Digitized by tine Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/extrabiblicalsouOOmercrich EXTRA-BIBLICAL SOURCES FOR HEBREW AND JEWISH HISTORY EXTEA-BIBLICAL SOUECES FOR HEBREW AND JEWISH HISTORY TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY Rev. SAMUEL A. B. MERCER, Ph.D. (Munich) PBOFKSSOB OF HEBREW AND OLD TESTAMENT, WESTERN THEOIiOGICAIj BEMIKABT, CHICAGO AUTHOB OF " THE OATH IN BABYLONIAN AND ASSTRUN UTEBATUBE " LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. FOURTH AVENUE & 30TH STREET, NEW YORK LONDON, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 1913 3^ \0^ \^ V COPYRIGHT, 191 3, BY LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. oX > C,\A THE* PLIMPTON* PR ESS HORWOOD'MASS'U'S'A TO MRS. LYDIA B. HIBBARD BY WHOSE GENEROSITY IN FOUNDING AND SUPPORTING THE HIBBARD EGYPTIAN LIBRARY THIS WORK HAS BEEN MADE POSSIBLE 5iy5V42 PREFACE The period covered by the term "Hebrew and Jew- ish History" is taken, in this book, to extend from the beginning of Old Testament history down to the final destruction of the Jewish people as a nation in the reign of the Roman emperor Hadrian. To the last part of the period pertain New Testament and Early Church history. No attempt has been made to deal with this subject. Our interest as to this period is confined to Jewish history. No serious student of Hebrew and Jewish history is willing to confine his reading to modern histories and text-books, excellent though they may be. He feels that he ought to go back of them to the original sources from which they are drawn. Before the present century such an investigating student had, as sources, the Hebrew Bible, the Apocryphal and Pseudepigraphical Books, the New Testament, Philo, Josephus, Rabbinical literature, He- rodotus, Tacitus, and other Greek and Latin writers. During the present century, however, the new science of Archaeology has thrown a flood of light upon Hebrew and Jewish history. Many inscriptions have been found, and translated, but the translations are so scattered in special works and technical journals that even the specialist finds it a diflScult task to gain access to all of his material. vm PREFACE The present volume primarily represents an attempt to bring together in an accessible form all these new sources, that is, all Cuneiform, Egyptian, and extra- biblical Semitic sources for the study of Hebrew and Jewish history. It also aims at a collection of all Greek and Latin historical sources, down to and in- cluding those of the time of Tacitus, which throw an independent ^ light upon the subject. It has been considered unnecessary to collect material later than that period because of the fact that it must neces- sarily have been derived second-hand from our earlier sources. The Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Josephus, Philo, and the New Testament are so easy of access that their historical sections have not been reproduced here, but, whenever considered necessary, reference has been given to the more important sections of them which bear upon the history of the Jews. Much space has been devoted to Babylonian and Assyrian chronological material. This has been done with a view to encouraging the student to build up his own chronology. Egyptian chronological lists are very few and fragmentary. Those that we have are not as valuable, in any specific way, as those of Baby- lonia and Assyria, for Old Testament chronology. This is due to the fact that close contact between Egypt and Syria-Palestine occurred before the occupa- tion of Canaan by the Hebrews. Egyptian chronology, however, is very valuable in a general way, since the whole field of Egyptian history from 4241 b. c, down to 5^5 B.C., has been chronologically arranged. 1 Even Tacitus depends, to a considerable extent, upon Josephus. PREFACE ix Translations of the original Cuneiform, Egyptian, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin sources have been given in as literal a form as possible, so as to avoid the temp- tation of reading into the original interpretations which a mere free translation or paraphrase would allow, but which the original would not warrant. The transla- tions, however, do not claim perfection; on the con- trary, they will be found to be very faulty in many details, for the diversity of texts really requires many translators instead of one. All translations, except where noted, have been made from the originals. The translations of specialists in the several fields have been freely used in a comparative way, but in no case, except where the original was not accessible (and that is stated in the notes), has the author failed to make his own translation. The translations most con- sulted have been; for Cuneiform, Winckler, Keilin- schriftliches Textbuch zum Alien Testament, Dritte neubearbeitete Auflage; Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament; and for Egyptian, Breasted, Ancient Records, References to the originals and to other literature have been given in the notes. A brief historical introduction has been given to each series of translations. This, it has been hoped, will serve to orientate the student. A series of ap- pendices has been added with a view to furnishing the reader with material for guidance in his study of the translations contained in this book and also of his more accessible sources. No student need now be without full equipment for a study of He- brew and Jewish history. He has all the sources in convenient form. They are: the Hebrew Bible, Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Josephus, Philo, the X PREFACE New Testament, and this present collection of extra- biblical sources. The object of this work has not been to write a history, nor even to discuss the bearing of these sources on Hebrew and Jewish history, but rather to furnish the student with material which will enable him to build up a history of the Hebrew and Jewish people for himself. The sources have been arranged chronologically within their several spheres (Cuneiform, Egyptian, Semitic, and Greek and Latin). The student is thus enabled to divide his history into periods, e.g., from the beginning to Moses, from Moses to the division of the kingdom, from the division of the kingdom to the Exile, from the Exile to Alexander, from Alex- ander to Hadrian, reading all the sources illustrating the particular period under consideration from the different spheres. The works of many writers other than those re- ferred to in the notes have been used, but it has been thought best not to encumber the pages with too many references. The same consideration has led to the omission of all transliterations of the Cuneiform and Egyptian originals. These can be readily found in technical works by those capable of appreciating them. The author wishes to express his indebtedness to all workers in the different fields which the book represents, but he especially wishes to thank his pupil, Mr. Harold Holt, for his ready assistance in preparing the work. The book is in fact the out- come of work started two years ago with Mr. Holt in a Semitic Seminar. He also takes this opportunity PREFACE XI of thanking the Dean of the Seminary, the Rev. Wm. C. DeWitt, D.D., for his helpful advice in many particulars. SAMUEL A. B. MERCER HiBBARD Egyptian Library, Western Theological Seminary, Chicago, March 20, 1913. CONTENTS PAGE ABBREVIATIONS xv CUNEIFORM SOURCES 1 The Babylonian Period 3 The Tell el-Amarna Period 9 The Assyrian Period 21 The New Babylonian and Persian Periods .... 67 Chronological Matter 63 The Babylonian King Lists B and A . . . . 63 The Babylonian Chronicle 66 The Ptolemaic Canon 71 The Assyrian Eponym List 72 The Assyrian Eponym Chronicle with Notes . 75 The Eponym Chronicle for 720-705 b. c. . . . 85 Babylonian and Assyrian Months 86 EGYPTIAN SOURCES . 87 The Old Kingdom, 2980-2475 b. c 89 The Middle Kingdom, 2160-1788 b. c 92 The Empire, First Period, 1580-1350 b. c 99 The Empire, Second Period, 1350-1150 b. c 123 Rameses IV to Pesibkhenno II, c. 1167-945 b. c. . . 138 Seshonk I, 945-924 b. c 140 OSORKON II TO THE CONQUEST OF CaMBYSES, 874-525 B. C. 141 OTHER SEMITIC SOURCES 145 The Moabite Stone 147 The Elephantine Papyri 149 GREEK AND LATIN SOURCES 156 XIV CONTENTS PAOB APPENDICES 191 I. Tabular View of Hebrew and Jewish History in THE Light op Oriental History 193 II. Kings op Judah and Israel with Dates .... 199 III. Kings of Babylonia and Persia since 586 with Dates 199 IV. Rulers of Egypt and Syria during the Greek Period with Dates 200 V. Rulers op Syria and Judea in Maccabban and Roman Periods with Dates 200 VI. Roman Emperors to Hadrian 201 VII. High Priests from 538 b. c. to Caiaphas 36 a. d. . 201 VIII. The Seleucidae 203 IX. The Genealogy op the Hasmoneans 204 X. The Herodian Family 205 INDEX 207 MAPS Cuneiform Section between pages 86-87 Egyptian Section " " 144-145 Greek and Latin Section " " 190-191 ILLUSTRATIONS The Black Obelisk between pages 2-3 The "Israel Stela" ** " 88-89 The Moabite Stone " " 146-147 ABBREVIATIONS CT, Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum. MVAG, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, BerHn. PSBA, Proceedings of the Society of BibHcal Archaeol- ogy, London. R, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vols. I-V, by Major General Sir H. C. Rawlinson. Vols. I-III, First Edition; Vols. IV-V, Second Edition. RE, Revue 6gyptologique, Paris. TSBA, Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeol- ogy, London. CUNEIFORM SOURCES TEE BLACK OBELISK The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III {860-825 b. c.) was found by Austen Henry Layard in the central building of the palace at Nimrud (Calakh) in 181^6. It is now in the British Museum. It contains an account of the many expeditions of Shalmaneser during his long reign. There is also a series of reliefs which represents the paymerit of tribute. The second relief from the top represents the Assyrian king receiving the submission of King Jehu of Israel. The inscription over the relief reads: *' Tribute of Jehu, of the land of Omri; silver*^ {page 38 gives the translation of the entire legend). THE BLACK OBELISK THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD The importance of Babylonian historical inscrip- tions for the student of the Old Testament will be better appreciated if a brief outline of Babylonian foreign history be given. Already, twenty-eight hundred years before Christ, the power of one of the city-kings of South Babylonia was so great and extensive that it may be termed imperial. Lugal-zag-gi-si, king of the city-state of Umma, extended his sway as far as the Mediterranean Sea. Our information about the extent of his empire, however, is very scanty, and it is not until the reign of the famous Sargon of Akkad, in North Babylonia, and of his son, Naram-Sin, 2650 b. c. and 2600 b. c, respectively, that we get a really good glimpse of an empire which could be termed, in those days, world- wide, an empire extending from Elam and the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean, and from the Arabian desert to northernmost Mesopotamia. Both these rulers referred to themselves as "king of the four quarters of the world." Another South Babylonian city, namely Lagash (modern Tello), under the leader- ship of its king or patesi Gudea, became so opulent that wood from the forests of the West — cedars from Amanus — and stone from the mountains of Amurru (including Phoenicia and Palestine) were brought to build the king's palaces and temples for his gods. He too extended his dominions as far as the Medi- terranean. •.4;/!l«f •■'>'•: i (JT^NElfFORM SOURCES No amount of reference and historical detail could make those ancient princes more real to the mind of our Twentieth Century than to consider that of most of them we have statues, some in diorite, of a work- manship which can be called excellent even in the light of modern technique; while of all we have in- scriptions and works of art, such as the silver vase of Entemena, king of Lagash (2900 b.c), inscribed with the coat-of-arms of his city, and numerous cyl- inder-seals engraved in a highly artistic and technical way, that make five thousand years seem as only yesterday. It scarcely requires such an appeal to the art of the period of the first Babylonian dynasty (2232-1933 or 2060-1761 B. c.) to realize the greatness of the next Semitic king who, from North Babylonia, governed a world-wide empire. His famous stela, facsimiles of which are almost as common in these days as are prints of the Disputa Theologia or the Sistine Ma- donna, now stands in the Louvre and shows us Khammurabi himself receiving his famous code of laws from Shamash, the sun-god, just as Moses re- ceived his from Jehovah. This and many letters and dispatches from his reign would of themselves make his name immortal. Khammurabi, however, is known to us not only as a great lawgiver comparable with our Biblical Moses, but also as a great engineer who dug a net-work of canals over his country for the purpose of irrigation and navigation; a tireless architect and builder of temples and palaces; a wise administrator, as we learn from many legal documents of his reign; and a great warrior who made his name known and his THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD '5 influence felt from the mountains of Elam to the shores of the Mediterranean. Khammurabi should and will interest historical students in all departments of culture. To the Old Testament student, however, he is of utmost impor- tance not only because of the great similarity between his laws and those of Moses, but also because it is now conceded by practically all technical scholars that he is the self -same person as Amraphel, king of Shinar (i.e., 'Ammu-rabi, king of Sumer) of Genesis 14. During the earlier days of Babylonian history Elam was subject to the Semites of the Euphrates Valley. About 2000 B. c, however, we find an Elamite king, Kudur-Mabug son of Simti-Shilkhak, bearing the title of ruler of the Amurru and claiming extension of territory as far as the Mediterranean. Now, Kudur- Mabug was the father of Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin, and we know that Arad-Sin was king of the South Baby- lonian city-state, Larsa. The name Arad-Sin is Sumerian and is equivalent in Semitic to Eri-Aku, that is, Arad =Eri = servant, and Aku is an epithet of the moon-god Sin. The name in Sumerian and Semitic means "servant of Sin." Further, it is be- lieved by the most competent scholars that Eri-Aku king of Larsa is none other than the Arioch king of Elassar of Genesis 14. Chedorlaomer king of Elam of the same chapter (a name which corresponds in Elamitic to Kudur-Lagamar, "servant of Lagamar," an Elamite deity) though not yet identified, is probably a near successor of Simti-Shilkhak who was the suze- rain of Arad-Sin's father. As ruler of all Babylonia he extended his influence even to the "vale of Siddim" where for twelve years he exercised his authority. 6 CUNEIFORM SOURCES With him came westward Khammurabi, king of Sumer or Babylonia, Eri-Aku, king of Larsa, and Tudhkhulu, king of Gutium (Tidal king of Goiim, or nations). With them is associated the name of Abraham. All this happened in the earlier years of Khammurabi's reign before he had developed an empire which was too large and powerful to recognize any over- lord.i Khammurabi's successors were not as great as he, though we know from inscriptions that Ammi-ditana of the same dynasty claimed suzerainty over the Amurru. The second Babylonian dynasty was a period of retrogression and hence of obscurity. It was succeeded by a dynasty of foreign kings called Kassites who reigned from the seventeenth to the twelfth century B. c. It was during the earlier part of thisiperiod that the Hittites made themselves felt in Mesopotamia, although as early as the last king of the first Baby- lonian dynasty, an inscription says: "at the time of Samsu-ditana (the last king of the first Babylonian dynasty) [came] the Khatti (Hittites) to Akkad." LUGAL-ZAG-GI-SI, C. 2800, B. C. An inscription in the Sumerian language belonging to Lugal-zag-gi-si's reign says: "When he (i.e., Lugal-zag-gi-si) had conquered from the rising (of the sun) to the setting, then he (i.e., his god En-Lil) made way for him from the lower sea (over) the Tigris and the Euphrates even to the upper sea (i.e., the Med- 1 It was not till the 31st year of Khammurabi's reign that he threw off the yoke of Elam. THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD 7 iterranean); from the rising even to the setting . . . En-Lil has given to him." ^ Sargon, c. 2650 b. c. Sargon, king of Agade, by the royal gift of Ishtar was exalted. And he had no equal nor rival. His glory he poured out over the world. The sea in the East he crossed. And in the eleventh year, the country of the West in its full extent his hand subdued. He united them under one control; his image he set up in the West; Their booty he brought over in the country of the sea. He settled the sons of his palace for five hashu around. And over the hosts of the world he reigned supreme.^ ... Sargon who marched against the Amurru And conquered the Amurru; his hand subdued the four quarters of the world.