those great religious and intellectual movements, which were about to arouse society from its lethargy of many ages. Hut popular rights and franchises were acknowledged as part of the institutions of every Euro- pean State. The various social and political changes which we !! have recounted could not have arisen without a con- siderable advancement of society, in knowledge and en- lightenment. This progress commenced from the eighth century, when Europe was recovering from barbaric . , invaHoii^: but it was slow and. for some a \\ule 254 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP, dominions. To supply this need. lie ordained that - r - bishop.s and monasteries should maintain schools, in connection with their chur< lies and establishments. He invited learned foreigners. 1 to assist in the revival of letters ; and by their aid he established .schools in several of the cities of his empire. The same en- lightened policy was continued by his successors: schools increased in number and importance : learned men were attracted to the .service of public instruction ; and early in the twelfth century some of the principal schools attained the distinction of universities. Theo- logy and the civil law were their chief studies, classical literature being generally discouraged as pagan, and science being narrowed to the dogmatic conceptions of the Church. .Hut they taught the current learning and philosophy of the age: they trained multitudes of young men to a standard of knowledge, which would have been otherwise beyond their reach : and they as- sembled numbers of learned men. who formed centres of enlightenment and cultivation. Here was the lir>t step towards the revival of learning, i".nas- AmoiiLf I he causes of intellectual advancement, ihe t< rif-s. influence of monasteries must not be overlooked. However gross the abuses of these institutions, opeci- to acknowledgment. Designed for religious purposes. the cultivation ot secular learning formed no part of the scheme of their foundation. Hut men who chose the monastic life, and were willing to seclude them- selves from the world and societv. had more inclination REVIVAL OF LEABXIXG. ZOO and inoro opportunities for study than their busier CHAT brethren. And while the ignorance of the secular . clergy was notorious, nuiny members of the religious orders were distinguished for their learning. The monasteries, being sacred from the lawless violence 1 of the times, afforded protection to the manuscripts which had been preserved irom former ages, and to the writings of the learned monks themselves. Accord- ingly most of the works of antiquity, which have 1 reached us, were thus preserved. .But so little did the monks value these treasures, that to their shame it must be said, they did not scruple to erase the priceless com- positions of Homer. Livy, Polybius. Cicero, or Plantus, in <>rdrr to transcribe the acts of Church councils, local chronicles, theological treatises, and litanies. 'The palimpsests, which have been deciphered by modern scholars, bear witness to the scandalous indifference of the monk.- to classical learning. Xay, they even sold fragments of the defaced parchments, to ignorant devotees, as charms. It was natural that their own writing's should be mainly devoted to theology : but we learn a considerable part of the history of their times, from their curious chronicles. We may lament that they did no more for the instruction of mankind : but the -pirn of their age was adverse to secular learn- ing, or original thought . Tin' ci\ ilisit ion of the ancie i' Empire, of Asia, of Egypt, and of Arabia. Constantinople had inherited the Imperial glories l \> -:,'"' of Koine. As the capital of the Eastern Empire, she tk.u. had been snared the ruin which had befallen the 250 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP, metropolis of the West. Her splendours had escaped 1 . the ravages of barbarian hordes; and though some of her provinces we're laid waste by the Vandals and Persians, she long secured her imperial dominion. Her ancient civilisation was thus maintained, while the whole fabric of European societv lav in ruins. It stood as a light to lighten the darkness of Europe. l>ut it "was assuming new forms and colouring. Originally more Greek than lioman. in its type 1 , it gradually ac- quired an Oriental character. Eastern and pagan cus- toms flourished together with Christian usage's. The emperor, surrounded by the pom]) and magnificence of an Eastern potentate, and wearing a Persian tiara, pre- sided over the savage and brutal sports of the 1 amphi- theatre;, and was approached with Oriental prostrations. Yet, with such surroundings, was he a Christian, dispu- ting with doc-tors of the Church, and scourging here'lics. This was not a form of civilisation which promised much intellectual aid to Europe, lint Byzantine society, howe've-r demoralised by Eastern and pagan associa- tions, was rich, luxurious, and cultivated. Its tastes gave encouragement to art and literature. Byzantine architecture, blending Greek with Eastern forms, cap- tivated the mixed races of the East and South. The ;32A.u. Christian Church of St. Sophia was filte-d to become 1 , in later times, the renowned mosque of the Mosh'ins; while it a f Forded examples of church architecture to Sicilv and llalv. 'I he luxuriant fancv of the East abounded in artistic works, in gold, silver, gems, mosaic, ivory, marble, and textile fabrics, which, finding their \\av into Italy and the South of Europe, contri- buted to t he revival of medieval art. The literary resources of Constantinople ought to REVIVAL OF LE.VRXIXG. have made her the intellectual mistress of the world : lint tlu-v were wasted and misapplied. ?hc liad in- herited the priceless treasures of Greek and 1'oman genius: but they lay buried, like the relics of Hercu- laneum and Pompeii. They were preserved, and tran- scribed, for the use of later ages, but they inspired no in- tellectual revival, Pagan philosophy was proscribed by Christian theologians; and classical learning was overshadowed by the dogmatic teaching of the fathers. The original literature of the Byzantine Empire was worthless: but the Pandects of Justinian founded a code of laws for Europe ; and the (-ireek and Poman manuscripts, which had been neglected iu the East, were de-lined to awaken the slumbering intellect of Italy and the West. The ei\ilisation of the conquering xlrabs, or Sara- Jerusalem, and Africa, and continued their conquests until the\- became masters of the Byzantine Empire, was yet more Ivislern. It embraced the traditional knowledge of Asia and of Kgypt . Its intellectual activit v forms one of the most singular phases in the historv of human progress. The cultivation of the Saracens was iin less remarkable than their military prowess and religious conquests. The khalifs of Bagdad founded schools of mathematics, arithmetic, astronomv. medi- cine, surgery, and general learning: thev assembled philosophers and learned men from all rcLfioiis (i reeks. [Egyptians, L'ersians, and Je\\s : the\- est; blished libranes : they I'lideavoured to collect the scat- tered relics ol ancient philosophy and lea mini:': they pursued their researches through every school of science; and they seemed to emulate the traditional VOL. 1, S 258 THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. CHAP, renown of the Alexandrian Museum, and the Egyptian Vi. -n i - r ' rtolemies. The conquests of the Saracens brought their strange culture into the very heart of Europe. In the eighth century they invaded Spain, and founded an Eastern civilisation in a Western State. Here the Moorish khalifs of Cordova became the rivals of the Arab kha- lifs of Bagdad. At a time when profane learning was ignored elsewhere, they were patrons of science, learn- ing, ai id the arts: they founded schools and universi- ties : they encouraged every branch of scientific re- search : and their court was the centre of an intellec- tual society. Their splendid palaces still remain as monuments of their magnificence and taste. Their civilisation was several centuries in advance of that of Europe. Had their cult lire been that of Christian princes and churchmen, it would have quickened the intellectual growth of every European people, and precipitated the tardy revival of later times. i!ut the learned and accomplished Moors wrote in a foreign tongue, and professed a religion which was repugnant to every Christian. Hence, their inlhience was com- paratively limited : it failed to penetrate Europe like the Italian revival ot the fifteenth century: bu! it as- suredly contributed to the general Mock of European knowledge. >onie ol the science of the Moors was wholly lost, but whal was spared, stimulated (he scien- tific researches ot Christian students; and ih-ir arts, and their lighter literature, spread into the south of France. Sicilv and Iialv. and (hence to other couniries. 1 KEVIYAL OF LEAKX1XG. Iii the ninth coiiiury, the Saracens conquered Sicily, mid established tliemselvcs in Xaples, and in Tied- niont :' and everywhere they left traces of their archi- tect lire and their ails. Saracenic forms followed the l>y/aniine. and helped to mould the church architec- ture of medieval Europe. With the Saracens, the Jews are naturally as>o- rnftwncoof elated. They had been among' the early teachej's of promoting the Arabs; 1 ' and they shared the learned labours, and tm ,f the unhappy fate of the Spanish Moors. Exiles from their o\\n land, and despised, outraged, and persecuted in every other, this gifted race were among the fore- nio^t agents of European ci\ ilisation. They cultivated ed medicine; and. above all. thev promoted com- merce, and instructed princes and merchants, in the conduct ol financial operations. 1'assmg Irom one country to another, and maintaining a wide intercourse with their brethren in many lands, they aided the great international enterprises, which at once enriched and enlightened the citizens of media-vai Stales:" 1'Voin the concurrent operation of these various p,. .,u,; causes, the intellectual enlightenment of Europe slow! \ advanced; and in ihe twelfth cenlury showed signs of a siill wider development. The univei>itie> i...-' , . : lh.' \\ -: . / ' /' 'tint J)i -jlujHiH-nt ;' ". L'7 '/>'.'/.: '" ./ ;; ' ; ' * >, l,'r/;,ri; t>f Mulni (//lotle. and the metaphysics of Augustine, served as the basis of the philosophy of the schoolmen. Its pursuit quickened the intellect, and practised the dialectic skill of its professors. Like the Greek sophists, they cultivated a, rare subtlety and acuteness in reasoning : but they added nothing to the treasury of human knowledge. Their studies, however, accelerated the intellectual development of their age. They aroused the im-rl in- telligence of their contemporaries: they popularised the discussion of abstruse moral problems; and. above of the Church. In the ardour of their dialer-tie con- troversies, they learned to exercise a right of private jnd'jment. whieh neither churchmen nor laymen had hitherto ventured to assert; and they raised religious doubts which tended to promote schisms in the Church of Rome. 1 '\ lie Church, alive to these dangers, sternlv repressed the new spirit ol free nujinrv. In earlier limes, liberty ol thought had been repressed bv the iimoranee of the people, the exclusive .-pint of theology, and ecclesiastical censures: now it was to be crushed with all the powers and terrors of the Church. 2 At this period, another significani evidence of in- CLASSICAL LEAKXIXG. 2(5 lelleclual growth was beginning to disclose itself, in the CHAT. oveiiu'iit, and more general use, of distinctive - ^ national languages. The Latin tongue, corrupted by Growth (' the monks, and adapted to ecclesiastical uses, was ill ^'"'jg'! 1 ,". suited to the purposes of social life, or original liter- ature; and as cultivation advanced, modern languages formed themselves out of the Latin and other roots. The growth of European languages, and the disuse of the Latin tongue, impaired the influence of the Church. and favoured freedom of thought and political liberty. Keleased from the trammels of the 1 ancient and sacred tongue, men revelled in their national and fami- liar speech: the free intercourse 1 of society was pro- inoied : thoughts we're interchanged, without the stamp of authority; and new varieties of national literature gave expression io the sentiments and aspirations of kindred peoples. Diversity of language was a neces- sary piv ude to civil and religious liberlv in Europe. The Bzantine (i reeks had alreadv revived the cins-ical of Constantinople, they spread it more widelv through- out Kurope. The controversies of the schoolmen made known the philosophy of 1 he ancients; and a study of classical models, advancing with the new literature, stimulated the genius, and cultivated the task 1 of its votaries. 