^ GUDEA, c. 2450 B. c. When he (i.e., Gudea) built the temple of Nin-gir-su, Nin-gir-su, his beloved lord opened the way for him from the upper sea even to the lower sea.* Khammurabi, c. 2130 or 1958 b. c. Khammurabi, powerful king, king of Babylon, king of the four quarters of the world, establisher of the land, ^ Translated by Thureau-Dangin, Die Sumerischen und Akkadischen Konigsinschriften, pp. 154-155. ^ King, Chronicles Concerning Early Babylonian Kings. Vol. II, pp. 3-5. ^ King, op. city p. 27, obv. §11. There are several other similar passages in the omens of Sargon and Naram-Sin. * De Sarzec et Heuzey, Decouverts en Chaldee, Goudea Statue B, 5, 21 ff. 8 CUNEIFORM SOURCES the king whose deeds are well-pleasing unto the heart of Shamash and Marduk, am I.^ For (Ash)ratu, the bride of Anu, who hath attained to dominion, the lady of strength and abundance, (the lady) of the mountain (whose worship) is carefully tended, the merciful lady, who for her spouse maketh favourable her exalted word, for his lady, on behalf of the life of Khammurabi, the king of the Amurru, Itur- ashdu the rabianu of the (district of the) river, the son of Shuban hath marvellously fashioned a guardian image worthy of her divinity, for her service within the dwelling which is beloved of her.^ Kudur-Mabug, father of Arad-Sin (Eri-Aku), c. time of Khammurabi. For the God Nannar, his lord, has Kudur-Mabug, Suzerain of Amurru, son of Simti-Shilkhak, Because Nannar heard his prayer, built E-nun-makh, the temple of Nannar, for his life And for the life of Eri-Aku his son, king of Larsa.^ Ammi-Ditana, 2921 or 1849 b. c. Ammi-ditana, the mighty king, king of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the da-ga-mu of Amurru, am I.'* ^ King, The Letters and Inscriptions of Khammurabi, Vol. I, No. 57. There are many other similar passages in the Khammurabi inscriptions. For his engineering and building, see King, oj). cit.; for his laws, see Harper, The Code of Hammurabi; for contracts, see Kohler und Ungnad, Hammurabi's Gesetz. 2 King, op. cit., Vol. I, No. 66. 3 C. T. XXI; pi. 33. * King, op. cit.. Vol. II, No. 100, obv. THE TELL EL-AMARNA PERIOD About 1650 B. c. Jacob and his family went into Egypt and sojourned there, according to Biblical tradition, about four hundred and thirty years. This was a time of great migrations; and we find that the Hyksos, a Semitic people, a branch of whom Jacob ^ and his family may well have been, entered Egypt and became rulers of the land. This role they played for fully a hundred years. The Kassites were now on the throne of Babylon, and did not prove themselves as mighty in foreign conquest as did their predecessors. The country of the Amurru was left alone and became a temptation to the ambitions of the great kings of the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty (1580-1350 b. c), whose first pha- raoh, Ahmose I, expelled the Hyksos and cleared the way for his successors' invasion of Syria. This Amenho- tep I did. His successor Thutmose I not only invaded the country, but in a series of brilliant battles con- quered the land of the Amurru as far as the Upper Euphrates, where he set up two tablets of victory. The most brilliant of the kings of this dynasty was Thutmose III, who in seventeen great campaigns in Asia (1479-1459 b. c.) built up a vast Asiatic Empire, establishing its frontiers on the Upper Euphrates. It was in the famous battle of Megiddo, which he ^ It is interesting to note that scarabs of a Hyksos pharaoh give his name as Jacob-her or Jacob-el. 10 CUNEIFORM SOURCES describes in great detail, that he completely defeated the Syrians. We learn from the booty carried into Egypt — chariots inlaid with silver, gold-plated char- iots, etc. — of the astounding civilization of Syria at this period. Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV carried on the work of their predecessors in Syria and Palestine. Cities such as Tunip (Baalbec) were re- modelled in Egyptian style; and rulers were appointed over cities, such as Abdi-Khiba of Jerusalem, who witnesses to his appointment by the Egyptian king. The whole land was referred to as Amurru, and per- haps was divided into two sections, Amurru and Canaan. About this time appear on the scene two great enemies of the Egyptians, namely, the Khatti (Egyp- tian IQieta) and the Khabiri, who are, respectively, the Hittites and the Hebrews (in the wider sense of the term). The power of Egypt reached its greatest splendor in the reign of Amenhotep III (1411-1375 B. c.) who beautified imperial Thebes. He married the sister of Tushratta, king of the Mitanni, and formed alliances with other foreign princes. During the latter part of the reign of this ruler and of his son and successor, Amenhotep IV (Ikhnaton), began the famous correspondence between foreign kings and princes and the pharaohs which we now know as the Tell el-Amarna letters. In 1888 there were found by a peasant woman at Tell el-Amarna, the site of the ancient capital of the heretic king Ikhnaton, the famous Letters which have shed so much light upon this period of history. Many of them unfortunately have been destroyed or lost, but there is still a goodly number in the museums of Lon- THE TELL EL-AMARNA PERIOD 11 don, Berlin, Cairo, etc. These have been carefully translated and studied, and show us an intimate and extended correspondence between rulers of Syria, Palestine, and other countries, and their suzerain, the Egyptian pharaoh. They are almost entirely written in the Babylonian language which was the lingua franca of the ancient world, and show the vast influence that the great culture of Babylon had already exer- cised upon the world. At two places in Palestine have similar reports been found, at Tell el-Hesy (old Lachish) and at Ta'annek in the plain of Jezreel. That these letters belong to the same general time and correspondence as the Tell el-Amarna letters is proved by the fact that they deal with the same general subjects, are written in the same Babylonian cuneiform, and actually mention two princes referred to in the Tell el-Amarna correspondence, namely Zimrida, ruler of Lachish, and Shipti-Baal. These letters and reports show us that during the reigns of Amenhotep III and Ikhnaton, Syria and Palestine were being invaded by hostile peoples and were beginning to slip away from the control of the pharaohs. This was due to the fact that there was now sitting upon the throne of Egypt a theologian and philosopher rather than a statesman. He was a pharaoh who, instead of governing his possessions, spent his time in developing a purer conception of God than was ever again realized by the mind of any Egyptian till the Christian Era. Under Ikhnaton the Hittites seized Syria, the Hebrews invaded Pales- tine, and the complete dissolution of the Egyptian empire in Asia ensued. Thus the close of the eigh- teenth dynasty in 1350 b. c. saw a complete loss 12 CUNEIFORM SOURCES of the vassal kingdoms of Egypt's Asiatic realm and the Hittites usurping the power. In the nineteenth dynasty Seti I (1313-1292) recovered Palestine from the Hittites, and Rameses II, the ** Pharaoh of the Oppression," penetrated as far as north Syria but without recovering the country. He made a treaty in 1271 B. c. with the Hittites, which is the first docu- ment of the kind known to history. During the reign of his successor Merneptah (1225-1215) the Israelites left Egypt. The Tell el-Amarna letters are valuable for our study, in this connection, for two chief reasons. First, they give us a good idea of the condition of Palestine at a period previous to the entrance of the Israelitish tribes, and preserve for us letters actually written by the princely ruler of the city of Jerusalem, which is known in these documents as Uru-Salem, the city of Salem, the same word which occurs in the Old Testa- ment as the name of the city of which Melchizedek was prince-priest. Secondly, they tell us about the invasion of the Hebrews, for such the Khabiri were. In this connection it is well to remember that there is no conflict between the fact that at the time when the Hebrews were entering Canaan the Israelites were still in Egypt. The terms "Hebrews" and "Israel- ites" are not conterminous — all Israelites were Hebrews, but not all Hebrews were Israelites. Thus while the Israelites or Jacob tribes were in Egypt, other Hebrew tribes were knocking at the door of Canaan and seeking an entrance into that land which their brethren were to occupy later. THE TELL EL-AMARNA PERIOD 13 Letters of Abdi-Khiba King of Jerusalem c. 1400 B. c. I. Obv. Abdi-Khiba thy servant has spoken to my lord, the king. At the feet of my lord, the king, seven times and seven times do I fall. What have I done against my lord, the king? They have slandered me to my lord, the king, saying: "Abdi-Khiba has revolted against his lord, the king." Now, as for me, neither my father nor my mother appointed me to this place. The strong arm of the king brought me to my father's house. Why should I offend my lord, the king.f^ So long as my lord, the king, lives I shall say to the chief of my lord, the king: "Why do you fav- our the Khabiri and are unfavourable to the native princes?" For this reason they slander me to my lord, the king. Because I say: "The territory of my lord, the king, will be ruined." Because of this they slander me to my lord the king. But let my lord, the king, know that my lord, the king, had established a garrison, but . . . Enkhamu has taken it. . . . I. Rev. Let the king care for his land, and be heedful of his land. The whole territory of my lord, the king, has fallen away. Ilimilku is destroying the entire land of the king. Let my lord, the king, care for his land. I say: "I will go to my lord, the king, and see the countenance of my lord, the king." But the enemy is powerful against me; therefore I am unable to come to my lord, the king. Hence may it seem right to my lord, the king, to send troops so that I may come and see the countenance of my lord, the king. As true as my lord, the king, lives, whenever an officer goes forth I say: "The land of my lord, the king, is going to ruin." If you do not listen to me all the princes will be lost, and my lord, the king, will have no more princes. Let the king think of the princes and let my lord, the king, send troops. The king has no longer any tern- 14 CUNEIFORM SOURCES tory. The Khabiri have devastated all the territory of the king. If troops come this year the territory will remain my lord, the king's, if no troops come the lands of my lord, the king, will be lost. To the scribe of my lord, the king: Abdi-Khiba, thy servant. Bring these words, unaltered, before my lord, the king: "The whole territory of my lord, the king, is going to ruin.'*^ II. To my lord, the king, Abdi-Khiba thy servant has spoken. At the feet of my lord, the king, seven times and seven times have I fallen. I have all the words which my lord, the king, sent. . . . Let the king know that all lands have declared enmity against me, therefore let the king care for his land. Behold the territory of Gazri, that of Ashkelon and the city of Lachish, have given them food, oil, and all they need. Therefore let the king look after the troops and send troops against the people who have sinned against my lord, the king. But if there are no troops, then there will remain no lands and no princes to my lord, the king. Behold the territory of the city of Jerusalem; neither my father nor my mother gave it to me — the strong arm of the king gave it to me. Behold this act is the act of Milki-lim, also the act of the sons of Lapaja who are deliver- ing the land to the Khabiri. Behold, O King, my lord, I am innocent concerning the Kashi. Let the king ask the officers if they have done violence and laden themselves with great guilt. . . . Let the king take heed to them that they support the lands with their hands. Let the king demand for them much food, and much oil, and many ^ Abel und Winckler. Der Thontafelfund von El-Amarna, No. 102. It is* interesting to note that a letter from Shuwardata, king of Kilti {pp. cit.. No. 100), gives us to un- derstand that Abdi-Khiba is somewhat of an oppressor. Shuwardata complains that Abdi-Khiba has taken his city unprovoked. THE TELL EL-AMARNA PERIOD 15 garments. Meanwhile let Pauru the king's officer come up to the land of the city of Jerusalem. Adaja is in revolt together with the garrison. . . . Let it be known to the king that Adaja said to me, "Let us go out, but do thou not leave it (the city)." Send me a garrison during the year, send the officer of the king. ... I sent to my lord, the king, 5000 . . . when the caravans of the king were robbed in the fields of Ajalon. Let my lord, the king, know that I am unable to send out caravans to my lord, the king, — that thou knowest ! Be- hold the king has put his name upon the territory of Jeru- salem for ever, he therefore cannot abandon the territory of the city of Jerusalem. To the scribe of my lord, the king, Abdi-Khiba thy ser- vant has spoken. At thy feet I fall. I am thy servant. Bring, unaltered before my lord, the king, these words: "I am an officer of the king.'* Many greetings to thee. And an evil deed has been done against me by the men of Kash. I was almost slain in my house by the people of Kash. Let the king make an investigation . . . seven times and seven times . . . my lord, the king, to me.^ III. To the king, my lord, my sun. Abdi-Kliba, thy servant. At the feet of my lord, the king, seven times and seven times have I fallen. Behold my lord, the king, has put his name upon the East and upon the West. It is slan- der that they have spoken against me. Behold I am not a prince, I am an officer of my lord, the king, even an officer of the king — one who brings tribute to the king. Neither my father nor my mother but the strong arm of the king established me in the house of my father. When . . . the officer of the king came to me, I gave into his hand the slaves. When Shuta, the officer of the king came to me I gave 21 female slaves ... to Shuta, as a present for my lord, the king. Let the king care for his land. The whole ^ Abel und Winckler, op. cit., No. 103. 16 CUNEIFORM SOURCES land of the king, which they have put at enmity with me, will be lost. The territory of Sheri as far as Ginti-K^rmil together with all the princes are hostile to me. If one were a seer! — but I do not see the countenance of my lord, the king, because hostility is established against me. I am become as a ship on the sea. The strong arm of the king occupied Nakhrima and Kash, but now the Khabiri are occupying the cities of the king. There remains not a prince to my lord, the king. Everyone is destroyed. Behold, Turbasa has been slain at the gate of Zilu; yet the king is inactive. . . . Let the king take care of his land ... let him send troops to the territory (of the city of Jerusalem). For if no troops come this year the whole territory of my lord, the king, will be lost. If they do not say in the presence of my lord, the king, that the land of my lord, the king, is destroyed, then all the princes will be destroyed. If there are no troops this year let the king send an officer to take me to thee with my brothers that we may die with my lord, the king. To the scribe of my lord, the king: Abdi-Khiba thy servant. At thy feet I fall. Bring these words unaltered before my lord, the king. I am thy servant and thy son.^ IV and VII (combined). To my lord, the king: Abdi- Khiba, thy servant. At the feet of my lord, the king, seven times and seven times I fall. Behold has not Milki- lim revolted to the sons of Lapaia, and to the sons of Arzawa so as to demand the land of the king for them? Why does not the king summon the prince who has done this deed to answer? Behold the deed which Milki-lim and Togi have done is this : after they have taken the city of Rabuda, they are now seeking to take Jerusalem. If this land belongs to the king, why is Gaza against the king? Behold, the land of Ginti-Kirmil belongs to Togi, and the people ^ Abel imd Winckler, op. ciL, No. 104. THE TELL EL-AMARNA PERIOD 17 of Ginti form a garrison in Bitsani, and the same will hap- pen to us after Labaia and the land of Shakimi have given everything to the Khabiri, Milki-lim has written to Togi and his sons: . . . give everything which they demand to the people of Kilti. Shall we, therefore, let Jerusalem go? The garrison which thou hast sent by the hands of Khaja, the son of Miare, Addaia has taken and placed in the house in Gaza, and he has sent twenty men to Egypt. Let it be known to the king that I have no garrison. As the king liveth, such is the case, Puru ... he has departed from me and is in Gaza. Let the king think of this, and let the king send fifty garrison-men to guard his land. The whole land of the king has deserted. Send Yi'en-Khamu, and let him care for the country of the king. To the scribe of my lord, the king: Abdi-Khiba, thy servant. Bring these words unaltered before the king. Many greetings. I am thy servant.