1 lie \\e>icrn revival of learning made fruit- ful the seeds ol ancient culture, which had been hmg buried and barren for centuries, Dante, Petrarch. ain Boccaccio, were inspired with its if enius, and revived its sirit. The civilisation of antiuity was al len! i re THE DARK AGES AXD THE REVIVAL. aspirations, which the mcdkeval polity of Europe, in Church and State, had hitherto repressed. In religion, in politics, and in philosophical speculations, the minds of men were awakened to freedom. These various influences wrought a memorable change in the intellectual and social condition of Europe. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the intellectual revival, which had given signs of life two centuries before, and which neither the Church nor feu- dalism had been able to repress, at length revealed itself in every department of human thought and inquiry. In science 1 , and philosophy, in learning, in poetry, in the unfolding of the Scriptures, in their original tongues, in the cultivation of the immortal classics, in the study of the lioman law. in painting, sculpture, and architec- ture, in useful discoveries and inventions, the enfran- chised intellect of man made greater advance-- than in the preceding thousand years of ignorance and fanati- cism. Italy was the leader of this marvellous move- ment. S ie inherited the genius and traditions of a remote lioman ancestrv : she was the first to recover lone; lost liberties: her socielv. concentrated in large towns, was more advanced than in other States: her language more beautiful and finished: her intercourse with foreign lands more extended. Her fail 1 land was the home of the ambitious, stirring Papacv which was striving to rule i ie whole world. Foremost in social and political progress, she was lirs! in intellectual de- velopment. !)Ul she was quieklv followed by France. Spain. England. Flanders, and (Germany. The spirit of this revival, whether in philosophy, in learning, or in art. was emancipation from the narrow traditions of the dark ages. Inspiration was sought in the REVIVAL OF LEATCVIXG. 203 iireal models of antiquity, not in the cramped examples CHAP. of mediaeval thought. 1 This worship of classical genius, - indeed, was carried lo excess ; and as the Church hud adopted some of the superstitions of Paganism, so the revival was tainted by its sensuality and grossncss. lint its beauty, its grace, its freedom, its truthfulness, and natural force were the noble 1 , foundations of modern culture. The revival ministered to religion, no less than its sendees to tlic intellect and the senses. Men were at length admitted to a knowledge of llolv AVrit. without the glosses and errors of priests and schoolmen. Churches of surpassing beauty had been raised to the service of (rod. since I he earlier re viva! of the t welft h century ; and svere now adorned with pictures, statuary, and stained glass, in whi-ah foi'ins of divine loveliness exalted the mind*i of worshippers abo\-e the superstitious traditions of the dark ages. The human fonn was idealised, and Iraiisiigured into the divine. The gha-ily martyrdoms, and revolting torments of hell, which had disfigured the earlv churches, ga\'e place to sublime conceptions of ihe fransu'guration of Christ, and the assumption of the hle him self, and turn aside and tell hi- ' [iray, I.ikf St. IlTiiard travelling alun^ the shores ni' ilir I, .IK- Lei:. a i. ;. ; 'l n ;.; _ n-ither the axuve of the wateiv, nor the liiMina id 1 ui liif v;ne>. nor the radiamv oi' ihe ni mntain.- \viih their ': ; sutnv, ljul heiiding n thoiurlit-lairdeiHHl Ibrehend over tlie ntH'k "i' his mule; evi'ii like this monk, hiimaniiv had jui^iil. a can fill i . .. . . ; o!' sill, death, and judiruu'iit. ; .,.ii\\a\- nt' (in 1 \\~< ..'. and had not known thai they svore siu'ht- W"rthv. cr tiial lis'e is a !'!"-!:,-.' It- /.ni-^ir/n-i- nf j:,:ln. 11. 204 THE DARK AGES AND THE REVIVAL. CHAP, more emotional ; the dirge-like monotones of the sixth ' century 1 were succeeded by sacred strains which moved the feelings, and stirred the, religious sentiments of the faithful. A higher art no longer expressed the gloomy abasement of despairing sinners, but breathed the pious hopes and jovful aspirations oi' believers. The music of the revival was in harmony with its new in- tellectual forces. Inspired by the genius of a regene- rated and hopeful age. it was vigorous, sympathetic, and sublime. 2 J5ut it was in original thought and free inquiry, thai the revival rendered the highest services to man- kind. In religion, il prepared the way for the Pro- testant Reformation : in science, it led to t lie discoveries of Copernicus. Galileo, and Christopher Columbus : in philosop iv. it inspired the fruitful speculations of all the great thinkers of modern Europe; and in the polity of European lStales.it formed the elements of future freedom. Men recovered a sense of their own inde- pendence and dignity, and were prepared to assert their rights. '1 in.- sentiment oi liberty spread irom the South to the Xorth. Commencing in Italv and Spain, it extended to Switzerland and Germany, France and England. 3 This period of revival al.-o witnessed scientific dis- coveries and inventions which were destined to inul- tiplv the material and moral force- of the people. Gunpowder < " the ' chants Fin; -'ill fitlli']' ('alil'ilir chim-lie.-. fdus-cniala-r. flint, dr- ntr>ni>if> . Prom early ages, various heresies had been discovered, and forcibly repressed. .But when society was awakened and instructed, and when the mysteries of religion, of the human mind and of creation, were discussed with greater freedom, more formidable heresies threatened the unity of the orthodox Church. Early in the thirteenth ceiiturv the Albigenses of Lunguedoc had associated in such number- that all the powers oi Church and State were united against them, and they were put down by a ruthless massacre. The Waldenses or Yaudois. of Piedmont, who claimed a more ancient creed, survived, through many centuries, the mosi cruel persecutions. The Lollards of England, and the Huss- ites oi Bohemia, proved the growing alienation of large bo; ies of religious men from llie doctrines and rule of the ( 'liurch of liome. They accepted the Scrip- tures as iheir guide: they inveighed against human authority in matters of faiih ; and thev denounced the 1 C'omtf, 7V///. 