^ V. To my lord, the king: Abdi-Khiba, thy servant. At the feet of my lord, the king, seven times and seven times I fall. .Behold, the deed which Milki-lim and Shuardata have done against the land of my lord, the king. They have won over the soldiers of Gezer, the soldiers of Gimti (Gath) and of Kilti, and have taken the territory of Rubuti. And now, indeed, a city of the territory of Jerusalem called Bit-Ninib, one of the king's cities, has been lost to the people of Kilti. Let the king listen to Abdi-Khiba, thy servant, and send troops that I may restore the land of the king to the king. For if there are no troops the land of the king will be lost to the Khabiri.^ . . . VI. To my lord, the king; Abdi-Khiba, thy servant. At the feet of my lord, the king, seven times and seven times I fall. Behold I am not a prince but an oflBcer am I to my ^ Abel und Winckler, op. dt, Nos. 105 and 199. 2 Abel und Winckler, op. cit. No. 106. 18 CUNEIFORM SOURCES lord, the king. Why has the king . . . not sent his mes- senger? . . . Let the king harken to Abdi-Khiba, his ser- vant. Behold there are no troops. . . . Let my lord, the king, send an officer to take the princes with him, the land of the king. . . . Let the king take heed for them, and let him send a messenger quickly.^ Letter of Burraburiash, a Kassite King, to Amenhotep IV, c. 1375 b. c. To Napkhu 'ruria, king of Egypt, my brother: Burra- buriash, king of Karaduniash, thy servant, speaks thus: It is well with me. With thee, with thy land, thy house, thy wives, thy children, thy nobles, thy horses, thy char- iots, may it be exceeding well. I and my brother have spoken friendly with one another, and said thus: "As our fathers were good friends so will we be also." But now my merchants who went up with Akhutabu remained be- hind in Canaan for business reasons. After Akhutabu had gone to my brother (Amenhotep); in the city of Khinna- tuni of Canaan, Shumadda, son of Balumme, Shutatua, son of Sharatum of Akko sent their men and slew my mer- chants, and took away their money. I have sent Azzu to thee. Question him and let him inform thee. Canaan is thy land and its kings are thy servants. In thy land violence has been done me. Punish them, and the money which they have taken away restore, and slay the men who have killed my servants, and avenge their blood. If thou dost not slay these men, they, on another occasion, will kill my caravans, or thy messengers, and then messengers will cease to pass between us. And if that happens, they (the Ca- naanites) will fall away from thee. Afterwards Shumadda cut the feet off one of my people, and kept him prisoner, and Shutatua of Akko set another on his head and (thus) he stood before him. Cause these men to be brought before 1 Abel und Winckler, op. cit. No. 174. THE TELL EL-AMARNA PERIOD 19 thee, and take thought for my welfare. As a present I have sent thee a mina of lapis-lazuli. Send my messengers back quickly. May I learn of the prosperity of my brother. Do not detain my messenger. Let him come quickly.^ Letter of Rib-Adda of Byblus (Modern Jebeil, near Beirut), c. 1375 b. c. Rib-adda spoke to his lord, the king of the lands, the great king. May Ba'alat of Byblus give power to my lord, the king. At the feet of my lord, the king, my sun, seven times and seven times have I fallen. Be it known to my lord, the king, that Byblus is safe, the true servant of the king. But very powerful is the enmity of the Khabiri (Hebrew) warriors against me, and may my lord, the king, not hold back from Sumur lest it completely join the Khabiri sol- diers. By the representative of the king who was in Sumur, Byblus has been saved. Behold, Pakhamnata, the king's representative who is in Sumur, knows the need which oppresses Byblus. From Jarimutta have we secured means of life. Very powerful is the enmity against us. May the king not hold back from his cities.^ ^ Abel und Winckler, op. cit.. No. 8. Cf. also No. 9, which is a letter from Burraburiash to the same pharaoh, in which, after the usual greetings, the Canaanites are represented as having, in the times of Kurigalsu, the father of Burrabur- iash, offered themselves against their suzerain, the pharaoh. This offer Kurigalsu repudiated. It is not fitting for the pharaoh to listen now to similar overtures from the Assyr- ians against Burraburiash. 2 Abel und Winckler, op. cit. No. 80. Cf. another let- ter of the king in which he begs for aid from his Egyptian su- zerain, and threatens to make an alliance with a king of the Amurru, as Yapa-adda and Zimrida did, if help be not given. This letter is published by Bezold and Budge, The Tell el-Amama Tablets in the British Museum, No. 14. 20 CUNEIFORM SOURCES There are other Tell el-Amarna letters which are com- munications for help against the Khabiri, such as, Abel und Winckler, op. cit., Nos. 110 and 137, but they are not of sufficient interest to include here. See Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, Nos. 271 and 273, for translations. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD Under Khammurabi, sixth king of the first Baby- lonian dynasty, Shamshi-Adad I was vassal-prince at Asshur in Assyria, but the foundation of the kingdom of Assyria was ascribed to Zulilu in 1900 b. c. How- ever, at a very early period Assyria grew in power at the expense of Babylonia. Shamshi-Adad III boasts of having extended his empire as far as the Medi- terranean, as perhaps did many of his immediate suc- cessors, although no definite mention of this has as yet been found. The time came when the Kassite ruler of Babylonia was glad to marry the daughter of Assur-Yuballidh of Assyria, whose letters to Amen- hotep IV of Egypt have been found at Tell el-Amarna. The treaty did not last long, as Assyria began to feel its power; and, under Shalmaneser I, the conqueror of "the armies of the Hittites and the Aramaeans" (1300 B.C.), she threw off all obligations to Babylonia and claimed supremacy in Western Asia. Babylonia was soon conquered, the Hittites and the Egyptians were weakening, and Assyria became mistress of the Oriental world. Tukulti-Ninib I (c. 1275 b. c), her king, styled himself "king of the four quarters . . . king of the wpper and lower sea." She, however, suffered a reverse again about 1250 B. c, which left Palestine free for a time and gave opportunity for the self-assertion of the Philistines and the formation of the United Kingdom of Israel. 22 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Tiglath-Pileser, who came to the Assyrian throne in 1100 B. c, inherited more of the old Babylonian de- sire to conquer the West, and was not long in extending his empire as far as the Mediterranean; for he says, "60 kings of the countries of Nairi, together with those who had come to their help, with my spear, even to the upper sea (the Mediterranean) I pursued." "The land of the Hittites and the upper sea of the West, from the beginning of my rule up to the fifth year of my reign, my hand hath conquered." There he occupied the North Phoenician coast, met and defeated the Hittites, and was recognized by the Egyptians; who, as successors of the Hittites in Western Asia, sent him appropriate gifts. After the time of Tiglath- Pileser the Assyrian power again began to wane, and the West was once more left to itself. It was now that Rezon, in 950 b. c, founded a new Syrian dynasty (cf. 1 K. 11:23 ff.). Shamshi-Adad III, c. 1600 b. c. Shamshi-Adad, king of the universe, builder of the temple of Ashur; who devotes his energies to the land between the Tigris and the Euphrates. At the command of Ashur who loves him, whose name Anu and Enlil, above the kings who had gone before, had named for great things: the temple of Enin which Erishum, son of Ilushuma, had built, and whose structure had fallen to ruins: the temple of Enlil, my lord, a magnificent shrine, which according to the plan of the wise builders had been planned, in Asshur my city, that temple I roofed with cedars; in the entrance I placed doors of cedar covered with gold and silver. The walls of the temple — upon silver, gold, lapis-lazuli, sandu-stone, cedar- oil, choice oil, honey and butter I laid the mud-walls. The THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 23 temple of Enlil, my lord, I enclosed, and E-am-kur-kur-ra, the temple of the wild-ox of the lands, the temple of Enlil, my lord, in Asshur my city, I called its name. When I built the temple of Enlil, my lord, the prices in Asshur my city (were): For one shekel of silver, two gur of grain, for one shekel of silver, twelve ha of oil, according to the price of Asshur my city, were bought. At that time the tribute of the king of Tukrish and of the kings of the upper coun- try I received in Asshur my city. A great name and my memorial stela I set up in the country of Laban on the shore of the great sea (Mediterranean).^ ASSUR-NAZIR-PAL II, 884-860 B. c. Assyria again, began under Assur-nazir-pal II, to assert itself, and this time also extended its empire as far as the Mediterranean and the Phoenician coast. In his inscriptions Israel is not mentioned; but we know from later references that the house of Omri was now powerful, while Patin reigned in Syria and was subdued by Assur-nazir-pal, before Arvad, Byb- lus, Tyre, and Sidon had paid tribute. The Assyrian king set up a stela in this region, but exactly where is not certain — perhaps on the banks of the Nahr-el- Kelb (Dog River), which flows through Beirut, where there are five such records. The Annals of Assur-nazir-pal II From Kunulua, the royal city of Lubarna of the land of Patini, I departed, and I crossed the river Orontes and halted. From the river Orontes I departed and between the mountains of Jaraki and Ja'turi I marched. The land ^ Messerschmidt, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts I, No. 2. 24 CUNEIFORM SOURCES . . . ku I traversed, and I halted by the river Sangura. From the river Sangura I departed, and between the moun- tains of Saratini and Duppani I marched, and at . . . ba I halted. Into Aribua, the royal city of Lubarna of the land of Patini, I entered. The city I took for my own pos- session, and grain and straw from the land of Lukhuti I gathered and heaped up therein. I made a feast in his palace, and settled therein men from Assyria. While I remained in the city of Aribua, I captured the cities of the land of Lukhuti, and slew many of their inhabitants. I laid them waste, and destroyed them and burned them with fire. I took the people alive and impaled them on stakes before their cities. At that time I marched to the district of Lebanon, and to the great sea (Mediterranean) of the land of the Amurru I went up. In the great sea I washed my weapons, and made offerings to the gods. The tribute of the kings in the district of the sea from the lands of Tyre and Sidon, and Byblus, and Makhallat, and Maisa, and Amurru, and Arvad, which lies in the midst of the sea; silver, and gold, and lead, and bronze, and vessels of bronze, and garments of bright colored stuffs, and cloth, and a great pagutu, and a small pagutu and ushu-wood, and ukar- innu-wood, and teeth of a dolphin, a creature of the sea, I received as their tribute, and they embraced my feet. To Mount Amanus (Anti-Lebanon) I climbed up, and beams of cedar and cypress, and juniper, and pine I cut down. I made offerings to my gods. A stela with my deeds of valor I made and set up therein. The beams of cedar from Mount Amanus ... for E-shara, for my temple, and I sumptu- ously fashioned a chamber of delight for the temple of Sin and Shamash, the bright gods.^ ^ I R. 17-26; Budge and King, Annals of the Kings of Assyria, pp. 370 ff. There are other similar texts in which this king mentions the Lebanon mountains and the great sea of the West. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 25 Shalmaneser III, 860-825 b. c. In the person of Shalmaneser III we have a great mihtary king who, in spite of his many wars with the land of the Namri in the east and south east of Assyria, with the Urartu of the north west, and with Babylonia, which became a mere protectorate of Assyria in 852 b. c, succeeded in leading six expedi- tions into Phoenicia and Syria. During his first cam- paign in 854 B. c. he attacked Patin, Hamath, and Damascus, and forced Aleppo to surrender, but without any decided success. At Karkar, the same year, he met the Western Allies from Hamath, Damascus, and ' Israel under the leadership of Bir'idri (Biblical Benhadad I), but was repulsed, as on two former occasions, although taking much booty. After the death of Bir'idri, Ahab, and Joram, Shalmaneser in 842 conducted another campaign against Hazael, king of Damascus, "the son of a nobody," who had treacherously slain Bir'idri (2 Kg. 8: 15). Tyre and Sidon promptly sent gifts, and Jehu, the murderer of the kings of Israel and Judah, to gain the favour of the Assyrian monarch, paid a coronation tribute. Damascus was thus left to the mercy of the Assyrians. Shalmaneser again attacked Damascus in 839 b. c, but without complete success; and after he was called home by internal troiibles, Hazael of Syria turned to punish Israel. Rebellion arose in Assyria and Shal- maneser died in 825 b. c. He was succeeded by Shamshi-Adad IV (825-812 b. c). The date 842 b. c. is of peculiar importance, because by means of it we are enabled to settle definitely the chronology of the Kingdoms of Israel and of Judah. 26 CUNEIFORM SOURCES By means of the Babylonian and Assyrian chronologi- cal lists, 842 B. c, is definitely settled as the year in which Jehu of Israel paid tribute to Shalmaneser III, an account of which is found on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser. Now we know from 2 Kg. 9-10 that Jehu slew the kings of Israel and of Judah. Therefore the year of his accession in Israel marks the beginning of a reign in Judah also. According to Biblical reckon- ing the number of years between Jehu's accession, on the basis of the length of the reigns of the kings of Israel, and the division of the kingdom at the death of Solomon, is 98, and the number of years between Jehu's contemporary's accession in Judah, namely Athaliah, and the division of the kingdom is 95. Tak- ing 95 to be the more reliable, as we shall have reason to believe, then the division of the kingdom took place in 937 B.C. With this date agree the Egyptian records of the reign of Shishak I, who received the refugee Jeroboam and later invaded Palestine. The number of years according to the Judean reckon- ing, namely 95, between the death of Solomon and the accession of Jehu and his contemporary in Judah, is the more correct for the following reason: Shalmaneser III, in his inscription, mentions Ahab as being among the allied kings who fought at Karkar in 854. Now Ahab met his death in the battle of Ramoth-Gilead (1 K. 22), which would be in 853, that is, eleven years before the revolt of Jehu. For this period, namely, between the death of Ahab and the revolt of Jehu, the Biblical account gives us the reigns of Ahaziah lasting two years, and that of Jehoram, twelve years, making fourteen years altogether. Now we know that Ahaziah had an accident at his accession, and THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 27 undoubtedly Jehoram reigned for a time as co-regent, so that the two years are thus reckoned twice, which would leave twelve or eleven years for the interval. This would therefore correspond with the reckoning of the northern kingdom, and the date 937 b. c. is established for the division of the kingdom at the death of Solomon. 854 B.C. The Obelisk Inscription In the sixth year of my reign I marched against the cities which are in the territory of the river Balikh. Giammu, lord of their city, they had killed. I entered Til-mar-akhi. The Euphrates at high water I crossed. I received the tribute of all the kings of the land of the Hittites. At that time Bir'idri (Benhadad I) king of Damascus, Irkhulina of Hamath, together with the kings of the land of the Hittites and the seacoast trusted in one another; marched to make war and battle against me. By the command of Ashur the great lord, my lord, I fought with them; I accomplished their defeat. Their chariots, their horses, their utensils, their equipment, I took from them; I destroyed with weapons 20,500 of their troops.^ The Monouth Inscription In the Eponym year of Daian-Ashur, in the month of Airu, on the 14th day, I departed from Nineveh, crossed the Tigris, approached the cities of Giammu on the Balikh. The fear of my dominion, the brightness of my powerful arms, frightened them. They slew with their own weapons Giammu their lord. Kitlala and Til-sha-mar-akhi I entered. I even caused my gods to enter his palaces; in his palaces 1 Layard, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from Assyrian Monuments, pp. 89-90. 