7 '(/.t. v. !-i'. J ComtP i- "i iij.i;ii in t'uii ; : ." Church of i.'nme will fall. iii j p"'y- . -in ; !' i ,-i :;. -- ui' i:> ijn ik-ctuul conditii 'ii. and it..- ojijm- '.' ha '"it- ui n." :;:; plulcr-uphy and .-ci-.-ucx- ; iuid. vi. -i-~ -'>. TliK INQUISITION. 207 sale of indulgences, and other abuses of the Papacy. Persecution provoked revolt; and oppressed schis- matics became rebellious subjects. It was thus thai struggles for civil and religious liberty first arose ; and henceforth, the principal contests which were waged against authority, in various parts of Europe, were caused by resistance to arbitrary measures, in restraint of religion. Hence, freedom of religious thought proved to be the foremost promoter of European liberties. The Churc i si ruck at these 1 heresies with merciless severity. Pope Innocent III. founded that dread tribunal, the Holy Inquisition. 1 This institution estab- lished ; ie most fearful tyranny ever attempted over the thought^ and liberties of mankind. Its jurisdiction w,-is not coniinet to the trial of overt acts against the Church, but embraced heresy, apostacy, sorcery, and the profession of the Jewish or Mohammedan f.ith. Its double object was to repress freedom of thought, and to enrich the Church. Its cruelly, and its corrup- tion, were alike notorious. Any opinion, however ex- pressed, whether relating to religion or not, w iich was held to be ;it variance with the received dodrinesof * 'hinvh. was punishable as heresy. Philosophy and science were branded as heretical: experiments in chemistry, and the natural sciences, were condemned as magic. Jews and Saracens, who owed no allegiance i<> the ( hurc i. were vet subject to IIert\ on the oilier; and principles were suc- cessfully maintained in Holland. 1 in Enu'land." and else- 272 THE DARK AGES AND THE REVIVAL CTIAP. -where, which have 1 since formed the basis of free vi. "- institutions. Thpi.v- The Reformation m;,y. indeed, be reo-ardcd as < T'natinn . .'-.., the com- the commencement 01 a revolutionary period in the inencemrnt _ _, . . , ofarevoiu- history ot hurope, which lias not yet been brought to a Period: close 1 . 1 It left two opposing forces, which naturally continued in violent conflict. On one side there were arbitrary and bigoted sovereigns: nobles still cherish- ing the traditions of feudalism, and enjoving many of its privileges ; and churchmen holding fast to their ancient tenets, exasperated by dangerous schisms, and fiercely intolerant of heresy. On the other, then 1 were large societies of men who, having cast off the shackles of the middle ages, were 1 estranged from the traditional policy of their rulers. They claimed free- dom for their consciences, and respect for their rights and interests as subjects : but were branded as schis- matics and rebels. The policy of the middle ages was in conflict, with the religious thought, the intellectual enlightenment, the social progress, and the political aspirations of the new era; and it was only !>v manv revolutions thai more advanced principles of freedom, in ('hurch and Slate, could be established, and govern- ments brought into harmony with the developments of modern societ v. Of the revolutions of that period, we shall treat heivalh-r: but we must first revert to some earlier illus- trations of democracy, which have been already glanced at. in the present chapter, 1 Parti'iii. clfjmis !> Imt tin \vi ,-ifclf. on pMit dirt'. sar,> ov.iuvrition, qnc sous cctti' pivr.iirrc i'tiniif, IVsprit ivvolutionnaire sVst pjioiitaiionient - ;-n]iau-( ; , a di\crs df.<_Ti\<, (inns tonics lc.> clnsx-s de hi sociint' t'uropt : cniH'. ' (junito, ri'iio*. ] : . 273 CHAPTER VII. TIIK I TALI AX REPUBLICS. EARLY RISE OF ITALIAN CITIES GENERAL VIEW OF THEIR GOVERNMENTS ITALIAN CULTURE GREEK AND ITALIAN REPUBLIC'S COMPARED \ ENK E -PISA GI;NOA MILAN FLORENCE THE LOMBARD LEAGUE FLORENTINE, DF.MOIRACY DECLINE OF ITALIAN LIBERTIES THE TYRANTS FLORENCE UNDER THE MEDICI LATER EORTUNES OF ITALY. TIIK Italian cities, as already stated, were the first to CHAP. obtain freedom, and municipal independence, after the' - long repression of the feudal system. Several causes contributed to the early development of municipal liberties in Italy. Foremost among these causes was the earlier intellectual revival in Italy. The natural genius of her people, quickened by traditions of their former supremacy, by their geographical position near tile seats of ancient civilisation, by their maritime commerce, by their intercourse with Greeks and Saracens, who were the depositories of Eastern culture, and by their association with a powerful and aspiring Church, placed them in advance of the other nations of Europe, 1 and iirst qualified them for the enjoyment of freedom. 1 Sec supra, pp. i>47 ; '2~>1. VOL. I. T 27-1 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. forward in the social and political revival of Europe. The germs of association and freedom still existed. The old municipal cities, richer and more numerous than in other countries, had survived invasions and pillage, and formed the centres of national life, in which commerce, art, learning, and liberty, after ages of depression, slowly recovered. Cities famous in lioman history were spread over all Italy. liavenna, Capua, lx)logna, Milan, Verona, with their amphitheatres and public works, were monuments of the grandeur of antiquity. They retained also many of their ancient institutions: their curia, or municipal council, and their consuls, annually elected. In the ^outh, Xaples, Gaeta, and Amalfi ancient Greek municipalities continued to govern themselves as republics. 1 liome, under the spiritual government of the head of the \Vestern Church, maintained its independence ; and sometimes bore the semblance of a republic.* 2 In the North, Venice, Pisa, and Genoa were republics from very earl v times; and in the twelfth century, all the other cities established their freedom/'' This early development of traditional liberties was farther promoted by the social and political condition of the country. In the ninth and tenth centuries. Italv was invaded by the Saracens and the Hunga- rians, of whom the former established themselves jvnerallv in the Eolith, and the latter in the North, To protect themselves from these marauders, the citi- zens organised a militia, and raised walls round their ITA LI AN SO V EK EIGXS . cities, lieceivinjr no protection from the executive CHAP. VII, power, thev formed themselves into little States. 1 In Italy, feudalism had never taken root so firmly as The f.-mui . . . " , lords in elsewhere, ill ancient times, the proprietors or the itaiy. soil had generally dwelt in the Italian cities ; and this custom continued, to a great extent, during the middle ages. Constant invasions, and the insecurity of the country, forced many of the feudal chiefs to take re- fuge in the fortified towns, and to share their fortunes with the burghers. This union of two powerful classes, generally antagonistic, greatly increased the predomi- nance of the city communities. The citizens, instead of defending themselves against their dangerous neigh- bours, enrolled them in their militia, and wrrc em- boldened by the spirit and example of their more war- like comrades in arms. Civic society was strengthened by the alliance ; and its moral and political influence, no less than its military power, was extended : but not without risk to its freedom. - But many of the feudal lords, dissatisfied with their new position, retired to their castles, and resumed their former independence. The castles of the nobles and the walled cities were alike strongholds against ma- rauders, and the dwellers in boih were trained to arms. The rivalry between the nobles and the free eiiies was favourable to Italian freedom. Within the city walls there was liberty ; and out>ide. the nobles were driven to emancipate their serfs, in order !o strengthen their own armed force's. And thus the, freedom enjoyed by the citizens was gradually extended 276 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. CHAP, to the peasantry. 1 In the twelfth century, all the nobles. r in the plains, had become citizens of some republic : but in the mountains, many still clung to their for- tresses. iSome, however, were received with favour as leaders of the republican forces, and made 1 them- selves masters of the city. Thus the Viscontis became the chiefs of Milan : the D'Estes, of Ferrara, and the Eccelinos of Verona and Viceuza. 2 Weakness After Charlemagne, the weakness of the sovereigns sovereigns, who claimed to rule over Italy, also favoured the political ] lower of the cities. The feebleness of the monarchy, and the general disorganisation of society, left the country in a state of anarchy, against which the association of armed citizens was the sole protec- tion They had no country to claim their loyalty, and their patriotism was devoted to their own city, its laws, its customs, and its interests. "When cities began to usurp political powers, in addition to their municipal franchises, the kings were unable to resist them. And when there were rival pretensions to the crown, privi- leges wen 1 freely conceded to the cities, to ensure their support to the contending parties. 3 The fusion of the sturdy Northern races with the Italians was also favourable to the assertion of political rights. The Italians had been corrupted and debased by their long subjection to the lioinan empire : their ancient spirit of liberty had been crushed by ages of oppression and wrong. By nature and by habit, their Northern conquerors were endowed with a fierce in- dependence, and courageous self-assertion ; and when THEIR CONSTITUTIONS. 277 they were associated with the citizens of the Italian CHAP. municipalities, they became a formidable element of - force iu these free communities. A not very unequal distribution of lands, and other Distribu- tion of property, amongst the citizens, in the earlier period of i:m>y in the freshness of their new development. Men were bold and confident in their o\vn strength : they formed lofty ideals of the great and beautiful : they struck out new paths for genius ; and they were encouraged in their soaring aspirations by the passionate sympathies of their fellow-countrymen. They were free to ven- ture upon t lie widest fields of thought and activity, untrammelled bv the restraints of an artificial society, which casts the minds of men in a conventional mould. Nature, revived and invigorated, asserted its ascendency over forms and traditions. At the same time, the cul- tivation of the arts raised the minds of Italian citizens above their industrial pursuits, and the cares of material life: it reiined the manners of the middle 1 classes; and it stimulated the invention and taste of a commercial and manufacturing people. All that is great in the intellect and arts of Italy. \*co<-i.-Ki<,n is associated with the history of her freedom. Her an-i i'iw intellectual supremacy in Europe began to display itself at the same period as her political liberties and. for a 280 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. CHAP, time, survived them: but, ;it length, declined under r - the baneful pressure of despotism. The -picture of these republics drawn by historians, attests the value of liberty to the moral, intellectual, and material interests of mankind. AVhile the rest of Europe was slowly emerging from the barbarism into which it had sunk after the fall of the Western Empire, these little States had attained the highest cultivation. Their cities were adorned by works of architecture, unknown to Europe since the best days of ancient liome : noble bridge's spanned their rivers : public buildings and private palaces still remain as monuments of the wealth, skill, and artistic genius of the age. In more than one of these mediaeval cities, there are as many palaces as in modern London. In what city out of Italy can such monuments of the civil architecture of the thirteenth century be found, as the Palazzo Vecchio and the Loggia de' Lanxi!" When these noble edifices were raised, the feudal lords, north of the Alps, were still building gloomy castles with loopholes, battlements. and drawbridges. The kindred arts of sculpture and painting were now revived; and poetrv, after a silence of twelve centuries-, renewed her strains in the inspired >tanzas of Dante. Petrarch, and Ariosto. Philosophy and historv were also awakened from their long slumber. A glare of intellectual light burst over Italy, while the rest of Europe was in darkness. 