28 CUNEIFORM SOURCES I held festival. I opened his treasury; found his treasures. His goods, his possessions I plundered (and) carried away to my city Asshur. From Kitlala I departed, I approached Kar-Shulmanu-Asharid. In boats made of sheep-skins I crossed the Euphrates a second time at flood. The tribute of the kings of' that side of the Euphrates, of Sanger, of Carchemish, of Kundashpi, of Kummukh, of Arame, of Bit- Gusi, of Lalli, the Melidaean, of Khaiani of Bit-Gabar, of Kalparuda the Patinaean, of Kalparuda, the Gurgumaean, silver, gold, lead, copper, copper-vessels, I received in Asshur-utir-asbat, on the mountain on the far side of the Euphrates, on the river Sagur. This city the Hittites call Pitru. From the Euphrates I departed; I approached Khalman (Aleppo). They feared my battle; they embraced my feet. Gold and silver as their tribute I received. Sac- rifices to the god Adad of Khalman I offered. From Khalman I departed and approached two cities of Irkhulini the Hamathite. I captured Adennu, Parga, (and) Argana his royal city. His booty possessions; the goods of his palaces I caused to be brought out; (and) I set fire to his palaces. From Argana I departed; I ap- proached Karkar; Karkar, his royal city I plundered, I destroyed, I burned with fire. 1,200 chariots, 1,200 horse- men, 20,000 men of Bir'idri (Benhadad I) of Damascus; 700 chariots, 700 horsemen, 10,000 men of Irkhulini of the country of Hamath, 2,000 chariots, 10,000 men of Ahab the Israelite; 500 men of the Guaeans (Cilicia); 1000 men of the Musreans; 10 chariots, 10,000 men of the Irqanatians; 200 men of Matinu-ba'h the Arvadite; 200 men of the Usanateans; 30 chariots, 19,000 men of Adunu-ba'li the Shianian; 1000 camels of Gindibu the Arabian . . . 1000 men of Ba'sa son of Rukhubi of Ammon, these twelve kings he took to his assistance (and) they marched to make war and battle against me. With the exalted power which Ashur, the lord, had given me, with the powerful arms which Nergal, who walks before me, had granted me, I THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 29 fought with them; from Karkar to Gilzan I accomplished their defeat. 14,000 of their troops I cast down with arms. Like Adad I rained a deluge upon them, I heaped up their bodies, I filled the plain. Their many troops with weapons (I destroyed), I caused their blood to flow over the surface of the field. The field was too small to cast down their bodies, the Broad field (?) was not sufficient to bury them. With their bodies I dammed the Orontes as with a dam (?). In that battle I took from them their chariots, horsemen, horses, their teams. The Bull Inscription In the sixth year of my reign I departed from Nineveh, (and) approached the river Balikh. (The land ?) feared my powerful weapons and (killed its prince) Giammu. I entered Til-mar-akhi. I took the city for myself. I de- parted from the district of the Balikh. The Euphrates at high water I crossed; I received the tribute of the kings of the land of the Hittites. I departed from the land of the Hittites. I approached Khalman (Aleppo). I offered (sacrifice to the god Hadad) of E3ialman. From Khalman I departed. I approached Karkar. Bir'idri (Benhadad I) of Damascus (and) Irkhulini of Hamath, together with twelve kings of the sea-coast, trusted to their arms, and marched to make war and battle against me. I fought with them. 25,000 of their warriors I destroyed with weapons. Their chariots, their saddle-horses, their uten- sils, their equipment I took from them. They fled to save their lives. I embarked and went to sea.^ 850-849 B. c. The Obelisk Inscription In the tenth year of my reign I crossed the Euphrates for the eighth time; the cities of Sangara of Carchemish I ^ Layard, op. cit, pp. 14-16, 46-47. 30 CUNEIFORM SOURCES captured. I marched to the cities of Arame, (and) Arne, his royal city, with 100 of its suburbs, I captured. In the eleventh year of my reign I crossed the Euphrates for the ninth time, I captured cities without number. To the cities of the land of the Hittites (and) of Hamath I went up; I captured 89 cities. Bir'idri (Benhadad I) of Damas- cus (and) twelve kings of the land of the Hittities trusted in their arms. I accomplished their defeat.^ The Bull Inscription In the tenth year of my reign I crossed the Euphrates for the eighth time. The cities of Sangara of Carchemish I destroyed, wasted, (and) burned with fire. From the cit- ies of Carchemish I departed (and) approached the cities of Arame. I captured Arne, the city of his lordship; 100 cities of its environs I destroyed, wasted, (and) burned with fire. I made a slaughter among them and took away their prisoners. At that time Bir'idri (Benhadad I) of Damascus, Irkhulini of Hamath, together with twelve kings of the sea-coast, trusted in each other, and marched against me; I accomplished their defeat. Their chariots; horsemen, implements of war I took from them. They fled to save their lives. In the eleventh year of my reign I departed from Nine- veh and crossed the Euphrates at high water for the ninth time. I captured 97 cities of Sangar; 100 cities of Arame I captured, destroyed, wasted, and burned with fire. I reached the side of the Amanus; crossed Mount Yaraku; climbed up to the cities of Hamath; captured the city of Ashtamaku with 99 of its suburbs. I made a slaughter and carried away prisoners from them. At that time Bir'idri (Benhadad I) of Damascus, Irkhulini of Hamath with twelve kings of the sea-coast trusted in each other and marched against me, to give war and battle. I ^ Layard, op. cit, pp. 87-91. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 31 fought with them and accomplished their defeat. 10,000 of their soldiers I destroyed with weapons; their chariots, horsemen, (and) implements of war I took from them. On my return I captured Apparasu, a fortress of Arame. At that time I received the tribute of Kalparundi of Patin, silver, and gold bars, horses, cattle, sheep, stuffs, and cloths. I went up to the Amanus, I cut beams of cedar wood.^ 846 B. c. The Obelisk Inscription In the fourteenth year of my reign I taxed ^ the land (and) crossed the Euphrates. Twelve kings marched against me; with them I fought (and) accomplished their defeat.^ The Bull Inscription In the fourteenth year of my reign I called out the broad land without number. I crossed the Euphrates at high water with 120,000 troops. At that time Bir'idr (Benhadad I) of Damascus, Irkhulini of Hamath, with twelve kings of the sea-coast called out their troops without number, and marched against me. I fought with them and accomplished their defeat. I destroyed their chariots and horsemen. I took from them their implements of war. They fled to save their lives.^ 846-842 B. c. The Berlin Inscription Shalmaneser, the great king, mighty king, king of all the four quarters, the sturdy, the bold, the rival of the princes of the world, the great kings, son of Assur-nazir-pal, king of the world, king of Assyria, son of Tukulti-Ninib, king of the world, king of Assyria, conqueror of Enzi, Gilzan, (and) 1 See note 1, p. 29. ^ g^e notes 1 and 1, pp. 27, 29. 2 or, levied troops. * See notes 1 and 1, pp. 27, 29. 32 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Khubushkia. Urartu I smote (?), their defeat I accom- plished. I came upon them Uke fire. Akhuni of the people of Adini, together with his gods, the soldiers of his land, and the goods of his household I seized for the people of my land. At that time Bir'idri (Benhadad I) of the land of Damascus, together with twelve princes, his helpers, their defeat I accomplished. I prostrated like a simoon (?) 29,000 strong warriors. I cast into the river Orontes the rest of the soldiers. To save their lives they went up. Bir'idri forsook his land. Hazael, the son of a nobody, seized the throne. His numerous soldiers he summoned; he came forth to make war and battle against me. With him I fought, (and) accomplished his defeat. The wall of his camp I took from him. To save his life he went up. To Damascus his royal city I pursued him.^ The Obelisk Inscription In the eighteenth year of my reign I crossed the Eu- phrates for the sixteenth time. Hazael of Damascus to battle marched out. 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his horse- men I took from him.^ Annaustic Fragment In the eighteenth year of my reign the Euphrates for the sixteenth time I crossed. Hazael of Damascus trusted to the great number of his troops, and called out his troops in numbers. Saniru, a peak in the Lebanon district, he made into his fortress. With him I fought and defeated him. 16,000 of his soldiers with weapons I destroyed. 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his horsemen, with his camp I took from him. He fled to save his life. I pursued him and in Damascus, his royal city, I shut him up. I cut down his parks and marched to the mountains of the Haman. Cities without number I destroyed, wasted, burned with fire, and ^ Messerschmidt, op. cit, No. 30. ^ ggg ^Q^e 1, p. 27. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 33 carried away booty without number. I marched to the mountains of Ba'il-ra'si (near Nahr-el-Kelb, the Dog River), a mountain which is near the head of the sea, and I set up my royal portrait. At that time I received tribute of the Tyrians, Sidonians, and of Jehu of the land of Omri.^ Obelisk Legend Beneath the Reliefs Tribute of Jehu, of the land of Omri; silver, gold, a ves- sel of gold, a zukut of gold, basins of gold, dalani of gold, bars of lead, sceptres (.f*) for the hand of the king, (and) balsam woods I received from him.^ 839 B. c. The Obelisk Inscription In the twenty-first year of my reign, the Euphrates for the twenty-first time I crossed. Against the cities of Hazael of Damascus I marched. I captured four of his cities. The tribute of the Tyrians, Sidonians, (and) Byblians I received.^ Adad-Nirari IV, 812-783 b. c. Adad-Nirari IV grandson of Shalmaneser III suc- ceeded to the Assyrian throne in 812. The importance of his reign lies in his triumphs in Media and Baby- lonia, although he made four campaigns in the West in the years 806, 805, 803, and 797, without much apparent success. He seems, however, to have humil- iated Damascus and Mari' (Benhadad III). Inscription from Calakh (Nimrud) The palace of Adad-Nirari, the great king, the powerful king, king of the world, king of Assyria, the king over whom 1 III R. 5, No. 6. 2 Layard, op. cit, pi. 98, No. 2. ' See note 1, p. 27. 34 CUNEIFORM SOURCES from his boyhood Ashur, king of the Igigi, had watched, and had presented him with a kingdom wholly beyond com- pare, whose lordship, like the tree of life, over the people of Assyria he had proclaimed, and had established his throne; the lofty priest who adorns E-Sharra, the unwearied, who holds the command of E-kur; who in the service of Ashur his lord goes about, and had cast down at his feet the kings of the four quarters of the earth; who has conquered from Siluna, which is in the east, the lands of Saban, EUipi, Kar- kar, Araziash, Mesu, Madai, Gizilbunda, in its whole extent, Andiu, whose location is far distant, the slopes of the moun- tain, in their whole extent to the coast, of the great sea of the east; who conquered from the banks of the Euphrates, the Hittite country, Amurru in its entirety. Tyre, Sidon the land of Omri, Edom, Palastu (Philistia), even to the coast of the great sea of the West, had cast themselves at my feet. I laid tribute and taxes upon them. Against Damascus I marched, I shut up Mari', the king of Damascus, in Damascus his royal city. The fear of the brightness of Ashur my lord smote him, and he took my feet and did obeisance. 2,300 talents of silver, 20 talents of gold, 3,000 talents of copper, 5,000 talents of iron, colored gar- ments, linen, an ivory bed, an ivory couch with inlaid bor- der, his possessions, his goods in unmeasured number in Damascus, his royal city, in his palace I took. All the kings of Chaldee did obeisance. I laid upon them for the future tribute and taxes. Babylon, Borsippa, and Kutha brought pure offerings to the oracles of the god Bel, Nabu, and Nergal.^ Nebo Statue from Calakh To Nabu, the powerful, the exalted, the child of the majestic leader, the strong prince, son of Nudimmut, whose command is exalted, the messenger of wise things, who 1 I R., 35, No. 1. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 35 rules over all heaven and earth, who knows all things, whose ear is wide open, who holds the tablet stylus, who takes the hand of the prisoner, the merciful, the sorcerer, with whom is the power of cleansing and bewitching, whose power is beyond dispute, without whom naught is determined in heaven, the compassionate, the forgiving, whose conde- scension is good, who dwells in Ezida, which is in Calakh, the great lord, his lord for the life of Adad-Nirari the king of Ashur, his lord, and for the life of Sammuramat (Semir- amis) mistress of the palace, his mistress, by Bel-tarsi-ilu-ma governor of Calakh, Khamadi, Sirgana, Temeni, laluna, for his life, for the well-being of his house, and his people, that illness may not befall his posterity. Let every other prince trust in Nabu, in another god trust not.^ TiGLATH-PlLESER IV, 745-727 B. C. 2 K. 15-16; 1 Chr. 5; 2 Chr. 28; Is. 66 Another period of Assyrian weakness followed until Tiglath-Pileser, a novus homo, came to the throne. He was called in Babylonian Pulu, which is the same word as that used in the Bible, namely, Pul. His name also occurs in the Bible both as Tiglathpileser and as Tiglathpilneser. In the early part of his reign at the request of the Babylonians he freed them from the Aramaeans and became virtual king of Babylonia, although Nabunessar still retained the title. Meanwhile the Urartu in the North- West (one of whose kings, Sarduris II, called himself king of Suri or Syria) were becoming powerful. Tiglath-Pileser proceeded West and met Sarduris and defeated him. In 740 Arpad was taken, and as a result all north 1 I R., 35, No. 2. 36 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Syria submitted (2 K. 11-13). Trouble arose in the East, and Tiglath-Pileser was forced to turn his atten- tion to Armenia and Media, and during his absence from the West nineteen states revolted. In 738 he appeared again in the West, and the states were forced to pay him tribute. Among them were Da- mascus under its king Rezon, and Israel under Menahem. From 738-735 Tiglath-Pileser was again in the East, and Rezon of Syria and Pekah of Israel tried to per- suade Ahaz of Judah to rebel against him; and because Ahaz was unwilling to do so they began to enrich them- selves at his expense. Ahaz, accordingly, appealed to Tiglath-Pileser, who promptly responded and again appeared in the West in 734. This time he conquered the Philistine city of Ashdod, and Hanno of Gaza was defeated and fled to Egypt. He then overran Syria and Israel and carried away many into captivity. Pekah submitted but was shortly afterward slain by an assassin, and Tiglath-Pileser appointed Hoshea as his successor. In 732 Damascus was overthrown and Rezon put to death. Tiglath-Pileser now turned to Babylonia where, in his absence, troubles had arisen. In 728 as a result of his brilliant victories he was crowned King of Baby- lonia, and died in the following year. Tiglath-Pileser was really a very great king. He extended his mighty empire not only over the whole of Assyria and Babylonia, but also over Syria, a part of Palestine, and the land of the Philistines. However, the disorganized condition of his own kingdom at his accession required his whole lifetime to bring into order. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 37 Annals, 738 b. c. In the course of my campaign (I received) the tribute of the kings of the (land of the Hittites . . . Azariah of Ja*udi ^ like . . . Azariah of Ja'udi in . . . without number exalted to heaven . . . with eyes as from heaven ... by means of an assault of foot-soldiers . . . (the advance) of the powerful troops of Asshur they heard, and their hearts were afraid . . . (their cities) I destroyed, wasted, (burned with fire) . . . who had allied with Azariah and strengthened him . . . like vinestocks . . . was heard , . . where the way was difficult . . . was closed (?) and high . . . was situated and its exit ... he made deep ... he set his arms in order against ... he made them carry ... his great (men) . . . like a wall . . . Azariah . . . my royal palace . . . tribute like (the Assyrian I laid upon them) . . . KuUani (?) (the Calneh of Amos 6: 2 and Calno of Is. 10:9) . . . the cities Usnu, Siannu, Si[mirra], Rashpuna (?) on the sea coast, together with the cities as far as the mountain of Saue, a mountain which extends to the Leba- non, and Mount Ba'lisapuna as far as Mount Ammanu (Anti-Lebanon), the mountain of the Urkarinu wood and Sau in its entirety, the district of the city of Kar-Hadad, the city of IQiatarikka (Hadrach, Zech. 9: 1), in the district of the city of Nuqudina, Mount Khasu, with the cities of its environs, the city of Ara, in their order, with the cities of their environs, Mount Sarbua, in its entirety, the cities of Ashkhani, Jadabi, Mount Yaraqu in its entirety, the cities . . . EUitarbi, Zitanu up to the city of Atinni . . . the city of Bumame, nineteen districts of Hamath, together with the cities of its environs on the coast of the Western * This is not Azariah (Uzziah) of Judah (2 K 15: 1-2), as was formerly thought, but the name of a king of a well- known district of Sam'al (Zenjirli). 38 CUNEIFORM SOURCES sea, which they in sin and evil had taken for Azariah, I added to the territory of Assyria. My officers I set over them as governors, 39,300 people I deported . . . and in the district of the city of Ku . . . settled them. 1,223 people in the district of Ulluba I settled. The tribute of Kushtashpi of Kummukh, Rezon of Damas- cus, Menahem of Samaria, Hiram of Tyre, Sibittibi'li of Gebal (Byblus), Urikki of Que, Pisiris of Carchemish, Eni-el of Hamath, Panammu of Sam*al, Tarkhulara of Gurgum, Sulumal of Melid, Dadilu of Kasku, Uassurmi of Tabal, Ushkhitti of Tuna, Urballa of Tukhan, Tukhamme of Ish- tunda, Urimmi of Khushimna, Zabibe, the queen of Arabia, gold, silver, lead, iron, elephant hide, ivory, colored gar- ments, linen stuffs, purple and red stuffs, ushu wood, ukar- inu wood, everything valuable, the royal treasure, fat sheep, whose pelts were dyed red, winged birds of heaven, whose pinions were dyed purple, horses, mules, oxen, and sheep, camels, male and female, with their young, I received.^ Annals, 733-732 b. c. ... his (Rezon of Damascus) warriors I took prisoner . . . cast down with my arms . . . the chariot drivers and . . . their arms I broke, their chariots and their horse- men I took ... his warriors who carried bows . . . who carried shields and spears I took prisoners with my hands, their line of battle I broke. He fled alone to save his life and . . . like a gazelle {^) entered the gate of his city. His leaders alive I pierced with spears and set them up as an object lesson (?) to his land. 45 warriors of the camp . . . I collected about his city, and like a bird in a cage I shut him up, in his parks ... his plantations, without number, I cut down, and left not one. . . . Kliadara, the paternal home ^ Rost, Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglat-Pilesers Illy Bd. II, pis. XX-XXI, XV-XVI. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 39 of Rezon of Damascus . . . (where) he was born, I besieged, I took. 800 people with their goods . . . their cattle, and sheep I took away. 750 prisoners of the city of Kurussa . . . prisoners of Irma, 550 prisoners of Mituna, I took away. 591 cities ... of 16 districts of Damascus I de- stroyed like a deluge heap. . . . Samsi, queen of Aribi, who had trampled on the oath of Shamash . . . city . . . city of Ezasi. . . . Aribi in the land of Saba (.?), her people in her camp . . . before my powerful arm bowed themselves camels, female camels, as her tribute she brought before me. A resident I set over her. The Bir'a I cast down at my feet. Mas'a, Tema, the Saba, Kliaiappa, Badana, the Khatti, the Idiba*il in this territory of the West, whose dwelling is far distant, the glory of my dominion cast down [tribute of my dominion], gold, silver, camels, female camels, spices of every kind, their tribute they carried into my presence like one man, they kissed my feet ... a palace worthy of my royalty I built. . . . I-di-bi'lu I placed as resident in the land of Mu-us-ri. [Bit-Omri] all of whose cities, on my former campaigns I had added [to my terri- tory] . . . into captivity had carried, and left for him Samaria alone, Pekah their king [they had deposed] . . . like a storm wind ... a district of Bit . . . prisoners of . . . city of -bara, Q25 prisoners of the city . . . prisoners of Khinaton, 650 prisoners of Qana (?). 400 prisoners of . . . 650 prisoners of Ir . . . the people with their herds I carried away . . . the cities of Aruma, Marum. . . . Mit- inti of Ashkelon had sinned against my oath, and from me had fallen away. He saw the defeat of Rezon, and fell into terror. Rukibtu, the son of Mitinti seated himself on his throne. In order to save his life he came before me, and besought me . . . into his city I entered, 15 cities [of its environs, I took from his land and] gave them to Idi- bi'il of Arubu.^ 1 Rost, op. ciU pl. XXII-XXIII, XVIII. 40 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Small Inscription . . . the city of Khatarikka to Mount Sana . . . the cities of Gubli, Simirra, Arqa, Zimirra, . . . the cities of Usnu, Siannu, Ri'raba, Ri'sisu . . . cities on the coast of the upper sea I captured. Six of my officials I set over them as governors, the city of Rashpuna, on the coast of the upper sea. . . . The city of Gal'a, the city of Abilakka, which at the entrance of Bit-Omri (Israel) . . . the broad Naphtali (?) in its entirety I added to Assyria. My offi- cials as governors I set over them. Hanno of Gaza fled be- fore my arms and escaped to Egypt. The city of Gaza I captured, his goods, his possessions, his gods I carried away . . . my royal portrait I set up in the palace of Hanno and . . . added to the gods of their land . . . [tribute and taxes] I laid upon them ... I overwhelmed and like a bird he fled. ... I brought him back to his place . . . gold, silver, colored garments, linen stuffs ... I received . . . Bit-Omri . . . the whole of its people, their goods to Assyria I carried away. As Pekah, their king, they had deposed, Hoshea I established as king over them. Ten talents of gold . . . talents of silver I received as a present from them.^ Tablet from Nimrud Tribute of Kushtashpi of Kummukh, Urikke of Que, Sibittibi'l of Gebal, Pisiris of Carchemish, Eni-el of Hamath, Panammu of Sam'al, Tarkhulara of Gurgum, Sulumal [of Melid, Dadilu of Kaska], Uassurme of Tabal, Ushkhitti of Tuna, Urballa of Tukhan, Tukhamme of Ishtunda, Urimme of Khushimna, Matanbi'l of Arvad, Sanipu of Bit-Amman (Ammon), Salamanu of Moab, Mitinti of Ashkelon, Jehoa- haz of Judah, Kaushmalaka of Edom, Mus . . ., Hanno of 1 III R. 10, No. 2. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 41 Gaza, gold, silver, lead, iron, tin, colored garments, linen stuffs, cloths of his land, red, every valuable thing, products of the sea, and land, products of their land, royal treasure, horses, mules, teams ... [I received].^ Sargon II, 722-705 B. c. 2 K. 17; Is. 20 In 722 at the end of the reign of Shalmaneser IV or immediately after his death and at the time of the accession of Sargon II, who was not of royal blood, the city of Samaria fell after a siege of about three years. 27,209 of the inhabitants of Israel were deported and their places were taken by people from various lands which the Assyrians, now at the zenith of their power, had conquered (2 K. 17). Israel now became a province of Assyria. In 721 Sargon was busy with Babylonian affairs. Merodach-Baladan (Is. 39: 1) whom we meet in 2 K. 20 as Berodach-Baladan revolted and was crowned king of Babylonia in 721. In 720 a Western rebellion broke out under the leadership of Ilu-bi'di (or Yau- bi'di), king of Hamah, of which we hear nothing in the Old Testament. Damascus, Samaria, and other places were involved. This brought down the wrath of Sar- gon, and they were defeated one after another, and many were deported to Assyria. This chastisement lasted until 710, when Sargon was again needed in the West. He quickly responded and the allies were defeated. The remaining years of Sargon's reign were occupied in the North and East. 1 II R. 67. 42 CUNEIFORM SOURCES The year of the fall of Samaria (722 b. c.) is another important date for Biblical chronology. From 842, the accession of Jehu, to 722, the fall of Samaria, accord- ing to Assyrian inscriptions, there are 120 years. The Biblical reckoning for the same period makes 143 years, a difference of 23. Now Menahem, at the time of his accession in 738 (2 K 15: 19), paid tribute to Pul, king of Assyria, as we learn from the Assyrian inscrip- tions. This shows that the Biblical chronology from 842 to 738 corresponds with the Assyrian chronology. But the Bible reckons 41 years from 738 to 722 which, according to Assyrian chronology, should be 16 years, a difference of 25. The surplus years seem to come in the reigns of Menahem (10 years), and Pekah (20 years). This seems quite clear from the fact that four years after the accession of Menahem, which was in 738, Tiglath-Pileser invaded Israel, putting Pekah, the successor of Pekahiah, son of Menahem, to death. That is, from the accession of Menahem to the death of Pekah — three reigns — only four or five years elapsed, and Hoshea began to reign in 734 or 733 b. c. In 2 K 17-18 we learn that Shalmaneser was the conqueror of Samaria. As Shalmaneser does not mention the event in his royal accounts, we can feel pretty certain that, although he attacked the city of Samaria, he did not succeed in overthrowing it before his death. Sargon tells us in more places than one that he was the conqueror of Samaria. The Hebrew writer may well have made an error as Sargon was the immediate successor of Shalmaneser and took Samaria in the first year of his reign. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 43 The Fall of Samaria, 722-721 b. c. In the beginning of my reign and in the first year of my reign ... I besieged Samaria and took . . . inhabitants I carried away. 50 chariots I collected there as a royal force. ... I set up again and made more populous than before. People from lands which I had taken I settled there. My men I set over them as governors. Tribute and taxes like the Assyrian I set over them.^ Campaigns against Samaria, Gaza, and Hamath From the beginning of my rule to the fifteenth year of my reign I accomplished the defeat of Khumbanigash of Elam in the environs of Dur-ilu. I besieged and captured Samaria. I carried away 27,290 of its inhabitants, I collected there 50 chariots. The remainder of them I per- mitted to retain their goods, put my governors over them, and I laid the tribute of former kings upon them. Hanno, king of Gaza, had come with Sib'e the tartan of Egypt, to Rapikhi against me, to offer battle and slaughter. Their defeat I accomplished. Sib'e feared the onset of my arms, fled and was no more found. Hanno, king of Gaza, I took prisoner. The tribute of Pir'u, king of Musri, Samsi, queen of Arabia, It'amara the Sabaean, gold, the produce of the mountains, horses, camels I received. Yaubi'di of Hamath, a soldier who had no claim to the throne, a Hittite, a wicked man, had set his mind on the kingdom of Hamath, caused Arpad, Simirra, Damascus, and Samaria to rebel against me, and united them and prepared for battle. The troops of Ashur I collected and besieged him and his soldiers in his favorite city of Karkar. I cap- tured and burned Karkar. I flayed him and killed the rebels ^ Winckler, Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons, I, 4; II, 1. 44 CUNEIFORM SOURCES in those cities, and established peace. 200 chariots and 600 horsemen I collected among the inhabitants of Hamath and added to my royal forces.^ Attack on Hamath and Gaza, 720 b. c. In the second year of my reign Ilu-bi'di of Hamath . . . collected his numerous troops at Karkar. The oath of Ashur he despised . . . Arpad, Simirra, Damascus, Samaria, he made rebellious against me . . . Sib'u, his tartan, he called to his side. He marched against me to make battle and slaughter. In the name of Ashur, my lord, I defeated him. Sib'u fled alone like a shepherd whose sheep are stolen, and disappeared. Hanno I took prisoner, and brought in chains to Asshur, my city. I destroyed, wasted, and burned Rapihu, and carried off 9,033 men with their goods.2 Inscription from Calakh, 717 b. c. Sargon, the exalted prince, who in the environs of Dur- ilu with Khumbanigash, king of Elam, fought, and accom- plished his defeat; who conquered the land of Judah, whose location is distant; who destroyed Hamath; whose hands have taken its prince Yaubi'di prisoner.^ Cylinder Inscription, 713 b. c. [Sargon] who conquered the broad Bit-Khumria, who at Rapikhi (Raphia) accomplished the defeat of Musri, and carried Hanno, king of Gaza, prisoner to the city of Asshur.'* 1 Winckler, op. cit, I, pp. 96 ff; II, p. 30 f. 2 See note 1, p. 43. ^ feee note 1, p. 43. 3 Winckler, op. cit, I, 168; II, 48. * Winckler, op. city II, 43. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 45 Campaign against Ashdod, 711 b. c. Is. 20 Azuri, king of Ashdod, planned in his heart to bring no more tribute, and sent to the kings of his vicinity to stir up enmity against Assyria. Because of the evil he had done I removed his lordship over the people of the land, and appointed his brother Akhimiti to the kingship over them. But the Hittites, planning evil, hated his rule, raised to the throne Yamani, who had no claim to it, who, like them, knew no reverence for authority. In the anger of my heart I did not collect the mass of my troops, I did not rally my forces. With my soldiers who did not depart from my side, in the place where I was staying, I marched against Ashdod. Yamani, who heard from afar the ap- proach of my column, fled to the borders of Egypt, which lies before Melucha, and was seen no more. Ashdod, Gimtu (Gath), Ashdudimmu I besieged, I conquered. I seized as booty his gods, his wife, his sons and daughters, pos- sessions and goods, the treasures of his palaces, together with the people of his land. Those cities I took again, and I caused to dwell in them people of the lands, which were the spoil of my hands, from the lands of the East. I set my oflBcers over them, I added them to the people of Assyria, they gave obedience. The king of Melukha who among ... an inaccessible place, a road . . . whose fathers for a long time, since the epoch of the Moon god, had sent no ambassadors to the kings, my fathers, to pay respects, he heard afar of the power of Ashur, Nabu, and Marduk; the fear of my royal majesty covered him, and terror was poured over him. He cast him into bonds and fetters of iron, and they brought him before me in Assyria — a long journey.^ 1 Winckler, op. cit, I, 114 f., II, 33 f. 46 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Another Account of the Campaign against Ashdod /*. 20 In the ninth (Annals — eleventh) year of my reign I marched to the . . . coast of the great sea . . . Azuri king of Ashdod . . . Akhimeti ... his twin brother I raised to rule over them . . . tribute and taxes of my lord- ship like those of. . . . They placed on the throne over them Yamani a soldier ... to punish the people of Phil- istia, Judah, Edom, Moab, those who live by the sea, and brought tribute and presents to Ashur my lord. Planning hostiUties to rebel against me, they sent their presents to Pir'u, king of Egypt, a prince who could not help them, that he might set himself in hostility to me, they invited him into a confederation. I, Sargon, the legitimate ruler, who honors the oath of Nabu and Marduk, and guards the name of Ashur, I sent my troops across the Tigris and Euphrates at the time of flood, Yamani, their king, who had trusted to his own power, heard afar the advance of my column. The fear of Ashur, my lord, cast him down, to . . . which is on the banks of the river . . . his land ... far away ... he fled . . . Ashdod.^ Sennacherib, 704-682 b. c. 2 K. 18-19; 2 Chr. 32; Is. 36-37 Sargon's son and successor was Sennacherib, in whose reign Merodach-Baladan again became troublesome. After establishing himself in Babylon, Merodach- Baladan sent an embassy to Hezekiah of Judah to congratulate him on his recovery from illness (2 K. 1 Winckler, op. cit, I, 186 f., II 44 f. There is another account of this same campaign, but too fragmentary for any practical use. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 47 20: 12 ff., and Is. 39), and especially to stir up trouble for Sennacherib. This brought down upon him the wrath of the Assyrian king, who attacked and defeated him. Meanwhile the West was again in a state of rebel- lion. Hezekiah of Jerusalem, the conqueror of the Philistines (2 K. 18), and fortifier of Jerusalem (2 K. 20; 2 Chr. 32) was looking toward Egypt for help against Assyria. So were the Phoenicians and the Philistines. Ekron even went so far as to imprison its Assyrian-appointed king Padi. Sennacherib was not slow to appreciate the situation and came West in 701 B. c. The allies, led by Luli of Sidon and Tyre and Hezekiah of Judah, were defeated. First Ekron was destroyed, then 46 cities of the Judean Shephelah, and, finally, after the capture of Lachish, Jerusalem was besieged. Before much progress was made, how- ever, Sennacherib was called off by troubles at home. It seems that Sennacherib made a second attempt to reduce Jerusalem, but without success. In 681 he met his death at the hands of assassins in his own country (cf. 2 K. 19:37). Campaign against Jerusalem. Taylor Prism, 701 b. c. 2 K. 18-19; 2 Chr. 22; Is. 36-37 In my third campaign I marched against the Land of the Hittites. The fear of the splendor of my dominion over- whelmed Luli king of Sidon, and he fled far away on the sea and died. Sidon, the great, Sidon the less, Bit-Zitte, Sar- iptu (Zarephath), Makhalliba, Usher, Akzib, and Akku (Akko), his strong cities, defended by walls, provisioned and provided with water, his garrison cities, the might of the arms of Ashur, my lord, overwhelmed them, and they bowed 48 CUNEIFORM SOURCES at my feet. I placed Tuba'lu (Ethbaal) upon the royal throne over them, and fixed upon him yearly and unchang- ing taxes and tribute for my dominion. Minkhimmu (Menahem) of Shamsimuruna, Tuba'lu (Ethbaal) of Sidon, Abdili'ti of Arvad (Arados), Urumilki of Gebal (Byblus), Mitinti of Ashdod, Budu'ilu of Bit-Ammanaa (Bit-Am- mon), Kammusunadbi of Moab, Malik-rammu of Edom, all kings of the Amurru-country, districts of great extent, brought rich presents before me, for the fourth time and kissed my feet. But Sidqa, king of Ashkelon, who had not submitted to my yoke, the gods of his father's house, himself, his wife, his sons, his daughters, his brothers, his seed of his father's house I carried away, and brought him to Assyria. Shar- ruludari, son of Rukib-tu, their former king, I appointed over the people of Ashkelon, and the payment of taxes, presents, to my dominion, I laid upon him, that he might bear my yoke. In the course of my campaign I besieged Beth-Dagon, Joppa, Benebarqa, Azuru, cities of Sidqa, which had not quickly submitted to my feet, I captured them and car- ried off their booty. The governors, princes, and people of Ekron, who had cast Padi, their king, into iron fetters, who had been faithful to the commands and compact of Assyria, and had given him over to Hezekiah of Judah in a hostile manner — their hearts feared. They summoned the kings of Musri, the bowman, chariots, and horses of the king of Melukhkha, forces without number, and they came to their help. In the neighborhood of Altaqu their line of battle was drawn up against me, their arms they conse- crated. With the help of Ashur, my lord, I fought with them and accomplished their defeat. The commanders of the chariots, and the sons of the king of Musri with the com- manders of the chariots of the king of Melukhkha my hands captured alive in battle. I besieged and captured Altaqu, and Tamna (Timnath) and carried away their booty. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 49 I drew near to Amkaruna (Ekron). I slew the gover- nors and princes who had committed sin, and hung their bodies on poles around the city. Citizens who had com- mitted wickedness and offence I counted as spoil. I pro- claimed pardon to the rest of them who had not committed sin and wickedness [and] in whom no guilt was found. Padi, their king, I brought out of Jerusalem, and set him on the throne of dominion over them, and the tribute of my domin- ion I laid upon him. And of Hezekiah, the Judaean, who had not submitted to my yoke, 46 strong cities, with walls, the smaller cities which were around them, without number, by the battering of rams and the assault of engines the at- tack of foot-soldiers, mines, breaches, and axes, I besieged and captured them. 200,150 men, young, old, male, female, horses, mules, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep without num- ber I brought forth from them and counted as booty. [Hez- ekiah] himself I shut up like a caged bird in Jerusalem his royal city. I cast up entrenchments against him, and whom- soever came forth from the gates of the city I punished him. His cities which I had plundered, I separated from his land, and gave them to Mitinti, king of Ashdod, Padi, king of Amqaruna, and Sil-bel, king of Gaza, and diminished his land. Beside the former taxes, paid yearly, I added the tribute and presents of my dominion, and laid these upon them. As for Hezekiah, the fear of the majesty of my dominion overwhelmed him and the Urbi, and his regular troops, whom he had brought in to strengthen Jerusalem, his royal city, deserted. With 30 talents of gold, 800 talents of silver, precious stones, stibium, uknu-siones, couches of ivory, seats of ivory, elephant-hide, ivory, ushu and ukar- innu-woodf diverse objects, a heavy treasure, and his daughters, the women of his palace, male musicians, female musicians, he despatched after me to Nineveh, my capital city. He sent his ambassador to give tribute and make submission.^ 1 I R., 37-42. 50 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Another Account of the Campaign of 701 b. c. The kingdom from Luli, king of Sidon, I took away; I seated Tuba'lu on his throne and laid on him tribute of my dominion; I destroyed the broad district of Judah; I laid my yoke upon Hezekiah its king; the people of Tumur, who inhabit a steep mountain, I overwhelmed with arms; the city of Ukku, with all its dwellings, I destroyed like the mound of a deluge; the people of Khilakki, inhabitants of the hill country, I destroyed with arms; their cities, I de- stroyed, wasted, burned with fire; I conquered Tilgarimmu (Togarmah?), of the border of Tabal, and turned it into arable land.^ Sennacherib at Lachish, 701 b. c. Sennacherib, king of the world, king of Assyria, seated himself on the throne and the prisoners of Lachish marched before him.^ Sennacherib's Campaign against Arabia, c. 688 b. c. . . . Telkhunu, the queen of Arabia, in the midst of the desert, from her I took away 1000 camels. The fear of my dominion cast her down, and likewise Khazail. They left their tents and fled to Adummatu, whose location is in the desert, a thirsty place where there is neither provision nor places to drink.^ Herodotus on Sennacherib's Egyptian Campaign The next king was a priest of Hephaistos, called Sethos. This monarch despised and neglected the w^arrior class of 1 I R., 43. 2 Layard, Monuments of Nineveh^ II, pi. 23. ^ Ungnad, Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler, I, pp. 73 ff. THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 51 the Egyptians, as though he did not need, their services. Among other indignities, he went so far as to take from them the lands which they had possessed under all the previous kings, consisting of twelve acres of choice land for each warrior. Afterward, therefore, when Sennacherib, king of the Arabians and Assyrians, marched his vast army into Egypt, the warriors one and all refused to come to his (Sethos) aid. On this the priest, greatly distressed, entered into the inner sanctuary, and before the image of the god bewailed his impending fate. As he wept he fell asleep, and dreamed that the god came and stood at his side, bidding him to be of good cheer, and go boldly forth to meet the Ara- bian host, which would do him no hurt, as he himseK would send him help. Sethos, then, relying on the dream, col- lected such of the Egyptians as were willing to follow him, who were none of them warriors, but traders, artisans, and market people; and with these he marched to Pelusium, where the passes are by which the country is entered, and there pitched his camp. As the two armies lay there opposite one another there came in the night a multitude of field- mice which devoured all the quivers and bow-strings of the enemy and ate the thongs by which they managed their shields. Next morning they commenced their flight and great multitudes were slain as they had no arms with which to defend themselves. There stands to this day in the temple of Vulcan a stone statue of Sethos, with a mouse in his hand, and an inscription to this effect: "Look on me and learn to reverence the gods." (Herodotus, II, 141.) POLYHISTOR AND AbYDENTJS ON SeNNACHERIB And after all the other exploits of Sennacherib he adds the following: "He remained in power eighteen years and died by the hand of his son Ardumuzanus, in an uprising." These things says Polyhistor. From Abydenus concerning Sennacherib. At this time 52 CUNEIFORM SOURCES we find Sennacherib, who was the twenty-fifth at least in the succession of kings. He reduced Babylon beneath his sway. . . . After the reign of Sennacherib's brother, Akises became king over the Babylonians. He reigned less than thirty days, being murdered by Merodach-Baladan, who then forcibly held the kingdom for six months. Baldanus (Merodach- Baladan) was killed by a certain Elibus, who then became king. In the third year of the reign of Elibus, Sennacherib, king of the Assyrians, gathered an army together against the Babylonians, defeated them in battle, and ordered the captive king and his friends to be led into Assyria. Hav- ing subdued the Babylonians, he set up his son Asordanius as king, withdrawing himself and proceeding to Assyria. After him there ruled Nergilus, who was cut off by his son Adramelus. Adramelus was killed in turn by Axerdis, who was his brother on his father's, though not on his mother's side. He pursued the army to Byzantium and there shut it up. (Eusebii, Chron. I, ed. Schoene, Berlin, 1875.) ESARHADDON, 680-668 B. c. iK. 19:37; Is. 37:38; Ezra 4:2 Esarhaddon had other visions than his forefathers. Now that Phoenicia, Syria, and Palestine were con- quered he turned his attention to Egypt. True, he made a campaign against Tyre and Sidon, and he mentions many western vassals, among whom was Manasseh of Judah, but his interest was in Egypt. His first attempt to conquer Egypt was made in 673 B. c. He failed because he had not laid his plans with suflicient care. In 670, however, he was successful and conquered the Egyptian king Taharka (Tirhaka), taking Memphis and making the Delta an Assyrian THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 53 province. Esarhaddon was compelled to return home because of internal affairs, and in the meantime the Egyptians rebelled. He was thus forced to set out again on another expedition, during which he died in 668 B. c. Prism A [Esarhaddon] the conqueror of the city of Sidon, which lies in the midst of the sea; he who overwhelmed all its houses; its walls, its dwellings I tore down, cast them into the sea, and made the place where they stood a ruin. Abd- milkot its king, who had fled into the sea before my arms, I drew like a fish out of the sea and cut off his head. His treasures and goods, gold, silver, precious stones, elephant hide, ivory, ushu-woody urkarinu-wood, colored cloth, and cloth of every kind, precious things of his palace, I plundered in a mass; its people without number, cattle, sheep, and asses I carried away to Assyria. I collected the kings of the Hittite country, and all those of the sea-coast. A city in another place I created and called its name Kar-Esar- haddon. The people, the spoil of my bow, from the hill country and from the Eastern Sea, I settled there, and over them I set my oflScials as governors. Adumu, a fortress of Aribi, which Sennacherib king of Assyria, my father, my begetter, had captured, and brought its gods to Assyria; Hazael, king of Aribi came with a heavy tribute to Nineveh, my residence, and kissed my feet; he pleaded for the gift of his gods. I showed him favor, and repaired the broken parts of those gods; the power of Ashur, my lord, as well as my name, I inscribed upon them and gave them back to him. Tabua, born in my palace, I set over them in dominion, and with her gods, gave her back to her land. I added 65 camels to the tax of my fathers, and put them upon him. After that Hazael's fate carried him off and I put Ya'lu his son upon his throne, and added to his father's taxes ten mina of gold, 1000 precious stones, 54 CUNEIFORM SOURCES 50 camels, 1000 measures of spices, and put them upon him.^ Prism B 2 K. 21 (Esarhaddon is not mentioned in this chapter but in 2 K. 19 : 37, Is. 37 : 38. Cf . Ezra 4:2). The armory which the former kings, my fathers, had built for camp equipments and for shields for the horses, mules, chariots, weapons, arms of battle, the spoil of ene- mies, everything which Ashur, the king of the gods, bestowed upon me as my royal share; to care for the horses, and to drive in the chariots. ... I made the inhabitants of the lands, the booty of my bow, carry the bag and basket, and make bricks. That small building I tore down in its entirety. A large piece of land I took from the field as a building place and added it. With pili-slouGs, a stone of the mountains ... I built a terrace. I demanded of the kings of the land of the Hittites, and of those beyond the sea, of Ba'al, king of Tyre, Manasseh, king of Judah, Kaush-gabri, king of Edom, Musuri, king of Moab, Sil-bel, king of Gaza, Mitinti, king of Ashkelon, Ikausu, king of Ekron, Milkiashapa, king of Byblus, Matanba'al, king of Arvad, Abiba*al, king of Samsimuruna, Buduil, king of Bit-Ammon, Akhimilki, king of Ashdod, twelve kings of the sea-coast, Ekishtura, king of Idalion, Pilagura, king of Chytrus, Kisu, king of Sillua, Ituandar, king of Paphos, Eresu, king of Sillu, Damasu, king of Kuri, Atmezu, king of Tamesu, Damusi, king of Qartihadasti, Unasagusu, king of Lidir, Busutus, king of Nurenu, ten kings of Cyprus, in the midst of the sea; in all 22 kings of the land of the Hittites, of the sea- coast, and of the midst of the sea, I demanded great beams of them all. . . ? 1 I R. 45-47. « IIIR. 15-16 (SeeR. F. Harper, Hebraica, HI, 177-185). THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 55 Campaign against Arabia and Egypt, 670 b. c. In my tenth campaign [Ashur gave me confidence, and I marched my troops to Magan and Melukhkha], and [turned] my face [to the land of ... ] which in the tongue of the people of Kush and Egypt is called. ... I called out the numerous troops of Ashur, which are in the. ... In the month of Nisan, the first month, I left my city of Asshur. I crossed the Tigris and Euphrates at high flood, and climbed high mountains like a wild ox. In the course of my campaign I created siege works against Ba'al, king of Tyre, who had trusted in Tarqu, king of Kush, his friend, and had shaken off the yoke of Ashur, my lord, and had expressed defiance of me, I cut off from him food and drink, the means of life. From Egypt I broke camp and marched to Melukhkha, 30 biru of land from the city of Apku, which lies in the ter- ritory of the land of Samena, to the city of Raphia, by the side of the brook of Egypt, a place where there is no river, in . . . necessity and want, I made my troops drink well water from jugs. When the command of Ashur, my lord, came to my ears . . . camels of the kings of Aribi [without number I took from them], 20 biru of land, a journey of 15 days ... I marched. Four biru of land, a journey of two days. . . . Marduk, the great lord, came to my help ... he revived my troops, 20 days, seven ... in the territory of the land of Ma-gan I remained.^ Ashurbanipal, 668-625 b. c. The chief claim of Ashurbanipal (Old Testament Asnapper, Ezra 4: 10; Greek and Latin Sardanapalus) to renown is the fact that he was a great lover of ^ R. W. Rogers, Two Texts of Esarhaddon; III R. 35, No. 4. 56 CUNEIFORM SOURCES literature and founded the famous library from whose stores we derive a large percentage of our knowledge of Babylonian and Assyrian literature, art, and science. His military powers, however, must not be overlooked, for besides bringing about the surrender of Tyre, among other Western towns, he brought to a success- ful close the Egyptian war begun by his father, and remained supreme in Egypt till 660 b. c. Troubles at home engrossed his attention for many years and finally in 647 he became king of Babylon. These duties naturally gave the Egyptians a chance to revolt and in 661-655 the Nubian rulers returned to Thebes, and the Assyrians were forced to retire. ASHURBANIPAL AT AkKO, C. 645 B. C. On my return I captured Ushu, which lies on the coast of the sea. The inhabitants of Ushu, who were disobedient to their governor (and) had not paid their tribute, I smote them as the tribute of their land. Among the rebellious people I set up judgment. Their gods and their people as booty I carried to Assyria. The people of Akko who were rebellious I reduced, their bodies I hung on poles around the city; the remainder I brought to Assyria. I chose them for my army, and added them to the numerous troops, which Ashur had presented to me.^ 1 V R. 1-10. THE NEW BABYLONIAN AND PERSIAN PERIODS Nebuchadrezzar, 604-562 b. c. 2 K. 24-25; 2 Chr. 36; Jer. 20, 21, 25, 27, 28, 32, 34, 37-39; Ez. 26, 29; Dan. 1-4 Nebuchadrezzar was a great builder and architect, and consequently most of his inscriptions deal with building operations. We know, however, from Bibli- cal sources that he interfered in Judean affairs, and this is confirmed by some of his inscriptions. Jehoiakim, against the advice of Jeremiah, revolted and Jerusalem was besieged in 597. Jehoiakim died in the meantime and Jehoiachin, his successor, sur- rendered and was taken with many other captives to Babylonia and settled in a place near the canal Kebar near Nippur. About a decade later Hophra (Apries) of Egypt induced Judah and some other small neigh- boring states to revolt. This called down the wrath of Nebuchadrezzar who laid siege to Jerusalem in 587, and although he was called off to defeat Hophra suc- ceeded in returning and capturing the city in 586 b. c. Zedekiah was taken captive to Riblah, where his eyes were put out, and Gedaliah was made governor of the city. Nebuchadrezzar then subjected Tyre to a thirteen years' siege which failed in 573. He also attempted an invasion of Egypt which likewise was unsuccessful. 58 CUNEIFORM SOURCES A Western Campaign, 601 b. c. . . . paths of the mountain . . . way of death. Arms . . . inhabitants of the Hittite country, in the month of Aim, of the third year of [Nebuchadrezzar king of] Baby- lon opposed his troops. [Nebuchadrezzar] summoned his troops, in thirteen days to [the Hittite country] he marched. Of the people inhabiting Ammanu (Anti-Lebanon) . . . their heads he beat off . . . [upon poles] he hung ... to ... he brought.