1 I;.; linn Elsewhere, an unfruitful scholastic thi'ologv was piir-ned, as the only study worthy of mankind: but in Iialy the intellect was directed to studies which pro- moted the great aims of society its defence in war. its well-being and enjoyment in peace. The civil and 1 Sisiuondi, IIi*f. Teat service rendered to mankind by this ciasMc.-ii learning. wondrous age was the revival of classical learning. To the learned Italians of the fourteenth century we owe the recovery and collection of the great writings of antiquity, and that taste for Greek and Roman litera- ture which has governed the studies of succeeding gener- ations. It was a worthy complement to the intellec- tual labours of that age: but, unhappily, their devotion to classical learning became excessive, and the fertile and original genius of the Italians was diverted to unfruitful pedantry. Even their own elegant and musical language was neglected for the dead Latin of their ancestors. 1 In all the arts conducing to the welfare and enjoy- Useful ments of mankind, the Italians were also tar in advance of other countries, their only rivals being the free cities of Flanders and Herman v. So skilful was the agriculture of Lombardv and Tuscany, that, after a lapse of live centuries, it is affirmed that the lands formerly com- prised in the territories of these republics can be- dis- tinguished from those which continued under the sway oi'llie feudal lords the former being improved by em- bankments, irrigation, and the application of science and capital, the latter displaying the usual results of igno- rance and neglect.- In commerce and manufacture's, their superiority was no less remarkable. The mer- chants of Genoa. Pisa. Florence 1 , and Venice supplied Europe with the products of the Mediterranean and of the Fast : the bankers of Lombardy instructed the world in the msteries of finance, and forein exchanes: 282 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. CHAP. Italian artificers taught the workmen of other countries - - the highest skill in the manufactures of steel, iron, bronze, silk, glass, porcelain, and jewelry. Italian shops, with their dazzling array of luxuries, excited the admiration and envy of foreigners from less favoured lands. Mer- chants, growing rich, built noble palaces and adorned them with the choicest works of contemporary art. Never, since the days of Athens and liome, had there been so rare a combination of political liberty with in- tellectual culture and artistic taste. If it could have survived the adverse influences which threatened it, the general civilisation of Europe might have been advanced by at least a century. ( ' ivir The liberties of the Italian republics were no less patriotism. favourable to public virtues than to culture. With them, as with other free States, association, for the common good, encouraged patriotism and self-sacrifice, a noble emulation, courage, and constancy. It was by virtues and honourable public service's, that men appealed to the confidence of their fellow-citizens. A small State arouses a passionate devotion in its citizens. Within a narrow area, all are neighbours, friends, rivals : all have common interests and sympathies : all feel the honour and welfare of the State as their own : all share its sufferings and reverses : society is a civic brotherhood. It is difficult for the subjects of a wide empire to realise the emotions which filled the hearts of Greek and Italian citizens. Disscn- Ijiit if citizens were patriotic and devoted, they were also factious and turbulent full of jealousies and hatreds. The State resembled a large family no less in its affec- tions and sympathies, than in its dissensions and quarrels. There were the strifes of classes, the conflicts of political GREEK AND ITALIAN REPUBLICS. 283 factions, and the feuds of rival families. The traditions CIIAI-. of proscription in liome, during the later years of the - republic and the empire, were not forgotten by the republics, descendants of the Romans, who aspired to power in the Italian republics. Happily the death of political oppo- nents was less sought than their banishment ; and in these small cities this milder form of proscription served its purpose. 1 The leaders of the weaker party were driven out ; and sometimes the party itself en ma**e : to return, perhaps at no distant day, and expel their conquerors. Before we approach the history of some of the most <;rpok and Italian eminent of these republics, it may be well to compare r<-i>ui>ii<>s 11 i ' n PI eompan.-u. their general characteristics with those oi the ancient Greek republics, and to mark their resemblances and tlu-ir differences. The 1 multiplication of city communi- ties over the whole of the Italian peninsula, aifords a striking parallel to the spread of their Hellenic proto- types over Greece. Such communities were, indeed, the most simple and natural forms of free government, in the early stages of society. But there were great diversities in the character of these communities, accord- ing to the 1 society and institutions of the several States in whieh they were placed ; and the 1 peculiarities of the Italian cities may best be illustrated by comparing them with the examples of ancient Greece. ' Machiavelli, however, cynically suirirests that when tin 1 punishment of (loath was absolutely necessary, a Prince 'should altain from touohinir the property ol'tlie condemned party. For certain it is that men sooner 1'orp't the death nf their relations, than the loss of their patrimony.' // 1'rincipp, ch. xvii. The same advice is humorously Driven in J',' van Artnvlde: (huiEKT. .... ' Lives, lives, my lord, take freely ; Hut spare the lands, and bunrap-ps, and moneys. Tlie father dead shall sleep, and he forgotten; Tlie patrimony p'lit that makes a wound. That's s!o\v to heal: heirs are above-ground ever.' 284 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. In many aspects, the resemblance between the Greek and Italian republics was remarkable. In Italy, as in Greece, every city was the centre of an active social and political life. Their citizens were zealous in the service of the commonwealth : sharing in its internal government : forward in its defence against its enemies: instinct with a passionate patriotism. In Italy, as in Greece, these city communities were far in advance of contemporary States, in culture and accomplishments. There were contests between nobles and the people : in some an oligarchy prevailed : in others democracy lonif i . t, i continued in the ascendant. These conilicting principles were espoused by rival republics, and became their rallying cries hi alliances and wars. Greek and Italian cities alike guarded the rights of citizenship with jealousy. even the most democratic States, like Athens and Florence, insisting upon limitations of the franchise. 1 Both had their allied and subject cities. Both were ever at war with their neighbours. In both, citizen Both alike fell under the rule of conquerors. And. lastly, by a rare coincidence, the gloriou.> history of both was comprised in about the like period of three hundred years. Alike in Greece' and in Italy, the republics, instead of establishing wide confederations for mutual defence and protection, wasted their strength and resources in dis- 1 ' The Italian ivpuLlii-s. like tin- Greek -oXfir, ' ron.-i.-ted of a small LI idy '>t' Lurchers, wlm alrnie had the pri\ ileire of ;rovernnie!it. together with a larire population, wlm, t'mii^h they paid taxt-s and shared tlif cnninifrcial and .-urial advantages of the c r itv,had no vniff in its adminis- tration. Citi/.ensliip was licri-ditary in those t'aniilirs }>\ whom it liad onct- Li i en acnuircd, and was fjuardcd j'-aluusly a.iraii:>t unqnalitied jji'rsons.' Syniond.--, A rri ri ' ; "" 1 !talian widely different. Ihe entire soil ot Greece was occu- republics. ])ied by its little States. They had no kings or princes as neighbours : they owed allegiance to no other powers. But the republics of Italy were founded within the domains of existing monarchies : they were surrounded by the territories of larger States, and of powerful feudal chiefs dukes, marquesses, and counts. Hence they never enjoyed complete political independence. They were free municipalities, rather than sovereign States. Hiu'her lunvers. from whom they had received (_ t their franchises, still claimed sovereignty over them. Powerful neighbours threatened and controlled them. The Greek cities waged Avar upon one another, and were endangered by foreign enemies. The Italian cities indulged in the like warlike rivalry : they were no less exposed to foreign enemies : and thev were 1 further subject to the violence of monarchs and feudal princes, on their own native soil. There were also essential diversities in the character < ? ri ; - : k nn ' ! Italian of Greek and Italian society, which a Heeled the destinies society, of their respective States. Greek ciii/ens were landed proprietors, independent of trades and handicrafts. Italian citi/ens were merchants, traders, and artificers. In Greece thev had ever been free : thev we're trained 286 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. CHAP, in the traditions of freedom ; and they were usually VII - the owners of slaves. In Italy, they were the children of vassals and serfs, and were repressed by traditions of many ages of servitude. In Greece they had abun- dant leisure for culture, and public affairs : in Italy, they were busy in the counting-house and the shop. In Greece, men became citizens by right of birth and property : in Italy, by enrolment in the trade-guilds of their city. In Greece, they strove to excel in athletic sports, in disputation, and oratory, every citizen being prepared to become a soldier and a statesman : in Italy, they were contented to grow rich, and to revel indolently in the genius of their poets and artists. In Greece, they were regularly trained to military service : in Italy, their levies were designed for defence rather than for active war. The Greeks had all the vigour and confidence of a youthful and progressive society : the Italians were slowly recovering from the ignorance and inertness of the dark ages. Above all, the genius of Greece sur- passed that of Italy, and its original lire outshone the rekindled embers of the revival. In short, society was stronger and more advanced in Greece than in Italy ; and belter qualified to assert its claims to political power, The relations of the nobles with the people differed no less than other conditions of Greek and Italian society. In the one, they were only the largest land- owners : superior, indeed, to the gen era! body of citizens, and exercising a greater influence, but yet members of the same privileged class. They sought ascendency by deeds of valour in the lield, by eloquence in the agora, and by a generous use of their riches. In the other, they were feudal chiefs who had been driven to share GREEK AND ITALIAN REPUBLICS. 287 tlio fortunes of the burghers: but who despised their CUM*. . vi i. i,e\v allies, with hereditary pride, as a base-born herd of traders and artisans (it to be ruled und plundered as of old. They were of a different order from that of their fellow-citizens; and were accustomed to assert llieir power by force and violence. In fighting the battles of the republic, such nobles were its worthiest champions: but when they aimed at usurpation, their fellow-citizens were too often unequal to contend against them. In Greece, there had been constant feuds be- tween nobles and their fellow-citizens : but in Italy, such lends were fraught with graver dangers. With society weaker t liau that of Greece, and with nobles stronger and more violent, the Italian republics laboured under serious discouragements in the maintenance of their liberties. Again, in Greece the society of each little State had nisoni.-r* , I'll i I * in I tali, -11 1 long been peacetully settled in its- narrow boundaries ; cities, and its laws and customs were familiar to every citi/en. In Italy, the disturbed condition of society, after fre- quent invasions and rivil wars, and the continual con ilicts between the feudal lords and the cities, perpetuated disorders, which provoked repression by the strong hand of power, and led to restraints upon civil liberty. The Italian republic's, resembling the Greek and iiarity ,.f . i'liH|iletiC(! Unman Mates m treedom. in learning, in arts and ac- in the coniplishinents, were yet strangely wanting in one of the first arts of a free State. In Greece and liome, oratory had been the principal source of popular power. TO persuade senates and sway the. multitude, had been the gitt of the greatest soldiers and statesmen of an- tiquity: but in the Italian republics, we seek in vain for a single orator. There were preachers and jurists, skilled in dialectics : but even in the fourteenth eenturv, 288 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. CHAP, -when Italian irenius was greatest in the kindred pur- VII. r- suits of ]>oetry. history, and philosophy, there were no orators, in public life, to lead Italian citizens in the paths of liberty and patriotism. There was a passion- ate public spirit in the Italian cities : but it found ex- pression in the imaginative verses of their poets, not in the stirring appeals of their orators. Vague sentiments and aspirations were encouraged, rather than practical aims and purposes. Arnold of Brescia. Pienzi. Jacob de Bussolari of Pa via, and Savonarola, were the only men whose eloquence stirred the people to great political achievements. And of these, three were monks, and one a political enthusiast. The rulers and statesmen of Italy rarely attempted to wield the most effective instrument of popular government ; and this short- coming was one of the causes of failure in the repub- lican institutions of Italy. Xo people were more gifted with a natural genius for eloquence : but the' political and social condition of their country di-couraged its exercise. The nobles were ever ready to fly to arms : the people were prompt to repel force with force. It leaders of rival parties could have met in the public place, prepared to persuade their fellow-citizens by appeals to their reason and judgment, peace might have been preserved, and liberty protected. Pmt the law- less habits of feudal society prevailed over the peaceful contentions of free political life; and liberty perished under the perils of anarchy. Feudalism had been the greatest obstacle to the growth of die republics, and was the chief cause of their ultimate ruin. Among the most illustrious of these republics was that of Venice. It was one of the most ancient: it maintained its independence for the longest period : VENICE. 289 and it assumed more of the character of an European cn\i'. VII State-, than any of its rivals. It was older, by seven hundred years, than the Lombard republics, and it sur- vived them for three centuries. It witnessed the fall of the Roman empire : it saw Italy occupied by Odoacer, by Charlemagne, and by Napoleon. lYom very early times, this little maritime State had a it* early municipal constitution. Assemblies of the people in each of the towns and isles of which it was composed, elected their own magistrates, or tribunes, and discussed their local affairs. Sometimes the tribunes of the several isles met to consider matters affecting the interests of the whole republic. Such a constitution was free: but it was wanting in unity and force ; and in GOT A.L>., a Doge was first elected as chief magistrate, for life, to whom were given most of the attributes of a king. 1 He chose his own councillors : he appointed all the officers of there- public : he treated with foreign States, for peace or war. Ample as we're these powers, they failed to satisfy the ambition of many of the doges, who claimed the abso- lute power of tyrants. The free citizens revolted against their usurpations, and overthrew them. Some of these too ambitious doges forfeited their lives in their struggles i'nr power. 2 \\ hen order was restored, the organisation of the govern men! became compact and powerful - &j:-,y;i. a )proaching more to the aristocratic than to the popular The patrician families contended for 290 THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. CHAP, power ; and their rival pretensions were espoused by ^ the people : but from an early period, the rule of the patricians was practically supreme. st. Mark. gt. Mark, whose bones ^\ere brought from Alexan- dria, was adopted as the patron saint of the republic : his effigy, or that of his lion, was stamped upon its coins, and emblazoned on its standards ; and the name of the s:dnt became the rallyinsr-crv of the Venetians, in peace and tf _' */ war, and the emblem of their patriotism and ambition. 1 its ex- The position of Venice naturally brought her into lations." extended relations with other States. By sea she carried on commerce with the Eastern Empire, and with the coasts of Italy and the Mediterranean. By land, she had an extensive trade with the north of Italy. She was the entrepot of the products, and of the commerce, of the East and of the West. The riches of the world were 1 displayed in her shops and warehouses ; and she founded manufactures of her own. .But peaceful in- tercourse was often disturbed by war ; and Venice sent forth her armies against rival Itali in cities, and her fleets from the Adriatic to Syria and Egypt. She made conquests in Istria and Dalmatr;.- and on the eastern .si lores of the Adriatic. She contended with Genoa and Pisa for the empire of the seas. The maritime enter- prise of these three republics developed the vigour, wealth, and intelligence of their riti/ens. and encouraged their love of liberty. But their rivalrv. far from con- ducing to their mutual interests, degenerated into vin- dictive jealousies and disastrous wars. Earlv in the twelfth eenturv. however, they united their naval forces, VENICE. 291 and fought together in the crusades. 1 Each of these CHAP. maritime republic's established confederations of free * cities, subject to the chief State, like the allies of Athens and Lacedsemon, in ancient Greece. Venice continued to advance 1 , for ages, in prosperity itsaristo- and power; and was ruled, with vigour and singular consistency of purpose, by her aristocracy. While in other States the nobles were setting themselves above the law, and making themselves odious to the citixens, by their arrogance, the nobility of Venice the most ancient in Europe, inheriting their honours from the Roman Empire were orderly and loyal subjects of the republic. They had no fortified castles: but dwelt in stately palaces, which, rising from the waters, still adorn this most singular and picturesque of cities. They maintained no bands of turbulent followers: they did not presume to oppose the execution of the law : but took their part, as peaceful citixens. in the public service. So far from being excluded from the magis- tracy, as in Florence and other cities, 2 they won the popu- lar favour by their modest bearing, and by a temperate exercise of the offices in which they served, until they gradually acquired all the power of the State. By acting us the servants of the republic, they became its masters. At iirs! the l)oge's power was only controlled by [t*#