^ East India House Inscription In profound confidence in him (Marduk), distant lands, far away mountains, from the upper sea to the lower sea, steep paths, closed roads, where the step is confined, [where] there was no place for food, difficult roads, thirsty roads have I passed through, destroyed the rebellious, captured enemies, ruled the lands, permitted the people to flourish, [but] the bad and evil have I put away among the people.^ Wadi Brissa Inscription From the upper sea (Mediterranean) to the lower sea . . . which Marduk the lord had intrusted to me, among all the lands, the totality of dwelling places, I exalted Baby- lon to the first place. Among the cities ... [I caused] her name to be praised. The sanctuaries of Nabu and Mar- duk, my lords, . . . continually ... at that time . . . the Lebanon, the cedar mountains, the proud forest of Mar- duk, the scent of the cedars is pleasant, its product. The festival of another god ... no other king. . . . My god Marduk, the king for the palace of princes ... of heaven and earth was suited for adornment. As an enemy, ^ Strassmaier, Hehraica, IX, p. 5. 2 I j^, 53_58^ 59_64. NEW BABYLONIAN AND PERSIAN PERIODS 59 a stranger, had taken possession of (the mountain), and had removed its products, its inhabitants had fled and gone far away. ' With the power of Nabu and Marduk, my lords, I ordered my troops to march to the Lebanon. The enemy, above and below, I drove out, and made the heart of the land to rejoice, its scattered people I gathered and brought them back to their place. That which no former king had accomplished (I did); I cleaved the high moun- tains, lime-stone I broke off (and) opened trails. I cut a road for the cedars and before Marduk, my king (I brought) massive, tall, strong cedars, of wonderful beauty, whose dark appearance was impressive, the mighty products of the Lebanon. . . . The people in the Lebanon I made to dwell in peace and safety. I permitted no disturber to possess [the land]. That none may produce confusion I have set up my royal image for ever.^ Nebuchadrezzar's Campaign, against Egypt, 567 b. c. Gula who slays my foes . . . the queen who endowed me with strength of heart and might of hand and consoles me, who causes ... of my reign to be increased. ... In the thirty-seventh year of Nebuchadrezzar, king of Baby- lon, [the king of Egypt] came up to do battle and Amasis, king of Egypt, called out his troops . . . numerous troops which were in Egypt ... to his aid he called . . . and before him to make [war] he trusted ... he accomplished their defeat and . . . the destruction. . . ? The account of Nebuchadrezzar's mission to Egypt and the West, as given by Berossos, ought to be read 1 Recudl de Travaux, Vol. 28 (Langdon). 2 TSBA VII, 210-225; Strassmaier, Babylonische Texte, VI, No. 329. 60 CUNEIFORM SOURCES here. See Whiston's translation of Josephus, edited by Shilleto, London, 1890. Vol. V, pp. 192-193. Successors of Nebuchadrezzar Nebuchadrezzar was succeeded by a line of weak and unimportant kings, among them being Amel- Marduk (the Biblical Evil-Merodach, 2 K. 25: 27 ff.), his son, who liberated Jehoiachin. A priestly plot placed Nabuna'id (Nabonidus) on the throne. He was neither warrior nor statesman but an antiquarian, and as such has proved himself a great servant of Science. Among other things he has left a record which seems to show, unless the calculation of the scribes be wrong, that Naram-Sin reigned 3,200 years before his time. Meanwhile his son, Bel-shar-usur (the Biblical Belshazzar, Dan. 5), was caring for the government. There were, however, great events happening while the scholar-king was carrying on his investigations. Cyaxeres the Mede had extended his conquests as far as Lydia in the West. In 550 Cyrus of Anshan captured Ecbatana, destroyed the Median power, and defeated Croesus in 546, and by the end of 545 all Asia Minor was under Persian rule. In 538 b. c. Cyrus met Bel-shar-usur in battle and defeated him, and a few days later Babylon surrendered without resist- ance to Gobryus, one of the generals of Cyrus. As inscriptions and contract tablets show, Cyrus was immediately succeeded by his son Cambyses, and there is no place left for a "Darius the Mede" as ruler of Babylonia. NEW BABYLONIAN AND PERSIAN PERIODS 61 An Inscription of Nabuna'id Nabuna'id, king of Babylon, supporter of E-sagila, and E-zida, who fears the great gods, am I. Here follow an account of his buildings and also a prayer to Sin, lord of the gods in which he says: "As for Bel-shar-usur (Belshazzar), the first-born son, the issue of my body, do thou implant in his heart the fear of thy great divinity. Let him not turn unto sinning. Let him be satisfied with the fulness of fife." 1 The Cylinder of Cyrus 2 Chr. 36:22/; Ezra 1; Is. 44-45; Dan. 6:10 This inscription relates how Marduk, king of the gods, and god of Babylon "sought a righteous prince after his own heart" to rule over Babylonia. This prince was Cyrus, king of Anshan, whom he appointed to "lordship over the whole world." He permitted him to enter Babylon "without battle and conflict" and thus "spared his city Babylon a calamity." Nabonidus, the king, who did not fear him, he delivered into his hand. Then follows a description of the might of Cyrus. He continues: "Marduk, the great lord, rejoiced in my pious deeds, and graciously blessed me, Cyrus the king who worships him, and Camhyses my own son, and all my troops. . . . All the kings dwelling in palaces, of all the quarters 'of the earth, from the Upper to the lower sea ... all the kings of the West- land dwelling in tents brought me their heavy tribute, and in Babylon kissed my feet. . . . And the gods of Sumer and Akkad, whom Nabuna'id, to the anger of the lord of the gods, had brought into Babylon, by 1 I R. 68, No. 1. e% CUNEIFORM SOURCES command of Marduk, the great lord, I caused them peacefully to take up their dwelling in habitations that rejoiced the heart." ^ Contract Tablets Ezra 4, 6, 7; Neh. 2 Although there are no inscriptions of any length that give us a full picture of the life of the Jews during the Babylonian exile, yet there is a vast number of con- tract tablets which throw a good deal of light upon the life and work of the Jewish people in the land of the Euphrates. They are not, however, historically im- portant enough to use in this work. From the time of Nebuchadrezzar to the end of the reign of Darius I, 604-485, we have nearly 4,000 con- tract tablets; from Artaxerxes I, 464-424, and Darius II, 424-404, there are numerous tablets which contain Jewish names. These contracts show us that Jews owned land, possessed capital, and were active mem- bers of the communities in which they lived. They also retained their peculiar religious practices, and especially their loyalty to Jehovah, as many names show. 1 V. R.2 35. CHRONOLOGICAL MATTER Babylonian and Assyrian chronology, which has been so useful in determining Biblical chronology, is established by scholars on the basis of the rich Baby- Ionian King Lists and Chronicles; Assyrian Eponym Lists and Eponym Chronicles; and the Ptolemaic Canon. These I give here that the student may be able to construct Biblical Chronology for himself. The Babylonian King List B^ Obverse Reverse YEARS 15 14 18 30 Su-mu-a-bi Su-mu-la-ilu Za-bu-u, son of the former A-bil-sin, son of the former Sin-mu-bal-lit, son of the former Kha-am-mu-ra-bi, son of the former 55 Sa-am-su-i-lu-na, son of the former 35 E-bi-shum, son of the former 25 Am-mi-di-ta-na, son of the former 25 Am-mi-sa-dug-ga, son of the former 22 Sa-am-su-di-ta-na, son of the former 31 Uru-azag (ki) Bu-ma-ilu, king Ki-an-ni-bi Dam-ki-ih-shu Ish-ki-pal Shu-ush-shi Gul-ki-shar Kir-gal-dara-mash, son of the former A-dara-kalam-ma, son of the former A-kur-ul-an-na Me-lam-kur-kur-ra E-a-ga-mil 11 kings, Dynasty of Babylon 10 kings, Dynasty of Uru- azag (ki) ^ Pinches, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeol- ogy, 1880, p. 20 f. 64 CUNEIFORM SOURCES The Babylonian King List A^ Column I: Column II: 11 names broken oflF, to be sup- About 13 names broken off plied from List B ... 11 kings, dynasty of Babylon x» ; 26 Nazi-maruttash \ 60 Ilu-ma (ilu) 17 Ka-dash-man-tur-gu ! 55 Ki-an (-ni-bi) + 2 Ka-dash-man-Buriash ] 36 Damki-ili (-shu) . 6 Ku-dur-En-Hl, his son ] 15 Ish-ki (-pal) 13 Sha-ga-rak-ti-sur-ia-ash j 27 Shu-ush-shi-akh 8 Kash-til-iash, his son | 55 Gul-ki (-shar) 1| En-lil-nadin-shum 50 Kir-gal (-dara-mash) 1| Ka-dash-man-khar-be • 28 Ai-dara- (kalam-ma), son of the 6 Adad-shum-iddin ) former ! 26 E-kur-ul (-an-na) 30 Adad-shum-nasir j 7 Me-lam-ma (-kur-kur-ra) 15 Me-H-shi-khu ; 9 (ilu) Ea-ga (-mil) 17 Marduk-aplu-iddin, his son | 368, 11 kings, dynasty of Uru- i 1 Zamama-shum-iddin ; azag 3 En-lil-nadin-akhi ! 16 Kan-dash 576 years, 9 months, 36 kings. 22 A-gu-um-si, his son dy . . . ; 22 Kash-til-ia-shi 8 Ush-shi, his son 17 Marduk ... . . Abi-rat-tash 6 j Tash-zi-guru-mash Column IV Column III ■ .... Nabu-shum-ishkun .... Nabu-nasir ............ H ... 2 Nabu-nadin-zer, his s ;on -ukin. j 1 mo. 12 days. Nabu-shum 22 i his son 1 yr. 6 mos. Marduk-shum ^ Pinches, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeol- ogy, 1884, pp. 193 ff. CHRONOLOGIC Column IV 22 Dynasty e. AL MATTER Column III 13 Marduk-zer 9 Nabu-shum-libur 65 3 Ukin-zer. Dynasty of Shi-i 2Pulu 5 U-lu-la-ai. Dynasty Ti-nu 12 Marduk-aplu-iddin, Dy. Sea- land 5 Sharru-ukin 2 Sin-akhi-erba. Dy. Kha-bi-gal 1 mo. Marduk-za-kir-shum, son of Arad 9 mos. Marduk-aplu-iddin, Sab Khabi 3 Bel-ibni. Dy. e. 6 Ashur-nadin-shum. Dy. Kha- bi-gal 1 Nergal-ushezib 4 Mushezib-Marduk. Dy. e. 8 Sin-akhi-erba . . . Ashun-akhi-iddin . . . Shamash-shum-ukin . . . Kan-dal-anu [The rest is broken off] 132, 2 mo., 11 kings. Dynasty Pashe 18 Sim-mash-shikhu 5 mos. Ea-mu-kin-zer 3 Kash shu-u-nadin-akhi 21, 5 mos., 3 kings. Dynasty of Sea-land 17 E-du-bar-shakin-shum 3 Ninib-kudur-usur 3 mos. Shi-la-nim-shu-ka- muna 20, 3 mos., 3 kings. Dy. Bit- Bazi 6 (ilu)? . . . 16 8 mos., 12 days [About 14 lines broken off] The Babylonian Chronicle^ Column I In the third year of Nabonassar, king of Babylon, Tig- lath-Pileser took his seat on the throne in Assyria. In the same year he marched against Akkad and plundered the cities of Rapilu and Khamranu. The gods of the city of Shapazza he carried away. During the reign of Nabonassar, Borsippa separated it- 1 Pinches, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeol- ogy, 1884, pp. 193 ff. 66 CUNEIFORM SOURCES seK from Babylon. The battle of Nabonassar against Borsippa is not recorded. In the fifth year of Nabonassar, Ummanigash took his seat on the throne in Elam. In the fourteenth year Nabonassar became ill and died in his palace. Nabonassar reigned fourteen years in Baby- lon. Nadimu, his son, took his seat on the throne in Babylon. In the second year Nadinu was killed in a revolt. Nadinu reigned two years in Babylon. Shumukin, a governor of a province, a rebel, took his seat on the throne. Two months, . . . days reigned Shumukin in Babylon. Ukinser . . . the throne . . . seized the throne. In the third year of Ukinser, Tiglath-Pileser marched against Akkad. He laid Bit-Amukani waste and took Ukinser prisoner. Ukinser reigned three years in Babylon. Tiglath-Pileser took his seat on the throne in Babylon. In the second year, in the month Tebet, Tiglath-Pileser died. Tiglath-Pileser reigned . . . years in Akkad and in Assyria; two years he reigned in Akkad. On the twenty- fifth day of Tebet, Shalmaneser took his seat on the throne in Assyria, and the city of Shabarain was destroyed. In the fifth year, in the month Tebet, Shalmaneser died. Shalmaneser reigned five years in Akkad and in Assyria. On the twelfth day of Tebet, Sargon took his seat on the throne in Assyria. In Nisan Merodach-Baladan took his seat on the throne in Babylon. In the second year of Merodach-Baladan, Ummanigash, king of Elam, fought a battle with Sargon, king of Assyria, in the district of Dur-ilu. He accomplished the defeat of Assyria and slew many. Merodach-Baladan, who had come to the help of the king of Elam, did not come in time for the battle, but marched behind. In the fifth year of Merodach-Baladan, Ummanigash, king of Elam, died. Ummanigash reigned . . . years in Elam. Ishtar-Khundu, son of his sister, took his seat on CHRONOLOGICAL MATTER 67 the throne in Elam. From the beginning of the reign of Merodach-Baladan to the tenth year [Sargon] was at enmity with Merodach-Baladan. In the tenth year of Merodach-Baladan Bit-Dakuri was laid waste and its goods taken away. Column II In the twelfth year of Merodach-Baladan Sargon marched against Akkad, and gave battle to Merodach-Baladan. Merodach-Baladan fled to Elam, at the head of his nobles. Merodach-Baladan reigned twelve years in Babylon. Sar- gon took his seat on the throne in Babylon. In the thirteenth year Sargon took the hand of Bel and captured Dur-Yakin. In the fom-teenth year the king remained in the country. In the fifteenth year, on the twenty-second day of Tesh- rit, the gods of the Sea-Land came back to their place. There were epidemics in Assyria. In the sixteenth year Sargon marched against Tabal. [Here nine lines are wanting.] The Babylonians were not scattered. The territory . . . he . . . Merodach-Baladan ... his land was plun- dered. . . . After he had fortified Larak and Sharraba . . . he placed Bel-ibni on the throne in Babylon. In the first year of Bel-ibni, Sennacherib destroyed the cities of IQiirimma and Khararatu. In the third year of Bel-ibni, Sennacherib marched against Akkad and plundered Akkad. Bel-ibni and his nobles were taken away to Assyria. Bel-ibni reigned three years in Babylon. Sennacherib set Ashur-nadin-shum, his son, on the throne in Babylon. In the first year of Ashur-nadin-shum Ishtar-Khundu, king of Elam, was seized by his brother Khallushu and cast into prison. Ishtar-Khundu reigned eighteen years in 68 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Elam. Khallushu, his brother, took his seat on the throne in Elam. In the sixth year of Ashur-nadin-shum, Sennacherib marched down against Elam, destroyed the cities of Nagitu, Khilmu, Pillatu, Khupapanu and plundered them. After- ward Khullushu, king of Elam, marched against Akkad, and at the end of Teshrit entered Sippar and put the inhab- itants to death. Shamash did not leave E-barra. Ashur- nadin-shum was taken prisoner and led away to Elam. Ashur-nadin-shum reigned six years in Babylon. The king of Elam set Nergal-ushezib on the throne in Babylon, and accomplished the defeat of Assyria. In the first year of Nergal-ushezib, on the sixteenth day of Tammuz, Nergal-ushezib took Nippur ... on the first day of Teshrit, the Assyrians entered Uruk. Column III The gods of Uruk and its inhabitants were plundered. Nergal-ushezib united with the Elamites, and its inhabi- tants were taken away. On the seventh day of Teshrit he fought against the Assyrians in the district of Nippur; he was taken prisoner in battle and carried away to Assyria. Nergal-ushezib reigned one year and six months in Baby- lon. On the twenty-sixth day of Teshrit the people rebelled against Kliallushu, king of Elam, imprisoned him and killed him. Khallushu reigned six years in Elam. Kudur took his seat on the throne in Elam. Afterwards Sennacherib marched down against Elam, laid it waste from Rashi to Bet-Burnaki and carried away booty. Mushezib-Marduk took his seat on the throne in Babylon. In the first year of Mushezib-Marduk, on the eighth day of Ab, Kudur, king of Elam, was taken captive in a revolt and killed. Kudur reigned ten months in Elam. Menanu took his seat on the throne in Elam. In an unknown year he collected the forces of Elam and the Babylonians, offered CHRONOLOGICAL MATTER 69 battle to the Assyrians in Khalule and conquered the Assyrians. In the fourth year of Mushezib-Marduk, on the fifteenth day of Nisan, Menanu, king of Elam, suffered with a stroke, his mouth was closed and he could not speak. On the first day of Kishlev, the city (Babylon) was captured, Mush- ezib-Marduk was taken prisoner and carried away to Assyria. Mushezib-Marduk reigned four years in Babylon. On the seventh day of Adar, Menanu, king of Elam, died. Menanu reigned four years in Elam. Khummakhaldash took his seat on the throne in Elam. In the eighth year (i.e., for eight years) there was no king in Babylon. On the third day of Tammuz, the gods of Uruk returned from Eridu to Uruk. On the twenty-third day of Teshrit, Khummakhaldash, king of Elam, was smitten with fever, and died in the attack of fever. Khum- makhaldash reigned eight years in Elam. Khummakhal- dash the second took his seat on the throne in Elam. On the twentieth day of Tebet, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, was killed by his son in a revolt. Sennacherib reigned twenty-three years in Assyria. From the twentieth day of Tebet until the second day of Adar the revolt continued in Assyria. On the eighteenth day of Adar, Esarhaddon, his son, took his seat on the throne in Assyria. In the first year of Esarhaddon, Zeru-kinish-lishir of the Sea-Land, after he . . . against Ur . . . city and . . . fled before the nobles of Assyria and went to Elam. In Elam, the king of Elam took him prisoner and killed him with a weapon. In an unknown month in Nippur, the guenna official. . . In the month of Elul the god Ka-di and the other gods of Dur-ilu returned to Dur-ilu. [The chief god and the other gods of Dur-Sharrukin] returned to Dur-Sharrukin. ... In the month of Adar the head of . . . . In the second year the rab-hiti. . . 70 CUNEIFORM SOURCES Column IV . . . -akhe-shullim, the guenna official, and . . . were brought to Assyria and killed in Assyria. In the third (fourth?) year Sidon was captured and its booty carried away . . . the rab-biti made an assembly (census?) in Akkad. In the fifth year, on the second day of Teshrit, the Assyr- ian army made an expedition against Bassa. In the month of Teshrit, the head of the king of Sidon was cut off and brought to Assyria. In the month of Adar, the heads of the kings of Kundu and Sisu were cut off and brought to Assyria. In the sixth day, the king of Elam entered Sippar and made a massacre. Shamash did not leave E-barra. The Assyrian army marched against Egypt. . . . Khummak- haldash, king of Elam, died in his palace without being sick. Five years ruled Khummakhaldash in Elam. Urtagu, his brother, took his seat on the throne in Elam. In an unknown month Shum-iddin, the guennay and Kudur of Bet-Dakuri were brought to Assyria. In the seventh year, on the fifth day of Adar the Assyr- ian army entered Egypt. In the month of Adar, Ishtar of Agade and the other gods of Agade came from Elam and on the tenth day of Adar entered Agade. In the eighth year of Esarhaddon, on the . . . day of Tebet the land of Shupri was conquered and its booty car- ried away. In the month of Kislev its booty reached Uruk. On the fifth day of Adar the king's wife died. In the tenth year, in the month of Nisan, the army of Assyria marched against Egypt. On the third, sixteenth, and eighteenth days of Tammuz — three times — a battle was fought in Egypt. On the twenty-second day Memphis, its royal city, was captured, its king escaped, his sons and his brother were taken prisoners. Its booty was carried CHRONOLOGICAL MATTER 71 away, the inhabitants were plundered, its goods were despoiled. In the eleventh year, the king remained in Assyria. He put many nobles to death with weapons. In the twelfth year, the king of Assyria marched against Egypt and fell ill on the way and died on the tenth day of Marcheshwan. Esarhaddon reigned twelve years in Assyria. Shamash-shum-ukin in Babylon and Ashurbanipal in Assyria, his two sons, took their seats on the throne. In the year of the beginning of the reign of Samash-shum- ukin, in the month of lyyar, Bel and the gods of Akkad departed from Asshur, and on the twelfth day of lyyar entered Babylon. In the same year the king of Kirbitu was captured. On the twentieth day of Tebet, Bel-etir was captured [in] Babylon and killed. First part; read and prepared according to the archetype. Tablet of Ana-Bel-eresh, son of Liblutu, son of Kalab- Nannari for Ea-iddin the son of Ana-Bel-eresh, son of Kalab-Nannari. Babylon, the sixth day of the month ... in the twenty-second year of Darius, king of Babylon and of the countries. The Ptolemaic Canon ^ Length of Reign Names in Greek Names in Babylonian B.C. 14 2 5 5 112 5 2 3 6 1 4 'Sa^opaa-crdpov Nadiov Xiv^pov Kal Tlibpov ^IXovXalov (var. ^IXovXaLov) MapdoKefiirddov ''ApKedvov d^aaCkeirov irpdnov BrjXi^ov '' Airapapadlov T777e/3i^Xou (var. ^Upiye^dXov) M€-kr- oAjalon O^„,ttoth° A.i I 'A'/ >/ Emmaus MhpSh °^'°'' , Aslidoai'o *^ oJeruBalcm (Aiotus)/ Oj, ^. Ash.n,on#. Gath.o BetMe.e.o ^^*"- AllthecioiC E'eutheropoliB BethzachwiaB :^650 Ja£o h and his family went to Egypt. 1600 Shamshi-Adad III set up a stela in Lebanon. 1575 Expulsion of Hyksos by Ahmose I of the eigh- teenth dynasty. 1530 Thutmose I conquered Syria and extended his power to the Euphrates. 1500 Assyria begins to free itself from Babylonia. 1479 Thutmose III made seventeen campaigns into Asia (1479-1459). He extended his empire as far as the Euphrates. /- 1400 The Tell-el-Amarna Letters tell of the invasion of Canaan by the Khabiri (Hebrews), in the reign of Amenhotep III. 1375 Amenhotep IV (Ikhnaton) neglects his Asiatic dominions, and the Hittites seize Syria. Amorite kingdom established on the Orontes. 1300 Shalmaneser I of Assyria freed himself from Babylonian control and claimed supremacy in Western Asia. 1295 Seti I of the nineteenth dynasty recovered Palestine. 1288 Rameses II at war with the Hittites. Lasted till 1271. Hebrew oppression in Egypt. APPENDICES 195 1225 Merneptah, ''Pharaoh of the Exodus.'' In his third year he made a campaign into Asia. ** Israel*' mentioned among the conquered. n From the Exodus to the Babylonian Captivity 1190 Philistines enter Canaan. 1185 Hebrews enter Canaan. The weak Ramessids lost Palestine to Egypt, and in the reign of Rameses IX, the report of Wenamon shows the independence of Syria and Pales- tine. The Hebrews now established their kingdom — Assyria and Egypt being busy at home. 1100 Tiglath-Pileser extended his influence as far as the Mediterranean. Received tribute from Egypt. 937 Division of the Hebrew Kingdom at death of Solomon. 926 Sheshonk I of the twenty-second Egyptian dynasty captured Jerusalem. 924 Rise of Damascus. Development of Syria and Palestine. 880 General Assyrian supremacy in Syria and Pales- tine under Assur-nazir-pal II. 854 Shalmaneser III was victorious over the West at the battle of Karkar at which Egypt was probably represented. Mesha was now king of Moab. 196 APPENDICES 842 Jehu paid tribute to Shalmaneser III, at the beginning of his reign. 763 On the 15th of June, 763, an eclipse oj the sun took place, which is probably referred to in Amos 8: 9. 738 Menahem paid tribute to Tiglath-Pileser IV. 734 Tiglath-Pileser IV defeated the Philistines, 732 Tiglath-Pileser IV took Damascus. 728 Tiglath-Pileser IV became king of Babylonia. 722 Sargon II, king of Assyria, captured Samaria. 721 Merodach-Baladan became king of Babylonia. 715 Egypt paid tribute to Sargon 11, 710 Shabaka of the twenty -fifth Egyptian dynasty incites Syria and Palestine to revolt against Sargon. 701 Sennacherib of Assyria appears in the West, defeated the Egyptians under Taharka, and besieged Jerusalem under Hezekiah. 680 Manasseh and many other western princes pay tribute to Esarhaddon of Assyria. 670 Esarhaddon conquered the Delta and made it an Assyrian province. 661 Ashurbanipal took Thebes. In 647 he became king of Babylon. 609 Necho of the twenty-sixth dynasty defeated the Philistines. 608 Necho defeats Josiah at Megiddo. Judah then became a vassal state of Egypt. 606 Nineveh, the capital of Assyria, taken by the Babylonians. 605 Nebuchadrezzar met Necho at Carchemish and defeated him. Palestine and Syria become Babylonian dependencies. APPENDICES 197 597 Nebuchadrezzar took Jehoiachin into captivity. Many Jews deported to Babylonia. Zedekiah placed on the Judean throne. 586 Jerusalem was destroyed. Apries (Hophra) tried to aid Jerusalem but failed. Ill From the Babylonian Captivity to the Uprising of Bar-Cochba 561 Amel-Marduk (Evil-Merodach) liberated Jehoia- chin. 550 Cyrus the Persian defeated the Medes under Astyages. Medo-Persian empire founded by Cyrus. 538 Cyrus captured Babylon, He liberated the Jews. 5^5 Cambyses the Persian conquered Egypt. Egypt became a province of the Persian empire. 520 Temple in Jerusalem begun under Zerubbabel. 516 Temple finished. 490 Persians defeated by the Greeks at Marathon, 480 Xerxes defeated by the Greeks at Salamis, 458 Return of Jews under Ezra, in reign of Arta- xerxes I, 455 Nehemiah rebuilds the Walls of Jerusalem. Sep- aration of Jews and Samaritans. 410 Destruction of the Temple of Yahu (Jehovah) in ElephantinS, in the reign of Darius II, 333 Battle of Issus in which Alexander the Great becomes master of Syria and Palestine. 274 First Syrian War between Ptolemy II and Antiochus I. 198 APPENDICES 168 Antiochus IV, Epiphanes, pollutes the temple. Onias builds a Yahweh temple at Leontopolis in Egypt. 165 Rise of Judas Maccabeus. Cleansing of the Temple. 141 Simon conquered the Acra in Jerusalem. 139 Simon gains the independence of Judea. 135 Conflict between John Hyrcanus I and Antiochus VII. Jerusalem taken by Antiochus VII. 104 Aristobulus son of Hyrcanus becomes first Has- monean king of Judea (104-102). 63 Pompey captures Jerusalem. Judea becomes a Roman province. 47 Hyrcanus II made Ethnarch by Caesar. 37 Herod made king of Judea by the Romans. 17 Herod begins rebuilding the temple. 5 Birth of Christ. 6 A. D. Arohelaus deposed, and Judah taken under the direct control of Rome. 7 Enrolment under Quirinius. 36 Pontius Pilate sent to Rome. 41 Short reign of Agrippa I begins (41-44). 44 Unsuccessful rebellion under Theudas. 52 Rebellion which lasted till 66. 66 War declared against Rome. • 70 Jerusalem and the temple destroyed by Titus. Yahweh temple in Leontopolis closed. 116 Uprising of the Jews under Trajan. 132 Uprising of Bar-Cochba under Hadrian. 135 Downfall of the Jews. APPENDICES 199 APPENDIX n Kings op Judah and Israel with Dates i Judah Israel ■t 937 Rehoboam 937 Jeroboam \ 920 Abyam 915 Nadab 917 Asa 913 Baasha J 876 Jehosaphat 889 Elah 851 Jehoram 887 Zimri ). 843 Ahazia,h 887 Omri ■ \ 842 Athaliah 875 Ahab y; 836 Joash 853 Azariah 796 Amaziah 851 Joram 1 782 Azariah (Uzziah) 842 Jehu Jotham (Co- Regent) 814 Jehoahaz \ 737 Ahaz 797 Jehoash ■{ 715 Hezekiah 781 Jeroboam II 696 Manasseh 740 Zechariah 641 Amon 740 ShaUum \ 639 Josiah 737 Menahem 609 Jehoahaz 735 Pekahiah 608 Jehoiakim 735 Pekah 597 Jehoiakin 733-722 Hoshea 567-586 Zedekiah \ APPENDIX m \ Kings op Babylonia and Persia since 586 with Dates Babylonia Persia 1 I 604 Nebuchadrezzar 559 Cyrus \ 562 Amel-Marduk 529 Cambyses t 559 Nergal-shar-utsur 522 Pseudo-Smerdis (Gaumata) ( (Nergilissar) 522 Darius I 556 Labashi-Marduk 485 Xerxes I \ 555-538 Nabuna'id (Nabonidus) 464 Artaxerxes I 424 Xerxes H i 424 Darius H i 404 Artaxerxes 11 1 358 Artaxerxes 1 1 1 337 Arses i 335-331 Darius Ul i soo APPENDICES APPENDIX IV Rulers of Egypt and Syria Durdig the Greek Period WITH Dates Egypt 322 Ptolemy I Soter 285 Ptolemy II Philadelphus 247 Ptolemy III Euergetes 222 Ptolemy IV Philopator 205 Ptolemy V Epiphanes 181 Ptolemy VI 181 Ptolemy VII Philometer Syria 320 Ptolemy I Soter 315-301 Antigonus 312 Seleucus I Nicator 280 Antiochus I Soter 261 Antiochus II Theos 246 Seleucus 11 Callinicus 226 Seleucus III Ceraunus 223 Antiochus III The Great 187 Seleucus IV Philopator 175 Antiochus IV Epiphanes APPENDIX V Rulers of Syrla. and Judea in Maccabean and Roman Periods with Dates Syria Judea 175 Antiochus IV Epiphanes 165 Judas Maccabeus 164 Antiochus V Eupator 161 Jonathan 162 Demetrius I Soter 143 Simon 150 Alexander Balas 135 John Hyrcanus 145 Demetrius 11 Nicator 105 Aristobulus I 138 Antiochus Sidetes 104 Alexander Jannaeus 128 Demetrius II Nicator 78 Alexandra 113 Antiochus Grypos 69 Aristobulus 113 Antiochus Cyzicenos 63 Pompey captures Jerusalem 95 Antiochus Eusebes and "Ethnarchs" ruled till 86 Demetrius 111 Herod became king 83 Antiochus Dionysus 40 Herod the Great Tigranes the Armenian 4 Archelaus 69 Rome defeats Tigranes and 6 A. D. Archelaus deposed by Syria becomes a Roman Rome province 41 A. D. Herod Agrippa I APPENDICES 201 APPENDIX V (Continued) Jvdea 44-66 A. D. Under Roman Pro- curators : 44 Cuspius Fadus 48 Tiberius Alexander 48 Ventidius Cumanus 52 Antonius Felix 60 Porcius Festus 62 Lucceius Albinus 64-66 Gessius Florus APPENDIX VI Roman Emperors to Hadrian 27 b. , c. Augustus 14 a. , D. Tiberius 37 Caligula 41 Claudius 54 Nero 68 Galba, Otho, Vitellius 69 Vespasian 79 Titus 81 Domitian 96 Nerva 98 Trajan '-138 Hadrian APPENDIX Vn High Priests from 538 b. c. to Caiaphas, 36 a. d. 538-333 Joshua 333-175 Onias I Jehoiakim Simeon I EKashib Eleazar Jehoiada Manasseh Johanan Omas II Jaddua Simeon II Onias III 9m, 175B.C. APPENDICES APPENDIX Vn {Coniinued) A. D. Jason Aristobulus 111 Menelaus Jesus . Alcimus Simon Jonathan Mattathias Simon Joseph John Hyrcanus Joasar Aristobulus I Eleasar Alexander Jannaeus Jesus Hyrcanus II Ananos Aristobulus 11 Ismael Hyrcanus 11 Eleasar Antigonus Simon Ananael Caiaphas (18-36) APPENDICES 203 ? s <>* s "^ "* X H S3 2 B 2 g: i tis -9 -§ * ■§ SS ■a pa I = n S 1 m o i a- en I d I I? f i a ©4 P-i P-i >i 204 APPENDICES X w § HH T" X i Q fe s ;z; o ^, ^ >* le ^ S ^ ^ I s :^ 1-3. O •4 APPENDICES 205 ^1- ^ 3 fi g d 4 S o 2 "2 £-^ S 4> O INDEX No attempt has been made to include in this index the many names which are not common to extra-biblical and biblical sources. Abdi-Khiba, king of Jerusalem, 13 £F. Abraham, 6, 95. Adad-Nirari IV, 33. Ahab, 25, 28, 147. Ahaz, 36. Ahaziah, 26. Ahmose I, 9, 99; biography of, 97. Alexander, 158 f. Alex. Balas, 160. Alex. Jannaeus, 163. Altaqu, 142. Amanus, 3. Amenhotep I, 9, 100. Amenhotep II, 10, 118 ff. Amenhotep III, 10, 11, 121. Amenhotep IV, 10, 18, 121 f. Ammi-ditana, 6, 8. 'Ammu-rabi, 5. ^mos 6:2, 37. Amraphel, 5. Amurru, 3. Antiochus Epiphanes, 159. Apophis, 97 f. Apries, 143. Arad-Sin, 5. Arioch, 5. Artaxerxes I, 62. Artaxerxes III, 158. Ashurbanipal, 55 f ., 142. Asnapper, 55. Assur-nazir-pal II, 23. Athaliah, 26. Avaris, 97, 99. Belshazzar, 60 f . Benhadad I, 25. Benhadad III, 33. Bit-Nmib, 17. Black Obelisk, 26. Bmraburiash, letter of, 18. Calneh, 37. Calno, 37. Cambyses, 60, 144. Carchemish, battle of, 103, 143. Chedorlaomer, 5. Chrestus, 174. 1 Chr. 5, 35. 2 Chr. 22, 47. 2 Chr. 28, 35. 2 Chr. 32, 46, 47. 2 Chr. 36, 57. 2CAr. 36:22 ff., 61. Cyaxeres, 60. Cyrus, 60, 61; conquest of Asia Minor by, 157 f . Damascus, 25, 32, 34, 41. Dan. 1-4, 57. Dan. 5, 60. Dan. 6 : 10, 61. Darius I, 62. 208 INDEX Darius II, 62. Domitian, 186 f. Elam, 3. Elassar, 5. Elephantine papyri, 149 ff. Entemena, 4. Eri-Aku, 5. Esarhaddon, 52 £E., 142. Ethbaal, 48. Evil-Merodach, 60. Ez. 26 and 29, 5T. Ezra 1, 61. Ezra 4-7, 62. £zra4:2, 52, 54. Ezra 4 : 10, 55. Field of Abram, 140. Gen. 14, 5. Gezer, 96, 140. Gobryus, 60. Gudea, 3, 7. Gutium, 6. Hadrian, 187 flf. Harmhab, 122. Harris, papyrus, 137. Hatshepsut, 102 ff., on the Hyksos, 96 f. Hatwaret (Avaris), 97. Hazael, 25, 32, 33. Herod, 171 ff. Herodotus on Sennacherib, 51 f, Hezekiah, 46 ff. Hiram of Tyre, 38. Hophra, 57, 143. Hoshea, 36, 40. Hyksos, 9, 96 ff. Ddmaton, 10, 11, 121 f. Innocents, slaughter of, 171 f . Isaiah, 142. Is. 10:9,37. Is. 20, 41, 45, 46. Is. 36-37, 46, 47. 75.37:38,52,54. Is. 39, 47. Is. 39 : 1, 41. Is. 44-45, 61. 75. 66, 35. Israel, 40. Israel stela, 88, 133. Jacob, 9. Jacob-el, 98. Jacob-her, 98. Jehoahaz, 40, 143. Jehoiakim, 57, 143. Jehoram, 27. Jehu, 25 ff., 33, 42. Jer. 20-39, 57. Jer. 44-47, 141. Jer. 44:30, 143. Jer. 46, 143. Jer. 47, 143. Jeroboam, 26. Jerusalem, 12; siege of, 47 f., 57 f., 140, 143; siege of, by Ant. Si- detes, 160 ff.; fall of, 164 ff. Joppa, 103. Joram, 25. Joseph, 96. Josephus, 177, 179. Judah, 44, 46. Kadesh, battle of, 125 ff. Karkar, 25, 26, 43 f . Kassites, 6, 9. Khammurabi, 4, 5, 6, 7. Khetasar, 125. IK. ll:23ff., 22. 1 K. 14, 140. 1 K. 22, 26, 147. iK.l.l, 147. 2 K. 3, 147. INDEX 2 A^ 3:5, 147. iK.8: 15, 25. 2 K. 9-10, 26. 2 K. 11-13, 36. 2 a:. 15-16, 35. iK.l5: 1-2, 37. 2 X. 15 : 19, 42. 2 /iC. 17, 41. 2 /<:. 17-18, 42, 141. 2 /iC. 18, 47. 2 X. 18-19, 46, 47. iK. 19:9, 142. 2/i:. 19:37,47,52,54. 2 a:. 20, 41, 47. 2 X. 20 : 12 ff., 47. 2 X. 21, 54. 2 K. 23, 141, 143. 2 K. 24-25, 57. 2 iiC. 24, 143. 2li:. 25:27 ff., 60. Kudur-Mabug, 5, 8. Laga^h, 3, 4. Lars a, 5. Lugal-zog-gi-si, 3, 6. 1 Mace. 13, 159. Manasseh, 54. Megiddo, 9; battle of, 102, 104 ff. Menahem, 36, 38, 42, 48. Memeptah, 12, 132 f. Merodach-Baladan, 41, 46, 52. Meroe, 142. Mesha, 147. Moabite Stone, 147. Nabonidus, 60. Naharin, 99 ff. Naram-Sin, 3. Nebuchadrezzar, 57 ff., 143. Necho, 143. Neh. 2, 62. Nehemiah, 150. Nerva, 187. Omri, 23, 34, 39, 147. Osorkon II, 141. Palermo Stone, 89. Patin, 23. Pekah, 36, 39, 40, 42. Pepi I, 90. Pepi II, 91. Philistia, 34, 46. Philistines, 134 f., 138. Polyhistor and Abydenus on Sen- nacherib, 51 f. Pompey, 163 ff. Psamtik I, 143. Rameses II, 12, 125 ff. Rameses III, 134 ff. Rameses IV, 138. Rameses IX, 138. Rameses XII, 138. Ramoth-Gilead, battle of, 26. Rezon, 22, 36, 38. Rib-Adda, letter of, 19. Riblah, 143. Rim-Sin, 5. Sahure, 89. Samaria, 39, 41, 42, 43. Samsu-ditana, 6. Sardanapalus, 55. Sardm-is, 35. Sargon, 41, 141. Sargon of Akkad, 3, 7. Sebek-Khu, 95. Semiramis, 35. Sennacherib, 46 ff., 142. Sesostris I, 92. Sesostris III, 95. Seti I, 12, 122 ff. Shabaka, 142. 210 INDEX Shalmaneser I, 21. Shalmaneser III, 25 ff. Shalmaneser IV, 141. Shamash, 4. Shamshi-Adad I, 21. Shamshi-Adad III, 21. Shamshi-Adad IV, 26. Shechem, 95. Sheshonk I, 140 f . Shinar, 110. Shishak, 26, 140. Sunti-Shilkhak, 5. Sinuhe, tale of, 92 ff. Snefru, 89. So. 141. Ta'annek, 11. Taharka, 142. Tanutamon, 142. Tell el-Hesy, 11. Thutmose I, 9, 100 ff. Thutmose II, 102 ff. Thutmose III, 9, 102 ff. Thutmose, IV 10, 120. Tidal, 6. Tiglath-Pileser, 22. Tiglath-Pileser III, 138. Tiglath-Pileser IV, 35 ff. Tirhakah, 142. Trajan, 187. Treaty of the Hittites, 132. Tukulti-Ninib I, 21. Tunip, 10. Tutenkhamon, 122. Umma, 3. Uru-Salem, 12. Uzziah, 37. Vespasian, 176 ff. Victory, hynm of, 114. Wenamon, report of, 139 f. Zahi, 100. Zech. 9 : 1, 37. Zedekiah, 143. Zulilu, 21. --BfJii^J^OJ. 25 CENTS OVE«OUE. ^° *'°° °N THE sl%;°"-l» I'D 21-100«.8,'34 wkt_ a 1 . 50 net YC 38384 /" 295742 nnp\ ^^ ' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY