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LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 University of California. 
 
 GIFT OF* 
 
 Mrs. SARAH P. WALSWORTH. 
 
 Received October, 18Q4. 
 ^Accessions No . 5*7 Slh ' Class No, 
 

A HISTORY 
 
 THE VAUDOIS CHUECH 
 
 FROM ITS ORIGIN, 
 
 AND OF THE 
 
 VAUDOIS OF PIEDMONT 
 
 TO THE PRESENT DAY. 
 
 BY 
 
 ANTOINE MONASTIER, 
 
 FORMERLY PASTOR IN THE CANTON DE VAUD, AND A NATIVE OF THE VAUDOIS 
 VALLEYS OF PIEDMONT. 
 
 ^Translate* from toe jFrenclj. 
 
 REVISED FROM THE LONDON EDITION. 
 
 IfST I\n 
 
 PUBLISHED BY LANE & SCOTT, 
 
 200 Mulberry-street. 
 JOSEPH LONGKING, PRINTER. 
 
 1849. 
 
6X W\ 
 He* 
 
 Oryc 
 
^ 
 
 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. 
 
 The Vaudois have been preserved from age to age amid 
 the Alpine fastnesses and the valleys of Piedmont — a 
 perpetual testimony, at once, to the Providence of God, 
 and to the persecuting cruelty of that ecclesiastical 
 power which for centuries has " exalted itself against 
 God." The history of their trials, sufferings, and de- 
 liverances, forms a record full of thrilling interest. 
 
 The translation now offered to the public was originally 
 prepared for the London Religious Tract Society. A 
 number of passages, consisting chiefly of details interest- 
 ing only to descendants of the Vaudois, have been 
 
 omitted. 
 
 J. M'Clintock. 
 New-York, March 30, 1849. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 To demonstrate their close connexion with the primitive 
 Church founded by the apostles, to establish their right to 
 call themselves a faithful Church, and even to be regarded 
 as forming the true Church of the Lord Jesus Christ on 
 earth, the Evangelical churches appeal to the conformity of 
 their doctrines, their worship, and their internal life, with 
 the picture the New Testament gives us of the primitive 
 Church, and with the precepts, rules, and regulations taught 
 by this same word. This internal argument is, in fact, the 
 most important on this question ; it has an irresistible force, 
 and is of itself sufficient. 
 
 Yet there is an external argument, which, without being 
 conclusive, has a certain value ; and which, if we are to be- 
 lieve the enemies of the Evangelical churches, is altogether 
 wanting to them, namely, antiquity of existence. " You are 
 but of yesterday," cries the Romish Church, in a tone of 
 irony and triumph. " You forsook the mother Church by 
 a revolution, which you pompously term a Reformation; 
 but if truth be on your side, it must be very modern. An 
 existence of little more than three centuries is a very recent 
 title, when it relates to pretensions of professing eternal 
 truth. To dare a conflict with Rome, you require what she 
 possesses, and what you are destitute of, — an ancient and 
 venerable origin." Now, this attribute of the truth is not 
 so completely wanting to the Evangelical churches as might 
 at first seem to be the case. The Vaudois Church is a fink 
 that unites them to the primitive Church. By means of it 
 they establish the anterior existence of their constitution, 
 doctrine, and worship, to that of the papistical idolatries 
 and errors. Such is the object of the work we now lay 
 before the public. It is intended to prove, by the fact of 
 the uninterrupted existence of the Vaudois Church, the 
 perpetuity of the primitive Church, represented in the 
 present day not only by the church of the Vaudois valleys 
 
6 PREFACE. 
 
 of Piedmont, but by all her sister Evangelical churches, 
 founded solely on the word of God. 
 
 In writing this work on an essential part of ecclesiastical 
 history, its author has had in view the glory of his Saviour. 
 He considers that however humble and despised these 
 Vaudois may have been in the eyes of the world, forgotten 
 by some, hated and persecuted by others, their history 
 exhibits and presents to the imitation of the faithful, some 
 of the essential characteristics of the true disciples of Jesus 
 Christ — faith, fidelity, humility, detachment from the world, 
 perseverance and resignation under the most painful trials. 
 
 He also believes that the development of this history 
 will demonstrate the Lord's faithfulness to the humble 
 members of his Church, the wisdom of his plans and inten- 
 tions in their favour, the power he puts forth when he pur- 
 poses to deliver them, and the efficacious consolations he 
 grants them under their trials. He may also venture to 
 hope, that in this History it may be perceived, to His 
 glory, that " God hath chosen the foolish things of the 
 world to confound the wise; and God hath chosen the 
 weak things of the world to confound the things which are 
 mighty ; and base things of the world, and things which are 
 despised, hath God chosen, yea, and things which are not, 
 to bring to naught things that are." 1 Cor. i, 27, 28. 
 
 The author does not flatter himself that he has produced 
 a perfect work : the subject was difficult, particularly in what 
 related to ancient times. The materials to be consulted 
 were immense ; while continual concealment, partial judg- 
 ments, and incomplete recitals veiled the truth at every step 
 in Catholic writings. Nevertheless, he thinks that he has 
 brought forward some new facts of great importance, and 
 especially that he has contributed to a satisfactory demon- 
 stration of the ancient origin of the Vaudois Church. 
 
 This has been a labour of love. A Vaudois by birth, by 
 his affections, by all his associations, a Vaudois too, he trusts, 
 by his faith, the author has devoted more than ten years to 
 accomplish the wish of his life — the composition of a brief 
 History of the Vaudois Church. In its preparation and 
 arrangement he has called in the aid of one of his dear sons, 
 who is his constant assistant in his pastoral functions. 
 
 May this little work contribute to the glory of our great 
 God and of our Saviour Jesus Christ ! Amen. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface to the American Edition Page 3 
 
 Preface 5 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT THE ACCESSION OF THE EMPEROR CON- 
 
 STANTINE. [A.D. 306.] 
 
 The great progress of the gospel during the first three centuries— Obstacles to 
 
 its promulgation— The pure and lively faith of believers during that period 
 
 The primitive constitution of the Church undergoes some alteration in the 
 episcopate— Commencement of the hierarchy— Places and nature of public 
 worship— Alteration in reference to baptism and the Lord's supper— Internal 
 dissensions— Heresies— The pure faith triumphant— Sects 15 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CHANGES IN THE DOCTRINES, WORSHIP, AND LIFE OF THE CHURCH, AFTER THE 
 TIME OF CONSTANTINE. [FROM A.D. 337.] 
 
 A glance at the preceding state of the Church— The peace it enjoyed opened the 
 door for alterations — Arianism— Pelagianism — Dissensions and lamentable 
 consequences— Constantine's protection of the Church baneful— Fatal to the 
 clergy from the snares of wealth— The Church sinks by its dependence on the 
 emperor— He elevates the episcopate— The bishop of Rome— The numerous 
 converts from paganism bring their superstitions with them into the Church — 
 The new ceremonies become established on the invasion of the barbarians — 
 The authority of the Holy Scriptures weakened — Doctrines modified and al- 
 tered — Introduction of the mass and many errors 18 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 OPPOSITION WHICH THE NEW DOCTRINES AND CEREMONIES ENCOUNTERED IN 
 THE CHURCH. 
 
 This opposition is manifested — From what quarter first — Noticed by Pope 
 Celestin in Gaul — Shows itself in Lombardy in the instance of Vigilantius— 
 Continued in France, under Serenus— In Germany— Epistle of Zachary— Re- 
 flections — Opposition against images under Charlemagne — Episcopate of 
 Claude of Turin— Notice of Claude — Passages from his writings — Character 
 of his ministry— Effects of it in the Vaudois valleys— Considerations in sup- 
 port—Testimonies 22 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 VESTIGES OF THE FAITHFUL CHURCH IN THE TENTH AND ELEVENTH CENTURIES. 
 
 Traces of continued conflict— State of society in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh 
 centuries— The clergy, absorbed by worldly interests, encroach on the civil 
 power, and neglect spiritual interests— Their errors and ignorance— Progress 
 of superstition— Rome and the Church a prey to anarchy— State of the eleventh 
 century - Rome, and its efforts to raise and to extend its power— Truth, forgot- 
 
8 CONTENTS. 
 
 ten by the world, is preserved in remote places — Marks which indicate the ex- 
 istence of the Vaudois— Hatto di Vercelli ; his writings— Reflections and infer- 
 ences — Damiano — Radulph de St. Thron — Vaudois valleys — Bruno d'Asti — 
 Extent of his testimony— Church in the north of Italy different from that of 
 Rome Page 34 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 RELIGIOUS MANIFESTATIONS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. 
 
 Attempts to propagate pure doctrine — Proceeded probably from the Vaudois 
 valleys of the Alps— Facts in support of this opinion— Manifestation at Or- 
 leans — Arras — Turin and the chateau of Montefort — at Chalons-sur-Marne — 
 Heretics in France — Goslar — Doubts respecting their doctrines — Absurd ac- 
 cusations refuted — Heresies — Estimate of them — Sources of this religious 
 movement— Berenger of Tours— Indications of Vaudois missionaries . . 40 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RELIGIOUS MANIFESTATIONS OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 
 
 The power of faith — Vaudois writings — Pierre de Bruis and Henry — Scene of 
 their preaching — their origin and mutual relation — Scene of Henry's labours 
 — Arrested and liberated— His death — Success of the two preachers— Here- 
 tics of Perigueux — of Toulouse — Disputation at Lombers— Fresh progress of 
 heresy— Raymond of Toulouse- Mention of the Albigenses — Doctrine of 
 Pierre de Bruis and Henry — Details — Heretics along the Rhine — at Cologne — 
 Arnulph at Rome — Abailard and Arnaud of Brescia — Details respecting Ar- 
 naud— Denominations given to heretics — That of Vaudois, or Valdenses, pre- 
 vails — Testimonies of Rainier — of Bernard de Foncald 46 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE NAME VAUDOIS. 
 
 Three etymologies proposed — Valdenses erroneously derived from Valdo — Who 
 Valdo was ? — his person — his name — his work — his death — Valdenses derived 
 from the Latin vaJlis, a valley — Testimony of Eberard — of Bernard de Foncald 
 — Preferable etymology of the word Vaudois — this latter origin justified . 61 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS OF PIEDMONT IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 
 
 Review of the past — The Vaudois referred to under the name of Monlani — 
 Testimonies of Honorius — of Eberard de Bethune — Giofredo — Decree of 
 Otho IV. — Pure doctrines preserved — A circumstance peculiar to the Vaudois 
 valleys — The counts of Lucerua, princes of the Holy Empire — Armorial bear- 
 ings in common — Conclusion 69 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 TRADITIONS OF THE VAUDOIS WHICH ATTEST THEIR ANTIQUITY. 
 
 Appeal to tradition in their memorials to their sovereigns — These memorials 
 recorded in the writings of their adversaries— Fasicul us Temporum— Hono- 
 rius and Eberard— Moncta— Polichdorf— Rainier, who calls them Leonists— 
 Claude de Seyssel— Traditions common to the Vaudois of Bohemia and other 
 places 73 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 WRITINGS OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Original writings of the Vaudois— Collected by Leger— Vaudois writings sent to 
 Perrin— their general characteristics— dogmatical, practical, polemical ; sacred 
 poetry— their authenticity— They are Vaudois— written in a dialect of the 
 ancient Romance language— Antiquity of their date attested— Anonymous 
 witness— Peter the Venerable — Itaynouard— The Noble Lesson— Interna] 
 proof from its representation of Antichrist— Objections and refutations— In- 
 ferences , 75 
 
CONTENTS. 9 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE BELIEF OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Source of faith for the Vaudois— Their rule of faith— They reject every human 
 doctrine— Their Confession of faith— Vain questions rejected— They believed 
 the truths of the Apostle's Creed, and admitted that of Athanasius — Faith in 
 God, the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit— The fall of man— Redemption— The 
 state of man after death — The sacraments — Submission to civil authority — 
 Their silence on election, predestination, etc.— Various accusations of their 
 adversaries examined— Conclusion Page 86 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 MORAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 General survey — Severe discipline — Barbes, or pastors — Mutual relation of the 
 pastors— Synods— Schools of the barbes— Missionaries— Instruction of children 
 — Fraternal correction — Ecclesiastical punishments — Renunciation of taverns 
 and dancing — Knowledge of the Bible — Testimony of Rainier — effects of this 
 study— Morality, testimony of Rainier— of St. Bernard— of Claude de Seyssel — 
 of De Thou— of Botta— Conclusion 93 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 MISSIONARY ZEAL AND PROSELYTISM OF THE ANCIENT VAUDOIS. 
 
 Source and cause of this character— Testimonies of Bernard de Foncald— of an 
 anoynymous writer on this spirit of proselytism — Examples — Testimonies — 
 Bernard de Foncald— Mapee— Rainier, a remarkable passage— Planta— On the 
 unknown and acephalous priests 100 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 PERSECUTION OF THE VAUDOIS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 The Vaudois spread through different countries— in France— in Germany and 
 Italy — in Austria and Bohemia— Preparations for a general persecution — De- 
 cree of Otho IV. in Piedmont— of Count Thomas— against the Albigenses in 
 France — Means of conversion — Counsel of Dominic — Public Disputations — 
 Excommunication of Raymond of Toulouse — Crusades— Dominic — The inqui- 
 sition invented— approved— The heresy re-appears — New measures — Success 
 of the Dominicans or of the inquisition against the Vaudois of Germany— 
 Echard, the persecutor, converted . . *»» 105 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS, RETREATING FROM PERSECUTION, FOUND COLONIES IN THE ALTS. 
 
 The effect of preceding persecutions— In their flight the Vaudois direct their 
 course towards the valleys — The Vaudois churches embarrassed — Colonies in 
 Apulia and Calabria— Proofs and documents— Situation of the colonies — Pros- 
 perity—Aggrandizement—On what occasion— Their relation to the valleys— 
 The Vaudois spread throughout Italy visited— New colonies in Provence — 
 The Vaudois still numerous— Threatened in the valleys 114 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 FIRST PERSECUTIONS KNOWN, AGAINST THE VAUDOIS OF PIEDMONT, IN THE FOUR- 
 TEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES. 
 
 The number of Vaudois in Dauphine and Piedmont— The inquisition at work- 
 effects— Persecution under Clement VI.— Too slow for the wishes of Gregory 
 XI. — Reprisals of the Vaudois — The persecution continues— Borclli against 
 Susa and the valley of Pragela — Ravages — Persecution of Vcleti — Vaudois 
 burned at Coni— Orders of lolante — Martyrs— Crusade of Capitaneis— Prepa- 
 rations— March— Attack on the valleys— Results— Peace granted by Charles 
 
 II.— Vaudois of the valley of the Po, persecuted in 1500 117 
 
 1* 
 
10 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII- 
 
 THE VAUDOIS AND THE REFORMATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH 
 CENTURY. 
 
 Small number of the Vaudois— Reduced to conceal themselves or to dissemble- 
 When at the worst, the Reformation begins — Glance at the Reformation- 
 Eagerness of the Vaudois to gain information respecting it — Martin of the 
 vale of Lucerna— Morel of Merindol, and Masson of Burgundy in Switzerland 
 and Germany — A document which gives an account of the state of the Vau- 
 dois — Advice asked — Affecting and kind reply of (Ecolampadius — Bucer and 
 Capito visited — Sympathy and agreement of the reformers with the Vaudois — 
 Return of the two Vaudois — Masson a martyr — Answer of the reformers care- 
 fully examined — Synod of Angrogna in 1532, to deliberate upon it — Decision 
 of the Synod — Decision on the public service — all dissimulation branded — Dis- 
 agreement — Relation between the Vaudois and the churches of Bohemia and 
 Moravia Page 132 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF THE UNION OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH WITH THE REFORM 
 ED CHURCH. 
 
 Renewal of persecution in Provence — of Bersour in Piedmont — Martyr — Cessa- 
 tion of the persecution — Martin Gonin a martyr— The first French Bible print- 
 ed at Neufchatel, at the expense of the Vaudois — Zeal for Divine service in 
 public — The use of the French language instead of the Vaudois — Occupation 
 of Piedmont by France rather favourable to the Vaudois cause — Complaints 
 of Belvedere — Persecution of the Vaudois of Provence — Their final destruc- 
 tion — Tranquil state of the Vaudois of Piedmont — Temples built in the valleys 
 — Several martyrs at Chambery — Danger incurred by two pastors — Several 
 pastors arrive in the valleys— A challenge and discussion — Attempts of the 
 parliament of Turin against the Vaudois — Baronius — Sartoire and Varaillc 
 martyrs — a third escapes — New menaces against the Vaudois without effect 
 — Measures in their favour 143 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS, ONCE MORE UNDER THE RULE OF THEIR LEGITIMATE PRINCE, ARE 
 PERSECUTED WITH THE UTMOST RIGOUR. 
 
 Return of the Vaudois under the rule of Tavoy — Emmanuel — Philibert publishes 
 a persecuting edict in 1560 — The inquisition active in the plain — Martyrs at 
 Carignan, Meane, Barcelonette — Measures taken by the Vaudois — Cruelties — 
 The-duke's commissioners to the valleys — The monks of Abbadie and their 
 victims — Momentary concession of the duke — Mission of Poussevin — Public 
 disputation — Final measures — Preparations for defence — The count La Tri- 
 nite comes to the valleys with an army— Has recourse to a stratagem — Re- 
 moves the notables — Increasing oppression — Alliance with the valley of Clu- 
 sone— the Vaudois, attacked again and again in their refuge of Pra-di-torre, al- 
 ways conquerors — Truce — Signing of the treaty of peace — Basis of the future 
 relations of the Vaudois to their sovereign 162 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF THE VAUDOIS COLONIES IN APULIA AND CALABRIA. 
 
 State of the colonies — Influence of the Reformation — Request for a pastor from 
 Geneva— Mission and success of Pascal— Persecution— Surprises— Horrible 
 punishments — Total destruction of the colonies — Martyrdom of Pascal 191 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE BENEFITS OF THE PEACE ATTENDED WITH GREAT EVILS. 
 
 The valleys relieved in their distress— Annoyances on the part of the priests- 
 Unjust order — Intrigues — The valleys under the governor Castrocaro — Em- 
 bassies from the princes of the Palatinate and Saxony — Persecution in the 
 marquisate of Saluzzo— St. Bartholomew— Attack on the valley of Perosa — 
 
CONTENTS. 11 
 
 Death of the good duchess Margaret— Reign of Charles Emmanuel— The val- 
 leys under French dominion— Their return to that of Savoy— Means employ- 
 ed to bring over the Vaudois to popery— The exiles— Martyrdom of Coupin— 
 The Vaudois militia in the field — Fine, on account of cemeteries — The valley 
 of Perosa occupied by the duke's troops— Secret practices of the inquisition- 
 Abduction of children— The Vaudois on their frontiers— Ineffectual attempt to 
 establish the monks and the mass in the Vaudois communes — Invasion of Pied- 
 mont by the French — A dreadful plague carries off half the population Page 198 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS. CALUMNIATED AT COURT, ARE MISUNDERSTOOD AND ILL-TREATED. 
 
 Unjust complaints against them— Letters patent refused— Complete and final 
 expulsion of the Vaudois from the valley of the Po — Disputation with the 
 priests— Plan for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics 
 — Strokes ready to fall discovered in time 230 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 CRUELTIES COMMITTED BY THE PAPISTS IN THE VALLEYS. 
 
 Expulsion of the Vaudois from the plain of Lucerna— The Piedmontese army in 
 tlie valleys — Massacres — Heroic conduct of Janavel — The Vaudois under arms 
 — Truce — Embassy from the Swiss evangelical cantons — Measures of Great 
 Britain and other Protestant powers— Collections— Conferences at Pignerol— 
 Mediation of France— Signing of the treaty 246 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 PERSECUTION AND EMIGRATION. [1656—1686.] 
 
 Erection of the fort of La Torre — Vexations committed by the garrison— Con- 
 demnation of the distinguished Vaudois — Order for the cessation of all reli- 
 gious services at San Giovanni — Resistance of the Synod— Leger condemned 
 to death — De Bagnols — The exiles — An army surprises San Giovanni — Ge- 
 nerosity of the Vaudois — Defeat of the army — Mediation of France— Proceed- 
 ings of the evangelical cantons — Conference — Charter of 1664, denominated 
 that of Turin — Arbitration of Louis XIV. — Peaceful times — Revocation of the 
 edict of Nantes — Requirement of the king of France— Edict for the abolition 
 of evangelical worship— Embassy of the Swiss cantons — Project of emigra- 
 tion — Indecision of the valleys— Attacks upon them by Catinat and the army 
 of Savoy — Submission of the Vaudois — Their imprisonment — Leidet a martyr 
 — Negotiations of the cantons for the release of the prisoners, and their de- 
 parture for Switzerland— State of the Vaudois in the fortresses— Their travel- 
 ling in the depth of winter, and their arrival at Geneva 274 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS REFUGEES IN SWITZERLAND AND GERMANY RETURN, IN ARMS, TO 
 THEIR COUNTRY, AND OBTAIN PEACE. [1686-1690.] 
 
 Their arrival at Geneva — Distribution in Switzerland — Project and first attempt 
 for returning to the valleys — Offers of the elector of Brandenburg and the 
 German princes— Henri Arnaud— Second attempt— Departure of the Vaudois 
 for Brandenburg, the Palatinate, and Wirtemberg— Return of the greater part 
 to Switzerland— Third attempt— The Vaudois having assembled in the wood 
 of Prangins, cross the lake — Enter Savoy — Defeat an armed force at Salaber- 
 trand— Enter victoriously into their valleys— Difficulties of their situation- 
 Cruel measure — The Vaudois, masters of the upper valleys, attack that of Lu- 
 cerna— Conquerors, afterwards repulsed— Retire to the heights— Desertions- 
 Forced successively, they take refuge in Balsille— Attacked in vain before 
 winter — Providential supply — Sufferings — Attempt at negotiation — Attack of 
 Balsille— Siege— Wonderful flight— Good news— Peace— Return of the pri- 
 soners — Bobbio restored to the Vaudois — Arnaud before the duke — Address 
 of Victor Amadeus — Vaudois in the service of the duke— Return of the scat- 
 tered Vaudois to their valleys 307 
 
12 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND DURING THE FRENCH REVO- 
 ; LUTION. [1690-1814.1 
 
 The Vaudois under the banners of their prince— Their re-establishment in their 
 heritages— Their numbers— Edict of 1694— Exile of the French Protestants 
 domiciled in the valleys — Colonies of Wirternberg — Death of Amaud — At- 
 tempts at oppression— Intermission— Foreign subsidies— Siege of Turin in 
 1706— Victor Amadeus in the valleys— Devotedness of the Vaudois— New 
 vexations— Expulsion of the Vaudois from Pragela— The French and those 
 who had become Catholics— Edict of 20th June, 1730— Summary of the edicts 
 concerning the Vaudois— Effects of the French revolution— Guard of the fron- 
 tiers by the Vaudois— Unjust suspicions of their fidelity — Project of a massacre 
 rendered abortive— Arrests— Petition to the king— Slight favours— Revolu- 
 tionary spirit in Piedmont — Abdication of Charles Emmanuel — New state of 
 the Vaudois — The Austro-Russians in Piedmont — Carmagnola — Wounded 
 French — Bagration — Re-union of Piedmont to France — Misery to the valleys 
 —Distress of the pastors— Allotment of rents, and funds for their use— New 
 consistorial arrangement — Earthquake — Sketch of the religious state of the 
 Vaudois— MM. Mondon, Geymet, and Peyran— New field opened for the ac- 
 tivity of the Vaudois Page 345 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 THE VALLEYS SINCE THE GENERAL PEACE. [1814-1846.] 
 
 The restoration— Conduct of the valleys in 1814 and 1815— Deception— Edict 
 which replaced them in their ancient condition — Measures taken in conse- 
 quence — Temple of San Giovanni- Question of the revenues of the Romish 
 clergy — Salaries allowed to pastors — Pastoral letters of the bishops of Pine- 
 rolo — Charles Felix— Charles Albert — Cessation of abuses — Restrictions— Fo- 
 reign benefactors of the Vaudois — Frederic William III. — Count de Walburg 
 — Evangelical chapel at Turin — Foundation of two hospitals for the valleys- 
 Collections — Funds formed at Berlin — English benefactors — College of La 
 Torre— Schools — Walloon Committee— Swiss cantons — Erection of the con- 
 vent of La Torre — Anxieties in the valleys — Visit of Charles Albert to his sub- 
 jects 376 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Pieces given in the Appendix to the original work — The three Catalogues— The 
 Noble Lesson 381) 
 
 A Geographical and Statistical Description of the Valleys of Pied- 
 mont — Geography 390 
 
 The Valley of San Martino— The Half- Valley of Peiosa— The Valley of Lu- 
 cerna 392 
 
 statistics. 
 
 Population — Climate and productions — Religious administration of the Vaudois 
 valleys . 393 
 
HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT THE ACCESSION OF 
 THE EMrEROR CONSTANTINE. [A. D. 306.] 
 
 Not three centuries from the death and resurrection of the 
 Saviour had passed away, before the good news of salvation 
 through him was spread over all the provinces of the Roman 
 empire, and received with joy by a considerable part of their 
 population. Faith in Jesus, the Son of the living God, was 
 proclaimed from the shores of the Red Sea to those of the 
 Atlantic Ocean ; from the banks of the Nile to those of the 
 Ebro, the Rhone, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates ; 
 in all the countries washed by the waters of the Mediterranean, 
 even to the most retired valleys of the Iberian Mountains,* of 
 the Alps, Hemus, and Atlas, and especially through all the 
 cities that were scattered over this immense tract. 
 
 The gradual extension of the Christian religion was not 
 accomplished without conflict and suffering on the part of its 
 professors. Its progress first irritated, and then alarmed, those 
 who were attached to national traditions, dissolute manners, and 
 the worship of false gods, as it did the suspicious and tyrannical 
 government of the Roman emperors. The Christians were very 
 soon regarded as enemies of their country and rebels, and, as 
 such, were exposed to the most terrible persecutions. Thou- 
 sands and hundreds of thousands were destroyed by fire and 
 sword, by instruments of torture, and by the fangs of wild 
 beasts in the amphitheatres. But as the grain of corn falls into 
 the ground, and increases a hundredfold, so the blood of the 
 
 [* Namely, the Pyrenees and their olLhooU.] 
 
16 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 martyrs became the seed of the Church ; the faith of Christian 
 confessors spoke to the heart, and won more souls to the ser- 
 vice of their Lord than the terrors of punishment could drive 
 from him. 
 
 During the first three centuries the church was composed, for 
 the most part, of persons firmly convinced of the truth of its 
 doctrines, and who showed forth, by a pure, holy, and devoted 
 life, the virtues of Him who had called them out of darkness 
 into his marvellous light. The contempt and hatred with which 
 the Christians were treated by the Pagans, preserved them, in 
 general, from a pernicious alliance with the vicious and indif- 
 ferent ; and by breaking the ties which might have held them 
 fast to a seducing world, purified their faith, and united them 
 more closely to one another, and to their Savioar. 
 
 The constitution of the Church remained nearly the same as 
 in the apostolic age.* Every believer was an active member 
 of the Christian community, which was under the guidance of 
 one or more pastors, whose special office it was to preach the 
 word, and watch over souls. The pastor of a Christian com- 
 munity, or one of them, if there were several pastors, bore also 
 the particular title of Bishop, that is, overseer, on account of the 
 inspection which it became him to exercise over all the mem- 
 bers of his flock, and the influence that was conceded to his 
 piety and example. But though this distinction exposed its 
 possessor to greater danger in times of persecution, it is evi- 
 dent that many of those who obtained it did not entirely escape 
 the seductions of pride and ambition. The pastors of the larger 
 churches soon obtained, or preferred, the title of bishop to that 
 of elder, and easily assumed a supremacy over their fellow- 
 labourers in the work of the ministry. The fraternal connexion 
 that subsisted between the apostles and the companions of their 
 work, as that of St. Paul with Sylvanus and Timothy, was very 
 soon succeeded by a dangerous hierarchy. Still, the injury 
 which this tendency might have inflicted on that Christian 
 liberty and brotherhood which were then so conspicuous, was 
 considerably lessened by the individual activity which the diffi- 
 
 * [A few passages in the first and second chapters, and other places, relating 
 to the early constitution of the Church, its officers, rites, and connexion with 
 civil governments, which are retained without alteration, must be regarded as 
 containing the individual views of the author.] 
 
INTERNAL DISSENSIONS. 17 
 
 cult position of the Church, in the midst of Pagans, imposed on 
 each of its members. 
 
 Another danger, arising from within, also threatened the con- 
 stitution and life of the Church, in this prosperous period of its 
 existence, namely, the pre-eminence acquired by the bishops of 
 Antioch, Alexandria, Carthage, and Rome, over the other bishops, 
 and the ill use they often made of the deference that was yielded 
 to them by courtesy. The bishop of Rome especially took the 
 precedence of all the other bishops, on many occasions, and 
 even aspired to a certain authority in matters of religion. But 
 these pretensions encountered resistance in the rivalry of other 
 apostolic or metropolitan churches, and in the independent 
 nature of the Christian life. 
 
 The Christian worship preserved its primitive simplicity. It 
 was held in private houses ; and often in secret or in deserts. 
 Some places of worship, however, had been erected at the close 
 of the third century. Prayers, the singing of hymns, reading 
 the Scriptures, preaching, and the celebration of the Lord's 
 Supper, were the ordinary acts of Divine service. The Chris- 
 tians, who had witnessed the pompous ceremonial of paganism, 
 and regarded idolatry with detestation, excluded all images 
 from their places of meeting, and every idle ceremony from 
 their worship. Nevertheless, some observances, such as the 
 use of white vestments, unction, and the presence of sponsors, 
 were introduced at the administration of baptism ; and the holy 
 supper, celebrated in remembrance of those who had died in 
 the Lord, and as a sign of perpetual communion with them, 
 sometimes degenerated into a ceremony for their supposed 
 advantage. 
 
 In relation to doctrine, the Church had already to sustain 
 severe contests both without and within : without, against the 
 attacks of Pagan philosophers and Jews ; but especially within, 
 against the errors that were often propagated by men of piety, 
 who were under the influence of some inveterate notion, some 
 peculiar opinion, not in conformity with the true faith, accord- 
 ing to the belief of the Church. From being isolated partisans 
 of a new doctrine, they rapidly became leaders of a sect, by the 
 impression which their talents, powers of persuasion, and the 
 very singularity of their sentiments, made on men whose turn 
 of mind, dispositions, and circumstances, were similar to their 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 own. But diversities of doctrine, heresies, and the formation 
 of sects within the pale of the visible Church, ought not to 
 astonish those who are aware that an ardent imagination, the 
 pride of reason, and particular prejudices, prevent men from 
 seeing the truth ; and that the profession of the Gospel has not 
 always eradicated these unhappy dispositions from persons who, 
 wishing " to be something," cannot consent to be classed among 
 " the poor in spirit." 
 
 Let us not be surprised, then, that the Christian Church of 
 the first three centuries had to defend the truth against heresies 
 brought forth and nourished in her bosom : let us only rejoice 
 in her victories ; for, invigorated from on high by her Divine 
 Leader, to whom she applied with confidence in all her sorrows 
 and conflicts, no less than in the days of her prosperity, she 
 retained, in the faith and love that are in Christ Jesus, the form 
 of sound doctrine ; she kept that good thing which was conr- 
 mitted unto her. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE CHANGES IN THE DOCTRINES, WORSHIP, AND LIFE OP 
 THE CHURCH, AFTER THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE. [FROM 
 A. D. 337.] 
 
 The germs of numerous errors may be detected in the preced- 
 ing period, but they were checked and arrested in their pro- 
 gress ; on the one hand, by the abundance of healthy, vigorous, 
 and fruitful plants which covered the soil of the Church ; and, 
 on the other, by the little time and space which incessant per- 
 secutions allowed to perverse or ambitious spirits for the forma- 
 tion and propagation of their opinions. 
 
 But no sooner was a season of external peace granted to the 
 Church, along with numerous temporal advantages, than the 
 Christian life, sound doctrine, and Divine worship were dete- 
 riorated. Arius, a presbyter of Alexandria, about the year 318 
 or 321, put forth a system of doctrine which goes to shake the 
 very foundations of the Gospel, by denying the divinity of 
 Christ, and regarding him only as the first and most excellent 
 of created beings. From its first rise, this heresy, which re- 
 duces the faith of the Gospel to a very inconsiderable thing, 
 
ARIANISM— PELAGIAN1SM. 19 
 
 and sets the mind of man at ease, was welcomed by many with 
 enthusiasm. Condemned at the Council of Nice, (A. D. 325,) 
 victorious under Constantius, combated afresh and with success 
 by those who remained faithful to the apostolic doctrine, it 
 nevertheless saw its principles adopted by numerous sections of 
 the Church. Professed in succession by the Visigoths, Vandals, 
 Suevians, and Burgundians, it invaded Italy, Greece, Gaul, 
 Spain, and Africa. 
 
 Besides many other errors, which cannot be here enumerated, 
 there arose one, in the year 412, of which the effects were 
 scarcely less deplorable than those of Arianism. This was the 
 doctrine of Pelagius, a British monk, on free-will, which ascribed 
 to every man the liberty [power] of determining himself for 
 good, as easily as for evil, and saw in the dominion of sin nothing 
 more than a habit from which the will could release itself. This 
 doctrine, by attributing too much power to man, and denying 
 his inability to effect his own salvation, nullified, or at least 
 greatly impaired, the doctrine of redemption by Jesus Christ, 
 disowned regeneration, and presented sanctification in a false 
 light. This system, a little modified, and with something more 
 of a Christian colouring, obtained many partisans, in spite of 
 the powerful opposition of Augustine, bishop of Hippo ; and the 
 merit of good works, which it favoured, insensibly was received 
 into the belief of a great many churches, especially in the East 
 and in France. 
 
 Endless disputes, and deplorable conflicts, in the majority of 
 churches, and between different churches, were the result of all 
 these novel doctrines. It is almost needless to add, that true 
 faith necessarily declined, continually showed less vigour, and 
 was everywhere more uncommon. 
 
 One great event exerted a powerful influence on the desti- 
 nies of the Church, namely, the protection which an Emperor, 
 Constantine the Great, granted to the Christians, and the posi- 
 tion in which he placed Christianity, by substituting it for 
 Paganism, and declaring it to be the religion of the state. 
 Though certain advantages, such as liberty of worship, and 
 freedom from persecution, were gained for the Christians by 
 this event, yet it cannot be denied that great evils followed in 
 its train. 
 
 Favoured by the Emperor, put in possession of the Pagan 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 temples, and of the honours and credit formerly granted to the 
 priests of idolatry, and loaded with wealth, the bishops were 
 soon assailed by all the temptations of ambition, of the love of 
 the world, and of power. Every functionary of the Church, 
 treading in the same path, saw his own consideration increased 
 by the external advantages thus held out, and, like his superiors, 
 was eager to grasp them. The distinction between the eccle- 
 siastics and lay members became more established. The digni- 
 taries of the Church adopted a particular costume. Simplicity 
 and humility gave place to vanity, ambition, and pride, and the 
 ecclesiastical profession was entered by numbers for the sake of 
 the temporal advantages that were attached to it. 
 
 Another great evil, also, which resulted from the new position 
 in which the Church was placed by the Emperor's protection, 
 was this protection itself. For to accept a protector, is just so 
 far to acknowledge dependence upon him.* Men think they 
 have obtained a stay and defence, and find themselves op- 
 pressed by a yoke. The Christian Church soon perceived this 
 to be the result. The emperors interfered in the choice of the 
 metropolitan bishops, secured their submission, and on more 
 than one occasion, by means of their numerous dependents, 
 influenced the decisions of the councils. 
 
 In return for the advantages which the Emperors derived 
 from the submission of the bishops of Rome, we find that they 
 supported the pretensions of the latter to pre-eminence over 
 all other bishops, and facilitated their success. By their assist- 
 ance, the bishops of Rome obtained a general recognition of their 
 title, and their claim to be the popes, or fathers of Christen- 
 dom. 
 
 The public services of the Church, likewise, were affected by 
 this substitution of Christianity for Paganism as the state-religion. 
 The worshippers of idols, who, yielding to the force of events, 
 made a profession of the gospel, brought their superstitions with 
 them into the Church. It was thought necessary to make some 
 concessions to them. The temples were adorned ; recourse was 
 had to the magnificence and pomp of the ancient rituals, both 
 
 * Another most lamentable consequence of such protection is, that men are 
 impelled to uphold by carnal weapons what is to be propagated and defended 
 only by spiritual means, such as the faith, &c. 
 
CHANGES IN DOCTRINES AND WORSHIP. 21 
 
 Jewish and Pagan, from which were borrowed emblems, images, 
 statues, vestments, altars, sacred vases, and ceremonies.* 
 
 In this manner, under the influence of a complication of causes, 
 in a time of political troubles, which paralyzed the minds and the 
 efforts of the truly pious, (always few in number,) that idolatrous 
 ritual which invaded the Latin or Roman Church, established and 
 developed itself, and has been perpetuated to the present day. 
 
 The authority of the holy Scriptures was weakened by the 
 intrusion of apocryphal books into the canon of inspired writings ; 
 by the increasing importance and value attached to the opinions 
 of the Fathers, or ancient ecclesiastical writers ; by the preten- 
 sions of councils to fix the sense of the sacred text in an exclu- 
 sive manner ; and, lastly, by the usurpation of spiritual power 
 by the popes, in their pretended quality of successors of St. Pe- 
 ter and St. Paul. 
 
 The foundations of the Christian faith having been disturbed, 
 the doctrines of the Church underwent continual modifications, 
 and a ritual of man's device supplanted the " worship of God in 
 spirit and in truth." We shall not enter into the history of these 
 changes ; they have only an indirect connexion with our narra- 
 tive, that is, in consequence of the resistance made to them by 
 the faithful. For enabling us to understand subsequent events, 
 it will be sufficient to recollect that the worship of images was 
 generally introduced, and became an essential part of the Romish 
 religion. The Mass, originally designed to commemorate the 
 sacrifice of the Saviour, gradually became itself a pretended sacri- 
 fice, though an unbloody one, of the body of Christ, for the re- 
 mission of the sins both of the living and the dead. Twenty 
 popes, probably, have contributed to form the canon of the Mass, 
 each one of them devising some new forms, some additions to its 
 ceremonial. Having commenced so promising an undertaking, 
 why should they stop short ? They proceeded to invent purga- 
 tory, indulgences, penances, vigils, fastings, Lent, dispensations, 
 auricular confession, extreme unction, absolution, and masses for 
 the dead, — all but so many means of entangling souls, and hold- 
 ing them in a fatal security, as well as of attracting to the church 
 a tremendous authority and boundless wealth. 
 
 Lastly, by the doctrine of the real presence of Jesus Christ in 
 
 * The cross being adopted as a standard, quickly became an object of worship, 
 as his banner was for the Roman soldier. 
 
22 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the sacrament of the Supper, and the adoration of the Host, the 
 Church fell back into idolatry. Composed of the ruins of Jewish 
 formalism, pagan superstitions, disfigured fragments of the gospel, 
 mixed with human speculations and reveries, the Latin Catholic, 
 apostolic, and Roman Church has for ten or twelve centuries 
 been toiling to collect together, arrange, amend, and settle this 
 strange medley, which she has decorated with the imposing title 
 of one and infallible. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE OPPOSITION WHICH THE NEW DOCTRINES AND CEREMO- 
 NIES ENCOUNTERED IN THE CHURCH. 
 
 The right path of sound doctrine, the purity and simplicity of 
 the " life hidden with Christ," were not abandoned by the Church 
 without a long resistance from the sound part of its members. 
 Who can recount all the efforts made to avert so great a calami- 
 ty ? Who can tell all that was attempted to prevent such a ship- 
 wreck — to arrest this sad catastrophe ? The documents which 
 have come down to us on this subject are very few ; and they 
 have reached us only through the medium of the dominant party. 
 
 Resistance to the encroachments of error of all kinds often 
 proceeded from the higher ranks of the Church, but more fre- 
 quently from the inferior orders. It was organized not only in 
 the convocations of bishops, but also in the common assemblies 
 of Christians, in the hearts of simple priests or humble laymen. 
 
 Pope Celestin I., writing to the bishops of Vienne and Nar- 
 bonne, in France, between A. D. 423 and 482, complains of men 
 having granted permission to foreign priests to preach as they 
 pleased, and to agitate " unlearned questions" which introduced 
 dissensions into the Church.* He affects not to specify the ob- 
 ject of his complaints ; yet, from the conclusion of his letter, we 
 learn that the point in question relates to the saints, and that the 
 preachers he had in view were not favourable to the errors in 
 
 * The same Pope, in a second letter to the same prelates, again denounces 
 other priests who have not been brought up in the Church, who came from some 
 remote country with foreign manners, who understand the Scriptures according 
 to the letter, who preach novel doctrines, and refuse penance (no doubt abso- 
 lution) to the dying. (Delectus Actorum Ecclesice universalis, t.i., pp. 181, 182.) 
 
OPPOSITION IS MANIFESTED. 23 
 
 rogue on that head. " Yet," said he, " we ought not to be as- 
 tonished if they attempt such things toward the living, who en- 
 deavour to destroy the memory of our brethren who are now at 
 rest" From this language we may infer that the Gallic churches 
 were not then favourable to images and the invocation of saints, 
 and that a considerable number of priests courageously withstood 
 the entrance of this false doctrine. — Delectus Actorum, etc., t. i., 
 pp. 177, 178. 
 
 About the same time, toward the end of the fourth century, 
 another fact, while it confirms what we have stated respecting 
 the Gallic Churches, shows also that in Lombardy there were 
 believers who opposed the use of images, and other novelties. 
 Vigilantius, a well-informed man, though Jerome asserts the con- 
 trary, a native of Comminge, in Aquitaine, had exercised the 
 functions of a priest at Barcelona or its neighbourhood. During 
 his travels in the East, he fell in with Jerome. This celebrated 
 recluse in vain attempted to convince Vigilantius, and to bring 
 him over to his opinions respecting relics, saints, images, and 
 prayers addressed to them, tapers that were kept burning at the 
 tombs, pilgrimages, fasts, the celibacy of priests, a solitary life, etc. 
 Vigilantius remained immovable. On his return, this opponent 
 of the new doctrines appears to have fixed himself in Lombardy, 
 where he found a refuge, probably in the vicinity of the Cottian 
 Alps.* Jerome himself gives us this information in one of his 
 epistles to Riparius : " I saw, a short time ago," he says, " that 
 monster Vigilantius. I would fain have bound this madman by 
 passages of holy writ, as Hippocrates advises to confine maniacs 
 with bonds ; but he has departed — he has withdrawn — he has 
 hurried away — he has escaped ; and from the space between the 
 Alps, where Cottus reigned, and the waves of the Adriatic, his 
 cries have reached me. O infamous ! he has found, even among 
 the bishops, accomplices of his wickedness." — Hieronymus ad Ri- 
 parium, contra Vigilantium, t. ii., p. 158, etc. 
 
 We see by this passage, that the bishops of Lombardy approved 
 of Vigilantius, and joined him in opposing the above-mentioned 
 errors. In Lombardy it would appear that many churches had, 
 more or less, preserved sound doctrine. 
 
 The long and persevering resistance of one part of the Church 
 
 * The Cottian Alps are to the north of Mount Viso, and among these the Vau- 
 dois valleys are situated. 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 to the encroachments of the errors of the Romish Church, is un- 
 questionable ; for, at the close of the sixth century, we find that 
 Serenus, bishop of Marseilles, had succeeded in banishing images 
 from his diocese. We learn this fact from a letter of Pope Gre- 
 gory the Great, who was pope from A. D. 590 to 604 : " We 
 have been apprized," he says, " that, animated by an inconsiderate 
 zeal, you have broken in pieces the images of the saints, on the 
 plea that they ought not to be adored. In truth, we should have 
 entirely approved of your conduct, had you forbidden their being 
 adored ; but we blame you for having broken them in pieces. 
 . . . For it is one thing to adore a painting, and another to 
 learn by its history the proper object of adoration." — Delectus 
 Actorum, etc., t. i., p. 443. 
 
 This letter shows, not only that the worship of images, and con- 
 sequently several other deviations from sound doctrine, had not 
 yet entirely pervaded the Church, but that the pious popes 
 hesitated to recommend them under their most censurable 
 form. 
 
 Toward the middle of the eighth century, the struggle of the 
 faithful against these errors still continued. We see it carried 
 on between the French prelates and Boniface, the apostle of 
 Germany. Claude Clement, Sidonius, Virgilius, Samson, and 
 Aldebert at their head, reproached Boniface with propagating 
 the following errors : — the celibacy of the priests ; the worship 
 of relics ; the adoration of images ; the supremacy of the popes ; 
 masses for the dead ; purgatory, etc. For this reason, Roman 
 Catholic authors accuse them of heresy, and reproach Aldebert 
 especially, for condemning as useless the imposition of hands, 
 the sign of the cross, and other ceremonies already adopted at 
 baptism. 
 
 The tenth epistle of Pope Zachary to Boniface is so explicit 
 on the existence, in the Church, of a strong opposition to the en- 
 croachments of the Romish ritual, and of a different and more 
 evangelical worship, that we cannot forbear citing it : — " As for 
 the priests," he says, " whom your fraternity report to have found 
 (ivho are more numerous than the Catholics) wandering about, 
 disguised under the name of bishops or priests, not ordained by 
 Catholic bishops, who deceive the people, perplex and trouble 
 the ministers of the Church, they are false vagabonds, adulterers, 
 murderers, effeminate, sacrilegious hypocrites, the greater part 
 
NOTICE OF CLAUDE. 25 
 
 tonsured slaves who have fled from their masters, servants of the 
 devil transformed into ministers of Christ, who live as they list, 
 being without bishops, having partisans to defend them against 
 the bishops, that they may not attack their irregular lives, 
 who meet in separate assemblies, with persons that abet their 
 proceedings, and exercise their erroneous ministry not in a 
 Catholic Church, but in strange places, in the cellars of 
 country-people, where their stupid folly may be concealed 
 from the bishops." — Sacro-sancta Concilia, studio Ph. Labbei, 
 t. v., col. 1519. 
 
 We do not think it necessary to clear the priests who are here 
 spoken of from the charges of adultery and murder, sacrilege and 
 hypocrisy. Every one knows that the writers of the Romish 
 Church have never spared injurious epithets and calumnies when 
 their adversaries were concerned. It is enough that we have 
 ascertained, by the letter even of a pope, the existence, in the 
 eighth century, of priests and Christians united in religious as- 
 semblies who were not in subjection to the see of Rome. 
 
 Nor must we omit to notice the vigorous opposition that was 
 made in the dominions of Charlemagne to the decisions of the 
 second council of Nice, A. D. 787, in favour of the worship of 
 images. These decisions, and others also on the sign of the cross, 
 were rejected by the council of Frankfort, A. D. 794, in spite of 
 the representations of the pope's legates. The prelates of the 
 second council of Nice having anathematized those who refused 
 to worship images, Charlemagne observed, that, " in so doing, 
 they had anathematized and branded as heretics their own fa- 
 thers, and as they had been consecrated by them, their consecra- 
 tion was null, and therefore they were not themselves true 
 priests." — Dupin, Nouvelle Biblioth., etc., t. v., p. 148. 
 
 One of the most striking facts to illustrate the resistance made 
 by the faithful Church to the introduction of those errors of 
 which Rome was the centre, is the episcopate of Claude of 
 Turin. It is a beacon which illumines the night of those remote 
 times, and reflects afar its brilliant and beautiful light. By its 
 brightness we discern in the distance the Vaudois valleys, where 
 the sacred flame of the gospel, which Claude had revived and 
 maintained, continued to purify the heart, when the humid 
 mists of the Roman heresy had extinguished it in the open 
 country. 
 
 2 
 
26 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Claude,* at first chaplain of Louis le Debonnaire, while 
 Charlemagne was still living, was nominated by Louis to the 
 bishopric of Turin, about the year 822, under the pontificate of 
 Pascal I., who died May 13, 824, and administered in that dio- 
 cese till 839, the time of his death, as it is believed. An elo- 
 quent preacher, and profoundly conversant with the Scriptures, 
 he exercised an active and successful ministry for seventeen 
 years ; and, what forms a most prominent feature in his labours, 
 he banished all images from the basilics, [churches.] Being 
 censured by the abetters of a worship unknown to the primitive 
 Church, he wrote several books to refute his foreign opponents. 
 These writings are lost, with the exception of the fragments 
 which have been preserved by his opponent, Jonas d' Orleans. 
 Although incomplete, and perhaps mutilated, they form a splendid 
 testimony of the doctrine that was preached for seventeen years 
 in the same countries where we find it, at a later period, pro- 
 fessed by the Vaudois. The passages we are about to cite will 
 prove that Jonas d'Orleans did not make too great a concession 
 when he allowed that Claude had some knowledge of the Holy 
 Scriptures. 
 
 The work of Claude of Turin which Jonas d' Orleans, as well 
 as Dungal, has thus preserved for us, is entitled, " Apologetic 
 Reply of Claude, Bishop, to the Abbot Theodemir." 
 
 "I have received," he says, "by a country carrier, (porti- 
 torem,) your epistle, full of prate and nonsense, in which you 
 declare that you have been troubled, because a report has been 
 spread to my discredit from Italy through all Gaul, and even as 
 far as Spain, that I preach in order to form a new sect, con- 
 trary to the rule of the Catholic faith, which is totally false ; 
 but it is not strange if the members of Satan speak of me in 
 this manner, since they called our Lord a seducer and demoniac. 
 For I, who remain in the unity, (of the Church,) and proclaim 
 the truth, aim at forming no new sect ; but, as far as lies in my 
 power, I repress sects, schisms, superstitions, and heresies; I 
 have combated, overthrown, and crushed them, and, by God's 
 assistance, I shall not cease to do so to the utmost. And since, 
 contrary to my wishes, I have been charged with the burden of 
 
 * Some account of Claude may be found in Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xvi, 
 p. 139, &c. lie was a Spaniard and not a Scotchman, as was Claude Clement, 
 mentioned above, [p. 24.] 
 
PASSAGES FKOM THE WRITINGS OF CLAUDE. 27 
 
 a bishopric, and sent by the pious Louis, a son of God's holy 
 Church, and have arrived in Italy, I have found at Turin all 
 the basilics filled with execrable impurities and images, con- 
 trary to the commands of the truth (of the gospel ;) and as I 
 alone have overturned all these things that others adore, it is 
 against me alone that they are embittered. For this they have 
 all opened their mouths to calumniate me ; and if the Lord had 
 not been on my side they would probably have devoured me 
 alive. The prohibition so clearly expressed, Thou shalt not 
 make unto thee the likeness of anything that is in heaven above, 
 or that is in the earth beneath, &c, applies not only to the like- 
 nesses of strange gods, but also to those of celestial beings, and 
 whatever the human mind can invent in honour of the Creator. 
 
 " We do not pretend, say those against whom we defend the 
 Church, that the image we adore has anything divine ; but we 
 adore it with the respect due to that which it represents. To 
 this we reply : if the images of the saints are adored with a 
 diabolical Avorship, my adversaries have not abandoned idols, 
 but only changed their names. If, then, you draw or paint 
 upon the walls the images of Peter, Paul, Jupiter, Saturn, or 
 Mercury, these are neither gods nor apostles, neither one nor 
 the other are men ; the name is changed ; but the error re- 
 mains and continues always the same, inasmuch as they have 
 an image of God deprived of life and reason, instead of images 
 and animals, or, which is nearer the truth, instead of wood and 
 of stone. 
 
 " We ought, then, carefully to bear this in mind, that all those 
 who pay Divine honours, not only to visible images, but to any 
 creature, whether celestial or terrestrial, spiritual or corporeal, 
 and who expect from it the salvation which comes from God 
 alone, are of that class whom the apostle describes as serving 
 the creature more than the Creator. 
 
 " Why do you humble and bow yourself before vain images ? 
 Why bend your body before idols that are without sense, ter- 
 restrial, and base ? God has created you upright ; and while 
 the animals are prone towards the earth, he would have you 
 raise your eyes to heaven, and fix your regards on the Lord. 
 Thither you must look ; thither you must lift up your eyes. It 
 is on high that we must seek after God, that we may learn to 
 wean ourselves from earth. Raise, then, your heart to heaven. 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Why prostrate yourself in the dust of death with the insensible 
 image that you serve ? Why deliver yourself to the devil for 
 it, and with it ? Keep the elevation in which you were born ; 
 maintain yourself such as God made you. - 
 
 " But let us hear what the miserable followers of false religion 
 and superstition say. It is in memory of our Saviour that we 
 serve, honour, and adore the cross either painted or erected to 
 his honour. Nothing, then, pleases them in our Saviour but 
 that which pleased the impious, the opprobrium of his suffer- 
 ings, and the ignominy of his death. They believe respecting 
 him what the wicked believe, both Jews and Pagans, who reject 
 his resurrection, and only regard him as tortured, and who, in 
 their heart, always think of him in the agony of his suffering, 
 without thinking of what the apostle said, and without under- 
 standing that expression, ' Though we have known Christ after 
 the flesh, yet now henceforth know we him no more,' after that 
 manner. 
 
 " Such persons must be told, that if they are disposed to adore 
 every piece of wood that is cut in the form of a cross, because 
 Christ was hung on the cross, that there are many other things 
 that had a connexion with Christ in the days of his flesh, which 
 are fitter objects of adoration. 
 
 " In fact, he remained scarcely six hours suspended on the 
 cross, while he passed nine months in the virgin's womb ; let us, 
 then, adore virgins, because a virgin gave birth to Jesus Christ. 
 Let us adore mangers, because soon after his birth he was laid 
 in a manger ; let us adore old swaddling-clothes, because he was 
 wrapped in such. Let us adore ships, because he often sailed 
 in a ship ; he taught multitudes out of a ship ; he slept in a 
 ship ; and was in a ship when he ordered his disciples to cast 
 out the net in which the miraculous draught of fishes was caught. 
 Let us adore asses, because he entered Jerusalem mounted on 
 an ass. Let us adore lambs, because it is written of him, ' Be- 
 hold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world.' 
 But these abetters of unsound doctrine prefer eating the living 
 lambs, and adore those painted upon walls. Let us adore lions, 
 for it is written of him, ' The Lion of the tribe of Juda, the Root 
 of David, hath prevailed.' Let us adore rocks, since, after being 
 taken down from the cross, he was placed in a sepulchre hewn 
 out of a rock ; and the apostle says of him, • That rock was 
 
PASSAGES FROM THE WRITINGS OF CLAUDE. 29 
 
 Christ.' But Christ is called a rock, a lamb, a lion, figuratively, 
 and not in a literal sense. Let us adore the thorns of the 
 bramble, because a crown of thorns was placed on his head 
 during his passion. Let us adore reeds, because they furnished 
 the soldiers with an instrument for striking him. Lastly, let us 
 adore spears, because one of the soldiers pierced his side with a 
 spear, and out of it there came blood and water. 
 
 " All this is ridiculous ; and we would much rather lament it 
 than write it. But we are obliged to answer fools according to 
 their folly, and to hurl against hearts of stone, not the darts or 
 maxims of the word, but missiles of stone. 
 
 " God commands one thing, and these people do another. 
 God commands to bear the cross, not to adore it. These per- 
 sons would adore it, while they bear it neither corporeally nor 
 spiritually. To serve God in this manner is to forsake him. 
 He has said himself, ' Whosoever will come after me, let him 
 deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow me ;' doubtless 
 because he who does not renounce himself, does not approach to 
 Him who is above him, and he cannot seize that which passes 
 by him, if he has not learned in good time to distinguish it. 
 
 " But as to your saying, that I prevent men from going on 
 pilgrimage to Rome, in order to do penance there, you accuse 
 me falsely. For I do not approve [nor disapprove*] of that 
 journey, because I know that it does not injure all, nor profit 
 all. I wish, in the first place, that you would ask yourself, if 
 you acknowledge that to go to Rome is doing penance, why, for 
 so long a time, have you damned so many souls whom you have 
 kept in your monastery, and have even received to do penance 
 there, obliging them to serve you, instead of sending them to 
 Rome ? You say, in fact, that you have a hundred and forty 
 monks, that have all come to you to do penance, who have de- 
 voted themselves to the monastery, and not one of whom have 
 you allowed to go to Rome. If it be so, that men must go to 
 Rome to do penance, and yet you have prevented them, what 
 will you say to this declaration of the Lord, ' Whoso shall offend 
 one of these little ones which believe in me, it were better for 
 him that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and that he 
 were drowned in the depth of the sea?' There can be no 
 
 * [Nee approbo, nee improbo.— Gieseler, vol. ii, $ 1, p. 102, 4th ed. ; Band ii, 
 Abtheilung i.] 
 
30 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 greater offence than to hinder a man from following a road that 
 may conduct him to eternal happiness. 
 
 " We well know that this sentence of the Gospel is very ill 
 understood : ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build 
 my Church ; . . . and I will give unto thee the keys of the 
 kingdom of heaven.' On account of these words of the Lord, 
 an ignorant multitude, neglecting all spiritual understanding, 
 persist in betaking themselves to Rome, in order to obtain eternal 
 life. He who properly understands the keys of the kingdom of 
 heaven, does not seek for the local intercession of St. Peter. 
 In fact, if we examine the force of our Lord's words, he did not 
 say to St. Peter alone, ' Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth 
 shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on 
 earth shall be loosed in heaven.' In truth, this ministry belongs 
 to all the true inspectors and pastors of the Church, who exer- 
 cise it as long as they are in this world ; and when they have 
 paid the debt of death, others succeed in their place, and enjoy 
 the same authority and power. You may add the example of 
 David : ' Instead of thy fathers shall be thy children, whom thou 
 mayest make princes in all the earth.' 
 
 " The fifth thing with which you reproach me is, that you are 
 displeased because his apostolic lordship (dominus apostolicus) 
 was exasperated against me, (thus you speak of the deceased 
 bishop of Rome, Pascal,) and that he had honoured me with my 
 appointment. But since the term apostolic in some degree 
 means the guardian of an apostle, he certainly is not to be 
 called apostolic who merely occupies the apostle's seat, but he who 
 fulfils the functions of the apostle. As for those who occupy that 
 seat without fulfilling its duties, the Lord has said, ' The scribes 
 and the Pharisees sit in Moses' seat: all therefore whatsoever 
 they bid you observe, that observe and do ; but do not ye af- 
 ter their works ; for they say, and do not.' " Matt, xxiii, 2, 3. 
 — Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xvi, col. 139-169, &c. 
 
 This letter, if read attentively, clearly shows the Christian 
 and eminently evangelical character of Claude. We here see 
 that the source whence he derived his courage and fidelity was 
 the word of God ; and we may conclude, from the continual use 
 made of the Scriptures in his writings, that he preached* and 
 
 * In doing so, he conformed to the decision of the council of Frankfort, A. D. 
 794, as any one may be convinced by a reference to its acts. 
 
CHARACTER OF CLAUDE'S MINISTRY. 31 
 
 circulated them in his diocese ; that he must have given a fresh 
 impulse to the study of holy writ, prompted the ministers of re- 
 ligion to teach nothing but what it contained, and conducted the 
 sheep that were intrusted to his care to the one heavenly Shep- 
 herd, who could feed them, and save them forever. 
 
 It is easy to imagine the immense influence which such a man 
 must have exerted during an episcopate of seventeen years. And 
 even if persons could succeed in proving, which is not possible, 
 that his work was isolated, without antecedent preparatory cir- 
 cumstances, and without any remarkable ulterior consequences ; 
 — if it could be shown that the bishops who followed him all la- 
 boured to destroy it, it would not be less certain that it once ex- 
 isted ; and the possibility, or rather the probability, will remain, 
 that it was perpetuated after him in many hearts, in some parts, 
 at least, of his vast diocese ; in the valleys of the Vaudois Alps, 
 for example, which were less exposed than the open country to 
 the sudden irruption of the papal authority. 
 
 But this extravagant supposition of a ministration of an unu- 
 sual character, is untrue and untenable. Claude was no inno- 
 vator. His work was not isolated. All the accounts we have 
 given of the resistance of the faithful Church prove this. It was 
 in the same, or the neighbouring countries, that Vigilantius had 
 found a refuge among bishops who professed, like himself, a doc- 
 trine opposed to the worship of images and saints, to ceremonies 
 at tombs, to pilgrimages, to fasts, to the celibacy of priests, and 
 to a monastic life. Let us not forget that Serenus, on the other 
 side of the Alps, at the beginning of the seventh century, accom- 
 plished a work similar to that of Claude, in the diocese of Mar- 
 seilles ; that in the eighth century many French prelates opposed 
 the introduction of the same errors, and the alterations in doc- 
 trine that Boniface preached. And, lastly, it is to be remembered 
 that the majority of the bishops in the wide domains of Charle- 
 magne, of which Turin and Piedmont formed a part, resisted in 
 the council of Frankfort (A. D. 794) the solicitations, prayers, 
 and orders of the pope's legates, and rejected the same worship 
 of images which Claude banished from his diocese.* 
 
 No ; the labours of the pious bishop were not isolated. At 
 
 * It is worthy of notice, that Agobard, archbishop of Lyon, shared entirely in 
 the views of his contemporary, Claude, as his writings assert. (Vide Maxima 
 Biblioth., P. P., t. xvi, col. 241, etc.) 
 
32 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 that very time, the conflict against the errors of Rome was vigo- 
 rously carried on in different countries ; and if the partisans of 
 the worship of images had sometimes the victory, as it appears 
 they had under the episcopate of Claude's predecessor, it was 
 soon disputed, and often reversed. Father Pagi himself, in his 
 " Chronological and Critical Abridgment of History," citing Dio- 
 nysius of Padua, after having made some rather curious acknow- 
 ledgments respecting the introduction of images,* and the pre- 
 tended motives which justified it in the eyes of Roman Catholics, 
 confesses, " that it is by no means proved that this (the introduc- 
 tion of images) prevailed in all places, nor in the same manner ; 
 but it was effected in one place sooner, in another later, accord- 
 ing to the ability and disposition of the people, and according as 
 those who directed them judged it seasonable ;" — (expedire judi- 
 cabant.) — Breviarium historico-chronologicum, etc. R. P. Pagi, t. 
 i, p. 521-524, § 22. 
 
 But the very words of Claude, in his letter to the abbot Theo- 
 demir, show us most clearly that the bishop of Turin merely car- 
 ried on a work that had been already begun : " I do not teach 
 a new sect," he writes ; " I, who remain in the unity [of the 
 Church,] and proclaim the truth. But, as far as it depends on 
 me, I have suppressed sects, schisms, superstitions, and heresies ; 
 I have combated, crushed, and overturned them ; and, by God's 
 help, I will not cease to overturn them to the utmost of my power." 
 Who does not see, that in opposing the worship of images within 
 his diocese, Claude believed that he remained in the unity of 
 the Church; that he was defending the truth — the truth that 
 was still known and revered ? Who does not see, that in reform- 
 ing abuses that were already introduced, Claude wished to repress 
 a sect, gaining ground, perhaps, but still a sect, to combat schism, 
 — to arrest superstition and heresy ? 
 
 The strong language that Claude employs to designate the 
 partisans of image-worship, and the energy of his remonstrances, 
 show us a man who rather attacks his enemy than defends him- 
 
 * He acknowledges " that in the first ages of Christianity the use of sacred 
 images was not frequent" (he ought to have said, " was not known ;") he adds, 
 " that the motive or reason for their introduction was that they were regarded 
 as a means of edification, and of spreading Christianity ; that their adoption was 
 reasonable when the superstitious regard for idols, formerly concealed in the 
 heart, was no longer to be feared." Not a word of the prohibition contained in 
 the word of God against it. 
 
CHARACTER OF CLAUDE'S LABOURS. 33 
 
 self; so well guarded did he feel himself to be from danger by 
 the mere strength of his position. The contempt with which he 
 speaks of the pretensions of Rome, and of the pope himself,* 
 whom he compares to the scribes and Pharisees sitting in Moses' 
 seat, is an index not only of his courage, but of his power. 
 
 Lastly ; what completes the demonstration that the labours of 
 Claude were not those of an isolated innovator, without prede- 
 cessors in the diocese itself, or beyond it, is his complete success. 
 The images were taken from all the basilics, to the great an- 
 noyance, it is true, of those who exhibited them ; but without any 
 serious opposition being raised from any quarter. It would even 
 appear, that as he speaks only of their expulsion from the basi- 
 lics, the worship of images had not reached the country places, 
 but only Turin, and perhaps the larger cities in the diocese. It 
 is obvious, that a work accomplished with scarcely any opposition, 
 in a wide tract of country, supposes the mass of the clergy and 
 the Church to be in its favour ; and if we recollect that Claude 
 filled the bishopric for at least fifteen years, we must be convinced 
 that his zeal and fidelity, seconded by an intelligent and devoted 
 clergy, by the love of the believers and the conscience of the 
 people, must have given an impulse to the cause of sound doc- 
 trine and the Christian life, which could not be checked all at 
 once. 
 
 It may not be uninteresting to add to the foregoing the testi- 
 mony of a modern Piedmontese author : — " Be that as it may," 
 he tells us, " this bishop of Turin, a man of eloquence and austere 
 manners, had a great number of partisans. These persons, ana- 
 thematized by the pope, and persecuted by the lay princes, 
 were chased from the open country, and forced to take refuge 
 in the mountains, where they have kept their ground from that 
 time, always checked, but always endeavouring to extend them- 
 selves. — Memoires Historiques, par le Marquis Costa de Beaure- 
 gard,, t. ii, p. 50. 
 
 * It may be inferred that the title of Pope was not then prevalent, or Claude 
 would not have failed to make some allusion to it. 
 
 2* 
 
34 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Vestiges of the faithful church in the tenth and ele- 
 venth CENTURIES. 
 
 The episcopate of Claude of Turin seems, at the first glance, to 
 be the last striking instance of the opposition of the sound part 
 of the Christian Church to the encroachments of the errors that 
 were propagated in the West. In fact, from Claude of Turin to 
 the writings of the Vaudois, that is to say, from the first half of 
 'the ninth century to the commencement of the twelfth, the history 
 of the faithful Church offers but few prominent and well-ascer- 
 tained facts ; yet it is not entirely destitute of them. Intelligent 
 study and conscientious investigation bring to light scattered facts 
 which at first seem like traces half effaced, but in which we soon 
 recognize the vestiges of a Church oppressed but always militant. 
 These facts, impressed on the course of the world, at unequal in- 
 tervals, and often in different places, converge towards a centre, 
 and lead us back to countries in which we shall shortly find an 
 evangelical Church, exhibiting a mature Christian life, according 
 to the doctrine of the apostles. 
 
 It is here necessary to take a survey of this epoch. 
 
 The end of the ninth, the whole of the tenth and eleventh 
 centuries, were times of incessant trouble ; an epoch when a new 
 social system was gradually rising on the ruins of the old, which 
 had been overturned by a succession of calamities. The inva- 
 sions of the Goths, Franks, Lombards, and all the ferocious hordes 
 of the north, designated by the general name of barbarians, had 
 been checked. The victorious sword of Charlemagne had driven 
 them back to the frontiers. But the efforts of this great prince 
 to reconstitute society on a solid basis, had only a momentary 
 success. On his decease, interminable Avars began afresh, under 
 his sons and their successors, between the old and new population 
 of his vast empire. The maritime invasions of the Normans and 
 the Saracens aggravated the general confusion. The elements 
 of ancient civilization, though feeble and exhausted, still com- 
 bated against the vigorous elements of the turbulent and savage 
 life of the barbarians. 
 
 From this chaos a new social system arose, or rather society 
 
THE CLERGY. 35 
 
 reconstructed itself in a new form, the feudal system. On all 
 sides, society, after being shattered in pieces, was forming 
 itself anew in a multitude of small, obscure, isolated, rival socie- 
 ties, obeying their chiefs, the lords of the soil, who were linked 
 to one another by the complicated relations of suzerain and 
 
 In the conflict of aims which marked these times, the clergy 
 were not forgetful of their temporal interests. The bishops and 
 abbots also sought to emancipate themselves from the civil power. 
 They desired to combine with their spiritual authority the civil 
 jurisdiction over the cities and rural districts of their dioceses 
 and parishes. In a word, they claimed the power, the rank, and 
 the honours of lords, counts, and princes of the empire ; and they 
 gained their object. 
 
 But it will be easily comprehended that such ambitious projects 
 impelled the clergy to a life of worldly agitation, military enter- 
 prises, intrigues, and passions, which diverted their attention from 
 the duties of piety, and of meditation on the truths of religion. 
 The superior clergy aspired only to power, riches, and pleasure. 
 All their thoughts were bent on their proud pretensions, on luxury 
 and worldliness. The inferior clergy, in their turn, became lax, 
 and did not always preserve even a decent exterior. They were 
 sunk, moreover, in the grossest ignorance. The monks, especially, 
 became the instruments of knavery, and the encouragers of de- 
 bauchery. The light of the gospel was hid under a bushel. Re- 
 ligion, already deteriorated by the controversy respecting images 
 and the worsliip of saints, became continually more obscure, and 
 was at last reduced to gross superstition. In the tenth century 
 these evils were at their height, so that it has justly been styled 
 the iron age. 
 
 During the whole of this period Rome was a prey to anarchy ; 
 division paralyzed its force and activity. History shows us that 
 the parties which existed in that city contended for the papal 
 throne. The popes who were chosen spent their lives in defend- 
 ing their nomination, in combating their antagonists, and in 
 strengthening their own party. But, taking advantage of some 
 favourable juncture, the vanquished party regained the ascen- 
 dency, chose a new pope, and deposed the old one, who often 
 was imprisoned and put to death. The majority of the popes 
 in these times were undeserving of any respect: some were ab- 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 solute monsters. Scandalous proceedings of the same kind dis- 
 turbed most of the dioceses. 
 
 The eleventh century resembled the preceding in its general 
 features. The same spirit of insubordination and corruption, 
 of ambition, voluptuousness, and luxury in the superior clergy, 
 prevailed j* the same relaxation of manners, the same grossness 
 in the inferior clergy and the convents ; among all classes an ig- 
 norance almost beyond belief. 
 
 Nevertheless, some laudable efforts were made. Schools be- 
 gan to flourish about the year 1050 in Italy. Literature reap- 
 peared in France, after the example of Spain. The tendency 
 of Rome, in this age, was to regain the ground it had lost in the 
 preceding, and to bring under the papal authority not only the 
 ecclesiastical power, the bishops and abbots, and even councils, 
 but the political power likewise, kings and emperors. It is not 
 our present business to trace the history of those encroachments 
 which began to be made, in the ninth century, upon the Carlo- 
 vingian race, and were carried to the greatest lengths in the ele- 
 venth century, by Hildebrand, against the unfortunate Henry 
 IV., emperor of Germany : it is sufficient to state, that during the 
 eleventh century, as was the case during the preceding and the 
 end of the ninth, the attention of the heads of the Romish Church 
 was diverted from the scattered remnants of the faithful Church, 
 preoccupied as they were with their own temporal interests, and 
 the dangers and advantages of their position, while the whole 
 social system was dissolving, and about to be settled on a new 
 
 It will not be thought strange, that during this unhappy season 
 of trouble and conflict, both political and ecclesiastical, when 
 scarcely an individual in the Latin Church engaged in the con- 
 scientious search after evangelical truth, the documents essential 
 for a history of the straggle of the faithful Church should be few 
 and of very little service ; the struggle itself having everywhere 
 ceased, and the truth, where it still existed, no longer being 
 noticed or attacked, on account of the general preoccupation of 
 men's minds with worldly interests. 
 
 Having made these preliminary remarks, we proceed to ex- 
 amine the small number of documents known to us, which serve 
 
 * It was about this time that councils had to fix the number of horses to be 
 used by prelates on their journeys. 
 
HATTO DI VERCBLLI. 37 
 
 as distant landmarks to point out the Vaudois of the valleys of 
 Piedmont, as successors and continuators of the primitive and 
 faithful Church. 
 
 The reader will bear in mind all that has been said in the pre- 
 ceding chapter. We have seen that in the diocese of Turin, in 
 A. D. 839, the year of the decease of its worthy bishop, the gos- 
 pel was preached and professed in its purity, and with fidelity. 
 
 The existence of a number (greater or less) of Christians, 
 separated from Rome, in the north of Italy, is clearly ascertained 
 by the epistles of Hatto, who, in the year 945, held the diocese 
 of Vercelli, situated between Turin and Milan. The letters of 
 this bishop have been preserved. In some of them, he speaks 
 of persons who had left the Church, and describes them as being 
 in the neighbourhood of his own diocese. The doctrinal and 
 other points which he specifies as separating them from the 
 Church of which he was a bishop, appear to be those which were 
 held by the Yaudois. 
 
 These coincidences of place and doctrine are of great interest : 
 they draw our attention to those districts where Claude of Turin 
 laboured as a faithful shepherd of Jesus Christ, and confirm the 
 fact that the little lamp of truth, once lighted in these parts, was 
 never extinguished. 
 
 The very words of Hatto sufficiently indicate, that the evil of 
 which he complains was considerable, for he was sensible of it 
 within his own diocese. Listen to one of his complaints : " Hatto 
 to all the faithful of our diocese. Alas ! there are many among 
 you who turn our sacred worship into ridicule ! Alas ! that these 
 miserable offenders have separated themselves from our holy 
 mother Church and the clergy, by whose means alone you can 
 attain salvation." — Dacherii Spicilegiunij t. viii, p. 110, as quoted 
 by Dr. Gilly. 
 
 This quotation proves, — 1. That these "miserable offenders," 
 as the bishop of Vercelli was pleased to call the remains of the 
 faithful Church, were separated from the holy mother Church, 
 and the clergy of that Church ; that consequently their existence 
 out of that Church was an absolute fact, of which we must take 
 note : 2. That the effects of this existence of a Christian Church, 
 separate from the pretended holy mother Church, had been felt 
 even within the diocese of Vercelli ; and that the worship of 
 saints, which had already been in much repute, as well as other 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 vanities and errors, had received a check from that quarter ; 
 which shows that the light which shone in the darkness was not 
 so very faint. 
 
 A passage from an author of the eleventh century may be con- 
 sidered as referring to the same subject. Pietro Damiano, wri- 
 ting in A. D. 1050, to Adelaide, countess of Savoy (of Susa pro- 
 perly) and duchess of the Subalpines, (Piedmontese,) complains 
 that the clergy in the domains of this princess did not observe 
 the ordinances of the Church. — Opera Damiani, p. 566 ; Gilly's 
 Researches, p. 88 ; Memoires Hist, par le Marquis Costa de Beau- 
 regard, I., p. iii. 
 
 The chronicle of the monastery of St. Thron, in Belgium, 
 written by the abbot Radulph, or Rodolph, between A. D. 1108 
 and 1136, contains a most important article. The chronicler, 
 speaking of a country which he was anxious to visit when he 
 should cross the Alps, on his way to Rome, describes it as follows : 
 " Moreover, he heard that the country to which he had intended 
 to travel was polluted with an inveterate heresy respecting the 
 body and blood of the Lord." — " Prceterea terrain, ad quam ul- 
 terius disposuerat peregrinari, audiebat pollutam esse inveteratd 
 hmresi de corpore et sanguine Domini." — Spicilegium Dacherii, 
 t. vii, p. 493 ; Gilly, p. 88. 
 
 This passage is important, as marking the locality of the heresy ; 
 it was a country, (terrain ;) and a country at the passage of the 
 Alps, on the way to Rome. No doubt the designation is vague 
 in one sense, but it is very precise in another,* in characterizing 
 it as being in the Alps, or at the foot of the Alps ; a description 
 which perfectly agrees with the Vaudois valleys. But more es- 
 pecially, this country is represented as " polluted with an invete- 
 rate heresy," (pollutam esse inveteratd hceresi.) This reproach 
 demonstrates that this heresy was of ancient date in that country, 
 from which it could not be expelled, for it was inveterate, (invete- 
 1-ata.) It proves that the heresy in this country was not confined 
 to a few isolated individuals, but existed among the people in 
 general, since the whole country was polluted (pollutam) with it. 
 The point on which the passage is less precise, is the doctrine 
 which it terms heretical. It seems to consider it as relating only 
 to the Lord's Supper ; but this would very properly mark the 
 
 * That is, to every one who knows that it is necessary to cross the Alps in 
 taking such a journey. 
 
BRUNO D'ASTI. 39 
 
 Church of the Vaudois, who, as we shall see in the sequel, rejected 
 the sacrifice of the Mass. 
 
 Another testimony worthy of attention is taken from the wri- 
 tings of a man born in the neighbourhood of the valleys, namely, 
 Bruno d'Asti, bishop of Segni, and abbot of Montcassin, about 
 the year 1120. What he says relates not only to a disgraceful 
 traffic in sacred things — to simony, but to the general corruption 
 of the Church in his time, and especially to the existence of the 
 active promoters of a more Christian life ; in other words, the 
 existence of a faithful Church. We translate the passage : " We 
 have said," Bruno remarks, " that from the time of St. Leo, about 
 A. D. 460, the Church was already so corrupted, that it was dif- 
 ficult to find an individual not guilty of simony, or who had not 
 been ordained by simoniacs ; also up to the present day we meet 
 with persons who, by erroneous reasoning, and not understanding 
 the organization of the Church, maintain that the priesthood has 
 failed in the Church since that time." — Maxima Biblioth., P. P., 
 t. xx, col. 1 734. 
 
 Bruno d'Asti has not named the Vaudois, but he has marked 
 them with sufficient exactness ; for while he confounds the pope 
 Leo with another more ancient Leo, he quotes a claim formally 
 set forth in the writings of the Vaudois, and repeated in those of 
 their opponents ; and he seems to allude to one of their best-es- 
 tablished traditions, namely, that according to which the Vaudois 
 trace back their belief to Leo, an associate and contemporary of 
 Sylvester, bishop of Rome in the time of the emperor Constan- 
 tine, as we shall see farther on. 
 
 These expressions of a man who was born in the neighbour- 
 hood of the Vaudois valleys, which he uses while attempting to 
 refute an opinion that still had currency among them, conforma- 
 bly to their tradition, will doubtless carry great weight with all 
 reflecting persons. 
 
 These various facts forcibly demonstrate the existence, in the 
 tenth and eleventh centuries, of a Church distinct from the Ro- 
 man, in the north of Italy. 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE RELIGIOUS MANIFESTATIONS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. 
 
 We must now adduce certain facts that occurred in the eleventh 
 century, which indicate an unquestionable religious activity in 
 the propagation of sound evangelical doctrines. If, in these re- 
 ligious manifestations, we find indications leading us to suppose 
 or perceive that many of them had their source and origin in the 
 Alps which separate Italy from France, we shall have a new 
 proof of the continued existence of an evangelical, faithful Church 
 in those countries. Certainly, all the facts adduced will not have 
 the same force, or be equally convincing ; but when united, and 
 taken in connexion with what has been already said, they will 
 add strength to the preceding proofs. 
 
 It must also be recollected that these facts have come down to 
 us only in the writings of the adversaries of these manifestations, 
 through the medium of men who have ill understood them — who 
 have often misrepresented them, and who have suppressed what 
 it was their interest to conceal, in order to extenuate the crimi- 
 nality of their own degenerate and persecuting Church. 
 
 The following are some of these facts : — 
 
 In the year 1017, according to some, or 1022, according to 
 others, a religious manifestation attracted attention. Persons dis- 
 tinguished by the regularity of their lives, their knowledge, and 
 their position in society, were accused of heresy at Orleans. 
 They were fourteen in number, including a nun. The clergy 
 were strongly represented, for six of these people were canons 
 of Sainte-Croix ; among whom the names of three are preserved, 
 Lisoius, Heribert, and Etienne. One of them had been con- 
 fessor to Queen Constance. It was stated that they had held their 
 peculiar views for some time, and that while remaining in out- 
 ward connexion with the Church, they celebrated a religious ser- 
 vice in private. It was agreed on all hands, that they had been 
 gained over to heresy by a female who came from Italy. Having 
 been tried by a synod assembled for the purpose, they were con- 
 demned to the flames, because they would not abjure or retract 
 their pretended errors. — Usserius, Gravissimce Qucestionis, pp. 
 279, 280. Histoire Generate du Languedoc, t. ii, pp. 155, 156. 
 
HERETICS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. 41 
 
 Ademar, a monk of Angouleme, and a contemporary of these 
 pretended heretics, expresses himself as follows : — " These emis- 
 saries of Antichrist were spread through different parts of the 
 west, and carefully concealed themselves, seducing as many as 
 they were able, both men and women." — Fleury, Histoire Ec- 
 clesiastique, t. xiii, p. 416, etc. 
 
 In support of these facts, Usher cites a passage from the His- 
 tory of Aquitaine, by P. Pitherus, in these words : " All at once 
 the Manicheans appeared in Aquitaine, (Gascony,) seducing peo- 
 ple of every class, and drawing them away from truth into error 
 . . . so that they have turned aside many simple persons from 
 the faith." After mentioning the heretics of Orleans and Tou- 
 louse, he repeats what we have quoted from Ademar. — Usserius, 
 etc., p. 279. 
 
 Nearly at the same epoch, A. D. 1025, other sectaries were 
 discovered at Arras, at the northern extremity of France, in 
 Flanders. According to Dupin, a Catholic theologian of the 
 seventeenth century, it was reported to Gerard, bishop of Cam- 
 bray and Arras, that " some persons had come from Italy, who 
 had introduced a new heresy. They said that they were dis- 
 ciples of Candulph or Gandulph, who had instructed them in 
 the commandments of the Gospel and the apostles ; adding, that 
 they received no other Scriptures, but observed these exactly." 
 A synod was called. The accused parties were not condemned 
 to the stake, because they abjured their new belief, and re- 
 turned to the bosom of the Church. — Dupin, Nouvelle Biblioth., 
 t. TBI, part ii, p. 127. 
 
 Turin, also, had its heretics; in 1030, according to the ac- 
 count of Pierre de Vaux-Cernay, cited by M. Charles Victor 
 Goguet, in the " Dissertation on the Albigenses," which he laid 
 before the faculty of theology at Strasburg, in 1840. 
 
 Radulph Glaber, a writer of the eleventh century, tells us 
 that in the year 1028 a sect found their way into the chateau 
 of Monteforte, in the diocese of Asti, in Piedmont, who revived 
 Pagan and Jewish rites, or rather those of the Manicheans, ac- 
 cording to Muratori. The bishop of Asti, and his brother, the 
 marquis of Susa, in conjunction with other prelates or lords of 
 the province, had made many attacks upon them without suc- 
 cess. But Landolfo the elder states that Eribert or Aribert, 
 archbishop of Milan, happening to be at Turin, caused one of 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 these heretics, named Gerard, to be apprehended ; and having 
 learned from him that he held Manichean doctrines, sent troops 
 against the chateau and took it. A few of the heretics abjured 
 their tenets ; the rest were burned alive in the Place du D6me. 
 — Bossi, Storia d' Italia, t. xiv, p. 187, &c. 
 
 Other heretics were discovered in the diocese of Chalons-sur- 
 Marne, about the year 1046, as we see by a letter of Rogerius 
 II., bishop of Chalons, to Wazo, bishop of Liege. He accuses 
 them of following the perverse doctrine of the Manicheans, and 
 of holding secret conventicles. He asserts that if rude and igno- 
 rant men joined this sect they very soon became able to speak 
 better than well-educated Catholics, so that their unpremedi- 
 tated talk seemed superior to the true eloquence of philosophers. 
 — Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, t. xi, p. 11, by Anselm. 
 
 In the Synod assembled at Rhehns, in 1049, under Pope Leo 
 IX., the new heretics who had made their appearance in Gaul 
 were excommunicated. 
 
 We might specify some other religious movements ; for ex- 
 ample, that which took place at Goslar, in Germany, in 1052, 
 in consequence of which the Emperor Henry IV., who was 
 visiting that city during the Christmas holidays, caused those 
 who were convicted of heresy to be apprehended, for the pur- 
 pose, he said, of striking terror, and preventing others from 
 falling into the same errors. But it is sufficient for our present 
 purpose to have cited the foregoing facts. — Centuriat. Magdeb., 
 Cent, xi, col. 246 ; Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, t. xi, 
 p. 20. 
 
 It would be desirable to know exactly the doctrines professed 
 by these men whom the Church of those times branded with the 
 name of heretics, and put to an ignominious death. They would 
 throw much light on the question which now occupies us, that 
 is, the spiritual relationship which possibly existed between the 
 religious manifestations we have been detailing, and the Chris- 
 tians in the north of Italy, in the mountains of the diocese of 
 Turin, who have been already mentioned, and will come again 
 under our notice. Contemporary authors, it is true, have 
 attempted to give an account of the tenets of these heretics ; 
 but judging of those times even by our own, and looking at the 
 manner in which the Romish Church speaks of the reformers 
 of the sixteenth century, and of their lives and doctrines, though 
 
ABSURD ACCUSATIONS REFUTED. 43 
 
 the Protestant churches were then existing, and consequently 
 at hand to correct distorted facts, what can be expected from 
 these same partisans of Romish errors, when they report to us 
 the tenets and lives of martyrs who have had no one to defend 
 their memory, and to protest against the unjust censures with 
 which they have been branded ? 
 
 Can we credit a statement of the doctrines attributed to the 
 parties by such writers ? No ! this would be to acquiesce in the 
 calumny and injustice that have been heaped on men who de- 
 served to be better spoken of. They were reproached with the 
 name of Manicheans ; but we do not believe that they deserved 
 it. The forcible expressions and energetic language with which 
 they described the opposition made to God, and to the work of 
 Christ, by the prince of darkness, this effort of the pretended 
 heretics to exhibit in strong colours the war waged by the wicked 
 one against the living and true God, against our Lord and Sa- 
 viour, may have been called Dualism and Manicheism by men 
 devoted to a material and idolatrous worship of God, angels, and 
 saints. So there arc men in our day who reject the doctrine of 
 the existence of Satan, and his opposition to the work of Jesus 
 Christ, because they think that they see in it a denial of the 
 power of God, — Dualism and Manicheism; and especially be- 
 cause they do not believe, or do not know the word of God 
 which reveals this melancholy truth. 
 
 We believe, then, that these so-called heretics were friends 
 of the Gospel, who, themselves illumined by the light that was 
 almost everywhere hid under a bushel, attempted to replace it 
 on a candlestick ; but whose efforts were rendered abortive by 
 that thick darkness in which Europe was enveloped. The fol- 
 lowing are some- fragments of their doctrine, as given by a con- 
 temporary author, quoted by Fleury. Those who are taught of 
 God will here recognize the lessons of the Gospel, in spite of the 
 unfavourable form under which they are presented to us: — 
 " They affirm that baptism does not wash away sin ; that the 
 body and blood of Jesus Christ are not made by the consecra- 
 tion of the priest ; that it is useless to pray to saints, whether 
 martyrs or confessors ; lastly, that works of piety are a useless 
 labour, from which no recompense can be expected, and no 
 punishment is to be feared for the most criminal pleasures." — 
 Fleury, Hist. Eccles., t. xiii, p. 416. 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 A fragment of a history of Aquitalne, published by Pistorius, 
 and quoted by Usher, attributes the following errors to heretics 
 in the time of King Robert and of Pope Benedict VIH. : — 
 " They deny baptism, the sign of the holy cross, the Church, 
 and the Redeemer of the world himself, the honour due to the 
 saints of God, lawful marriages, and the use of meats." The 
 heretics of Orleans, Toulouse, and other places, are also called 
 Manicheans in this document. — Usserius, &c, p. 279. 
 
 Natalis sums up the errors of the heretics of Arras in these 
 few words : — " The heretics deny the mystery of holy baptism, 
 the sacraments of the eucharist, penance, holy orders, and mar- 
 riage. They admit of no worship to confessors, no veneration 
 for the Saviour's cross, the images of saints, churches, and altars. 
 They deny purgatory, and say that Christian burial is of no ad- 
 vantage to the deceased." — R. P. Natalis Alexandria &c, t. vii, 
 p. 82. 
 
 We find it also stated in Dupin, " that they attach no value 
 to bells, nor to unction, nor to exorcism." — Dupin, Nouvelle Bib- 
 lioth., &c, t. viii, pp. 127, 128. 
 
 Radulph Ardens, according to Usher, speaks thus of the 
 Manicheans of Agennois : — " They falsely pretend to follow the 
 lives of the apostles, saying that they may not lie, nor swear at 
 all." — Usserius, &c, p. 281. 
 
 It now remains to deduce some inferences from the foregoing 
 facts. 
 
 We follow the traces of the Church that continued faithful to 
 evangelical doctrines. We seek for them in the dark ages ; and 
 we at once find religious manifestations, which, although misre- 
 presented by the reports of victorious adversaries, exhibit to our 
 view an opposition to the superstitious worship of a degenerate 
 Church, a return to evangelical doctrines, a life of self-denial, 
 charity, truth, and purity, to the example of the apostles, whom 
 they professed to take as their models. Although stigmatized 
 by prejudice, ignorance, and hatred, these religious movements 
 appear to us to be genuine. We believe that we discover among 
 them, under the rubbish with which they have been covered, 
 something more than materials for the fire, — hay, wood, and 
 stubble ; we catch a glimpse of gold, silver, and precious stones, 
 built upon the true foundation. 1 Cor. Hi, 12. 
 
SOUKUES 01' THIS KELlOilOLi MOVEMENT. 45 
 
 If now we endeavour to ascend to the sources of these reli- 
 gious manifestations, we perceive that if some are indigenous, if 
 they seem to have issued from the very soil over which their 
 subsequent course was directed, yet there are other springs 
 which must be traced up to the distant and solitary valleys, 
 where those gushing streams that afterwards watered the plains, 
 displayed their wild beauty under the ancient shade of the 
 lofty Alps, far away from the observation of the world. 
 
 No doubt, God has preserved, in all places, in his Church, 
 when invaded by error and idolatry, some faithful ones, who 
 have not wholly bowed the knee to Baal. Such in France, in 
 the eleventh century, was the illustrious Berenger, principal of 
 the school of Tours, of whom Teoduin, bishop of Liege, speaks, 
 in a letter addressed to King Henry : — " The report," he writes, 
 " is spread through Gaul and in all Germany, that Bruno, bishop 
 of Angers, and Berenger, of Tours, have revived the ancient 
 heresies, maintaining that the Lord's body is not so much his 
 body as the shadow and figure of his body, destroying lawful 
 marriages, and abolishing, as far as lies in their power, the bap- 
 tism of infants." — Fleury, Hist. Eccles., &c, t. xii, p. 575. 
 
 But there can be no doubt that the evangelical truth which 
 sought to manifest itself, was also conveyed to different places, 
 by persons who were not natives of the districts in which they 
 propagated it. 
 
 In fact, this heresy, almost the same wherever it appeared, is 
 often ascribed to the seductions of numerous emissaries of Anti- 
 christ, spread through different parts of the west, active and 
 insinuating men, who seduced the people imperceptibly, &c. 
 
 On these data, we think it must be admitted that this heresy, 
 in many places where it existed, was the work of special emis- 
 saries, or, to use the proper term, missionaries. But we see by 
 the writings of the Vaudois, which will be fully noticed in the 
 sequel, that the missionary work was held in honour among 
 them, and even engaged the special attention of their Synods, 
 since a fund was set apart for persons who were employed in 
 such expeditions. Tins fact, confirmed by various other testi- 
 monies of their adversaries, tends to support the position we are 
 maintaining. But more than this. Italy is pointed out, on two 
 03casions, as the native country of these abetters of heresy. We 
 have just seen it asserted, that the heretics of Orleans had been 
 
4b' HISTORY OF THK VAUDOIS. 
 
 won over to heresy by a woman from Italy ; and that the move- 
 ment in Arras was owing to the teachings of some persons de- 
 voted to the study of the Scriptures, who also came from Italy.* 
 It was then not impossible, and, in our opinion, it is probable, 
 that the religious movement which took place in the eleventh 
 century, and was unjustly taxed with Manicheism, was in a great 
 measure a radiation of the light preserved in the diocese of Claude 
 of Turin, on the Italian side of the Alps. We believe, therefore, 
 that the religious manifestations we have been mentioning, go to 
 prove the preservation of a faithful Church in the bosom of the 
 Italian Alps. But we shall shortly lay before our readers addi- 
 tional and more conclusive evidence. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RELIGIOUS MANIFESTATIONS OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 
 
 The little success of the attempts made in the eleventh century 
 to establish in the western Church the pure doctrines, and to re- 
 vive the spirit of the gospel, might lead us to apprehend that the 
 cause of truth was entirely and everywhere suppressed, and that 
 from the thinned ranks of the remnant of the faithful Church 
 there would arise no more courageous adversaries of error and 
 superstition. But Christian faith hopes when, humanly speaking, 
 there is no hope. She hopes, because she trusts in her Divine 
 Leader. She expects victory, not from an arm of flesh, but from 
 the power of Him who says to her, " Cry aloud, spare not. — Lo, 
 I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world." Impel- 
 led by faith, and fortified by hope, the redeemed servant of 
 Christ does not ask, " Are there many of us ?" Sufficient for him 
 is the promise of his Lord and Saviour ; and alone, if so it must 
 be, he consecrates his life to the work of the ministry, and the 
 salvation of souls. 
 
 This faith was not wanting to the feeble remains of the faith- 
 ful Church. If the lamp of truth, which was still burning in by- 
 places, was small, its flame was yet bright and well fed. In the 
 
 * Ecrits des Vaudois, livre de la Discipline, (Writings of the Vaudois, book 
 of Discipline,) chap, iv, second paragraph.— Leger, <fcc, part i, p. 192.— Perrin, 
 Hist, of the Vaudois, chap. iv. 
 
PIERRE DE BRUIS AND HENRY. 47 
 
 year 1100 the Church of the Vaudois valleys set forth its belief 
 and discipline, and reflected its life, in writings with which we 
 shall make our readers acquainted, with a clearness and preci- 
 sion that by no means indicate a recent origin. We need not, 
 then, be astonished to see, at this same period, evangelical mis- 
 sionaries coming from these countries, or their vicinity, to carry 
 on the work of their predecessors. 
 
 Two men especially attract our attention, Pierre de Bruis 
 and Henry, his fellow-labourer. The first was a priest;* the 
 second was often designated " the false hermit." They began to 
 disseminate their doctrines in La Septimanie, which, according 
 to Dupin, included Dauphine and Provence. From Provence 
 they passed into Languedoc and Gascogne, whence their so-call- 
 ed heresy penetrated into Spain and England, etc. — Centur. Mag- 
 deb., Cent, xii, col. 832. 
 
 Pierre de Bruis was a native of Dauphine, and Henry an Ita- 
 lian. In the preceding chapter we have seen that several reli- 
 gious manifestations had emanated from Italy. We have observed, 
 in Chapter IV., that the provinces at the foot of the Alps, the 
 districts of Vercelli, Piedmont, and Astesan, were infected with 
 Manichean heresy, — that is, in our view, with evangelical doc- 
 trines. Henry, the false hermit, the companion of Pierre de 
 Bruis, is surnamed the Italian, which we confess does not prove 
 that he belonged formerly to those districts that were accused of 
 heresy ; nevertheless, this supposition does not appear extrava- 
 gant, especially if we reflect that the connexion between Henry 
 and Pierre de Bruis, and the conformity of their doctrine, will 
 be explained by the familiar intercourse that Dauphine always 
 maintained with Piedmont, and the Vaudois valleys in particular. 
 In the twelfth century, these relations became more intimate than 
 ever, since Dauphine possessed some valleys on the eastern side 
 of the Alps, (valleys which make a part of Piedmont at the pre- 
 sent time,) as may be seen in the letters-patent of the year 1155, 
 by which the emperor Frederic granted to the dauphin the right 
 of coining money at Cesane, in the valley of Susa. (Histoire du 
 Dauphine, Geneve, cliez Fabry, 1772, t, i, passim, and p. 93, etc. 
 We also find that the valley of Pragela, or Clusone, belonged to 
 
 * It would be interesting to know the exact nature of his priesthood ; whether 
 lie had received orders from a known superior, or whether he was one of those 
 who were persecuted, and sometimes called acephalous, (acephahs,) headless. 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Dauphine. Thus the Vaudois valleys were wedged in by Dau- 
 phine, by which they were bounded on three sides. On the basis 
 of these geographical and political facts, nothing is easier than to 
 explain the origin of the doctrine preached by Pierre de Bruis 
 of Dauphine, and by Henry the Italian, as well as their intimate 
 connexion. More than this : if we trace with attention the la- 
 bours of these two illustrious missionaries, scrutinize their lives, 
 and examine their doctrines, we shall be satisfied of their affilia- 
 tion to the religious movement of the subalpine countries, which 
 has already been discussed, but of which a fuller account will be 
 given in the chapters relating to the doctrine and life of the an- 
 cient Vaudois. 
 
 Few particulars have come down to us respecting the conflicts 
 and sufferings of one of these distinguished servants of the Lord 
 Jesus Christ, namely, Pierre de Bruis. It is only known that, 
 after preaching and labouring to establish and extend the Sa- 
 viour's kingdom, for twenty years, he received the crown of mar- 
 tyrdom, by being burned to death at St. Gilles, in Languedoc, 
 A. D. 112G.—Centur. Magdeb., Cent, xii, col. 832. 
 
 More details are known respecting the adventurous life of 
 Henry. After having laboured for some time in concert with 
 Bruis, he parted from him, for what reason we are not informed. 
 We may suppose that, their work being well advanced, it was 
 thought advisable that they should proclaim separately the good 
 news of salvation and regeneration, for the conversion of a greater 
 number. Henry at first directed his steps toward Lausanne. 
 He came at a later period to Mans, with two other Italians. 
 They travelled barefooted, in all weathers, each carrying a staff, 
 surmounted with a cross. The exact time of Henry's arrival at 
 Mans is uncertain: Dupin gives the year 1110. Authors are 
 better agreed as to the effects of his preaching in this city. Henry 
 obtained from Heribert, who was bishop of Mans, and just on the 
 point of leaving the place, permission to preach in the churches 
 during his absence. His preaching made a powerful impression 
 on his hearers. The people were fascinated. But the clergy, 
 who at first approved and welcomed their foreign brother, were 
 not slow to change their opinion, when they felt their personal 
 credit diminished. The captivating orator was prohibited from 
 preaching any more. The people in vain expressed their disap- 
 probation of this step, and threatened that they would have no 
 
PIERRE DE BRUIS AND HENRY. 49 
 
 other pastor. Henry, though loved and supported by the mul- 
 titude, was obliged to give way and depart. From Mans he pro- 
 ceeded to Poitiers ; then, as some say, to Perigueux ; afterwards 
 to Bordeaux, Toulouse, and the parts where he had already la- 
 boured with Bruis. — Dupin, Nouvelle Biblioth., t. ix, p. 101. 
 Becueil des Historiens des Gaules, t. xiv, p. 430. Admonitio prce- 
 via — Gieseler, p. 442. 
 
 In the year 1134, having been arrested by order of the arch- 
 bishop of Aries, he was conducted by that prelate to the council 
 of Pavia, which was held that same year. Henry was condemn- 
 ed as a heretic by that assembly, and imprisoned. By some 
 means, however, he regained his liberty, and appeared again in 
 the south of France. There he was opposed by Bernard, abbot 
 of Clairvaux, an eloquent and energetic man, who had gained a 
 high reputation by the superior management of his convent, by 
 his zeal, by different miracles of which he had the credit, and 
 by his victory over Abelard, whose condemnation he obtained 
 at the council of Sens, in 1 140. By the efforts of this abbot and 
 the legate Alberic, who were sent to Toulouse, in 1147, to re- 
 press heresy, Henry was delivered into the hands of the bishop 
 of that city, and conducted, the following year, to the council of 
 Rheims. Being condemned a second time, he was again thrown 
 into prison, where he soon died, after more than forty years of 
 toil and labour for the cause of the pure gospel. Many of these 
 facts are contained in the letter of Bernard to Bdephonse or Al- 
 phonse, count of Toulouse and St. Gilles, written at the time of 
 his mission. If the injustice of the abbot of Clairvaux toward 
 his enemies were not well known, we should be astonished to 
 find him attributing Henry's abrupt depailure from many cities, 
 in which he had sojourned, to prosecutions for acts of immorality • 
 but we well know that it was for his preaching and so-called he- 
 resy that this confessor of the faith was persecuted and forced to 
 make his escape.* 
 
 The success of Pierre de Bruis and Henry was astonishing. 
 The work in which they laboured, seconded by brethren whose 
 names have not come down to us, was rapidly consolidated, and 
 
 *D. Bernardi Epistola, 241— Acta Episcop. Cenomanensium, cap. xxxiii.— 
 Mabillionis Analecta, t. iii, p. 312. — Petrus Cluniacensis, in Maxima Biblioth., 
 P. P., t. xxii, cols. 861, 1034.— Histoire du Languedoc, etc., t. ii, p. 1020.— Ite- 
 cucil des Historicns des Gaules, t. xii, p. 547, etc 
 
 3 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 spread into many districts, in spite of the efforts of part of the 
 clergy and the popes to destroy it ; until at last, in the thirteenth 
 century, the Roman pontiffs raised against it those brutal and 
 bloody persecutions, known under the name of the crusades 
 against the Albigenses. 
 
 The regions traversed by Pierre de Bruis and Henry soon 
 swarmed with heretics, even in those parts where they had been 
 partially checked. For example, at Perigueux, a city which 
 Henry passed through in his way from Poitiers to Bordeaux, 
 there were found, in 1140, and throughout the country, Heri- 
 bert informs us, a great number of heretics, who professed to 
 lead an apostolic life. Another contemporary author, the abbot 
 Morgan, the annalist, relates that, about the year 1163, heretics 
 of the same sort, who aspired also to lead an apostolic life, had 
 made great progress in Perigord.* 
 
 At Toulouse, and other places where the new doctrine had 
 been sown, the efforts of Bernard, who opposed it, had at first 
 some success, particularly at the moment when the infant Church 
 was deprived of its leader, Henry, who died in prison. The 
 Catholic churches, heretofore deserted, were again filled ; the here- 
 tics concealed themselves ; the preaching of the abbot of Clair- 
 vaux and his pretended miracles seemed to have subdued the 
 common people. This state of things, however, did not last 
 long. The historians of Languedoc admit this. " St. Bernard 
 had the happiness," they say, " to lead back to the faith those 
 who had wandered ; but in spite of all his care the heresy of the 
 Henricians secretly kept its hold, and, some years later, it re- 
 vived with so much vigour as at last to cause extreme desola- 
 tion." — Histoire du Languedoc, &c, t. ii, p. 447. 
 
 The importance of this fact is confirmed by the acts of the 
 Council assembled at Tours, in 1163. The fourth canon, in 
 which it is enjoined on the bishops of Toulouse and the neigh- 
 bouring places, to have a watchful eye over heretics, mentions 
 them in the preamble in the following terms : — " For a long 
 time, in the neighbourhood of Toulouse, there has arisen a 
 damnable heresy, which, gradually spreading like a cancer, 
 has already infected Gascogne and many other provinces." — 
 Ad Labbeum. . . Concil., t. x, col. 1419. 
 
 * Mabillionis Analecta, t. iii, p. 467.— Histoire du Languedoc, &c, in the 
 preamble of Book xix. 
 
COUNCIL AT LOMBERS. 51 
 
 In A. D. 1165 or 1176, (authors differ as to the date,)* a 
 council, held at Lombers, summoned before it certain heretics, 
 who had been discovered in the province of Toulouse, and were 
 known by the title of " good men," (boni homines.} After being 
 examined in the presence of Peter, archbishop of Narbonne, 
 Girard, Albi, Gaucelin, Lodeve, and other bishops, they were 
 pronounced heretics, and handed over to the secular power. 
 The chief among them was called Olivier. They were nume- 
 rous. The nobility partook of their opinions. 
 
 " But the condemnation of these heretics," we are told by the 
 Benedictine historians of Languedoc, " did not stop their pro- 
 gress, either in the province or in foreign lands ; they spread 
 especially in Burgundy and Flanders, under the name of Popli- 
 cans." " In fact," they say in another passage, " the error made 
 such astonishing progress, that it gained over the greater part 
 of the ecclesiastics and the nobility of high, and part of low, 
 Languedoc. Raymond, count of Toulouse, a prince zealous for 
 the faith, resolved to remedy the evil. Recollecting the services 
 of St. Bernard, which had been rendered thirty years before to 
 Count Alphonse, his father, he applied to the chapter-general 
 of Citeaux, assembled in September, 1177, and besought that 
 body to come to his succour. ' This heresy,' added he, i has 
 prevailed to such a degree, that it has caused division between 
 husband and wife, father and son, mother-in-law and daughter- 
 in-law. Persons of the priestly order have suffered themselves 
 to be corrupted ; the churches are forsaken and fallen into ruin ; 
 they refuse to administer baptism ; the eucharist is treated as an 
 abomination. ... As for myself — I who am armed with two 
 swords, and consider it my glory to be thereby appointed the 
 avenger and the minister of God's wrath — I seek in vain for the 
 means to put an end to such great evils. ... I therefore hum- 
 bly implore your succour, counsel, and prayers, to extirpate 
 this heresy.' " — Histoire du Languedoc, &c, t ii, pp. 4-46. 
 
 At a later period, the same Count Raymond adopted the very 
 principles which he had at first disowned, and sacrificed for them 
 his property and estates in the terrible crusade that was made 
 against his people and himself. 
 
 We shall not undertake to recount the subsequent history of 
 
 * According to Usher it was in 1176 ; according to the Recueil des Historiens 
 des Gaules, in 1165. 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the so-called heretics of Languedoc and the neighbouring pro- 
 vinces. For our present purpose it is sufficient to have shown 
 the connexion of the religious movements in the south of France, 
 during the twelfth century, with the similar manifestations of 
 the preceding century, and with the religious state of some 
 countries in the north of Italy, particularly Piedmont. 
 
 But before dismissing this subject, we have to give an ac- 
 count of the doctrines, which, according to the reports of their 
 adversaries, were preached and propagated by Pierre de Bruis, 
 Henry, and their fellow-labourers, in the countries above men- 
 tioned. 
 
 Peter the Venerable, abbot of Clugny, attributes to Pierre de 
 Bruis the five following points of doctrine, which he states in 
 his ninth letter, entitled, " Against the Petrobrusians," and ad- 
 dressed to the archbishops of Aries and Embrun, as well as to 
 the bishops of Gap and Die. 
 
 (1.) He (Pierre de Bruis) denies that children, before they 
 arrive at years of intelligence, can be saved by baptism, or that 
 the faith of another person can be useful to them, since, accord- 
 ing to those of his opinion, it is not the faith of another which 
 saves, but the faith of the individual with baptism, according to 
 our Lord's words : " He that believeth and is baptized shall be 
 saved ; but he that believeth not shall be damned.'' 
 
 (2.) The second point consists in this — that we ought not to 
 build either temple or church, but we ought to overturn the 
 existing edifices of this kind ; that consecrated places are not 
 necessary for Christian devotion, because God, who is invoked, 
 understands and hearkens to those who are worthy of being 
 heard, whether in a tavern or a church, a market-place or a 
 temple, before an altar or in a stable. 
 
 (3.) The third article enjoins the cutting in pieces of the 
 sacred crosses and burning them, because they have the form 
 of the instrument which was made use of to torture Jesus Christ, 
 and so cruelly to deprive him of life ; the cross is not worthy of 
 adoration or veneration, or any kind of supplication ; on the 
 contrary, by way of retribution for the sufferings and death of 
 Christ, it merits all dishonour, such as being cut in pieces and 
 burned. 
 
 (4.) Bruis not only denies that the true body and blood of 
 the Lord arc offered daily and continually in the Church by the 
 
HERETICS OP THE SOUTH OF FRANCE. 53 
 
 sacrament, but declares that this sacrament is nothing, and ought 
 not to be offered to God. 
 
 (5.) He (Bruis) ridicules sacrifices, prayers, alms, and other 
 good works performed by living believers on behalf of such as 
 are deceased ; and affirms that these things cannot be of the 
 slightest use to the dead. 
 
 " I have answered these five points," says Peter, " according 
 as God has granted me grace, in the letter which I have ad- 
 dressed to your holinesses."* 
 
 The abbot goes on to say : — " But after the zeal of the faith- 
 ful, in burning Pierre de Bruis, near St. Gilles, had taken ven- 
 geance for the fire which he had lighted, and which had con- 
 sumed the cross of the Lord ; after this impious man had passed 
 from the fire of the pile of fagots to eternal fire, the heir of his 
 heresy, Henry, with I know not what other persons, so far from 
 correcting his diabolical doctrine, endeavoured to confirm it; 
 and, as I have seen in a volume, which they say proceeded from 
 his lips, he has published not only these five points of doctrine, 
 but a great many more."f 
 
 The Magdeburgh Centuriators, who have extracted and col- 
 lected the different points of doctrine professed by the heretics 
 of the south of France, in the twelfth century, mention some other 
 articles of faith besides ; for example, on the Lord's supper, " That 
 the body and blood of Christ were not offered in the theatrical 
 Mass, and that it was not an oblation made for the salvation of 
 souls ; that the altars ought to be destroyed ; that the doctrine 
 of the change in the sacramental elements is false ; that the sa- 
 cred supper ought not now to be given to men, because it was 
 once given by Christ to his apostles." Evidently, this last opin- 
 ion is incorrectly reported, since, as we shall see by the testimony 
 of Bernard, the so-called heretics of the south of France partook 
 of the supper. It certainly related to the expiatory sacrifice 
 of Jesus Christ, which was offered only once, and which need 
 not and cannot be repeated. 
 
 On Marriage : " That the priests and monks ought to marry, 
 
 * Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxii, col. 1033.— [Also Gieseler's Lehrbuch der 
 Kirchengeschichte, vol. ii, part 2, p. 524. Third edition. Bonn., 1832.] 
 
 t [Gieseler, p. 527.] Maxima Biblioth., ibid., col. 1034. The reader is re- 
 quested to take particular notice of these expressions, as they prove the close 
 connexion that subsisted between Pierre de Bruis and Henry, and the identity 
 of their doctrine. 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 rather than be the prey of lust, or give themselves up to impu- 
 rity/' 
 
 On Chants and Instruments of Music : " That God is mocked 
 by the chants which the priests and monks repeat in the temples ; 
 that God cannot be appeased by monkish melodies." 
 
 On Meats : " That it is allowable to eat meat on Sundays and 
 other days." 
 
 On the Holy Scriptures : " A rumour is prevalent," said the 
 abbot of Clugny, " that they do not receive the whole canon ; 
 that is to say, all the writings of the Old and New Testaments ;" 
 he also said, " that they received only the Gospels." 
 
 But here we beg to observe, that so grave an accusation as 
 that urged by Peter against the heretics, of not receiving the 
 whole canon of Scripture, rests on a very weak foundation, no- 
 thing more than " a prevalent rumour." Such a charge requires 
 much stronger evidence than mere rumour to establish it. 
 
 He also says, " They believe in one canon ; they do not grant 
 the same authority to the Fathers as to the Holy Scriptures." — 
 Centur. Magdeb. xii, col. 832, etc. 
 
 The same centuriators have also extracted from the writings 
 of Bernard the errors which he noticed in the Apostolic heretics. 
 We translate the passage : 
 
 " The Apostolicals or Henricians ; their doctrines, according 
 to St. Bernard, as far as they can be ascertained, are : 
 
 (i.) " That infants ought not to be baptized. 
 
 (ii.) " That they (the apostolicals) have the power of conse- 
 crating daily the body and blood of Christ at their table, to nou- 
 rish themselves, since they are themselves the body of Christ and 
 his members.* 
 
 (iii.) " That virgins alone are allowed to marry, because God 
 created man and woman virgins. 
 
 (iv.) " That continence must be sought by marriage. 
 
 (v.) " That the fire of purgatory does not exist The reason 
 is, that the soul when separated from the body passes into a state 
 of repose or damnation 
 
 (vi.) " That we must not pray for the dead. 
 
 * We read in the thirteenth sermon of Ekbert, abbot of St. Florin, the follow- 
 ing words relative to the heretics of Cologne, of the same period : " They say- 
 that they alone make the body of the Lord at their tables. But they use the 
 words with a double meaning ; for they do not intend the true body of Christ, 
 but they call their own flesh the body of Christ." 
 
HERETICS ALONG THE RHINE. 55 
 
 (vii.) " That wo ought not to ask for the intercession of depart- 
 ed saints. 
 
 (viii.) " That a man who lives in sin ought not to be a bishop. 
 
 (ix.) " That it is not lawful to eat milk, nor what is made from 
 it, nor anything that comes by procreation. 
 
 (x.) " They do not acknowledge the Church, nor the pontifi- 
 cate ; but assert that they, themselves, are the Church. 
 
 (xi.) " That swearing or oath-taking is forbidden." 
 
 Bernard cites besides, several other points of doctrine and opin- 
 ions of the Apostolicals. Among other things he says, " That 
 they depreciate the orders of the Church ; they do not receive its 
 institutions; they despise its sacraments, and do not obey its 
 commandments." He remarks that these doctrines have been 
 collected by his own research, partly from altercations or disputes, 
 and partly from the lips of those who had returned to the papal 
 Church. On the other hand, we may remark that there is reason 
 to apprehend that prejudice and animosity have more than once 
 led to incorrect and unfavourable reports of the doctrines of 
 those who were looked upon as heretics. The reader will have 
 already had reason to make this observation for himself; for evi- 
 dently many of the heretical opinions as given by Peter of Clugny 
 and Bernard are incomplete, and presented in a false light ; and 
 we need only compare analogous opinions together, to be con- 
 vinced that such is the case. 
 
 A contemporary author, whom we have already mentioned, 
 H6ribert, a monk of Angouleme, says of the heretics of Perigord 
 and Perigueux in particular : " In the country of Perigueux, a 
 multitude of heretics have appeared, who pretend to lead an 
 apostolic life. They neither eat meat nor drink wine oftener 
 than once in three days, and then very moderately. They bend 
 their knees a hundred times a day. They do not take money. 
 Their sect is very perverse and secret. They set no value on 
 the Mass, and say that the wafer is not to be taken, but a bit of 
 bread. They adore neither the cross, nor the image of Jesus 
 Christ ; but rather hinder those who would. A great many peo- 
 ple have been already seduced ; not only nobles who abandon 
 their wealth, but also scholars, priests, monks, and friars." — Ma- 
 bUlionis Analecta, t. iii, pp. 467-483. 
 
 The annalist de Morgan, in Thomas Gale, under the date of 
 the year 1163, expresses himself nearly in the same manner. 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 He adds a remarkable instance of the power of persuasion, and 
 of the Christian life which they possessed ; it is the only one we 
 shall report : " If ignorant persons," he says, " come to them, at 
 the end of eight days they become so accomplished, that they 
 cannot be surpassed either in information or exemplary conduct." 
 — Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, t. xiii, p. 108. 
 
 The religious and evangelical movement did not remain con- 
 fined within the limits of the south of France. Manifestations 
 very similar, although presenting, as they are reported, some 
 points of difference, appeared along the Rhine, in Flanders, Bur- 
 gundy, Lower Britanny, and elsewhere. Evervin, writing to 
 Bernard about the heretics discovered at Cologne, of whom a 
 great number were burned, and the rest returned to the Church, 
 expresses himself as follows : " You know, my lord, that, on re- 
 turning to the Church, they have told us that they are a very 
 great multitude, spread almost everywhere, and that they have 
 in their ranks some of our ecclesiastics and monks. And those 
 who have been burned, have urged in their defence, that this 
 heresy has been propagated secretly from the times of the mar- 
 tyrs to the present day, and has existed in Greece and some other 
 countries." 
 
 This spiritual soldiery, armed against error for the triumph of 
 truth, gradually recruited its ranks through a long course of 
 time, with prudence and a somewhat timid sagacity, and at last, 
 as we have already seen, ventured on a more open warfare, in 
 proportion as it saw its forces increase. Rome itself, the resi- 
 dence of the Pope, the fortress of superstition, saw its enemy pass 
 through its gates, and preach within its walls. In 1 1 28, a foreign 
 preacher excited as much surprise, as admiration or hatred, by 
 his discourses. His name was Arnulph : his origin was never 
 known. But thus much may be affirmed, that a Yaudois mission- 
 ary would not have preached otherwise than he did. Let us 
 hear the report made of him by Trithemius : " At this time, un- 
 der Pope Honorius II., a certain priest, named Arnulph, came 
 to Rome, a man of great devotion, and a distinguished preacher. 
 While he proclaimed the word of God, he rebuked the dissolute- 
 ness, the libertinism, the avarice, and the extreme haughtiness 
 of the clergy. He exhibited, for universal imitation, the poverty 
 and life of spotless integrity of Jesus Christ and his apostles. In 
 truth, his preaching was approved by the Roman nobility, as 
 
ABELARD AND ARNOLD OP BRESCIA. 57 
 
 that of a true disciple of Jesus Christ. But, on the other hand, 
 it exposed him to the intense hatred of the cardinals and the 
 clergy, who seized him by night, and put him to death secretly."* 
 In the ranks of the antagonists of Rome, of superstition, and 
 of immorality, might be also seen men whose principles were, 
 perhaps, not always founded on a simple faith in the pure gospel 
 of Christ Such was Abelard, in France ; such was Arnold of 
 Brescia, in Italy. The latter dared, like Arnulph, to attack Borne 
 in Rome itself. One word on his life and labours. Being a na- 
 tive of Brescia, (Brixia,) in Lombardy, he might have obtained 
 a knowledge of the Vaudois doctrines, though history does not 
 expressly affirm it. We are simply told that he was brought up 
 in France, near the famous Abelard. His career was full of 
 adventure, and his labours seem to have been as much political 
 as religious. On returning to his native country, having taken 
 the habit of a monk, he began to preach. Having been excom- 
 municated by the Lateran Council, under Innocent H., in the 
 year 1 1 39, he was obliged to take to flight He retired to Zurich, 
 in Switzerland, and there propagated his principles. Being de- 
 nounced by Bernard to the bishop of Constance, he was disturbed 
 in his retreat, and passed again into Italy. He was at Rome in 
 1145, in the time of Eugenius III. Bernard of Clairvaux once 
 more wrote against him to cardinal Guido, warning him that " his 
 conversation was honey, and his doctrine poison." " He has," he 
 added, " the head. of a dove, and the tail of a serpent." In his 
 letter to the bishop of Constance, Bernard had involuntarily 
 borne a favourable testimony to his enemy, when he said, " I 
 wish that the doctrine of Arnold of Brescia was as sound as bis 
 life is austere ; and, if you would know him, let me tell you that 
 he is neither gluttonous nor a wine-bibber ; only, like the devil, 
 he hungers and thirsts for the blood of souls." This refers to 
 Arnold's zeal for converting the world to his doctrines. In his 
 preaching he dwelt incessantly on the crying abuse of the power 
 and wealth of the clergy. According to Otho of Freisingen, Ar- 
 nold declared, " that priests who had landed property, bishops 
 who possessed the revenues of vacant benefices, (regales?) and 
 monks who had estates, could not be saved ;f thfit all these things 
 
 * Trithemius, or Chronica insignis, p. 157.— Leger, etc., pt. i, p. 152, who re- 
 ports the facts a little differently, according to Platina. 
 t This is in accordance with the principles of the Apostolicals or Vaudois. 
 
 3* 
 
58 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 belonged to the sovereign, and that he ought not to grant them 
 to any but laymen." The poet Gunther adds, " that Arnold de- 
 spised the delicate meats, the splendid vestments, the misplaced 
 pleasantries and boisterous mirth of the clergy, the ostentation 
 of the pontiffs, the dissolute manners of the abbots, and the pride 
 of the monks." 
 
 After having succeeded in concealing himself a long time at 
 Rome, where his political opinions were much relished by the 
 citizens, he was at last arrested in 1155, and burned there by 
 order of the prefect Peter. His ashes were thrown into the Ti- 
 ber, to prevent his disciples from making relics of them.* 
 
 All these antagonists of Rome, who sustained the cause of 
 truth in the twelfth century, and who were connected with each 
 other by an analogous or common origin, as well as by features 
 of resemblance of more than one kind, received from their ene- 
 mies particular denominations, besides the common appellation 
 of heretics. It would appear, also, that they were sometimes de- 
 signated by names of their own choosing. Branded, in the ele- 
 venth century, with the name of Manicheans, as favourers of 
 ancient heresies ; in the twelfth century, they were called Apos- 
 tolicals, from their professing to lead lives worthy of the apostles. 
 Bernard always gives them this title ironically, whether speak- 
 ing of the disciples of Pierre de Bruis and Henry, or of the sec- 
 taries of Cologne. In the second half of the twelfth century 
 new designations were added to the preceding, according as the 
 stream of pretended heresy flowed through new countries, and 
 as some particular circumstance modified the course of this re- 
 formation more in its appearance than in reality. In various 
 places, they bore the name of Cathari, or Purists, on account of 
 the purity to which they aspired.f In Flanders, they were call- 
 ed Piphles, a word of unknown etymology ; in many parts of 
 France, Texerans, or Tisserands, (weavers,) from the trade to 
 which many of them belonged. The heretics of Aquitaine, who 
 passed over to England about the year 1160, were called Popli- 
 cans, as well as those of Vezelay ; perhaps, because, in attacking 
 Pharisaic formalism, they insisted much on the humility, penitence, 
 and faith of the publican in the gospel. The title Patarins, or 
 Paterins, given in Italy and also in France to these same persons, 
 
 * Otho of Freisingen, p. 248.— Natalis, t. vii, pp. 88, 89.— Dupin and Fleury. 
 tThe details are given in Usher, p. 269, etc. 
 
DESIGNATIONS GIVEN TO HERETICS. 59 
 
 was derived from the name of a quarter in Milan to which the 
 married priests were banished, in 1058, to celebrate their wor- 
 ship ;* or rather it is a synonyme with persecuted, or those re- 
 served for persecution, from the verb pati, which signifies to suf- 
 fer. J It appears that they designated the heretical travellers, or 
 missionaries, by the nickname Passagins. (Usher, p. 306.) They 
 were also called Good Men (boni homines) in Germany and 
 France. The same good-men were also called Perfect (perfecti) 
 by those of the same faith ; a term indicating their superiority 
 over simple believers, who were designated by the name of The 
 Consoled, (consolati,) on account of the peace of heart which the 
 gospel communicated to them. (Usher, p. 293.) The reproach- 
 ful name of Insabbates (mentioned for the first time by Eberard 
 de Bethune under this form; Xabatatenses, from xabatata, a 
 kind of wooden sandal) was also given them ; because, said fa- 
 ther Natalis, they celebrate no Sabbath or feast days, and do not 
 discontinue their work on the days consecrated among the [Ro- 
 man] Catholics to Christ, the blessed virgin, and the saints.f 
 
 It was more usual in the following century, though several ex- 
 amples may be cited in the twelfth, to designate the friends of 
 alleged novel doctrines by the names of their country or parti- 
 cular leaders. Such were the names — heretics of Provence, Tou- 
 louse, Agen, and Picardy ; Albigenses, Lombards, Bohemians ; 
 Petrobrusians, from Pierre de Bruis ; Henricians, from Henry ; 
 Arnoldists, from Arnold of Brescia ; Leonists, from Leon, etc. 
 
 Lastly, and specially, we must mention that title which is the 
 most celebrated and most worthy of our best attention — we mean 
 that of Vaudois, which was constantly given by [Roman] Ca- 
 tholic authors from the thirteenth century, not to any one of the 
 subdivisions of the alleged heretical sect, but to the whole sect. 
 A single testimony, among many, will suffice to convince us of 
 the generality of this designation : it is a work which was written 
 about the year 1254, by a celebrated inquisitor, Rainier, or Rei- 
 nier Sacco, of the order of preaching friars, who persecuted the 
 Christians who were opposed to Rome. This work, which treats 
 of all the heresies and pretended impieties that were attributed 
 
 * According to Sigonius, De Regno Italico, book ix. 
 t According to De Vineis, Epist., book i, epist. 27 or 96. 
 $ Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxiv, cols. 1520, 1572, etc.— P. Natalis Alexandri, 
 etc., t. vii, pp. 94, 95. 
 
60 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 to the Cathari, Paterins, Toulousians, Albigenses, Passagins, 
 Poor Men of Lyons, Arnoldists, etc., in a word, to the sectaries 
 of the twelfth century, is entitled, Livre de Rainier, de Vordre des 
 precheurs, contre les heretiques Vaudois, ( Valdenses :) [" Book of 
 Rainier, of the order of preachers, against the Vaudois heretics."] 
 From this we infer, that, from the commencement of the thir- 
 teenth century, the name of Vaudois served to designate all the 
 pretended heretics of the age. 
 
 Moreover, an author of the twelfth century, Bernard de Fon- 
 cald, near Saint Pons, in Languedoc, who wrote, according to 
 Dupin, about the year 1180, gives the name Vaudois to the same 
 heretics who are called Good Men in the acts of the Council of 
 Lombers. " These Vaudois," he says, "although condemned by 
 the same sovereign pontiff, (Lucius II.,) continued to diffuse with 
 surpassing audacity, far and wide, through all the world, the 
 poison of their perfidy. This is why Bernard,* lord archbishop 
 of Narbonne, opposed them, (at the Council of Lombers, when 
 bishop of Lodeve,) in the name of the Church, as a fortress ; in 
 fact, having assembled a considerable number of the clergy and 
 laity, monks and seculars, he brought them to trial. In a word, 
 after their cause had been examined with great care, they were 
 condemned." The collection of the Historians of Gaul, (Histo- 
 riens des Gaules,) in a summary which precedes the acts of the 
 council, confirms, in part, the facts already mentioned. — Maxima 
 Biblioth., P. P., t, xxiv, pp. 1585, 1586. 
 
 This name of Vaudois (Valdenses) given to heretics in the 
 south of France, by an author of the same age and country, is an 
 additional proof of the common origin of the religious manifesta- 
 tions on this side and beyond the Alps, a confirmation of what 
 we have stated, at the beginning of this chapter, of the intimate 
 connexion of Pierre de Bruis and Henry with the Christians of 
 the valleys of Piedmont, with the inheritors of the principles of 
 Claude of Turin and the friends of Vigilantius. 
 
 * This Bernard Gaucelin, bishop of Lodeve, conducted the cause at Lombers 
 against the Good Men, and pronounced the sentence. He became archbishop 
 of Narbonne in 1181. He does not appear in any other councils. See Historiens 
 des Gaules, t. xiv, p. 430. 
 
THREE ETYMOLOGIES PROPOSED. 61 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE NAME VAUDOIS. 
 
 Historical clearness, and, what is still more important, truth, 
 equally demand an exact knowledge of the origin of the name 
 Vaudois, which was given to reputed heretics of the twelfth and 
 following centuries, in France, the north of Italy, and Germany. 
 
 Three principal etymologies have been proposed. According 
 to some, it is derived from Valdo, whose disciples were called 
 the Poor Men of Lyons, with which epithet it may be considered 
 as synonymous ; according to others, Vaudois is derived from 
 vaux, (valleys,) as Vallenses from the Latin word vallis, a valley, 
 and Valdenses ([Waldenses] most generally used) from vallis 
 densa, a thick, or shaded valley. Lastly, in the opinion of others, 
 the name Vaudois was a term of reproach, synonymous with sor- 
 cerer. 
 
 Let us examine each of these etymologies. Alain de l'He, or 
 de Lille, who lived at the end of the twelfth century* and the 
 beginning of the thirteenth, according to the most common opin- 
 ion, expresses himself as follows : — " There are certain heretics 
 who pretend to be just, while they are wolves in sheep's clothing 
 . . . They are called Valdenses, from the name of their leader, 
 Valdus." 
 
 Pierre de Vaux Cernay, or Sernay, an author known at the 
 beginning of the thirteenth century, speaks, in his History of 
 the Albigenses, (Histoire des Albigeois,) of the Vaudois who 
 were spread among them. " There are besides," he says, " the 
 heretics called Valdenses, after the name of one Valdius, of Ly- 
 
 ons."f 
 
 Later [Roman] Catholic authors have agreed in admitting this 
 etymology, which we reject with good reason, as will be seen. 
 But before adducing our proofs, it will be proper to state what 
 we know about Valdus, or Valdo, and his work. 
 
 Pierre, a merchant and citizen of Lyons, called also by his- 
 torians Pierre Valdo, Valdus, [Waldus,] Valdius, Valdensis, or 
 
 * According to Bossuet, he died in 1202 ; according to Natalis, in 1181 ; Cave 
 says that he flourished in 1215 ; and Visch, that he died in 1294. 
 
 tPetri Monachi, coenobii vallium Cernaii, etc.— Historia Albigensium, cap. ii, 
 apud Duchesne. 
 
62 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Valdecius, (according to Usher ; p. 159,) and Valdesius, having 
 been deeply affected by the sudden death of one of his friends, 
 in a party of pleasure, formed the resolution of renouncing the 
 world, and labouring thenceforth only for his salvation.* Luther, 
 the celebrated reformer of Germany in the sixteenth century, 
 entered a convent, and devoted himself to the concerns of reli- 
 gion, in consequence of a similar event. Pierre gave his utmost 
 attention to the reading of the Bible ; it is even said that he trans- 
 lated some books of it from the Latin into the vulgar tongue. 
 He also applied himself to the study of the Fathers. Stephanus 
 de Borbone, or de Bellavilla, who gives us these particulars, adds : 
 " This citizen (of Lyons) having often read these sentences and 
 engraven them in his memory, determined to seek after that evan- 
 gelical perfection which the apostles had practised. Having sold 
 all his goods, in contempt of the world, he distributed the money 
 he had gained to the poor, and dared to usurp the office of the 
 apostles, preaching the gospel, and the things he had committed 
 to memory, in the streets and public places. He encouraged 
 men and women to do the same, whom he collected around him, 
 and confirmed in the knowledge of the gospel. He sent men of 
 all trades, even the meanest, into the surrounding country, to 
 preach. These men and women, ignorant and illiterate, running 
 over the country, gaining admission into town-halls, and preach- 
 ing in public places, and even in churches, excited others to do 
 the same."f 
 
 Detachment from the world, and zeal for the advancement of 
 the kingdom of Christ according to the gospel, were the charac- 
 teristics of the religious movement that was abetted by Pierre, 
 the merchant of Lyons. It was in allusion to the first of these 
 peculiarities, the most striking in the eyes of the devotees of the 
 world and of wealth, that the disciples of a man who had reduced 
 himself to poverty in order to follow Jesus Christ were called the 
 Poor Men of Lyons. Their great success in the conversion of 
 souls, the truly apostolic life of the former merchant, quickly 
 drew on himself and his adherents a violent persecution. Ana- 
 thematized and prosecuted by Jean de Bollesmanis, or Belles- 
 
 > 
 
 * This is Rainier's opinion, which we follow. Polichdorf, and an anonymous 
 writer in the collection of the Historiens des Gaules, report the fact differently. 
 
 t Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxv, p. 264.— Stephanus de Borbone (orde Bella- 
 villa) Liber de septem Donis Spiritus Sancti, pt. iv, ch. xxx ; in Echard, t. i. 
 
VALDO. 63 
 
 mains, archbishop of Lyons, Pierre made his escape into Picardy, 
 where he remained a while. He then withdrew into Vindelicia, 
 the present Suabia and Bavaria, where he sojourned a long time ; 
 at last, he went into Bohemia, and there ended his days.* 
 
 Pierre, the merchant of Lyons, may be regarded as the most 
 eminent continuator of the labours of Pierre de Bruis and Henry. 
 
 We now resume our inquiry respecting the name Vaudois, 
 which Roman Catholic writers have derived from Yaldo, as if 
 he had been the leader of the Vaudois sect, and the author of 
 this reputed heresy. 
 
 (I.) The Vaudois, they assert, received their name from that of 
 Valdo. 
 
 (1 .) We observe, that in the canons of councils, and other offi- 
 cial documents relative to the disciples of Pierre, the merchant 
 of Lyons, these persons never receive the appellation of Vaudois, 
 but are always designated by the name of the Poor Men of Ly- 
 ons ; the name Valdo is never mentioned further. A treatise 
 of an anonymous author, quoted in Martene, on the heresy of the 
 Paores of Lyons, never gives the name of Vaudois to Pierre's 
 disciples ; moreover, it never gives him the name Valdo, but 
 always that of Valdensis, that is, the Vaudois, which is very dif- 
 ferent; for this designation, being equivalent to an adjective, 
 would mark the origin of the religious opinions of the person to 
 whose name it is affixed. 
 
 (2.) In the next place we remark, that Pierre, the merchant 
 of Lyons, was not the originator of the religious movement which 
 appeared in France before the commencement of the twelfth 
 century, since he did not preach till about the year 1180 ; and 
 if the reputed heretics of Agen, Toulouse, Albi, and other places, 
 were called Vaudois, this name could not have been given them 
 on account of Valdo, as he was not their leader. 
 
 (3.) The name Vaudois could not be derived from that of 
 the merchant of Lyons, for the name Valdo never belonged to 
 him. In his time, about the year 1 180, it was still the custom to 
 have only one name, that given at baptism, for family names had 
 not then been brought into use : it is true that a particular de- 
 signation was often added to the baptismal name, that, for instance, 
 of a person's residence or profession. By this qualifying epithet, 
 the individual in question was sufficiently distinguished from every 
 * Usher, p. 266, who quotes Thuanus (De Thou) Hist., c. v. 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 other ; but our supposed leader of the sect of the Vaudois, whose 
 name was Pierre, is ordinarily distinguished by one of the follow- 
 ing qualifications, — Pierre, a citizen of Lyons ; Pierre, a mer- 
 chant, or trader of Lyons. 
 
 It has been said that the appellation Valdo, sometimes and sub- 
 sequently given to Pierre, indicates the place of his origin, and 
 may be considered as synonymous with native of Yaud, or Val- 
 dum, or Vaudram, which might have been a Lyonnese town. 
 But why this double designation of place ? Pierre was sufficiently, 
 and very properly, distinguished by that of citizen, or merchant, 
 of Lyons, as he really was. Besides, Valdo would be very in- 
 correctly derived from Valdum, or Vaudram, even on the gra- 
 tuitous supposition that he was a native of such a town. The 
 right word would have been Yaldunensis, or Vaudramensis. And 
 even if this name Valdo had been taken from the place of his birth, 
 why all this uncertainty in the designation and orthography ? For 
 Pierre is called Valdo, Valdus, Valdius, Valdensis, Valdecius, and 
 Valdesius, etc. — Usher, p. 159. 
 
 A surname so undecided, so varied in its form, so rarely em- 
 ployed during Ins lifetime to designate Pierre,* the merchant of 
 Lyons, cannot be regarded as the root of a name so precise and 
 invariable as that of Vaudois, given to the reputed sect that in- 
 vaded France, Germany, Italy, Spain, etc., in the twelfth cen- 
 tury ; while this uncertainty in the pronunciation and orthogra- 
 phy of the appellative Valdo, may be easily accounted for, if we 
 take it to be a surname synonymous with Vaudois, an adjective 
 equivalent to — the Vaudois. 
 
 (4.) A comparison of dates brings us to the same result, show- 
 ing us that the Vaudois heretics, in Latin Vallenses, or Valden- 
 ses, were so known and designated before the time of Valdo. 
 
 It is a well-authenticated fact, that it was the archbishop Jean 
 de Bollesmanis, or Bellesmains, who anathematized Valdo and 
 his disciples ; and it is certain that this prelate obtained the see 
 of Lyons in 1181, the date of the sitting at Verona, of the coun- 
 cil which, under Lucius III., condemned, for the first time, the 
 Poor Men of Lyons. 
 
 It was not, then, earlier than the year 1181 that the heretics 
 could be called Vaudois, from their supposed leader, Valdo. But 
 
 * We suppose that it may have been soused during his lifetime, but we have 
 no proof of it. 
 
VALDENSES ERRONEOUSLY DERIVED FROM VALDO. 65 
 
 •we can cite two authors who mention the Vaudois prior to the 
 date of 1 1 8 1 . One of them is Eberard de Bethune, who, accord- 
 ing to Dupin, flourished in the year 1160, and who, speaking of 
 heretics, says, " Some of them call themselves Vallenses, because 
 they live in a vale of sorrow or tears, and bring the apostles into 
 derision." — Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxiv. 
 
 The other writer, Bernard, abbot of Foncald, before quoted, 
 thus expresses himself on the same subject : — [ Gieseler's] Lehr- 
 buch der Kirchengeschichte, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 562, 3d ed., Bonn, 1832. 
 " While Pope Lucius, of glorious memory, presided over the holy 
 Roman Church, new heretics suddenly raised their heads, who 
 received a name that was an omen of their future lot, being called 
 Valdenses, from a dark, dense valley, because they are involved 
 in deep and thick shades." The author of these lines having de- 
 dicated the book from which we have taken them to Lucius III., 
 who was pope from 1181 to 1185, and mentioning another pope 
 of the same name, already deceased, of glorious memory, must 
 allude to events that happened before 1 144, the date of the death of 
 Lucius II.* The Valdenses, or Yaudois, were, therefore, already 
 known by this name before 1144, and, consequently, long before 
 Peter Valdo, since he was not persecuted for heresy till after 1181, 
 under Jean de Bellesmains, who anathematized him, and was only 
 made archbishop of Lyons at this latter date. — Bernard, in Maxi- 
 ma Biblioth., P. P., t. xxv. 
 
 But, in the comparison of these particulars, we have something 
 more than mere dates to go upon. The testimonies of Eberard 
 de Bethune and of Bernard de Foncald demonstrate, in another 
 way, the baselessness of the Roman Catholic opinion which de- 
 rives the Vaudois heresy, and the name of Vaudois, from Valdo ; 
 so that even if it were possible to throw a doubt on the prece- 
 ding evidence, by arguing the uncertainty of this or the other 
 date, it would not be less certain that two authors prior to Pierre 
 Valdo, (or contemporary, or even posterior, if you please — it sig- 
 nifies little,) in naming the sect of the Vaudois, make no mention 
 of Valdo ; and so far from deriving the name of these sectaries 
 from the name of one of their leaders, they assign it a totally dif- 
 
 * A. letter from a bishop of Liege to the same pope (Lucius II.) describes the 
 heretics as " ancient enemies," who have spread themselves from Mount Gui- 
 mar into France, and who have a settled organization and ecclesiastical disci- 
 pline ; but he gives them no particular name. Martene and Durand, Veterum 
 Scriptorum et Monumentorum, t. i, col. 777. 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ferent and local origin. We say then to our opponents, If you 
 admit that the writings of Eberard and Bernard are prior to Val- 
 do and his labours, then you must also admit, since these authors 
 name the sect of the Vaudois, that it was prior to Valdo, and 
 could not derive its name from his. But if you maintain that 
 Eberard and Bernard were contemporaries of Valdo, or poste- 
 rior to him, you must admit that since they attribute another ori- 
 gin to the sect of the Yaudois, and had better means of ascer- 
 taining the truth than you have, the name Vaudois was not de- 
 rived from Valdo. 
 
 We think, then, we have proved that the name Vaudois, given 
 by Roman Catholic writers to Christians, who were regarded as 
 heretics in the twelfth century, was not derived from the name 
 of Valdo. We rather believe that Pierre, a citizen and merchant 
 of Lyons, was called Valdo, on account of the resemblance of his 
 labours to those of the Vaudois ; perhaps, also, because he had 
 been received into their communion, and instructed in part by 
 them, — a conjecture neither impossible nor improbable, but which 
 we shall not pursue any further.* 
 
 (IE.) Another etymology of the name Vaudois has been given. 
 Eberard de Bethune, about the year 1160, says : — " Certain he- 
 retics call themselves Vallenses, (from vallis, a valley,) because 
 they dwell in a vale of sorrow or tears ;" and Bernard de.Foncald, 
 about A. D. 1180, says, " They were called Valdenses, (from val- 
 lis densa, a shady valley,) because they were enveloped in deep 
 and thick darkness." Among the moderns, Leger, in his " Gene- 
 ral History of the Vaudois," (Histoire Generate des Vaudois^) de- 
 rives the name Vaudois from Vaux or Val ; and an ancient pastor 
 of the valley of San Martino, within the precincts of the Vaudois 
 valleys, has declared that, according to tradition, the valley in 
 which he dwells was once called Val Ombreuse, (shady valley.) 
 Without absolutely rejecting an etymology which is founded on 
 the nature of the locality inhabited by the Vaudois, and even ac- 
 
 * This is the opinion of a Roman Catholic Piedmontese historian, who is no 
 friend of the Vaudois ; we mean M. Charles Botta, who thus expresses himself 
 in his remarkable History of Italy : — " The Vaudois were thus called, either be- 
 cause they dwelt in the valleys, or because Valdo, a celebrated heresiarch of 
 the twelfth century, communicated his name to them after embracing their opin- 
 ions." The anonymous writer, quoted by Martene, appears to have taken the 
 same view as ourselves, since he calls the leader of the sect, Valdensis— the 
 Vaudois. 
 
ANCIENT MONUMENTS. 67 
 
 knowledging that there is an apparent foundation for it in the 
 Latin words Vallenses and Valdenses, yet, as far as the French 
 word Vaudois is concerned, we are in favour of the derivation 
 given in " The Noble Lesson." 
 
 (HI.) In fact, this venerable and original monument of the an- 
 cient Vaudois Church — " The Noble Lesson" — assigns another 
 etymology to the name Vaudois, the third to which we have re- 
 ferred, and the last that we have to examine. This precious wit- 
 ness of the Vaudois faith, which is of the date 1100, expresses it- 
 self, in verses 368-372, in the following manner: — 
 
 [" Si n'i a alcun bon, que ame et tema Yeshu Xrist, 
 Que non volha maudire, ni jurar, ni mentir, 
 Ni avoutrar, ni aucir, ni penre de Pautruy, 
 Ni venjar se de li seo enemis 
 Ilh dion qu'es Vaudes, e degne de punir."*] 
 
 Which we translate thus : — 
 
 " If there be any one who loves and fears Jesus Christ, 
 Who will not curse, nor swear, nor lie, 
 Nor be unchastp, nor kill, nor take what is another's, 
 Nor take vengeance on his enemies, 
 They say that lie is a Vaudes, and worthy of punishment." 
 
 For a long time, this word Vaudes was taken to be only a va- 
 riation of Vaudois; but it is now acknowledged to contain a 
 cruel reproach, and to be equivalent to an accusation of sorcery. 
 The word Vaudes has, in fact, in the Romance language, the 
 meaning of sorcerer, and has not yet ceased to be used in that 
 sense in the patois of the canton de Vaud. 
 
 This interpretation is also supported by other proofs. Rubis, 
 quoted by Perrin, says, in express terms : " When they speak 
 of a sorcerer, they call him Vaudes." We read in Mezeray's 
 History of France, in reference to Joan of Arc, then in the power 
 of the English, A. D. 1430, " Those members of the University 
 who remained at Paris, the base slaves of English tyranny, im- 
 mediately urged that she might be handed over to the ecclesias- 
 tical power, to bring her to trial as a Vaudoise — enchantress, he- 
 retic, impostor, etc." The epithet Vaudoise is placed here close 
 by that of " enchantress." — Mezeray, Histoire de France, ii, 1 7. 
 
 * See the original in Gieseler, p. 561 ; Hallam's Middle Ages, with variations 
 from Leger, (p. 28,) iii, 470 ; and in Morland's History of the Evangelical Churches 
 of Piedmont, fol., Lond.. 1658, p. 114. 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The monk Belvedere, in his report to the illustrious congre- 
 gation for the propagation of the faith, (de propaganda Jide,) 
 printed at Turin in 1631, charges the Vaudois with sorcery, in 
 the following passage : " The unfortunate valleys of Lucerna, 
 Angrogna, San Martino, and Perosa, owing to the vicinity of 
 France to Italy, or to the mountains which naturally render them 
 very strong, have always been subject to various plagues, either 
 heretical locusts, or infidel caterpillars, blight, or sorcery." 
 
 We see clearly, by this account of a Romish inquisitor, that 
 the valleys where the principal remains of the Vaudois Church 
 at present exist, were accused of having been always infected 
 with sorcery, etc. 
 
 In the times of ignorance, fanatical priests have accused of 
 secret intercourse with the spirits of darkness, those whom an 
 enlightened faith or unbelief caused to withdraw from the Ro- 
 man Catholic Churches. The Romish superstition — and a cruel 
 system of persecution very often, for the purpose of exciting an 
 ignorant people to frenzy— designated as sorcerers, men whose 
 lives were perfectly free from the sentiment?: and actions imputed 
 to them.* Now, since it is a certain fact lhat the Yaudois have 
 often been held up to popular hatred as sorcerers, can we 
 be surprised, if at a time when superstition and ignorance were 
 at their height, the tenth and eleventh centuries, a name so odious 
 was generally given to them, and was not withdrawn ? How can 
 we refuse to credit such a misapplication of the epithet, when we 
 read in an anonymous author, quoted by Martene and Durand, 
 and who wrote about the year 1 447, " that the Vaudois, by means 
 of diabolical spells, assembled suddenly by night, being speedily 
 transported, in great numbers, to some forest or lonely place ?" — 
 Vet. Script, et Monument., &c., t. v, col. 501. 
 
 The origin attributed to the name Vaudois, in " The Noble 
 Lesson," appears then to us to be justified by facts. It would be in- 
 teresting and satisfactory, no doubt, to know at what period the 
 little faithful church received a name equally unjust and odious ; 
 but on this point proofs are wanting. All we know is, that it was 
 prior to the twelfth century, as it is mentioned in " The Noble 
 Lesson," written, as the author intimates, in the year 1100. 
 
 * What Christian does not know that the Son of God was called a Samaritan 
 by the Jews, and that they even said of him that he had a demon, and expelled 
 demons by the Prince of demons ? 
 
TESTIMONIES OE HONORIUS AND EBERARD. 69 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS OF PIEDMONT IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 
 
 Having given an account of the religious movement which agi- 
 tated France and other countries in the eleventh and twelfth 
 centuries, and which, as we have seen, probably took its rise in 
 the Alps situated between France and Italy, we must return to 
 the Vaudois valleys, to resume the thread of their particular his- 
 tory, to recount their traditions, and to explain the state of their 
 church. 
 
 Let us first notice some historical facts. Without going back 
 to the documents cited in chapters HI. and IV., which attest the 
 existence of a so-called heretical church in the bosom of the Alps, 
 from the fourth century, we shall only remind the reader that 
 at the commencement of the twelfth century, and long before 
 Valdo's time, the Chronicle of Saint Thron, in Belgium, written 
 between 1 108 and 1 1 36, by the abbot Radulph, mentions a region 
 of the Alps as polluted by an inveterate heresy ; and that Bruno 
 d'Asti, about the year 1120, speaks of the Vaudois, though not 
 designating them, it is true, by this name, but with sufficient de- 
 tails, particularly in what he says of their traditions, to enable us 
 to recognize them without difficulty. 
 
 To these testimonies, which are given at length in chapter IV., 
 we add the following. 
 
 Honorius, a priest of Autun, at the beginning of the twelfth 
 century, speaks of certain heretics, whom he calls Montani, or 
 Mountaineers, and describes in these few words : " The Moun- 
 taineer heretics are thus named from the mountains. In the 
 times of persecution they concealed themselves in the mountains, 
 and separated from the body of the Church." 
 
 Eberard de Bethune, about the year 1160, expresses himself 
 in terms but slightly different on the same subject : " They are 
 called," he says, " Mountaineers ; because, in a time of persecu- 
 tion, they concealed themselves in the mountains, and for this 
 reason they erred in relation to the Catholic faith." 
 
 We may further add, that the name Montani was given to a 
 people of Liguria, established in the Alps, adjacent to the Va- 
 
70 HISTORY 0£ THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 gienni, (at present the inhabitants of the marquisate of Saluzzo,) 
 and bordering on the Vaudois valleys.* 
 
 And we need not be astonished that the so-called Vaudois 
 heresy should have extended more to the south in the mountains 
 of Liguria, just as we have seen, in chapter IV., that it extended 
 more to the east in Biella and Novarra ; for nothing is more cer- 
 tain. Let our readers only call to mind what we have said of 
 its conquests in Astesan, in the tenth century. We shall else- 
 where have an opportunity of proving, by fresh details, this ex- 
 tension of the Vaudois Church beyond the limits within which 
 it is confined at the present day. 
 
 An ancient writer, Gioffredo, informs us that the Vaudois 
 heresy, which he erroneously supposes to have proceeded from 
 France, had already extended, in the year 1198, not only into 
 the valleys of Angrogna, Lucerna, and San Martino, in the dio- 
 cese of Turin, but also into the plain. 
 
 Should it appear surprising that the Vaudois sect, or, rather, 
 the remains of the faithful Church, could maintain itself so long 
 without severe persecution, in the ancient diocese of Claude of 
 Turin and elsewhere, in spite of the oppressive tendency of the 
 Romish Church, we must repeat what we have said before, in 
 chapter IV., of the political agitations and contests in the tenth 
 and eleventh centuries,! during which the attention of the heads 
 of the Romish Church were turned away from the scattered re- 
 mains of the faithful Church, preoccupied as they were with 
 their worldly interests, and with the dangers and advantages of 
 their position as secular princes. 
 
 One general cause which also favoured the preservation of 
 various small companies of the faithful Church, was the inherent 
 vital power of Christian principle, which is such that it cannot 
 be altered or perverted, wherever it has spread its roots, except 
 by a very slow process. 
 
 Other special causes were combined with this general and 
 
 * For Honorius, see Maxima Bibloth., P. P., t. xx, col. 1039 ; for Eberard, t. 
 xxiv, cols. 1575-1577 ; for Montani, see Geographia Antiqua Cellarii, t. i, p. 518; 
 or Plinii Geog., cap. xx. 
 
 t The agitations and contests were carried to the greatest lengths in Pied- 
 mont and Lombardy, where, to the elements of discord existing among innu- 
 merable petty sovereignties,were joined the efforts of a number of free cities, 
 which aimed at repelling these vexations for their own preservation. 
 
PECULIARITIES OF THE VAUDOIS VALLEYS. 71 
 
 powerful one. Thus, in the first place, the innovations adopted 
 in the Popish Church, in regard to images, the Mass, the real 
 presence, etc., took a considerable time to spread themselves, as 
 history shows. In the second place, for a long time nothing more 
 was attempted than insensibly to undermine the ancient doc- 
 trines, to apologize for novelties, and to refute those who attacked 
 the innovations. In the third place, for a long time it was 
 thought sufficient to excommunicate and anathematize heretics, 
 or those who were thought to be such. Of this the councils 
 furnish numerous examples. In course of time they proceeded 
 to much greater lengths ; they shut up in cloisters and subjected 
 to severe penance those whom they deemed opponents. But it 
 was hardly till after the power of the popes had reached its 
 height, in the time of Gregory VII., (Hildebrand,) that here and 
 there a few persons of note, holding opposite opinions, perished 
 by a violent death, either by fire or sword. But systematic per- 
 secutions, such as the crusades, and the horrible inquisition, are 
 not of earlier date than Innocent III.* 
 
 It is, then, easy to understand how fidelity and truth could be 
 so long maintained, especially where circumstances were favour- 
 able. 
 
 It will be proper here to notice a circumstance of high im- 
 portance, which serves forcibly to explain the fact of the pre- 
 servation of evangelical truth, from the time of Claude of Turin, 
 in the territory which is still occupied by the Vaudois ; it is this, 
 that in the most remote feudal times these valleys were governed 
 by a powerful lord, who held his domains directly of the empire, 
 and was himself imbued with Vaudois doctrines. This very im- 
 portant fact is recorded in the work we have already cited of a 
 [Roman] Catholic author, who was better qualified than any 
 other person to ascertain its truth — the Marquis Costa de Beaure- 
 gard. These are his words: "Besides the earldoms (comtes) 
 which sprang from the great marquisates, we cannot doubt that 
 there were others of very ancient date, created by the emperors 
 in favour of the principal barons of this country, and that they 
 
 * This remark may enable our readers to understand how, in proportion as 
 the power of Rome, founded on falsehood by the spirit of falsehood, was able 
 to maintain itself, it indulged in that excess of tyranny and barbarous cruelty, 
 by which so much innocent blood was spilt from the time of Innocent III. to 
 Innocent XL, under whom the revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the dis- 
 persion of the Vaudois took place, in 1685 and 1686. 
 
72 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 had only the simple titles of counts granted to some lords who 
 held them immediately of the emperor. Such were the counts 
 of Castellamonte, Blandra, Lucerna, and Piossasque, to whom 
 the Piedmontese history gives this qualification, from the eleventh 
 and twelfth centuries." 
 
 According to this evidence, the counts of Lucerna, lords of the 
 valleys,* held immediately of the empire, and were, consequently, 
 independent of every neighbouring prince ; and so little was 
 their power inferior to that of the counts and marquises in the 
 vicinity, that in their valleys, which their natural position ren- 
 dered easy to defend, they could protect their vassals against 
 every foreign invasion. The same author adds : " We do not see, 
 however, that the princes of Achate, who lived so near them, 
 (the Vaudois,) persecuted them. It is even believed that some 
 of the counts of Lucerna, immediate vassals of the empire, and 
 principal lords of these valleys, at a very ancient period, shared 
 their belief.f 
 
 In the absence of other historical documents,:}: the armorial 
 bearings of the house of Lucerna are sufficient, it appears to us, 
 to prove the fact just stated. They are symbolical ; they present 
 a flambeau (lucerna) emitting a brilliant light in the midst of 
 darkness. The surrounding device is explanatory — Lux lucet 
 in tenebris, " The light shineth in darkness." These armorial 
 bearings and this device, which the Vaudois of the valleys, even 
 to this day, love to regard as theirs, attest, by their symbolical 
 signification, the antiquity of evangelical truth in the valleys of 
 Piedmont. They attest that from the time when the name of 
 Lucerna was given to the most considerable part of these valleys, 
 and to its then count, that is, from the tenth or eleventh century, 
 according to the testimony of the Marquis Costa, a long time be- 
 fore Valdo, the light of the gospel shone in darkness, in the 
 midst of the Romish superstitions which had spread over almost 
 all the kingdoms of the west. 
 
 * Or, at least, of the valley of Lucerna. 
 
 t Let it be recollected that this was also the case with the counts of Montfort 
 in Astesan. See Memoires Historiques, etc., t. i, p. 64, t. ii, p. 51. 
 
 % One document, which certainly exists, would interest the Vaudois in more 
 than one respect, namely, the treaty by which the counts of Lucerna and the 
 marquis of Angrogna submitted to the house of Savoy. The conditions of this 
 deed were certainly favourable to the Vaudois. These were the franchises and 
 religious liberties which they have always claimed, but, for the most part, in 
 vain. 
 
APPEAL TO TRADITION. 73 
 
 We believe, then, that we have proved, as far as the absence 
 of more precise documents will permit, that the Vaudois of 
 Piedmont are not a sect which owes its origin to Valdo, an ac- 
 cidental phenomenon of the twelfth century, an isolated religious 
 movement, but a branch of the primitive Church, preserved by 
 a striking Divine intervention, flourishing apart in the midst of 
 the rubbish which had covered the trunk that once nourished it, 
 and had crushed and withered all the other branches. The 
 Church of the valleys was a young infant, that had eseaped, 
 unperceived, from the disaster which deprived its parent of life, 
 and had lived concealed in desert places, among the valleys and 
 rocks, till the day when it involuntarily attracted attention; 
 while its sisters, magnificently attired, forgot, in slavery and cor- 
 ruption, the memory of their pious and faithful mother ; and, by 
 their levity and dissoluteness, forfeited the incorruptible inherit- 
 ance which the Lord intended to have secured to them by his 
 atoning death. 
 
 For further illustration of the subject, we proceed to report 
 the traditions of the Vaudois Church. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 TRADITIONS OF THE VAUDOIS WHICH ATTEST THEIR ANTIQUITY. 
 
 The Vaudois have a twofold tradition respecting their origin : 
 one, more general ; the other, more in detail ; and both very 
 exact. 
 
 In all the persecutions they have passed through, from the 
 fifteenth century and later, in the appeals they have made at 
 different times to their sovereign, the Vaudois have always, as 
 formerly, maintained that the religion they followed had been 
 preserved from father to son, and from generation to generation, 
 from time immemorial : Da ogni tempo, e da tempo immemoriale, 
 (" from all time, and from time immemorial,") is the language 
 of their appeals. 
 
 Moreover, not only the Vaudois of Piedmont, but all those 
 who have laid claim to the name, in all places, have constantly 
 maintained that they received their religious belief from Leon, 
 
 4 
 
74 HISTOKY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 an associate and contemporary of Sylvester, bishop of Rome, 
 under the emperor Constantine the Great. 
 
 The inquisitor Rainier Sacco, a violent opponent of the 
 Vaudois Cathari, among whom he had lived some years before 
 entering the order of preaching friars or dominicans, and who 
 wrote about the year 1250, not only speaks of this tradition, but 
 gives many particulars besides, respecting the sect of the Leonists. 
 After saying that of the seventy sects that were formed without 
 the Church, there only remained four, of which that of the 
 Leonists was one, he adds : — " Of all the sects that exist or have 
 existed, there never has been one so pernicious to the Church 
 as that of the Leonists ; and that for three reasons : first, because 
 it is the most ancient, since, as some assert, it has been preserved 
 from the time of Sylvester — according to others, from the days 
 of the apostles ; secondly, it is the most widely spread — in fact, 
 there is hardly a country where it is not to be found ; thirdly, 
 while all other sects strike with horror those who hear them, on 
 account of their awful blasphemies against God, this of the 
 Leonists manifests a great appearance of piety, inasmuch as its 
 members live justly before men, have true faith in God, and be- 
 lieve all the articles of the creed. — Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. 
 xxv, caps, v and vi, p. 264, etc. 
 
 Notwithstanding the intentional or involuntary confusion of 
 Rainier in designating sects, confounding what he ought to 
 separate, and separating what he ought to unite, and although, 
 in this particular case, he appears to confound the Leonists with 
 the Poor Men of Lyons, there can be no doubt that, in what he 
 says about the Leonists, in the passage just quoted, he had in 
 view, not the disciples of Valdo, or Poor Men of Lyons, (since 
 he assigns to the Leonists an origin prior to these last by several 
 centuries,) but the Vaudois, whom the [Roman] Catholics of his 
 time already affected to confound with the Poor Men of Lyons. 
 Everything, in fact, that he says of the Leonists perfectly cor- 
 responds with what we know of the history and tradition of the 
 Vaudois, and with what we shall exhibit in the sequel of their 
 doctrine and piety. 
 
 The etymology of the name Leonists is altogether favourable 
 to our views ; we cannot perceive in it a derivative from Lyons, 
 while it seems perfectly natural to derive it from Leon, with 
 whom the Vaudois connect their religious opinions. 
 
WRITINGS OF THE VAUDOIS. 75 
 
 Lastly, the tradition which we have reported of the origin of 
 the Vaudois, is confirmed by an archbishop of Turin, Claude de 
 Seyssel, who from 1517 to 1520 occupied the diocese in which 
 the Vaudois valleys are situated, and who had the means of ac- 
 quiring an exact knowledge of their opinions. But as he only 
 repeats what is known to us, and treats it as a fable or a tale, 
 we shall spare our readers the quotation of the passage. — R. P. 
 Claudii Seysselii, archiep. Taurin., adversus errores et sectam 
 Valdensium Tractatus, c. i. 
 
 This tradition has also been preserved in the evangelical 
 churches, the descendants of those of the valleys ; in Bohemia 
 and Moravia, for instance.* 
 
 But we shall not dwell longer on this point : it is enough that 
 we have well established its certainty. The value of such a tra- 
 dition, to which the writings of the Vaudois allude,f as a proof 
 in favour of the antiquity of their church, will appear indis- 
 putable to every honest and intelligent person. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 WRITINGS OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 A striking testimony to the antiquity of the Vaudois Church 
 exists in the original manuscripts which it possesses from the 
 year 1100 to 1230 ; the greater part of them fifty years prior to 
 the religious manifestation in which Pierre Valdo took the lead. 
 These works, in verse and prose, in the Romance or Vaudois 
 language, form the stock of a great number of similar produc- 
 tions, animated with the same spirit, written in the same dialect, 
 or in Latin, at different periods, but almost all prior to the Re- 
 formation of the sixteenth century. 
 
 To Leger, the historian and Vaudois pastor, we are indebted 
 for the preservation of these precious memorials of the piety and 
 ancient origin of the Vaudois Church. Foreseeing, probably, 
 
 * Such a tradition is reported in the work, entitled Histoire des Persecutions 
 de PEglise de Boheme, de 894 a 1632— (History of the Persecutions of the Church 
 of Bohemia, from 894 to 1632). 
 
 t An allusion is made, amongst others, to this tradition, in the 409th verse 
 of " The Noble Lesson," in this expression, "All the popes from Sylvester to 
 this one " 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the storm that was rising against it, and which, after giving por- 
 tentous tokens of its approach during his life, terminated in the 
 lamentable catastrophe of 1686, Leger collected the writings of 
 the Vaudois and sent them, in 1658, to Sir Samuel Morland, the 
 English ambassador at the court of Turin, who brought them to 
 England, and deposited them in the library of the university of 
 Cambridge. Leger made a second collection, but smaller, which 
 he deposited himself in the library of Geneva.* 
 
 Above forty years before, about the year 1602, a number of 
 Vaudois writings had already been sent to P. Perrin, by direc- 
 tion of a synod held in the valleys ; they had been collected 
 particularly in the valley of Pragela. This author has preserved 
 a list of those that were in his possession-! 
 
 The general character of these writings is doctrinal and prac- 
 tical ; some are controversial. Their doctrines are expounded in 
 a very simple manner. We find there neither theological for- 
 mulas nor systematic exposition, unless in the Catechism and 
 Confession of Faith. Revealed truths are generally announced 
 in their Scriptural form. In such a frequent and faithful use of 
 passages of Holy Scripture, the Vaudois barbes, or pastors, 
 showed great wisdom. Although written at a period of general 
 darkness, we can detect nothing exaggerated, nothing supersti- 
 tious, in these documents of the religious life of the Vaudois. 
 The moderation and propriety of their language, even on contro- 
 verted topics, which are frequently touched on, never leaves 
 them, and is more striking, since these qualities are extremely 
 rare among their adversaries. Their spirit is a truly Christian 
 spirit. 
 
 It is also to be observed in the ancient writings of the Vaudois, 
 
 * A catalogue of both is given in an appendix to the original of this work. 
 
 t This list is also in the same appendix. Leger, part i, p. 74 : Vignaux, a 
 pastor who exercised his ministry in the valleys for forty years, from 1539, col- 
 lected, according to Perrin, many manuscripts in his time. " It is to this good 
 servant of God," says Perrin, "that we are indebted for the collection of these 
 ancient works of the Vaudois ; for he gathered as many as he could find, and 
 carefully preserved them. At the close of his life, he gave to certain individuals 
 the memoirs he had prepared respecting the Vaudois, and all the old books he 
 had got together in the valleys." Vignaux himself says, " We have at hand 
 some ancient books of the Vaudois, containing catechisms and sermons written 
 in the vulgar tongue, which contains nothing that makes for the pope or popery. 
 It is wonderful how they could see so clearly, in a time when the darkness was 
 more intense than that of Egypt."— Perrin, Geneva, 1619. 
 
CHARACTER OF THE VAUDOIS WRITINGS. 77 
 
 that doctrine, so far from being separated from morality, gives it 
 constant support. Faith and piety, the contemplation of divine 
 truths, and a life of obedience and devotedness to the Saviour, 
 are invariably united in their literary productions. They treat 
 all Christian subjects with gravity and a practical aim; the 
 natural corruption and misery of man, the remission of sins by 
 the work of Jesus Christ, the fear and love of God, charity and 
 brotherly love, forgiveness and endurance of injuries, watchful- 
 ness and prayer, humility, contempt of the world, detachment 
 of the affections from earthly objects, patience, resignation under 
 the evils of life, the duties of pastors and spiritual guides,* of 
 husbands and wives, of parents and children. There must have 
 been a profound knowledge of the gospel, a development of vital 
 piety and Christian intelligence, in order to reach so high a 
 standard of truth and morals at the end of the eleventh century. 
 
 Some of the Vaudois treatises are altogether polemical. The 
 critical position of these evangelical Christians, exposed to the 
 attacks of the Romish Church, rendered controversy unavoidable. 
 They were obliged to defend their faith and to explain their 
 doctrines. Besides their Confession of Faith and their Cate- 
 chism, the Vaudois barbes composed polemical works on Anti- 
 christ, imaginary purgatory, true purgatory, the invocation of 
 saints, etc. 
 
 Among the original works of the ancient Vaudois, we must 
 reckon a translation of the Bible into the Romance language. 
 The numerous quotations made from it in " The Noble Lesson/' 
 in the " Antichrist," and other treatises of that period, are proofs 
 of it. But there is still more positive proof: Leger declares that 
 he possessed it. In the library at Cambridge, manuscripts of the 
 books of the Bible, or of detached chapters, are deposited ; and 
 the library at Grenoble boasts of having a complete manuscript 
 of the New Testament in the same dialect : there also exists a 
 copy at Zurich. Mapee also informs us, that at the Romish 
 council, held in 1179, under Pope Alexander III., certain Vau- 
 dois presented to that pontiff a volume written in the old French 
 (Gauloise) language, (then the Romance,) which contained the 
 text of the Psalms and several books of the Old and New Testa- 
 ment, with a commentary. — Usher, p. 286. 
 
 * They had and still have elders in every division of the parishes, whose busi- 
 ness it was to preserve order and to afford consolation to the afflicted. 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The important question of the authenticity of these writings 
 ■will occupy our attention for a short time. It divides itself into 
 two principal points — their origin and their date. 
 
 Everything goes to prove the Vaudois origin of these writings. 
 It was among the Vaudois, and nowhere else, that they were 
 preserved and afterward collected. From whom did they re- 
 ceive them, and what motive could they have for adopting the 
 works of foreigners? These mountaineers were' not devoted to 
 literature. The writings they possessed and preserved could 
 only be their own. These books expressed nothing, more or 
 less, than the belief and pious intentions of the Yaudois believers 
 through all ages. 
 
 The greater part of these writings is in the Vaudois language, 
 a particular dialect of the Romance, as Eaynouard observes, 
 who studied it carefully and profoundly. But this Romance 
 language, in the Vaudois dialect, continued to the Reformation 
 the constant language of the inhabitants of the valleys, the only 
 one used in their religious services ; and it is still employed, in the 
 present day, as a patois by the common people * We do not 
 know that the Vaudois Romance dialect has been spoken any- 
 where else. The writings, therefore, that have been collected 
 among the Vaudois, and in their dialect, can only be theirs. 
 
 Lastly, it is a fact attested by history, that the ancient Vaudois 
 wrote books. An anonymous author of the thirteenth century 
 says positively, in speaking of the Vaudois, " They have invented 
 certain verses, (measures,) which they call the thirty degrees of 
 St. Augustine, in which they teach, in some degree, the practice 
 of virtue and to avoid vice, and have adroitly introduced their 
 rites and heresies, that they may be learned more readily and 
 impressed more strongly on the memory, as we recommend for 
 the use of the laity the creed and the Lord's prayer ; they have 
 also invented other attractive writings (beaux ecrits) with the 
 same design."f 
 
 It is also stated, as we have seen, by Peter the Venerable, 
 abbot of Clugny, that Henry, the false hermit, as he was called, 
 
 * Particularly in retired places, where the inhabitants have less intercourse 
 with the Piedmontese. 
 
 tD. Martene, Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum, t. v, autore anonymo, Trac- 
 tatus de Haeresi Pauperum de Lugduno. The close of the article entitled, De 
 Studio Pervertendi. 
 
RAYNOUARD. 79 
 
 who, as we think, was very probably a Vaudois, wrote a book 
 containing his opinions. But, as he has not given any further 
 description of it, we have no means of judging whether this work 
 was one of those in the catalogue, in the appendix before men- 
 tioned. But from what Peter the Venerable has said, we may, 
 at least, infer that, in his time, certain writings, called heretical, 
 were extant ; that is, at the commencement of the twelfth century.* 
 
 The second question to be discussed, in order to demonstrate 
 the authenticity of the writings of the Vaudois, relates to the 
 dates they bear. It may be put in this form — Are the writings 
 of the Vaudois of the dates they profess to be ? Do their super- 
 scription and composition agree ? 
 
 Among the ancient writings of the Vaudois, five only have dates 
 affixed to them. " The Noble Lesson" and the Catechism bear 
 date A. D. 1100 ;f the treatise on Antichrist and the Confession 
 of Faith have that of 1 1 20 ; and the Treatise on Purgatory that 
 of the year 1126. Many moral poems, which Raynouard assigns 
 to the epoch of " The Noble Lesson," are without date, as well 
 as the other manuscripts, one only excepted, which bears the 
 date of 1230. 
 
 The date of the Romance translation of the Bible must neces- 
 sarily be earlier than that of all the other Vaudois writings, be- 
 cause there are scarcely any which do not contain passages from it. 
 
 This circumstance, that five or six Vaudois manuscripts only 
 have dates, is particularly favourable to their authenticity. If 
 they had been affixed after the appearance of the writings, and 
 without foundation, we do not see why the author of such a fraud 
 should not have made use of it in reference to a greater number, 
 or even to all. 
 
 We moreover appeal to the testimony of Raynouard, in favour 
 of the correctness of these dates. It is known that this modern 
 writer has applied himself specially to the study of the Romance 
 language, of which the Vaudois is a particular dialect, not differ- 
 ing from the rest, as, for example, the Provencal, excepting in 
 certain terminations and some other slight peculiarities. Ray. 
 nouard has proved the antiquity of this Romance language. He 
 
 * Petri Vener. Epist., quoted above. [See pp. 52, 53.] 
 
 t " The Noble Lesson" contains its date in the following words, translated 
 literally from the original :— " Eleven hundred years are now entirely past, since 
 the hour was written," (v, 6.) See the appendix. [Hallam's History of the 
 Middle Ages, iii, 467.] 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 has demonstrated its existence from the time of Charlemagne, in 
 most of the countries that submitted to this prince, from the Rhine 
 to Rome He has explained its formation, and composed a gram- 
 mar of it, with numerous examples. Now, among these we have 
 remarked a great number which are taken from the writings of 
 the Vaudois, either their poetical pieces, or their translation of 
 the New Testament.* Thus the antiquity of the writings from 
 which these examples are taken is demonstrated. The author, 
 it is true, does not express himself categorically, excepting on 
 the date of " The Noble Lesson ;" but we may judge, by the 
 place he assigns in his work to the principal Vaudois documents, 
 that he admitted the correctness of the dates they bear, and that 
 he also considered many of their other writings to be very an- 
 cient; for, in his Introduction on the Troubadours, after the 
 pieces collected under the title of " Actes et Titres," (Acts and 
 Titles,) from A. D. 960 and the following years, and which come 
 down to 1080, he points out the Vaudois poetry, as forming a 
 continuation of them in the order of time : hence we are autho- 
 rized to believe that he judged not only those writings in verse 
 of the Vaudois, which bear the date of the twelfth century, but 
 also many others of their poetical pieces, to be very little later 
 than the year 1080. 
 
 He goes on to say, " The poem of the ' Nobla Leyczon' bears 
 the date of the year 1100. The sect of the Vaudois is, then, 
 mnch more ancient than has been generally believed." And a 
 little after : " The date of the year 1100, which we find given in 
 this poem, merits all confidence. Persons who read it with at- 
 tention will perceive that the manuscript has not been interpo- 
 lated, etc Lastly, the very style of the work, the form of the 
 versification, the agreement of the two manuscripts, (that of 
 Cambridge and that of Geneva,) and the kind of various readings 
 they present, all unite in favour of the authenticity of this poeti- 
 cal composition." 
 
 If Raynouard, on account of the main object he had in view ? 
 has expressed himself more explicitly about the date of the Vau- 
 dois poems, yet he has equally acknowledged the antiquity of 
 their prose writings : — " The treatise on Antichrist," he says, 
 "bears the date of the year 1120." 
 
 Thus we see that this distinguished writer, without prejudice 
 * These examples will be found, t. i, pp. 112, 113. 
 
" THE NOBLE LESSON." 81 
 
 or any interested motive, and having only in view the Romance 
 language, after a long and profound study of the ancient reli- 
 gious documents of the Vaudois, pronounces them authentic, and 
 confirms the correctness of their dates. Such a decision appears 
 to us to be of very great weight. 
 
 If the authority of Raynouard puts the correctness of the date 
 of the Vaudois poems beyond a doubt, we are able in our turn 
 to bring forward, as in the case of " The Noble Lesson," inter- 
 nal evidence of the authentic date of one of the prose writings, 
 that, namely, on Antichrist ; it is this : — 
 
 Having defined Antichrist, the author continues, — " Such is 
 the man : accomplished in sin, he exalts himself above all that is 
 called God, and that is worshipped ; he is opposed to all truth, 
 and is seated in the temple of God, that is, in the Church, 
 making himself to be God ; he comes with all sorts of seductions 
 for those that perish. And since this rebel has already reached 
 his perfect state, we are no longer to wait for him, (or to seek 
 out who he is,) for by God's permission he has reached old age, 
 since he already shows signs of decrepitude. In fact, his power 
 and authority are diminished, and the Lord Jesus destroys this 
 rebel by the breath of his mouth, by means of many men of good 
 will, and causes a power to interfere which is opposed to him and 
 to his adherents ; he overthrows the places in which he dwells, 
 and his possessions, and causes division in that city of Babylon, 
 where each successive generation has acquired a fresh vigour of 
 maliciousness." 
 
 The Antichrist of the Vaudois treatise is the Romish religious 
 system, its agents and its ritual, the pope, and the idolatry of 
 which he is the centre. History shows that in the year 1 120, the 
 time when this work was composed, the Romish system had at- 
 tained its height, and was beginning to decline, for a while at 
 least. In the person of Gregory VII. — the ancient monk, Hil- 
 debrand — the papacy attained its greatest power, and displayed 
 the most audacious pretensions. It was towards the close of the 
 eleventh century, that is, on the 25th of January, 1077, that the 
 temporal power humbled itself before the usurped authority of 
 the pretended successor of St. Peter, when the unfortunate em- 
 peror, Henry IV., for a long time the most powerful prince in 
 Europe, waited for three days, fasting and standing barefoot in 
 
 the snow, till the proud rival of his power deigned to pardon him, 
 
 4* 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 take off his excommunication, and restore to him the right of 
 governing his own dominions. 
 
 The victory of Rome was complete under Hildebrand, but 
 their maturity of power bordered closely on decay, as the trea- 
 tise on Antichrist expresses it in the passage quoted above : — 
 " The rebel has reached old age, and already shows signs of de- 
 crepitude." In fact, what does history tell us ? Henry IV., de- 
 ceived in his attempt at a generous reconciliation, again seized 
 the crown which Hildebrand believed he had wrested from him, 
 collected an army, made himself master of Rome in 1084, estab- 
 lished pope Clement III., by whom he was crowned afresh, and 
 drove Gregory VH. into exile, who died at Salerno. Literally, 
 " Jesus," as the passage we have quoted asserts, " slew this rebel 
 Antichrist by the breath of his mouth, by means of many men of 
 good-will, and by causing an antagonist power to interfere." Rome 
 was then closely pressed by a long siege, and, having been taken 
 by assault, " the places where Antichrist dwelt were overthrown." 
 
 Henry V., like his father, defended the imperial crown against 
 the renewed pretensions of the popes who succeeded Hildebrand. 
 In the year 11 11, he came to Rome at the head of a numerous 
 army, overawed the city, and threw Pascal II. into prison. The 
 treaty of peace with this pope having been annulled when he re- 
 gained his liberty, after the emperor's departure, Henry marched 
 a second time to Rome, entered it in triumph, drove out his ad- 
 versary, and nominated another pope, Gregory VIII., who crown- 
 ed him a second time. Rome still struggled, and, after Pascal's 
 death, attempted to appoint his successor without the emperor's 
 concurrence, in the person of Gelasius H. But this new pope 
 was driven from Rome, and Henry's nominee, Gregory, kept 
 possession of the papal throne, by the will of the emperor. This 
 took place in 1118. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the Vaudois treatise on Anti. 
 christ alludes to these events : the very terms of the passage to 
 which we have referred are evidence of this. The date of 1 1 20, 
 which the treatise bears, cannot, then, be fairly disputed, sup- 
 ported as it is by so striking an historical agreement. 
 
 Some objections have been raised against the authenticity of 
 the dates of the Vaudois writings ; and although, after what has 
 just been said, they will not possess much weight, we feel it right 
 to examine them. 
 
OBJECTIONS AND REFUTATIONS. 83 
 
 It has been remarked, that in some Vaudois treatises, parti- 
 cularly in that on Antichrist, the quotations of passages from 
 the word of God have the notation of chapters and verses, be- 
 sides that of the book ; and it has been thence inferred that the 
 origin of the writing was much more recent than that indicated 
 by the date, since it can be shown that the division of the Bible 
 into chapters and verses was not made before the thirteenth 
 century, about the year 1250. But, for this objection to have 
 any force, it must be proved that the manuscripts on which this 
 discrepancy is charged are the very originals; since, on the 
 other hand, if they are only copies of a more recent date, we 
 may readily understand, that, for the instruction of their readers, 
 the copyists,* who, without doubt, were the barbes, or Vaudois 
 pastors, availing themselves of their acquaintance with this use- 
 ful division, added the notation of the chapters and verses, 
 without thereby subjecting the text to any falsification or de- 
 terioration. We have a stronger warrant for admitting this 
 explanation, because all the quotations are not accompanied with 
 the notation of chapters and verses, which would probably have 
 been the case, had this useful addition been made by the author 
 himself. 
 
 That the writings of the Vaudois were, in fact, often copied, 
 is what we should suppose, from the habitual and almost daily 
 use made of them by the catechumens of the pastors, by the 
 pastors themselves in their ministerial labours, and by the be- 
 lievers in general, who sought for weapons against their adver- 
 saries in the arsenal of their national and religious literature, as 
 well as in the Bible. But as regards one work, " The Noble 
 Lesson," a different solution may be given of the difficulty . 
 Raynouard has settled, that the two manuscripts extant of this 
 poem were copied at distant intervals, or from different manu- 
 scripts, because in one the preposition avec (with) is expressed 
 by au, and in the other by cum; and he concludes that the 
 Cambridge manuscript, which has always au, is more ancient 
 than that of Geneva, which has cww.f 
 
 * Admitting that there might have been other copyists beside the barbes, it 
 cannot be doubted, from the fact of their employment, that they possessed the 
 requisite knowledge. 
 
 t The prepositions au and con are both in use at the present day, in different 
 localities, but with precisely Iho same signification. Au mi, con mi, both mean, 
 with me. 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The authenticity of some books has also been disputed, because 
 they contain quotations from the Fathers. This remark applies 
 particularly to the tract on Purgatory, of the date 112G. The 
 ancient Vaudois, it is said, acknowledged in matters of faith no 
 authority but that of the Bible ; they never cited the Fathers 5 
 therefore the tract on purgatory is not genuine. But it is easy 
 to reply, that, maintaining their principle perfectly inviolate, that 
 the Bible alone is of authority in matters of faith, the Vaudois 
 could demonstrate the error of their adversaries on purgatory 
 and other points, by appealing to the testimony of those Fathers 
 of the Church, on whom the Roman Catholics principally rested 
 their doctrine. 
 
 An anonymous and quite modern author has made another 
 more serious objection against the tract on purgatory, although, 
 by a strange mistake, he imagines that he is urging it against 
 the work on Antichrist. He justly observes, that the Yaudois 
 writing at the beginning of the twelfth century quotes a more 
 recent work, namely, the Milleloquium of St. Augustine, which is 
 a compilation from the writings of that father made by one 
 Augustinus Triumphus, who appeared with applause at the 
 Sorbonne, and at the council of Lyons, in 1274. Certainly this 
 objection is very forcible and startling ; how can it be met and 
 refuted ? By the mention of a very simple fact, already stated, 
 namely, that the writings of the Vaudois were often copied, and 
 sometimes, we may add, with considerable variations. It has 
 been proved, in fact, that the extracts published by Leger from 
 the Purgatory, and which gave rise to the objection, were taken 
 from an abridgment, and not from the original treatise, which is 
 of far greater extent ; a treatise which exists among the manu- 
 scripts in the library of Geneva, and is numbered 208. The 
 author of the abridgment has cited the Milleloquium, which 
 doubtless was at hand ; while the original treatise frequently 
 quotes St. Augustine himself, at one time from his book on the 
 sacraments, at another from his work on the doctrines of the 
 gospel, and again from a discourse on the words, " Drunkards 
 shall not inherit the kingdom of God." Here it is that the pas- 
 sage occurs, " My brethren, let no man deceive himself; there 
 are only two places," (that is, paradise and hell,) "the third 
 (purgatory) does not exist at all," etc. Any one may convince 
 himself of the fact. 
 
OBJECTIONS AND REFUTATIONS. 85 
 
 Do uot the numerous quotations from St. Augustine, in this 
 treatise, authorize us in supposing that the anonymous author 
 of the twelfth century, quoted above and printed in Martene, 
 refers to it when he mentions a Vaudois writing called " The 
 Thirty Degrees of Saint Augustine ?" And theD, Avhat will the 
 objection raised against it signify ? 
 
 Lastly, it has been remarked, that these writings speak of the 
 persecutions endured by the Vaudois ; and hence it is inferred 
 that they could not be productions of the twelfth century, since 
 they were not persecuted in their valleys till a much later period. 
 But this objection falls to the ground, if, on the one hand, we 
 reflect that there might be persecutions of which history has 
 preserved no record ; and, on the other, if it be granted that the 
 heretics destroyed by fire and sword, at Asti, Orleans, Toulouse, 
 Arras, and other places, in the eleventh century, were regarded 
 as brethren by the Vaudois. 
 
 The authenticity of the Vaudois writings of the year 1100, 
 1120, 1126, and 1230, being once admitted, we believe it is in 
 our power to deduce from them the antiquity of the church from 
 which they proceeded. It is not, in fact, at its first rise, that a 
 religious society exhibits its doctrines and its practice in numer- 
 ous writings ; for, before opinions are reduced to formal state- 
 ments, they must be settled and fixed in the minds of men ; and 
 so, also, before those characteristics, whether general or parti- 
 cular, that compose the life of a society are committed to writing, 
 the facts from which they are deduced must have had time to 
 take place. In a word, it is not at the epoch of its formation, 
 but at that of its full growth and maturity, that a religious society 
 abounds in books of edification, instruction, and controversy, 
 and in Christian poetry. It appears to us, then, to be demon- 
 strated, that in the year 1100, the date of the poem of " The 
 Noble Lesson " and of the Vaudois Catechism, the Church of 
 the valleys, far from being merely in the dawn of evangelical 
 light and in the first stages of its development, had already at- 
 tained the age of strength and reflection ; and since no fact is 
 mentioned in history which explains in what way the Vaudois 
 doctrine penetrated into the valleys, during the two or three 
 preceding centuries, while many facts render its existence pro- 
 bable from the time of Claude of Turin, and even earlier, it 
 follows that the Vaudois Church, which produced such remark- 
 
86 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 able writings at the commencement of the twelfth century, was 
 a continuation of that which this faithful bishop instructed. She 
 had lived in obscurity, training and fortifying herself, preparing 
 for the combat, from the days of this pious successor of the 
 apostles till those in which a Pierre de Bruis, a Henry, and so 
 many other courageous disciples of Christ, were seen descending 
 from the mountains, bringing with them the fragrance of the 
 pure gospel; and till the appearance of these religious writings 
 in the Romance language, which were designed to proclaim the 
 truths of revelation, and to hold up to imitation the holy life of 
 the children of God. From being feeble and timid, the Vaudois 
 Church became strong and courageous. Repose no longer suited 
 her fidelity. She renounced it in publishing her thoughts ; she 
 did more — she proceeded to make a succession of sacrifices in 
 order to achieve the triumph of the truth ! 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE BELIEF OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The belief of the Vaudois has, like their writings, a strongly 
 marked character of fidelity to the Scriptures, and thus is found 
 to be in harmony, on all essential points, with the faith of the 
 primitive church, and the different evangelical churches to which 
 the reformation gave birth. 
 
 A complete and minute parallel between the Yaudois doctrines 
 and those of the primitive Church would detain us too long ; we 
 must confine ourselves to the principal features. 
 
 And in the first place, we remark, that the Vaudois remained 
 faithful to the pure tradition of the Church of the first ages, in 
 what concerns the source and rule of the Christian faith. With 
 them the source of the truth was entirely and only in the word 
 of God ; and they recognized as such, the canonical books of 
 the Old Testament, which the Jews had already received as in- 
 spired, and the books of the New Testament, such as were gene- 
 rally in use. As to the books which the Jews have transmitted 
 to us as apocryphal, they said, " We read them for the instruc- 
 
THEIR RULE OF FAITH. 87 
 
 tion of the people, but not to confirm the authority of the doc- 
 trines of the Church."* 
 
 As to the rule of their faith, they rejected every point of doc- 
 trine which did not appear to them conformable to the instruc- 
 tions and spirit of the word of God ; at the same time, they pro- 
 fessed to believe and observe everything which it reveals and 
 ordains. This wise and faithful rule served them as a fence 
 against error, and an answer to the attacks of their adversaries. 
 Prove by the Holy Scriptures that we are in error, (they said 
 to such persons,) and we are ready to submit. From the most 
 remote period this declaration, always the same in spirit, if not 
 in express terms, was one of the distinctive features of their re- 
 ligious physiognomy. Taking literally that injunction of the 
 Spirit of God respecting revealed truth, " Ye shall not add unto 
 the word which I command you, neither shall ye diminish aught 
 from it ;" the ancient Vaudois constantly rejected doctrines that 
 were based on authority and human tradition : they repelled, 
 with holy indignation and horror, images, crosses, and relics, as 
 objects of veneration or worship ; the adoration and intercession 
 of the blessed virgin Mary and the saints ; they consequently re- 
 jected the feasts consecrated to these same saints, the prayers 
 addressed to them, the incense and tapers that were burned in 
 their honour ; they likewise rejected the Mass, auricular confes- 
 sion, purgatory, extreme unction, and prayers for the dead, ho- 
 ly water, Lent, abstinence from meat at certain times and on cer- 
 tain days, imposed fasts and penances, processions, pilgrimages, 
 the celibacy of the clergy, monkery, etc., etc. Their declaration 
 on these points is as explicit as it is strong. 
 
 " We have always believed," they say, in their Confession of 
 faith of the year 1120, (articles 10 and 11,) "that all things in- 
 vented by men, such as the feasts and vigils of the saints, holy 
 water, abstinence on certain days from meat and other kinds of 
 food, and, in short, all such things, and especially masses, are an 
 abomination, which ought not to be mentioned in the presence 
 of God. We hold in abomination human inventions as antichris- 
 tian ; inventions for which we are disturbed, and which are pre- 
 judicial to liberty of spirit." 
 
 We nowhere find that the Vaudois occupied themselves with 
 the vain questions that have often been agitated with warmth, 
 * (See Confession of Faith, Article iii.) 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 such as the perpetual virginity of Mary, and her pretended dig- 
 nity as mother of God, her nativity, assumption, and other such 
 points, of which no mention is made in the Holy Scriptures. 
 
 The Vaudois subscribed, moreover, to the articles of the Apos- 
 tles' Creed. We read at the head of their confession of faith — 
 " We believe and maintain firmly all that is contained in the 
 twelve articles of what is called the Apostles' Creed, regarding 
 as heresy whatever is not conformable to it." They also re- 
 ceived the Athanasian Creed, which is found among the manu- 
 scripts in their language, and the decisions of the first four gene- 
 ral councils, as not departing from the rule of doctrine maintain- 
 ed among them, namely, the word of God.* 
 
 To specify the belief of the Vaudois on some fundamental 
 points, we add that their faith in God is scriptural. " We be- 
 lieve in one God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit," they say in 
 art. 2 of their Confession. " This God, all-powerful, all-wise, and 
 all-good, has made all things by his goodness." (Art. 3.) 
 
 In reference to man they express themselves thus : " God 
 formed Adam in his image and in his likeness ; but through the 
 malice of the devil, and by Adam's disobedience, sin entered into 
 the world, and all are sinners in Adam and by Adam." (Art. 4.) 
 
 They received the doctrine of redemption in its simplicity and 
 purity. With them, salvation is gratuitous ; it is a gift of God 
 through the work of Jesus Christ, a gift granted to all those who 
 believe. " We believe" (say they, Art. 7) " that Christ is to us 
 life, truth, peace, and righteousness, Shepherd and Advocate, 
 sacrifice and Priest ; that he died for the salvation of all believ- 
 ers, and rose again for our justification." 
 
 Their belief respecting the state of men after death is perfect- 
 ly conformable to the gospel. We read in the 9th article of their 
 confession of faith, " We believe, likewise, that after this life there 
 are only two abodes, (places ;) the one for those who are saved, 
 which we call paradise, and the other for the lost, which we call 
 hell ; we deny altogether that purgatory dreamed of by Anti- 
 christ, and imagined contrary to the truth." 
 
 The Vaudois admitted only the two sacraments instituted by 
 
 Jesus Christ, namely, baptism and the holy supper, which they 
 
 administered conformably to their institution. " We believe," 
 
 they say in art. 12, "that the sacraments are signs or visible 
 
 * See Leger, vol. i, p. 116. 
 
SUBMISSION TO CIVIL AUTHORITY. 89 
 
 forms of invisible graces. We maintain that it is good for the 
 faithful sometimes to use these said signs or visible forms, if it 
 can be done ; and yet we believe and maintain that the faithful 
 may be saved without receiving the said signs, if they have nei- 
 ther place nor means for using them." And they add, (art. 13,) 
 " We have known no other sacraments besides baptism and the 
 eucharist." 
 
 The Vaudois were not forgetful of one essential point for the 
 true disciples of Jesus Christ, submission to the civil power, and 
 which it was desirable to specify, in order to shut the mouths of 
 gainsayers who charged them with not recognizing the authority 
 of the magistrate. " We are bound," they declare, in art. 14, 
 " to honour the secular power by submission, obedience, good- 
 will, and the payment of tribute." After the example of the 
 first Christians, and according to the order of their Divine Mas- 
 ter, they rendered to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to 
 God the things that are God's. 
 
 Such, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, was the belief of 
 the Vaudois, as exhibited in their writings, from the year 1100 to 
 1126, and in their other treatises. 
 
 It may, perhaps, be noticed, that no mention is made in a spe- 
 cial manner of some particular doctrines, such as election, pre- 
 destination, and grace. This silence seems to show, that they 
 followed and received in simplicity of heart the declarations of 
 Scripture. 
 
 To complete this brief exposition of the doctrine professed by 
 the ancient Vaudois, it remains for us to lay before our readers 
 some of the opinions that have been passed upon them, and the 
 accounts which have been given by Catholic writers, their ad- 
 versaries. Certainly, as might be expected, the Vaudois doc- 
 trines have not been presented by them in an advantageous light, 
 and very often they have been distorted ; nevertheless, it is not 
 difficult to distinguish the truth in their statements from the er- 
 ror or falsehood. 
 
 One of these adversaries of the Vaudois, father Richini, ac- 
 cuses them of maintaining that it is not necessary to confess to 
 men, but that it is sufficient to confess to God ; that external 
 penances are not necessary for salvation; and that when the 
 sinner repents of his sins, whatever may be their number, if 
 death surprises him in this state, he goes straight to paradise. 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Though it is not probable that the Vaudois expressed them- 
 selves in terms so little befitting the subject as the preceding, 
 yet we acknowledge that the doctrine thus announced was es- 
 sentially theirs. Not having seen in the Holy Scriptures the 
 obligation of confession to the priest, or of penances, they con- 
 fined themselves to confession of sins to God, on which they in- 
 sisted with so much the more force ; and they believed, accord- 
 ing to the gospel, that a sincere repentance, united to a living 
 faith in the Saviour, sufficed to obtain from the Divine mercy the 
 pardon of sin, and an entrance into the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 According to father Richini, the Vaudois also said, " that all 
 good men are, as such, priests ; and that every individual in a 
 state of grace has as much power to grant absolution as we ac- 
 knowledge the pope to possess They despise the abso- 
 lutions and excommunications of the Church, saying that none 
 but God is able to excommunicate." The most ancient authors 
 express themselves in the same manner.* 
 
 This statement is correct ; the Vaudois acknowledging in no 
 man the right to absolve sins otherwise than by declaring to 
 every believer that Christ has delivered him from condemnation, 
 could affirm that every believer had as much right as any one, 
 whoever he might be, consequently as the pope himself, to de- 
 clare the believer absolved or saved, by announcing to every 
 contrite and believing heart the benefit of the death of Jesus 
 Christ. As to the pretended right which the Romish Church 
 arrogated to itself of binding or absolving, we may see the view 
 taken of it by the Vaudois, by reading in " The Noble Lesson " 
 of the year 1100, from verse 378 to the 413th, and in the trea- 
 tise on Antichrist of the year 1 1 20, to the fifth and sixth para- 
 graphs.! 
 
 " They ridicule the papal indulgences," Richini says again, 
 " absolutions, the power of the keys conferred on the Church, 
 the dedication and consecration of churches or altars, calling 
 these ceremonies feasts of stones. They say that the whole 
 earth is equally consecrated and blessed of God ; for this reason 
 they acknowledge no peculiar sacredness either in cemeteries or 
 churches." 
 
 * Richini Dissertatio secunda, cap. iii, de Valdensibus in libros Moneta.— Rai- 
 nier and Polichdorf, c. xxxiii— Eberard, cap. xii.— Moneta. liv. v, cap. 5. 
 t (See the Appendix to the original work.) 
 
ACCUSATIONS OF THEIR ADVERSARIES EXAMINED. 91 
 
 It is well known that the Vaudois were often reduced to the 
 precarious state of the first Christians. The congregation met 
 in the first place that offered, oftentimes under the vault of 
 heaven, in a desert, in woods, or in caves. They never imagined 
 that the temple imparted sanctity to the persons assembled, nor 
 that any value could be attached to the mere building ; for the 
 whole earth belonged to the Lord. Jesus taught the Samaritan 
 woman by Jacob's well, and his disciples on a mountain, by the 
 sea-shore, or in a ship, as well as in the temple at Jerusalem. 
 If the Vaudois condemned the dedication and consecration of 
 churches or altars, designating them " feasts of stones," it was 
 because the presence of the Lord consecrates the church ; and 
 it is by prayer, and not by ceremonies, that this blessing is ob- 
 tained. As for cemeteries, they could hold them in little esteem, 
 on account of the purity of their faith and their exalted hopes. 
 Of what importance could the place of rest for their mortal re- 
 mains be to them, while expecting the resurrection ? Their 
 only desire was, that their souls might be admitted into the 
 presence of their Lord ; yet it is known that the Albigensian 
 Vaudois, the disciple 6 of Pierre de Bruis and Henry, had 
 cemeteries. 
 
 Catholic writers have also said, " The Vaudois ridicule reli- 
 gious singing and Divine service, and say that it is insulting to 
 God to sing what we wish to utter to him, as if he could not 
 understand our prayers without our chanting them." 
 
 This account is incorrect; the Vaudois could not object to 
 singing in churches, and psalms and hymns; for they would 
 have condemned what God has ordained in his word, to which 
 they were so submissive. Besides, we cannot doubt that they 
 themselves would have admitted, as an act of worship, the sing- 
 ing of God's praises, since any one may see, in the library at 
 Geneva, many hymns of the ancient Vaudois, forming in the 
 whole a considerable collection, (the Geneva manuscript.) It 
 cannot, then, be questioned that the censures they expressed 
 related to the abuses of the Romish Church in singing in an 
 unknown tongue, and in substituting masses, and other chanted 
 services, for acts of worship " in spirit and in truth." 
 
 " The Vaudois," it is also said, " maintain that those who do 
 not observe the prescribed fasts, and who eat meat according to 
 their own pleasure, commit no sin, provided they do not give of- 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 fence to others : thus, in private, they eat meat on any day and 
 in any place whatever, provided no one takes offence at it." 
 
 This testimony is honourable ; it confirms our conviction that 
 the Vaudois had no other rule of faith than the word of God, and 
 they knew how to unite charity and truth. 
 
 Richini says again, " They accuse of sin whoever pronounces 
 or executes a capital sentence ; they regard as homicides and 
 reprobates those who preach crusades against the Saracens or 
 Albigenses." Rainier reports (chap. 5) that the Vaudois regard 
 the pope and all the bishops as homicides, on account of the wars, 
 {propter bella.) Moneta treats the same subject at length, in 
 his fifth book, chap. xiii. 
 
 Must the first proposition be understood as expressing an ab- 
 solute disapproval of capital punishment ? We know not how to 
 understand it otherwise. But it is, at least, very striking to see 
 this important question already resolved by the Yaudois of the 
 twelfth century. As to the censure passed on those who ex- 
 cited others to war, and particularly on the pope and bishops who 
 preached in favour of the crusades, and to k part in many other 
 wars, we find it perfectly in harmony wita what we know of the 
 reverence of the Vaudois for the spirit of the gospel. 
 
 An old anonymous writer, already quoted, thus expresses him- 
 self: — " The Vaudois affirm, that the clergy and priests who 
 have riches and possessions are children of the devil, and the 
 creatures of perdition. They condemn as guilty of sin those who 
 pay them tithes and make them offerings. They say that this is, 
 as it were, fattening lard." 
 
 Eainier discusses this question more at length. He writes : — 
 " These heretics teach that we ought not to pay tithes, because 
 they were not paid in the primitive Church; that priests and 
 monks ought not to have prebends nor possessions ; that bishops 
 and abbots ought not to enjoy the revenues of vacant bishoprics ; 
 that they ought not to divide among themselves land and popu- 
 lation ; that it was wrong to endow monasteries and churches, 
 and to make wills in their favour ; that Churches ought not to 
 possess any revenue, but that the clergy ought, after the exam- 
 ple of the apostles, to labour with their own hands for their live- 
 lihood." — Richini, ibid. — Polichdorf, ch. i. — Eberard, ch. x. — Mo- 
 neta, liv. v, ch. 8. 
 
 As it is true that the Vaudois taught and practised detachment 
 
GENERAL SURVEY. 93 
 
 from the world ; that they censured avarice, covetousness, world- 
 liness, and sensuality, and that their barbes or pastors laboured 
 with their own hands for their subsistence ; as it is undeniable 
 that the Romish clergy of the middle ages thought more about 
 getting rich and enjoying themselves than being models of Chris- 
 tian virtue ; it may be easily understood and explained how the 
 Vaudois indulged in no measured reproaches, and perhaps some- 
 times exaggerated, in its application, a principle that in itself 
 was just. 
 
 As to the authority of the Church in matters of faith, it is very 
 true that the Vaudois refused to every ecclesiastical or other body, 
 and to every individual, the right of fixing the sense of Scripture 
 in an absolute manner, — of imposing their interpretation as a 
 rule of faith ; in a word, of adding to, or taking from the word 
 of God, under the pretext of giving it greater clearness. But 
 it is an exaggerated statement to pretend that the Vaudois made 
 no account of councils and the fathers of the Church. Their 
 writings prove that they cited them, not, it is true, as a rule of 
 faith, but as a support and confirmation of their manner of view- 
 ing truth conformably to the Holy Scriptures. 
 
 It cannot, then, be denied that the Vaudois doctrine was pure, 
 as far as it is given to human weakness to express it, since it 
 flowed only from the word of God, received with an humble and 
 submissive heart. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE MORAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 " Every good tree bringeth forth good fruit," said the Head of 
 the Church, our Lord Jesus Christ, (Matt, vii, 1 7.) According 
 to this invariable rule, a Church that pretends to be founded on 
 the word of truth ought to give proof of its being so by institu- 
 tions, usages, and practices, in which faith, humility, zeal, the 
 love of God and one's neighbour, renunciation of the world, pu- 
 rity of heart, and all the other fruits of the Spirit, are exhibited. 
 Such virtues were not wanting to the Vaudois Church. We 
 shall have occasion to point out numerous and sublime examples 
 of them in the course of this history, as the facts come under our 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 notice. For the present, we shall describe the organization of 
 the ancient Vaudois Church, and the principal features that dis- 
 tinguish it. N 
 
 One unquestionable proof of the piety of the Vaudois Church 
 is the strict and eminently evangelical discipline which it estab- 
 lished. This Discipline has been handed down to our times, 
 having been preserved in the habits and obedience of all, been 
 laid down in authentic statutes, and copied in ancient manuscripts. 
 Without being able to assign a precise date to the copy of it 
 which we have, and which the historian Leger has preserved for 
 us, we can affirm that it was prior to the Reformation, as is shown 
 by the testimony of the Reformers Bucer and Melancthon, who 
 approved of it. — Leger, Histoire Generate, part i, pp. 190-199. 
 
 Its simplicity and severity also attest its antiquity. " Disci- 
 pline," as the document from which we are extracting asserts, 
 " is an assemblage of all the moral doctrine taught by Jesus Christ 
 and the apostles, showing to each individual the manner in which 
 he ought to live and walk worthily in the righteousness which is 
 by faith, agreeably to the calling he has received, and what ought 
 to be the communion of the faithful in the same love of good, and 
 the same departure from evil." 
 
 " To attain this object, the Church has pastors who direct it. 
 Great care is exercised, so as not to consecrate any to this office 
 but true believers." In fact, the aspirants to this important 
 charge were required to give proof of their humility and sincere 
 desire to consecrate themselves to the work of the ministry. The 
 barbes,* or pastors, trained their successors : — " We give them 
 lessons," they say in their Discipline ; " we make them learn by 
 heart the whole of St. Matthew and St. John, and all the canoni- 
 cal Epistles, a good part of the writings of Solomon, of David, 
 and the prophets. And afterwards, if a good testimony is borne 
 to their character, they are admitted by the imposition of hands 
 to the office of preaching." The right of consecrating them was 
 vested in the pastors. " Among other powers which God has 
 
 * The title Barbes, anciently given to the Vaudois pastors, is synonymous with 
 the word uncle. It is now no longer given to them. Leger says that after the 
 year 1630, when the plague had carried off all the Vaudois barbes with the ex- 
 ception of two, (or three,) Genevese and French pastors were introduced, whom 
 the people saluted respectfully by the title of Monsieur Ic pasteur. Nevertheless, 
 the word barbe is not quite obsolete ; it is still used as a term of respect in ad- 
 dressing an old man, etc. 
 
MISSIONARIES. 95 
 
 given his servants, he has given them power to choose leaders 
 (pastors) who may govern the people, and to appoint elders to 
 their offices, according to the diversity of their employments, in 
 the unity of Christ, as the apostle proves in his Epistle to Titus, 
 (chap, i, 5 :) ' For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou 
 shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain 
 elders in every city as I had appointed thee.' " 
 
 As to the discipline of the pastors, it is said : — " Whenever 
 any one of our pastors has fallen into any disgraceful sin, he is 
 expelled from our society, and the office of preaching is taken 
 from him." As to their support, it is said : — " Our food and 
 clothing are supplied and given to us gratuitously, and in the 
 way of alms, as much as is needed, by the good people whom we 
 teach." The barbes, moreover, all applied themselves to some 
 useful art, particularly medicine and surgery. 
 
 No hierarchical distinction was established ; the only differ- 
 ence that existed between the pastors was that arising from age, 
 or services performed, and personal respect. 
 
 " The barbes usually assembled once a year in a general sy- 
 nod, to consult respecting the affairs of their ministry, most fre- 
 quently in the month of September," says our historian, Gilles. 
 " In these synods," he adds, " they examined and admitted to 
 the holy ministry such students as appeared qualified, and also 
 named those who were to travel to distant churches."* We learn 
 in the sequel, that the space of time ordinarily assigned to their 
 mission was two years. They were to remain in their distant 
 stations, till other »pastors came to take their places. The pastors 
 who were fitted for these expeditions undertook them courage- 
 ously, although they were often exposed to much danger. 
 
 Gilles states further, in speaking of times not so ancient : " They 
 also had extraordinary meetings by deputies from all parts of 
 Europe, where Vaudois Churches existed. Such was the synod 
 held at Laux, (Laos,) in the valley of Clusone, in the time of 
 our immediate ancestors, when one hundred and forty pastors of 
 the Vaudois met together from different countries. — Gilles, His- 
 toire Ecclesiastique, pp. 16, 17. Geneva, 1644. 
 
 * When did this long-established practice commence ? It would be very in- 
 teresting to have some information on this point. It would perhaps account for 
 the existence of so many unknown priests who are often referred to in this 
 document. 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 These facts are confirmed by many writers. In the bull of 
 pope John XXII., addressed to Jean de Badis, inquisitor in the 
 diocese of Marseilles, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, 
 we read among other things : — " It has come to our ears, that in 
 the valleys of Lucerna, Perosa, etc., the Vaudois (Valdenses) he- 
 retics have increased and multiplied, so as to form frequent as- 
 semblies in a kind of chapters, in which they meet to the num- 
 ber of five hundred." It can only be to the synods that this pas- 
 sage refers. 
 
 Tradition reports that the school of the Vaudois barbes was 
 in a retired glen, the Pra-di-torre, in the centre of the mountains 
 of Angrogna. 
 
 It appears that some pastors were married ; while the greater 
 part were not so, though not on account of its being prohibited, 
 but that they might be more free for the service of the Lord. — 
 Gilles, Ibidem. 
 
 The elders (regidors) were chosen by the people (and from 
 among the people) to collect the alms and offerings. The money 
 they received was taken by them to the general council, and 
 there, in the presence of all, handed over to their superiors. 
 One portion was reserved by the latter for those who were to 
 go to distant parts as the messengers of Christ, as will be men- 
 tioned afterward, (chap. XIII.,) and another was appropriated 
 to the poor. A third part was allotted to the support of the barbes. 
 
 The instruction of the children formed an important part of 
 the Discipline. " Children," it is said, "must be rendered spi- 
 ritual towards God, by means of discipline and instruction. He 
 who instructs his son confounds the enemy, and when the father 
 dies he may almost be said not to be deceased, for he leaves be- 
 hind him a living likeness. Therefore instruct thy son in the fear 
 of the Lord, and in the way of holy habits, and of the faith. Fur- 
 thermore, hast thou daughters ? watch over them, lest they err. 
 For Dinah, Jacob's daughter, corrupted herself, from having ex- 
 posed herself to the eyes of strangers." 
 
 Fraternal correction was established as well as ecclesiastical. 
 " Correction is to be administered in order to inspire fear, and 
 to punish those who are not faithful, and that they may be de- 
 livered from their wickedness and restored to sound doctrine — 
 to faith, charity, hope, and everything that is good." Firmness, 
 prudence, and charity were observed in the administration of 
 
KNOWLEDGE OF THE BIBLE. 97 
 
 reproof. If the offender resisted brotherly exhortations, and his 
 fault had been serious and public, should he refuse to amend, ec- 
 clesiastical penalties were inflicted on him. He might be de- 
 prived " of all assistance from the Church, of the ministry, of 
 the fellowship of the Church, and of union with it." 
 
 The frequenting of taverns, " those fountains of sin and schools 
 of the devil, where he works miracles of his own kind," were 
 prohibited, as well as dancing, " which is a procession and pa- 
 geant of the evil spirit. In the dance, the devil tempts men by 
 means of women in three ways — by touch, sight, and hearing. 
 In the dance, God's ten commandments are broken ; the hearts 
 of men are intoxicated with temporal joys ; they forget God, they 
 utter nothing but falsehood and folly, and abandon themselves to 
 pride and cupidity." 
 
 The Discipline regulated marriage, and required the consent 
 of parents ; and, in short, recapitulated in a summary manner 
 the principal rules of Christian conduct contained in the gospel. 
 
 An ecclesiastical organization so powerful, and so conformed 
 to the spirit of the gospel, could be derived only from one source i 
 namely, an acquaintance with the word of life, and an habitual 
 submission to its precepts through faith. 
 
 A familiar acquaintance with the Bible, and submission to its 
 teachings, formed, in fact, the distinctive feature of the ancient 
 Vaudois. The investigation of the Holy Scriptures was not the 
 duty or the privilege of the barbes alone and their pupils ; the 
 layman, the laborious rustic, the humble artisan, the mountain 
 cowherd, the mother of a family, the young girl watching the 
 cattle and working the while with her spindle, studied the Bible 
 attentively and conscientiously. The inquisitor Rainier reports 
 that some of the common people could repeat the whole of the 
 book of Job, which is certainly not an easy task, and many of 
 the psalms. The same author puts into the mouth of a Vaudois 
 missionary the following words : " Among us, it is an unusual 
 thing if a woman cannot repeat, as well as a man, the whole of 
 the text in the vulgar tongue." Assuredly Rainier could not 
 have made such assertions without foundation. 
 
 So laborious and general a study of the word of God among 
 a people, forms of itself alone the indication of a character deeply 
 serious and reflective, and eminently moral. It implies a wide 
 development of religions sentiment, as well as ancient and vener- 
 
98 HISTORY OE THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 able habits of piety. A fruit of faith, it is like fruits which 
 have in themselves the germ of a plant of the same kind ; it pos- 
 sesses, in its turn, the principle of its reproduction, at the same 
 time that it nourishes souls who are already rendered fruitful. 
 Yes ; the constant study of the Bible, which is a work of faith to 
 the believer, becomes, to him who witnesses it, seed which will 
 germinate in due time, while it continues to be also vital nourish- 
 ment to the faith that is still weak. 
 
 One of the agents of Rome in the persecutions against the Vau- 
 dois, the inquisitor Rainier Sacco, has done them justice, in his 
 book against the Valdenses, when he says : " The heretics may 
 be known by their manners and their language ; for they are 
 well-ordered and modest in their manners ; they avoid pride in 
 their dress, the materials of which are neither expensive nor 
 mean. They do not engage in mercantile pursuits, in order that 
 they may avoid temptations to falsehood, swearing, and fraud. 
 They live by their labour as artisans ; their men of learning are 
 likewise shoemakers. They do not amass wealth, but content 
 themselves with what is necessary. They are chaste, especially 
 the Leonists. They are temperate in eating and drinking. They 
 do not frequent taverns or dances, and are not addicted to other 
 vanities. They are on their guard against the indulgence of 
 anger. They labour constantly. They study and teach ; they 
 also pray, but little. ... They may be known also by their 
 concise and modest discourse ; they guard against indulging in 
 jesting, slander, or profanity."* 
 
 We claim also the testimony of Bernard. The heretics of 
 whom he speaks are not, it is true, the Vaudois of the valleys of 
 Piedmont, but they are, as we think has been proved, their dis- 
 ciples, their children and brethren in the faith, their companions 
 in labour — those who in the south of France were called Apos- 
 tolicals, because they aspired, like every Christian friend of the 
 gospel, to reproduce, in their language and actions, the doctrine 
 and life of the apostles. Along with reports dictated by prejudice 
 and the ill-will of a partisan of Rome, the writings of St. Bernard 
 contain some remarkable concessions. Reproaching the heretics 
 for refusing to take an oath, he asks them on what passage of the 
 New Testament they support their practice. And then he ac- 
 
 * Maxima Biblioth, P. P., t. xxv, chsi iii and vii, cols. 263, 264, 272.— See also 
 a similar passage by another author, col. 275. 
 
TESTIMONY OF DE THOU. 99 
 
 knowledges that " they glory" (though erroneously, in his opinion) 
 " in following it to every iota." This single feature says much. 
 Men who studied scrupulously to follow the gospel, and who for 
 conscience' sake, and to obey their Lord, refused to take an oath, 
 could not but be moral men. Bernard, carried away by his pre- 
 judices, accuses " this wicked heresy of being skilful in lying not 
 only in speaking, but also in the actions of the life. If you ask," 
 he says, " what is its faith ? nothing is more Christian ; if you 
 ask, what is its manner of life ? nothing is more irreproachable. 
 And it proves what it says by the effects. In testimony of his 
 faith, you see a man frequent the church, honour the priests, 
 make his offerings, confess, and partake of the sacraments. What 
 can be more faithful ?* In regard to life and manners, he strikes 
 no one ; he circumvents no one ; he does not exalt himself above 
 any one. Fastings render him pale ; he never eats the bread 
 of idleness, but labours with his own hands for his livelihood." — 
 Divi Bernardi Opera; Parisiis, 1548, Sermo 65, pp. 170 and 1 71. 
 
 An archbishop of Turin, Claude de Seyssel, who, about the 
 year 1517, endeavoured to draw the Vaudois of the Piedmontese 
 valleys within the pale of the Romish Church, attests, that " as 
 to their life and manners, they were irreproachable among men, 
 applying themselves with all their power to the observance of 
 the commandments of God." — Leger, pt. i, p. 184. 
 
 De Thou, in his Universal History, has preserved the account 
 given to Francis I. by Guillaume du Bellay de Langey, who had 
 been commissioned by that prince to collect information respect- 
 ing the Vaudois of Provence, Merindol, ,Cabrieres, etc., colonies 
 of the Vaudois of Piedmont. " He found," says the author, " by 
 the most exact scrutiny, that those who were called Vaudois were 
 persons who, for three centuries, had received from certain lords 
 some uncultivated lands on certain conditions ; who, by indefa- 
 tigable labour and constant cultivation, had made them fertile in 
 corn and pasturage ; that they knew how to endure toil and pri- 
 
 * This would be scarcely honourable for the Vaudois ; but we may venture to 
 say, that the imputed fact was only true for a short time, or in individual cases. 
 The Christians mentioned here by St. Bernard were perhaps, only, recently con- 
 verted when he came to Toulouse and other places, and he has attributed to the 
 generality what was true only of persons who were timid and imperfectly con- 
 vinced. It should be particularly observed, that Rome was not yet entirely sunk 
 id its errors and superstitions, since heretics were permitted to preach, as Hen- 
 ry at Mans, etc. 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 vations with patience ; that they abhorred quarrels and law-suits ; 
 that they were compassionate towards the poor ; that they paid 
 with much exactness and fidelity tribute to the king and the dues 
 to their lords ; that their continual prayers and the innocence of 
 their manners made it sufficiently apparent that they honoured 
 God sincerely." — Histoire Universelle, par De Thou, Bale, 1742, 
 t. i, p. 539. 
 
 Lastly, a Piedmontese historian, Botta, in speaking of more 
 modern times, remarks, " In short, the Vaudois, whether it was 
 the effect of their religion, of their poverty, of their feebleness, 
 or of the persecutions which they endured, have preserved in- 
 tegrity of manners, and it cannot be said that they threw off the 
 reins of authority in order to yield to the impetuosity of the pas- 
 sions."— Storia d'ltalia di Carlo Botta, Parigi, 1832, t. i, 369, 370. 
 
 After these various proofs, and all these testimonies, it must 
 be acknowledged that the ancient Vaudois honoured by their 
 character, their words, and their life, the profession they made 
 of submitting in all things to the gospel. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE MISSIONARY ZEAL AND PROSELYTISM OF THE ANCIENT 
 VAUDOIS. 
 
 A prominent feature in the religious character of the ancient 
 Vaudois, and one which merits special attention, is their spirit of 
 proselytism and their missionary zeal. In this respect, also, the 
 Vaudois Church resembled that of the first Christians. 
 
 The church which engraved on its seal a torch burning 
 in darkness, with this motto, Lux lucet in tenebris, (" the light 
 shineth in darkness,") this church was not unmindful to put in 
 practice the Saviour's injunction, on which that image was found- 
 ed, and which is thus expressed : " Neither do men light a candle, 
 and put it under a bushel, but on a candlestick ; and it giveth 
 light unto all that are in the house. Let your light so shine be- 
 fore men." Matt. v. 15, 16. 
 
 Bernard de Foncald, a Roman Catholic author of the twelfth 
 century, speaking of the members of the Vaudois sect that were 
 spread through France, says, " They all preach here and there, 
 
SPIRIT OF PROSELYTISM. 101 
 
 without distinction of age or sex ; and maintain that every one 
 who knows the word of God ought to spread it among the people 
 and preach it." An anonymous writer of the following century 
 expresses himself in these terms in his treatise on the heresy of 
 the Poor Men of Lyons : " They (the Vaudois) employ all their 
 zeal in drawing numbers with them into error. They teach very 
 young girls the Gospels and the Epistles, that they may be habit- 
 uated to embrace error from their infancy ; and when they have 
 learned a little in these books, they use their utmost efforts to 
 teach it to others, wherever they may happen to be, if they con- 
 sent to hear them favourably."* 
 
 It was, no doubt, a dread of the efforts of this well-known spi- 
 rit of proselytism, which induced the magistrates of Pinerolo, in 
 the year 1220, to prohibit the inhabitants of that city and its en- 
 virons, at the risk of a penalty, from showing hospitality to a Vau- 
 dois man or woman. — Liber Statutorum civiiatis Pinaroli. Augustae 
 Taurinorum, anno 1602. 
 
 It is also an incontestable fact, that the Vaudois Church sent 
 out numerous and active missionaries in all directions. The an- 
 cient Discipline of the evangelical churches of Piedmont, cited 
 at length in the preceding chapter, is a proof of it ; for it tells 
 us that a part of the money collected by the elders was placed 
 by them in the hands of their superiors, who distributed it to 
 those who went to distant parts. Gilles, in his Ecclesiastical His- 
 tory, gives some interesting details and facts relative to the Vau- 
 dois missionaries, at a more recent period, it is true, but yet prior 
 to the Reformation. These details illustrate the application and 
 development of the very brief article in the Discipline, which 
 was itself, no doubt, a summary of the ancient practice of the 
 Church. 
 
 The same writer states that the barbes in their ordinary synods 
 " examined and admitted the students who were eligible for the 
 sacred ministry, and nominated those who were to travel and to 
 go to distant churches in Calabria, Apulia, Sicily, and other parts 
 of Italy, and also in other countries. This mission was ordina- 
 rily for two years, and continued till the places were supplied 
 with other pastors, sent by another synod of the Valleys." 
 
 He adds, in the following chapter, (iii,) " it (the synod) gene- 
 
 * Maxima Biblioth., P. P., xxiv, cols. 1586-1600. In Marine, etc. Tractatus 
 de Haeresi pauperum de Lugduno, auctore anonymo. 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 rally sent them out two and two ; one, who was more familiar 
 with the places, roads, persons, and affairs, and the other belong- 
 ing to the newly-chosen, in order that he might acquire practical 
 knowledge," etc. — Gilles, pp. 16, 17, 20, etc. 
 
 The author likewise informs us that a minister of the same 
 name as himself, Gilles, was more than once employed as a mis- 
 sionary in Calabria, about the time when the Reformation broke 
 out. Gilles adds, on this subject, a singular fact, which we think 
 worth recording. " The pastors," he says, " who were fitted for 
 foreign service, readily undertook it, although generally attended 
 with considerable danger, because it was for the honour of God 
 and the salvation of men : the barbes also accustomed their dis- 
 ciples, from the first, to such implicit obedience, that none of 
 them would have dared to attempt anything important without 
 the advice and permission of their leaders." — Gilles, pp. 16, 17. 
 
 We conceive that this entire submissiveness of the younger 
 barbes to the more aged and to the leaders, has led Roman Ca- 
 tholic authors into an error, and made them believe that the 
 Vaudois had a clerical hierarchy, like themselves, of bishops, etc. 
 But nothing in their history or writings authorizes us to believe 
 in the existence of any other distinction among the barbes, ex- 
 cepting that of age, experience, and personal qualities, which de- 
 termined their choice of leaders as circumstances might require, 
 as is still practised, and no doubt was always practised, in this 
 church. 
 
 In support and confirmation of what has been said of the mis- 
 sionary zeal of the Yaudois, we may refer to the religious mani- 
 festations of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, called forth by 
 some well-known foreigners, as Pierre de Bruis and Henry, for 
 example; others by unknown individuals, as the female who 
 came from Italy, to whom the heresy at Orleans is attributed. 
 
 Even their adversaries acknowledge the fact. Thus Eberard, 
 de Bethune, speaking of the Vallenses, whom he also calls Xa- 
 batatenses, says, " They cannot visit and see foreign countries, 
 without endeavouring to pass for so many Christs,"* that is, he 
 says, for Christians, disciples of their Master. We attach the 
 same meaning to the following passage from Bernard de Foncald : 
 
 * We see, that the missionaries had been obliged to abandon the clerical cos- 
 tume here, and had adopted another, perhaps, as they believed, in imitation of 
 Christ. 
 
TESTIMONY OF RAINIER. 103 
 
 " These Valdenses, although condemned by the same sovereign 
 pontiff, (Lucius II.,) continued to pour forth, with daring effron- 
 tery, far and wide, all over the world, the poison of their perfidy.'' 
 —Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxiv, col. 1572, 1586. 
 
 Mapee is still more explicit, when, speaking of the Vaudois 
 who appeared at the Lateran council in 1179, he adds, " These 
 people have no settled home anywhere ; they travel here and 
 there, two and two, barefooted, in a woollen dress, professing no- 
 thing, and having all things common like the apostles." — Usher, 
 pp. 269, 270. 
 
 The inquisitor Sacco (or Rainier) furnishes many similar tes- 
 timonies on the same subject. We will only mention one, which 
 is very much to the point. He tells us that the Vaudois missiona- 
 ries gained access to the higher classes by going about as pedlers. 
 " They offer for sale to people of quality ornamental articles, 
 such as rings and veils. After a purchase has been made, if the 
 pedler is asked, ' Have you anything else to sell ?' he answers, 
 1 1 have jewels more precious than these things ; I would make 
 you a present of them, if you would promise not to betray me to 
 the clergy.' Having been assured on this point, he says, ' I have 
 a pearl so brilliant that a man, by means of it, may learn to know 
 God ; I have another so splendid, that it kindles the love of God 
 in the heart of him who possesses it,' and so forth. He speaks 
 of pearls metaphorically ; then he repeats some portion of Scrip- 
 ture with which he is familiar, — such as that of Saint Luke, ' The 
 angel Gabriel was sent,' or the words of Jesus Christ in John xiii, 
 1 Before the feast,' etc. 
 
 " After this or some such address, the heretic says to his hearer : 
 ' Examine and consider which is the most perfect religion and 
 the purest faith, whether ours or that of the Romish Church, 
 and choose it, whichever it may be/ 
 
 . . . . And thus, being turned from the Catholic faith by such 
 errors, he forsakes us. A person who gives credit to such dis- 
 course, who imbibes errors of this kind, and becomes their par- 
 tisan and defender, concealing the heretic in his house for many 
 months, is initiated into all that relates to their sect."* 
 
 The foregoing details can leave no doubt respecting the 
 existence of Vaudois missionaries, and the spirit of proselytism 
 which animated the whole church. We shall have more than 
 * Reinerus, Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxv, col. 275, and following. 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 one occasion to refer to this characteristic in the course of this 
 history. 
 
 M. Planta, in his History of the Helvetic Confederacy, quotes 
 a passage from the Chronicle of the Abbey of Corbie, taken from 
 a manuscript which he believes was written about the beginning 
 of the twelfth century. This quotation, while interesting as an 
 example of missionary zeal, is also an additional proof of the an- 
 tiquity of the Vaudois Church of the Alps, as Hallam remarks 
 in his View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. 
 " Some laics of Suabia, Switzerland, and Bavaria, persons seduced 
 by the ancient race of simple men who inhabit the Alps and their 
 vicinity, and who love ancient things, wished to abase (humiliate) 
 our religion and the faith of all the Christians of the Latin Church. 
 Merchants belonging to the people of these Alps who commit the 
 Bible to memory, and who have an aversion to the rites of the 
 Church which they call new, often find their way from Switzer- 
 land (ex Suicia) into Suabia, Bavaria, and northern Italy. They 
 refuse to honour (yenerari) images, they have an aversion to 
 relics, they live on vegetables, rarely eat meat, and some of them 
 never. We therefore call them Manicheans ; some of these per- 
 sons having come to them from Hungary, etc."* 
 
 We cannot conclude this subject without recalling to mind a 
 fact which we have already noticed in chapter III., as well as in 
 chapters V. and VI. of this history ; namely, the appearance in 
 different places, during more than three hundred years, of priests 
 or foreign preachers, unknown, but pointed out to the attention 
 and inspection of the prelates, as not belonging to any church, 
 nor being subject to any spiritual chief; on which account they 
 are often called Acephali, [headless.] In our opinion, these men, 
 or at least many among them, might be the emissaries, or rather 
 the missionaries, of the faithful churches — of the Vaudois Church, 
 for example — still surviving in various places the general apos- 
 tasy, the Romish heresy. These priests, without a name, and 
 without an ordination, approved of by the apostate church, were, 
 perhaps, the spiritual guides sent to rouse the zeal and reanimate 
 the drooping faith of scattered flocks, as well as to win new souls 
 to Christ. Such were the priests twice denounced by Celestin 
 to the prelates of Gaul ; those denounced to Zachary by Boni- 
 
 * History of the Helvetic Confederacy, by Planta, vol. i, pp. 179, 180. [p. 93, 
 4to edit.,] quoted by Hallam, [iii, 467.1 
 
THE VAUDOIS IN FRANCE. 105 
 
 face of Germany ; the acephalous clerks anathematized in the 
 councils of Mayence or Arras in the year 813, of Pavia in 850 
 and 855, and of Melphi, a city of La Pouille, in 1090 : in short, 
 an Arnulph, a Pierre de Bruis, a Henry, and many others.* 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 PERSECUTION OF THE VAUDOIS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 At the beginning of the thirteenth century, the number of Vau- 
 dois Christians was considerable in all parts ; but, as we have 
 shown at the end of chapter VI., they were known under differ- 
 ent names, derived from their particular leaders, or owing as 
 much to ill-will as to certain circumstances. 
 
 In France, the work begun by Pierre de Bruis and by Henry, 
 received a new impulse from Pierre Valdo, or Pierre the Vaudois. 
 The preaching as well as the exemplary self-denial and charity 
 of this faithful and pious servant of Jesus Christ, combined with 
 the labours of his disciples, who were branded with the honour- 
 able name of the Poor Men of Lyons, had rendered essential ser- 
 vice to the cause of Christian truth. General attention was di- 
 rected to these manifestations. The effect they produced was 
 so powerful, that the remembrance of former ones was in a mea- 
 sure effaced ; and most persons living at the time make mention 
 only of Pierre Valdo and his disciples. The state of religious 
 affairs when he appeared was not recollected: the relation in 
 which he probably stood to the Vaudois who had preceded him 
 was not suspected ; and by an egregious mistake, some through 
 ignorance, and others by an inexplicable confusion, made him 
 the chief of the Vaudois sect, to which he was only affiliated, 
 though inferior to none of its members in activity. At the be- 
 ginning of the thirteenth century, the zeal of the Poor Men of 
 Lyons, joined to the efforts of the Petrobrusians, the Henricians, 
 and other sectaries, had remarkably increased the numbers of 
 the Vaudois in almost all the provinces of France. 
 
 Germany, as well as Italy, abounded with many enemies to 
 Rome. They belonged to all classes of society. Among them 
 
 * For the Councils, see the Magdeburgh Centuriators, Cent, ix, cols. 369, 370, 
 419, 420.— Delectus Actorum Ecclesiae Univ., t. i, pp. 750, 922, 1555. 
 
 5* 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 were to be found nobles, plebeians, clergy, monks, persons be- 
 longing to the religious orders, townspeople, and peasants. Tri- 
 teme, who states this fact, informs us that, at the date of the 
 year 1229, the Cathari — a subdivision of the Vaudois, as we have 
 seen in chapter VI. — were spread, though secretly, through Ger- 
 many and Italy, in Lombardy especially, in such numbers that, 
 as was said by some belonging to them, they could travel from 
 Cologne to Milan, and be hospitably received every night on their 
 road by members of their fraternity. — Triteme, pp. 224-232. 
 
 One of them, mentioned by the name ofMaitre Nouveau, (New 
 Master,} and who suffered martyrdom at Vienna, in Austria, in 
 the year 1299, averred that in that same country, in Bohemia 
 and the adjacent districts, they amounted to more than 80,000. 
 Our readers will recollect that Pierre Valdo, when obliged to 
 flee from Lyons, after having spent some time in Picardy, in 
 Vindelicia, took refuge in Bohemia, where he ended his days. 
 
 The inquisitor Rainier Sacco informs us, also, that Italy in his 
 time, about the year 1254, was filled with Cathari. Besides the 
 Bagnolensian heretics,* (so named from Bagnolo, a city situated 
 in the vicinity of the present Vaudois valleys,) Rainier speaks of 
 the Cathari of Mantua, Brescia, Bergamo, and the duchy of Milan. 
 He mentions also those of Vicenza, Florence, and the valley of Spo- 
 letto. After enumerating sixteen churches belonging to the Vau- 
 dois Cathari, established through all Europe as far as Constan- 
 tinople, he adds, that if their number (the number of the perfect, 
 without doubt, that is, of the principal among them) did not ex- 
 ceed four thousand, the believers (that is, no doubt, all who were 
 affiliated to them) were innumerable. Besides many of these 
 churches, which he places in France, as the Albigensian, he 
 names those of Bulgaria, Sclavonia, ete.f 
 
 A movement so general and so opposed to the Romish worship 
 could not fail to excite great indignation in the bosom of the pope, 
 the prelates, and the clergy. Very soon a cry of wrath and ven- 
 geance resounded from the south to the north, and the perse- 
 cution, which had hitherto been only partial and local, extended 
 to all points. A war of extermination could alone save the Ro- 
 mish establishment from the terrible blow with which it was 
 
 * This fact is confirmed by Gioffredo. Storia delle Alpi Maritime ;— in Monu- 
 menta Historic Patriae, t. iii, p. 488. 
 t Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxv, col. 269, and foHowing. 
 
DECREE OF OTHO IV. 107 
 
 threatened by the efforts of the Vaudois Christians for the pro- 
 pagation of pure doctrine, by the example of their self-denying 
 lives, their charity, their purity, and their good works. The pre- 
 lates and the pope therefore invoked the assistance of the tem- 
 poral power, and by its aid laboured to destroy their enemies ; 
 nor did they stop till they saw themselves masters, and supposed 
 they had suppressed or annihilated them. 
 
 All the particulars of this work of iniquity have not come down 
 to us. The cries of many of its victims never reached beyond 
 their prison-walls, or the crowd that assembled round their fune- 
 ral pile. The correspondence of Rome and the archives of the 
 inquisition contain many a secret, and abundant details which 
 have not transpired. On many points, we are acquainted with 
 only some isolated facts. 
 
 To begin with one of these facts, not very circumstantially 
 given, but relating to the countries most frequently mentioned 
 in this work, the Vaudois valleys of Piedmont, we shall cite the 
 first decree of persecution of which we know, obtained specifically 
 against the Vaudois by the Roman clergy, and emanating from 
 the imperial power. It is dated A. D. 1198. Otho IV., when 
 he visited Rome in order to be crowned by the pope, granted it 
 at the request of James, bishop of Turin. The following are the 
 principal passages, translated from the Latin : 
 
 " Otho, by the grace of God august emperor, to his well-be- 
 loved and faithful bishop of Turin, grace and good-will, etc. It 
 is our wish that all those who do not proceed in the right path, 
 and who strive to extinguish in our dominions the light of the 
 Catholic faith by their perverse heresy, should be punished with 
 imperial severity, and that in all parts of the empire they should 
 be separated from intercourse with the faithful. By the autho- 
 rity of these presents we enjoin you, in reference to the Vaudois 
 heretics, (Valdenses,) and all those who sow the tares of false- 
 hood in the diocese of Turin, and who attack the Catholic faith, 
 teaching any perverse error whatever, that you expel them from 
 the whole diocese of Turin, supported by the imperial authority. 
 To this end we confer upon you, etc., etc."* 
 
 The ordinance of Count Thomas of Savoy, and the magistrate 
 of Pinerolo, of the year 1220, already cited in a preceding chap- 
 
 * Taken from Spondanus in the year 1198, and the archives of Turin. See 
 Monum. Hist. Patria3, t. iii, p. 488. 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ter, might be introduced here under the head of persecutions, 
 since it prohibited every inhabitant of that city and its environs 
 from showing hospitality to the Vaudois, either men or women. 
 This severe measure shows the state of proscription in which the 
 Vaudois of this part of Piedmont were placed, whenever they 
 ventured beyond their valleys. 
 
 But the greatest severity of the Church of Rome was exercised 
 on the friends of the gospel to the west of the Alps, the disciples 
 of Pierre de Bruis, Henry, and Pierre Valdo. Its concentrated 
 rage was especially let loose for a number of years over the beau- 
 tiful champaign country watered by the Tam and other tribu- 
 tary streams of the Garonne in the vales of the Durance, and the 
 plains washed by the lower Rhone and the waves of the Medi- 
 terranean. These cruel persecutions are known by the name 
 of the crusades against the Albigenses ; a name taken from the 
 city and territory of Albi, one of the principal centres of the 
 Vaudois sect in the south of France. 
 
 It forms no part of our plan to give the history of this great act 
 of iniquity : such a subject requires a separate treatise ; and we 
 refer our readers, for the details, to the historians who have writ- 
 ten expressly upon it. We confine ourselves to noticing the 
 means employed by the court of Rome, and their results. 
 
 Pope Innocent III. began the work by combining persuasions 
 with menaces ; appeals to Roman Catholic fidelity, with insinua- 
 ting measures of the most able and refined policy towards the 
 reigning princes. The selection of agents who were perfectly 
 adapted for such a mission, seemed to assure him of success. 
 They were, in the first instance, Rainier and Guy, monks of Ci- 
 tcaux, who were sent in 1198, with the title of legates, into the 
 infected countries. In 1204, Innocent joined to them Pierre de 
 Castelnau, archdeacon of Maguelone, with full powers. But 
 whatever pains they took, however pressing their exhortations, or 
 severe their menaces, their mission was attended with little success, 
 till the Spaniard, Dominic Gusman, who thenceforward became 
 so celebrated, began to give a new direction to their proceedings. 
 
 " Considering," says father Tournon, in his Life of Dominic, 
 " that the violent methods which had hitherto been adopted 
 against the apostates, had only served to irritate them ; that the 
 luxury and self-indulgence of the Catholics scandalized both the 
 friends and enemies of the Church ; that the Albigenses on the 
 
DOMINIC GUSMAN. 109 
 
 contrary, by a pious exterior, conciliated the confidence of the 
 people and the esteem of the great ; that the cupidity and disso- 
 lute conduct of those (the priests) whose profession engaged 
 them to the greatest sanctity, formed a deadly taint which caused 
 their religion to be blasphemed, while the heretics, believing they 
 might discredit the doctrine of those whose manners could not 
 be respected, made use of this state of things to cherish in igno- 
 rant persons that spirit of revolt with which they had inspired 
 them against their legitimate pastors ; Dominic concluded that 
 he must make use of persuasion and example rather than terror, 
 and tread in the steps of the apostles, by preaching and living 
 like them, always travelling on foot, like St. Peter and St. Paul, 
 without equipage, money, or provisions. He had no doubt that 
 such a line of conduct would prejudice people in their favour, 
 and would gradually reform the manners of the clergy, and con- 
 found the hypocrisy of the heretics." — Tournon, Vie de St. Domi- 
 nique, liv. v, p. 36. 
 
 This advice was followed ; bishops and legates themselves be- 
 came missionaries, and not without some success. They did not 
 even shrink from public disputes. But the method of persuasion 
 being too slow to satisfy the extravagant hopes that were enter- 
 tained, and deviating too much from the exclusive and tyrannical 
 proceedings of Rome, the legates had recourse to excommunica- 
 tions and the employment of force. 
 
 Everything being prepared, Innocent launched his thunders 
 against Raymond, count of Toulouse, whom he excommunicated, 
 and abused him in an outrageous manifesto. He, at the same 
 time, urged the king of France, the dukes, princes, and lords of 
 that country and the neighbourhood, to a crusade against the 
 heretics ; exciting them by the promise of plunder, besides mag- 
 nificent and eternal rewards in heaven for the blood of the 
 martyrs which they should shed. In obedience to his orders, in 
 the year 1209, a hundred thousand crusaders* at least, under 
 the conduct of the count de Montfort, commander-in-chief of the 
 army, and Amalric, abbot of Citeaux, the pope's legate, invaded 
 the heretical territory of Languedoc. 
 
 Dominic, irritated by the little success of his eloquence, now 
 loudly demanded the infliction of temporal chastisements on 
 those whom he was unable to convert. With a crucifix in his 
 
 * Some writers give a much higher estimate of the numbers of this army. 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 hand, he showed himself in the midst of the soldiers, dressed in 
 a long white robe and black mantle, as the inexorable messenger 
 of war, or rather as the befitting agent of Antichrist. To hear 
 him, it was by fire and sword that heaven was to be avenged. 
 When, in the first campaign, Beziers was taken and sacked, in 
 the heat of the massacre, even the canons, who were walking 
 in procession to meet the crusaders, were involved in the same 
 fate as the heretics. " Kill them all," said Amalric, the faithful 
 legate of a pitiless pope ; " kill them all ; the Lordknoweth them 
 that are his !" From the banks of the Rhone to those of the Lot, 
 funeral piles were continually burning. The confiscation of their 
 property, tortures, horrible torments and flames, were reserved 
 for all those professing the so-called heretical doctrine, whom 
 the sword and lance had not slain on the field of battle. 
 
 While bands of ferocious and greedy warriors attacked the 
 strong places, the chateaux and cottages of the Albigensian 
 sectaries, Foulques, bishop of Toulouse, and his associates of 
 Languedoc, Dominic and his disciples, skilful and willing in- 
 struments of Antichrist, spied out by means of their emissaries, 
 and denounced, examined, and condemned unfortunate persons, 
 without number, whom they tore from their families. 
 
 Years of experience having shown what signal services an 
 association of intriguing monks, accusers, and persecutors, could 
 render to the cause of religious oppression, Innocent III., in the 
 year 1215, at the council of Lateran, approved of the plan which 
 Dominic laid before him of founding an order of mendicant 
 monks and preaching friars, for the conversion and suppression 
 of the enemies of the Church ; and in the following year, Hono- 
 rius III., the successor of the sanguinary Innocent, confirmed 
 the institution, and constituted the order. These preaching 
 friars were, at a later period, called Dominicans, from the name 
 of their founder, and received special privileges for the extirpa- 
 tion of heretics.* 
 
 To spy out and discover the unbelievers, to convince them of 
 their errors, to persuade them to return into the pale of the 
 Church, and, if they refused, to draw up the indictments, to ar- 
 rest the accused, to conduct the criminal proceedings, to pass 
 
 * About the same time St. Francois d' Assise founded a second order of 
 mendicant monks, known by the name of Minor Friars and Franciscans. They 
 showed themselves to be worthy rivals of the Dominicans. 
 
THE INQUISITION. Ill 
 
 sentence, and cause it to be executed by means of the secular 
 power; such were the functions which were delegated to this 
 order, from which the ever-execrable tribunal of the inquisition 
 shortly arose. 
 
 From the year 1215, the Dominicans, in conjunction with the 
 bishops, began to celebrate with pomp those acts of faith, (auto- 
 da-fe,) as they were called, by a deplorable abuse of language, 
 in which they exhibited the persons condemned before a crowd 
 of spectators, and then burned them with apparent devotion, 
 according to the customary ceremonial in the most solemn rites 
 of Roman Catholicism. 
 
 To attain the end for which their order was instituted, and to 
 show themselves worthy of the confidence reposed in them, the 
 Dominicans, equally malignant and fanatical, went through the 
 towns and districts of Languedoc, establishing provisionary tri- 
 bunals of the inquisition in different places. They had the 
 barbarity to decide that the children of heretics, if above seven 
 years old, might be sentenced to be burned to death, as having, 
 at that time of life, reached the age of reason. Cardinal Con- 
 rad, the new legate of the pope in 1222, ardently upheld this 
 sanguinary tribunal. The fury of the inquisitors being increased 
 by his support, exasperated the people of Languedoc to such a 
 pitch, that they ran to arms on all sides. Conrad, wielding the 
 thunderbolts of Rome, launched forth excommunications, called 
 the faithful to his banner, invoked the aid of war and de- 
 struction, and preached a new crusade against the Albigensian 
 Vaudois. 
 
 Raymond VI. was dead, and so was his enemy, Simon de 
 Montfort; their sons, Raymond VII. and Amaury, crossed their 
 swords against one another on the field of battle, as their fathers 
 had done. Louis VIII., king of France, placed himself at the 
 head of the friends of the pope, who committed unheard-of 
 cruelties in every quarter. Louis IX., whom Rome has can- 
 onized under the title of St. Louis, followed in the same track. 
 Having obtained the submission of the count of Toulouse and 
 his principal allies, the ancient supporters of the Albigensian 
 Vaudois, he issued a strong ordinance against all heretics. They 
 were put out of the pale of the common law, deprived of their 
 civil and political rights, and prosecuted. Large sums were 
 offered to persons for laying informations against them, or arrest- 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ing them. The council of Toulouse, of the year 1229, took 
 similar measures in reference to the ecclesiastical administration 
 and the rights of the Church. It specially interdicted laymen 
 from keeping in their possession the books of the Old and New 
 Testaments, with the exception of the Psalms. They were for- 
 bidden, above all, to translate any part of them into the Romance 
 language- 
 Heresy, notwithstanding, was not destroyed; it even made 
 progress in some parts of the desolated countries. Gregory IX., 
 the Roman pontiff, attributed the ill success of the measures 
 against it to the negligence of the bishops, who were more occu- 
 pied about their temporal affairs than the welfare of their flocks. 
 He resolved, therefore, to take from them the cognizance of the 
 fact of heresy, and to vest it solely in the preaching friars ; this 
 immense power he granted by a decree, dated April 12, 1233, to 
 the disciples of Dominic, in the diocese of Toulouse principally, 
 and in the archbishoprics of Bourges,* Bordeaux, Aix, Aries, 
 Auch, Narbonne, Vienne, and Embrun. He placed the inqui- 
 sitors under the special protection of the counts of Toulouse, 
 Foix, and other lords, as well as the seneschals of France ; re- 
 quiring the latter to render their assistance whenever it was 
 called for. As a sequel to this ordinance, tribunals of the in- 
 quisition were established and made permanent at Toulouse, 
 Carcassone, Avignon, Montpellier, Albi, and Cahors. Their 
 authority was everywhere recognized, and even at the last crea- 
 tion of the parliament at Toulouse, in 1444, their sentences were 
 executed without appeal. 
 
 Is- it necessary to add, that the Dominicans showed them- 
 eelves worthy of the pontifical confidence ? They displayed 
 unequalled zeal, indescribable severity, limiting themselves to no 
 rule, or rather breaking all rules. They dived into the secrets 
 of families, set relations; and friends against one another, ex- 
 asperated and overwhelmed all generous minds with anguish. 
 The prisons were crowded with victims, and often required to 
 be enlarged ; funeral piles were reared in all parts. Every one 
 who did not renounce his convictions, or who did not succeed in 
 concealing himself, or dissembling his belief, perished in the 
 flames, or pined away in a dungeon. It is estimated, that, in the 
 first fifty years of this century, a million of Albigenses lost their 
 * Places, no doubt, where the progress of heresy was most strongly marked. 
 
THE VAUDOIS OF GERMANY. 113 
 
 lives, victims of the hatred, barbarity, and superstition of the 
 Romish Church. 
 
 These statements are mostly taken from the History of the In- 
 quisition in France, by M. de la Mothe-Langon, Paris, 1829. 
 
 Alas ! in exterminating or imprisoning the majority of the 
 Vaudois Christians, and in giving them no rest in the very spots 
 where their labours had been most successful, their persecutors 
 succeeded in stopping the progress of that glorious awakening 
 which the return to the Holy Scriptures, and to the sound and 
 ancient doctrine of the gospel, had produced. They nattered 
 themselves, no doubt, that they had stifled it altogether. 
 
 The Vaudois of Germany had also their turn, and could not 
 escape persecution. Eighty persons were apprehended in Stras- 
 burgh alone, of whom the greater part were delivered to the 
 flames. The famous inquisitor, Conrad de Marpurg, adopted a 
 sure method of convicting the accused, by subjecting them to 
 the ordeal of heated iron. In the year 1233, a great number of 
 heretics were burned in different parts of Germany by the ex- 
 ertions of this preaching monk and inquisitor, who at last paid 
 for the sufferings he had inflicted by a violent death. In the 
 course of this century, the same punishments were often renewed. 
 Matthew Paris reports, that, in the year 1249, four hundred and 
 forty-three heretics were condemned to the flames in Saxony and 
 Pomerania- 
 
 Among the victims belonging to Germany, to the astonishment 
 of the spectators, an inquisitor, the monk Echard, an ancient per- 
 secutor of the Vaudois, took his place at the stake. During the 
 very time that he was putting interrogatories to persons accused 
 of heresy, the Spirit of God touched his heart ; their constancy 
 in the midst of their sufferings made him yield to the gospel : an 
 illustrious triumph of the faith ! — We are without information as 
 to what took place in Italy. 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS, RETREATING FROM PERSECUTION, FOUND COLO- 
 NIES IN THE ALPS. 
 
 The Vaudois, persecuted in the south of France with unparal- 
 leled and incessant violence, sighed after some repose. Many 
 of them had found a temporary refuge in the domains of the king 
 of Aragon ; others had migrated into different provinces of France, 
 as Picardy, Burgundy, Lorraine, Alsace ; into different parts of 
 Germany ; into Bohemia especially, and even into Poland ; others 
 had taken refuge in Lombardy, and the Italian cities which were 
 more particularly under the influence of the Ghibelines, and where, 
 consequently, the papal power had less influence, and where in- 
 testine dissensions, as well as external contests, left the clergy no 
 leisure for indulging in persecution. — Perrin, Histoiredes Vaudois, 
 pp. 233-246. Histoire de V Inquisition en France, par de la Mothe- 
 Langon, t. ii, p. 587. 
 
 A great number took refuge in that part of the Alps which 
 forms the frontier of France and Italy, the same Vaudois valleys 
 where the pure doctrine of the gospel had been preserved from 
 before the time of Constantine, and had been propagated far and 
 wide by its missionaries during the preceding centuries. They 
 filled with their weeping families the valleys of Lucerna, Angro- 
 gna, and San Martino, that of Pragela or the Clusone, the high 
 valley of the Po, those of Susa, Fraissiniere, and PArgentiere, 
 the vale of Loyse (or Louise) or Pute, where their brethren in 
 the faith had been already established for centuries, and where 
 we shall very soon meet with them again. 
 
 The multitude of the refugees in that quarter became so large, 
 that the land could not support them. It was necessary to plan 
 new migrations, to find an outlet for this superabundance of popu- 
 lation. Different causes, which our distance from this period and 
 the want of documents prevent our appreciating, directed num- 
 bers of the Vaudois towards the southern extremity of Italy, to 
 Apulia and Calabria, in the kingdom of Naples. — Hist, de V Inqui- 
 sition en France, t. ii, p. 613. Grilles, Hist. Eccles., p. 18. 
 
 The province of Calabria, in the kingdom of Naples, where 
 the Vaudois founded one of their principal colonies, is a beauti- 
 
SITUATION OF THE COLONIES. 115 
 
 ful country, protected by mountains, and formed of smiling val- 
 leys and fertile plains. Orange-trees and olives display their 
 fruit not far from chestnuts and larches. The persons who were 
 sent to explore the district came back equally satisfied with its 
 fertility, and the conditions of settlement offered by the lords of 
 the soil. An advantageous treaty for the colonists was soon con- 
 cluded, and a considerable number of Yaudois prepared for their 
 departure. The young people married before they emigrated. 
 
 On their arrival, they founded in the neighbourhood of Mon- 
 talto a town called Borgo d'Oltramontani, or Oltromontani ; that 
 is, the town of the Ultramontanes, because the new settlers ori- 
 ginally dwelt beyond the Apennines. The stream of emigration 
 continuing to flow in the same direction, the Vaudois built, at a 
 little distance from the first town, another called San Sesto, af- 
 terwards the site of one of their most celebrated churches. They 
 also founded Argentino, La Rocca, Vacarisso, and San Vincente. 
 At length, the marquis Spinello permitted them to build Guardia, 
 a walled city, which has retained the name of Guardia-Lombarda, 
 situated on an eminence near the sea ; and he granted important 
 privileges to the inhabitants, so that, in time, it became opulent 
 and considerable. The Vaudois, or Ultramontanes, as the natives 
 called them, increased greatly, and prospered for a length of 
 years in their happy colony. 
 
 More than a century later, about the year 1400, in consequence 
 of the severities practised by -the inquisition in Provence and 
 Dauphine, under the eyes of the popes at Avignon, the Vaudois 
 who had fled from these provinces into the valleys, determined 
 on a new emigration into the kingdom of Naples, where they 
 founded in Apulia, the five small cities of Monilone, Montanato, 
 Faito, La Cella, and La Motta. Lastly, about the year 1500, the 
 Vaudois of Fraissiniere and other valleys, to escape persecution, 
 established themselves in the neighbourhood of their brethren, 
 in the valley of Volturata. Thus we may understand how, from 
 these different centres, the Vaudois could spread themselves all 
 over the kingdom of Naples, and even to Sicily. We shall give 
 an account, in the sequel, of their lamentable end.* 
 
 These colonies maintained direct and constant relation with 
 the Vaudois of the valleys, who provided them with pastors, ac- 
 cording to the decision of their synods. According to their es- 
 * Gilles, Histojre Eccles., p. 18, and following. 
 
116 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 tablished custom, the barbes, or pastors, undertook their distant 
 journey by two and two — one of them advanced in years, already 
 acquainted with places and persons, and experienced in practical 
 matters ; the other younger, in order to be trained to his vocation. 
 Both in going and returning they visited the faithful who were 
 scattered through the towns and country places of Italy, exhort- 
 ing and consoling them ; a proceeding not entirely unknown to 
 their adversaries.* The barbes of the valleys possessed a house 
 in each of the cities of Florence, Genoa, and Venice,f and pro- 
 bably elsewhere ; but it was only at intervals, when the pastors 
 were passing through on their missionary travels, that the faith- 
 ful of these cities and other places fully enjoyed an evangelical 
 ministry ; while, according to all appearance, the colonies of 
 Apulia and Calabria retained for a continuance, till they were 
 replaced, the pastors who had been sent to them by a preceding 
 synod. 
 
 At a period not exactly known, towards the end of the 
 thirteenth century, perhaps at the commencement or in the 
 course of the fourteenth century, the "Wnuloia of the valleys, to 
 remedy the inconvenience resulting from their being crowded 
 within too small a compass, turned their thoughts again towards 
 Provence, which many of their forefathers had been forced to 
 quit during the crusades against the Albigenses. Fertile though 
 uncultivated lands in the inhabited valleys that border on the 
 river Durance to the east of Cavaillon, having been granted to 
 their deputies by the proprietors on advantageous conditions, 
 they sent thither the surplus of their population. Their in- 
 dustry, integrity, and exemplary conduct were recompensed 
 by unexampled prosperity.^ Cabrieres, Merindol, Lormarin, 
 
 * Gilles relates that a barbe of his name having gone into a church at Florence, 
 heard a monk who was preaching exclaim : " O Florence ! What does Florence 
 mean ? The flower of Italy. And so thou wast till these Ultramontanes per- 
 suaded thee that man is justified by faith, and not by works ; and herein they 
 lie."— Gilles, p. 20. 
 
 tin the list which Perrin gives of the barbes, about the year 1602, we find 
 among those whose memory was preserved for more than three hundred years, 
 one named Jehan, from the valley of Lucema, who was suspended for some 
 fault from his office for seven years, during which time he stayed at Genoa, 
 where the barbes had a house, as they also had a handsome one at Florence. — 
 Perrin, p. 66. 
 
 t The exact date of the founding of these colonies is uncertain. According 
 to Camerarius, who reckons that they had in his time existed two hundred years, 
 
DWELLINGS OF THE VAUDOIS. 117 
 
 Cadenet, Gordes, towns of considerable size, were successively- 
 founded and enlarged by them. 
 
 It will appear from this recital, that the Vaudois Church, in 
 spite of the dreadful persecutions it had endured, especially in 
 the south of France, was yet so strong and numerous, and spread 
 over so many places, that it might have been hoped that the 
 sound doctrine and purity of worship transmitted by its means 
 from the times of Constantine the Great, would long maintain 
 the struggle against the efforts of Babylon the Great ; but the 
 hour was come when Rome proceeded to attack the Vaudois of 
 the Alps in their retreats, and thus threatened a fatal blow to 
 the militant, and already much enfeebled, Church. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 FIRST PERSECUTIONS KNOWN, AGAINST THE VAUDOIS OF PIED- 
 MONT, IN THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES. 
 
 The churches of Vaudois origin being in ruins in the south of 
 France, and on the point of dissolution wherever the emissaries 
 of Rome had free access, the moment seemed come for pursuing 
 these defenders of the evangelical faith to extremities among the 
 retired mountains, in the bosom of which a considerable part of 
 them lay, as it were, intrenched. They occupied, halfway be- 
 tween Turin and Grenoble, the two declivities of the Alps which 
 incline to the east and west of the snowy peaks of the mountains 
 Genevre and Viso. Their humble dwellings, erected on the 
 sides of the mountains, either in groups or scattered, reached to 
 the bottom of the valleys. To the west, among the woods of the 
 high Alps of Dauphine and Provence, the most elevated and re- 
 tired valleys were inhabited wholly, or at least in great part, by 
 the Vaudois. In the diocese of Embrun, in particular, there was 
 not a valley without some of their churches. But the most noted 
 were, the High Valley of the Durance, and the adjacent glens 
 of Argentiere, Fraissiniere, and Loyse, or Pute. 
 
 To the east, all the glens and valleys which descend from the 
 
 they must have been formed in 1345. De Thou assigns them a duration of three 
 hundred years, which would place their origin as far back as about 1245. (Ca- 
 merarius de Excidio, etc ; and De Thou, i, 293.) 
 
118 HISTOHY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 High Alps to the plain towards Pinerolo and Saluzzo, those 
 which are watered by the Clusone and the Germanasca, the 
 Pelice and the Grana, tributaries of the Po, and by the Po it- 
 self—namely, the vale of Pragela, the valley of San Martino, the 
 vale of Angrogna, the valley of Lucerna, that of the Po, and of 
 Bagnolo, etc., were then, and had been for centuries, the earthly 
 fatherland of the faithful Vaudois of Piedmont. 
 
 Into these ancient and venerable retreats of the pure faith, 
 the pretended vicar of Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world 
 and the Prince of peace, planned to carry a cruel persecution. 
 This scourge had already approached several times, and caused 
 many tears in the district of Embrun, and, no doubt, in the 
 plains of Piedmont also, though history is silent respecting it. 
 But the hour was come for it to burst on the mountain region 
 of the ancient diocese of Claude of Turin — the very spot where 
 the light of truth was still burning. 
 
 Pope John XXII., was desirous of prosecuting the work begun 
 by Innocent III., and, to do it systematically, ordered Jean de 
 Badis, inquisitor at Marseilles, to join his efforts with those of 
 Albert de Castellatio, who resided in Piedmont in the same 
 capacity. In his bull, dated in the year 1332, this pope directed 
 his legate's attention to the Valdenses, or Vaudois, of the valleys 
 of Lucerna and Perosa. He complained of the increase of these 
 heretics, of their frequent meetings in the form of chapters, (pro- 
 bably by this term he meant their synods,) at which as many as 
 five hundred persons were often present. He accused them of 
 having killed the rector Guillaume, after mass, in a place that 
 he calls Villa,* and of having risen against the inquisitor De 
 Castellatio, when about to exercise his office. A detailed ac- 
 count of this first attempt at persecution against the valleys of 
 Lucerna and Perosa has not come down to us. All we know of 
 this expedition, as having really occurred, is, that De Badis suc- 
 ceeded in entrapping Martin Pastre, one of the Vaudois leaders, 
 whom he sent to Marseilles and imprisoned ; but, by the pope's 
 orders, he recalled him to Piedmont, to be judged by Albert de 
 
 * Rorengo says that Guillaume was slain at Angrogna, where he was rector, 
 and that he was taken off for having given information of the heresy to Castel- 
 latio. We can assert that there is no locality at Angrogna answering to the 
 name of Villa, but there does exist a town called Villaro to the west of La 
 Torre. 
 
PERSECUTION CONTINUES. 119 
 
 Castellatio, and subjected to torture, if needful, in order to de- 
 nounce his associates. — De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii, p. 217. — 
 Leger, part ii, p. 20. 
 
 In 1352, Pope Clement VI. gave it in charge to William, arch- 
 bishop of Embrun, and Pierre de Mont, Franciscan friar and 
 inquisitor, to extinguish heresy. The lords, judges, and consuls 
 (syndics) of the province were invited to lend him their aid. 
 
 The pope also urged the dauphin, Charles of France, Louis, 
 king of Naples, and queen Joanna, his wife, to persecute the 
 heretics. The invitation addressed to the queen of Naples, who 
 possessed territory in the marquisate of Saluzzo, near the val- 
 leys, adds a fresh presumption to the evidence we have already 
 given of the existence of the Vaudois in many parts of this mar- 
 quisate. — Monumenta Historian Patrice, t. iii, p. 860. 
 
 These solicitations, also, of the court of Avignon, had not, at 
 this time, the results that were hoped for. 
 
 Two years later, James, prince of Acqui, of the house of Savoy, 
 ordered Balangero and Ueto Rorengo to imprison those of the 
 Vaudois sect who had been discovered in the valley of Lucerna 
 and the neighbouring valleys. 
 
 Urgent appeals for the destruction of heresy were continually 
 addressed by the papal court at Avignon to the secular autho- 
 rities. But, far from displaying the requisite zeal, both ma- 
 gistrates and people seemed to lean to the side of clemency. 
 Gregory XI., when writing, in 1373, to Charles V., the king of 
 France, to complain of his officers for thwarting the inquisitors 
 in Dauphine, says, " They put obstacles in the way of the in- 
 quisitors, forcing them to hold their tribunal in places exposed 
 to the attacks of the enemies of the faith ; not permitting them to 
 institute proceedings against the heretics without the concur- 
 rence of the civil judges, and constraining them to reveal the 
 secrets of their proceedings. They release condemned sectaries 
 from prison ; they even refuse to take an oath to act against these 
 obstinate people. Lose no time," he adds, " to rectify such pro- 
 ceedings, under pain of drawing down upon you the indignation 
 of the holy apostles Peter and Paul."* 
 
 But though the inquisitors, who were commissioned to extirpate 
 
 *De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii, pp. 270, 271. It may easily be imagined that 
 the interests of the secular princes did not always coincide with those of the 
 pope. 
 
1'20 Hig'iORY 01 THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the Vaudois laith, were often ill seconded, yet they made many 
 victims, and caused much suffering. 
 
 These incessant severities and excessive acts of violence im- 
 pelled the Yaudois, in 1375, to make some deplorable reprisals. 
 They attacked the city of Susa, forced the convent of the Domi- 
 nicans, and put the inquisitor to death. They are likewise ac- 
 cused of having taken the life of another inquisitor of Turin, per- 
 haps near Bricherasco, at the entrance of the valley of Lucerna.* 
 
 The great schism in the Church of Rome, which took place in 
 1378, by the election of two popes, Urban VI. at Rome, and 
 Clement VII. at Avignon, did not occasion any abatement in the 
 persecution. The inquisitor, Borelli, having in vain cited all 
 the inhabitants of Fraissiniere, Argentiere, and the vale of Loyse, 
 to his tribunal, caused a great number to be arrested. By his 
 orders one hundred and fifty Vaudois men were brought to Greno- 
 ble and burned alive, besides many women, girls, and even young 
 children, all of the vale of Loyse. In the valleys of Argentiere 
 and Fraissiniere, eighty victims, men and women, were handed 
 over to the secular power ; and such was the determination to 
 punish them, that, in many cases, they were executed without 
 any other sentence than a general declaration of being criminals 
 furnished by the holy office. " There is evidence," writes a ca- 
 tholic author, " that many accused persons were thrown into 
 prison only for the purpose of seizing on their property. Blood 
 or gold," he adds ; " this is what the inquisition required."f 
 
 The same inquisitor, Borelli, or Borille, has been accused of 
 having practised great cruelties in Susa, at the head of an armed 
 troop, and particularly of having laid waste the valley of Pragela, 
 or Clusone, in the dead of winter, at the Christmas of the year 
 1400. The Vaudois historians lay the odium of this attack on 
 people belonging to the valley of Susa.J The peaceable inhabit- 
 ants of Pragela, unexpectedly assailed, at a season of the year 
 when they fancied themselves protected by the snows which 
 covered the ridges and declivities of the mountains, could only 
 flee with the utmost haste, men, women, and children, to the 
 heights and rocky steeps. The fugitives, being pursued without 
 
 * De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii, p. 278.— Monumenta Historic Patrke, t. iii, p. 861. 
 
 Rorengo, in PHistoire de Pignero], by Massi, t. ii, p. 35. 
 
 t Ibid., p. 289.— Perrin, Hist, de Vaudois, p. 114. 
 
 tThe storm came thence, but they may have been ignorant of its cause. 
 
PERSECUTION CONTINUED. 121 
 
 intermission till nightfall, fell, many of them by the sword of the 
 enemy, or were taken prisoners; others, still more wretched, 
 perished miserably of hunger and cold on the rocks, covered with 
 snow and ice. The most numerous company fleeing in the direc- 
 tion of Macel, in the vale of San Martino, passed the night on a 
 lofty mountain, on a spot still called the Albergan, or the Refuge. 
 The heart is pained at the recital of their sufferings. Let it 
 suffice to say, that in the morning fifty poor little children (some 
 say eighty) were found dead with cold ; some in their cradles, 
 others in the frozen arms of their poor mothers, lifeless like them- 
 selves. — De la MotJie-Langon, t. iii, p. 295. — Perrin, p. 116. — Le- 
 ger. part ii, p. 7. 
 
 The popish troops, who had passed the night in the dwellings 
 abandoned by the unfortunate inhabitants of Clusone, the next 
 day took the road to Susa, laden with plunder, and destroying 
 what they could not carry off. They are charged with having 
 hung on a tree a poor aged Vaudois woman, Marguerite Athode, 
 whom they met with on the mountain of Meane. 
 
 This bloody incursion, when it was noised abroad, terrified the 
 people of Dauphine* and Piedmont, and at the same time roused 
 their indignation. They manifested their sentiments with so 
 much energy, that the pope enjoined on the inquisitor to moderate 
 his zeal and to exercise more prudence, from an apprehension 
 that heresy might make still greater progress. This general dis- 
 satisfaction and these remonstrances lead us to suppose that even 
 the Roman Catholic population had suffered from this expedition, 
 in which no particular care had been taken to spare them. 
 
 It would seem that the persecution directed against the Vau- 
 dois died away at the beginning of the fifteenth century, to be re- 
 vived, at the close of it, with fresh violence. 
 
 About the year 1460, the archbishop of Embrun commissioned 
 the Franciscan monk, John Veleti, or Veileti, to take measures 
 against the survivors in Fraissiniere, Argentiere, and the vale of 
 Loyse. He discharged his mission with so much barbarity, par- 
 tiality, and bad faith, that he irritated and troubled the whole 
 country, and complaints were made against him to king Louis XL 
 In the examination of accused persons, he altered and dictated 
 their answers to his questions without scruple. For example : 
 if an accused person were asked — Do you believe that, after the 
 sacramental words have been pronounced by the priest at mass, 
 
 6 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the body of Christ is in the host ? if the Vaudois replied, No ; 
 Veleti would write down or dictate, — The accused confesses that 
 he does not believe in God. This iniquitous priest made many 
 faithful disciples of the Lord pass through the fire. — Be la Mothe- 
 Langon, t. iii, loc. cit. 
 
 Under the government of Louis of Savoy, between 1440 and 
 1465, twenty-two females, denounced as Gazaris, or Vaudois, 
 were burned at Coni, as having relapsed. They belonged to Ber- 
 nezzo, (Burnecium,) a town of the neighbourhood, in which, ac- 
 cording to the expression of a Roman Catholic Piedmontese au- 
 thor, the heresy of the Poor Men of Lyons was rank. We notice 
 this fact, because it is one of a small number, and among the last 
 of those which show that the Vaudois Church formerly extended 
 in Piedmont, towards the south, far beyond its present limits. — 
 Rorengo, in VHistoire de Pignerol, t. ii. 
 
 At the instigation of Giovanni Compesio, and of the inquisitor 
 Andrea di Aquapendente, who, on Nov. 28, 1475, had published 
 very severe bulls against the Vaudois, the duchess Iolante, a 
 French princess, widow of Amedee-le-Bienheureux, and gura- 
 dian of his son Charles, ordered, in January, 1476, the governors 
 of Pinerolo and Cavor, and the podesta (the head of the police) 
 of Lucerna, and her other officers in these districts, to take ac- 
 tive measures for the suppression of heretics. In her ordinance, 
 the duchess thus expresses herself: "It is our pleasure that the 
 inhabitants of the valley of Lucerna especially may be able to 
 enter (venire possint) into the bosom of the holy mother Church." 
 The expression enter (not return) might lead us to suppose that 
 up to this time there had not yet been any thought of denying 
 the simultaneous and prior existence of the Vaudois Church with 
 that of Rome. — Raccolta degli Editi, etc. ; Stamperia Sinibaldo, etc. 
 
 These orders were executed, and it frequently happened that 
 the Vaudois, when they ventured beyond their valleys for com- 
 mercial or other purposes, were seized and delivered to the in- 
 quisitors, who did not fail to put some of them to death. The 
 consequence was, that there was hardly a city in Piedmont in 
 which some of their number were not punished. Jordan Ter- 
 tian, a barbe, or pastor, was burned at Susa. Hippolyte Rous- 
 sier mounted the funeral pile at Turin. Villermin Ambroise 
 was hung at the defile of Meane, and so was Anthoine Hiun. 
 Ugon Chiamp of Fenestrelles was taken at Susa, and brought to 
 
CRUSADE OF ALBERT DE CAPITANEIS. 123 
 
 Turin. There, being tied to a stake, his bowels were taken out 
 and placed in a large vessel: his martyrdom was soon accom- 
 plished. — Leger, part ii, p. 7. 
 
 But what could these single acts of severity effect towards 
 satisfying the impatience of Rome ? How could a little blood ap- 
 pease the wrath of the irreconcilable enemy of the Vaudois — 
 an enemy who could put on a level with crimes punishable by 
 the edge of the sword or by fire, the claim of evangelical Chris- 
 tians to think for themselves, and the assertion of the right of 
 examination in matters of faith ? Her pride was interested in 
 continuing the war which her jealousy, her thirst of power, her 
 avarice, and her hatred, had begun. But, to render her triumph 
 certain, it was necessary that the attack, from being partial, local, 
 crafty, and slow, should become general, violent, rapid, and ter- 
 rible. An expedition of the same kind as that which annihilated 
 the Albigenses, was resolved upon against these thousands of 
 labourers and herdsmen, whose firm and unwavering faith had 
 resisted the assaults of the Romish superstition, as the lofty sum- 
 mits of their mountains withstood the threatening storms, and the 
 shock of winds and tempests. 
 
 Innocent VIII., a worthy successor of that Innocent HI., who 
 proclaimed the first crusade against the Christians, charged 
 Albert de Capitaneis, archdeacon of Cremona, with the exe- 
 cution of his cruel projects, and gave him the inquisitor Blaise 
 de Bena, of the order of preaching monks, as his colleague. He 
 accredited them to the king of France and the duke of Savoy, as 
 well as to all the lords, as nuncios and apostolic commissioners in 
 their domains, and especially in Dauphine and Piedmont, to pro- 
 ceed against that most pernicious and abominable sect of mis- 
 chievous persons, called Poor Men of Lyons, or Vaudois, " which," 
 he says in his bull, " has unhappily for a long time been pre- 
 valent in Piedmont, and the neighbouring parts." And though 
 he acknowledges that the objects of his wrath possessed an ap- 
 pearance of sanctity, he orders them to be crushed like veno- 
 mous snakes, and to be exterminated if they refuse to abjure.* 
 
 The papal bull promised, as a recompense to all those princes, 
 
 lords, or others, who should arm themselves with the buckler of 
 
 the orthodox faith, and bring help to the aforesaid legates, 
 
 plenary indulgence, remission of their sins once in their lifetime, 
 
 * Extract from the bull of Innocent VIII., Leger, part ii, p. 8. 
 
124 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 and the same in the article of death ; and, what was not less 
 tempting, it granted permission to each person to appropriate to 
 himself any possessions of the heretics, whether lands or goods.* 
 
 Very soon nothing was heard of but the bull of Innocent VIII. 
 All the countries that bordered on the Cottian Alps resounded 
 with it. At Embrun, Susa, Pinerolo, Turin, Vienne in Dau- 
 phine', Lyons, and even at Sion in Valois, nothing was talked 
 of but the approaching crusade. The whole population was 
 roused. Charles VIII., king of France, and Charles II., duke 
 of Savoy, sanctioned the expedition, and the lords made pre- 
 parations for it. A numerous army was on the march to sur- 
 round the fortress of heresy on all sides, and attack it simul- 
 taneously. Albert de Capitaneis, armed with sufficient powers, 
 called forth, urged, and directed the crusaders. Who could 
 hope to escape a heart so hard, and a hand so strong ? 
 
 The year 1488 was destined to be a time of sore distress to 
 the Vaudois, and of everlasting shame to Rome. De Capitaneis 
 had two bodies of soldiers under his orders: one, formed in 
 France, was designed to invade the valleys of Dauphine", and to 
 come in aid of the other, which, setting out from Piedmont, was 
 to surround the eastern valleys, and, approaching the French 
 frontiers in a semicircle, would destroy all the heretics on its way. 
 
 The first of these divisions, commanded by Count de Varax, 
 lord of La Palu, and royal lieutenant, ascended the mountains of 
 Dauphine, and invaded the vale of Loyse. All the horrors of 
 war fell at once on the affrighted inhabitants of this valley. 
 The papists treated them with unparalleled barbarity. Those 
 who were first slain by the sword were the most fortunate. 
 Those who made their escape to the recesses of the rocks and 
 the depths of caverns, known only to the inhabitants of the 
 valleys, were pursued thither ; large fires were kindled at the 
 entrance of their hiding-places, and left them only the choice 
 between a horrible massacre from without, or death by suffoca- 
 tion if they remained within. The greater part resigned them- 
 selves to the latter. It is reported that four hundred young 
 children were found stifled in these caverns, and that three 
 thousand persons perished in these terrible encounters. The mis- 
 fortunes of the vale of Loyse spared the repetition of them to the 
 neighbouring valleys of Argentiere and Fraissiniere. Seeing no 
 
 ♦Extract from the bull of Innocent VIII., Leger, part ii, p. 8. 
 
ATTACK ON THE VALLEYS. 125 
 
 hope of safety but in energetic resistance, they guarded the 
 passes, defended themselves valiantly, and very soon saw their 
 persecutors retreat for a time. 
 
 A corps detached from the army that was assembled in 
 Dauphine, on the western side of the Alps, crossing the elevated 
 denies of the mountains, came suddenly by Cesane, on the eastern 
 side, into the valley of Pragela, or Clusone, the most northern 
 of all the Vaudois valleys. The hostile force, falling unexpect- 
 edly like an avalanche on a people occupied as usual in their 
 peaceful labours, surprised them without the means of defence, 
 threw them into consternation, laid waste and ravaged their 
 towns, pillaged their cottages, and massacred the inhabitants. 
 The fugitives themselves were not able to escape the fury of their 
 pursuers. As in the vale of Loyse, inflammable materials were 
 heaped at the entrance of the caverns, to which they had re- 
 treated from the fury of their pitiless adversaries ; and if they 
 tried to escape from the flames that devoured, or the smoke that 
 stifled them, they were instantly slain by the sword. Of all the 
 valley of Pragela, the villages of Fraisse and Meane suffered the 
 most. Nevertheless, the inhabitants of Clusone, recovering from 
 their first alarm, organized themselves at different points, fell, 
 in their turn, on their enemies, and succeeded in repulsing them. 
 
 The army collected in Piedmont, by the urgent appeals of the 
 pope's legate, Capitaneis, and destined to extirpate the Vaudois 
 heresy from the valleys of San Martino, Perosa, and Lucerna, 
 as well as Pravilhelm, and other places in the valley of the Po, 
 was now ready to invade these unhappy countries. It is asserted 
 that there were not less than eighteen thousand men in the ranks, 
 besides a great number of Piedmontese, who followed them, in 
 order to merit the plenary indulgence promised by the pope, 
 and to take their share in the plunder. 
 
 No record has been preserved of all the particular acts of this 
 great persecution ; so that we cannot even name all the places 
 laid waste, or all the Vaudois Churches that were destroyed. 
 But it is very probable that, from this epoch, the ruin must be 
 dated of numbers of the Vaudois, in the towns and villages of 
 the plain of Piedmont. 
 
 As for the attacks on the valleys, strictly so called, we possess 
 more details. It appears that one division of the army pene- 
 trated with no great difficulty into the valley of Lucerna. This 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 was too large, and the ground too little broken, for men unac- 
 customed to war to oppose effectively the entrance of a numer- 
 ous body of soldiers, well armed and disciplined. San Giovanni, 
 La Torre, Villaro, Bobbio, and all their hamlets, were occupied 
 by the enemy. 
 
 Bobbio is the last village in the plain of the valley of Lucerna, 
 peacefully seated in the midst of chestnut-trees and vines, sur- 
 rounded by beautiful and gently-sloping meadows, at the base 
 of gigantic mountains, through which the Pelice forces its way, 
 and rolls along murmuring and covered with foam. From this 
 fertile spot, rich in the beauties of nature, but then laid waste 
 by greedy and pitiless soldiers, a defile opens to the north be- 
 tween the rocks. Following its course, always in a northerly 
 direction, over the opposite slope, across pasture-land and woods, 
 we descend at last to the hamlets of the commune of Prali, scat- 
 tered over a plain enclosed by steep mountains. It was to this 
 spot, and through the pass we have been describing, that seven 
 hundred men, detached from the papal army which occupied 
 the valley of Lucerna, brought all the horrors of war. They had 
 hoped to surprise this peaceable district, which, from its position 
 at the extremity of the valley of San Martino, and out of any 
 direct road, might have thought itself secure from attack. For 
 an instant the invaders might suppose they had succeeded. 
 They had reached the hamlet of Pommiers, when they found 
 themselves assailed by the united Pralins with a courage so im- 
 petuous, that they could make but little resistance. Fatigued by 
 a long and rapid march over roads, uneven, slippery, and steep, 
 astonished at meeting, instead of affrighted and suppliant fugi- 
 tives, armed men full of ardour, and some of them urged on by 
 gloomy desperation, they soon gave way, and were all cut in 
 pieces, save one, an ensign. During the massacre, he escaped 
 along the torrent, which he reascended, and concealed himself 
 under a great mass of snow, in a cavity which had been formed 
 by the melting of the snow, (for it was summer,) and there he 
 remained till cold and hunger forced him to descend and implore 
 mercy from those whom he would have massacred. His request 
 was readily granted. The Pralins, appeased by their success, 
 allowed him to go in peace, to announce the defeat and death 
 of all his companions. 
 
 The efforts of the crusading army were directed principally 
 
ATTACK ON THE VALLEYS. 127 
 
 to the vale of Angrogna, which might be regarded & the heart 
 of the valleys ; and was doubtless then, as on many other occa- 
 sions, the place of refuge, and the fortress of the affrighted in- 
 habitants. This glen, a lateral and northern branch of the 
 valley of Lucerna, descends from the north and west, where the 
 sharp ridges of Soiran, l'Infernet, and the Rous, separate it 
 from the Alpine pastures of the valley of San Martino towards 
 the south-east, and opens by an abrupt bend to the south into 
 the valley of Lucerna, to the east of the town of La Torre. The 
 spinal ridge of rocks and peaks which, from the Rous on the west, 
 inclines eastward, and terminates in the magnificent Vandalin, 
 with its pyramidal sides, closes the glen on the south, and sepa- 
 rates it from the valley of Lucerna, as far as the spot where it 
 merges into that valley. On this side it is impregnable. 
 
 To attack Angrogna on this side would have been folly. The 
 steeps, the bends, the rents of the ground, furrowed with streams, 
 as well as the shelter of the chestnut and walnut trees, with their 
 thick foliage, which perpetually intercept the view, would ex- 
 pose an army to continual surprises, and enable a small number 
 of resolute men to stop it at every step, and would subject it to 
 perpetual losses, and to be attacked and hurled down the pre- 
 cipices which are all along the road. 
 
 But if the valley of Angrogna could not be forced on this side, 
 it might be by gaining the high plateau by means of the gentle 
 declivities which rise from the plain of San Giovanni, at the 
 entrance of the valley of Lucerna, in a northerly direction to- 
 wards the Sea of Angrogna, by the heights of Roccamaneot. 
 Once arrived there, a hostile troop is master of the higher 
 plateau. No obstacle opposes its march, till it reaches the rocks 
 which enclose the retired vale of Pra-di-torre : it may then rush 
 down, like a devastating torrent, on the hamlets it overlooks, 
 and which have no further means of natural defence. 
 
 It was by the latter road we have been describing that the 
 army of crusaders prepared to invade the central valley of An- 
 grogna. They left their quarters, and prepared to climb, by the 
 declivity of San Giovanni, the southern side of the hills, direct- 
 ing their march towards the upper plateau and rock of Roc- 
 camaneot. On these hills, the poor Vaudois had to sustain a 
 very severe combat. They prepared for it by prayer. Their 
 enemies, as they advanced, saw them prostrate, and heard the 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 petitions they offered aloud to God. The papists ridiculed them, 
 being full of confidence in their own numbers, equipments, and 
 valour. But the Divine mercy secured the victory to the smaller 
 number ; God hearkened to those who relied upon him. Among 
 the assailants, one of the principal leaders, Le Noir, of Mondovi, 
 another Goliath defying Israel, boasted, with horrible blasphemies, 
 of the carnage he would make among these heretical herdsmen, 
 when, having raised his visor on account of the heat, and to 
 show his contempt, he was struck between the eyes by an arrow 
 discharged by Peiret Revil, of Angrogna. He fell; and his 
 death so terrified his companions in arms, already surprised and 
 embarrassed by the obstinate resistance of the Vaudois, that they 
 turned their backs on those whom they had before despised, and 
 fled with much loss. The joy felt for so great a deliverance was 
 expressed on the field of battle, and in all the valley, by thanks- 
 givings and hymns of praise. 
 
 The enemy, irritated by their loss, and ashamed of the defeat, 
 having reassembled all their forces, again assailed the valley of 
 Angrogna, and made themselves masters of all the plateau and 
 the hamlets on the left side of the torrent as far as Rocciailla, a 
 mass of rocks which descends abruptly from the neighbouring 
 heights of La Vachere, southward to the very bed of the torrent, 
 and separates the lower and cultivated valley of Angrogna from 
 the upper. This latter valley is perfectly Alpine in its character, 
 and has the form of an immense funnel, broken on the eastern 
 side ; it is bounded on the south by the sharp ridge of the ma- 
 jestic Vandalin, on the west by the snowy summits of Sella 
 Veglia, and the Rous, on the north by the frightful rocks of the 
 Infernet and Soiron, and on the east by the Rocciailla, a mass 
 of rocks not very pointed, but steep and rugged, which confine 
 the torrent of the Angrogna at its outlet. 
 
 In the centre of this funnel is an extensive meadow, bounded 
 on one side by the torrent, and on the other by some buildings ; 
 it is the Pradutour, or Predutour — Pra-di-torre — so celebrated 
 in Vaudois history. On this spot, according to tradition, was 
 once situated that celebrated school of the barbes, or pastors, 
 which preserved the holy doctrine of the primitive Church un- 
 defined and pure, which fed the flame of evangelical truth in 
 these retired mountains, and diffused its light to a distance by 
 means of its missionaries. This retired glen, fertile in its lower 
 
ATTACK ON THE VALLEYS. 129 
 
 parts, was chosen in almost all the persecutions as a last earthly 
 refuge,* with some other spots equally inaccessible. Thither 
 the population of Angrogna, and the fugitives who had joined 
 them, hastily betook themselves, and crowded their families into 
 it, with the little property they were able to save. 
 
 In ascending the lower valley of Angrogna, as was done by 
 the victorious army of the papists, the only way of reaching the 
 Pra-di-torre was through a defilef at the foot of inaccessible 
 rocks, which only open wide enough for the passage of the tor- 
 rent and a narrow road. It was in this contracted gorge, be- 
 tween Rocciailla and the Angrogna, that the victorious bands 
 entangled themselves. The more advanced were on the point 
 of penetrating into the refuge of the Vaudois, the Pra-di-torre, 
 when all at once they were enveloped in a thick fog. They 
 could not distinguish a single object, nor tell whereabouts they 
 were ; they dared not advance for fear of a surprise, but halted 
 in a state of extreme disquietude. At this juncture, the An- 
 grognines, emboldened by this interposition of Providence in 
 their favour, issued forth from all their retreats, vigorously at- 
 tacked their perplexed aggressors, whom they defeated, put to 
 flight, and pursued. Profiting by the knowledge they possessed 
 of the locality, they soon came up with them, by crossing the 
 rocks, and took them in flank. The fugitives, choking up the 
 narrow road, were crowded together, and in pressing forwards 
 precipitated one another over the rocks into the foaming waters. 
 The fog, the precipices, the rocks, and the torrent, made more 
 victims on that day than the swords of the Vaudois. The num- 
 ber of deaths was very considerable. Tradition has preserved 
 a faithful memorial of one of the men whom the hand of God 
 smote in this defeat — a Captain Saguet, or Saquet, of Polong- 
 hery, in Piedmont, a man of colossal size, who filled the air with 
 his blasphemies and his menaces against the Vaudois. His foot 
 slipped over the edge of a rock, he fell into the boiling waters 
 of the Angrogna, was carried away, and thrown by them into a 
 whirlpool or basin, which still goes by his name ; Tompi Saquet. 
 
 Many other assaults were made on the Vaudois in their dif- 
 
 * Pra-di-torre was not the only place which served as a retreat, but all the 
 low neighbouring country, which includes Ciauvia, Chiot, Chaudet, etc. 
 t The enemy attempted afterwards to penetrate by other roads, but with the 
 ill success. 
 
 6* 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ferent retreats. It is known that the valleys of Perosa and San 
 Martino suffered from the cruelties of the army of the legate 
 Capitaneis. Pravilhelm, in the valley of the Po, was also attacked. 
 Much blood was shed in these repeated combats. The unfor- 
 tunate inhabitants were oppressed with grief, and recovered 
 very slowly from their disasters ; yet the course of years has suc- 
 ceeded in effacing the recollection of the greater number of the 
 scenes of desolation which deformed this period. This, however, 
 is well known, that God everywhere succoured his children ; and 
 that after this army had for a twelvemonth hovered over these 
 valleys and the adjacent parts, like a menacing tempest, the 
 prince of Piedmont, Charles II.,* put an end to a war so inju- 
 rious to his subjects. This young prince, only twenty years of 
 age, being desirous of peace, expressed his displeasure at this 
 cruel conflict, and sent proposals of peace to the Vaudois. He 
 intrusted this mission to a bishop who came to Prassuit, a hamlet 
 of the valley of Angrogna, to confer with the mountaineers. 
 The prelate assured them of the good-will of their sovereign, and 
 of the kindly reception he was ready to give them ; and suc- 
 ceeded in persuading them to send a deputation. 
 
 The Vaudois sent twelve of the principal persons among them 
 to Pinerolo, whom the duke graciously received. He questioned 
 them for a long time, and, after hearing their answers, candidly 
 declared that he had been misinformed both as to their persons 
 and their belief. He wished to see their children ; for it had 
 been certified to him that they were all born with some monstrous 
 deformity, such as one eye in their foreheads, four rows of black 
 teeth, and other things of that sort. When he found that those 
 who were brought to him were beautiful and well made, he could 
 not repress his indignation at having been so grossly imposed upon. 
 Being undeceived as to his opinion of his Vaudois subjects, he 
 accepted the gift which the deputies offered him in the name of 
 the people, confirmed them in their privileges and accustomed 
 liberties,! and promised that they should be unmolested in future. 
 
 Such was the issue of this cruel crusade of the year 1488, un- 
 dertaken in the name of a merciless religion, and which owed its 
 
 * Gilles attributes this peace to Duke Philip, but he is mistaken, for this 
 prince was then in France, and did not begin to reign till 1496. 
 
 t We feel certain that these privileges and liberties were those renewed by 
 the marquises of Lucerna in favour of their subjects, when they submitted to 
 the house of Savoy. 
 
VAUDOIS OF THE VALLEY OF THE PO. 131 
 
 termination to the sense of justice in a wise prince. Alas! how 
 frequently shall we have occasion to see the same facts and 
 the same characters present themselves again, with only some 
 variation of circumstances. Calumny has been but too often a 
 weapon in the mouth of Rome to destroy the faithful Vaudois. 
 After the peace of 1489, several years passed away in tran- 
 quillity for those of the Vaudois who survived the cruel persecu- 
 tion we have been narrating. But the year 1500 was marked 
 by a most violent attack on the Vaudois in the upper valley of 
 the Po, in the marquisate of Saluzzo. Their neighbours, the 
 Vaudois of Bagnolo, so numerous, and formerly so well known, 
 had now entirely disappeared. The story of their misfortunes 
 has not come down to posterity. We know not when or how 
 they ceased to exist ; but the arm which effected their extirpa- 
 tion could be no other than that which decimated the valleys. 
 The same spirit of darkness infused thoughts of destruction into 
 the heart of Marguerite de Foix, widow of the marquis of Saluz- 
 zo, against her Vaudois subjects of Pravilhelm, the Biolets and 
 Bietone, in the upper valley of the Po. Being assailed and per- 
 secuted with unceasing rancour, these poor people saw no hope 
 of safety but in flight. They retired to the valley of Lucerna. 
 From that place they addressed petitions to their sovereign, for 
 five years, to be reinstated in their dwellings and possessions. 
 Vain hope ! The only reply was the dishonourable proposal to 
 sell their souls by accepting popery. Such a mercenary and 
 criminal proceeding was foreign to their simplicity : they demand- 
 ed justice, and that being refused, they resolved upon taking it 
 by force. Perhaps, in doing so, they went beyond the bounds 
 of Christian moderation. Under the conduct of one of their num- 
 ber, an intrepid man, they unexpectedly returned in arms to their 
 ancient dwelling-places. Sword in hand, they drove away the 
 papists who had established themselves there, and struck such 
 terror into the surrounding population, that, expecting repose 
 only by a compromise with the legitimate and ancient inhabitants 
 of the contested territory, and recollecting, no doubt, the friendly 
 relations that had formerly existed between them, they joined in 
 imploring from their sovereign the free return of the Vaudois 
 to their villages. This was granted, as well as the enjoyment of 
 their liberties in what concerned their faith. 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS AND THE REFORMATION AT THE BEGINNING OP 
 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 The peace of 1489 could not heal all the wounds inflicted on the 
 Vaudois by persecution. It is true that the kind language of 
 the duke of Savoy had at first excited hopes in many hearts 5 
 but it was too soon perceived that the new state of things was 
 very uncertain and precarious. The Yaudois population was 
 considerably diminished in the valleys. Could it be otherwise, 
 after so many conflicts and massacres ? And in the towns and 
 villages of the plain of Piedmont, where some Yaudois churches 
 had existed, cruel persecution had destroyed them; it had slain, 
 dispersed, or driven into concealment, their members and adhe- 
 rents. The loss of so many friends and brethren was most mourn- 
 ful, and the ruin of so many Yaudois congregations, that were 
 lights in the midst of darkness, was irreparable. Instead of cru- 
 sades with an armed force, which were suspended for a time, 
 owing to the humanity or policy of the prince, the Romish clergy 
 had recourse to secret manoeuvres, the employment of underhand 
 methods, and the regular agency of the tribunals of the inquisition. 
 These latter, by virtue of the privileges granted by the civil au- 
 thority, had the right of judging special cases of heresy which 
 might occur. The external situation of the Yaudois, already de- 
 cimated, weakened and impoverished by the war of 1488, was 
 therefore very precarious, notwithstanding the peace concluded 
 with their sovereign. 
 
 Such was the lamentable condition of the Yaudois population 
 of the Piedmontese valleys after the peace of 1489, enfeebled, 
 impoverished, decimated, in dread of fresh persecutions. A timid 
 spectator of the isolated sufferings of those of her sons who ven- 
 tured into the plains of Piedmont, and were arrested by the in- 
 quisition,* the Yaudois Church, while seeking an alleviation of 
 her sorrows in the promises and kind language of her prince, was 
 
 * Perrin, in his Histoire des Vaudois, says, (p. 155,) " The monkish inquisitors 
 always commenced law proceedings against those whom they could lay hold 
 of, and particularly lay in wait for them at a certain convent, (no doubt the 
 convent of FAbbadie,) near Pinerolo, from which they delivered them to the 
 secular power. 
 
GLANCE AT THE REFORMATION. 133 
 
 threatened in her interior life. A great number of her members, 
 occupied with their temporal interests, and forgetting the Sa- 
 viour's injunction, on the duty of confessing his name, had recourse 
 to shameful and criminal dissimulation. In order to be shielded 
 from all interruption in their journeys on business, they obtained 
 from the priests, who were settled in the valleys,* certificates or 
 testimonials of their being papists. To claim them, they fre- 
 quented the Roman Catholic churches, were present at mass, 
 confessed, and had their children baptized by the priests. It is 
 true that they fancied that they palliated their fault, by saying 
 to themselves, when they entered the temples of the enemies of 
 their faith, " Cave of robbers, may God confound thee !" It is 
 true that they also attended the preaching of the barbes, or Vau- 
 dois pastors, and submitted to their censure. — Gilles, p. 28. But 
 these precautions, far from acquitting them, made their duplicity, 
 and their divided heart, and the severe judgment which their own 
 consciences passed upon their conduct, more striking. The Vau- 
 dois Church, in tolerating so great a scandal, evidently suffered 
 a stream of impurity to flow into the channels of her spiritual life, 
 which had been hitherto nourished by the pure water of the word 
 of God alone. She manifestly incurred the risk of altering her 
 faith, and modifying the profession of it. 
 
 But the invisible Head of the Church, the Lord, who had re- 
 deemed her by his blood, watched over this feeble but ancient 
 portion of his inheritance with love. As a friend never shows 
 himself more faithful than in the moment of danger, nor more 
 tender than in the hour of affliction, so the Lord Jesus came to 
 deliver the Vaudois Church when her temptations were aggra- 
 vated, and to console her under all her sufferings, by announc- 
 ing his triumph over antichrist in the Reformation. How 
 much is contained in that single word ! 
 
 " Reformation !" It expresses nothing less than a deep, radical, 
 and complete renovation of the form, constitution, and life of the 
 Church ; nothing less than a return to its primitive state ; than 
 a re-establishment of doctrine, morals, and divine service, on the 
 foundations laid by our Lord himself and the apostles, and an 
 aspiration after a new life of faith, self-denial, charity, and lioli- 
 
 * It is very doubtful whether there were other ministers, excepting at La 
 Torre, Lucerna, and Bricherasco. This would form the subject of an interest- 
 ing investigation. 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ness ; in one word, a life hid with Christ in God. For a long 
 time, even in the Church of Rome itself, reform had been talked 
 of: princes, magistrates, men of science and letters, ecclesiastical 
 persons, and numbers of the faithful among the laity, had at dif- 
 ferent times demanded it : even the assembly of bishops at the 
 Council of Constance wished to attempt it, but always in vain. 
 The evil was too great ; the plague too deep and inveterate ; the 
 body itself too tainted, for the cure to be attempted in good faith, 
 and with the consent of all its members. Every one was sensi- 
 ble of the evil, and marked its symptoms, but no one in the Church 
 pointed out its true cause. No one was for applying to it the 
 only efficacious remedy, namely, the faithful preaching of the 
 word of God. The youngest child among the Yaudois could 
 have indicated it ; but, for the Romish Church to discover the 
 remedy, and consent to employ it, needed a direct intervention 
 of Divine Providence ; for how could the cruel persecutors of 
 the Albigenses and Vaudois, of her own accord, seek for the cure 
 in the very book which had animated, and still sustained and 
 consoled, the objects of her hatred ? 
 
 This miracle of mercy God was pleased to effect in many places, 
 and in more than one heart at once, that the glory might redound 
 to him, and not to any human being. He awakened the love 
 of the truth, and excited here and there a spirit of inquiry, which 
 for a long time had been unknown in the Romish Church. He 
 put into the hands of men " after his own heart" the text of the 
 Holy Scriptures, and revealed the meaning to them by his Spirit. 
 In France, an old man, a distinguished doctor ; in Germany, a 
 young monk, Martin Luther, concerned for his own salvation, in 
 a convent in Saxony ; in Switzerland, Zwingli, a young cure, 
 devoted to his pastoral duties, at Glaris, in the bosom of the Alps, 
 and afterwards to the office of preacher in the celebrated abbey 
 of Notre-Dame-des-Ermites, (our Lady of the Hermits,) or of 
 Einsiedlen, re-established simultaneously, by the sole study of 
 the Bible, and without being privy to one another's labours, the 
 vital doctrines of the gospel.* 
 
 No sooner were they initiated into evangelical truth, and re- 
 generated by it, than these men, blessed from on high, had only 
 one desire, — that of glorifying God, by communicating to others, 
 their friends, their relations, and their contemporaries, the grace 
 
 * See Merle D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century. 
 
GLANCE AT THE REFORMATION. 135 
 
 which had been shown to them. In their familiar conversations, 
 they excited great interest in recounting the providential circum- 
 stances by which God had put into their hands the sacred text, 
 and opened their hearts to its inspirations. By these recitals, 
 they produced in many souls the lively and profound emotions 
 which they had themselves experienced ; the joy, the ecstasy, 
 the alarm, the penitence, and the gratitude, which by turns had 
 taken possession of their own minds, in reading the declarations 
 of God's word. By their preaching and public instructions, these 
 illustrious reformers, above all those of Germany and Switzerland, 
 had poured streams of light, and infused a vital warmth, into a 
 multitude of sincere hearts. By their publications, by their com- 
 mentaries, and especially by the translation, printing, and dis- 
 semination of the Holy Scriptures, they had brought within the 
 reach of all those who possessed some elementary instruction, and, 
 through them, within every one's reach, the knowledge of God 
 and of his Christ, according to the gospel. 
 
 The light was replaced on the candlestick. By its vivid and 
 pure radiance the superstitions, the idolatry, the errors, and the 
 vices of Rome, appeared in all their deformity. Thousands of 
 sincere souls turned from the way of destruction, in which their 
 blind leaders had hitherto kept them, and advanced with joy, 
 confidence, and hope, in the paths of the gospel. 
 
 The Reformation had extended itself in Germany and Switzer- 
 land ; it had tried its strength at Paris, Meaux, and various other 
 places, when the report of its operations resounded as far as the 
 Vaudois churches of Piedmont, Danphine, and Provence. These 
 ancient churches, isolated, surrounded by enemies, weakened, 
 and somewhat discouraged by persecution, were roused at the 
 consolatory news of a return to the word of God, to the doctrine 
 of salvation by faith in Jesus Christ, and to a purer life, in coun- 
 tries heretofore papal. They hastened to collect certain infor- 
 mation, and to enter into connexion with their new brethren. 
 As early as the year 1526 the barbe (or pastor) Martin, of the 
 valley of Lucerna, had returned from one of these journeys of 
 inquiry, and brought back many books printed by the reformers. 
 
 But of all the journeys of the Vaudois barbes at this period, 
 that of Georges Morel, of Merindol, and Pierre Masson,* a na- 
 tive of Burgundy, is the best known. Having been deputed by 
 * G. Morel's companion is called Latome by Scultetus. 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the Vaudois churches of Provence and Dauphine* to visit the 
 reformers of Switzerland and Germany, they held a conference 
 with the brethren of Neufchatel, Morat, and Berne, with Ber- 
 thold Haller, and doubtless, also, with William Farel ;f and in 
 the month of October, 1530, they presented to CEcolampadius, 
 the reformer of Bale, a long document in Latin, in which they 
 gave a complete account of their ecclesiastical discipline, worship, 
 manners, and doctrine, requesting, at the same time, his advice 
 on several points. 
 
 This document, marked by a humility and openness of heart 
 not common even among brethren in the faith, throws great light 
 on the internal state, at that time, of the Vaudois churches in 
 the south-east of France. It is also probable that this state was 
 more or less that of their neighbours, the Vaudois churches in 
 Piedmont, but perhaps in a less degree of declension. The pre- 
 ceding accounts give us a glimpse of this ; the sequel will render 
 it certain. 
 
 The exposition made by the barbe Morel, and which may be 
 found in Scultetus, or in Ruchat, shows that there was among 
 the Vaudois of that time a sensible inferiority in their acquaint- 
 ance with saving truth, and especially in the profession of evan- 
 gelical faith, if we compare them with their ancestors, such as 
 they are made known to us by history, and the religious writings 
 of the twelfth century .£ 
 
 The information given by Georges Morel respecting the barbes, 
 or pastors of the Vaudois churches, agrees in general with what 
 we know of their ancient discipline. Yet we may trace indica- 
 tions in his statement of a certain uncertainty on some points 
 of doctrine or discipline, an imperfect acquaintance with the 
 Scriptures, and, as it strikes us, a limited knowledge of their very 
 interesting religious literature. 
 
 The candidate for the pastoral charge, having been employed 
 in agricultural labour, or as a herdsman, till the age of twenty-five 
 or thirty, came before the barbes, and made known his wishes. 
 
 * Perrin asserts positively that they were sent by the Vaudois churches of 
 France, and not by all the Vaudois churches. 
 
 t [See the Life of William Farel, from the German of the Rev. Melchior Kirch- 
 hofer ; published by the Religious Tract Society, London, 1837, pp. 102-104, 271.] 
 
 t Scultetus Annalium Evangelii, etc., Heidelberg®, 1618, t, ii, p. 294.— Ruchat's 
 Hist, de la Reformation de la Suisse, t. ii, p. 319, and following. 
 
DOCUMENT CONCERNING THE VAUDOIS. 137 
 
 If the inquiry respecting his character proved satisfactory, he 
 spent the winter months for the next three or four years in self- 
 improvement : he learned by heart the Gospels according to Mat- 
 thew and John, the catholic (or general) Epistles, and a good 
 part of those of St Paul. After this, he had to pass a year or 
 two in retirement. In this part, Morel speaks of sisters, or vir- 
 gins, living together in perpetual celibacy, and says that it was 
 to the place where these resided that candidates were sent, to 
 prepare in silence for the functions of the sacred ministry, to 
 which they were afterwards appointed, by partaking of the eu- 
 charist and imposition of hands. This kind of religious society 
 of females is a fact without parallel in the Vaudois history, and, 
 if it be true, would prove, in conjunction with the celibacy of 
 the barbes, then generally practised, that Romish notions had 
 become considerably prevalent at this period, at least in the 
 churches of Provence. 
 
 The holy ministry, as it appears, was exercised in faith and 
 love. The doctrine taught was, for the most part, the same as 
 in remote times ; it was always, in essential points, evangelical. 
 Yet it would appear that, in what regards the acceptance of sal- 
 vation, and the internal life of the Christian, the barbes at that 
 time allowed an immense share to the human will. " We be- 
 lieve," say they, " that all men have naturally some gift, which 
 God has bestowed on them, one man more, and another less ; so 
 that men can do something by this power which is given them, 
 but especially when God stimulates and excites it, as he says him- 
 self: ' Behold, I stand at the door, and knock.'" They did not 
 admit predestination, excepting with certain explanations, which 
 reduced it to be nothing more than an anticipated view of human 
 intentions and actions by the omniscience of God. 
 
 Some Romish tendencies are also perceptible, such as auri- 
 cular confession, but without superstition or tyranny. They 
 asked the reformers whether it was proper to have degrees of 
 dignity among ministers of the word of God, such as bishops, 
 priests, and deacons ? whether the distinction of sin, as original, 
 venial, and mortal, were correct ? whether it was allowable to 
 pray for the dead ? which were the ceremonial, and which the 
 civil precepts ? whether these ordinances were entirely abolished 
 by the coming of Jesus Christ ? They rejected purgatory, as a 
 fiction of Antichrist; also, all the inventions of men, such as 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 saints' days, vigils, holy water, abstinence from meat at certain 
 times ; and, in particular, they looked upon the mass as a horrible 
 abomination before God. But they tolerated one great evil: 
 through weakness and fear of their persecutors, they had their 
 children baptized by the priests, and communicated at the mass. 
 
 The injustice and cruelty of their enemies having brought 
 the Vaudois into numberless dangers, and occasioned their 
 adoption of particular modes of acting, Georges Morel inquired 
 whether open force or stratagem could be authorized, in cases 
 where life and property were endangered ? He also proposed 
 the question, whether it was allowable for the faithful ( Yaudois) 
 to plead before unbelieving (Roman Catholic) judges ? 
 
 (Ecolampadius, like the other reformers, beheld with deep 
 emotion and delight their foreign brethren, deputed by the 
 ancient Vaudois churches, the small remnant of evangelical 
 Christians who had escaped, as by miracle, from the persecu- 
 tions of Rome. With all his colleagues, he blessed God for the 
 preservation of these disciples of the truth ; these lowly flocks, 
 scattered at the foot and in the bosom of the Alps ; saved with 
 difficulty from the snares that were constantly laid for their 
 lives, as well as their souls. These sentiments are expressed in 
 the answer of the reformer of Bale to the Vaudois of Provence, 
 dated October 13, 1530. ' " It is not," he tells them, " without a 
 lively sentiment of joy in Christ, that we have learned from 
 Georges Morel, who takes such faithful care of your salvation, 
 what are your religious belief and worship. We render thanks 
 to our most gracious Father that he has called you into such 
 marvellous light, during ages in which such thick darkness has 
 covered almost the whole world, under the empire of Antichrist. 
 We acknowledge also that Christ is in you ; we therefore love 
 you as brethren ; and God grant that we may be able to testify 
 the affection of our hearts by its fruits !" 
 
 To these expressions of kindness and proofs of attachment, 
 the reformer felt himself impelled to add some Christian obser- 
 vations and counsels of truth, which fidelity demanded of him : 
 " As we approve of many things among you, so there are several 
 which we wish to see amended. We are informed that the fear 
 of persecution has caused you to dissemble, and to conceal your 
 faith. Now you know that with the heart man believeth unto 
 righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto sal- 
 
(ECOLAMPADIUS. 139 
 
 vation ; but that those who are ashamed of Christ before the 
 world, will not be acknowledged by him before his Father. 
 Because our God is truth, he will be served in truth ; and as he is a 
 jealous God, he will not permit his own people to put themselves 
 under the yoke of Antichrist — for there is no concord between 
 Christ and Belial. You commune with unbelievers ; you take 
 part in their abominable masses, in which the death and passion 
 of Christ are blasphemed. For when they boast of making 
 satisfaction for the sins of the living and the dead by their sacri- 
 fices, what is the consequence, unless it be that Christ has not 
 made satisfaction by his one sacrifice ? that Christ is not what 
 his name of Jesus signifies, that is, a Saviour — and that he died 
 for us in vain ? And in saying Amen ! to their prayers, do we 
 not deny Christ ? How many deaths would it not be better to 
 
 suffer ? I know your weakness ; but it becomes those 
 
 who know they have been redeemed by the blood of Christ to 
 
 be more courageous It is better for us to die than to be 
 
 overcome by temptation^ 
 
 (Ecolampadius replied in the spirit of the Reformation to all 
 the other questions which they had proposed to him, giving the 
 required explanations and counsels. It is not. necessary to de- 
 tail them here. Suffice it to say, that the doctor of the Refor- 
 mation and the pastor of the ancient Vaudois Church felt them- 
 selves to be brethren, and the Lord gave them the unity of the 
 Spirit in the bond of peace. 
 
 From Bale, the two deputies of the Vaudois went to Strasburg, 
 to confer with Bucer and Capito. They took a letter of recom- 
 mendation to the former from (Ecolampadius, dated October 27, 
 1530. Having fulfilled their mission, they set out on their 
 journey homewards. One of them, Pierre Masson, could not 
 escape suspicion; he was waylaid and arrested at Dijon, im- 
 prisoned, and condemned to death. Georges Morel was more 
 fortunate, and passed unnoticed with his letters and papers, and 
 arrived safely in Provence. — Perrin, p. 216. 
 
 The answer of (Ecolampadius produced a powerful impression 
 throughout the Vaudois churches. The pastors of the valleys 
 discussed among themselves, and in conferences with their 
 neighbours, the questions of which it treated. As some diver- 
 sities of opinion still existed, and it was thought proper to revisit 
 the reformers of Germany and Switzerland several times, it was 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 also decided to convoke a synod, in order to terminate the busi- 
 ness. All the Vaudois churches were to be represented in it. 
 The Swiss pastors were invited. A great number convened at 
 Grandison, in French Switzerland, chose as their representative 
 William Farel, that bold and faithful reformer, and Antony 
 Saunier, both natives of Dauphine. — Ruchat, t. iii, p. 176 and 557. 
 
 The presence of Farel at the Vaudois synod is confirmed by 
 the deposition of a Vaudois, who was cast into prison by Bersour, 
 in the persecution of 1535. Jeannet Peyrel, of Angrogna, de- 
 posed that he had kept guard for the ministers who taught the 
 good law, who were assembled in the town of Chanforans,* in 
 the centre of Angrogna, and said that amongst others there was 
 one called Farel, who had a red beard, and a beautiful white 
 horse, and two others accompanied him, one of whom had a 
 horse almost black, and the other was very tall, and rather 
 lame. — Gilles, p. 40. 
 
 The synod met in Angrogna, at the place called Chanforans, 
 and commenced its sittings September 1 2, 1532.f It was solemn 
 and decisive. All the questions had been sufficiently matured ; 
 they were then debated very freely for six days. — Gilles, p. 41. 
 At length the synod, or assembly of the barbes and heads of 
 families, prepared a short confession of faith, which may be con- 
 sidered as a supplement to the ancient confession of faith of the 
 year 1120, which it does not contradict in any point. 
 
 The synod of Angrogna also adopted a decisive resolution for 
 the well-being of the Vaudois Church, which had been compro- 
 mised for a number of years by the fear of persecutions. It was 
 decreed by common consent, that they should cease entirely 
 from all the arts of dissimulation by which they had hoped to escape 
 the notice of the enemies of the faith ; that henceforth they would 
 take no part in any of the popish superstitions ; that they would 
 not acknowledge as a pastor any priest of the Komish Church, 
 and never have recourse to his ministrations in any case, or 
 under any circumstances. They likewise resolved to cease from 
 all concealment in their religious assemblies ; that the worship 
 
 * Now a lone house, near Odins, towards Le Serre. 
 
 t Perrin misdates it September 12, 1535, since the Vaudois Church was at 
 that time harassed with persecution. Leger, part i, p. 95, is equally wrong in 
 fixing it December 12, 1532. This time of the year would have been far too 
 severe for the joumey of the Swiss deputies, and of so many pastors from be- 
 yond the Alps. 
 
CHURCHES OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA. 141 
 
 should be carried on openly and publicly, in order to give glory 
 to God. — Grilles, p. 30. 
 
 These resolutions met with some opposition in the synod, on 
 the part of some barbes, who were either friends of the ancient 
 order of things, or timid. Two of them, of foreign extraction, 
 Daniel de Valence and Jean de Molines, withdrew without 
 authority from the general assembly, and made their complaints 
 to the churches of Bohemia and Moravia. 
 
 Relations equally ancient and close united the Vaudois of 
 France and Piedmont to the evangelical Christians of Bohemia 
 and Moravia. The origin of these latter is probably to be 
 dated from the end of the twelfth century, the times of Pierre 
 Valdo* and his immediate disciples, the Poor Men of Lyons. 
 Being driven about by persecution, and dispersed in various 
 places, they had become, in the hands of God, the means of re- 
 vival and union for churches that were still governed by the 
 word of God, in the bosom of which they had found a refuge ; 
 and thus, amongst others, for the churches of Bohemia and for 
 the ancient Vaudois churches in the valleys of the Alps. It 
 was in Bohemia that Valdo himself terminated his admirable 
 and useful career .f He found a Christian Church there, which, 
 like all those of the Sclavonian race, had received Christianity 
 through the medium of the Greek Church, and which, like all 
 her sisters, abhorred the yoke and errors of Rome. Attached 
 to the Holy Scriptures, which she read in an excellent Sclavo- 
 nian translation, the language of the country, the Church of 
 Bohemia had welcomed, with a cordial feeling of Christian 
 brotherhood, Pierre Valdo and his friends, who had been per- 
 secuted for their fidelity to the word of God ; and owing to the 
 well-known activity of the Poor Men of Lyons, and the journeys 
 of the Vaudois barbes, who travelled in all directions to evan- 
 gelize their brethren, the churches of Bohemia, and, at a latter 
 period, those of Moravia, entered into strict fellowship with the 
 Vaudois churches of France and Piedmont. And, once brought 
 into connexion with one another, these two churches, both 
 daughters of the primitive Church, loved each other as two 
 
 * On Pierre Valdo and his disciples, see chap. VII. of this history. 
 
 t Does not Valdo's retiring to Bohemia, authorize us to believe that a con- 
 nexion had already existed between the Church of Bohemia and the Vaudois 
 Church ? 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 sisters, and never ceased to interchange proofs of their affec- 
 tion. 
 
 In the instance now before us, the churches of Bohemia and 
 Moravia testified their cordial affection and esteem for the 
 Vaudois Church, by their general counsels, given in the spirit 
 of the gospel. It is evident, by the letter they wrote, and which 
 the two dissatisfied barbes brought back the following year, 
 (1533,) that these churches had been but imperfectly informed ; 
 but we may at least infer from its contents, that they always felt 
 a lively interest in the spiritual welfare of their Vaudois brethren. 
 The latter, from regard to their brethren of Bohemia and Mo- 
 ravia, held a synod in the vale of San Martino, the 15th of 
 August, 1533 ; and, after having confirmed the resolutions of the 
 synod of the preceding year, decided on communicating them, 
 with suitable explanations, in a fraternal letter to the churches 
 of Bohemia and Moravia. In consequence of this, Jean de 
 Molines and Daniel de Valence left the valleys, never to return. 
 
 This strenuous but ineffectual opposition of the two barbes, 
 who were, moreover, not natives of the Vaudois valleys, rendered 
 the intimate agreement of the spirit of the Reformation with 
 that of the Vaudois still more apparent. The ancient and ven- 
 erable Vaudois Church, still faithful, in its somewhat impaired 
 old age, to the true apostolical traditions, came forward gladly 
 to hold out the right hand of fellowship to her younger sister, 
 the offspring of the conscientious study of the Bible. They re- 
 cognized each other as children of the same Father — as servants 
 of the same Lord ; they embraced one another, feeling them- 
 selves to be one in God's sight ; and acknowledging, with trans- 
 ports of delight, that, thus blended, they were the beloved 
 spouse of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Glory be to God the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Amen ! 
 
RENEWAL OF PERSECUTION. 143 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF THE UNION OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH 
 WITH THE REFORMED CHURCH. 
 
 The resolutions adopted at the synod of Angrogna, in 1532, 
 and confirmed the following year, were soon put in practice. 
 Repentance for preceding acts of dissimulation stimulated ardent 
 minds to give proofs of the sincerity of their love to God, and 
 their attachment to his word. A clearer view of their duty 
 strengthened the faith of the feeblest: a zeal, that had been 
 languishing for some years, revived afresh in all hearts. A 
 Christian life, not entirely new, but renovated, circulated faith- 
 fully through all the branches of the Yaudois churches. Barbes 
 and private Christians supported one another, and rendered 
 mutual aid in realizing the same desire — that of glorifying their 
 Saviour in the midst of idolaters. Their ardent wish was to re- 
 produce in their actions the device engraved to this day on the 
 seal of the Vaudois churches of Piedmont — a light shining in 
 darkness. Proofs in confirmation of this zeal are not wanting : 
 we shall adduce them in their proper order. 
 
 And, first of all, let us mention an external, but very convinc- 
 ing proof: the renewal of persecution on the part of the papists. 
 Religious animosity never pursues the lukewarm; it is never 
 roused by the sight of timid men, who dissemble, and whose sole 
 aim is to escape observation. Resistance and opposition alone 
 provoke it ; antagonism inflames it. Two years had not elapsed 
 after the synod of Angrogna, when persecution began ; at first 
 in Provence, in the year 1534, at the instigation of the bishops 
 of Sisteron, Apt, and Cavaillon, and in the following year in 
 Piedmont, by the endeavours of the archbishop of Turin and 
 the inquisitor of the same city. The duke of Savoy, Charles 
 HI., yielding to their solicitations, referred the cruel office of 
 pursuing the pretended Vaudois heretics to a nobleman in their 
 neighbourhood, the lord of Rocheplatte, Pantaleon Bersour, who, 
 from his frequent residence at his chateau of Mirandol, (Miran- 
 deul,) or in the city of Pinerolo, at the entrance of the valley 
 of Perosa, and not far from that of Lucerna, had greater facilities 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 than any other person of knowing the places, the circumstances, 
 and the men. 
 
 For the purpose of obtaining all the information possible, 
 Bersour, furnished with ducal letters for the parliament of Pro- 
 vence, betook himself to the dioceses of that province in which 
 persecution had recommenced. Having obtained copies of the 
 depositions relative to the accused, as well as permission to 
 assist at the subsequent examinations, he furnished himself by 
 this means with very precise data relative to the late events, and 
 the persons who were the most devoted to the interests of evan- 
 gelical religion in the valleys of Piedmont. For, as we have 
 already said, the Vaudois of the domains of the duke of Savoy 
 maintained a constant connexion with those of Dauphine and 
 Provence, and their barbes often passed the Alps, to edify the 
 churches of their brethren. It was even found that many of the 
 persons who had been apprehended on the charge of heresy 
 were Piedmontese subjects, refugees in France, and that one of 
 them who died in prison was from Kocheplatte, a lordship peo- 
 pled with Vaudois, and belonging to the ducal commissioner. 
 
 On his return to Piedmont, Bersour laid before the inqusitors 
 the list of denounced or suspected Vaudois, and received from 
 the Duke Charles, by letters patent of August 28, 1535, an order 
 to proceed forthwith to inflict punishment on the offenders. 
 Having assembled a troop of about five hundred picked men, 
 foot and horse soldiers, he made an inroad on the valley of An- 
 grogna, penetrating it by way of Rocheplatte, through roads 
 which were well known to him. But the enterprise was not 
 more than half successful. The disturbed and threatened popu- 
 lation had placed scouts, who gave information of the approach 
 of the invader soon enough to dispute the victory, and to snatch 
 part of the booty from him, as well as the prisoners made at the 
 first onset. Strong remonstrances having been addressed to him 
 by the Countess Blanche, widow of the count of Lucerna, and 
 lord of Angrogna, who reproached him with not having respected 
 the memory of her husband, and with having treated him, her- 
 self, and their children, with insult, in assailing her subjects 
 without her knowledge, Bersour ceased his attacks on that side 
 and among the mountains, to fall upon the districts of the plain 
 instead, which were inhabited by Vaudois. With these unfor- 
 tunate persons he filled his chateau at Mirandol, the prisons and 
 
MARTIN GONIN, A MARTYR. 145 
 
 convents of Pinerolo, and the inquisition of Turin, where Benoit 
 de Solariis with his assessors conducted criminal proceedings 
 against them. A great number of them suffered in the flames. 
 The words of one of these martyrs of the faith deserve to be 
 preserved. Catelan Girardet, who had been arrested at Revel, 
 in this same year, 1535, was led to punishment. When he 
 reached the pile, he asked for two stones. Having received 
 them, he rubbed them violently one against the other, and said 
 to the attentive spectators, who were astonished and curious to 
 know his motive for so strange an act, " You think to abolish 
 our churches by your persecutions, but you can no more do it 
 than I can destroy these stones with my hands, or eat them." 
 
 The persecution would have raged much longer, if political 
 circumstances had not all at once put an end to it. Francis I., 
 king of France, laying claim to certain rights in Piedmont on 
 behalf of his mother, the Queen Louisa, sister of Duke Charles, 
 and demanding a passage for an army .intended to recover 
 Milan, had met with a refusal, and prepared to enter his uncle's 
 domains by main force. The fears which so dangerous a situation 
 excited in the duke's government, forced him to give an order 
 which humanity and sound policy would have previously dicta- 
 ted — namely, to stop the persecution against the Vaudois. In 
 fact, it was important for him not to alienate entirely the attach- 
 ment of the population that was settled on the frontier of his 
 enemy, and who occupied the usual passes of the Alps, and had 
 it in their power either to surrender them, and thus inflict a 
 severe blow on their imprudent sovereign, or to defend them 
 with tried fidelity, and to be a substitute in their valleys for a 
 body of troops which he might then send elsewhere. Thus 
 Bersour's persecution was suddenly stopped. 
 
 One unfortunate effect for the Vaudois valleys, of the rupture 
 otherwise so favourable for their cause, between their sovereign 
 and the king of France, was the arrest and death of one of their 
 best pastors, Martin Gonin, of Angrogna. He had gone to 
 Geneva, at the beginning of 1536, to confer there on ecclesi- 
 astical affairs with some learned theologians, and to make a pur- 
 chase of books. He was endowed with superior talents and 
 some rare qualities, and though only thirty-six, had already tra- 
 velled and laboured much for the churches, in Piedmont and 
 elsewhere. But, on his return, he was arrested in Dauphine; 
 
 1 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 being a Piedmontese, he was taken for a spy, sent to observe the 
 preparations for war in France. The parliament of Grenoble 
 having pronounced him innocent, he was on the point of being 
 released ; but the jailer, on searching him, found some papers 
 relative to religion : he was thereupon again imprisoned and 
 brought to trial for this latter fact. When examined on his be- 
 lief, he made a frank and unreserved confession of it, and he 
 resisted, at the same time, all importunities and solicitations to 
 induce him to change his religion, and was condemned to be 
 drowned in the Isere. This barbarous sentence was executed 
 on the night of April 26, 1536. It was apprehended, that if it 
 had taken place in the day-time, the gentleness and pious dis- 
 course of the martyr would have moved and shaken the resolu- 
 tion of the spectators. The death of this faithful servant of God 
 was deeply regretted in the valleys, where he was justly appre- 
 ciated, and where the want of pastors began to be felt. 
 
 The commitments, to prison, and the punishments inflicted for 
 two years on the Vaudois of France and Piedmont, are not the 
 only proofs that we have of the increase of Christian life among 
 them in consequence of their intercourse with the reformers. 
 They gave another striking proof of it, during the very time of 
 their persecution, in defraying the cost of the first edition of the 
 French Bible. They contributed for this object fifteen hundred 
 gold crowns — a considerable sum at that time, and especially for 
 a small population of country people and herdsmen. It was at 
 the synod of Angrogna, in 1532, in the presence of Farel and 
 Saunier, deputies from the Swiss churches, that in consequence 
 of the scarcity of manuscripts of the sacred books, and the in- 
 creasing difficulty of copying them, the resolution was passed for 
 translating into French and printing the sacred Scriptures, both 
 of the Old and New Testaments. P. Kobert Olivetan, a relation 
 of the celebrated Calvin, the reformer of Geneva, was commis- 
 sioned to undertake this work. This Bible was printed in folio, 
 and in black letter, at Neufchatel in Switzerland, in the year 
 1535, by Pierre de Wingle, commonly called Piccard. The 
 Vaudois spirit, that attachment to the word of God which in 
 former ages was manifested by the pains taken by individuals to 
 commit whole books to memory, now reappeared in every heart, 
 renewing its youth, and eager to avail itself of the recent inven- 
 tion of the press, to facilitate, for all who knew how to read, the 
 
USE OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE. 147 
 
 possession, at a trifling expense, of a copy of the Holy Scrip- 
 tures.* 
 
 Another proof of the increase of the Christian life among the 
 Vaudois, is, on the one hand, the zeal displayed in preaching 
 pure doctrine, and, on the other, the eagerness of the people in 
 coming to hear it. It would be difficult to decide which showed 
 the most courage and self-denial — the preachers who sought to 
 do good to souls, or the hearers, hungering for the bread of life, 
 flocking to their faithful shepherds, without dread of committing 
 themselves, often even at the peril of their lives. The country 
 people came in crowds to the appointed places of meeting. By 
 degrees the citizens and inhabitants of the plain resorted thither. 
 Even the lords protected the evangelical faith, and openly de- 
 clared themselves in its favour. In a short time the barbes were 
 not sufficiently numerous for their work, and the new cares 
 which claimed their attention. Those among them whose office 
 it was to instruct and train candidates for the sacred ministry,! 
 were obliged to cease from this employment, in order to give 
 themselves entirely to preaching and the care of souls. They 
 soon found it necessary to have recourse to foreign academies 
 belonging to the reformed — that of Geneva, for example — either 
 to send thither young Vaudois who had devoted themselves to 
 the evangelical ministry, or to obtain additional pastors, from 
 thence, who were now required, on account of the increasing 
 number of the congregations and hearers of the truth. 
 
 From this period may be dated the use of the French lan- 
 guage in the worship of the Vaudois valleys of Piedmont. 
 Hitherto it had been carried on in the common language of the 
 country, that is, in the Romance language, in which all their 
 ancient writings were composed. Henceforth the French was 
 generally employed, J for the editions of the Bible printed at the 
 expense of the Vaudois and circulated in their houses were in 
 this language, and the body of pastors likewise spoke it, owing 
 either to their origin, or the course of their studies. — GMes, 
 chs. vii, viii. — Perrin, p. 161. 
 
 * Perrin, Hist, des Vaudois, p. 161— Gilles, chap, vii, pp. 43, 44— Ruchat, In- 
 formation, etc., t. iii, pp. 176-403. 
 
 t This fact evidently implies the existence of that school of the barbes in the 
 Pra-di-Torre, which we have before mentioned. 
 
 t In civil affairs the Italian language was used. 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The religious movement which had commenced at the synod 
 of Angrogna, in 1532, extended and strengthened itself still 
 more when the political differences between Piedmont and 
 France supervened, and particularly when the latter power in- 
 vaded and occupied the territory of the former. The attention 
 of the government being absorbed by concerns which seemed 
 more pressing, it neglected for years to watch or to check the 
 proceedings of the Vaudois ; and it was not roused till the papists, 
 surprised, confounded, and irritated by the success of the once 
 oppressed Church, raised the cry of alarm. The priests who had 
 been previously settled in the valleys,* having lost all hope of 
 ever seeing the people brought under Romish domination, and 
 judging that for the future no further revenue would be obtained 
 from them, voluntarily withdrew in despair ; and with them went 
 the Mass. That these happy results took place is not denied by 
 Roman Catholic writers ; so far from it, they complain of them 
 bitterly. This is done by Father Belvedere, in his report, ad- 
 dressed, in 1636, to the Congregation for the propagation of the 
 faith, in which he makes many mistakes, and, amongst others, 
 has this absurdity — that the reformer Farel had been appointed 
 governor of the valleys by a count of Wurtemberg, in the name 
 of the king of France, and had persecuted the papists. But, 
 however singular the explanations he gives of the facts that he 
 reports may be, the latter fully confirm all that we have stated. 
 Among other things, he says expressly : " The heresy had reached 
 such a height in the valley, (of Lucerna,) that from all parts of 
 Piedmont, subject to the king, people came to hear the preach- 
 ers, contrary to the king's wish, who either was ignorant of it, or 
 pretended to be so." — Oilles, c. vii, p. 45 — Perrin, p. 161. 
 
 But, while the Vaudois of Piedmont enjoyed the respite which 
 political commotions had obtained for them, in their religious 
 concerns, and made use of it to consolidate and extend their 
 Church, they received most melancholy intelligence respecting 
 their brethren the Vaudois of Provence, of which we shall now 
 proceed to give an account. (See what has been already said 
 in Chapter XV.) 
 
 The reader will recollect, no doubt, those flourishing Vaudois 
 Churches, founded in Provence, at the end of the thirteenth 
 century, in the valleys that border on the Durance, to the east 
 
 * It is still a question in what part of the valleys they were established. 
 
PERSECUTIONS RENEWED. 14& 
 
 of Cavaillon. Here were situated the towns and villages of 
 Cabrieres, Merindol, Lormarin, Cadenet, Gordes, and many 
 others besides, as celebrated for their long prosperity and high 
 reputation, as for the terrible persecution which put an end to 
 their existence. 
 
 Already, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, efforts had 
 been made to prejudice King Louis XII. against them. They 
 had been represented to him as infamous people, who, having 
 separated from the Church of Rome, lived in the commission of 
 all kinds of abominations. But the king, having sent to these 
 places two honourable men, in whom he placed confidence, 
 namely, his confessor Parvi, and Adam Fumee, master of re- 
 quests, who made a favourable report of the manners and piety 
 of the people, gave orders that they should be left undisturbed. — 
 La Mothe-Langon, t. iii, p. 425. 
 
 In the year 1534, under Francis I., the searchings, punish- 
 ments, and imprisonments on religious accounts were begun anew. 
 The parliament of Aix, at the instigation of the bishops of Siste- 
 ron, Apt, and Cavaillon, had proceeded with rigour against the 
 Vaudois of these countries, as we have mentioned a few pages be- 
 fore. The parliament allowed itself to be so deceived and blind- 
 ed by intrigue, calumny, and fanaticism, that in 1540 it condemn- 
 ed the Vaudois to general destruction, to the loss of life and pro- 
 perty, and their country to be made a desert. The benevolent 
 intervention of Guillaume du Bellay, lord of Langey, and governor 
 of Piedmont, since it had been occupied by the French, retarded 
 the execution of the ordinance. He had the courage to repre- 
 sent to the king the injustice of this barbarous decree. He showed 
 that it would affect a worthy population, who were distinguished 
 among other virtues for temperance, chastity, patience, fidelity 
 to their prince, industry, hospitality, and a genuine piety devoid 
 of superstition. Enlightened by the judgment of this honourable 
 lord, Francis I. refused to confirm this sentence. But as irrita- 
 ting calumnies were spread without ceasing against the unfor- 
 tunate Vaudois, and false rumours designedly circulated, till they 
 reached the ears of the king, accusing this peaceable people of 
 plots against the government, of clandestine armaments, and even 
 of levying troops with the intention of getting into Marseilles, it 
 might be anticipated that the fatal blow would soon be struck. 
 The drawn sword and lighted torch which Romish hatred waved 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 in menace over the heads of its victims only waited the signal for 
 general havoc. At last it was given. — Leger, pt. ii, p. 330. — Gril- 
 les, p. 47. 
 
 Francis I., at the instigation of one of the princes of the Romish 
 Church, a pretended successor of the apostles, the odious cardi- 
 nal de Tournon, decreed the punishment of the Vaudois of Pro- 
 vence. On the first news of this alarming project, the evangeli- 
 cal cantons of Switzerland vainly interceded in the most urgent 
 manner with the king ; all they obtained was a dry answer not 
 to meddle with the affairs of his government, any more than he 
 would trouble himself about theirs. Calvin, the illustrious re- 
 former of Geneva, would have gone and thrown himself at the 
 feet of the French monarch, but had been taken ill, and Farel 
 was too much oppressed by the infirmities of age to undertake 
 the journey. Yiret, one of the reformers of the Pays de Vaud, 
 set out to request favour for his co-religionists, bearing with him 
 letters of recommendation, not only from the reformed states of 
 Switzerland, but also from the Protestant states of the league of 
 Smalkald. But all these efforts at mediation were useless. — Ru~ 
 chat, t. v, p. 253. 
 
 The order for destroying the heretics of Provence having been 
 once issued, no time was lost in putting it into execution. A 
 hard-hearted, avaricious man, irritated, moreover, it is said, be- 
 cause a lady who possessed the seignorial right of many of the 
 Vaudois villages had refused him her hand— John Meinier, ba- 
 ron d'Oppede, first president of the parliament of Provence, and 
 royal lieutenant of the province, in the absence of count de Gri- 
 gnan, marched against the innocent people whom he had disgrace- 
 fully calumniated. At the head of a troop of the militia of Pro- 
 vence, besides two thousand regular soldiers, and accompanied 
 by commissioners, nominally his colleagues, but in reality quite 
 under his influence, he attacked his devoted victims in April, 
 1545. These poor people, whom he had represented to the king 
 as armed rebels, furnished with all the munitions of war, and in- 
 trenched in places difficult of access, never dreamed of defending 
 themselves ; they saw no safety but in flight. 
 
 A modern author gives the following account of this atrocious 
 transaction : — " The shrill outcries," he writes, " the blasts of 
 the savage horns, and other signals in use at this period, to an- 
 nounce the approach of a hostile force, warned the Vaudois in 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE VAUDOIS OF PROVENCE. 151 
 
 the different villages and hamlets, of the coming of the terrible 
 Oppede. Every one abandoned his home, leaving his little for- 
 tune in it ; each wished to save his aged father, his wife, his chil- 
 dren, and nothing more. They hastened to the mountains or 
 the neighbouring rocks, or the bottom of precipices, without 
 sparing a thought on what they had left, or rather hoping that 
 the love of plunder would detain their persecutors, and turn them 
 aside from the pursuit. 
 
 " During this time, the Catholic army set fire to the houses, 
 filled up the wells and fountains, tore up the vines, cut down the 
 trees, left not one stone on another, sparing neither gardens, nor 
 hospitals, nor bridges, in a word, nothing that existed in this un- 
 fortunate country. The Vaudois, dying with hunger and sor- 
 row, exhausted with fatigue and want, continued their uncertain 
 march. In a short time, the women, children, and old men, over- 
 come by fatigue, were forced to stop. They were abandoned in 
 despair;* and yet some hope was indulged that all Christian 
 charity would not be extinguished in the heart of these devout 
 assassins ; that they would not dare to butcher weakness, inno- 
 cence, and decrepitude. A Piedmontese soldier unexpectedly 
 found this troop of wretched fugitives in a kind of plain, and from 
 the mountain above rolled down stones to warn them of the ap- 
 proach of the band of murderers commanded by the baron de 
 la Garde. But no strength was left to the remains of this Vau- 
 dois troop, — they stirred not, but awaited their fate with resigna- 
 tion. The soldiery, guided by the monkish inquisitors,! rushed 
 upon the women, whom they treated with such licentious indig- 
 nity that the greater number died on the spot, without a wish to 
 survive their honour ; the rest perished of suffering and hunger, 
 after having been stripped even of their last garment. 
 
 The expedition commenced on the 14th of April, with the 
 sacking of Cadenet. On the 16th, they set fire to the villages of 
 Pepin, La-Mothe, and Saint Martin, belonging to the countess 
 of Ceudal, (the same who had refused her hand to Oppede.) 
 There the poor labourers were slain without making resistance ; 
 
 * Gilles says, p. 49, that they were about five hundred. 
 
 t Gilles, in his history, mentions this fact as having occurred after the destruc- 
 tion of the villages, which is very probable. To be just, we ought to add that 
 he does not relate these indignities ; that he says, on the contrary, that one of 
 their leaders prevented them at this time from committing those abominable 
 acts which they perpetrated elsewhere. 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 as to the females, the young were violated, and the pregnant 
 women, with the children, were massacred. From some they 
 cut off their breasts ; the elder children and mere babes might 
 be seen dying of hunger on the corpses of their mothers, for the 
 baron d' Oppede had interdicted all persons (under pain of being 
 hung) from furnishing provisions to any one of this accursed race. 
 The population of these places were swept entirely away, either 
 by the flames or the sword. Only those were saved alive who 
 were destined to work in the galleys. 
 
 On the 1 7th of April, Oppede, at the head of a body of Pied- 
 montese, who had been formed into regiments at the expense of 
 France, advanced towards the villages of Lormarin, Ville-Laure, 
 and Trezemines, which were burned by his orders on the fol- 
 lowing day ; while the wretches who came from Aries on this 
 sacrilegious crusade set fire to Genson and Laroque, on the other 
 side of the Durance. Oppede, whose approach justly inspired 
 terror, found in Merindol only one young man, Maurisi Blanc, 
 a half-witted lad, who surrendered to a soldier on conditions of 
 being allowed to ransom himself for two crowns. Oppede, ap- 
 parently assenting to these terms, paid the two crowns, and claim- 
 ing Blanc as his own, caused him to be tied to a mulberry tree, 
 and shot. 
 
 The two hundred houses which formed the village of Merindol 
 were entirely razed, after having been set on fire on the 18th. 
 Cabrieres still remained : it was a large fortified town, and situa- 
 ted three leagues from Cavaillon. The inhabitants had closed 
 the gates : cannon were brought to force them open on the 1 9th. 
 On the first discharge of artillery, those who were in the place 
 cried out to the besiegers that they made a show of resistance 
 not from a spirit of disobedience to the king's orders, but only to 
 protect themselves from the first attack of a furious soldiery, and 
 that they would voluntarily surrender themselves, provided their 
 lives were guaranteed, and that they might be allowed free egress 
 to go to a foreign land, to pray according to their own views. 
 The lord of Cabrieres accompanied the assailants. He made 
 terms for his vassals, and was promised that their cause should 
 be carried before the parliament, and that no violence should 
 precede the judicial decision. The terms of capitulation being 
 concluded, Cabrieres surrendered. Oppede, no longer con- 
 cealing the black villany of his heart, caused all the_men to be 
 
TRANQUILLITY OF THE VAUDOIS OF PIEDMONT. 153 
 
 seized, to the number of sixty. They were led to an adjacent 
 meadow, and by his orders cut in pieces. " Cut in pieces," we 
 say, — for they cut off their heads and limbs, uttering all the while 
 the most horrible blasphemies and shouts of victory. The females 
 of all ages, with child or not, were shut up in a barn, which was 
 then set on fire. One soldier, touched with pity, (and who there- 
 fore must have been an indifferent Catholic,) made an opening 
 in the wall, that they might save themselves ; but his comrades 
 pushed them back into the flames with their pikes and halberds. 
 Many Vaudois were found alive in caves, where they had con- 
 cealed themselves. They were brought out into the great hall 
 of the chateau, and massacred in the presence of the baron d'Op- 
 pede. Eight hundred persons of both sexes had sought an asy- 
 lum in the Church ; the dissolute rabble of Avignon, who had 
 run together to take part in the pillage and murder, received the 
 commission to massacre them all without mercy. 
 
 Similar enormities were committed in La Coste, and in all other 
 parts of the country inhabited by the Yaudois. It is too painful 
 to continue the recital. One fact, however, may be mentioned. 
 Some who were concealed in retired places implored Oppede to 
 be content with taking their property, and to allow them to re- 
 tire to Geneva. His answer was, " I will send you to dwell in 
 hell with devils, you, your wives, and your children ; so that no 
 memorial of you shall be left." 
 
 Twenty-two Vaudois villages were burned ; nearly five thou- 
 sand persons lost their lives ; seven hundred men were sent to 
 the galleys. The name of Vaudois disappeared from Provence. 
 
 A general cry of indignation was raised throughout France ; 
 but the cardinal de Tournon became the apologist of the assas- 
 sins to the king. Yet it is said that Francis' conscience was op- 
 pressed and tormented by the deed, and that on his death-bed, 
 two years after, he expressly enjoined his son, Henry II., to chas- 
 tise its perpetrators. Most of them, however, escaped punish- 
 ment. — La Mothe-Langon, t. ii, pp. 429-442. — Gilles, ch. vii, 
 p. 47.— Ruchat, t. v, p. 253. 
 
 While the Vaudois of Provence experienced the utmost seve- 
 rity of a government enslaved to the priests of Rome, and vio- 
 lently prejudiced against evangelical truth, the Vaudois of Pied- 
 mont enjoyed a far better position. 
 
 The authority of Francis I. in Piedmont being a usurpation, 
 7* 
 
154 HISTORY Otf THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 this prince, who persecuted the reformed in his own hereditary 
 kingdom to the utmost, was obliged to proceed with more cau- 
 tion against the pretended heretics of his new domains, lest his 
 violence should serve as a pretext for rebellions, and consequent- 
 ly lead to complicated embarrassments. Not but that, at inter- 
 vals, harsh measures had been adopted, and some had even suf- 
 fered death.* But, compared with what took place elsewhere, 
 the external position of the Vaudois Church in Piedmont was 
 favourable. As to its interior life it Avas most satisfactory, and 
 left nothing to be desired, as was said at the beginning of this 
 chapter. During the first twenty years of the French occupan- 
 cy, from 1536, the Vaudois, or, which is the same thing, the 
 Christian spirit, was so spread or manifested, not only throughout 
 all the extent of the valleys, but through all Piedmont, that there 
 were few towns or villages of any importance where some of 
 their brethren or friends were not to be found, and among them 
 even lords and persons of distinction. 
 
 The concourse of hearers who flocked from all the hamlets of 
 the valleys and different places in lower Piedmont round their 
 pastor for instruction and edification, became so great, that it 
 was impossible to avoid something like display in the assemblies 
 of the faithful. The meetings were become entirely public, con- 
 formably to the decision of the synod of Angrogna, in 1532, when 
 they took the last step in this act of fidelity by constructing tem- 
 ples. Before that time they had held their meetings either at 
 the houses of the barbes, or of private individuals, or in the open 
 air. It was at Angrogna, that bulwark of the Vaudois Church, 
 that the first temple was built in the place called San Lorenzo. 
 Soon after another was erected in the same commune, but higher 
 up in the valley, at a place called Le Serre, about half an hour's 
 walk from the former. In the same year (1555) several other 
 communes of the vale of Lucerna put their hand to the work for 
 the same purpose; and in 1556, several temples were raised in 
 the valley of San Martino for the Vaudois, or evangelical worship. 
 
 While many hearts rejoiced, in 1555, and rendered lively 
 thanks to God for the building of these edifices, many were also 
 grieved, and many tears were shed, in the same year, at the 
 
 * It is alleged that Francis I. replied to the humble appeals of these pretended 
 heretics, that he would not burn them in France to support them in the Alps. 
 Lcger, t. ii, p. 28 
 
DANGER INCURRED BY TWO PASTORS. 155 
 
 news of the martyrdom of two of their dear pastors.* Being na- 
 tives of France, and refugees at Geneva, they had responded to 
 an appeal from the valleys, and had come there to exercise their 
 ministry, and subsequently undertook a journey to Geneva. On 
 their return from this city to their faithful flocks, in company 
 with threef French Protestants, they were arrested at the Col 
 de Tamiers, in Savoy, and suffered martyrdom at Chambery, to- 
 wards the end of April, 1555, after having avowed their faith, and 
 obtained a glorious victory over all temptations. Some weeks 
 before, the parliament of Turin had burned in the castle-yard, 
 in this last-mentioned city, the bookseller Barthelemi Hector, of 
 Poitiers, whom some persons of the higher ranks in the Vaudois 
 valley of San Martino had delivered to the inquisition, on the 
 charge of having come to sell Genevese books in the valley. 
 His sincere answers and courageous confession of faith affected 
 the hearts even of some of his judges. But the cold and selfish 
 considerations of the world dictated the sentence of death. The 
 multitude who surrounded his funeral pile testified their lively 
 interest by many tears ; and from their midst might be heard 
 murmurs and invectives not a few, against the monks and inqui- 
 sitors. 
 
 Two other ministers also, about the same time, were exposed 
 to imminent danger in Savoy. The barbe Gilles, of the Gilles 
 family, on his return from the colonies of the kingdom of Naples, 
 having passed through Venice, and cleared the frontiers of Ger- 
 many, was bringing Etienne Noel, a Frenchman from Lausanne, 
 to the valleys. One day they fell in with a company of officers 
 of justice at an inn. Being compelled, by the artful civilities of 
 the chief of the archers, to sup with him, they had great difficulty 
 not to commit themselves in answering his wily questions about 
 their occupations, and the object of their journey. Perceiving, 
 on rising from table, that they had not laid asleep all the suspi- 
 cions of their examiner, and that he seemed hardly willing to post- 
 pone further interrogatories to the next day, they proposed re- 
 tiring to rest, with the view of proceeding on their route without 
 delay. Their compassionate host, being well rewarded, gave them 
 some addresses, and having let them out privately, they gained 
 
 * They were Jean Vernou, of Poitiers, and Antoine Labori, of Qucrcy. 
 t Guiraud Tauran, of Cahors, Jean Frigulet, of Nismes, doctor of laws, and 
 Bertrand Bataille, a student of Gascony. 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the fields, the woods, and the mountains, and happily reached the 
 valleys, praising God for so great a deliverance. Noel was nomi- 
 nated pastor of Angrogna, and Gilles of Villaro. 
 
 At this period, several pastors, most of them French, but some 
 Italians, arrived in the valleys. One of the former, Humbert 
 Artus, a little after his installation at Bobbio, was one day sur- 
 rounded by the magistrate, monks, and other papists of the place, 
 eager to enter into a debate with him, and conducting themselves 
 very tumultuously. But when he required that the discussion 
 should be in due form and order, and offered to maintain it in 
 Latin, Greek, or Hebrew, whichever they chose, and on any 
 subject they pleased, these eager gainsay ers withdrew in confu- 
 sion, and left him in peace. 
 
 The year 1556, the twentieth of the French domination in Pied- 
 mont, was marked by an attempt to bring the mass of the Vau- 
 dois within the pale of the Romish Church, by the .joint influence 
 of persuasion and threats. The parliament of Turin, besides 
 being prompted by the pope's agents, and the orders of Henry 
 H., king of France, had lately heard of the erection of Vaudois 
 temples in various parts of the valleys. Indignant at this auda- 
 cious proceeding, they devolved the business of repressing heresy 
 on two of their members, the president de Saint Julien and the 
 councillor de Ecclesia, (della Chiesa,) who set out on their mis- 
 sion in March, with a numerous retinue. In the valley of Pe- 
 rosa, where at that time there was no pastor, and everybody fled 
 at their approach, they found not a single person to converse with. 
 Having reached the valley of San Martino, they there published 
 an edict menacing those who should resist, but conciliating and 
 flattering those who should hasten to make their submission. 
 Having met with no success, they descended to Pinerolo, where 
 they caused a number of accused persons to be brought before 
 them, several of whom they condemned to various punishments. 
 It was on this occasion that a labourer, whom they asked why he 
 had brought his child for baptism to the temple at Angrogna, re- 
 plied, — because baptism was there administered according to the 
 institution of Jesus Christ. The same man, being ordered to 
 have his child re-baptized immediately, and having obtained per-' 
 mission to pray before he gave his answer, embarrassed de St. 
 Julien extremely, when he said to him, after praying, " Be pleased 
 first to give me a writing, signed with your own hand, by which 
 
PARLIAMENT OF TURIN. 157 
 
 you absolve me from the sin I may commit in re-baptizing my 
 child, and take upon yourself the punishment I may incur before 
 God." The president, astonished at this language, contented 
 himself with saying, coldly, " I have my own sins to answer for, 
 without charging myself with yours. Take yourself out of my 
 sight," Departing immediately, the poor man was not troubled 
 again about the matter. — Le'ger, pt. ii, p. 28. 
 
 Wishing to produce a deep impression on the valley of Lu- 
 cerna, the commissaries made their appearance at Angrogna, 
 accompanied by a great number of lords, priests, and monks, 
 besides their ordinary attendants. The president, after visiting 
 the two temples, ordered one of the monks to preach. The 
 pastors and people were obliged to listen to a discourse which 
 urged them to become obedient to Rome ; and when they re- 
 quested that a pastor might speak in reply, they were met by a 
 refusal. The president then addressed the assembly in the 
 names of the king, the Marshal de Brissac, his lieutenant in 
 Piedmont, and the parliament of Turin ; he summoned them to 
 turn papists, and to deliver up their pastors, threatening them, 
 in case of refusal, with similar ruin to that which had destroyed 
 their brethren in Provence.* 
 
 To all this, the people, worthy of their pious ancestors, replied 
 with the most admirable simplicity and fidelity, that they were 
 resolved to live agreeably to the word of God, in obedience to 
 all their superiors, in all things possible, so that God were not 
 wronged ; that as to their religion, if it could be proved by the 
 word of God that they were in error, they were ready to ac- 
 knowledge it. The president, on the following days, went 
 through the Vaudois communes in the valley of Lucerna. 
 Things took exactly the same course there as in Angrogna. 
 Neither threats nor caresses could lead astray the descendants 
 of so long a series of pious servants of God. 
 
 This general appeal having been unsuccessful, St. Julien had 
 recourse to special measures with individuals. He sent for the 
 principal persons separately, flattered them, made them tempting 
 
 * See the summary of the edict in Gilles, whom we have followed in this 
 fact, p. 58. In the following paper are the answers that were made by the 
 Vaudois churches, and particularly a brief confession of faith, conformable in 
 other respects to what we know of the Vaudois.— See also Leger, pt. ii, pp. 
 106, 107. 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 offers, or tried to terrify them by threats ; but all in vain. He 
 addressed himself a second and a third time to the communes, 
 but they remained immovable. Their answers were always 
 dignified, firm, and respectful. Their actions evinced true 
 Christian courage. Always and universally they refused to give 
 up their ministers and schoolmasters. — Gilles, p. 58. — Leger, pt. 
 ii, pp. 106, 107. 
 
 Little satisfied with the result of his efforts, the president St. 
 Julien made his way back to Turin with his colleague, della 
 Chiesa. Their report rendered no assistance to the deliberations 
 of the parliament, who, not knowing what to do, sent the above- 
 named commissioners to France, to lay the answers of the Vau- 
 dois before the king and his council, and to give all requisite 
 explanations by word of mouth. As the royal will was not 
 known by the parliament till after the lapse of a year, the 
 churches of the valleys enjoyed during that term the delightful 
 fruits of peace, contrary to the desires and attempts of their ad- 
 versaries. 
 
 An enemy more dangerous to their souls than persecution 
 itself sought to instil a subtle and mortal poison into the con- 
 sciences of the Vaudois believers, and the Protestants scattered 
 through Turin and the other towns or villages of Piedmont. 
 This was Dominic Baronius, of Florence, a popish preacher. 
 This man, for a long time not understood, condemned in his 
 book on the Roman Constitutions, and in other works, the prin- 
 cipal errors of his Church, and approved, almost without excep- 
 tion, of the truths proclaimed by the Vaudois and reformed 
 churches. But notwithstanding this, he endeavoured to persuade 
 persons that, according to times and places, it was allowable to 
 conceal one's belief, by taking a part in contrary practices, even, 
 for example, to go to Mass, provided that it was disapproved of 
 entirely, and sound doctrine held. Such principles might have 
 stifled the germ of spiritual life in many hearts too much inclined 
 to worldly prudence, if the prayers and representations of the 
 pastors of the valleys, as likewise the letters of the ministers of 
 Geneva, and especially a book written by one of them, the 
 Italian Celse Martinengo, had not refuted such wretched doc- 
 trines, and combated such lax and degrading sentiments. 
 
 The glorious death of two martyrs of the Christian faith pro- 
 claimed still more loudly the duty of confessing one's belief in 
 
SARTOIRE A3L> VARAILLE. 159 
 
 the face of persecutors. One of these faithful witnesses of the 
 truth was Nicolas Sartoire, of Quiers, in Piedmont, a young man 
 at that age when life appears most attractive, and a student 
 educated at the expense of the republic of Berne, who came to 
 pass a few weeks in his native country, by way of relaxation 
 from his studies. He had scarcely stepped across the frontier 
 when he was arrested, and instead of the pleasure he anticipated 
 he had to prepare to ascend a burning pile. They sought to 
 make him deny his faith, and laid snares for his youth : but he 
 preferred death and the peace of God's chosen to a life gained 
 by unfaithfulness. In spite of urgent appeals from Berne to ob- 
 tain his release, he was burned at Aosta, on the 4th of May, 1557. 
 The second martyr was fifty years old. His character had 
 been matured by reflection, by observation of human actions, 
 and the study of the word of God ; his name was Geofroi Varaille. 
 He was a native of Busca, in Piedmont, and by birth a papist. 
 His father had even been distinguished among the leaders of the 
 army that laid waste the valleys in 1488. The only son of a 
 persecutor, Geofroi became a monk, and was sent as a popish 
 preacher to travel through Italy, and in this capacity became 
 the companion of Ochino, of Sienna, the founder of the order of 
 the Capuchins. At this period, while preaching to others, he 
 had already detected many errors in the Romish religion. He 
 was attached to the pope's legate in France, was honoured, and 
 enjoyed several benefices, and resided for a long time at the 
 court of the king, till the year 1556, when, unable any longer to 
 hide from himself the errors of the Roman system, and unwilling 
 to risk his salvation, he quitted the legate and retired to Geneva. 
 Here he continued to gain instruction in the truth, and in the 
 proper method of teaching it, till he received ordination by im- 
 position of hands for the evangelical ministry, in 1557. At this 
 time, the evangelical church of San Giovanni, in the valley of 
 Lucerna, was in want of a pastor. Varaille was sent there, and 
 preached for some months with great success. Having been in- 
 vited to Busca, his native place, in the environs of which there 
 were a few believers, he quitted the valleys for a few days, as 
 he intended, but never saw them again, for he was arrested on 
 his return, on the information of the monks, who were on the 
 watch for him. While a prisoner on his parole at Barge, he 
 might have escaped if he had thought of nothing but his life. 
 
160 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 He even prevented the Vaudois of Bibbiana, who were his 
 parishioners, from coming to rescue him, telling them to leave 
 the matter with God. At Turin, the archbishop, the president 
 St. Julien, and other personages of rank who had known him, 
 made use of every expedient to induce him to return to the 
 Roman Church. It is needless to say that they lost their time- 
 Abandoning all hope of gaining him by promises, his judges 
 condemned him to degradation and the flames ; and this sentence 
 was carried into effect at Turin, March 29, 1558. His firm and 
 joyful countenance, as he went to death, and the grave and 
 pious address he made at the place of execution, astonished 
 his adversaries as much as they animated and edified the minds 
 of those who were disposed to listen to the truth. He was first 
 strangled, then burned. 
 
 A good old man, who had already suffered much for the gospel, 
 was forced to assist at the punishment of Geofroi Varaille ; after 
 which he was scourged and marked with a hot iron. 
 
 About the same time, another minister of the valley of Lucerna, 
 returning to Geneva, was arrested at Susa, and brought to Turin. 
 But on the day fixed for his martyrdom, one of the executioners 
 feigned illness ; the other, after having inflicted punishment on 
 some malefactors, and fearing he should be forced to execute the 
 minister, absconded ; the German executioner refused to do it, 
 so that the execution was put off; and a fortunate circumstance 
 having occurred, the pastor succeeded in making his escape and 
 returned to his friends. 
 
 In the month of March, 155 7, however, the commissioners St. 
 Julien and Chiesa arrived from France, and came back to 
 Pinerolo, with fresh directions to continue and finish, if possible, 
 the work they had undertaken in the preceding year ; namely, 
 the intimidation and the forced return* of the Vaudois churches 
 within the pale of the Roman Church. At Pinerolo, they cited 
 into their presence the notables of the valleys, communicated to 
 them the king's order to submit to the papal yoke, and gave 
 them only three days to make their decision. Having gained 
 nothing by this step, they went from place to place, assembling 
 everywhere a general council of the heads of families, and com- 
 
 * We have seen that the word " return," which the Catholics are fond of 
 using, is quite inapplicable. The Vaudois must have left that Church before 
 they could be said to return to it : but this was not the case. 
 
NEW MEASURES AGAINST THE VAUDOIS. 161 
 
 municated to them, with many threats, the express will of the 
 king. But everywhere they received the same answer ; a pro- 
 testation of submission to the sovereign in temporal affairs, and 
 a declaration of firm and inviolable fidelity to God, according to 
 the teachings of his word, in matters of religion. 
 
 In the hope of accomplishing their purpose by rigorous mea- 
 sures against the most considerable persons in the valleys, they 
 ordered the pastors, schoolmasters, and notables of the communes 
 (to the number of forty-three for the valley of Lucerna,) to ap- 
 pear before them at Turin, on the 29th of March, 1557, under 
 pain of terrible punishments if they failed. The victims thus 
 marked out, not venturing to go near a city which had been fatal 
 to so many of the faithful Vaudois, and having sent only an epis- 
 tle in their stead, an order was issued by the parliament to seize 
 the pastors and schoolmasters of the three valleys, and bring them 
 prisoners to Turin; threatening the syndics with the loss of 
 their property and lives if they did not deliver them up. 
 
 The danger, certainly, was great ; but God, whose mercies are 
 infinite, and his providence admirable, watched over his servants. 
 The king of France had too many affairs on hand to dream of 
 occupying the valleys with a military force, and of persecuting 
 with an armed band. The Protestant cantons of Switzerland, 
 moreover, at the solicitation of Farel and Theodore Beza, inter- 
 fered by writing to the parliament of Turin and the marshal de 
 Brissac, and by an embassy to the king, and thus obtained a 
 suspension of the decree against the Vaudois. The princes of 
 Germany adopted similar measures. Our friends of the valleys, 
 favoured by these circumstances, enjoyed some respite during 
 the latter part of the French domination in Piedmont, that is to 
 say, till 1559 * 
 
 * Gilles, p. 70. — We have generally followed this author in the narrative con- 
 tained in this chapter. For the mediation on behalf of the Vaudois, See Ruchat, 
 t. vi, pp. 195, 196. 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS, ONCE MORE UNDER THE RULE OF THEIR LEGITI- 
 MATE PRINCE, ARE PERSECUTED WITH THE UTMOST RIGOUR. 
 
 After having been subject to France for three-and-twenty 
 years, Piedmont was restored to its legitimate sovereign on the 
 3d of April, 1559, by the treaty of Chateau Cambresis, with 
 the exception of Turin, and three strong cities in the neighbour- 
 hood, with their territory. Thus the Yaudois valleys were once 
 more under the dominion of the house of Savoy. The reigning 
 duke, Emmanuel Philibert, who, in 1553, succeeded his father 
 Charles III., (author of the persecution of Bersour,) was a prince 
 justly esteemed, and as much distinguished by his valour as by 
 superior talents and the wisdom of his administration. He had 
 just married Margaret, sister of the king of France. This prin- 
 cess, instructed in the excellence of evangelical principles by her 
 illustrious relations, Margaret, queen of Navarre, and Renee of 
 France, daughter of Louis XH., was well disposed towards the 
 reformed. The Vaudois might, therefore, hope for tranquil times 
 and the enjoyment of the worship of their forefathers. 
 
 But in making the terms of peace, the contracting parties en- 
 tered into reciprocal engagements to combat the Reformation and 
 to destroy heresy. The reign of Emmanuel Philibert, con- 
 sequently, could not be established, without leading to religious 
 persecution. Deplorable and disgraceful necessity, if it were so ! 
 It is also certain, and the fact has been established in the pre- 
 ceding chapter, that the Vaudois doctrine was no other than that 
 of the reformation ; that it gradually spread through Piedmont, 
 during the French domination, and that in the valleys especially, 
 as at its beginning, the so-called heretical Church had very much 
 increased, and had substituted a general and public profession 
 for its ancient system of dissimulation. We may believe that 
 the judgment of the prince was in favour of a peaceable and mo- 
 derate administration, and that the wish of his heart, enlightened 
 by the gentle representations of his consort, would have led him 
 to spare his inoffensive subjects. But being personally ignorant 
 of that piety which is according to the truth, and brought up in 
 the errors of Rome, how could he resist the solicitations of the 
 
PERSECUTING EDICT OF PHIL1BERT. 163 
 
 inquisition, the prelates, and the pope's nuncio, with the lords 
 of the court, and the ambassadors of France, Spain, and various 
 Italian princes in coalition against the Vaudois ? 
 
 Urged on by so many enemies of the gospel, Emmanuel Phili- 
 bert, after reigning a year, published on the 15th of February, 
 1560, at Nice, where he resided, (Turin being still in the hands 
 of the French,) a persecuting edict against the Vaudois and the 
 reformed in his domains. It prohibited every one of his high- 
 ness' subjects from going to hear the non-catholic preachers in 
 the valley of Lucerna, or any other place, under pain of a fine 
 of a hundred dollars of gold for the first offence, and of being sent 
 to the galleys for life, for the second, Half of the fine was pro- 
 mised to the informer. New ordinances followed very soon after, 
 increasing in severity ; and, among others, one enjoining atten- 
 dance at mass, under pain of being condemned to the flames. 
 The execution of these edicts was confided to a prince of the 
 blood, Philip of Savoy, count de Kaconis, a cousin of the duke, 
 and to George Coste, count de la Trinite. To carry on the le- 
 gal proceedings, there vrere joined with them Thomas Jacomel, 
 inquisitor-general, a cruel, licentious man, and councillor Corbis, 
 in whom violence had not extinguished sensibility, as he proved 
 by resigning his commission after having been present at some 
 scenes of barbarity, and the provost-general of justice.* They 
 began the enforcing of the ordinance of persecution at Carignan ; 
 and first of all on a stranger, in order to strike terror into the 
 numerous members of the reformed Church in that opulent city. 
 His name was Mathurin.f After having confessed his belief, he 
 was sentenced to be burned, according to the terms of the edict, 
 if in three days he did not retract and consent to go to mass. 
 His faithful wife, Jane, obtained leave to see him, wishing, she 
 said, to speak to him for his good. She had scarcely entered his 
 cell, when, like the courageous mother in the book of Maccabees, 
 she exhorted her husband, in the presence of the commissioners, 
 to persevere in the profession of his faith for the salvation of his 
 soul ; not to trouble himself about anything relating to this world, 
 not even his punishment, which would not last long, nor his leav- 
 
 *Leger, pt. ii, p. 34.— Gilles, ch. xi, pp. 72, 73. See the same author for all 
 that follows. 
 
 t He is called Marcellin in a letter written to a lord of Geneva by Scipio Len- 
 tulus, a pastor of the valleys at that period.— (Lcger, pt. ii, p. 34.) 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ing her a widow and desolate ; for she was resolved to go with 
 him to death, if such were the will of God. The threats of the 
 commissioners could not shake either her or her husband. She 
 even obtained leave, by her entreaties, to suffer punishment on 
 the same day, and on the same pile, with her husband. 
 
 The faithful in Carignan, and in a multitude of other places, 
 persecuted to the extreme, fled to Turin, then belonging to 
 France, or elsewhere. Their property was confiscated ; but they 
 saved their lives, for a time at least. It is melancholy to add, 
 but truth requires it, that many abjured their religion through 
 fear of death, and to preserve their fortunes for their children. 
 
 The executioners of the vengeance of Rome pillaged the dis- 
 tricts of Meane and Mattis, in the vicinity of Susa, which were 
 peopled with Vaudois. They condemned the inhabitants to the 
 galleys, or to other punishments, and burned the worthy minister 
 to death slowly at a small fire. The valley of Barcelonette, and 
 other places that had lately submitted to the duke, experienced 
 similar treatment. 
 
 Gradually, the persecution which was raging all round the 
 valleys approached the ancient fortress of evangelical truth. 
 Accounts from all quarters of the devastations, confiscations, 
 arrests, ignominious sentences, punishments, and abjurations, 
 reached this region, which was destined to the same evils. In 
 so critical a juncture, the pastors and principal persons of the 
 valleys met together, to advise on means for warding off the 
 danger, if possible. They implored with ardent and humble 
 prayers the direction of the Spirit of God, and the effects of his 
 all-powerful grace. It was then decided to write to the duke, 
 the duchess, and the council, to lay before them the state of 
 affairs, and the justice of their cause, and to implore the cle- 
 mency of a sovereign whom they had never intentionally of- 
 fended. 
 
 In the letter to their prince, they claim from his justice the 
 right granted to every accused person, even the most criminal— 
 that of being heard before they were condemned. They then 
 solemnly protest their attachment to the true faith, and to the 
 pure and spotless religion of the Lord Jesus Christ. They de- 
 clare that the doctrine they followed was that of the prophets, 
 the apostles, of the council of Nice, and Athanasius ; that they 
 voluntarily received the decisions of the four principal councils 
 
MEASURES TAKEN BY THE VAUDOIS. 165 
 
 and the writings of the ancient fathers of the Church, in every 
 point in which they did not depart from the analogy of faith. 
 They aver that they rendered most heartily the obedience due 
 to their superiors, and that they sought peace with their neigh- 
 bours. That, as regarded their opinions, they by no means re- 
 fused instruction ; that, so far from opposing a free council, in 
 which every question should be debated and determined by the 
 word of God, they desired it with all their heart, and prayed 
 God to dispose the prince to grant one. They then implore 
 their sovereign to consider that the religion they followed was 
 not a new one, as some persons would have him believe, but that 
 it was the religion of their fathers, grandsires, and still more re- 
 mote ancestors, and of their predecessors the holy martyrs, con- 
 fessors, prophets, and apostles. They then make mention of 
 these confessions of faith, saying that they had proposed it to 
 the examination of the doctors of every university in the Chris- 
 tian world, with a promise of renouncing every error that might 
 be found in it, if it could be proved by the word of God ; but 
 that not one had been pointed out to them. Consequently, they 
 requested to be tolerated. " In the name of the Lord Jesus," 
 they write, " we request that if in us or in our religion any error 
 or fault be found, it should be shown to us ; but if we have the 
 truth, pure and irreproachable, it should be left to us pure and 
 entire. One thing is certain, most serene prince, that the word 
 of God will not perish, but will abkle forever. If, then, our 
 religion is the pure word of God, as we are persuaded it is, and 
 not a human invention, no human power will be able to abolish 
 it. This is what Gamaliel urged in defence of the apostles, and 
 every one must acknowledge its truth. ' Refrain from these 
 men,' said he : 'and let them alone: for if this counsel or this 
 work be of men, it will come to naught : but if it be of God, ye 
 cannot overthrow it ; lest haply ye be found even to fight against 
 God,' Acts v, 38, 39." 
 
 The courageous Vaudois then remind their prince that it had 
 been in vain attempted in former times to destroy the religion 
 of their ancestors by persecution, and they conjure him not to 
 join with those who had stained their hands with innocent blood. 
 They promise to render him entire fidelity and perfect submis- 
 sion in everything which would not affect their faith, wishing to 
 ** render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the things that are God's." " And we pray with all our heart," 
 they add, " that our all-good and all-powerful God may please 
 to preserve your highness in all prosperity." The letter was 
 signed in the name of the inhabitants of the valleys of Lucerna, 
 Angrogna, Perosa, San Martino, and innumerable other in- 
 habitants of the country of Piedmont. 
 
 The letter addressed to the duchess was in a different style : 
 it contained no apology. The writers expressed much confi- 
 dence in her. They spoke to her as a protectress and a friend. 
 They detailed the sufferings which the disciples of the word of 
 God had already endured at Carignan and other places, and the 
 terrible threats with which all those were visited who would not 
 consent to attend at mass ; and, in imploring her benevolent and 
 powerful mediation with the prince, her consort, they reminded 
 her of the examples of Esther and other pious women, and of 
 other believers who had saved the persecuted children of God. 
 
 The letter addressed to the council reiterated the consider- 
 ations and petitions contained in the letter to the duke, enforced 
 by fresh arguments. It dwelt on the obligation of Christians to 
 prevent the effusion of innocent blood, and of the account they 
 must render of their administration to God. It urged them to 
 remember what God had said and done on account of the blood 
 of one righteous man, Abel, and to consider what he would do 
 for the blood of so great a number of the faithful whom they 
 were persecuting to deat]^ Finally, it claimed for themselves, 
 Christians secluded in their mountains, the same tolerance that 
 was granted to Jews and Saracens in the most considerable cities 
 of Piedmont. 
 
 The Vaudois added to this letter an apology or defence of 
 their religion, as well as of their present and past conduct. 
 They victoriously refuted some unjust accusations and calum- 
 nies. They also sent their confession of faith. 
 
 It was no small difficulty for men who were regarded as 
 worthy only of contempt and reprobation, and given up before- 
 hand to the executioners of justice, to get their justification and 
 requests safely into the hands of their prince and princess, who 
 had been imposed upon by misrepresentations. One of their 
 two friends, who had visited Nice for this purpose, de Castillon, 
 allowed himself to be dismayed by the apprehension of affronts 
 and insults. But the other, Gilles of Bricherasco, being kindly 
 
MEASURES TAKEN BY THE VAUDOIS. 167 
 
 received by the Count de Raconis, did not leave his residence 
 till he had placed all the documents in the hands of the duchess, 
 with the assurance that she would lay them before the duke. 
 The Vaudois also requested the intercession and good offices of 
 one of these lords, the Count Charles of Lucerna, lord of An- 
 grogna. 
 
 But while the deputies of the Vaudois repaired to Nice, and 
 during the three months which elapsed before Gilles had de- 
 livered the letters to Margaret of France, the state of things, 
 which was already so threatening, became worse, and the hatred 
 felt against the friends of the Bible manifested itself by its acts 
 of violence. Some of the lords of the country were the first to 
 become agents of persecution, and rivalled the inquisitor and his 
 tools in barbarity. While the Dominican, Jacomel, and the 
 councillor Corbis, who were established at Pinerolo, signified by 
 letters to the Vaudois that it was their duty to submit to the 
 Church of Rome, and to go to mass, and the Count de Baconis 
 entered into a conference at San Giovanni, in April, 1560, with 
 the syndics and ministers, without any other result than an ex- 
 change of words, several lords ill-treated their vassals and neigh- 
 bours on account of their religion. In the valley of Lucerna, 
 great complaints were made of Count Guillaume, who, with some 
 friends, and at the head of his servants, arrested and denounced 
 the Vaudois who attended their own places of worship ; particu- 
 larly those of Bibbiana, Campiglione, and Fenile. He turned 
 this proceeding into a trading speculation, receiving for his 
 trouble half the fine of a hundred gold dollars, imposed by the 
 edict on every delinquent when convicted for the first time. 
 
 In the valley of San Martino, two brothers, Charles and 
 Boniface Truchet, (or Truquet,) incessantly harassed the Vau- 
 dois in their seigniory of Bioclaret. They were impelled by 
 hatred of evangelical religion. Even during the French do- 
 mination, they did all in their power to hinder the public per- 
 formance of religious services. These were the persons who 
 arrested, and delivered up to the inquisition, the bookseller 
 Hector, who was burned at Turin. They had latterly made 
 two attempts to seize the pastor. The first time, they left him 
 for dead in the arms of his faithful parishioners, who fought for 
 him ; and the second time, they would have arrested him in the 
 temple itself, having already laid hands on him, but for the de- 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 termined resistance of the congregation. The edict of persecu- 
 tion had been solicited by them. They had even obtained per- 
 mission to raise a hundred men, and to employ them in forcing 
 the heretics to submission. 
 
 Accordingly, in the month of April, 1560, they made a sudden 
 assault on the hamlets in the commune of Bioclaret, which were 
 scattered over the sides of the mountains, ravaging and slaughter- 
 ing. The day had scarcely dawned ; the terrified inhabitants 
 rushed out of their dwellings, the greater part without clothes, 
 uttering cries of alarm to warn their brethren, and sought a re- 
 fuge on the heights that were still covered with snow. The 
 minister escaped, but not without great difficulty ; and while the 
 population, driven away by the discharge of musketry, were 
 destroyed by cold and hunger in the retreats of the woods and 
 rocks, their impious assailants loaded themselves with their pro- 
 perty in the forsaken cottages. A minister of the valley, soon 
 after his return from Calabria, hearing of the invasion, wished 
 to go and console his brethren in distress, but was discovered, 
 seized, and conducted to the abbey of Pinerolo, where Jacomel 
 and Corbis condemned him to the flames with another man be- 
 longing to the valley of San Martino. The fugitives, however, 
 beheld the dawn of deliverance on the fourth day ; four hundred 
 of their brethren in the vale of Clusone, subjects of France, being 
 moved with compassion at the news of their misfortune, crossed 
 the mountains, and threw themselves on the hostile troop and 
 dispersed it. The two Truchets were exasperated, and repaired 
 to Nice, complained to the duke, and requested succour. 
 Everything was promised them. They were also permitted to 
 rebuild the castle of Perrier, which had been destroyed by the 
 French twenty years before, and to place a garrison in it. The 
 personal circumstances* of these lords alone stopped the explo- 
 sion of their wrath for a time. — Gilles, ch. xiii, p. 88, etc. 
 
 Towards the end of the month of June, Philip of Savoy, count 
 de Raconis, and chief commissioner, came a second time into the 
 valley of Lucerna, accompanied by his colleague, the count de 
 la Trinite. Having assembled the ministers and the syndics, 
 they informed them that their letters had been sent to Rome by 
 the duke, who waited for the pope's reply. Then addressing 
 the leading men of the communes, they insinuated that persecu- 
 
 * They were taken by the Turks at sea near Nice, but afterwards ransomed. 
 
MEASURES TAKEN BY THE VAUDOIS. 169 
 
 tion would cease immediately, and the prisoners be set at liberty, 
 if the churches would consent to hear the preachers whom the 
 duke should send to them, and if they withdrew the right of 
 preaching from their pastors, while they made trial of the former. 
 The syndics replied, on the spot, to the first point : if the pro- 
 posed preachers announced the pure word of God, they would 
 hear them ; but if otherwise, they would not. As to the second 
 point, they requested that they might have till the next day to 
 consider it. Their answer was, that they could not silence their 
 pastors, as long as they were ignorant whether the new preachers 
 were the true servants of God, and ministers of the pure gospel 
 of truth : a prudent and wise answer, and worthy of pious ma- 
 gistrates. They likewise refused to send back those of their pas- 
 tors who were foreigners. As the commissioners of the duke re- 
 quired an answer in writing to their demands, the council of the 
 communes assembled on the 30th of June, and gave one drawn 
 up in decided terms, and yet with all the respect and courtesy 
 due to the dignity of the prince to whom it was addressed. The 
 dissatisfaction of the commissioners was excessive. In their wrath, 
 they republished the edicts, and the persecution broke out more 
 violently than ever. 
 
 Among the greatest enemies whose fury the Vaudois had to 
 dread, the monks of the abbey of Pinerolo must not be forgotten. 
 Not content with living in opulence, it was at all times a special 
 gratification to them to hunt the Vaudois. The present moment 
 seemed to them particularly well suited for doing it on a large 
 scale. For this purpose, they took into their pay a numerous 
 band of wretches, who frequently made incursions on the evan- 
 gelicals of the valley of Perosa, and of Saint-Germain in parti- 
 cular, a village only about a league and a half distant from Pine- 
 rolo. In one of their expeditions they succeeded but too well. 
 Having gained over a man who was well known to the pastor of 
 this latter place, they sent this traitor very early, before day, 
 to the parsonage, requesting the attendance of the faithful pas- 
 tor in an urgent case, who suspected no danger till it was too 
 late ; that is, when he saw himself surrounded by the cut-throats 
 of the abbey. He attempted to save himself by flight, and, at 
 the same time, aroused the villagers by his outcries. Alas ! it 
 was too late. He was wounded, and carried oil'. Many of his 
 faithful parishioners were also taken with him. and several women. 
 
 8 
 
170 HISTORY OE THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Some were massacred in attempting to rescue him from the sol- 
 diers. The pastor, a few days after, was tied to the stake. By 
 a refinement of cruelty, and for the amusement of the spectators, 
 the poor female prisoners were forced to carry the fagots to the 
 fire which was to consume their spiritual guide. The Romish 
 priests needed no instruction in the methods of inflicting suffering. 
 
 The mercenaries of the abbey of Pinerolo, (de l'Abbadie,) 
 about three hundred strong, made fresh expeditions against Saint- 
 Germain, and laid it waste. They also attacked Villaro of the 
 Perosa, not far from it, and the neighbouring villages, Prarustin 
 and San Bartolomeo. They extended their incursions as far as 
 Fenile, Campiglione, and other places in the plains, at the open- 
 ing of the valley of Luccrna. Plunder was their favourite occu- 
 pation. The prisoners were for the most part sent to the galleys. 
 Their approach was the signal for a general flight. The perse- 
 cuted peasantry hardly ventured to reap the crops. Famine and 
 sore distress were spread over all parts of the Yaudois mountains 
 in the direction of Pinerolo. 
 
 These assassins, hired by the monks, in due time, however, 
 met with their match. The inhabitants of the valley of Lucerna, 
 moved with compassion for the calamities of their brethren, first 
 formed a plan for protecting them, by means of a strong detach- 
 ment of armed men, who should keep guard while the persecuted 
 people got in their harvest, and put their affairs in order. Com- 
 plete success crowned their efforts ; but, after their departure, 
 the depredations began afresh, till one day the people of An- 
 grogna, who were reaping their fields on the heights that over- 
 look Saint -Germain, heard a discharge of musketry, and per- 
 ceived a numerous body of armed men making their way to the 
 village that lay at their feet. As soon as the cry of alarm was 
 raised by their brethren, the Angrognines, well armed, rushed 
 into the plain, like an overwhelming avalanche. Having divided 
 themselves into two bands, while one put the papists to flight, 
 the other took possession of the bridge over the Clusone, to cut 
 off their retreat. The enemy, thus surrounded and beaten, had 
 nothing left but to abandon their dead and wounded, and to 
 throw themselves into the stream. Fortunately for them, the 
 waters were low, owing to the dryness of the summer ; yet many 
 perished, being struck by the shots that were fired from the banks. 
 The Angrognines. on reckoning their number, found that they 
 
MONKS OF ABBADIE AND THEIR VICTIMS. 171 
 
 were about four hundred strong, and were on the point of march- 
 ing to the abbey of Pinerolo, to deliver their captive brethren, 
 which could have been easily done, as was afterwards known, 
 since the monks and their people, being panic-stricken, had quit- 
 ted the convent and taken refuge in the city. But the want of 
 an experienced leader, and prudential considerations, restrained 
 them from venturing into the stronghold of their infuriated ene- 
 mies, who had already sounded the tocsin in their villages, and 
 would soon do the same in Pinerolo. 
 
 The Vaudois of the valley of Perosa, on the left side, who 
 were subject to France, also had their troubles at this period. 
 They were obliged sometimes, like their neighbours, to have re- 
 course to arms to defend themselves. — Gilles, pp. 94, 95. 
 
 Nevertheless, the duke and his council were seriously occupied 
 with the requests and representations which the poor Vaudois had 
 addressed to them in the spring. The duke, imagining that his 
 religion was the best, and that its excellence could be demon- 
 strated by sufficient reasons, and unquestionably also by the Holy 
 Scriptures, to which the Vaudois always appealed when they 
 spoke of defending theirs, was inclined to agree to holding con- 
 ferences in which well-informed Catholics might demonstrate the 
 truth of the Roman religion, and the error of the Vaudois worship. 
 This proposal had been communicated to the pope, but did not 
 meet with his approbation. The pontiff replied that he would 
 never consent to make the points of his religion matters of debate ; 
 that the constitutions of the Roman Church must be admitted 
 absolutely, without dispute or exceptions ; and that nothing re- 
 mained but to proceed with the utmost rigour against the recu- 
 sants ; that he would consent to send a legate with theologians 
 to instruct the penitent, and to absolve those who abjured heresy, 
 but that he was not sanguine of great results from this method ; 
 that it would be most expedient to proceed against them in the 
 way of punishment, and even by force of arms. He offered the 
 duke his assistance, if required. 
 
 The pope's advice was adopted by the council. They only 
 modified it on one point. It was thought proper that the ecclesi- 
 astical commissioner should attempt to convince the Vaudois of 
 their errors, and to instruct them, before proceeding to the last 
 extremities. For this mission, a man of note among his equals 
 was chosen, (hough his merit was not equal to his reputation, 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 namely, Antoiue Poussevin, commander of SaintrAntoine de 
 Fossan. He came to the valleys, furnished with very extensive 
 powers, and anticipating an easy triumph. He preached with 
 much parade at Cavor, Bibbiana, and Lucerna, making great 
 pretensions, and pouring forth a stream of threatenings and in- 
 vectives against the evangelicals. At San Giovanni, where he 
 had called together the syndics and ministers of the valley of 
 Lucerna, he thought to convince those present by the word of 
 God, by proving to them that it made mention of the Mass, in 
 using the word massah, which signifies to consecrate. He main- 
 tained that since the Holy Scriptures contain the word massah, 
 in the sense of consecrating, the Mass is taught in the Holy Scrip- 
 tures. The ministers whom he flattered himself he had crushed 
 and reduced to silence by this argument, had no difficulty in 
 proving to him that the quotation was not correct — that there is 
 no mention of the Mass in the sacred text — that the word massah 
 never has this sense — and especially that the Bible nowhere 
 teaches the doctrines represented or set forth in the Mass, such 
 as the repetition of our Lord's sacrifice, the adoration of the host, 
 and many other errors. 
 
 Poussevin, who had not expected to find in these despised 
 ministers theological and biblical knowledge of which he himself 
 was destitute, abruptly closed a discussion which he could not 
 maintain with honour, and, hurried away by passion, indulged 
 in reproaches and threats. The nobles and officers of justice 
 who accompanied him were ashamed of his ignorance ; they 
 were also deeply humbled by the marked inferiority in which 
 this discussion placed their religion as well as their priests. 
 
 These occurrences took place in the course of the months of 
 July and August. 
 
 A little later, probably in the beginning of September, the 
 Vaudois, understanding what sad results would be likely to fol- 
 low from the report Poussevin would give of his ill success to the 
 court, availed themselves of the duke's return to the north of 
 Piedmont, to write to him again, and appeal to his justice and 
 compassion. They also addressed Renee of France, widow of 
 the duke of Ferrara, an enlightened princess, and friendly to the 
 reformation, imploring her to intercede in their favour in her 
 journey to the court of Piedmont; but the irritation was too 
 great at head-quarters. It was there thought that too much 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR SAFETY. 173 
 
 consideration had been shown towards obstinate religionists ; and 
 that it would be right to compel them to abjure. 
 
 From the month of October a report spread through the val- 
 leys that the duke was levying and assembling troops to exter- 
 minate the inhabitants. The Piedmontese who were connected 
 with the Vaudois, urged their relations or friends to abjure, or to 
 make their escape while there was yet time. The Count Charles 
 of Lucerna also sought, by a clever manoeuvre, to lead his vas- 
 sals of Angrogna into a criminal defection, to the dismissal of 
 their pastors, the admission of new preachers, and the celebrating 
 of the Mass in their commune. A convention had even been 
 signed, when the people acknowledged their fault and disavowed 
 all that had been done. 
 
 It only remained to prepare for the storm that was gathering 
 and muttering as it approached, and was soon to burst on the 
 valleys. The pastors and principal persons assembled repeat- 
 edly, and deliberated as to what measures it would be desirable 
 to take, in order to avoid the total ruin with which they were 
 threatened ; and, first of all, being convinced that God alone 
 could deliver them, and that their only refuge was in his mercy 
 and grace, they decided not to countenance any measure that 
 would be prejudicial to his honour, or opposed to his word. 
 They agreed to exhort every one to apply to God seriously, with 
 true faith and sincere repentance, as well as by humble and 
 ardent prayer. Relative to precautionary measures, they de- 
 cided that every family should collect their provisions, clothes, 
 and utensils, and carry them away, together with all infirm per- 
 sons, to the most elevated dwellings at the foot of the heights and 
 crags. At length, about the end of October, at the approach of 
 the papist army, they held a public fast, and on the following 
 Sunday partook of the Lord's supper. At this solemn juncture, 
 the people were evidently strengthened from on high. They 
 were resigned to the trials with which it pleased God to visit 
 them for the holy cause of his gospel. In the cottages and on 
 the mountain-tracks, as they were removing from their homes, 
 these martyrs of the truth might be heard encouraging one an- 
 other with edifying discourses and sacred songs. 
 
 As to making a defence, there was a diversity of opinion. 
 Some urged that they should not use arms till the last extremity, 
 when they were pursued to their hiding-places on the mountains. 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Others were in favour of an immediate resistance, alleging that 
 it was the pope, with his satellites, rather than their prince, who 
 made war upon them, since, at it was affirmed, he engaged to 
 pay a great part of the expense of the expedition ;* and as to 
 bloodshed, if there were any, the guilt would lie, not on those 
 who defended their lives, their families, and their religion, but 
 on those who attacked them unjustly. Not to be willing to de- 
 fend themselves till they were reduced to their last asylum in 
 the mountains, when the enemy would have pillaged and de- 
 stroyed everything in the hamlets below, would be to destroy 
 themselves without remedy, since no means of subsistence would 
 tiben be left. They earnestly besought, therefore, that they 
 should defend themselves as soon as the enemy entered the val- 
 leys, while trusting in God, the protector of the oppressed. 
 This opinion prevailed, and they prepared for the combat. 
 
 On the first of November, the Piedmontese army, of at least 
 four thousand infantry, and two hundred horse,f composed in 
 part of officers and soldiers who had grown old in the wars of 
 their sovereign with France, and commanded by the Count de 
 la Trinite, arrived at Bibbiana on the Yaudois territory, and 
 the next day commenced operations in the valley of Lucerna, 
 by an attack on the heights of Angrogna, nearest to San Gio- 
 vanni. To oppose these experienced and disciplined troops, the 
 Vaudois had only a small number of men, badly armed, without 
 order or military science, having on their side, besides the assist- 
 ance of Heaven, nothing but their native courage, their know- 
 ledge of the locality, and the habits of mountaineers ; for although 
 the total population of the Vaudois valleys at that time amounted 
 to eighteen thousand souls,J it is a well-known fact that their 
 armed men did not exceed twelve hundred, who were, more- 
 over, scattered at great distances from one another in their three 
 valleys. To the attack on the heights of Angrogna, by a body 
 of twelve hundred Piedmontese, they could only oppose two 
 hundred men, got together very hastily. These, nevertheless, 
 
 * " Fifty thousand dollars per month, and the relinquishment for one year of 
 the revenue of all the ecclesiastical property in the domains of his highness." — 
 Gilles, ch. xviii, p. 115. 
 
 t These are the numbers given by the pastor of San Giovanni, Scipio Len- 
 tulus, in his letter to a lord of Geneva.— Leger, pt. ii, p. 35. 
 
 t See the above-mentioned letter of Lentulus. 
 
COUNT 1>E LA TRINITE. 175 
 
 did their duty so well that the enemy sounded a retreat, leaving 
 more than sixty dead on the field, while the Vaudois lost only 
 three !* The same day, the army occupied La Torre, a small 
 town on the plain, in the heart of the valley of Lucerna, and 
 peopled for the most part by Roman Catholics. La Trinite put 
 the castle in repair, which was situated to the north, on a hill at 
 the entrance of the valley of Angrogna, and which had been 
 destroyed by the French during their occupation of the country. 
 He placed a strong garrison in it, which became notorious for its 
 cruelties. He also occupied the castle of Villaro, in the same 
 valley ; that of Perosa, in the valley of the same name ; and that 
 of Perrier, in the valley of San Martino. The main body of the 
 army was at La Torre, whence it would advance to the north 
 on Angrogna, to the west on Villaro and Bobbio, and to the 
 south on Bora. To the east, San Giovanni, Bibbiana, etc., were 
 already occupied. 
 
 On Monday, the 4th of November, La Trinite made another 
 attempt, by an expedition to La Combe, a populous hamlet on 
 the height which commands Villaro, whither the inhabitants of 
 this commune had withdrawn their families and effects ; but his 
 troops were obliged to retreat with loss, as well as at Taillaret, 
 a mountain hamlet on the northwest of La Torre. In these 
 combats, the Vaudois gave proof of their military capacity, and 
 of their courage and fixed resolution to die rather than surrender 
 their families to the enemy. The general perceived that he 
 could make little progress, unless he made use of artifice and 
 policy. He had discovered in these mountaineers such sincerity 
 and good-nature, joined with an ardent desire for peace — such 
 a total ignorance of intrigues, and a confidence so extraordinary 
 in the good faith of others — that he saw at once the use which 
 might be made of these qualities. Having skilfully set Jacomel, 
 the inquisitor, to work, and especially Gastaud, his private secre- 
 tary, who pretended to love the gospel, the count was not 
 ashamed to deceive the principal persons of Angrogna, whom 
 he had sent for, repeating to them the pretended language of 
 the duke and duchess, most flattering to themselves, and, at the 
 same time, the best adapted to lay their suspicions asleep ; lead- 
 ing them to suppose, that, by means of certain compliances, 
 
 * According to the same letter. 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 everything might be arranged amicably. He thus succeeded in 
 making them deposit, in the house of one of their syndics, some 
 of their arms, which he seized, to allow the celebration (merely 
 for form's sake, as it was pretended) of a mass in the temple of 
 St. Laurent, at Angrogna, and to lead him, a hostile general, to 
 Pra-di-torre, a natural fortress, their ordinary refuge in times 
 of persecution. Certainly the people of Angrogna displayed a 
 superabundance of confidence or of simplicity. To crown the 
 whole, he induced them, and, after their example, the other 
 communes, in spite of the opposition of some intelligent men, and 
 of the greater part of the ministers, to send the principal persons 
 of their valleys as a deputation to the duke, then residing at 
 Vercelli, (Turin being still in the power of the French,) in order 
 to obtain peace. 
 
 By this artifice, the Count de la Trinite gained more than one 
 point. He laid asleep the vigilance of these poor people ; he 
 weakened their resolution by the hope of peace ; he deprived 
 them of their best counsellors, and prevented them doing any- 
 thing against him, for fear of putting in peril the negotiation, 
 and even the lives of their chiefs, who were actually in the hands 
 of the papists. On the other hand, by these measures, the count 
 imposed no constraint upon himself, and was left quite free in 
 his movements, as we shall soon see. 
 
 Scarcely had the deputies left for Vercelli when the count 
 began again to molest the people of Taillaret, a large hamlet in 
 the commune of La Torre, situated to the north-west, at the foot 
 of the majestic Vandalin. This locality is of peculiar import- 
 ance in time of war, being at the junction of the mountain roads, 
 which form a communication between the higher hamlets of 
 Villaro and the town of La Torre, and likewise between these 
 same hamlets and town, and the glen of Pra-di-torre, in the 
 valley of Angrogna. Complaining of the want of respect shown 
 to him, and of threats against his people, (in the style of the 
 wolf in the fable,) he required, first of all, that they should 
 humble themselves before him ; then that they should surrender 
 all their arms ; then he pillaged all their dwellings, no doubt, in 
 order that they might be abandoned, and that the road to the 
 mountains might be left open to him. He also made a great 
 number prisoners. He acted in the same manner in the hamlets 
 of Villaro. The oppression became such, that at La Torre, 
 
COUNT DE LA TRINITE. 177 
 
 under the very eyes of the general, nothing was secure ; and the 
 evangelical inhabitants of the town endeavoured to secrete 
 themselves, their wives, and their daughters, with whatever 
 they could carry away, in the caverns of the rocks, although it 
 was winter. Others, more fortunate, found an asylum in the 
 neighbouring communes. The soldiers tracked them to their 
 hiding-places. Let us mention one instance. They found in a 
 cavern an aged man, a hundred and three years old, and his 
 grand-daughter, who took care of him. After having killed the 
 venerable man, they would have violated the girl, but she sprang 
 over the precipice, preferring death to dishonour. 
 
 La Trinite also exacted a contribution of six thousand dollars 
 from the valley. He then required the dismissal of the ministers ; 
 at least, he said, till the return of the deputies. They were 
 obliged, or rather thought they were obliged, to consent. He 
 hoped to be able to make himself master of their persons on their 
 departure ; but the Vaudois took such precautions, that they con- 
 ducted them in safety, even across the snows and the high passes 
 of Giuliano, and then through the vale of San Martino to their 
 brethren of Pragela in the French territory. Stephen Noel, 
 pastor of Angrogna, alone was excepted, as by favour of the 
 count, who pretended to hold him in high esteem. But it was 
 soon seen that this was done only in the hopes of carrying him 
 off with greater certainty. The scheme happily failed, thanks 
 to the attachment of Noel's parishioners, who protected him 
 against the soldiers sent to seize him, and conducted him out of 
 their reach. 
 
 At last, the Count de la Trinite, having destroyed all the 
 wine and all the crops that he could not carry away with him, 
 and having broken in pieces all the mills he could lay hands on, 
 led his army into winter-quarters in the plain, leaving strong 
 garrisons in the forts and castles of La Torre, Villaro, Perosa, 
 and Perrier. 
 
 During their leader's absence, these garrisons committed all 
 kinds of cruelties and atrocities. But it is more creditable to 
 be silent upon them, than to relate them. 
 
 The inhabitants of the valleys waited with great impatience 
 
 for the deputies who had been sent to Vercelli, for the purpose 
 
 of obtaining an honourable capitulation. At length, tidings 
 
 oame of their return to their beloved mountains, to the bosom 
 
 8* 
 
178 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 of their families, and their persecuted brethren. But it was 
 seen, even before they uttered a syllable, by their appearance 
 of sorrow, and their downcast looks, that they brought no good 
 news, — that they had been cruelly deceived, that they were 
 ashamed both of themselves and of the part they had been made 
 to act. Gastaud, the count's secretary, they said, had frightened 
 them, arid made them present to the duke a letter totally differ- 
 ent from the one which their brethren of the valleys had charged 
 them to deliver. They had been made to ask pardon of his 
 highness and of the pope's legate. During the six weeks of 
 their sojourn at Vercelli, they had been continually worried by 
 the monks. They had been loaded with insults and threats, till 
 they felt themselves constrained to promise to go to mass. They 
 brought back a formal order to the Yaudois communes to re- 
 ceive the priests, to contribute to their support, and to consent 
 to the Romish worship, and consequently to the introduction of 
 the mass, under pain of a general extermination. 
 
 What was to be done ? Their situation had become worse 
 than before. There remained only to choose between apostasy 
 ■with peace, but at the price of their soul's salvation, and fidelity 
 to God, his word, and the apostolic Church, with a prospect of 
 terrible and immediate sufferings, but with the approbation of 
 conscience, and the hope of the crown of life in heaven with the 
 Lord. Placed between these two alternatives, the people chose 
 the good part. They preferred life eternal to the good things 
 of the present world. They rejected the disgraceful conditions 
 ■which had been imposed upon them in the name of the prince. 
 They recalled their pastors, and again held divine service pub- 
 licly, and in the usual form. Where the introduction of some 
 images into the temple had been allowed, as for example at 
 Bobbio, they pulled them down with indignation. Everywhere 
 the generous intention was decidedly manifested of suffering 
 everything, even to burning, flight, and death, rather than deny 
 the faith of their fathers. 
 
 The pastors also received in these critical circumstances letters 
 full of affection and Christian sympathy from their brethren in 
 foreign parts. The assurance of a lively interest which they 
 conveyed to them, the knowledge of the prayers that were 
 offered up for them in various places, the advices of the purest 
 brotherly love, and the exhortations to look alone to God for dc- 
 
INCREASED OPPRESSION. 179 
 
 liverance — all these testimonies did them good ; they felt them- 
 selves less alone in the conflict. 
 
 The sincere attachment which their neighbours and brethren 
 in the faith of the vale of Clusone, or Pragela * had always shown 
 them, both in brighter days and in times of distress and persecu- 
 tion, but particularly in the latter, suggested a renewal of their 
 ancient union. Deputies from the three valleys crossed the moun- 
 tains, covered with snow, and brought proposals of alliance to the 
 communities in Clusone, whom their sovereign, Francis I., king 
 of France, had also issued orders to persecute. The alliance 
 was accepted without hesitation, and immediately ratified. It 
 was agreed to render mutual succour with all their disposable 
 means, whenever their ancient apostolic Church should be per- 
 secuted. The fidelity of the contracting parties to their respec- 
 tive sovereigns! was, however, carefully reserved. The mes- 
 sengers from the valleys of Lucerna, Perosa, and San Martino, 
 received the oath of their brethren in Dauphine, who, in their 
 turn, sent deputies to receive the oath of their allies. They ar- 
 rived by way of Giuliano at Bobbio, where the alliance was 
 unanimously sworn to by the assembly of all the heads of families. 
 On the next day, they were spectators of the first aggressive 
 act of these peaceable men, who, in the hope of peace, had 
 always hitherto kept strictly on the defensive. All the people 
 of the western hamlets in the valley of Lucerna rushed down, 
 like one of their mountain torrents, on the fortress of Villaro, 
 and demanded the release of their relations who were confined 
 in its dungeons. The gentry of the district, who were in the 
 castle, aided the garrison in making a vigorous defence. The 
 Vaudois wanted artillery and other means for carrying on a 
 siege. One division of them had to guard the road to La Torre, 
 for they there fought three times in four days with the troops 
 which the commandant of the castle in the latter place had sent 
 to succour his companions in arms. The besieged, however, 
 being ill supplied with provisions, and, above all, in want of 
 water, were obliged to capitulate on the tenth day. They sur- 
 
 * A valley to the north of the three Vaudois valleys of Piedmont : the vale 
 of Clusone is the continuation of the valley of Perosa. 
 
 t Although the vale of Clusone is on the eastern side of the Alps, enclosed 
 in the Piedmontese possessions of the house of Savoy, it anciently made a part 
 of Dauphine, and still belonged nt Hint lime to France. 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 rendered the fortress, which was immediately demolished, and 
 thought themselves well off in being conducted to their advanced 
 posts, and escaping with their lives. 
 
 In the interval, the deputies of all the communes had met and 
 ratified the alliance with an oath, promising mutual succour, and 
 engaging to determine on nothing without consulting one another. 
 Among the measures of detail which they adopted, we must not 
 omit noticing the levy of a chosen troop of one hundred mus- 
 keteers for constant service, and destined to hasten to any point 
 where an attack was threatened, and on that account called " The 
 Flying Company." It is also worthy of notice and commenda- 
 tion, that two pastors were appointed to attend them alternately 
 in all their expeditions, to remind them of their Christian duties, 
 to check all excess, and regularly to celebrate religious service. 
 
 It was quite time to prepare for the warfare ; for the Count de 
 la Trinite, having heard of the siege of Villaro, hastened to col- 
 lect his troops that were scattered in winter-quarters over the 
 plain, and to throw them into the valley of Lucerna. Having 
 arrived on February 2d, 1561, the day after the surrender of 
 the fortress, he renounced for a time his purpose of taking ven- 
 geance on the farther end of the valley ; but, after having again 
 tried, though uselessly, to divide his adversaries, by making offers 
 and promises to the people of Angrogna, he resumed his prepa- 
 rations against the citadel of these mountains ; we mean, the 
 higher part of the valley of Angrogna, called the Pra-di-torre. 
 This spot, celebrated in the history of the valleys, (see Ch. XVI.,) 
 is in the shape of an immense funnel, of which the sides are of 
 different heights, and which is much broken on one of them. It 
 is girt on the north by high rocky cliffs which separate it from 
 the vale of San Martino ; on the west by the impassable chain 
 of the snowy mountains of the Rora, and the indented peaks, 
 which envelop the Alpine valley of La Sellaveilla, with its sum- 
 mer cottages ; on the south by the sloping sides of the superb 
 Vandalin ; lastly, on the east, by pasture-lands, more or less in- 
 clined, and by a mass of rocks, called Rocciailla, which, although 
 inferior in height to the proud peaks in the vicinity, form, never- 
 theless, an insurmountable barrier between the foot of Mount 
 Cervin, on the north, and the torrent of Angrogna, on the south. 
 Between these lofty mountains and La Rocciailla, a meadow 
 called the Pra, or Pra-di-torre. with its small town, is stretched 
 
ATTACKED IN THEIR REFUGE OF PRA-DI-TORRE. 181 
 
 by the side of a pure and murmuring stream, and on all sides, 
 on the slopes, the little domains with their rustic buildings sur- 
 rounded by orchards. This district is thickly peopled in sum- 
 mer, though much less in winter ; but it had not ceased to be 
 so in the rigorous months, from the end of 1560 and the com- 
 mencement of 1561. The return of the Count de la Trinite to 
 the valleys caused the inhabitants of Angrogna immediately to 
 take refuge in their ancient asylum. A mill was already in ex- 
 istence there for the use of the locality, and they prudently con- 
 structed a second. — Gilles, ch. xxiii, p. 142. 
 
 The enemy, clearly perceiving that the asylum of the Pra-di- 
 torre was (so to speak) the heart of the valleys, and that the 
 only method of inflicting a fatal wound was to make themselves 
 masters of it, directed all their efforts to this quarter. After two 
 successive attacks on the lower part of Angrogna, the first, fruit- 
 less, and the second, made on different sides at once, with large 
 forces and complete success, although dearly purchased, the Count 
 de la Trinite* was master of the country as far as Rocciailla and 
 la Cassa. Then, after having set fire to all the hamlets, without 
 being able, however, to burn down the two temples, he assaulted 
 the Pra-di-torre on the 14th of February, at three different points ; 
 namely, by its natural entrance on the south-east, along the tor- 
 rent and at the foot of Rocciailla, by the heights which separate 
 it on the north-east from the valley of Pramol, and on the north, 
 by those of the valley of San Martino. The attack by the or- 
 dinary road on the south-east, was announced by the conflagra- 
 tion. At the sight of the flames, consuming the forsaken hamlets, 
 the refugees might suppose that the army was approaching ; they 
 would perhaps have thrown themselves in a mass in this direc- 
 tion, if they had not suspected a feint, and recollected that at all 
 events a few men would suffice to defend so narrow a passage. 
 They were not mistaken. The attack on this side was only feign- 
 ed. Six musketeers stopped and put to flight the hostile detach- 
 ment. Another division which suddenly appeared on the plateau 
 of La Vachere, to the north-east of Rocciailla, coming from Pra- 
 mol,* where it had passed the night, met with the same fate. 
 But while our warlike peasantry were pursuing them, there was 
 
 * In making this circuit by St. Germain and Pramol, the enemy had gone round 
 the dangerous passage of La Cassa, a little to the east, composed of the debris 
 of broken and scattered rocks. 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 descried in the direction of the Pra-di-torre, on the ridges of 
 the high mountains which separate it on the north from the vale 
 of San Martino, a considerable body of soldiers rapidly descend- 
 ing. A cry of alarm was raised. The defenceless multitude ad 
 dressed a fervent prayer to God, and while some ran to give no- 
 tice to their principal force, which was occupied in pursuing the 
 fugitives on the side of La Vachere, only twenty-five or thirty 
 men went up to meet the enemy. Being very soon rejoined by 
 their victorious brethren and by the Flying Company, they fell 
 on their knees, in sight of the papists, praying God to succour 
 them, and then assailed their adversaries so impetuously that 
 they fled panic-stricken before them. Twice the unfortunate 
 soldiers, fatigued by an extraordinary and forced march over the 
 slippery turf or the rolling stones of the mountain, turned about, 
 preferring to fight rather than to clamber up the same endless 
 declivities which they had just descended ; and twice, terrified 
 by the spirit and rising courage of the Vaudois, they again fled 
 and dispersed in all directions. The strong-limbed, practised 
 mountaineers soon came up to them, and despatched them. The 
 slaughter was great, and would have been still greater if the 
 chaplain of the Flying Company had not checked it whenever 
 he could make his voice heard. 
 
 This combat cost the lives of two of the principal officers in 
 the count's army. One, Charles Truchet, lord of Rioclaret, who 
 had persecuted his own vassals, as we have seen, and was one of 
 the promoters of this war, was first struck to the ground by a 
 stone from a sling, and, being left by his men, had his head cut 
 off with his own sword. He was lamented by his general and 
 the army, for he was valiant and experienced. The other officer, 
 Louis de Monteil, who was among the first that fled, had passed 
 the summit of the mountain, when a young man of eighteen 
 came up with him in the snow, refused his ransom, and killed him. 
 
 Thus the hopes of the papists, relative to this great enterprise, 
 vanished. God granted the victory to his children. The pastors, 
 and all who were unable to fight, never ceased, from morning 
 to evening, to call upon his name, — like Moses, Hur, and Aaron, 
 when Israel fought with Amalek. In the evening, the air re- 
 sounded in all directions with songs of praise and expressions of 
 gratitude to God. By this victory, the Vaudois gained consider- 
 able booty in arms, clothing, and warlike stores. 
 
ATTACKED IN THE REFUGE OF PRA-DI-TORRE. 183 
 
 Not having been successful at the Pra-di-torre, La Trinite", 
 who had already burned the greater part of the hamlets of An- 
 grogna, vented his wrath on some villages in the vale of Lucerna. 
 He surprised the village of Rora, composed of eighty families, 
 and situated in a glen behind the mountain which rises on the 
 right bank of the Pelice, to the south of La Torre and Villaro, 
 and which, inclining towards the east, pours its waters into the 
 river just named, a little way from the town of Lucerna ; yet, 
 in spite of the forces which the general sent, he did not make 
 himself master of the village till the third day ; and such was the 
 determined courage of as many of the inhabitants as could bear 
 arms, and particularly of the Flying Company, who were sent 
 to their aid, that all the families, and even some of their goods, 
 were saved, and brought across the snow by dangerous paths to 
 Villaro, where they were received with the most cordial hos- 
 pitality. 
 
 Villaro had also been pointed out by the count to his officers 
 as a place to be attacked. His army moved from la Torre in 
 three divisions ; the main body consisting of infantry, by the high 
 road ; the cavalry, with the pioneers, and some light troops along 
 the Pelice, in the plain ; the third column followed, on the other 
 side of the river, the path which goes behind La Torre and passes 
 between Bobbio and Villaro. The duke's troops had the ad- 
 vantage of being in an open country. The Vaudois were 
 obliged to give way on all points. Perhaps they were too much 
 bent on defending some advanced posts. At this time they 
 were turned, and obliged to retreat, with some loss, abandoning 
 Villaro, to take a position among the vineyards at the entrance 
 of La Combe, which the enemy was never able to force. They 
 beheld their large and beautiful village burned before their eyes ; 
 but considered themselves as less unfortunate, in this disaster, 
 than if the enemy had established and fortified themselves in 
 their abodes. 
 
 La Trinite continued his ravages to the farther end of the 
 valley, pillaging, burning, and slaughtering. He even attempted 
 to attack, with considerable forces, the higher hamlets in the com- 
 mune of Villaro ; but he was compelled to give up the attempt, 
 and to retire with loss. 
 
 The end of February was now come. The count, seeing his 
 army much reduced, spent a month in re info rc in g it, New 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 troops arrived every day at head-quarters. The duke of Savoy 
 even obtained from the king of France ten companies of foot- 
 soldiers, and some other choice troops.* A body of Spaniards 
 also joined the standard of persecution ; so that from four thou- 
 sand men, which composed the army of La Trinite at first, the 
 numbers rose to about seven thousand. It included in its ranks 
 the nobility of the country. At the head of such a fine army, 
 the count thought himself sure of success, and his first efforts 
 were directed against the heart and bulwark of the valleys, the 
 asylum of all the fugitives, the celebrated Pra-di-torre. On the 
 1 7th of March, he attacked it ; but, happily, the enemy was per- 
 ceived in time, and repulsed. Beaten at once, at all the three 
 points of attack, the general saw his best officers killed before 
 his face, and his choice and renowned troops decimated. He 
 gave up, therefore, the design of continuing the assault on the 
 following days, although he had made preparations for so doing, 
 and retreated the same evening with his harassed army and the 
 wounded, leaving a great number dead at the foot of the ram- 
 part, and on all the approaches. 
 
 While the defeated army was making a hasty retreat, the 
 Vaudois might have caused it irreparable loss by attacking it in 
 the defiles, across the torrents, or along the precipices ; and this 
 was the wish of a great many. But the principal leaders, and 
 especially the ministers, were totally averse from it, reminding 
 them that it was agreed to employ arms only to defend their 
 lives, and to use them only as long as they were threatened. 
 Admirable moderation ! and the more exemplary, since those 
 towards whom it was exercised were devoid of pity. 
 
 The success of this affair restored courage and hope to the 
 Vaudois. Their enemies, on the contrary, were disconcerted, 
 and cast down. " God fights for them !" they exclaimed ; and 
 these words were echoed through Piedmont. Even the count 
 appeared desirous of peace, and made proposals for a treaty with 
 these invincible peasants. They replied, that they also wished 
 to see the war at an end, and followed by an honourable peace, 
 which should allow them to serve God with a good conscience. 
 But they did not dare to trust him, after having been duped 
 more than once by his fair words, and having even experienced 
 
 * See Leger, who quotes the Histoire Universelle of d'Aubigni. (Leger, pt. 
 ii, pp. 36, 37 ; Gilles, chap, xxv, p. 150.) 
 
ATTACK ON THE REFUGE OF PRA-DI-TORRE. 185 
 
 that he talked of peace when he was meditating the most violent 
 attacks. They showed more confidence in Philip of Savoy, 
 count of Raconis, who, although chief commissioner of the perse- 
 cution, seemed to disapprove of this war. They received his 
 envoy favourably, — the same Gilles of Bricherasco, who had 
 succeeded in placing their complaints, requests, and apologies, 
 in the hands of the princess of Savoy, at Nice, in the preceding 
 year ; but a most melancholy event occurred to interrupt this 
 negotiation. Gilles, although it was growing late, wished to re- 
 turn the same evening to the count's quarters. They gave him 
 an escort ; but having dismissed it too soon, he was killed by two 
 men of Angrogna, who met him. The measures they at once 
 adopted towards the count de Raconis, and the immediate sur- 
 render of the offenders, freed the Yaudois authorities from all 
 suspicion of being implicated in the act ; but, for a time, it inter- 
 rupted the negotiations. 
 
 During this parley, the count's army marched to the valley 
 of San Martino, to raise the siege of the castle of Perrier, which 
 was closely invested by the Vaudois of the vicinity, and by their 
 neighbours and allies of the valley of Clusone. At its approach 
 the besiegers retired, with their brethren of the lower villages, 
 to the hamlets in the upper part of the valley, where they suc- 
 cessfully defended themselves for a month, and then had the 
 satisfaction of seeing the enemy retire. 
 
 The Vaudois, who had retreated into the most rugged and 
 savage localities, pressed and crowded into a few huts with all 
 their families, saw their provisions rapidly diminish, while, at 
 the same time, the number of their fugitive brethren, who re- 
 sorted to them in quest of shelter and food, increased. It might 
 have been apprehended that famine would come, in addition to 
 so many other sufferings, to weaken their bodies and discourage 
 their hearts ; but He who fed Elijah by the brook Cherith, sup- 
 plied the wants of his servants who had taken refuge among the 
 sources of their mountain-torrents, and replenished the vessels 
 of the widows, the children, and the poor, with flour and oil, ac- 
 cording to their desire, as he once did for the pious widow of 
 Zarephath. 
 
 The genial mildness of spring began to be felt even on the 
 mountains. But while the sovereign Benefactor and Disposer 
 of all things was awakening creation to new life, and shedding 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 fertility over the earth, the cruel Count de la Trinite was only- 
 planning how to destroy God's noblest creatures, and moisten 
 the soil with their blood. He longed, at any cost, to penetrate 
 the asylum of the Pra-di-torre, to quench his thirst in a stream 
 of blood, like a famished wolf, who, with open jaws and parched 
 tongue hanging from his mouth, prowls for days, with fury in his 
 heart, round a multitude of sheep and lambs, in a well-enclosed 
 fold, seeking for some opening by which to enter in. Such an 
 entrance the count hoped that he had found at last. He plan- 
 ned to surprise the Pra-di-torre through the hamlet of Taillaret, 
 which is situated to the north of La Torre. To succeed on this 
 side, it was absolutely necessary to reach the plateau of Costa 
 Roussina unobserved, with the whole of the forces employed, 
 before the alarm could be given ; otherwise the troops would be 
 liable to be assailed from the higher ground, and infallibly driven 
 back, while climbing up a slope of more than two leagues in 
 length. The woful end of Truchet and his division, who were 
 cut in pieces in a like situation, by a small number of herdsmen, 
 was a sufficient lesson. It was therefore necessary, if possible, 
 to lay asleep the vigilance of the people of Taillaret, and their 
 neighbours. The count, whom it cost but little to play the hypo- 
 crite, persuaded some influential individuals of Taillaret, and in 
 particular Captain Michael Reymondet, to come and see him, 
 having sent them the necessary passport. He flattered their 
 vanity by saying that the duke esteemed them, and would give 
 them proofs of his good-will if they would lay down their arms, 
 and cease to exhibit distrust and a spirit of revolt by the inces- 
 sant patrols they so unnecessarily kept up. He assured them, 
 that if they remained quiet, he would prevent the soldiers from 
 giving them the least vexation ; but, on the contrary supposition, 
 he would punish them with the utmost rigour. 
 
 The vanity of these poor people being thus wrought upon, 
 they promised to remain quiet, and they kept their word, not- 
 withstanding the warnings and reproaches of the minister of the 
 Flying Company, to whom they gave an account of their jour- 
 ney. The minister, foreboding what would happen, collected his 
 company of musketeers at La Combe di Villaro, placed sentinels, 
 and sent messengers in different directions to announce an im- 
 pending attack : in fact, at daybreak, the small corps of picked 
 men who had already rendered such great services to the Vau- 
 
ALWAYS CONQUERORS. 187 
 
 dois cause, were warned by the advanced sentinels that the pa- 
 pists were marching on Taillaret. They immediately set out, 
 by a dangerous road, along slopes and precipices, with the inten- 
 tion of coming above Taillaret, where they would overlook the 
 enemy. Nevertheless, the latter, in several bands, surprised all 
 the small towns in this extensive quarter. A regiment of Spa- 
 niards were distinguished for their excesses. The credulous Rey- 
 mondet escaped, not without difficulty, with his wife, and her 
 newly-born infant. The troops reached the plateau. The 
 Vaudois musketeers could not arrive in time. From the summit 
 of the mountain, the enemy saw before them, to the north, the 
 large and deep oval of the Pra-di-torre. In less than an hour, 
 descending by the slopes of Barfe, they would have reached the 
 dwellings on the south side. But they preferred following a 
 path which would allow them to attack the Pra-di-torre from 
 above ; this proved their destruction. The Vaudois had finished 
 their customary morning prayer, when, almost at the same time, 
 their sentinels gave notice of the enemy's approach at three 
 points; by the plateau on the south, and on the east by the 
 two roads to the north and south of Rocciailla. Twelve men 
 only threw themselves forward to meet the column issuing 
 from the plateau by the narrow path, and they were sufficient 
 to stop it. 
 
 A traveller little accustomed to a mountainous tract, would 
 advance with hesitation and trembling on a path scarcely visible 
 down a steep declivity. The steps of the great part of the duke's 
 soldiers were not more firm ; they halted, therefore, when they 
 saw their narrow passage stopped by six resolute men; and 
 stones, and fragments of rocks, which six others were detaching 
 from the neighbouring heights to roll upon them, threatening to 
 hurl them down with one bound into the ravine. But their 
 hearts failed them entirely when they saw the agile and intrepid 
 mountaineers running in constantly increasing numbers to the 
 aid of their advanced guard. They turned their backs and fled 
 precipitately to the plateau, where some of their troop were 
 resting. In the mean while, the Flying Company, advancing 
 along the flank of the Vandalin, gained the heights which over- 
 looked the plateau, and, screening themselves behind large trees, 
 rocks, and low walls that separated the pasture lands, opened a 
 close and deadly fire. The popish troops, crowded together and 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 exposed, lost a great number, while the sharpshooters of the 
 mountains had only three killed. At last, having made another 
 attempt to act on the offensive, they retreated, not by way of 
 Taillaret, which would have been too exposed, but across the 
 summit of the mountain, which sinks insensibly, and directing 
 their course to La Torre, which, owing to its small breadth, was 
 more easily defended. 
 
 As to the two columns which were advancing by Angrogna, 
 as they were not to act alone, but simply to support the attack 
 made on the side of Taillaret, by causing a diversion, they re- 
 treated as soon as they saw their companions in arms put to flight 
 on the neighbouring mountain. 
 
 Such was the issue of the last attack made on the Vaudois in 
 this campaign. The Count de la Trinite, probably fearful, after 
 so many reverses, of being attacked in his quarters at La Torre 
 by the warlike mountaineers, broke up his encampment the 
 same night, and retreated to Cavor with a part of his troops. 
 From that place, he threatened again to ravage the whole 
 country, to destroy the corn in the bis ' n . the vines, and the 
 trees ; but a dangerous illness, which brought him to the brink 
 of the grave, prevented the execution of his evil designs. During 
 his compulsory inactivity, the Vaudois renewed their relations 
 with Philip of Savoy, count de Eaconis, which had been inter- 
 rupted by the murder of Gilles of Bricherasco. This prince, 
 who, in the discharge of his office, as chief commissioner, had 
 always given proofs of moderation, showed himself favourable to 
 peace. He consented to transmit to the duchess the desires and 
 request of her persecuted subjects, for the purpose of obtaining 
 conditions such as their consciences could accept. Having re- 
 ceived the necessary powers for negotiating, the Count de 
 Raconis displayed a confiding benevolence which shortened the 
 negotiation, and after a month of preliminary conferences, 
 brought about an agreement which settled all the questions at 
 issue, and was signed by both parties. 
 
 A general pardon was granted to all persons in the valleys 
 and elsewhere, who had taken arms against his highness and 
 against their particular lords on account of religion. 
 
 The liberty of assembling in the customary places to hear 
 sermons, and to perform all the acts of their religion, was granted 
 to the greater part of the communities of the three valleys, and 
 
TREATY OE PEACE. 189 
 
 likewise of building edifices for this purpose. But the right of 
 preaching and holding meetings was formally denied beyond the 
 limits indicated in the capitulation. Nevertheless, the ministers 
 were authorized to make pastoral visits to such of their people as 
 were residents in places where they had not the public exercise 
 of their religion, provided these visits were made with prudence 
 and discretion. It was specified that the answers which the 
 Vaudois might give, when interrogated concerning their faith, 
 were not to be regarded as an infraction of the present treaty, 
 nor as preaching for the purpose of making proselytes. 
 
 All the fugitives of the said valleys, and all those who had 
 abjured, or promised to abjure, before the war, were permitted 
 to return to their houses with their families, and to enjoy the 
 free exercise of their religion. Their goods were to be restored 
 to them ; all those, at least, which had been taken from them in 
 the course of the war. A similar promise was made to the in- 
 habitants of the valley of Meane, and of St. Barthelemi. 
 
 Restitution was guaranteed to all, by legal means, of their 
 movables and cattle, (excepting what had been carried off by the 
 soldiers,) as well as the redemption of the articles sold at the 
 same price as the purchasers had paid for them. The same right 
 was secured to the Roman Catholics against the Vaudois. 
 
 To the Vaudois* all franchises and immunities were confirmed, 
 as well as all privileges, whether granted by his highness, or his 
 predecessors, or by the lords, provided they were vouched by 
 public documents. 
 
 The proper administration of justice was promised to them. 
 
 A list of the fugitives who were to return was to be prepared 
 and transmitted to his highness. 
 
 The duke reserved to himself the liberty of erecting a fortress 
 at Villaro ; but he gave, at the same time, the assurance that it 
 should not be employed to the prejudice of the property and con- 
 sciences of the people of the valleys. 
 
 The duke also required the aforesaid to dismiss such of their 
 pastors as he named; but, in return, he permitted them to fill 
 up their places. He excluded, however, the pastor Martin, of 
 Pragela, from their choice. 
 
 * In the capitulation no particular name, as for example that of Vaudois, 
 is given to those with whom it is made. They are only described as inhabitants 
 of the valleys, (ccux des vallecs.) 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The right of celebrating the mass and other services of the 
 Romish worship in all the parishes of the valleys was renewed 
 by his highness ; but the liberty of not being present at them 
 was granted, in return, to those of the opposite religion, while 
 they were under obligation not to molest those who wished to 
 attend such services. 
 
 All the expenses of the war were remitted to the aforesaid, as 
 well as the eight thousand dollars which they owed his highness 
 out of the sixteen thousand which they had engaged to pay. 
 
 All the prisoners that remained in the hands of the soldiers 
 were to T>e released for a moderate ransom : all those who had 
 been sent to the galleys for their religion were to be set at liberty 
 gratuitously. 
 
 Permission was granted to all the inhabitants of the valleys of 
 Meane, and other places mentioned in the capitulation, except 
 the ministers, to stay, to come and go, to buy, sell, and traffic in 
 the dominions of his highness, provided their settled residence 
 was within their limits, and that they abstain, in their journeys, 
 from controversy, preaching, and holding assemblies. 
 
 This treaty of peace was signed at Cavor, the 5th of June, 1561, 
 in the name of the duke, by Philip of Savoy, count de Raconis, 
 and in the name of the communities of the valleys, by two pas- 
 tors, Francois Val, minister of Villaro, and Claude Berge, minis- 
 ter of Taillaret, and by two of the principal deputies, George 
 Monastier, syndic of Angrogna, and Michael Reymondet, envoy 
 of Taillaret* 
 
 Such was the arrangement which was effected, thanks to the 
 noble and generous heart of the distinguished Emmanuel Phili- 
 bert, seconded by his royal consort, Margaret of France, by the 
 honourable Philip of Savoy, count de Raconis, and certainly by 
 the majority of a just and enlightened council. Whether we 
 call it a compact, a treaty, or a patent, matters little ; the essen- 
 tial point is, that the contract took effect according to the en- 
 gagement of the parties who signed it. Certainly the house of 
 Savoy never had to regret the policy it followed on this occasion. 
 If, in order to meet the requirements of Rome, it has often per- 
 secuted its Vaudois subjects, by afterwards treating them with 
 
 * Leger, pt. ii, p. 38. The other deputies were Rambaud, of Villaro ; Arduino, 
 of Bobbio ; Jean Malanet, of San Giovanni ; Pierre Pascal, of the valley of San 
 Martino j and Thomas Roman, of Saint- Germain, for the valley of Perosa. 
 
THE VAUDOIS COLONIES. 191 
 
 kindness, it so won their hearts, that their attachment, fidelity, 
 and devotedness to it has never failed. 
 
 But though the two parties immediately interested agreed to 
 the convention, finding it to be for their mutual advantage, there 
 was one person who felt highly displeased ; this was the pope, 
 to whom the duke communicated the transaction. The Roman 
 pontiff complained bitterly. He thought that this " pernicious 
 example " of tolerance would find imitators, and that by their 
 lax indulgence, heresy would take perpetual root in the many 
 kingdoms placed under his crosier. The monks and priests of 
 Piedmont made themselves very busy, and if they did not suc- 
 ceed in breaking the treaty, they at least retarded or shackled 
 its execution ; particularly in what concerned the restitution of 
 the confiscated* or pillaged goods, and the liberation of the pri- 
 soners, particularly those who had been sent to the galleys. 
 Nevertheless, Philip of Savoy, count de Raconis, having agreed 
 to lay the grievances of the Vaudois before the duchess, that ex- 
 cellent princess, after consulting with the venerable pastor, Noel 
 of Angrogna, obtained the redress of all their wrongs and the 
 strict execution of the treaty. 
 
 The persecution lasted fifteen months, seven of which were 
 spent in obstinate warfare. 
 
 We now leave the valleys of Piedmont, and transport ourselves 
 to one of their ancient colonies, in Calabria, to be witnesses of 
 its entire destruction-! 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF THE VAUDOIS COLONIES IN APULIA AND 
 CALABRIA. 
 
 The religious life which the Reformation had awakened in the 
 ancient Vaudois churches of the Alps, manifested itself, though 
 more sloAvly, among their colonies in the kingdom of Naples. The 
 evangelical doctrine, constantly taught for three centuries by the 
 
 * This restitution met with obstacles, especially at Bibbiana, Fenile, and Cara- 
 piglione, small towns in the valley of Lucerna, at the extreme frontier towards 
 the plain. 
 
 t For the whole of this chapter sec Gilles, chs. xi, to xxviii. Leger, pt. ii, pp. 
 29-40. 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Vaudois barbes, in their regular missions among their brethren 
 of Apulia and Calabria, had maintained in the hearts of this per- 
 secuted race an indestructible aversion from Romish errors, at 
 the same time that it gave their manners a character of mildness, 
 sobriety, chastity, and fidelity, which struck all persons in their 
 vicinity, though a certain timidity or prudence constrained them, 
 in the presence of the enemies of their faith, to conceal part of 
 their sentiments, and of their acts of worship. JSJo district was 
 more peaceable or flourishing in the whole kingdom of Naples 
 than that which was inhabited and cultivated by the Vaudois of 
 Calabria, not far from Montalto, and of which San Sesto and 
 Guardia were at that time the most remarkable places. The in- 
 defatigable activity of these labourers, their order, their good 
 manners, while they were a source of happiness for themselves, 
 had gained for them the favour of their lords, who derived con- 
 siderable advantages from them, — such as higher rents, and much 
 greater security than from any other of their vassals. 
 
 But at the news of the triumphs of the Reformation, the noise 
 made by its doctrines, and the profound emotion they excited in 
 Italy, suspicion was again awakened, and marked with a restless 
 eye the most trifling proceedings of intelligent and generous men. 
 The inquisition, watching its prey, followed like bloodhounds the 
 traces of the numerous writings, and especially of the sacred 
 books, which were circulated in all places by the recent inven- 
 tion of printing ; and when the Vaudois colonies of Calabria 
 awoke from their slumbers, agitated by the gales of the spirit of 
 life which blew from the north, they were encountered by the 
 ferocious aspect of their sworn foe, watching every step they 
 took, and seeking to penetrate into their most secret thoughts. 
 
 Being informed by the barbes who were sent to them,* of the 
 courageous resolutions of the synod of Angrogna, in 1532, and 
 feeling constrained to glorify their Saviour openly by the exam- 
 ple of the Reformed Churches, as well as by that of their brethren 
 of Piedmont, the Vaudois colonies of Calabria wished to associate 
 with the barbe Etienne Negrin, who had come to them from the 
 valleys, a minister ordained at Geneva, above all others the city 
 of the Reformation. They deputed for this purpose one of their 
 principal men, Marco Uscegli, who, on reaching the city of Cal- 
 
 * See Chapter XVII.— The minister Gilles, ancestor of the historian, was the 
 last of these barbes who could return in peace to the valleys. 
 
JEAN LOUIS PASCAL. 193 
 
 vin, spoke on behalf of the Italian Church, and obtained what 
 he desired for it. A young Piedmontese, named Jean Louis Pas- 
 cal, was then finishing his studies at Lausanne ; he had quitted 
 popery for the gospel, and the military service for that of the 
 Lord Jesus Christ. By general consent he was appointed for 
 the perilous mission in Calabria. He set out with Uscegli, leav- 
 ing his betrothed bride* at Geneva, whom he was never more 
 to see in this world. 
 
 Pascal's energetic ministry was not in vain. His preaching 
 took possession of the souls of his hearers. The light so often 
 hid under a bushel was now placed on a candlestick ; but its 
 splendour, beneficial to the sound eyes of the true believers, ir- 
 ritated the diseased organs of the papists, and alarmed the prin- 
 cipal lord of the Vaudois of Calabria, the marquis of Spinello. 
 Roused by the outcry raised by the bigots of his religion, and 
 perhaps fearing lest he should himself be suspected of heresy if 
 he did not act, the marquis, who had been heretofore so indulgent, 
 now had recourse to measures of severity. He cited before him 
 the principal of his vassals along with Pascal. He censured and 
 threatened them, and cast the faithful pastor and his friend Us- 
 cegli into the dungeons of Foscalda. This was in 1558, or 1559. 
 The diocesan bishop of Cosenza, not being contented with these 
 arrests, took the matter into his own hands. He attempted a 
 forced conversion of the prisoners, if that were possible ; and at 
 the same time persecuted the destitute flock, in spite of the secret 
 efforts of the marquis to turn his blows aside. 
 
 The apprehension of Pascal, and the perseverance of the faith- 
 ful Calabrians in the evangelical doctrine, having attracted the 
 attention of the pope, his holiness delegated cardinal Alexandrin, 
 inquisitor-general, to put an end to heresy in the kingdom of Na- 
 ples. The first essay at forced conversion was made in the spring 
 of 1560, at San Sesto, a considerable town in the neighbourhood 
 of Montalto. Promises, exhortations, and threats were alternate- 
 ly employed : nothing was neglected to overawe or seduce the 
 inhabitants ; but rather than attend at mass they all fled together 
 to a wood in the mountain. The inquisitors, unable to pursue 
 them instantly, betook themselves with all speed to the Vaudois 
 city of Guardia, about twelve miles distant. Having shut the 
 
 *[Hcr name was Camilla Guerina. See M'Orie's History of the Reforma- 
 tion In Italy, p. 283.1 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 gates, they assembled the population, and falsely announced the 
 return of the inhabitants of San Sesto to the pale of the Romish 
 Church. They pretended to love them, and pressed them to 
 imitate so excellent an example. The marquis of Spinello joined 
 his entreaties to those of these deceitful wretches, and promised 
 them new temporal advantages ; and these poor people, deceived 
 and surprised, yielded and promised to comply with the demands 
 made upon them. The truth, however, soon became known to 
 them, and a considerable part escaped and proceeded to join the 
 fugitives of San Sesto. Two companies of soldiers were sent in 
 pursuit of them. In vain the unfortunate beings begged them 
 to come to terms with them, and allow them to emigrate ; they 
 were only answered by denunciations of death. Thus con- 
 strained to defend themselves by arms, they put their enemies 
 to flight. 
 
 This victory gained them some days of repose ; but it brought, 
 into Calabria the viceroy in person, at the head of a considera- 
 ble number of troops. The fugitives were tracked in the woods 
 by dogs trained for the purpose, to the foot of trees in which they 
 had taken refuge, or to the copses and pits where they were se- 
 creted. Scarcely any escaped, but all were either taken pri- 
 soners or killed. While the viceroy threatened universal de- 
 struction, the inquisitors affected compassion, and were lavish of 
 their expressions of peace, and thus drew the credulous people 
 into their snares, who, as the chronicler Gilles says, thinking to 
 escape the fury of the lion, threw themselves into the jaws of 
 the serpent. 
 
 When these double-faced men had, by their artifices, got pos- 
 session of more than sixteen hundred persons, they threw aside 
 the mask and the executions began. They wished to fix on their 
 victims the odium of lewdness, and therefore put them to torture, 
 hoping to force from them the confession that in their religious 
 assemblies they were guilty of detestable impurities. But the 
 patience of the tortured baffled their vile design ; no one con- 
 fessed. Charlin expired on the rack itself; his bowels being 
 forced out. Verminel, who had even consented to apostatize, 
 was kept for eight hours on an instrument of torture, called a hell, 
 without being prevailed upon to confess to such infamous calum- 
 nies. Marcon, the father, was beaten with iron chains, and then 
 killed. One of his sons had his throat cut : and the other was 
 
HORRIBLE PUNISHMENTS. 195 
 
 precipitated from a high tower. Bernard Conte, for having 
 thrown away from him a crucifix which they wished him to hold, 
 was led to Csoenza, and there, covered with pitch, he was burn- 
 ed like a pine torch ; a horrid punishment, copied from Nero. 
 Sixty women were tortured : some of them were burned ; others 
 died of their wounds ; the most beautiful disappeared. Eighty- 
 eight men of Guardia were butchered at Montalto, by order of 
 the inquisitor Panza. " I confess," says a witness of this scene, 
 a Roman Catholic, in a letter which has been preserved to us,* 
 " I can only compare these executions to a slaughter-house. The 
 executioner came, and called out one of the unfortunate crea- 
 tures, and having wrapped his head in a cloth, led him to a spot 
 adjoining the house, made him fall on his knees, and cut his 
 throat with a knife. Then, taking off the bloody veil, he came 
 for another prisoner, who underwent the same fate ; in this man- 
 ner eighty-eight persons were butchered. I leave your imagi- 
 nation to picture this horrible sight. At this very moment I can 
 hardly restrain my tears. No one can ever describe the meek- 
 ness and patience with which these heretics suffered such a mar- 
 tyrdom and death. A small number of them, when at the point 
 of death, declared that they embraced the Catholic faith ; but the 
 greater part died in their infernal obstinacy. All the old men 
 ended their lives with an imperturbable calmness ; only the young 
 manifested some agitation. A shudder comes over my whole 
 frame when I picture to myself the executioner with the bloody 
 knife between his teeth, holding the dripping napkin in his hand, 
 entering the house, and, with his arms covered .with blood, seiz- 
 ing the prisoners one after another, as a butcher goes and takes 
 the sheep he is about to slaughter." 
 
 Their bodies, when quartered, were fastened to stakes all along 
 the road from Montalto to Chateau- Vilar, a distance of thirty-six 
 miles, for the terror of heretics, and the satisfaction of the Ca- 
 tholics. Those who were not massacred, and yet would not ab- 
 jure, were sent to fill the Spanish galleys. Some only escaped 
 by flight and reached the valleys, (the women dressed as men,) 
 
 * See this letter in Porta, Historia Reformationis Rhetise, t. ii, pp. 310-312: 
 and in Pantaleon, Reium in Eccles. Gestarum, pp. 337, 338. The author of the 
 letter also says, " These people were originally from the valley of Angrogna, 
 near Savoy ; and in Calabria they call them Ultra-Montanes. They still occupy 
 four cities in the kingdom of Naples ; but I have not learned that they conduct 
 themselves amiss." 
 
196 H1ST0KY OF THE VAUDOItf. 
 
 when the persecution described in the preceding chapter was at 
 its height ; some, still later, after incessant dangers, being forced 
 to travel only by night, very frequently to go up the course of 
 rivers till they could meet with fords, scantily fed on seeds, roots, 
 fruits, and what they could get as alms, or purchase in out-of-the- 
 way places. Many of them were stopped on the road and de- 
 livered up, the order having been given throughout Italy, to all 
 officers of police, lightermen, bargemen, and others, not to allow 
 to pass, and to every inn-keeper, not to lodge, any stranger pre- 
 senting himself without a certificate from his parish priest, attest- 
 ed at each stage of his journey, from the place of his setting out. 
 The churches of the Vaudois valleys mourned over those of 
 Calabria that were thus destroyed ; especially the pastors who 
 had exercised their ministry among them, and who knew each 
 of the victims whom the survivors named to them. Their hearts 
 were melted with sorrow when they learned the fate of their 
 colleague, Etienne Negrin, who, after having resisted all the 
 solicitations and seductions of the priests in the prison of Cosenza, 
 died of starvation or of other secret tortures. As to Louis Pascal, 
 he consummated, after all the others, at the stake at Rome$ in 
 the presence of the pope, the cardinals, and an immense con- 
 course of spectators, the sacrifice which he had begun in sepa- 
 rating himself, for a time, as he supposed, from his betrothed, to 
 visit Calabria. Neither flatteries nor importunities ; nor the con- 
 tinual threats of a crowd of monks and priests ; nor the bodily 
 sufferings he endured in damp prisons, where he was not even 
 allowed straw ; nor the prayers and tears of a dear brother* who 
 remained a papist, who implored him to recant, and, to tempt him 
 more strongly, offered him half his property ; nor the sad remem- 
 brance of a tender friend, who, though not yet espoused, would 
 by his death be left, as it were, a widow ; no human power, — in 
 short, nothing could move this faithful and tried soul. It was 
 decided at last to punish him without waiting any longer. The 
 pope determined to give himself the pleasure of being present 
 at the last moments of so obstinate a heretic, who had constantly 
 called him antichrist. 
 
 * His brother thus writes : " It was hideous to see him, bareheaded, his arms 
 and hands tied so tightly with small cords that they penetrated the flesh, as if 
 he were about to be led to the gibbet. Seeing him in this state, and going for- 
 ward to embrace him, in my distress I fell to the ground, by which I increased 
 his suffering."— Cre spin, Histoire des Martyrs, fol. 520.— M'Crie, p. 285. 
 
HORRIBLE PUNISHMENTS. 197 
 
 On Monday, the 9th of September, 1560, an excited multitude 
 might be seen eagerly pressing towards the court of the castle of 
 St. Angelo. A scaffold, and close by a pile of fagots, had been 
 already placed there. In the immediate vicinity, rose an am- 
 phitheatre of richly decorated benches, on which were seated his 
 holiness the pope, vicar of Jesus Christ on earth, the cardinals, 
 the inquisitors, with priests, and monks of all kinds in great num- 
 bers. When the martyr to Christian truth appeared, dragging 
 himself along with difficulty under the weight of his chains, his 
 enemies, who watched all his motions and the play of his features, 
 ready to exult in the least symptom of weakness, could not de- 
 tect in his countenance any change or fear. There was the same 
 mild and resigned expression which had never left him during 
 the whole time of his long imprisonment. Having arrived at the 
 scaffold, and taking advantage of a short interval of silence, he 
 declared to the people that if he were put to death, it would not 
 be for any crime, but for having confessed with purity and bold- 
 ness the doctrine of his Divine Master and Saviour Jesus Christ. 
 " As to those," he went on to say, "who hold the pope to be God 
 upon earth and vicar of Jesus Christ, they are strangely mistaken, 
 seeing that in everything, and everywhere, he shows himself to 
 be a mortal enemy of His doctrine and true service, and of pure 
 religion, and by his actions that he is manifestly the real anti- 
 christ." He could say no more. The inquisitors gave the signal 
 to the executioner, who, raising him from the ground, put an end 
 to his life by strangulation. His body was thrown on the funeral 
 pile and soon reduced to ashes. " The pope," says an historian, 
 " must have wished himself elsewhere, or that Pascal had been 
 dumb, or the people deaf; for he said many things against the 
 pope, according to the word of God, which displeased him ex- 
 ceedingly. Thus this man died, calling on God with so ardent 
 a zeal that he deeply moved the assistants at his execution, and 
 made the pope and his cardinals gnash their teeth." — Crespin, 
 Hist, des Martyrs, fol. 520. — Perrin, Hist, des Vaudois et des Al- 
 bigeois, p. 207. 
 
 The Vaudois Churches of Apulia and some other provinces of 
 Naples, not having displayed any extraordinary zeal, escaped the 
 suspicious notice of Rome. Those of their members who had 
 real piety, were not slow in disposing of their property and taking 
 refuge in a safe place. .VI the rest bent their heads before the 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 storm, and abandoned the profession of the gospel. At the pre- 
 sent day, we should seek in vain, in these countries, for vestiges 
 of the once flourishing Vaudois colonies. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE BENEFITS OF THE PEACE ATTENDED WITH GREAT EVILS. 
 
 The peace signed at Cavor, on the 5th of June, 1561, by Philip 
 of Savoy, and the deputies of the valleys, had dissipated man v 
 fears, and restored tranquillity to a desolated country. The 
 hearts of mothers no longer failed them at the very name of sol- 
 diers, and the prospect of hateful and agonizing scenes no longer 
 drew their restless and stealthy glances to their offspring. The 
 aged people were once more led, with slow and feeble steps, from 
 their hiding-places in the mountains. The joy of returning to 
 the places where they had passed their infancy, under the vines 
 on the hill-side, or the shade of the chestnut-trees, brought smiles 
 on their faces again. Sons and fathers hung up their weapons, 
 and their warlike hands once more took the spade and sickle for 
 their peaceful occupations. But the signing of the treaty, though 
 it had allayed many fears, had not healed all their wounds ; some 
 were too deep. The distress most generally felt, was increasing 
 want. Seven months of unsparing warfare on the part of the 
 papists had impoverished every family. Whole villages and 
 countless hamlets had been consumed by the flames, and were 
 only a heap of ruins. They had to be rebuilt, but everything 
 was wanting. The provisions of the preceding year had come 
 to an end. The time for sowing corn was past. The harvest 
 approached, but there was hardly anything to reap, for only the 
 heights had been cultivated, and the best lands had been left 
 fallow. To this destitution was added the difficulty of providing 
 for the maintenance and establishment of the Calabrian fugitives, 
 who came to the valleys stripped of everything. 
 
 In this state of things, and by the advice of the church of 
 Geneva, the churches of the valleys had recourse to the charity 
 of their brethren in Switzerland and Germany. John Calvin 
 exerted himself for them with great zeal. Their deputies were 
 everywhere received with interest, and had the consolation of 
 
UNJUST ORDER. 199 
 
 collecting sums adequate to relieve their most pressing necessi- 
 ties. The Elector Palatine made the largest donation. Next 
 to him may be mentioned the Duke of Wurtemburg, the Mar- 
 quis of Baden, the evangelical cantons, with Berne at their head, 
 the Church of Strasburg, and a great number of others, among 
 which the churches of Provence may be specially noticed. 
 France would have sent much more, if the collections made in 
 different places had not been checked by internal troubles. 
 
 In addition to the daily trials caused by their actual indigence, 
 they had to endure various annoyances from the priests and 
 monks. They provoked the pastors to disputes on religion. An 
 exchange of letters took place, and became a pretext for violent 
 measures. The Yaudois were accused of fomenting discord, and 
 the civil authorities, deceived by false reports, published on the 
 6th of May, 1563, a mandate prohibiting the Catholics from hold- 
 ing any relation or intercourse with the heretics. But as this 
 vexatious measure occasioned inconvenience to the papists — as 
 much to the monks themselves as to the poor Vaudois — the gen- 
 try of the country and neighbourhood appealed to the duke and 
 procured a modification of the decree.* On the market-day, 
 July 9th, it was announced at Lucerna that his highness did not 
 mean that commercial dealings should cease between the pro- 
 fessors of the two religions, but only that they should abstain 
 from controversy. 
 
 The enemies of the Vaudois were not willing to consider 
 themselves defeated. Pretending that the treaty of peace had 
 not been exactly observed in all points by the people of the val- 
 leys, they endeavoured to foment intrigues against them at court, 
 and to impose upon the duke by false reports. On the faith of 
 their calumnious representations, the government thought of re- 
 stricting the liberties of the Vaudois by severe measures, and, 
 for the execution of its designs, chose Sebastian Gratiol, of Cas • 
 trocaro, a Tuscan by birth, a man worthy of such a charge. He 
 had served against the Vaudois as colonel of the militia, in the 
 last persecution, under the Count de la Trinite. Having been 
 taken prisoner in one encounter, he had been honourably 
 treated and released out of respect to the duchess, to whose 
 
 * In fact, by this measure, the markets of many small towns on the frontiers, 
 and even in Pinerolo, found themselves deprived of a proper supply of pro- 
 visions, etc. 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 retinue he pretended to belong. Being deeply mortified at 
 finding himself in the hands of these rustic mountaineers, and at 
 owing his liberty to their generosity, he thought himself fitted to 
 act the part of an oppressor, and succeeded in getting himself 
 appointed, first of all, commissioner of the duke in the valleys, 
 and soon after governor of the same. Two contrary influences 
 contributed to his elevation : the support of the archbishop of 
 Turin, to whom he had promised to do everything for the con- 
 version of the Vaudois to popery ; and the recommendation of 
 the pious princess, the protectress of the valleys, to whom he 
 managed to recommend himself, and whose vigilance he de- 
 ceived by false representations. 
 
 The first words of Castrocaro on his arrival in the valley 
 of Lucerna, in the spring of 1565, were threatening. The duke, 
 he said, retracted the concessions which he had made in the 
 treaty of peace. But the churches having appealed to his high- 
 ness, the commissioner modified his language, and only insisted 
 on the immediate signature of an engagement, drawn up by 
 himself, which tended considerably to restrict the liberties of the 
 churches, and of private persons. In case of refusal, the cavalry 
 were immediately to enter the valleys, and renew the war. 
 
 In so critical a position, the churches conducted themselves 
 with wisdom, combining prudence with firmness in their an- 
 swers, and a respectful tone with sound arguments. The latter, 
 however, would, according to all appearance, have had little 
 weight, if the excellent princess, whom God had placed near 
 the duke as their safeguard, had not again interceded in their 
 favour. Yet the answer in which she acquaints the churches 
 with the success of her intervention, and the abandonment of 
 the demands which had so greatly disquieted them, indicates too 
 great confidence in the crafty individual who was imposed on 
 the valleys as governor. 
 
 Castrocaro being established with a strong garrison in the 
 castle of La Torre, in the valley of Lucerna, only kept too well 
 the promises he had made to the archbishop. He ordered the 
 pastor of San Giovanni to refuse the holy supper to many who 
 came from lower Piedmont and applied for it. He required the 
 church at Bobbio to dismiss their pastor, on the pretext that he 
 was a foreigner. Then, on the refusal of its noble-hearted mem- 
 bers, he pronounced their sequestration, and forbade every 
 
PRINCES OF THE PALATINATE AND SAXONY. 201 
 
 person under his jurisdiction from having the least connexion or 
 intercourse with them. He imprisoned, fined, or ill-treated in 
 some other way, all who did not comply with the slightest inti- 
 mation of his wishes. He vexed the pastors : one of the most 
 respectable, Gilles, on his return from Geneva through Dau- 
 phine', was arrested as a conspirator by the soldiers of the 
 governor, thrown into a dungeon, loaded with irons, and then 
 conducted to Turin by the archers and a detachment of cavalry. 
 
 Intolerance and religious oppression were felt not only in the 
 valleys of Lucerna, Angrogna, and San Martino, (the greater 
 part of the valley of Perosa on the left side was then subject to 
 France,) but in all the towns of Piedmont where the reformed 
 were to be found. An edict, published the 10th of June, 1565, 
 enjoined them to attend mass, or to leave the dominions of his 
 highness within two months. " The duke no longer wishes to 
 allow two religions in his country," was the chancellor's answer 
 to some reformed members of the noble family of Solari. In 
 fact, a great number of them had to choose between exile and a 
 prison. 
 
 The hearing and sight of so many grievances, and especially 
 the dread of still greater, dictated an extreme measure to some 
 of the Vaudois and their friends ; they implored the intercession 
 of the Protestant princes of Germany, and especially of the 
 electors of the Palatinate and Saxony, with the duke. These 
 generous defenders of the faith sent as an ambassador for this 
 purpose, to his highness of Savoy, John Junius, councillor of 
 state of the Elector Palatine, and a man of piety, and experi- 
 enced in business. He arrived at Turin in February, 1566. 
 A strange proceeding, and contrary to the law of nations, soon 
 taught him the zeal, or rather madness, which operated against 
 those who were not papists. Barberi, the fiscal general, no 
 sooner heard that the secretary of the embassy, David Chaillet, 
 was a minister of the gospel, than he proceeded to put him under 
 arrest in his hotel. It is right to say that the councillor Junius, 
 having immediately complained of this gross infraction of the 
 law of nations, and demanding reparation for the insult com- 
 mitted against his prince in the person of one of the members 
 of his embassy, obtained his immediate liberation, and the arrest 
 of Barberi. But this unheard-of act served as the basis and 
 argument of the remonstrances which the delegate of the Pro- 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 testant courts of Germany made on the part of his masters to 
 the court of Savoy, on the subject of the persecutions against 
 the Vaudois, and the reformed in general. The government 
 of Turin was not pleased with these officious interventions. 
 Nevertheless, the duke promised some relaxation in the measures 
 taken against the reformed in Piedmont, and throughout his 
 dominions in general. He also assured the ambassador, that the 
 conditions of the treaty of peace, made with the inhabitants of 
 the valleys, should be strictly observed. The immediate result 
 was the liberation of some prisoners — of the respectable minister 
 Gilles in particular — to the great joy of the members of his 
 church, his colleagues, and all the people. 
 
 How little dependence could be placed on the promises of the 
 court of Turin to the Protestant ambassador appeared soon after 
 his departure. He had scarcely cleared the frontier, when 
 Castrocaro issued two ordinances in the valley of Lucerna, one 
 of which enjoined on every inhabitant, or native of any place 
 not under his government, to leave the country on the morrow, 
 under pain of death and the confiscation of his property. The 
 other ordinance prohibited the reformed of Lucerna, Bibbiana, 
 Campiglione, and Fenile, from coming to the preaching at San 
 Giovanni, under the same penalties. The castle of La Torre 
 was soon crowded with prisoners, who could never deem it their 
 duty to obey such orders. A deputation to the court, and the 
 intercession of the good duchess, once more diverted the storm. 
 The dungeons were opened, the accused returned in peace to 
 their habitations, and the ordinances fell into oblivion.* 
 
 Castrocaro would not suffer himself to be stopped by the ob- 
 stacles opposed to his zeal in high quarters. He did not the less 
 pursue the course of his oppressive attempts, conformably to his 
 secret engagements. He had already endeavoured, but, thanks 
 to the intervention of the duchess, without success, to restrain a 
 custom established from time immemorial, that of synodical meet- 
 ings of the pastors and deputies of the parishes of all the Vaudois 
 churches, both those of the Piedmontcse valleys, and those of 
 Dauphine and other places.f Not being able to prevent the sy- 
 
 * Under Castrocaro's administration the fortress of Mirebouc was erected, at 
 the bottom of the valley of Lucerna, in the commune of Bobbio, on the fron- 
 tiers of France, at the foot of the Col de la Croix. 
 
 t The marquisate of Saluzzo, for example. — A general Vaudois synod, like 
 those to which we have alluded, was held at the end of May, 1567, at Villaret, 
 
PRINCES OF THE PALATINATE AND SAXONY. 203 
 
 nods, he attempted to alter their character, and to cramp the liber- 
 ty of the members, as well as the discussions and votes, by being 
 there in person. His presence in the synod of Bobbio was pro- 
 tested against, but in vain ; Castrocaro remained in the assembly. 
 
 The persecution was also renewed against the reformed in 
 lower Piedmont, Barcelonetta, and other places. It became, in- 
 deed, so violent, that a great number of these poor people took 
 refuge for a time at Vars, Guillestre, Fraissiniere, and the other 
 valleys of the Upper Dauphine. 
 
 The news of these proceedings, so little in conformity with 
 the promises made to councillor Junius, was brought to the prin- 
 ces who had sent him as ambassador to Turin, and excited their 
 strong displeasure. The Elector Palatine complained to the duke 
 of Savoy. The historian Gilles has preserved the remarkable 
 letter which that prince wrote on this occasion ; it is as remarka- 
 ble for the elevation of its views, as for the nobleness and purity 
 of its sentiments. It is a glowing defence of liberty of conscience ; 
 an eloquent pleading in favour of toleration : and, at the same 
 time, an act of homage to the Christian faith, an appeal to the 
 conscience and justice of the duke, and a serious warning of the 
 judgment to come. " Let your highness," it is there said, " know 
 that there is a God in heaven, who not only contemplates the 
 actions, but also tries the hearts and reins of men, and from whom 
 nothing is hid. Let your highness take care not voluntarily to 
 make war upon God, and not to persecute Christ in his members ; 
 for if he permit this for a time, in order to exercise the patience 
 of his people, he will, nevertheless, at last chastise the persecutors 
 by horrible punishments. Let not your highness allow yourself 
 to be misled by the seducing discourses of the papists, who, per- 
 haps, will promise you the kingdom of heaven and eternal life, 
 provided that, by some means or pretext, you banish, imprison, 
 and at last exterminate these Huguenots, as they now call good 
 Christians ; for assuredly no one can enter the kingdom of hea- 
 ven by cruelty, inhumanity, and calumny. Another way must 
 be followed in order to enter in. . . . Persecution, moreover, 
 will never advance the cause it pretends to defend. So far have 
 
 in the vale of Clusone or Pragela, in Dauphine, to adopt resolutions and mea- 
 sures of safety, occasioned by the fear of the passage, in the vicinity of the val- 
 leys, of the army of the duke of Alva, in its march to Flanders.— See Gilles. 
 ch. xxxv, p. 238 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 those who have afflicted Christians, who have tormented and 
 exiled them, or taken away their lives, been from annihilating 
 them, that, on the contrary, they have increased their numbers ; 
 so that the adage has been constantly verified — The ashes of the 
 martyrs are the seed of the Christian church. For the church 
 resembles the palm-tree, which rises higher the more it is confined. 
 Let your highness consider that the Christian religion was es- 
 tablished by persuasion and not by violence ; and as it is certain 
 that religion is nothing else than a firm and enlightened persua- 
 sion of God, and of his will, as revealed in his word and engraven 
 in the hearts of believers by the Holy Spirit, it cannot, when 
 once rooted, be torn away by tortures ; for believers will rather 
 endure any punishment and suffering whatever, than do anything 
 which in their esteem is contrary to piety." 
 
 We do not know what was the moral effect of this letter on 
 the duke's mind. Possibly it contributed, in some degree, to a 
 more moderate system which prevailed in the government of 
 the valleys, during a series of years, even when the king of France 
 had given the signal and example of persecution to the utmost, 
 in causing the blood of his Protestant subjects to flow like a river 
 on the evening of St. Bartholomew. 
 
 The Vaudois churches in the marquisate of Saluzzo, to the 
 south of the valley of Lucerna, on the banks and near the sources 
 of the Po, had shared the fate of the territory, and had been for 
 many years under the dominion of France. Owing to the ar- 
 rangements of every kind, which the interests of the French po- 
 licy prescribed, in the administration of a country of foreign man- 
 ners and language, on the other side of the Alps, the Reformation, 
 or, which is the same thing, the Vaudois Church, made rapid pro- 
 gress there. Congregations, or churches, more or less numerous, 
 had been formed in most of the cities of the marquisate, and in 
 a great number of villages. Active and devoted pastors visited 
 frequently and in rotation those places where they did not reside. 
 They amounted, in 1567, to nine. For the safety of their per- 
 sons they were generally obliged to have recourse to precaution- 
 ary measures in their journey for evangelizing, and in their meet- 
 ings. The churches retired in the mountains, as that of Aceil, 
 enjoyed more liberty. At Pravilhelm particularly, an ancient 
 and venerable stock of the Vaudois Church in those parts,* the 
 * See, on this subject, the end of the sixteenth chapter. 
 
MARQUISATE OF SALUZZO. 205 
 
 preaching of the word and the administration of the sacra- 
 ments were openly performed, and with full security. Accord- 
 ingly, people resorted thither from all quarters for this purpose. 
 But ordinarily, in all other places, the religious services were 
 performed in private houses and small assemblies. 
 
 The Romish clergy were irritated at the progress of the Refor- 
 mation ; but being restrained, in the overflowings of their jea- 
 lousy, by the royal intention of not disturbing the peaceable and 
 prudent members of the Reformed Church in the exercise of 
 their worship, they had recourse to a dexterous method of weaken- 
 ing them. Knowing that the greater number of the pastors 
 were not natives of the king's dominions, they sought and ob- 
 tained from the Duke de Nevers, the governor, an edict, dated 
 the 1 9th of October, 15G7, ordering all those of the reformed re- 
 ligion, living in the country, but not subjects of the king, to leave 
 it, both themselves and their families, in three days, under pain 
 of death and the confiscation of their property. The measure 
 did not attain the end proposed ; the pastors, faithful to their duty, 
 continued their evangelical labours in secret. Two of them, it 
 is true, having been discovered, were cast into prison, where 
 they remained more than four years ; after which, on the urgent 
 remonstrances made at court by the minister Galatee, and in the 
 name of the churches of the marquisate, they were set at 
 liberty. 
 
 The year 1572 was now arrived. If we except some arbitrary 
 and rigorous acts, occurring from time to time, as well as an ha- 
 bitual restraint and inspection, the Vaudois and reformed 
 churches, as well in the marquisate as of the valleys, and of Pied- 
 mont properly so called, enjoyed some degree of tranquillity. 
 The news of the approaching marriage of the sister of the king 
 of France with the young king of Navarre, who was at the head 
 of the Protestant party in France, seemed to indicate a recon- 
 ciliation in the minds of the two great parties, and to be the omen 
 of a better future ; when, all at once, at the beginning of Sep- 
 tember, the report of the horrible massacres committed over the 
 whole extent of that kingdom passed over the mountains with 
 the rapidity of the wind, and filled the hearts of all the reformed 
 with anguish and terror. All the pei-sons of greatest note and 
 influence in the ranks of their brethren had been perfidiously 
 murdered, most of them in their beds, on that detestable night 
 
206 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 of St. Bartholomew. The butchery was continued on the follow- 
 ing days.* 
 
 The lieutenant-governor of the king's domains in Piedmont, 
 Louis de Birague, had also received orders to put to death the 
 principal members of the reformed church in his government ; 
 but it was decided to put off their execution, owing, we are hap- 
 py to believe, to the judicious and charitable suggestions of the 
 archdeacon of Saluzzo. This ecclesiastic had pointed out the 
 complete disagreement between these last cruel orders and the 
 preceding ones, which enjoined the release of the two ministers, 
 and a tolerant and mild mode of dealing with the reformed. He 
 had, therefore, proposed to proceed no further than arresting the 
 principal persons, saying, that they could be executed at any 
 time afterwards, if his majesty required it. This prudent and 
 humane advice was adopted ; but on the first arrests, the greater 
 part of the suspected persons withdrew and retired to some place 
 of safety. A royal message, enjoining the authorities to put a 
 stop to every execution, if it were not too late, and to adhere to 
 the preceding ordinances relating to the reformed, arrived a 
 few days after, and put things on the same footing as before. 
 
 The news of the enormities of Saint Bartholomew was no 
 sooner known in Piedmont (subject to the duke of Savoy) than 
 the zealous papists made great demonstrations of joy, and taunted 
 the reformed, telling them that their God was no more, and their 
 ruin was at hand. The language of Castrocaro, the governor of 
 the valleys, caused the people great anxiety. They accordingly 
 lost no time in removing their families and most valuable effects 
 to their accustomed hiding-places in the mountains. The men 
 alone remained on the watch in their homes, their hearts op- 
 pressed, and finding repose only in prayer ; but the duke, who 
 appeared not to approve of the system of assassination by which 
 Prance was sullied, no sooner became aware of the distrust of 
 the Vaudois, than he assured them of his pacific disposition, and 
 invited them to return to their dwellings and resume their occu- 
 pations, which they did. 
 
 At this juncture, the governor of the French territory on the 
 other side of the Alps, Louis de Birague, attempted to deprive 
 the inhabitants of the Vaudois valley of Perosa (which came 
 
 * It is believed that more thau a hundred thousand Huguenots (the name 
 given in France to the Reformed) were massacred on that occasion. 
 
INCREASED OPPRESSION. 207 
 
 under the dominion of France in 1562) of the public exercise 
 of their religion. The churches remonstrated, supporting them- 
 selves on the fact that the king, on their annexation to France, 
 had recognized their privileges and liberties, both ecclesiastical 
 and political, and guaranteed their exercise. Not being able to 
 persuade them to yield, Birague had recourse to force; yet 
 fearing lest the Vaudois valleys, which still remained under the 
 house of Savoy, should succour their brethren in distress, he ob- 
 tained an injunction from the duke against their interference. 
 But while the brave Vaudois, faithful to their traditions, and the 
 examples they had so often given, expressed in their reply their 
 settled intention to respect their sovereign's will in all that re- 
 garded his interest and his glory, they showed themselves not 
 less decided to serve God invariably, and to maintain by every 
 means in their power the religion that was menaced in the 
 rights and persons of their brethren of the valley of Perosa. 
 The new governor for the king of France, Charles de Birague, 
 immediately renouncing the measures of persuasion which his 
 deceased brother had attempted, assembled his troops, and in 
 July, 1573, made an attack on the village of Saint-Germain. 
 Five poor villagers were immediately taken prisoners, and con- 
 ducted to Pinerolo. Some days after, they were condemned to 
 be led back to their own neighbourhood, and there to be hung. 
 The very day on which these five men were seized, the people 
 of Angrogna, led on by the valiant Pietro Fraschi, rushed from 
 their heights into the plain to succour their brethren, and, having 
 joined them, repulsed the enemy. In the course of the follow- 
 ing day, the Vaudois forces were so increased by the quotas of 
 all the communes of the valleys, that they were able to make 
 head against the two French divisions from Perosa and Pinerolo, 
 which assailed them at the same time. After upwards of a 
 month had been spent in ineffectual attacks and a valiant de- 
 fence, peace was longed for as much in one camp as the other, 
 and accordingly the terms were easily settled. To satisfy the 
 claims of propriety, or rather to save appearances, it was agreed 
 that the. Vaudois of the valley of Perosa should present a petition 
 to obtain peace, and the exercise of the religion which their 
 fathers, as they expressed it, had followed from time immemorial. 
 They engaged also to suspend their public worship for a month, 
 and. what was more serious, though not irremediable, to dismiss 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 their pastor, Guerin.* On these conditions, the Vaudois of the 
 valley of Perosa obtained the preservation and guarantee of their 
 customs, and particularly of the treaty made between the duke 
 of Savoy, their ancient lord, and the Vaudois valleys, of which 
 they formed a part. In this manner terminated, to the satisfac- 
 tion of all parties, the conflict called the war of La Eadde, from 
 the name of the officer who commanded the French troops. 
 
 During these troubles, and in the vicinity of the disturbed dis- 
 tricts, the Vaudois Church, by the zeal of this same pastor 
 Guerin, whom his people sacrificed for the sake of peace, had 
 obtained a remarkable moral success, which was, without doubt, 
 the cause of his removal. 
 
 Pramol, the different hamlets of which occupy the centre of a 
 solitary valley to the north-west of Saint-Germain, between the 
 Sea, or ridge, of Angrogna, towards the south, and the last rami- 
 fications of the mountains of the valley of San Martino to the 
 noi'th — Pramol had hitherto contained within its precincts some 
 papists and a parish priest ; but Guerin having gone thither one 
 Sunday to celebrate divine service, addressed the priest who 
 had just finished the mass, and asked him if he had the courage 
 to maintain that the Mass he had chanted was good ? The poor 
 man appearing greatly embarrassed at this appeal, Guerin, who 
 did not wish to be thought that he would take advantage of an 
 adversary unprepared and surprised, left him, saying that on the 
 following Sunday he would demonstrate by the word of God, 
 and even by the missal he made use of in chanting the Mass, 
 that it was full of errors. On the following Sunday, when the 
 minister came to Pramol, he found neither priest nor Mass. The 
 pope's servant had fled from the combat. Guerin, in a conver- 
 sation with the forsaken flock, urged them to admit light into 
 their consciences, and offered to be their guide in the study of 
 the word of salvation. These men, already half persuaded, re- 
 sorted assiduously to his house at La Balma, between Pramol 
 and Saint-Germain, and in a little time all declared themselves 
 for the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. The evangelical popu- 
 lation being considerably increased by this conversion of the 
 papists of the valley, Pramol was from that time formed into a 
 parish, and provided with a special pastor. 
 
 * Guerin, nevertheless, was not lost to the valleys ; he only took charge of 
 another parish. 
 
DEATH OF THE DUCHESS MARGARET. 209 
 
 On the occasion of the troubles of Perosa, and the succour 
 which the Vaudois of the valleys of Lucerna, Angrogna, and San 
 Martino, had brought to their brethren in distress, Castrocaro 
 renewed his measures of severity ; but the favour of the duchess 
 caused them to be revoked, or at least weakened their effect. 
 This was the last time that Margaret of France, duchess of Savoy, 
 gave to the despised and oppressed Vaudois a signal proof of her 
 benevolent regard. This enlightened and compassionate princess 
 dared to undertake and maintain the arduous office of a mediator 
 till her death, which took place the 19th of October, 1574. It 
 was no doubt to her, under God, that the Vaudois owed the 
 comparatively mild conditions which were granted them during 
 the stormy period, marked by the persecution and death of so 
 many of their reformed brethren in France, Spain, Italy, and 
 elsewhere. After the death of the duchess, Castrocaro's credit 
 diminished rapidly at court ; for every one knew that, though 
 she had sought to temper his zeal against the Vaudois, yet it 
 was to her that he was indebted for his nomination, and for re- 
 taining the government. Expressions of discontent were heard 
 in every quarter. The lords of the valleys, who had seen with 
 so much regret their authority weakened, and their position 
 lowered by his elevation, plotted against him. An occasion of 
 preferring an accusation soon offered itself. An officer of 
 Castrocaro, at the head of a troop of soldiers, assassinated, it was 
 said, by his orders, a Captain Malherbe, who had always shown 
 a coolness towards the governor, and, on the contrary, a strong 
 attachment to the gentry in the valley. Although a Vaudois, 
 Captain Malherbe was always esteemed by the duke for his 
 valour. The relations of the deceased having made a complaint, 
 and the lords seconding it to the utmost of their power, the cause 
 of Castrocaro took an unhappy turn for him. He strove for 
 some time, it is true, against his adversaries, among whom he 
 counted the archbishop of Turin, who was irritated because, in 
 spite of his secret promises, he had not reduced even a single 
 Vaudois commune to embrace popery, nor deprived the Vaudois 
 of any of their rights. It was in vain that, in order to regain 
 the prelate's good graces, he attempted to re-establish tithes in 
 favour of certain priests, and dexterously to support the Jesuit 
 Vanini, who was too feeble, notwithstanding his presumption, to 
 contend in public with the pastors ; it was in vain that, to render 
 
*210 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 himself of importance, he sanctioned unfavourable rumours, and 
 sowed disquiet among the Vaudois, that he might blacken them 
 in his reports : the fall of this clever adventurer was resolved 
 upon. 
 
 A new prince had taken the direction of affairs; Charles 
 Emmanuel, at the age of nineteen, succeeded his father, Em- 
 manuel Philibert, who died the 30th of August, 1580. Having 
 no reason for upholding a man who was justly accused of mal- 
 versation, the abuse of power, rapine, and even of murder, as 
 much by those he governed as by his equals, the young duke 
 consented to his arrest, and intrusted it to the Count of Lucerna, 
 whom he nominated governor in his stead. Castrocaro ended 
 his days in prison. 
 
 About this time, and for a series of years, the Vaudois 
 churches of Dauphine, situated to the west and north of the 
 Piedmontese valleys, in those, namely, of Queiras, Chateau- 
 Dauphin, Cesane, Oulx, and others besides, were often assailed, 
 and so ill-treated by the papists, that, in some places, they could 
 only assemble by night to attend to religious worship ; and when 
 these churches, aspiring to the measure of liberty then general 
 in France, endeavoured to shake off the tyranny of their Roman 
 Catholic neighbours, violent means were employed for their de- 
 struction, and with so much the greater alacrity, as the position 
 of their elevated and retired valleys rendered it impossible to 
 obtain the help of their distant brethren. The aid of their allies 
 and co-religionists of the Piedmontese valleys was not however 
 wanting, and often extricated them from the greatest difficulties. 
 But perhaps the zeal with which they hastened to succour their 
 brethren in distress degenerated sometimes into a passion for 
 war ; but we shall not follow the valiant Captain Fraschi and 
 his companions in the contests they maintained together with 
 and for their brethren of Dauphine ; for, after much blood had 
 been spilt on both sides, in various encounters, things assumed 
 the position which they had before. 
 
 In 1592, the Vaudois valleys, which had enjoyed a consider- 
 able share of tranquillity for some years, were suddenly occupied, 
 as well as a part of the plain, by a French army, under the 
 orders of the Sire de Lesdiguieres, an able and courageous 
 general, who had lately taken Upper Dauphine from the leaguers, 
 or Catholic party. During their occupation, this general fortified 
 
FRENCH DOMINION IN THE VALLEYS. 211 
 
 Bricherasco, at the entry of the valley of Lucerna, re-established 
 the castle in the latter place, and pulled down those of La Torre 
 and Perosa. The gentry and inhabitants of the valleys were 
 forced to take an oath of fidelity to the king of France. They 
 did it with reluctance, after many remonstrances, and a refusal 
 at first The country was occupied only two years. At the end 
 of 1594, Lesdiguieres was obliged to retreat, having lost the im- 
 portant post of Bricherasco, and the duke again took possession 
 of this part of his domains. But, as if it had not been enough 
 for the poor Vaudois to have been burdened with quartering 
 soldiers and military contributions, Avith having endured all 
 kinds of evil, even pillage and incendiarism,* it was for awhile 
 in contemplation to punish them for the oath they had taken to 
 the crown of France, at the same time as their lords and other 
 papists did, to whom, nevertheless, it was never imputed as a 
 crime. Happily, there were conscientious men in the duke's 
 council, who, knowing that the Vaudois had in the first place 
 taken advice at Turin, and that they had acted as they had done 
 with the tacit authoritv of the duchess (the duke was then fight- 
 ing in Provence) and her council, succeeded in their explana- 
 tions and apologies, though not without difficulty. 
 
 The noise of arms, the tumult of the soldiery, the complaints 
 which arose on their passing through the country, were succeeded 
 by the sound of animated voices — a tumult of ecclesiastics, monks, 
 and priests, declaiming, complaining, urging, deafening, disputing, 
 recriminating, sometimes insulting, and, what is worse, foment- 
 ing hatred, distrust, and divisions, having recourse to deception 
 and intimidation, and even to persecution, which they accom- 
 plished in the silent obscurity of dungeons. The young duke 
 had, it is true, in passing through the valley of Lucerna,f encou- 
 raged his faithful Vaudois subjects by saying, — " Be faithful to 
 me, and I will be a good prince and even a good father to you : 
 as to liberty of conscience and the exercise of your religion, I 
 wish to make no innovation ; I will make no alteration in the 
 mode of living to which you have hitherto been accustomed ; and 
 
 * La Torre, during the siege of Bricherasco, by the duke, was suddenly as- 
 saulted, pillaged, and partly burned, by a division of Spaniards, who, on their re- 
 turn, also set on fire various parts of San Giovanni. 
 
 t When Charles Emmanuel was on a journey to the fortress of Mirebouc, a 
 deputation of the Vaudois waited upon him at Villar, to pay him homage ; and 
 on that occasion he uttered these excellent sentiments. 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 if any persons attempt to trouble you, come to me, and I will 
 see to it." But the duke was not able to refuse his clergy au- 
 thority to send a mission, and even regular missions to the val- 
 leys ; and nothing more was necessary to create troubles and 
 sufferings in abundance among the inhabitants. 
 
 The archbishop of Turin visited the valleys with a numerous 
 retinue. Great effects were looked for from his presence. The 
 Vaudois, it was thought, dazzled by the splendour that surround- 
 ed a prince of the church, would throw themselves at his feet ; 
 or at least, if they still delayed their passage to popery for a while, 
 they would lend a favourable ear to missionaries under his high 
 patronage, and appointed by him. Some of these missionaries 
 were Jesuits in the valley of Lucerna ; others, reverend capu- 
 chins, in the valleys of Perosa and San Martino. 
 
 These servants of the pope did not spare themselves. They 
 were everywhere, in public assemblies, in private houses, in shops, 
 in fields, on the roads. They entered into discussions with every 
 one, passing as rapidly from one hearer to the next as from one 
 subject to another. There was nothing bv, perpetual wrangling. 
 The ministers had yielded to the temptation to reply ; they even 
 thought that their honour and their office engaged them to take 
 part in these contests. But they soon perceived that they were 
 spent in words, without any real edification, owing to the ver- 
 satility of their adversaries in changing the ground of debate, 
 when they felt that which they were upon failing them. The 
 shafts of truth were scattered without hitting the mark. The 
 ministers then resolved only to hold discussions at regular and 
 public sittings, on a subject announced with precision, and they 
 kept to this resolution. The first of these disputations was held 
 at San Giovanni, in 1596, at which the count of Lucerna pre- 
 sided. The turn it took was so decidedly against the Jesuits, 
 that the count, being urged to speak his sentiments, and to give 
 his reasons to the minister, had recourse to an evasion, and pre- 
 cipitately closed the debate.* 
 
 In the valleys of Perosa and San Martino, the capuchin fathers 
 were equally busy, especially as they felt themselves supported 
 
 * " If you were disputing," he said, " about the qualities of a good horse or a 
 good sword, I would give you my opinion, for I understand something about 
 such things ; but I do not understand your controversies, and therefore do not 
 wish to intermeddle with them. Besides, I must tell you that I have his high- 
 ness's orders to go immediately to Turin," etc. 
 
MEANS USED TO BRING THE VAUDOIS TO POPERY. 218 
 
 by having the duke's troops in the neighbourhood, who were 
 fighting in the vale of Clusone with those of the king of France. 
 Among other things, they succeeded so far that the governor of 
 Pinerolo undertook to deprive a large number of evangelicals 
 at Pinache, of the use of their temple, ravaged the village, and 
 sent the father and brother of the pastor Ughet, who had escaped 
 them, to prison at Turin. Others also were sent, and many died 
 there. They obtained their release with difficulty, and rarely 
 without abjuring. The pastor of Pravilhelm, Antoine Bonjour, 
 who was shut up in the fortress of Revel, was more fortunate, for, 
 having let himself down the wall, he gained the woods, and then 
 the mountains, and returned in peace to Bobbio, his native place, 
 where he was settled as pastor till his death. 
 
 The capuchins, who were sent to the valleys of Perosa and 
 San Martino, being filled with presumption, wished also to have 
 the honour of a public disputation at Saint-Germain, in 1598, 
 but they had not much reason to congratulate themselves on 
 the result. They then had recourse to a more skilful method 
 for making proselytes, and less likely to compromise themselves. 
 They informed the evangelicals, with an air of mystery, that there 
 were serious and alarming designs on foot against them, which 
 would suddenly be carried into effect. This confidential com- 
 munication, which they begged them to keep secret, lest any 
 harm should come to its authors for their charitable imprudence, 
 had no other object, they said, but to induce those who were in- 
 terested to turn to the right side before it was too late. These 
 rumours, it can scarcely be doubted, occasioned many fears, but 
 they had not the effect which their authors expected. 
 
 The monkish missionaries, being dissatisfied with their fruitless 
 efforts, thought of another method, the force of which they per- 
 ceived, and which from that time has been too much practised, 
 to the detriment of the honour of those who use it, and of the 
 religion which could sanction it. They attached themselves to 
 persons in debt, or in bad circumstances, burdened with a family, 
 and of little integrity, promising them a sum of money, and fur- 
 ther assistance, if they abjured the gospel. They also promised 
 a full pardon to persons who, by their crimes, were exposed to 
 the vengeance of the laws, if they would go to mass. This im- 
 moral expedient was the most successful. The Vaudois would 
 have consoled themselves for the loss of unworthy men who were 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 only a disgrace to their church, if their children had not also 
 been drawn with them into the abyss of error by their apostasy. 
 Two persons of a higher class, one of Pramol, the other of the 
 valley of San Martino, also abjured ; the first, in order to avoid 
 the punishment which threatened him for abuse of authority and 
 acts of extortion ; the second from vanity, being flattered by the 
 attentions of the gentry and magistrates of the country. These 
 defections served at least to show the Vaudois into what new 
 dangers pride, the love of money, and every immoral act, might 
 precipitate them. 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1599, the duke having taken a 
 journey to France, the adversaries of the Vaudois thought it 
 was a favourable opportunity for molesting them. They wished 
 to oblige them to keep the popish festivals in some places where 
 it had never been the practice to do so, and they shut up the 
 schools in other parts. On the least resistance, the people were 
 dragged to prison, from which they could be released only by 
 paying a fine, or by promising to go to mass. An enterprising 
 man, moreover, named Ubertin Braide, was appointed parish 
 priest at La Torre, v?\o claimed from the evangelicals the tithes 
 from which they had been freed since 1561, and on their refusal 
 caused their goods to be seized by the officers of justice. The 
 irritation produced in many quarters was excessive. An out- 
 break was expected. But a deputation sent to the duke, who 
 was then in Savoy, produced a redress of these grievances. The 
 priest having been defeated in his claims, a calm seemed to be 
 restored. But some ill-advised young men, by their reprehen- 
 sible conduct, rekindled the fire that was scarcely concealed 
 among the ashes. One evening they terrified the priest, by their 
 cries, after he had retired to his parsonage ; and fearing some 
 act of vengeance, he took refuge with a gentleman in the neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 The affair was regarded as criminal. An investigation took 
 place. The young men, who were well known, were to be con- 
 ducted to Turin. On the arrival of a detachment of archers, 
 they took to flight. Not making their appearance in court, they 
 were condemned for contumacy, and banished from the duke's 
 territories. This event was a source of great sorrow to the pas- 
 tors, the watchful guardians of the public morals, and a prolonged 
 source of trouble, and even of offences and crimes ; for these 
 
THE MARTYR COUPIN. 215 
 
 youths, being constrained to flee from their homes, and having 
 no regular means of subsistence, often claimed by force what 
 they could not obtain by good-will. Some abandoned people, 
 many of whom were papists, took advantage of the general con- 
 fusion to commit crimes in secret, which they hoped would be 
 attributed to these outlaws. 
 
 A melancholy event at the beginning of this century showed 
 the extent of that popish arrogance which would not allow an 
 evangelical Christian even the right of answering, in his own de- 
 fence, those who disputed the excellence of his religion. A wor- 
 thy merchant of La Torre, named Coupin, being at Asti, in 1 601 , 
 for the fair, was led on, one evening at supper, by the questions 
 of the other guests, to avow himself a Yaudois, and to deny the 
 real presence of the Saviour in the eucharist. Being denounced 
 as a criminal, although he kept within the limits of defence al- 
 lowed by the treaty of 1561, he was thrown into prison, from 
 which no representations made by his relations and friends, and 
 by the churches, even to the duke himself, could gain his release. 
 The inquisition would not let go its prey till deprived of life, nor 
 even then ; for when the martyr was found dead in his cell, his 
 remains were publicly burned. Daring the two years of his cap- 
 tivity, this humble and sincere Christian was not shaken in his 
 faith for a moment, but edified to the last those who were ad- 
 mitted to see him. He was astonished himself at the unexpected 
 power which was communicated to him, and at the clear, precise, 
 and evangelical answers with which God inspired him in the pre- 
 sence of his judges. 
 
 The same year on which Coupin was arrested, that is, in 1601, 
 an order was given to all the evangelicals of the marquisate of 
 Saluzzo* to quit the domains of his highness within two months 
 from the publication of the edict. They were allowed to dispose 
 of their property within the same period. Alas ! several gave 
 up their faith and became papists ; nevertheless, a great number 
 of families preferred obeying God, and passed over to France or 
 Switzerland. Some succeeded in settling themselves in the valleys. 
 The ancient Vaudois churches of the marquisate, at Pravilhelm 
 and others in the mountains, were at last left in repose, after 
 having shared for some time the general tribulation. 
 
 *This marquisate was reded to Piedmont by France in that year, by the 
 treaty of Lyons. 
 
216 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The efforts of the papists did not stop here. They endeavour- 
 ed, both by flatteries and threats, to induce the members of the 
 Vaudois Church to abjure who were settled in the town of Lu- 
 cerna, as well as in those of Bibbiana, Campiglione, and Fenile, 
 on the confines of Piedmont, where they did not enjoy the right 
 of holding their worship in public. Ponte, the governor of the 
 province, in order to intimidate them, gave notice to the recu- 
 sants, by edicts issued with the greatest publicity, of the expira- 
 tion of their term for remaining in the country. The archbishop 
 of Turin, who was on the spot, called the parties interested be- 
 fore him, flattered them with smooth speeches, or sought to shake 
 their faith by arguments, which, no doubt, he thought plausible. 
 For this latter purpose, and to please them, without maturely con- 
 sidering the danger his cause would incur, he even challenged 
 a public disputation, which took place at San Giovanni, between 
 his delegate, Marchesi, professor and rector of the Jesuits at Tu- 
 rin, and the pastor, Auguste Gros, an ancient popish professor, 
 converted long before, and a man of talent, information, and 
 great piety. This dispute, which confirmed the Vaudois who 
 were present in their faith, was not renewed, though the minis- 
 ter was perfectly willing, as it had not produced the results which 
 the archbishop hoped for. 
 
 The town of Lucerna not having been included in the treaty 
 of 1561, the Vaudois who had settled there, and did not abjure 
 their religion, had to fix themselves elsewhere. Those who were 
 settled at Bibbiana, Campiglione, and Fenile, conformably to 
 the treaty, would not be persuaded to leave them. To overcome 
 this repugnance, recourse was had to a method which only priests, 
 more concerned about their own interests than their sovereign's 
 honour, could devise. They persuaded the duke to interfere per- 
 sonally with the most respectable persons, and to add to his pre- 
 ceding acts the weight of his direct influence ; the urgency of 
 kind expressions ; and the irresistible authority of a request from 
 his lips. Unthinking men ! not to see that on the most favour- 
 able supposition, that of success, the prince would lose more than 
 he gained ; that by inducing his subjects to deny their faith, he 
 would shake his own throne, since fidelity to a sovereign, just 
 and legitimate as it is, cannot be more so than that which is due 
 to God, and, moreover, is only strong and durable so far as it 
 rests on religious belief. And in case of a result unfavourable 
 
MEANS USED TO BRING THE VAUDOIS TO POPERY. 217 
 
 to their schemes, that of resistance on the part of a Vaudois to 
 the moral pressure exercised upon him by his prince, would not 
 the majesty of the throne be compromised by a fruitless attempt 
 on the conscience of a subject, and the person of the prince be 
 exposed to a severe judgment from him who would have wished 
 to be always able to respect it ? 
 
 On an appointed day, four persons of the greatest consideration 
 among the Vaudois of Bibbiana, who, by their influence, accord- 
 ing to what their adversaries said, had hitherto rendered the 
 united efforts of the irritated governor and the insinuating arch- 
 bishop useless, were sent for to Turin, in the name of the prince, 
 and introduced, one after another, into his presence. The first, 
 named Valentin, Boule, or Bolla, after listening to the affection- 
 ate language .of his highness, expressive of an earnest desire that 
 he should embrace his religion, respectfully supplicated his sove- 
 reign to permit him to remain faithful to God, according to his 
 word. Is it necessary to add, that the duke ceased to urge him, 
 and allowed him to withdraw, saying, " You would certainly have 
 given me great pleasure in complying with my remonstrance, 
 but I do not wish to do violence to your conscience." Valentin 
 Bolla having departed without being able to exchange a word 
 with the three others, it was falsely represented to them that 
 their brother and friend had yielded to the duke's desire, and 
 pledged himself to abjure. Deceived by this account, and dis- 
 concerted by the apparent defection of him whom they consider- 
 ed as the most faithful, they promised, one after another, to do 
 what was desired so ardently. A part of their friends at Bib- 
 biana followed their example ; yet several afterwards returned 
 to the church. 
 
 Some time after, the same expedient was tried with some in- 
 fluential persons among the Vaudois of Pinache, in the valley of 
 Perosa, after the governor Ponte and the archbishop had used 
 their utmost efforts with the people in general. The three Vau- 
 dois who appeared before the duke, namely, Michael Gilles, Jean 
 Micol, and Jean Bouchard, remained firm in the faith, as did 
 also the greater part of their brethren of Perosa and of the Val 
 Clusone, in spite of the various means which were set at work 
 to inveigle them into popery. In order to seduce the poor du- 
 ring the great dearth in the year 1602, the archbishop promised 
 food in plentv for those who would so to mass. Ho spared, in 
 
 10 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 feet, neither corn nor money ; yet he made little progress by this 
 immoral enticement. He also prevented those Vaudois from 
 being employed as reapers, in the plain, who were not provided 
 with a certificate signed by himself. 
 
 It will be understood, moreover, that the government and the 
 duke himself, frequently impelled by the contrivances of the 
 priests to measures and acts that were of little avail for the con- 
 version of the Vaudois to popery, and not appreciating the mo- 
 tives of conscience which prompted the latter to resistance, were 
 ill-satisfied with the small heed given to their desires and wishes. 
 The troubles occasioned by the young men who were outlawed 
 for their imprudent conduct to the priest of La Torre, and were 
 now wandering fugitives, living at hazard from day to day on 
 charity or plunder — troubles and disorders, which the pastors 
 could not prevent — were represented to the prince as symptoms 
 of revolt against his authority, and were made use of to excite 
 him to the most rigorous measures. Even the destruction of the 
 churches was talked of. 
 
 The Vaudouis, having received from various quarters advice 
 to keep themselves on their guard, comprehended all the great- 
 ness of the danger ; but instead of having recourse to means of 
 human defence, they had only one thought, that of imploring the 
 assistance (so often experienced) of their heavenly Protector, 
 being fully persuaded of the truth, that " except the Lord keep 
 the city, the watchman waketh but in vain," (Psa. exxvii, 1 .) 
 They exhorted the people to repentance, and to amend their 
 ways in several respects. The ablest pastors for the occasion 
 visited the churches, paying special attention to those that were 
 in the most unsound state. They also addressed the least cul- 
 pable of the banished, and appealed to their better sentiments. 
 More than all, they humbled themselves by a solemn fast, on the 
 11th and 12th of August, 1602. Shortly after, the governor of 
 Turin, with the provost-general, and a great company of officers 
 of justice, arrived in the valley of Lucerna. They came to judge 
 the banished individuals, whom the communes were ordered to 
 give up. In place of these men, they wished to send a petition 
 for his highness to the governor, which he refused. He published 
 some severe orders, and departed.* 
 
 * On his arrival at Turin he was arrested and disgraced, but for reasons foreign 
 to our historv. 
 
THE OUTLAWS. 219 
 
 The Vaudois then had recourse to the mediation of count 
 Charles, of Lucerna, principal lord of one of the valleys, and 
 who was in favour at court. They also sent a deputation, charged 
 with presenting a petition, in writing, to his highness, from the 
 valleys, in which they set the facts in their true light, complained 
 of the calumnies by which their enemies aimed to render them 
 odious in the eyes of their prince, and appealed with confidence 
 to his benevolence, as well as to his high sense of justice. But, 
 who can believe it ? to be presented to the prince, the petition 
 required to be modified in its form, and even in its substance. 
 They were forced to express themselves, as if guilty of culpable 
 actions ; but in spite of these alterations, nay, perhaps in conse- 
 quence of them, its success was very partial. 
 
 While the churches were preparing to draw up a new address 
 to the duke, some facts occurred which were not adapted to re- 
 establish tranquillity. The Vaudois of Pinache, in the valley 
 of Perosa, not having been able for a long time to obtain justice 
 in reference to a temple of which the use was disputed, seized 
 on that of Dublon, to which they had an equal right, giving up 
 to the papists, in return, their claim to the former. Threats and 
 some vexation followed, but without any disastrous issue. At 
 Lucerna, on a market-day in March, 1603, six of the outlaws 
 were recognized. Being surrounded and attacked in a narrow 
 street, they made their way through by force of arms, killing, 
 among others, a captain Crespin. One of them, having fractured 
 his thigh in leaping from a wall, was taken, tried, and condemned 
 to be quartered. A company of infantry were brought to 
 attend the execution, and afterwards remained for several 
 months, to protect Lucerna against the dreaded attacks of the 
 outlaws. 
 
 In the month of April, the valleys received the happy news, 
 that, through the intercession of count Charles of Lucerna, the 
 duke Charles Emmanuel had granted the greater part of their 
 requests, especially the pardon of the outlaws, with the exception 
 of some, who were specified. This result gave them great joy, 
 but only for a short time ; for it was soon perceived that all dif- 
 ficulties were not removed. How was it possible that this should 
 be the case, when it seemed to be an admitted principle, in trans- 
 actions with the Vaudois, to consider the concessions and pro- 
 mises made to them as matters that seemed at the time unavoid- 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 able, and only granted until an opportunity should arise for re- 
 voking them, or hindering their performance ? 
 
 At length, after a new mission of the count Charles to the val- 
 leys, in company with the provost-general of justice, a removal 
 of all difficulties was effected. A temple was granted to the 
 people of Pinache. The outlaws were pardoned, with the ex- 
 ception of five, and the valleys engaged to pay a fixed sum, by 
 way of amends for insults to the popish temples, which were at- 
 tributed to the Yaudois. 
 
 Days of peace succeeded to the melancholy times that had just 
 passed. They were not marked by any extraordinary events. 
 The church of La Torre enlarged its temple, notwithstanding 
 the opposition of the papists, thanks to the friendly interposition 
 of the duke. In the year 1605, many people were carried off 
 in the valleys by dysentery, among others Dominique Vignaux, 
 the pastor of Villaro, a native of Penasac, in Gascony, a noble 
 by birth and behaviour, of pure morals, a man of letters, a good 
 theologian, and generally employed in the more important af- 
 fairs of the churches. To him was confided the task of collect- 
 ing the original writings of the Vaudois > in the Romance or Yau- 
 dois language, and in Latin, (see ch. x., above,) which were 
 transmitted to Pierre Perrin, pastor in Dauphine, agreeably to 
 the resolution of the synod of France, to assist him in his re- 
 searches on the history of the Yaudois. 
 
 In 1611, the valleys were alarmed by the appearance of a 
 large body of French troops, in the service of Savoy, who re- 
 mained a month in the valley of Lucerna, and committed some 
 excesses there. 
 
 In 1613, and the following year, the Yaudois were themselves 
 called to take up arms for the service of their prince. They 
 furnished several companies of militia, who acquitted themselves 
 with credit at the siege of Saint Damian, in Yercelli, and else- 
 where. They were allowed to meet together, morning and eve- 
 ning, to offer their accustomed devotions. In many places, es- 
 pecially in the cities, they were received with friendship. Their 
 hosts questioned them on the points of their religion, and ex- 
 pressed a desire to know the truth ; and some even showed that 
 they were not unacquainted with it. But, in more retired places, 
 the inhabitants fled at their approach, and feared to furnish them 
 with lodgings ; for, as in former ages, popish superstition repre- 
 
FINE ON ACCOUNT OF CEMETERIES. 221 
 
 sented them as one-eyed monsters, and decorated their mouths 
 with four rows of long black teeth, intended to chew the flesh 
 and bones of little children, whom, it was said, they were fond 
 of broiling on the coals. 
 
 The population of San Giovanni increased greatly, and, being 
 straitened in the locality where they usually performed Divine 
 service, built a much larger temple. But a powerful influence 
 at the court caused it to be closed. The same spirit deprived 
 the Vaudois at Campiglione of the use of their ancient ceme- 
 tery adjoining that of the papists. The valleys had even to 
 pay six thousand half-ducats to prevent the employment of more 
 severe measures, occasioned by an attempt at interment by force 
 of arms in the disputed cemetery. 
 
 The payment of this considerable sum very nearly produced 
 disunion in the three valleys ; those of Perosa and San Martino 
 having refused to pay their quota to that of Lucerna. They 
 were not, however, slow to perceive that, if they followed out 
 this selfish system, they would become isolated from one another, 
 and offer an easy prey to their common enemy, who was always 
 on the watch. In fact, the valley of Lucerna having to pay to 
 the authorities a fresh sum, which was claimed without any rea- 
 sons founded on justice, it transferred to the ducal chamber (ra- 
 ther by coercion, it pretended) its claims on the contributions 
 which were due to it from the other valleys. The Vaudois com- 
 munes thus found themselves constrained to pay, by fear of the 
 supreme authority, what they should have consented to give from 
 good- will, out of love to their brethren and the common welfare. 
 
 The officers of the chamber incessantly claimed the payment 
 of the debt. In a general assembly of the overseers of the com- 
 munes of the valley of Perosa, called to clear themselves from a 
 grave charge, the abstraction of accounts sealed and left in trust 
 with some of them, the papists (who were alone involved, since 
 to them alone the abstracted documents had been intrusted) ad- 
 vised the Vaudois to unite with them in preparing a joint peti- 
 tion, in which they should state the demands of both parties, and 
 should offer in compensation a round sum of three thousand half- 
 ducats, to be paid by all jointly. The Vaudois overseers flatter- 
 ed themselves with obtaining, by their union with the papists, and 
 the protection of the distinguished patrons whom their friends had 
 at court, a remission of their debt and a confirmation of their liber- 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ties. They hoped, also, by this step, which appeared to them 
 well planned, to wipe out the remembrance of some little acts of 
 resistance to authority which had occurred in maintaining their 
 privileges. These acts were, the deliverance of the minister 
 Chanforan, who was being removed from his post and taken to 
 Pinerolo, for having displeased the reverend capuchins of Per- 
 rier, in a debate with them ; and the opposition which the Vaudois 
 of Pinache had made to the officers of justice in a distant locality, 
 who, not being aware that custom had authorized the Vaudois to 
 work within their limits on the popish holidays, were about to ap- 
 prehend some workmen, who were occupied in building a belfry. 
 Being carried away by the fair speeches of their popish colleagues, 
 the Vaudois overseers gave their signatures, but without the 
 knowledge of the pastors and people of the churches, to a peti- 
 tion, in which the cause they professed to serve occupied a very 
 insignificant place. Full of blind confidence, they left to the 
 governor of the castle, a wily papist, the conduct of the negotia- 
 tions and the verbal communications. 
 
 Is it wonderful that the result deceived their hopes and threw 
 them into new perplexities ? The answer, which favoured the 
 papists, put the three thousand half-ducats entirely to the ac- 
 count of the evangelicals ; moreover, it condemned them to de- 
 molish six of their temples, under the pretence that they were 
 without the limits, which was not the case. Such were the bit- 
 ter fruits of the divided state of the valleys, and the union of 
 the Vaudois with the enemies of their religion. But the people 
 of the valley of Perosa had not reached the end of their suffer- 
 ings. An explanatory memorial, in which they requested milder 
 conditions, by some fatal negligence was not presented in time. 
 The order to demolish at least the belfry of Pinache having been 
 repeated in the interval by the governor of Pinerolo, without its 
 being attended to, the Vaudois relying on their petition, and 
 taking no further trouble about it, while their enemies laboured 
 in an underhand manner against them, the prince, to whom they 
 had been misrepresented, prepared to punish them severely. 
 This took place in 1623. 
 
 At the beginning of 1624, a peremptory order to demolish the 
 six temples reached the communes, accompanied by threats, that, 
 if not immediately complied with, recourse would be had to arms. 
 Towards the end of January, a regiment of French troops oc- 
 
OCCUPATION OF THE VALLEY OF PEROSA. 223 
 
 cupied one of the great Vaudois villages in the valley of Perosa, 
 namely, Saint- Germain, to the north-west of Pinerolo, at the 
 opening of the vale of Pramol, on the right bank of the Clusone. 
 Very soon after, the whole valley was occupied by a total force 
 of six or seven thousand soldiers. In the perplexity into which 
 the valley of Perosa was thrown by this sudden invasion, the 
 other valleys, and even that of Clusone, (Pragela,) then belong- 
 ing to France, did not abandon it. Whatever obstacles were 
 attempted to be put in the way on the part of the duke and the 
 lords, numerous detachments of resolute men, traversing the 
 mountains covered with snow, were still continually hastening to 
 the spot from all points of the valleys. But what reasonable 
 hope could be entertained of driving out of the country an army 
 so large and so well disciplined as the duke's ? Accordingly, they 
 were soon obliged to decide on the cruel extremity of demolish- 
 ing the six temples. They consoled themselves a little with the 
 hope of soon rebuilding them after the departure of the troops, 
 which had been settled with Syllan, the ducal commissioner. 
 But the count Taffin, who commanded the army, appeared to 
 consider his mission as by no means terminated ; he required the 
 Vaudois to lay down their arms, and particularly to take down 
 the barricades and other means of defence, behind which they 
 were intrenched on the heights of Saint-Germain, at the entrance 
 of the vale of Pramol. Such a demand betrayed his ulterior de- 
 signs, and they refused to accede to it. A sharp skirmish fol- 
 lowed, but, with all their efforts, the papists could not force a 
 passage. Their situation was anything but advantageous to them- 
 selves ; they were in the depth of winter, badly lodged, and part 
 of them not at all ; often without fire or shelter, in the midst of 
 the snow, which this year was deeper than usual, having before 
 them vigorous adversaries, whose numbers had increased con- 
 tinually since the assault on the barricades. Under such circum- 
 stances, a convention was easily concluded between count Taffin 
 and the chiefs of the valleys, in the presence and by the good 
 offices of count Philip, of Lucerna. The army retired, and the 
 deputies of all the communes of the valley of Perosa appeared 
 before his highness, to make the best apology they could, and 
 obtain their pardon, as well as permission to rebuild their temples. 
 From time to time, the inquisition found means of making a 
 victim of some one or other. Its aim was chiefly against the con- 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 verts from popery who had taken refuge in the valleys. It ap- 
 prehended them, whenever, deceived by apparent peace, they 
 ventured into Piedmont. Thus Sebastien Basan died in Turin 
 at the stake, in 1623, besides Louis Malherbe, who ended his 
 days in prison, in 1626. And many others groaned for years 
 in dungeons, or, after struggling for release, perished, most 
 frequently the victims of secret outrage, unpitied and un- 
 known ! 
 
 A monk, father Bonaventure, attempted a new kind of war- 
 fare. His manners were familiar and caressing, and he thus 
 made himself agreeable to children, and succeeded in carrying 
 off several boys of ten or twelve years old, in the villages below 
 the valley of Lucerna, bordering on Piedmont, (Bibbiana, Fenile, 
 Campiglione and others,) where from ancient times Vaudois and 
 papists Tiad lived intermixed. The children were never restored 
 to their relations. And, whatever steps were taken, no better 
 answer could be obtained from the civil authorities than that 
 these acts were imputable to none but the monks, and that they 
 knew not what to do in the business. 
 
 A threatened invasion of Piedmont by a French army, under 
 the orders of the marquis d'Uxel, in 1628, gave an opportunity 
 to the Yaudois to prove their fidelity to their sovereign, and to 
 receive, in their turn, a proof of the full confidence they inspired. 
 The guard of many passes of their mountains, which were par- 
 ticularly threatened, was intrusted to them ; and it was granted 
 to their urgent request to serve alone, without being mixed with 
 other troops of his highness. Their companies were all com- 
 manded by officers taken from their own ranks and chosen by 
 them ; the superior officers alone belonged to the regular army. 
 Only a small number of engagements took place, in which the 
 army of Uxel were worsted, and which ended in his retreat. 
 
 At this period the earl of Carlisle, ambassador from the king 
 of Great Britain to the duke of Savoy, heard from the lips of his 
 highness the testimony of his satisfaction with his faithful subjects 
 of the valleys, while he also avowed his fixed intention of giving 
 them proofs of it. 
 
 But though Charles Emmanuel cherished the best sentiments 
 towards the Vaudois, the warm partisans of Rome, invested with 
 high dignities, abused their authority and the name of their 
 prince, by secretly introducing into the valleys the irreconcila- 
 
ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH THE MONKS. 225 
 
 ble enemies of the evangelical Church, the pope's light cavalry, 
 the monks. 
 
 Already a similar attempt had been partially made at the 
 end of the last century, and had led to the settled establishment 
 of the capuchins at Perrier, a popish town in the valley of San 
 Marti no. But, this time, nothing less was thought of, than to 
 endow every Vaudois commune with a convent. To gain the 
 consent of the inhabitants, all sorts of methods were adopted 
 without scruple. At Bobbio, intrigue predominated ; at An- 
 grogna, ostentation, splendour, and threats ; at Rora, violence. 
 The prior of Lucerna, Marco Aurelio Rorenco, or Rorengo, at 
 the head of the priests, the count of Lucerna, the most powerful 
 of the lords of the valley, and the Count Righino Roero, in the 
 name of the government, spared no pains to accomplish their 
 object. They even procured the interference of the heir ap- 
 parent, the prince of Piedmont, Victor Amadeus. A letter was 
 sent in his name to every commune, in which he promised liberal 
 distributions of corn and rice, (the winter of 1628, 1629, was 
 severe, and attended with a general dearth ;) for these provisions 
 and their distributors, who were to be monks, he required a 
 house to be provided by the commune. But whatever effort 
 was made at Angrogna, no hospitality could be obtained for 
 them, not even for a single night. After staying some time at 
 Bobbio, Villaro, and Rora, they were obliged to yield to the 
 general will, and depart. As they resisted expulsion rather ob- 
 stinately in the last-named place, some women carried them a 
 part of the road in their arms. Similar attempts proved abortive 
 in the valley of Perosa, at Saint-Germain, and Pramol. Thus 
 the Mass could not be celebrated in any part of the Vaudois 
 communes, unless, perhaps, we except San Giovanni and the 
 town of La Torre, in which evangelical worship was not toler- 
 ated. In this last place the monk Bonaventure (whom Gilles 
 calls the standard-bearer of the whole legion) collected and settled 
 all his fraternity. It is not unimportant to remark here, that at 
 this period the Romish, or popish worship, had no officiating 
 minister, nor temple, nor altar, in almost the whole region of the 
 Vaudois churches of the three valleys. 
 
 The valleys had scarcely recovered from the disquiet which 
 the efforts of the monks and their powerful protectors had ex- 
 cited, when the arrival of a French army before Pinerolo, in the 
 
 10* 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 spring of 1630, threw them into the greatest perplexity. Mar- 
 shal Schomberg, who commanded it, required prompt submission 
 to his sovereign. The troops under his orders pillaged and laid 
 waste the accessible parts of the three valleys. He had just re- 
 duced Pinerolo and its citadel, which had been garrisoned by the 
 Vaudois militia. He already occupied Bricherasco, within a 
 league of San Giovanni, with a thousand horse and fifteen thou- 
 sand foot. The last of the four days of deliberation, granted 
 very reluctantly to the Vaudois, drew to a close, and still they 
 were deliberating. The succour promised by his highness, whom 
 they had informed of the danger, was not arrived ; on the con- 
 trary, a report was abroad that the duke had drawn off his troops 
 behind the Po. By this movement the valleys were given up 
 to the enemy. They decided, therefore, to submit, conjointly 
 with their papist lords, though on the condition that their militia 
 should not be obliged to bear arms against his highness out of 
 their territory. Among the fifteen articles of capitulation, signed 
 and sworn to a little after, there was one which the prior of 
 Lucerna, deputed by the clergy of that valley, had attempted 
 first to exclude, and then to modify, but without success. It- 
 specified, that persons of the reformed religion should enjoy to 
 the utmost the rights which were guaranteed by the edicts in 
 France, as to the exercise of their religion, and that no one should 
 trouble them in any manner on account of it. With these con- 
 ditions the three valleys would have scarcely known any other 
 evils, during the occupation of their country by the French, 
 which lasted for a year, excepting those occasioned by the con- 
 tinual passing of troops from France to Piedmont, and the trans- 
 port of large military stores, if God had not visited them with 
 one of the severest trials he had ever sent them — a contagious 
 and epidemic malady, brought, as it appears, from France by 
 the army, and designated a plague by contemporary histo- 
 rians. 
 
 The first cases were noticed at the beginning of May, 1630, 
 in the valley of Perosa ; then in that of San Martino ; a littie 
 after in that of Clusone or Pragela ; and still later in the valley 
 of Lucerna. The pastors and deputies of the churches met at 
 Pramol, to concert measures against so terrible an evil, and 
 neglected nothing that could tend to check its progress. They 
 provided, amongst other things, for the purchase of medicine, as 
 
A DREADFUL PLAGUE. 227 
 
 well as for regular and sufficient assistance for the poor. It was 
 also their wish to celebrate a general and public fast ; but not 
 seeing how it would be possible to do it with solemnity, in the 
 midst of such a bustle of troops, victuallers, men of business, and 
 others coming and going, they confined themselves to what each 
 pastor might effect in his own church by exhortations to repent- 
 ance, both in public and private. The malady extended its 
 ravages, and raged furiously. In certain localities, all the houses 
 contained some either dead or dying. The want of provisions, 
 which was very sensibly felt at the beginning of the year, in- 
 creased every day, and they knew not where to procure a supply. 
 The state of the atmosphere contributed also to extend the evil. 
 In July and August, the heat was excessive. The latter month 
 was the most disastrous : in that short space of time, seven pas- 
 tors were carried off by the plague. Four others died in the 
 preceding month ; the twelfth died in the following month, as he 
 was preparing to set out for Geneva, whither he was deputed, 
 in order to obtain new pastors. There remained only three, 
 besides one invalid, eighty years old.* Happily, by a provi- 
 dential dispensation, they belonged to different valleys ; so that 
 each valley having its own pastor, neither was entirely destitute 
 of religious aid ; and the more so because, without fearing that 
 death which continually threatened them, they multiplied them- 
 selves, so to speak, by redoubled zeal in the discharge of their 
 duties. They travelled from village to village, preached in the 
 open air to the healthy, and visited hundreds of dying persons 
 in their homes. They were frequently called themselves to 
 watch, in their dwellings, at the bedside of beloved relations. 
 The only pastor remaining in the valley of Lucerna, Pierre 
 Gilles, pastor of La Torre, (author of a highly- valued history of 
 the Vaudois churches,f which we have constantly had before us 
 in preparing the present work,) lost no less than four sons, full 
 of promise. 
 
 Though the plague was somewhat diminished during the 
 winter, it broke out again in the spring, and extended to the 
 more elevated villages, which it had before spared. At last it 
 
 * Antoine Bonjour, the ancient pastor of Pravilhelm. 
 
 t Histoire Ecclesiastique des Eglises Reformeesi recueillies en quelques 
 vallees du Piemont, autrefois appelees Eglises Vaudoises, etc., par Pierre 
 Gilles, pasteur de la Tour. Geneve : choz Jean de Tournes, 1644. 
 
228 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ceased all at once in July, 1631 , having lasted upwards of a year. 
 Half of the population had disappeared. The greater part of 
 the husbands living had lost their wives, almost all the married 
 women were widows, and the unmarried orphans. Grandfathers 
 and grandmothers, laden with years, who had before counted 
 with joy their numerous children and grandchildren, the support 
 and hope of their old age, remained alone. The heart was 
 wrung at hearing the cries of little beings, now orphans, repeat- 
 ing, in a sad and exhausted tone, the beloved names of their 
 parents, whose prolonged absence they could not account for. 
 
 The proportion of deaths was nearly the same throughout ; it 
 amounted to one-half of the population, both Vaudois and 
 papists. The valley of San Martino estimated its loss at fifteen 
 hundred Vaudois, and one hundred papists ; that of Perosa at 
 more than two thousand Vaudois ; the church of Rocheplatte at 
 five hundred and fifty, which must be added to the preceding. 
 The dead in the valley of Lucerna, including those of Angrogna, 
 amounted to about six thousand Vaudois, of whom eight hun- 
 dred were in the commune of La Torre. This will make a total 
 of more than ten thousand Vaudois carried off in one year by 
 the mortality. A considerable number of families became en- 
 tirely extinct. We have not reckoned the foreigners in the 
 valleys, who had come in quest of the pure mountain air to pro- 
 long their lives, and obtained nothing from the soil but a grave. 
 Hundreds more lost their lives. Soldiers, sutlers, poor persons, 
 whom the plague had struck with death in by-paths, lay there, 
 infecting the air with their corpses. In various places, they set 
 fire to the houses, containing several dead persons, rather than 
 inter them. Towards the end of the autumn, in many parts of 
 the country, might be seen corn in tlje fields, grapes on the vines, 
 and all kinds of fruit in the gardens, going to decay, because 
 there was no one to gather or get them in. Excellent lands re- 
 mained fallow. The wages of labourers rose prodigiously, on 
 account of the scarcity of hands. 
 
 In the midst of so many evils, one thing alone, but that the 
 best, prospered — " godliness ;" that precious fruit which hath the 
 " promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come." 
 " The zeal of the people," says Gilles, in his simple language, 
 " to be present at the preaching in the open country, here or 
 there, was very great : and every one marvelled and praised 
 
RETURN OF PROSPERITY. 229 
 
 God for the help he gave us amidst such sharp and terrible 
 afflictions." 
 
 During the plague, the death of the Duke Charles Emmanuel 
 occurred. He had reigned fifty years, and had generally shown 
 himself favourable to his faithful Vaudois subjects ; as much at 
 least as the incessant intrigues of their enemies would allow. 
 
 The news of the peace concluded between the king of France 
 and the duke of Savoy came also to revive their spirits, which 
 had been cast down by so many successive shocks. The valleys, 
 towards the close of the year, came again under the dominion 
 of the house of Savoy, with the exception of that portion of the 
 valley of Perosa which is situated on the left bank of the Clu- 
 sone, which was left to the French, as well as Finerolo. 
 
 It seemed that war and pestilence, those scourges of God, 
 being once removed from these plains and desolated valleys? it 
 would be possible for the survivors to recover gradually from 
 their sufferings, allay their fears, and again enjoy some days of 
 calm and peace. And so it was. All ties were re-established, 
 and new ones were formed by numerous marriages. So many 
 persons left alone in the world drew near to each other, and 
 sought for mutual consolation. Labour resumed its activity, 
 words of hope were heard on the high Alps, among the groups 
 reclining under the shade of the lofty chestnut-trees, in their 
 leisure hours, or as they sat round the blazing fire in their cot- 
 tages at nightfall. 
 
 But their troubles were not yet over. The youthful genera- 
 tion, which had escaped from the plague, had again to bear all 
 that the most cruel barbarity could invent. Meanwhile, it was 
 being trained to patience, in the midst of previous vexations and 
 intrigues, either concealed or avowed, which we shall proceed to 
 narrate in the following chapter.* 
 
 * For the narrative of this chapter, see Gilles, ch. xxx-lx. 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS, CALUMNIATED AT COURT, ARE MISUNDERSTOOD 
 AND ILL-TREATED. 
 
 The first care of the Vaudois churches, in 1631, on their being 
 placed again under the rule of the house of Savoy, was to send 
 a deputation to his highness Victor Amadeus I., commissioned 
 to request, after offering their homage and congratulations, the 
 general confirmation of their privileges, and in particular of the 
 favours and concessions granted by his august father, in the 
 year 1603, and confirmed in 1620. This step was not only dicta- 
 ted by propriety ; it was become indispensable, on account of the 
 virulence with which the priests and other papists sought to in- 
 jure them, and accused them to his highness. Success was 
 delayed. The deputies were, it is true, received with kindness 
 by their sovereign, but the confirmation of their privileges was 
 deferred till after the examination of some points which they 
 were accused of having transgressed or neglected. But although 
 it was easy to explain the facts in question, months and years 
 passed away without their being able to obtain the desired confir- 
 mation. The commissioners delegated by the court had evidently 
 concerted to stifle or conceal the truth, with the intriguing 
 papists who stirred the fire, at the head of whom was Rorenco, 
 or Rorengo, the zealous prior of Lucerna. These men, blinded 
 by passion, were always raising fresh difficulties. 
 
 They maintained that the residence of the Vaudois in Lucerna 
 was of recent date, although the oldest papists of the place were 
 ready to bear witness, that from their earliest infancy they had 
 seen the same families established there, whose domicile was now 
 disputed. It is true, and we have remarked it in the preceding 
 chapter, that for some years they had forced the Vaudois to leave 
 this town, whither they afterwards returned to settle. The 
 right of residence was equally contested in reference to the 
 Vaudois of Campiglione, Fenile, and Bibbiana. Nevertheless, 
 the demonstration of their rights was easy. They had on their 
 side the fact of uninterrupted residence, and the letter of the 
 treaty of 1561, which, without naming, sufficiently pointed them 
 out, as moreover was proved by the lists then forwarded to the 
 Count de Raconis. 
 
UNJUST COMPLAINTS AGAINST THEM. 281 
 
 The same adversaries charged it as a crime on the Vaudois, 
 that they had purchased the property of Soman Catholics ; 
 while they could prove their right by a great number of ancient 
 as well as modern deeds, documents perfectly regular, drawn 
 up by notaries and sanctioned by judges, both of the Roman 
 religion. Lastly, they seemed to dislike the employment of 
 evangelical schoolmasters, as if this had been a novelty in the 
 valleys, though it could be proved that the Vaudois churches 
 had had them from the remotest antiquity. The particular ob- 
 ject these intriguing papists had in view, on this last point, was 
 to substitute their monks for the evangelical schoolmasters. 
 There was nothing, down to the modest and single church-bell 
 of San Giovanni, which these intermeddling papists did not 
 make a point of dispute. They wanted nothing less than to 
 reduce this bell to silence, or to confiscate it for their own use, 
 that they might ring it on their holidays, to the great annoyance 
 of the Vaudois. But the people of San Giovanni, who from 
 ancient times had made use of it for their meetings and for other 
 purposes, defended their right to it so well that it could not be 
 withheld. They had hoped to obtain as full success on other 
 points, but Fauzon, the duke's commissioner, listened more 
 readily to the insidious discourses of the papists than to the voice 
 of justice. They even made a difficulty of allowing M. Etienne 
 Mondon, the only Vaudois of his profession who had escaped 
 the plague, to practise as a notary, and refused to admit any 
 other to this office, which, nevertheless, they had filled from 
 time immemorial. The brothers Goz, (Gos,) one a doctor of 
 law, the other of medicine, both refugees from the marquisate 
 of Saluzzo, had just been directed by the duke to remove out of 
 La Torre and the valley of Lucerna. What well-founded hope 
 of obtaining the ducal sanction for the ancient concessions could 
 be maintained, when intolerance was seen to threaten every- 
 thing, and to give already palpable proofs of its return ? It was 
 useless to expect the letters patent which had been solicited. 
 They were not forwarded. 
 
 So far from it, the persecution which openly raged against the 
 Vaudois of Saluzzo,* who were then under the same prince, 
 
 * All these difficulties and pretensions disclose a settled design to oppress and 
 intimidate the Vaudois more and more, and finally to destroy them. Every act 
 of persecution was a step in advance towards this crisis. 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 served to enlighten those of the three valleys respecting the 
 nature of the designs that were forming against them. In the 
 mountains of Saluzzo, towards the sources of the Po, at the foot 
 of Mount Viso, there were left some remains of the ancient 
 Vaudois churches. Their isolation in these elevated glens, their 
 possession of the soil from time immemorial, their peaceable 
 manners, and their calm but determined resistance to popish 
 seductions, as well as attempts at oppression, had preserved 
 them from the ruin which had overtaken all the other churches 
 in the marquisate. Pravilhelm, Biolets, Bietone, and some other 
 places in the neighbourhood of Pa'isana, still rejoiced in the pure 
 light of the gospel of Jesus Christ. But the plague had reduced 
 their numbers one-half. Their resistance could no longer be 
 apprehended. An edict, dated September 23, 1633, left them 
 only the choice between popery and exile. Two months were 
 allowed them to dispose of their property and leave the country, 
 if they would not abjure. 
 
 They and their friends of the valley of Lucerna solicited, but 
 in vain, the withdrawal or modification of the edict. The Bishop 
 of Saluzzo, a great orator, came to Pa'isana, and attempted to 
 move the principal persons whom he had sent for by fair 
 speeches ; but fidelity to God rose superior, in these sincere 
 hearts, to the calculations of interest and the love of their native 
 country. Although the fatal term approached without their 
 having effected the sale of their houses and lands, and winter 
 was just at hand, almost all made up their minds to depart. 
 Their brethren of the valley of Lucerna held out their arms to 
 them. They began their march, taking with them their cattle, 
 and whatever else could be carried away. They were dis- 
 tributed among the villages and hamlets of their friends and 
 brethren, and there heard of the demolition of their ancient 
 dwellings by the monks of Pa'isana. All hope of return was 
 thus taken from them. This odious act was superfluous. The 
 Vaudois of Saluzzo felt themselves stronger, and consequently 
 happier, for their union with those of Lucerna. As they heard 
 the approaching thunders of persecution, and beheld the Romish 
 lightnings flash around them, they and their brethren had a pre- 
 sentiment of the Divine goodness for their common safety, in 
 their being thus brought together. 
 
 Two of their number, having returned, a little while after, to 
 
DISPUTATIONS WITH THE PRIESTS. 233 
 
 attend to their affairs in the marquisatc, were recognized and 
 imprisoned. One, named Julian, redeemed himself by a con- 
 siderable ransom ; the other, named Peillon, died in the galleys, 
 steadfast in the faith. Of all the enemies of the Vaudois, none 
 were more active, and none more formidable, than the priests 
 and monks, as we have already seen. They were especially so 
 at the period now under our review. From them proceeded 
 the opposition to the renewal and observance of the concessions 
 and privileges already granted to the Vaudois. Among all these 
 ecclesiastics, none made themselves so conspicuous as the prior 
 of Lucerna, Marcus Aurelius Rorenco, and the prefect of the 
 monks, Theodore Belvedere. To attain their end more surely, 
 by influencing the public opinion, they had recourse to the 
 press. The former, Rorenco, published, in 1632, under the title 
 of Breve Narrazione, etc., (" A brief Narrative of the introduc- 
 tion of Heresy into the Valleys,") a book which calumniated the 
 religion and lives of the reformed Christians, and especially the 
 Vaudois. He had collected in it the edicts against the Vaudois, 
 extorted, in fact, from their sovereign by the manoeuvres of their 
 enemies, and, for the most part, revoked shortly after, by the 
 justice and enlightened benevolence of the princes of Savoy; 
 and although the author spoke of certain concessions made to 
 the Vaudois, he did so only in an unconnected, incomplete, and 
 partial manner. The pastor Valere Gros prepared an answer, 
 which was never printed, owing to the perfidious advice of some 
 false popish friends, and particularly the commissioners dele- 
 gated to the valleys, who asserted that it was not necessary, 
 since their adversary's book had made a very slight impression 
 in high quarters ; which was false. 
 
 Rorenco, encouraged by this success, published, in 1634, in 
 concert with Belvedere, the prefect of the monks, Des Lettres 
 Apoloye'tiques, (" Apologetic Letters,") exhibiting but little 
 knowledge or little conscience, which abounded with raillery 
 against the Vaudois, because they could not answer what was in 
 the first book. On this occasion, the historian Pierre Gilles, 
 pastor of La Torre, entered the lists. He refuted the two pre- 
 ceding books in his Considerations sur les Lettres Apologetiques, 
 (" Considerations on the Apologetic Letters.") The two popish 
 authors replied, in 1636, by a Latin work, with a very pompous 
 title. Who could resist this " Tower against Damascus," this 
 
234 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 " Fortress of the Roman Church against the incursions of the 
 Calvinists ?" Such boldness was reserved for the same soldier 
 of Christ, against whom particularly the Romish shafts had been 
 discharged. Gilles published, in opposition to " The Tower 
 against Damascus," his work, entitled, " The Evangelical 
 Tower," solid and well built on the true foundation, on the 
 corner-stone, which is Christ. The prefect of the monks pub- 
 lished, lastly, a work in Italian, dedicated to the Congregation 
 for the Propagation of the Faith, at Rome, on the state of the 
 Vaudois Church, on their discipline, doctrine, and ceremonies ; 
 a book stuffed with lies and calumnies, in which he obliquely 
 insinuated the necessity of their extermination. Gilles refuted 
 this also, with care, chapter by chapter, in a work of deep and 
 minute investigation. But the accusations were better received 
 by Italian readers than their refutation, and, lamentable to say, 
 secretly excited them to hatred and persecution. Who can say 
 how far these monkish productions paved the way for the great 
 and dreadful persecution which broke forth some years later ? 
 
 An edict similar to that which had expelled the Vaudois of 
 Pravilhelm, Biolets, and Bietone, from their villages, now spread 
 terror through the valley of Lucerna. The few Vaudois fami- 
 lies residing at Campiglione, a town in the plain, still included 
 in the valley of Lucerna, received an order to leave their homes 
 finally, within four-and-twenty hours, and to retire elsewhere, 
 under pain of death and the confiscation of their goods. All 
 obeyed, and Campiglione no longer numbered a Vaudois among 
 its inhabitants. Many families also quitted Bibbiana at the 
 same time. — Leger, pt. ii, p. 63. 
 
 Animated disputes, either by word of mouth or in writing, 
 were carried on from time to time. Public discussions also 
 took place by the instigation of the fiery Rorenco and a monk 
 sent from Rome. These were regarded by the pastors and the 
 faithful Vaudois, as omens that their inveterate enemies were 
 preparing for ruder attacks, as sudden showers show the ap- 
 proach of tempestuous weather. 
 
 The sky was soon completely overcast. Besides the difficul- 
 ties which the busy hatred of the popish clergy was continually 
 raising, the debates on religion, the obstacles to individual pros- 
 perity, and to the free enjoyment of their homes, consecrated 
 by long use and the concessions of their sovereigns, the hin- 
 
POLITICAL AND CIVIL DIFFICULTIES. 235 
 
 drances, above all, to the instruction of the young, and to the 
 exercise of religious liberty in certain communes, — besides all 
 these impediments, which were objects of great solicitude to the 
 conductors of the churches, there were added political and civil 
 difficulties of immense weight. The duke, Victor Amadeus 1., 
 died in October, 1637. The regency of his son, a boy five 
 years old, which had been committed to his widow Christina of 
 France, was claimed by the cardinal Maurice of Savoy, aided 
 by his brother Thomas, both brothers of the deceased, and con- 
 sequently uncles of the young prince. These princes, being- 
 supported by Spain, seized on Piedmont. Even Turin opened 
 its gates to them. The duchess and her children crossed the 
 Alps, and took refuge in Savoy. The cause of the regent 
 mother seemed lost in Piedmont. It was at this critical moment, 
 when all had abandoned it on this side of the Alps, that the 
 valleys, maintaining, even in the misfortunes of their sovereign, 
 their traditionary fidelity, declared their firm resolution to up- 
 hold the rights of their duke and his mother. For this they 
 were cruelly treated, especially the inhabitants of Lucerna, by 
 their lord the Marquis of Lucerna and Angrogna, who had 
 taken sides with the princes Maurice and Thomas. Expecting 
 to be attacked by the joint armies of the princes and of Spain, 
 they thought it their duty to take precautionary measures, to 
 preserve themselves for their sovereign ; in particular, they 
 created military officers. Owing to this energetic attitude, they 
 were not attacked, and even rendered eminent service to their 
 prince ; for they kept open the passes of the Alps, by which the 
 French army, under the order of Count Harcourt and Marshal 
 Turenne, penetrated into Piedmont, and having driven out the 
 Spanish army, procured peace, and put the young duke, under 
 the regency of his mother, in full possession of his dominions.* 
 
 It does not appear that the regent felt much indebted to the 
 Vaudois valleys for their fidelity, or that she so much as noticed 
 it. For scarcely was she again in possession of power than her 
 government began to treat them with rigour. Perhaps it was 
 found easier to revive the traditionary method of persecution 
 than to enter on the untrodden path of justice and truth. There 
 are, moreover, persons to whom gratitude is not considered as 
 
 * Leger, pt. ii, pp. 69, 70.— Gilles, whom we have preferred to follow hitherto, 
 closes his history in the year 1643. For the future we follow Leger. 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 due, and who are treated harshly just because their oppressors 
 are unwilling to acknowledge their obligations to them. 
 
 The temple of San Giovanni, which had been re-opened, was 
 again closed. A commissioner was sent to drive away to the 
 left bank of the Pelice all the Vaudois who were settled on the 
 right bank, at the opening of the valley, at Lucerna, Bibbiana, 
 and Fenile, and to make those who were established at Briche- 
 rasco* return within the limits. One of the pastors, Antoine 
 Leger, uncle of the historian, who had taken the most active part 
 in the measures of defence in favour of the regency of the duchess 
 against the princes of Savoy, was cited to appear before the tri- 
 bunal at Turin. Being warned in time that his life was aimed 
 at, he did not go there ; and notwithstanding the efforts made 
 on his behalf by the churches and many persons of distinction 
 who esteemed him, he was sentenced to death for contumacy, and 
 his property confiscated. A victim of his fidelity, he left his 
 country forever and betook himself to Geneva, the city of Pro- 
 testant refugees, where he was appointed pastor and professor 
 of theology and the oriental languages-! It may be noticed, in 
 passing, that the adversaries of the Vaudois made it a part of 
 their system to get rid of every man of eminence who appeared 
 in the valleys. By this sentence of death pronounced against 
 the most distinguished person that the Vaudois churches pos- 
 sessed, they were deprived of an able, prudent, and pious coun- 
 sellor at the very juncture when he was most needed. The times, 
 in fact, were more serious than ever, for a board specially charged 
 with taking cognizance of heresy had just been formed at Turin 
 by the regent. Cardinal Maurice of SavoyJ was the president, 
 and the archbishop of Turin vice-president. It was, no doubt, 
 by desire of this board, ordinarily called by the simple designa- 
 tion of II Congresso, (The Congress,) that the duchess published, 
 in 1644, the regulations respecting the honours due to the cru- 
 cifix, the keeping of holidays, the burials of the Vaudois, etc. ; 
 and she delegated, in 1646, the prior Rorenco, to re-establish in 
 
 * At this time there were forty-seven Vaudois families at Lucerna and its 
 neighbourhood ; thirty-five at Bibbiana ; thirty-three at Fenile ; and nine at 
 Bricherasco. (See Memoire de Rorenco, Storia di Pinerolo, t. iii, p. 201.) 
 
 t Leger had been tutor in the family of the ambassador of Holland, at Con- 
 stantinople, for many years. 
 
 t We may infer that the cardinal had withdrawn from the regency, by im- 
 posing conditions on Christina. 
 
UNJUST AND CRUEL ORDERS. 237 
 
 the valley of Lucerna the ruined churches, (popish churches 
 which had never existed but in the imagination of the friends of 
 Rome.) The board underwent a transformation some time after 
 the jubilee of 1650, when the Council for the Propagation of the 
 Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics, sitting at Rome, decided 
 on the formation of auxiliary councils of the same name in the 
 metropolitan cities, in some of which the parliaments also held 
 their sittings. 
 
 The Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extir- 
 pation of Heretics had its seat at Turin, under the presidency 
 of the archbishop, and in his palace. But the most active and 
 influential member of this assembly was a layman, — a lord of the 
 court, the marquis Pianezza, one of the most crafty and cruel of 
 men. His wife presided at the female committee, and impressed 
 upon it an activity equal to that of her husband. 
 
 No sooner was it constituted, than the new council set itself 
 vigorously to work. Severe orders, or, to speak more truly, un- 
 just and cruel orders were drawn up and submitted to Charles 
 Emmanuel n. for signature. This inexperienced prince, — only 
 sixteen years old, but declared of age two years before, in 1648, 
 — was under the direct influence of his mother, who approved 
 of these oppressive measures. A compliant magistrate, the au- 
 ditor Andrea Gastaldo, was chosen, and sent to the valleys to put 
 them into execution. According to his instructions, which have 
 been preserved, he was to drive back to the mountains the whole 
 Vaudois population, not only on the right bank of the Pelice, 
 where they formed the minority, but also in the large commune 
 of San Giovanni, where they constituted almost the whole, and 
 in the town of La Torre, where they were the majority. He was 
 to confiscate all the lands and houses in these places which their 
 Vaudois possessors had not disposed of to the papists within fifteen 
 days, unless they became papists themselves ; in that case their 
 goods would be restored to them. Every Vaudois who bore fire- 
 arms was to be treated as a criminal. The communes of An- 
 grogna, Villaro, Bobbio, Rora, etc., were to furnish, within the 
 term of three days, a house, where the missionary fathers might 
 lodge and celebrate mass. Finally, the communes were to be pro- 
 hibited from granting a dwelling to any foreign heretic, under pain 
 of a fine on the commune of two thousand gold crowns, and of 
 death and confiscation of his property, to the foreigner. By this 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 last measure they hoped to deprive the valleys of pastors, for the 
 future at least. These orders bore the date of May 15, 1650, 
 and the signature of the duke Charles Emmanuel. — Storia di Pi- 
 nerolo, etc., t. iii, pp. 212-216. 
 
 The auditor Gastaldo began to fulfil his commission with bru- 
 tality, granting in his manifesto only three days to the Vaudois 
 in the denounced localities, to choose between death and dis- 
 possession, or abjuration. — Leger, pt. ii, p. 73. This part of the 
 decree was nevertheless not carried into effect at that time ; for 
 which delay we can suppose no other reason than the difficulty 
 of accomplishing this barbarous work ; the means of coercion not 
 being yet sufficiently prepared, and also the preference that was 
 given to the establishment of the monks and of the popish wor- 
 ship in all the communes. The other part of the orders of the 
 board was fully and promptly executed, to the great sorrow of 
 all the faithful. Rora, Angrogna, Villaro, and Bobbio saw the 
 zealous satellites of the pope established in the heart of their popu- 
 lation, and the office of the mass, so hateful to the Vaudois, ac- 
 quire a firm footing there. Henceforward, on this soil, sanctified 
 from time immemorial by the word of truth, by the pure preach- 
 ing of the gospel of Jesus Christ, error would have its ritual and 
 idolatry its altars : the true worshippers of God would see walk- 
 ing in their midst the priests of images and saints, the suppliants 
 of Mary : they must be doomed to hear that incense is agreeable 
 to God, and that Latin litanies and chants are the prayers and 
 songs that he delights in. Those whom the splendour of a pom- 
 pous and outward ritual could not seduce, were to be allured by 
 the promise of the pardon of their sins after confession, or won 
 over by money, flatteries, and worldly honours ; and those who 
 were not carried away by the example of their brethren, threats, 
 fines, prisons, torture, and the sword would reduce to silence. 
 In a few months, at least in a few years, the victory of the pope 
 would be complete.* 
 
 Such were the hopes of the Council for the Propagation of the 
 Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics. But it was soon seen 
 that all the means of persuasion, seduction, and intimidation, 
 had no effect on men so enlightened and conscientious as were 
 the leaders of the churches, or on the main body of the Vaudois, 
 whom their traditions of fidelity to the gospel, and sound reli- 
 * Rome always cherishes such hopes. 
 
COUNCIL FOR THE PROPAGATION OF FAITH, ETC. 239 
 
 gious instruction, had fortified generally against apostasy. The 
 Council not succeeding in the Propagation of the Faith, the first 
 purpose and object of its labours, decided on attempting the se- 
 cond, the Extirpation of Heretics. Nothing was wanting but to 
 seize a favourable opportunity, or to make one, if it did not offer it- 
 self. In the space of some years, the council created several, of 
 which we shall give an account, but which did not produce all 
 the results desired, until the day when these men, panting for 
 blood, found at last the means of quenching their burning thirst 
 in the streams which they caused to flow. 
 
 The first favourable occasion which the council thought they 
 had found for the extirpation of the Yaudois had been contrived 
 at Villaro, by a creature of the marquis of Pianezza, named 
 Michel Bertram Villeneuve. This man had been saved by 
 this lord from prison, from which his father, who had been ac- 
 cused, like himself, of coining base money, had escaped only by 
 poisoning himself. Being settled at Villaro, and pretending a 
 lively indignation at the introduction of the monks and their 
 officers into that town, he excited the people to violence in an 
 underhand manner, constantly repeating that such a nest of 
 vipers as these fathers should not be allowed in a place where 
 no one could recollect having seen a papist reside, much less 
 their missionaries. He played his part so well that the pastor's 
 wife and two persons of respectability in the place, named 
 Joseph and Daniel Pelenc, ardent young men, adopted these 
 views, and at last induced the pastor, named Manget, to coincide 
 with them ; who, nevertheless, was not disposed to act excepting 
 so far as the churches of the valley might give their consent. 
 With this view, he requested the moderator, or ecclesiastical 
 president of the managing committee of the Vaudois churches, 
 to assemble the deputies of the communes and the pastors, for 
 an important object. The assembly was held at Bouisses, in the 
 commune of La Torre, March 28, 1G53. They heard with sur- 
 prise Manget's proposition to drive away the monks from Villaro, 
 those insolent strangers, whose convent, a focus of intrigues, and 
 unjustly established, might, if it met with no opposition, become 
 a fire as dangerous to the Vaudois Church as it was hostile to it. 
 But, though experiencing much annoyance from the presence 
 and attempts of the monks, the assembly did not relish his pro- 
 posal, nor the expedient by which he wished to render this at- 
 
240 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 tempt less culpable, which consisted in committing it to the 
 women. Jean Leger, pastor of San Giovanni, who became 
 known at a later period by his history of the Vaudois churches, 
 showed himself worthy of the confidence which the people placed 
 in him by calling him, though still young, (he was only'thirty- 
 eight,) to the difficult and important post of moderator. Leger, 
 as a faithful subject, demonstrated the injustice of the proposed 
 measure, by citing the 19th article of the treaty of 1561, which 
 reserved to the prince the liberty of having mass celebrated in 
 places where there was preaching, without at all obliging the 
 Vaudois to be present at it. 
 
 Nevertheless, the imprudent Manget, carried away by a bitter 
 zeal, and blind to the consequences of a criminal enterprise, 
 agreed to the expulsion of the monks, whom his friends, mis- 
 guided like himself, terrified that same evening ; and his wife so 
 far forgot herself as to carry to the infuriated men the matches 
 for setting fire to the bundles of hemp that were heaped together 
 on purpose, which soon spread the fire and consumed the con- 
 vent. 
 
 The unfortunate pastor of Villaro had allowed his imprudence 
 and bad faith to go so far as to make his headstrong friends be- 
 lieve that the assembly of Bouisses had approved and ordered 
 the expulsion of the monks and the burning of their residence. 
 This report spread from place to place, with the news of the 
 event of which it was the commentary. In this way it reached 
 the ears of the formidable Marquis Pianezza, and his associates 
 of the council for the propagation of the faith and the extirpa- 
 tion of heretics. They appeared as much irritated as they must 
 secretly have been gratified. They had at last an opportunity ; 
 here was not only a pretext, but a reason, a motive as plausible 
 as just, for inflicting punishment. The punishment ought to be 
 proportioned to the offence. Utter ruin would not be too great 
 a chastisement for incorrigible men who, after having resisted 
 the appeals of the Romish Church, had outraged her ministers, 
 profaned her mysteries, and burned her holy places; and, in 
 fact, the duchess gave instant orders to assemble all the troops 
 of the State, and forthwith despatched Colonel Tedesco, an en- 
 terprising and courageous officer, at the head of five or six thou- 
 sand troops, (both horse and foot,) to surprise the populous town 
 of Villaro and reduce it to ashes. 
 
JEAN LEGER, THE MODERATOR. 241 
 
 On his part, the young and prudent moderator had no sooner 
 heard the reports which attributed to the conference at Bouisses 
 the order to burn the convent and expel the monks, than he 
 went, accompanied by the principal persons of his church, and 
 of those in the neighbourhood, to the magistrate of the valley 
 who resided at Lucerna, and there protested his innocence, and 
 that of his colleagues and the entire conference, and even of the 
 majority of the inhabitants of Villaro ; the deplorable acts of ex- 
 pulsion and incendiarism having been committed both by the 
 will and act of only a small number of offenders. Leger and 
 the deputies, his colleagues, offered, in the name of their 
 churches, to render every assistance in bringing the criminal 
 parties to punishment. They begged, in return, that favour 
 might be shown to the innocent. These declarations, drawn up 
 as an authentic act, were taken at the same time to Turin by 
 one of the lords of Lucerna. 
 
 Nevertheless, on the 26th of April, while the men of the valley 
 were, according to custom, at the market of Lucerna, the Count 
 Tedesco hastened to attack Villaro, at the head of two hundred 
 horsemen, well mounted, followed very closely by the rest of his 
 troops. Such was his expedition, that he passed through Fenile, 
 Bibbiana, San Giovanni, and La Torre, and found himself at the 
 gates of Villaro without having met the slightest resistance. 
 
 The devoted town would have been lost beyond recovery, if 
 God, in his mercy, had not caused torrents of rain to fall ; which 
 so completely soaked the equipments of the cavalry, that hardly 
 a single musket was in a state to answer the well-sustained fire 
 of a little troop of about twenty-five men, who, forming just in 
 time at the entrance of the town, dared to make resistance.* 
 The rain continuing to fall, the day drawing to a close, and the 
 alarm being given through all the valley, the count found him- 
 self obliged to sound a retreat, and returned the same evening 
 to Lucerna, without having been assailed or interrupted on his 
 march. 
 
 The next day all the Vaudois of the valley were under arms. 
 The most ominous reports came from Piedmont. It was said 
 that different bodies of soldiers were on their march, who meant 
 
 * But it must be observed, that the position was very favourable for making 
 a defence ; the approach was practicable only by a narrow road, bounded by 
 steep declivities, and presenting an exposed bend. 
 
 11 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 to make a terrible example of the inhabitants. The leading 
 men of the communes and the pastors assembled in haste. The 
 deputies of the lower places, particularly those of San Giovanni, 
 were for submission, because their property and families were 
 already in the power of the army ; but prayer having restored 
 calmness to the assembly, and the news received from various 
 places and friends, as well as the exhortations of Leger and 
 others, having shown the certainty of a massacre, they united in 
 the same determination to defend themselves even to death. 
 
 This resolution astonished the Count Tedesco. He clearly 
 saw that his progress in the valley would be marked by streams 
 of blood. The road which he must take was in every part com- 
 manded by the mountain heights. To manoeuvre slowly formed 
 no part of his plan. He had not made the necessary prepara- 
 tions for a slow or complicated expedition : he consented there- 
 fore to a cessation of hostilities. It was agreed that the com 
 munes should sign a declaration similar to that which some of 
 their leaders had laid before his highness ; that they should pro- 
 test their innocence in reference to the expulsion of the monks 
 and the burning of the convent ; that they should supplicate 
 their sovereign to confine himself to punishing the authors of the 
 outrage ; that, finally, they should ask pardon for having taken 
 arms to defend themselves, since they could not believe that it 
 was the will of their sovereign that they should be exterminated. 
 
 Count Christophe, of Lucerna, who had consented to carry 
 the act of submission of the Vaudois communes to Turin, brought 
 back the promise of a general amnesty and the confirmation of 
 their grants, on condition of the actual surrender of the minister 
 Manget and his wife, as well as the re-establishment of the mis- 
 sionary fathers in a house to be provided by the commune of 
 Villaro. A deputation also was required to appear at court, to 
 request pardon for having taken arms. 
 
 These conditions having been fulfilled,* the Count Tedesco 
 retired with his army ; and on their departure the dread of the 
 
 * One of these conditions, that which obliged the commune of Villaro to pro- 
 vide a house for the monks, being contrary to the letter of former treaties, 
 which stipulate that the communes should be at no expense on account of the 
 Romish worship, the difficulty was got over in the following manner : The 
 Count Tedesco took by force, in the name of her highness, a house belonging 
 to Jacques Ghiot, and placed the reverend fathers in it. The individual, no 
 doubt, received compensation from the commune. Leger, pt. ii, p. 78. 
 
DISQUIETING RUMOURS. 243 
 
 most heart-rending scenes was also withdrawn for a few 
 months. 
 
 But the valley of Lucerna did not long enjoy an undisturbed 
 tranquillity. At the beginning of 1 654, it was suddenly menaced 
 with all the horrors of war by the artful contrivances, it cannot 
 be doubted, of the princess who held the reigns of government, 
 though her son had already been declared of age. The duchess 
 had consented, for a considerable sum of money, to receive into 
 winter quarters in her domains the army of France in Italy, 
 commanded by Marshal de Grance. She assigned the Vaudois 
 valleys and a few of the neighbouring communes for it. Two regi- 
 ments were at first distributed in the valley of Lucerna, already 
 burdened by the constant presence of the Savoy squadron, who 
 were billeted upon individuals, and in part maintained by them, 
 both men and horses. This pressure on their means, although 
 great, would have been borne with patience, out of submission 
 to the will of the prince, but on all sides it Avas whispered that it 
 was against the intentions of the duchess that the French troops 
 of Grance were establishing themselves in the country ; that the 
 duchess esteemed the valleys too highly to believe that they 
 would admit foreign troops among them without her precise 
 orders and sign-manual ; that to receive them would be to ex- 
 pose themselves to be treated as rebels and traitors after their 
 departure. These disquieting rumours were spread by the 
 monks and popish lords, who professed to be well informed as to 
 the state of things. Their object was gained ; the people of the 
 valley took up arms to drive back the French. To appease 
 them, the prefect, Ressan, wrote to the overseers that the mar- 
 shal had the appi'obation of her highness ; but his secretary im- 
 mediately came and informed them that this letter had been 
 forced from him, and did not express the truth. The communes 
 of La Torre, Bobbio, and Villaro, not being yet occupied, per- 
 sisted in their refusal. The prefect pretended to be irritated by 
 the contempt shown to his letter, and encouraged the marshal, a 
 hot-headed man, to collect his army, in order to bring the dogs 
 (les barbets)* to their senses. No sooner said than done. On 
 
 * An epithet of contempt, synonymous with chien, (dog,) which the Pied- 
 montese papists give to the Vaudois. Perhaps originally it was derived from 
 the title barbe, given by the Vaudois to their pastors before the Reformation, 
 and afterwards to old mon in general. In the latter case, it is synonymous 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the 2d of February, Grance appeared before La Torre with all 
 his troops. The men of the valley hastened to stop his passage — 
 a dangerous attempt in the plain, since they were destitute of 
 artillery and cavalry, with which the enemy was provided. The 
 firing was just about to open, when a French reformed captain, 
 named de Corcelles, catching sight of the moderator, Jean 
 Leger, rode up to him. Leger, laying hold of his horse's tail, 
 crossed over with him to the army standing in battle array, and 
 threw himself at the feet of the marshal, just as he had finished 
 giving his last orders, and explained to him, in a rapid manner, 
 the scruples of his fellow-citizens. " Obtain," he said, " only a 
 single line from her royal highness to testify that she consents to 
 the quartering of these troops, and then the valleys are at your 
 discretion. They will be patient even if you march over their 
 bodies, provided they do not incur the anger of their prince." 
 These words perfectly describe the complete submission of the 
 Vaudois to their sovereign in all matters not affecting their reli- 
 gious faith. The marshal, says Leger, cursed the pestilent fel- 
 lows that fomented such troubles, and consented to suspend his 
 operations till the return of a courier, who was despatched im- 
 mediately to Turin, and brought back in the morning a letter 
 from the duchess to the valleys, authorizing the cantonment of 
 the French troops. The valley of Lucerna had not less than 
 four regiments quartered upon it, of which one alone counted 
 about three thousand men. 
 
 The intention of destroying the Yaudois was thus defeated a 
 second time ;* but it could not always be so, as we shall be con- 
 vinced to our astonishment, and poign ant sorrow. 
 
 Let us first call to mind a conspicuous fact in the whole history 
 of the Vaudois ; I mean, their fidelity to their sovereign, and 
 their entire and prompt obedience to his orders, as well as to his 
 
 with oncle, (uncle.) The papists generalized the title, and applied it to all the 
 Vaudois, after having slightly altered it, to make it ridiculous. However, the 
 word barbe (signifying sir, or uncle) is also in use among the Catholics of 
 Piedmont. 
 
 * In the following year, after the massacres, Leger, conversing with Marshal 
 Grance at Paris, heard him express himself thus : — " Reverend sir, I now know 
 very well, and I discovered it before, that they wished to make use of me to 
 cut all your throats, and then to cut off my own head, when the duchess told 
 me to lodge my troops in the valleys ; and yet they were threatened with the 
 total loss of her favour if they received them, as you yourself informed me, in 
 good time, before the town of La Torre." See Leger, pt. ii, p. 81. 
 
MACHINATIONS OF ROME. 245 
 
 laws, in everything that did not affect their duties to God, ac- 
 cording to the holy gospel of Jesus Christ. Of this they gave 
 proof on many occasions ; and again in the instance of defending 
 the regency against the princes in coalition with the Spaniards ; 
 and lastly, in risking their being massacred by the army of 
 Grancd, rather than submit themselves to a stranger, contrary to 
 the pleasure of their sovereign. 
 
 Let us also notice that the young duke confirmed their former 
 privileges, in 1653, by three decrees, and by a fourth in the 
 month of May, in 1654, to the same effect. It is true that the 
 subordinate agents raised one obstacle after another to the con- 
 firmation of these decrees, opposing new difficulties of a formal 
 kind as soon as the preceding were removed, so as to prevent 
 the registration of the documents. 
 
 Nevertheless, history has established the fact, that down to the 
 period at which we are arrived, excepting the misdemeanour 
 committed at Villaro by some imprudent individuals, and which 
 could not, without injustice, be attributed to the general body, 
 the conduct of the Vaudois towards the authority of their prince 
 was free from all reproach, and even exemplary. It was not, 
 then, for political reasons, as the ministers of the sovereign at a 
 later period pretended, that the edge of the sword at last fell on 
 so many victims. The fact, moreover, of the existence at Turin, 
 from the year 1650, of a Council for the Propagation of the 
 Faith, and the Extirpation of Heretics, is attested by the very 
 wording of a proclamation of Gastaldo, dated Lucerna, the 31st 
 of May, 1650, and purporting that only those persons would be 
 exempt from punishment who could prove that they had become 
 Catholics before the above-named council, established at Turin 
 by his royal highness. This fact of itself suffices to explain 
 everything ; and when it is attempted to heap accusations, more 
 or less plausible, on the Vaudois, shows with so much greater 
 force, in the absence of political pretexts, that the terrible per- 
 secutions that ensued were the result of the machinations of 
 Rome. And who can be surprised ? Those who know its his- 
 tory, or who have seen the operations of this corrupt church, 
 know that one of the proofs of the curse it has received from the 
 Lord is, that it is constrained by its own principles, and forced 
 by the spirit that animates its most faithful agents, to persecute 
 to the utmost, as irreconcilable enemies, worthy of the severest 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 punishments, the most faithful confessors of the name of Jesus 
 Christ, the most zealous friends of his word, the holiest men, and 
 the purest churches. 
 
 But we check ourselves. Let us leave the judgment of this 
 church to the Lord, for to him alone belongeth vengeance ! 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 CRUELTIES COMMITTED BY THE PAPISTS IN THE VALLEYS. 
 
 The storm was followed by a calm. Events, it appeared, had 
 not favoured the design of extirpating the heretics; and the 
 Vaudois, reposing in their valleys, already indulged the hope 
 of better days, and hastened to request the registration by the 
 senate of the four decrees by which, in 1653 and 1654, the duke 
 had confirmed their privileges. But how far were they from 
 perceiving the real state of things, and suspecting the dreadful 
 catastrophe that awaited them ! For while, under various pre- 
 tences, their requests were set aside, or the consideration of 
 them deferred, the agents of Rome at the court of Turin, in 
 conjunction with the chief members of the government, were 
 secretly plotting fresh schemes, worthy of the powers of dark- 
 ness that inspired them. No time was lost in forming their plan ; 
 they adopted an old project already sketched, in 1650, in a 
 manifesto of the auditor Gastaldo, intended to restrain the Vau- 
 dois within narrower limits, and to oppress them more severely 
 than ever. 
 
 In consequence of these deliberations, and furnished with new 
 powers, the lawyer Gastaldo, auditor of the exchequer, conserva- 
 tor-general of the holy faith, commissioned to enforce the ob- 
 servance of the orders published against the pretended reformed 
 religion of the valleys of Lucerna, Perosa, and San Martino, and 
 delegated for this special object by his royal highness, proceeded 
 to Lucerna, and there published, on the 25th of January, 1655, 
 the following cruel order : — u It is enjoined and commanded on 
 all persons, heads of families, of the pretended reformed religion, 
 of every state and condition without exception, inhabitants and 
 landowners of Lucerna, Lucernetta, San Giovanni, La Torre, 
 Bibbiana, Fenile, Campiglione, Bricherasco, and San Secon- 
 
EXPULSION FROM LUCERNA, ETC. 247 
 
 do,* to withdraw from the aforesaid places and territories, and to 
 leave them with all their families, within the space of three days 
 from the publication of the present edict, in order to settle within 
 the localities and limits tolerated by his royal highness, accord- 
 ing to his good pleasure, and which are Bobbio, Villaro, An- 
 grogna, Rora, and the district of Bonnets. Such persons as 
 refuse to obey these orders, and are found beyond the aforesaid 
 limits, will incur the penalty of death and the confiscation of all 
 their property, unless within the next twenty days they declare 
 before us (Gastaldo) that they are Catholics, or that they have 
 disposed of their property to Catholics." The manifesto con- 
 tains the strange and incredible assertion, that neither his high- 
 ness nor his predecessors ever designed to grant the inhabitants 
 of the valleys more extensive limits than those laid down in the 
 present edict ; that the claim of the Vaudois to more extensive 
 limits was an encroachment ; that this encroachment constituted 
 a crime, and that those who had committed it were liable to 
 punishmentf 
 
 An order which forcibly expelled whole families by hundreds, 
 in three days, and in the middle of winter, even had it been 
 legal, and been brought about by the bad conduct of the con- 
 demned parties, would still have been a cruel order. 
 
 Imagine the distress of fathers and mothers, compelled at once, 
 without any previous warning, to leave the abode which they 
 had built, or received by inheritance from their parents, where 
 they had brought up their children, stored their orops, and were 
 living happily in the fear of the Lord, and enjoying the light of 
 his countenance. See them now, asking, Whither are we to go ? 
 what is to become of us ? must we then quit everything ? aban- 
 don our goods, our hearths ? renounce so many earthly bless- 
 ings ? — One way alone was left them of avoiding such complete 
 ruin. By a cruel refinement of compassion, Gastaldo had 
 pointed it out to them ; it was apostasy. Become a papist, in- 
 voke the virgin and the saints, prostrate thyself before graven 
 images, attend the mass, adore the host, confess to the priest, 
 
 * It will be perceived that excepting San Secondo, the valley of Lucerna alone 
 is mentioned. All the efforts of the Council for Propagation of the Faith were 
 directed against it, as being the most considerable. 
 
 t If the reader recollect the contents of Chap. VIII, of this history, he can de- 
 cide for himself how far this charge of encroachment is well founded. 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 offer him gifts, and thou shalt preserve thy house, thine orchard, 
 thy vines, and fields, — at the cost of thy immortal soul ! If all 
 received strength from above, we might hope, no doubt, that 
 faith in the Saviour, and the expectation of future blessedness, 
 would gain in their hearts the victory over the love of earthly 
 things. But who would venture to expect such faith and self- 
 renunciation from all, or even from the greater nnmber ? And 
 then, the infirm and aged, and the sick, and the multitude of 
 little children — what will become of them ? how can they be 
 removed ? what course are they to take ? in what villages of 
 their sympathizing brethren must a refuge be sought for them, 
 and with them ? Only let the reader imagine himself a witness 
 of the anguish, the embarrassment, the fears and lamentations 
 of the victims devoted to the direst evils by popish cruelty. It 
 is now the most inclement season of the year ; it snows on the 
 mountains, while in the valleys the flakes are turned into rain, 
 which penetrates through everything. The hour of departure is 
 arrived : the cruel Gastaldo has marked it. Those who delay 
 will have their goods confiscated, and receive themselves the 
 sentence of death. What will be your decision, ye men of 
 peace, who sigh for rest ? O victory of faith ! — the love of God 
 has triumphed in their hearts 1 . . . They depart, carrying, as 
 they are able, whatever is most precious to them. Often, in- 
 stead of articles of absolute necessity, with which they would 
 have loaded a mule, here and there belonging to more wealthy 
 families, they .place upon its back the weak old man of 
 eighty, the sick, taken from his bed, or children too young to 
 walk. 
 
 The pastor of the majority of these victims, the historian, 
 Jean Leger, is at a loss, in his narrative, sufficiently to express 
 his admiration of the goodness of God, who, in so great a multi- 
 tude of persons, allowed not one to do violence to his con- 
 science.* All preferred the prospect of misery and sufferings 
 of every kind to the peaceable possession of their houses and 
 goods at the cost of abjuration. They took for their motto, he 
 exclaims, the words of Holy Writ in reference to the sacrifice 
 of Isaac : " In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen." 
 
 The exiles were received with compassion by their brethren 
 in the tolerated villages ; they gave them a place by their fire- 
 
 * Fifteen hundred at least ; probably, two thousand. 
 
THE EXILES. 249 
 
 sides, and crowded themselves to lodge them; the table was 
 spread for all ; they shared with them the dish of parched corn 
 or polenta, boiled chestnuts, butter, and milk. To welcome them, 
 the cup of red wine went round from hand to hand, while they 
 listened to their melancholy story. 
 
 But this was not all. An attempt was made to soften Gas- 
 taldo. An humble petition was presented to the duke. Alas ! 
 all was useless. The petition was rejected ; the deputies returned 
 in consternation. " The mass, or exile" — was all the answer 
 they received. No other alternative was left them. 
 
 But not allowing themselves to be baffled, the three valleys 
 persevered in presenting memorials in behalf of their persecuted 
 brethren. They knocked at every door. Their principal let- 
 ters to the dowager duchess, to the duke, and<to the man on 
 whom their fate seemed chiefly to depend, on account of the in- 
 fluence he possessed and the powers he was invested with, we 
 mean, the marquis de Pianezza, have been preserved. They re- 
 present, with all possible respect, that, from time immemorial,* 
 they had dwelt in those plains from which they had just been ex- 
 pelled; that the treaty of 1561, which had refused to the Vau- 
 dois the liberty of preaching in most of the communes in question, 
 had nevertheless recognized their residence in them ; that this 
 latter privilege had been established by very ancient authentic 
 acts, and had been constantly guaranteed in later concessions ; 
 that their expulsion from the places of their birth and the com- 
 munes of their ancestors could not consequently be effected with- 
 out violating the most explicit and venerable documents, and in- 
 fringing a right hitherto undisputed. But these representations 
 were not listened to. Even access to the throne of their sove- 
 reign was shut against the Vaudois. Gastaldo declared that it 
 was so; and they were soon convinced that this was the case. 
 Neither their petitions nor their deputations were admitted. It 
 was required of them that they should petition for favour, and 
 leave the conditions of it entirely to the good pleasure of his high- 
 ness. This was, in fact, the only means of bringing them to ab- 
 jure. Yet, whatever was done, this point could not be gained. 
 In all their petitions, and all their promises of submission, they 
 constantly renewed the maintenance of their ancient privileges, 
 
 * Leger remarks that the Vaudois inhabited these parts before Piedmont be- 
 longed to the house of Savoy. 
 
 11* 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Hiiii especially that of liberty of conscience. And on these wishes 
 and reservations being rejected, they supplicated their prince to 
 allow them to leave his dominions in peace. 
 
 These urgent entreaties and conditions irritated the council. 
 Their situation, already very critical, had been aggravated by 
 imprudences, which calumny was quick in taking advantage of. 
 Some of the exiles from Bibbiana and other villages in the plain 
 of Lucerna, having heard that certain Piedmontese robbers were 
 laying waste their property and plundering their houses, returned 
 thither to assure themselves of the truth of the report, and to pro- 
 tect their property. Their ancient lords, and especially count 
 Christophe, of Lucerna, pretending sentiments of benevolence, 
 encouraged them to look after their dwellings, and not entirely 
 to abandon the cultivation of their lands, provided, however, their 
 families kept away. The auditor Gastaldo, it was added, saw no 
 harm in their doing so. This language was like a bait which the 
 angler puts on his hook to entice and catch the voracious fish. 
 The Vaudois of San Giovanni, La Torre, Lucerna, Bibbiana, and 
 other places, too anxious to preserve their unprotected property, 
 did not see that they gave their enemies a handle for accusing 
 them of transgressing their sovereign's edict, which they did not 
 fail to do. Word was sent to the count that they resisted, and 
 persisted in their obstinacy. Their imprudence was even de- 
 scribed as outrageous rebellion. 
 
 A murder committed on the person of the priest of Fenile, one 
 of the communes from which the Vaudois had been expelled, 
 was at once attributed to the revenge of the barbets. The real 
 authors of the assassination were soon pursued by the relations 
 of the deceased and cast into prison. They were the lord of 
 Fenile, Ressan, prefect of justice of the province, one of the most 
 ardent enemies of the Vaudois, his secretary, Dagot, and a cele- 
 brated bandit named Berru. Nevertheless the hasty rumour had 
 already filled all Piedmont with the imputation of this crime to 
 the detested barbets, though the real criminals were suspected. 
 The mischief was done ; calumny had gained its end* The Vau- 
 
 •* Berru even dared to assert that he had been hired by the pastors Leger and 
 Michelin to commit this murder. But in the conferences held during the month 
 of August, at Pinerolo, in the presence of the French Ambassador and the Swiss 
 deputies, Leger confounded his calumniators by demonstrating his perfect in- 
 nocence as well as that of his colleague, and by offering to clear up the affair at 
 Pinerolo, on the French territory, where they should brinir Berru himself, whom 
 
THE EXILES. 251 
 
 dois were, in the judgment of the Piedmontese, not only heretics, 
 enemies of the virgin and the saints, but also rebels against their 
 prince, and assassins. The punishments they deserved from the 
 avenging justice of their sovereign, it was thought, could never 
 be severe enough. 
 
 At length, the persecutors of the Vaudois had attained their 
 object ; the Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Ex- 
 tirpation of Heretics had won the consent of the duke and his 
 family, as well as the general approbation. The hour was come 
 to strike a great blow, — to extirpate heresy in a day. The mar- 
 quis of Pianezza, the soul of the council, assembled his troops, 
 while he deceived and quieted the deputies from the valleys at 
 Turin. 
 
 All the disposable troops were secretly prepared for the expe- 
 dition, and to these were added some companies of Bavarians. 
 At the request of Charles Emmanuel, six regiments of the French 
 amiy crossed the Alps, then covered with snow, besides an Irish 
 regiment of papists who had fled before Cromwell. It is even 
 said that banditti, apprehended criminals, and other abandoned 
 wretches, were allowed to follow the army, with a promise of par- 
 don and plunder if they acquitted themselves well. 
 
 The marquis of Pianezza continued to the last to amuse the 
 Yaudois deputation, to whom he had long promised an audience, 
 which he put off from one day to another, and at length fixed for 
 April the 1 7th, 1655. But while they were knocking at his door, 
 at the hour appointed, and David Branchi of San Giovanni, and 
 Francois Manchon of the valley of San Martino, were told that 
 they could not yet speak to his excellency,* the deceiver Pianezza, 
 who had set off at night, was entering the valley of Lucerna at 
 the head of an army, which the next day counted not less than 
 fifteen thousand men, according to the statement even of the 
 enemy. 
 
 San Giovanni and La Torre, which had been abandoned by 
 the Vaudois ever since the manifesto of Gastaldo, were taken 
 possession of without any trouble, as were also all their ancient 
 
 they had just apprehended in the valleys. But the Piedmontese papists de- 
 clined the offer, saying it was needless ; that Leger was free from all suspicion, 
 etc., and that Berru ought to be delivered to the ordinary judges. 
 
 * They would, no doubt, have been arrested themselves, shortly after, if a 
 lord, a friend of the Vaudois, had not whispered to them, " The marquis is gone 
 to the valleys ; be off!" 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 dwellings in the villages of the plain. It is hardly necessary to 
 add that every place was pillaged. The poor exiles, and their 
 brethren from Bobbio, Villaro, and Angrogna, sorrowfully kept 
 themselves in safe places on the heights, whence they could see 
 the troops scattered over the plain and ravaging it. Their sen- 
 tinels kept watch night and day. The aggressive intentions of 
 the papists were too evident for the Vaudois to hesitate about 
 defending themselves. The mountaineers resolved to sell their 
 lives dearly. As early as the 19th of April, they were fiercely 
 assailed in many places, at San Giovanni, La Torre, Angrogna, 
 and the hills of Bricherasco, all at the same time. Although 
 very inferior in numbers, they repulsed the regular troops at 
 every point. On the 20th, the attacks were renewed, but with 
 no better success. 
 
 The marquis of Pianezza thereupon called in stratagem and 
 deceit to his aid. He convened the deputies of the communes 
 of the valley of Lucerna, to meet him at the convent of La Torre 
 on Wednesday the 21st, early in the morning, and pacified and 
 encouraged them. He represented that he was merely in pur- 
 suit of those obstinate individuals who had resisted the orders of 
 Gastaldo ; that, as for all the rest, they had nothing to fear, pro- 
 vided that, as a mark of obedience and fidelity to the prince, 
 they would consent to receive and lodge a regiment of infantry 
 and two companies of horse soldiers in each of their communities, 
 for two or three days. Some soothing words lessened in the 
 minds of the deputies the painful impression which these propo- 
 sals at first made. A sumptuous entertainment, provided for 
 them with apparent kindness by the artful vice-president of the 
 council for the extirpation of heresy, succeeded in convincing 
 them of the sincerity and benevolence of his intentions. On re- 
 turning to their communes, they inspired their brethren with 
 similar confidence, in spite of the efforts of several clear-sighted 
 men, the pastor Leger in particular. 
 
 The whole army, accordingly, put itself in motion, on the 22d 
 of April, to occupy the Vaudois communes. The regiments first 
 took possession of the large towns of Villaro and Bobbio, in the 
 plain, as well as of the lower hamlets of Angrogna. At the 
 same time, they seized upon the principal passes, and meeting 
 with no obstacle, penetrated, while daylight allowed, as far as the 
 hamlets in the higher valleys. Thus, instead of a few regiments 
 
PIEDMONTESE ARMY IN THE VALLEYS. 253 
 
 and squadrons, the whole army lodged and established itself in 
 the habitations of the credulous Vaudois. Their reliance on the 
 word of other people, and respect for their sovereign, were 
 their ruin. It is sad to think that sentiments so honourable 
 should often become a cause of destruction. 
 
 The eagerness of some of the soldiers to execute the orders 
 that had been secretly given them, apprized the already suspi- 
 cious Vaudois of what they had to fear. One troop hastened to 
 climb the heights above La Torre, in order to penetrate into 
 the quarter of the Pra-di-torre, that natural citadel of Angrogna, 
 so often mentioned in the preceding persecutions ; on their way 
 up, these madmen set fire to all the houses, and, moreover, mas- 
 sacred all the unfortunate beings they could lay hands upon. 
 The spectacle of these flames, the sound of the cries and screams 
 of the victims whom they stabbed or pursued, left no doubt of 
 their intentions. The alarm, " Save himself who can ! the trea- 
 son is out !" resounded from one extremity of the valley to the 
 other. In the valley of Angrogna, most of the men had time to 
 escape to the mountains and to save a good part of their families, 
 by favour of the darkness. They passed over to the side of the 
 mountain opposite to that on which their hamlets were situated, 
 as far as that part of the valley of Perosa which belonged to 
 France, and where they felt themselves safe. The sick and 
 aged were obliged to remain ; many women also and their chil- 
 dren stayed with them. 
 
 The soldiers, on the day of their arrival, and the following, 
 were very pacific. They seemed only intent on providing 
 themselves with refreshments. They lavishly used the pro- 
 visions stored up by the refugees of San Giovanni, Bibbiana, 
 and other towns in the plain. They exhorted those who were 
 in their power to recall the fugitives, assuring them that they 
 would receive no injury, so that there were some credulous 
 enough to entangle themselves again in the snares from which 
 they had already escaped. 
 
 The troops conducted themselves in the same manner in the 
 communes of Villaro and Bobbio, and in all the western hamlets 
 they occupied. But neither the poor inhabitants of these places, 
 nor the persons who had taken refuge among them, had equal 
 facilities with those of Angrogna for escaping. They had but 
 two outlets to make their way to France, the defile of La Croix, 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 and the defile of Giuliano, (Julian,) which opens upon Pr&li, 
 whence they might reach Abries, all covered with deep snow ; 
 the first, moreover, guarded by the fort of Mirebouc, or Mira- 
 bouc, situated half way through the pass, and the other two 
 prodigiously long and difficult, especially in the middle of winter 
 in these Alpine countries. 
 
 The circumstances not appearing to promise a more favour- 
 able opportunity for the duke's troops, and as delay might 
 frustrate their evil project, Saturday, the 24th of April, 1655, 
 was chosen for th,e execution of the orders of the Council 
 for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of 
 Heretics. 
 
 How shall we rehearse such a tragedy ? It is Cain a second 
 time shedding the blood of his brother Abel. 
 
 " The signal having been given on the eminence near La 
 Torre, called Castelus," (this is the account of Leger, an eye- 
 witness of these horrors,) " almost all the innocent creatures who 
 were in the power of these cannibals had their throats cut like 
 sheep in a slaughter-house ; what do I say V they were not put 
 to the sword like conquered enemies, to whom no quarter is 
 given ; nor executed by the hands of public executioners, like 
 the most infamous criminals, for massacres of this kind would 
 not have sufficiently signalized the zeal of their general, nor 
 gained credit enough for those who executed his orders. 
 
 " Children, cruelly torn from their mother's breast, were seized 
 by the feet, and dashed and crushed against the rocks or walls, 
 which were often covered with their brains, while their bodies 
 were cast away on the common heaps : or, one soldier seizing 
 one limb of these innocent creatures, and another taking hold 
 of the other, would tear them asunder, then throw them at each 
 other, or beat their mothers with them, and at last hurl them 
 into the fields. 
 
 " The sick and aged, both men and women, were either burned 
 in their houses, or literally cut in pieces, or tied up, stripped of 
 their clothes, like a ball, with their head between their legs, and 
 thrown over the rocks, or rolled down the sides of the moun- 
 tains. After violating females, young and old, they forced flints 
 into their bodies, or gunpowder, to which they set fire ; others 
 they impaled, and in this horrible position, placed naked as 
 crosses by the wayside. Others were mutilated in various ways. 
 
MASSACRES. 255 
 
 and even portions of their bodies were fried and eaten by these 
 cannibals. 
 
 " As for the men, some were cut up while still living, one 
 member after another, like meat at the shambles. Others were 
 hung up so as to outrage all decency, or scorched alive, etc* 
 
 " The valleys resounded with such mournful echoes of the 
 lamentable cries of the wretched victims, and the shrieks wrung 
 from them by their agonies, that you might have imagined the 
 rocks were moved with compassion, while the barbarous per- 
 petrators of these atrocious cruelties remained absolutely in- 
 sensible. 
 
 " It is true that many of these bloody ruffians of Piedmont, 
 who were without children, on seeing these sweet creatures, 
 beautiful as little angels, instead of killing them, carried them to 
 their homes. It is also true that, whether from hopes of obtain- 
 ing a ransom or other motives, they spared some of the higher 
 classes, both men and women ; many of whom perished miserably 
 in prisons.f 
 
 " After the general massacre, the soldiers went in pursuit of 
 the fugitives who had not been able to pass the frontier, and 
 were wandering in the woods and mountains, or were languishing 
 destitute of fire and food in remote sheds, or in caves of the 
 rocks ; death in its most dreadful forms pursued them. Alas for 
 those who were discovered and taken ! When the houses of their 
 victims had been pillaged, the soldiers made it an amusement, 
 or, shall we say, considered it a duty, to reduce them to ashes : 
 villages, hamlets, temples, lone houses, barns, stables,^ buildings 
 great and small, were all consumed. The beautiful valley of 
 Lucerna, with the exception of Villaro, and some buildings re- 
 served for the Irish cut-throats, whom they thought of settling 
 
 * The details of these atrocities are given in Leger's History, pt. ii, pp. 116- 
 139, after having been collected and committed to writing by a notary, on the 
 testimony of eye-witnesses questioned in all the valleys by Leger, on the return 
 of peace. 
 
 t The merciless marquis of Lucerna and Angrogna had the barbarity to leave 
 the corpses of those who had died in the dungeons in the midst of the prisoners . 
 We may imagine what they must have suffered in their health and feelings, ex- 
 pecting every day to die, and forced to breathe, eat, and sleep, during the heat 
 of summer, by the side of dead bodies in a state of putrefaction.— Leger, pt. ii, 
 p. 139. 
 
 I Every property of any considerable size, and remote, had its barn and 
 stable. 
 
•25(3 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 there, all these districts, hitherto resembling the rich soil of 
 Goshen, were now more like the burning brick-kilns of Egypt. 
 
 " It was then," exclaims Leger, " that the fugitives, who had 
 been snatched like brands out of the fire, could address God in 
 the words of the 79th Psalm : — 
 
 ' O God, the heathen are come into thine inheritance ; 
 Thy holy temple have they defiled ; 
 They have laid Jerusalem on heaps. 
 The dead bodies of thy servants have they given 
 To be meat unto the fowls of the heaven, 
 The flesh of thy saints 
 Unto the beasts of the earth. 
 
 Their blood have they shed like water round about Jerusalem : 
 And there was none to bury them,' etc." 
 
 "Our tears are no longer of water," wrote the Vaudois fugitives 
 of Pinache to the Swiss evangelical cantons, on the twenty- 
 seventh of April ; " they are of blood ; they do not only obscure 
 our sight, they choke our poor hearts ; our hands tremble, and 
 our heads are stunned by the blows we have just received; 
 strangely troubled, moreover, by fresh alarms, and by the attacks 
 made upon us, we are prevented from writing to you as we wish ; 
 but we pray you to excuse us, and to collect, amidst our groans, 
 the meaning of what we would fain utter."* 
 
 The court of Turin, in a manifesto published in French, Latin, 
 and Italian, denied the greater part of the facts above narrated. 
 The Roman Catholic historians have accused Leger of exaggera- 
 tion in his recitals. We can imagine how a crime, after its com- 
 mission, excites even in its authors and approvers an involuntary 
 horror. Conscience protests; pride feels the ineffaceable blot 
 on the honour of the guilty parties, and strives to veil it, by de- 
 nying its reality. But the crime was not of that kind which 
 could be concealed. Hundreds of victims had been seen lying 
 mutilated, dishonoured, unburied, in the fields and on the roads ; 
 their names, and the manner of their death, were carefully noted. 
 Why should thousands of families put themselves in mourning 
 if this account were an exaggeration ? Why did the command- 
 ing officer of a French regiment, the sieur du Petitbourg, whom 
 the marquis of Pianezza, in his manifesto, calls a man of honour, 
 worthy of credit, resign his commission after the events in the 
 valley of Lucerna, if it were not, as he has declared in an au- 
 * See Dieterici die Valdenses. Berlin, 1831, p. 66. 
 
MASSACRES. 257 
 
 thentic document, that he would not be again present at such 
 disgraceful scenes ? "I have been a witness," he says, " of nu- 
 merous acts of extreme violence and cruelty exercised by the 
 outlaws of Piedmont and the soldiers on persons of every age, 
 sex, and condition, whom I have seen massacred, dismembered, 
 hung, burned, violated, besides numerous dreadful conflagrations. 
 When they brought persons to the marquis of Pianezza, I saw 
 him give orders to kill them all, because his highness would not 
 have people of that religion in any part of his dominions."* 
 
 The eyes of Protestant Europe were, moreover, assured of 
 the reality of these atrocities. The ambassadors of the evangeli- 
 cal cantons of Switzerland, of the United Provinces of Holland, 
 and of England, established and declared it. Their despatches, 
 the letters of their governments, and their proceedings with the 
 duke of Savoy attest it, as also the history published by Sir Samuel 
 Morland, the envoy extraordinary of the Protector, a personage 
 distinguished for his noble qualities of heart and mind, and who 
 visited the spot soon after the massacres. 
 
 The only community in all the valley of Lucerna that escaped 
 the vengeance of the army was the smallest, called Kora, con- 
 sisting of only twenty-five families, situated to the south of Vil- 
 laro and La Torre, on the right side of the Pelice, among the 
 mountains, where it forms a retired glen between two low ridges, 
 which descend to the east of the majestic pile of Friolant. Al- 
 though spared at first by the army, this little commune was not 
 forgotten ; for in spite of the reiterated promises of its lord, the 
 count Christophe of Lucerna, in the name of the marquis of Pia- 
 nezza, on Saturday, the 24th of April, the day of the great mas- 
 sacre of the Vaudois, four or five hundred soldiers received or- 
 ders secretly to climb the path which would bring them by the 
 mountain of Rummer to Rora. They would have taken the dis- 
 trict by surprise, if, through the Divine mercy, they had not been 
 discovered at a distance by a noble-hearted man, Joshua Janavel, 
 who had left his residence at les Vignes, near Lucerna, and had 
 retired to Rora with his family. He was keeping watch on the 
 rocks with six men. At the sight of the danger, instead of taking 
 to flight, he advanced and lay in ambush in an advantageous spot. 
 A sudden discharge of all the pieces of this little troop levelled 
 
 * See the authentic declaration of these horrors given by M. du Petitbourg^ 
 commanding officer of the regiment of Grance, in Leger, pt. ii, p. 115. 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 six of their enemies to the ground, and terrified the head of the 
 division so much the more, as they could not see the persons who 
 had fired upon it, and consequently could not tell their number. 
 The soldiers, already prevented from keeping together by the 
 inequalities of the road, were thrown by this occurrence into the 
 utmost disorder. They fell back, rolled one over another, struck 
 by the balls of Janavel and his six companions. They fled, with- 
 out having the courage to face their pursuers for an instant, leav- 
 ing, besides the first six, fifty-three or fifty-four others dead, ly- 
 ing on the path or in the precipices. 
 
 The poor people of Rora, having escaped the danger, betook 
 themselves to their count and the marquis of Pianezza to excul- 
 pate themselves, and to complain. To lull them into a false se- 
 curity, they were told that no division of the army had marched 
 against them ; that those who had attacked them could only be 
 Piedmontese robbers, whom they did well to chastise, and that 
 strict orders would be given that no one should trouble them in 
 future. But as it is a principle of popish morality not to keep 
 faith with heretics, on the very next day six hundred soldiers, 
 chosen as the best fitted for mountain warfare, took a route some- 
 what different, by the Cassulet. They did not escape the lynx- 
 eyed Janavel. This valiant and prudent warrior watched the 
 movements of his perfidious enemy, at the head of twelve herds- 
 men armed with fusils, pistols, and cutlasses, and six others 
 equipped only with slings and flints, which they knew how to 
 use very effectively. Placed betimes, in ambush in flank and 
 front, at a very advantageous spot, they poured on the head of 
 the column a shower of balls and stones, of which each one struck 
 down its man. The enemies, terrified by so rude an assault, and 
 not knowing how to get out of the defile, nor how to pursue, 
 amidst thickets and rocks, combatants who were generally invi- 
 sible, sought safety in flight, leaving, as on the preceding day, 
 from fifty to sixty corpses. 
 
 It would seem almost incredible that the count of Lucerna 
 should attempt to represent a second time to his vassals that the 
 attack originated in a mistake, and that the like thing should not 
 happen again. What meanness, joined to such cruelty ! On the 
 following day, from eight to nine hundred men surrounded Rora 
 anew, and set fire to all the houses they could reach. It was to 
 be feared that no one would escape ; but Janavel and his men, 
 
HEROIC DEFENCE OF JANAVEL. ^59 
 
 seeing the soldiers disband themselves, too eager for plunder and 
 too sure of their victory, attacked them so courageously, and, 
 ■with God's aid, so successfully, in a place called Damasser, that 
 the whole division fell back by Pianpra upon La Torre and Vil- 
 laro, abandoning their booty and the cattle they had taken, which 
 had hampered them, and was a principal cause of their defeat. 
 Irritated by these checks, Pianezza ordered a fourth attack, 
 for which he assembled all his disposable troops, as well as all the 
 armed men that could be obtained from Bagnolo, Barge, Famo- 
 lasc, Cavor, and other places ; but on the day appointed, the 
 troops from Bagnolo, commanded by the impetuous and cruel 
 Mario, being at the rendezvous before the rest, who still delayed 
 their coming, Mario, urged on by his hatred of the barbets, and 
 by the ambition of reaping the glory of the expedition, set out 
 at the head of his band, a troop of Irishmen and some other de- 
 tachments, and reached without opposition the hamlet of Rum- 
 mer, where the families belonging to Rora had taken refuge. 
 There Janavel's seventeen comrades again managed to choose 
 their point of defence n well that they could not be forced, and 
 after a long and obstinate resistance, they saw signs of confusion 
 and discouragement arising in the enemy's ranks. At this 
 decisive moment, it pleased God to sow terror in the hearts of 
 these troops that a few hours before were so proud and confident. 
 They fled, leaving sixty-five dead on the spot. Their dismay 
 was increased by the very effect of their hasty flight ; and then, 
 on arriving at a place called Petrocapello, where they hoped to 
 be able to take breath, the unexpected attack of Janavel and his 
 heroes, who had pursued them, completed their rout. Unable 
 to escape with sufficient speed by the narrow road which goes 
 by the Lucerna, the wretched men pressed on one another, and 
 fell from rock to rock into its waves. This was the fate of the 
 great Mario himself, who was pulled out of the water only to die 
 at Lucerna in inexpressible anguish, tormented in his last hours 
 by the recollection of the crimes he had committed in this valley. 
 After so long a combat, and a deliverance so miraculous, Ja- 
 navel and his troop, harassed with fatigue, were seated on a height, 
 and were refreshing themselves by a slight repast, when they 
 observed a small body of soldiers from Villaro climbing the moun- 
 tain, and hoping, no doubt, to take them in the rear, placed, as 
 they imagined, between two fires. They hastened to put them- 
 
260 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 selves in an advantageous position. Their enemies, as they ad- 
 vanced, perceived them, and sent a detachment to reconnoitre. 
 The Vaudois allowed them to advance, and when challenged, 
 instead of giving the countersign, of which they were ignorant, 
 beckoned to them to come on. The soldiers, taking it for granted 
 that they were papist peasants belonging to the expedition, press- 
 ed forward, and many met their death by point-blank shot. Those 
 whom the balls had missed fled with all their might, and threw 
 the main body into disorder, which was exposed in a disadvan- 
 tageous position on account of its declivity, and all joined in the 
 flight, without any of them having time to notice the number of 
 their conquerors, who killed many more. After this fresh suc- 
 cess, Janavel, having assembled his troops on a rising ground, in- 
 vited them, as he always did, to fall down with him on their knees, 
 and return hearty and due thanks to God, the Author of their 
 deliverance. 
 
 Three days after, the marquis of Pianezza summoned the 
 people of Eora, with terrible threats, to attend mass within four- 
 and-twenty hours. " We prefer death to \he mass, a hundred 
 thousand times," was their reply. At length, the marquis, for 
 the purpose of reducing five-and-twenty families, did not think 
 it too much to assemble eight thousand soldiers and two thousand 
 popish peasants. He divided this army into three bodies, of 
 which two were to penetrate into the district by the two roads 
 already mentioned, namely, by the road of the Villar and that 
 of Lucerna. The third crossed the mountains which separate 
 Eora from Bagnolo. Alas ! while Janavel and his devoted troop 
 made all possible resistance to the first division which presented 
 itself, the two others reached the place where the poor families 
 had taken refuge, and inflicted on them all the horrible cruelties 
 we have already enumerated, and which our pen refuses to 
 describe a second time. Old age, infancy, or sex, far from being 
 a safeguard, seemed only to excite the fury and base passions of 
 these men, whom no discipline kept in check. A hundred and 
 twenty-six persons met with an agonizing death. The wife and 
 three daughters of the captain Janavel were reserved for prison, 
 as well as some refugees of the hamlet of Les Vignes in Lucerna. 
 Such houses as were still standing were set on fire, after every- 
 thing valuable had been removed. The conquerors divided the 
 booty among themselves. 
 
JANAVEL REFUSES TO ABJURE. 261 
 
 Janavel and his friends had escaped the disaster. Pianezza, 
 probably fearing the resentment of men who had nothing more 
 to lose, wrote to the hero of Rora, offering him his own life and 
 that of his wife and daughters if he renounced his heresy, but 
 threatening him, on the contrary, if he persisted in it, with the 
 loss of his head, and that his family should be burned to death. 
 Far from being subdued by these menaces, this man, worthy of the 
 name of Vaudois, replied, " That there were no torments so cruel, 
 nor death so barbarous, which he could not prefer to abjuration ; 
 that if the marquis made his wife and daughters pass through 
 the fire, the flames could only consume their poor bodies ; that, 
 as for their souls, he commended them to God, trusting them in 
 His hands equally with his own, in case it were His pleasure that 
 he should fall into the hands of the executioners." One of his 
 little boys, eight years old, had escaped the massacre. Janavel, 
 almost destitute of provisions, powder, and ball, made his way 
 with his troop through the snows of the lofty mountains in the 
 neighbourhood, carrying his child on his back, and having de- 
 posited him at Queyras, on the French territory, and rested a 
 few days, he and his men repassed the lofty Alps, bringing with 
 him a smaller number of refugees well armed. They returned 
 to increase the little Vaudois army, which, since the massacres, 
 had been forming on the mountains of Bobbio, Villaro, and 
 Angrogna. 
 
 During these conflicts at Rora, the other valleys had also 
 been threatened. The lords of San Martino had done their 
 utmost to induce its inhabitants to make their submission and 
 abjure the faith of their fathers, warning them seriously that a 
 division of the army would invade and punish them if they re- 
 fused to yield. Far from complying, they took up arms, and 
 succeeded by their courage in warding off the evils which had 
 crushed the valley of Lucerna. The valley of Perosa also suf- 
 fered ; but its calamities were far less aggravated than those we 
 have described in the preceding narrative. 
 
 Meanwhile, those who had escaped from Rora, Bobbio, An- 
 grogna, La Torre, and San Giovanni, with whom were joined 
 a few of their brethren from the other valleys, had armed them- 
 selves, and formed, when they were all assembled together, (not 
 a very frequent occurrence,) a body of about five hundred com- 
 batants. In most of the encounters, they mustered not above 
 
262 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 half this number, and often hardly one-third. This little army, 
 masters of the mountains, which were abandoned by the enemy 
 after all the villages and hamlets upon them had been burned, 
 was continually scattered abroad, either to obtain subsistence or 
 to avoid danger, and then reassembled to fall unexpectedly on 
 detached bodies of the Piedmontese army, which was stationed 
 in the towns, villages, and hamlets, at the entrance of the valley 
 of Lucerna. The Vaudois fought several battles in the latter 
 days of May, and in the months of June and July. They ob- 
 tained even considerable success under the conduct of the valiant 
 captai ns Janavel and Jayer. This latter officer was from Pramol . 
 In one of their expeditions they surprised the town of San 
 Seeondo, which was filled with their enemies. By the aid of 
 casks, which they had found in the first houses that were stormed, 
 and rolled before them as a protection, they approached so near 
 the fortress into which the governor had retired, that they burned 
 the gate by means of bundles of vine-branches which they set on 
 fire. They did the same at the door of a large hall, in which 
 the soldiers, pressing one upon another, had taken their last 
 refuge. These unfortunate creatures, mostly Irishmen, whose 
 cruelty had been unparalleled in the massacres, could excite no 
 pity in those whose sisters, daughters, and wives they had dis- 
 honoured, and whom they had deprived of fathers, mothers, and 
 children. They considered that they treated them with suffi- 
 cient lenity by putting them at once to the sword, without any 
 preparatory torture except the thought of death. Very differ- 
 ently from their enemies, they spared the lives of the aged, of 
 children, and the sick, and respected the females here as in all 
 other places. In this manner they acted during the whole 
 course of the war. Only, either by way of reprisal, or to de- 
 prive their enemies of this post, they set fire to the town, after 
 having taken out whatever could be carried away, a booty in 
 which they found part of that which had been taken from them- 
 selves. The Irish regiment lost several hundred men by this 
 defeat : the Piedmontese troops sustained about an equal loss. 
 
 Encouraged by this success, the little Vaudois army dared to 
 approach Bricherasco, and to ravage the cottages or surround- 
 ing dwellings.* The alarm having been given by a signal 
 
 * It must not be forgotten that those troops had no other supply of provisions 
 for their daily wants than what they procured by such excursions. 
 
JANAVEL IS WOUNDED. "2b3 
 
 agreed upon, they saw themselves assailed by all the Pied- 
 montese forces in the neighbourhood, both horse and foot. As 
 they retreated in good order, they often charged the enemy with 
 advantage, and retired with only one killed and a few wounded. 
 Shortly after, this gallant troop appeared before the town of La 
 Torre, which was fortified, and kept the garrison there in check. 
 From the mountains of Angrogna, its head-quarters, it sent out 
 a strong division to attack the town of Crussol, in the upper 
 valley of the Po ; at their approach, the inhabitants, who had 
 done much mischief in the massacres, fled, abandoning their 
 flocks, which the Vaudois drove to the Alps of Villaro.* They 
 found among the booty many of their own cattle. 
 
 Notwithstanding the absence of the brave Jayer, who was en- 
 gaged elsewhere, Janavel made a sudden attack on Lucerna ; 
 but after two unsuccessful assaults he retreated, the garrison 
 having been reinforced by a regiment, of which he was not 
 aware on his arrival. 
 
 Being attacked himself by three thousand of the enemy, on 
 one of the heights of Angrogna, and having on his side only 
 three hundred defenders, he still made head against them, and 
 repulsed all their attempts. And when the assailants retired, 
 about two o'clock in the afternoon, having lost, by their own 
 confession, more than five hundred men, Captain Jayer suddenly 
 appeared with his troop. The joy of his return raised the 
 courage of the Vaudois beyond all bounds. Without thinking 
 of their fatigue, they rushed into the plain, threw themselves 
 with fury on their enemies, who were retreating, some to La 
 Torre, others to Lucerna, and slew fifty of their men, besides 
 three officers of distinction. But, sad to relate, at the end of 
 this fierce combat, the brave, the valiant, the pious Janavel fell. 
 A ball passed through his breast. They expected every moment 
 that he would breathe his last. He desired to speak to Jayer, 
 who succeeded him in the command. He gave hiin some advice 
 before he was carried to a distance from the field of battle, to 
 Pinache, in the valley of Perosa, within the French territory, 
 where by degrees he recovered. 
 
 This day was destined to be a day of mourning for the valleys. 
 Forgetting the counsel given by the (apparently) dying Janavel 
 
 * One object of this expedition was to procure a fresh supply of cattle, in lien 
 of those they had lost during the massacres. 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 not to undertake anything more that evening, and as if it had 
 not been enough to beat the enemy on their retreat, Jayer, too 
 impetuous, and deceived by a traitor, who led him to expect 
 immense booty in the direction of Ousasq, advanced at the head 
 of a hundred and fifty picked men, to throw himself into the 
 hands of his enemies. Having already pillaged and burned some 
 cottages on the heights, he suffered himself to be led on by the 
 traitor, with fifty of his men, towards some houses, where he 
 was all at once surrounded by the Savoy cavalry, w r ho, having 
 received an intimation of his coming, were waiting in ambush 
 for him. Overpowered by numbers, Jayer died as a hero, to- 
 gether with his son, who never quitted his side, and all his com- 
 panions, only one excepted. He killed three officers, and fell, 
 after a long defence, covered with wounds. Leger has described 
 him in the following words : " A great captain, worthy of being 
 held in remembrance ; zealous for the service of God, alike 
 capable of resisting allurements and threats; courageous as a 
 lion, and meek as a lamb, rendering God alone the praise of all 
 his victories: his character would have been complete had he- 
 known how to curb his adventurous boldness." 
 
 The valleys, disheartened for a brief interval, wore reani- 
 mated by the voices of Captain Laurent, of the valley of San 
 Martin o, and of a brother of Jayer, and of several others. In a 
 conflict maintained by their little troops against six thousand of 
 the enemy, they slew two hundred men, among whom was the 
 lieutenant-colonel of the Bavarian regiment ; but on their side 
 they lost the excellent Captain Bertin, of Angrogna. 
 
 At the beginning of July, the Vaudois had the satisfaction of 
 seeing the arrival of many of their brethren in arms from Lan- 
 guedoc and Dauphine ; one of them, named Descombies, an ex- 
 perienced and renowned officer, was soon after made com- 
 mander-in-chief. Colonel Andrion, of Geneva, who had dis- 
 tinguished himself in France and Sweden, as well as in the val- 
 leys, arrived at the same time.* The moderator, Leger, just 
 returned from a long and rapid journey, which he had been 
 making in France and Switzerland, on behalf of the valleys, 
 proceeded immediately, with Colonel Andrion, to the mountain 
 of Angrogna, called La Vachere, where the little Vaudois army 
 
 * M. de Barcelona also came thither from the Pays de Vaud, (Revue Suisse. 
 Lausanne, 1840, iii, 270.) 
 
THE SYNDIC BIANCHI. 265 
 
 had thrown up some intrenchments. The enemy, as if they 
 had had notice of their arrival, and to prevent the impulse which 
 it might give to the energy of these persecuted herdsmen, went 
 up to take them by surprise, very early on the following morn- 
 ing, with all their forces, among whom were some fresh troops. 
 The Vaudois, being timely warned by their scouts, were able to 
 concentrate themselves in the fortified position of Casses.* The 
 duke's army divided into four bodies, of which one remained in 
 observation as a reserve, made the assault on three points at 
 once, almost incessantly for nearly ten hours, and at last, break- 
 ing through the barricades, forced the Vaudois to retreat, pur- 
 suing them with the cry of " Victory ! victory !" to the foot of 
 the last fortified height, on which they took refuge as their last 
 earthly asylum. But their heavenly Protector so strengthened 
 them, that although the enemy often attacked them at the dis- 
 tance of a pike's length, they defended themselves without aban- 
 doning the post, Their supply of powder and ball began to fail, 
 which would have been fatal, had they not at the instant had 
 recourse to their slings, and also rolled down fragments of rock, 
 which, often splitting in pieces in their rapid course downward, 
 struck even the farthest detachments. Noticing at last some 
 hesitation and disorder in the enemy's ranks, they sallied forth 
 at once from their intrenchment, a pistol in one hand, and a 
 cutlass (a cubit in length, and two or three fingers broad) in the 
 other, and struck such terror in the exhausted popish troops, that 
 they sounded a retreat. More than two hundred soldiers were 
 slain, and as many severely wounded. The Bavarian regiment 
 lost some of its best officers. 
 
 It was on the return of these disappointed troops, and at the 
 sight of the wounded and the dead, that the syndic Bianchi of 
 Lucerna, although a papist, playing on the nickname of barbets, 
 (synonymous with dogs,) given to the Vaudois, exclaimed, 
 " Formerly the wolves devoured the dogs, but now the time is 
 come for the dogs to devour the wolves;" a speech that cost 
 him his life. 
 
 On the 18th of July, at night, the Vaudois army, at least 
 eighteen hundred strong, owing to the reinforcements from 
 
 * A remarkable succession of fragments of rocks scattered over a long sur- 
 face, forming, with the declivity of the mountain from which they had been 
 detached, a barrier very difficult to pass. 
 
 12 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 France, of whom between sixty and eighty were horsemen 
 lately mounted, invested the town of La Torre, and would pro- 
 bably have taken it by assault, and the fort too,* if the new 
 general Descombies, who commanded for the first time, had bet- 
 ter understood the ardour and intrepidity of the mountaineers 
 under his orders. He lost time in reconnoitring the fort. The 
 alarm was given, the Piedmontese regiments, in garrison at Lu- 
 cerna and elsewhere, arrived, and the enterprise failed. Never- 
 theless, Captain Belin and Lieutenant Peironnel (also called 
 Gonnet) forced the wall of the convent of the Capuchins, took 
 possession of it, and set it on fire, as they did the rest of the 
 town, made prisoners of some reverend fathers, and did not re- 
 tire till the enemy's reinforcements, joining the beaten troops 
 of La Torre and those of the fort, pressed them on every side. 
 
 General Descombies, full of confidence in his little army, was 
 about to make another attack on the fort of La Torre, intending 
 to march afterwards on Lucerna, when a truce was concluded, 
 and after a while a treaty, which put an end to all the military 
 operations of the Vaudois. But, before speaking of this negotia- 
 tion, we must go back a little, to show the effect produced by 
 the massacres and persecutions of the Vaudois on the Protestant 
 populations of Europe and their governments. 
 
 A cry of reprobation had resounded throughout all the re- 
 formed countries, on hearing the bloody recital of the cruelties 
 inflicted on their brethren in the valleys of Piedmont. A thrill 
 of horror pervaded the whole Protestant body. Bitter tears 
 were shed at the remembrance of the dead ; and at the recital 
 of the woes endured by the survivors, the necessity of coming to 
 their aid seized all hearts, both of rulers and their subjects alike. 
 It is a fact deserving of perpetual record, that the reformed na- 
 tions were moved as the heart of one man, and presented to 
 their brethren in the faith a beautiful example of Christian 
 charity. Almost all the churches humbled themselves before 
 God, by a solemn day of fasting and prayer in reference to the 
 valleys ; liberal collections were made at the same time in every 
 district, to furnish those who had escaped with the means of sub- 
 sistence, in that total destitution to which the fury of their ene- 
 
 * The fort here spoken of was not that situated to the north of the town, the 
 ruins of which are still to be seen ; it was a fortified place, situated within the 
 town itself, and which had been raised during the war. Legei, pt. ii, p. 264. 
 
MOVEMENTS IN FAVOUR OF THE VAUDOIS. 267 
 
 mies had reduced them, to rebuild their houses that had been 
 burned down, to procure agricultural implements, and the neces- 
 sary supply of cattle of which they had been deprived. 
 
 But what would this succour have availed, to whatever extent 
 it had been given, if the poor persecuted Vaudois had been left 
 without protection, under the heavy and painful yoke of iron 
 which galled their neck ? Something more was needed than 
 pecuniary aid, or than letters of sympathy and- consolation ; it 
 was requisite that Christian charity should be shown, by direct 
 application to the Piedmontese government, to obtain from it 
 assurances and guarantees of peace in reference to the op- 
 pressed. 
 
 The honour of the first movement in favour of the persecuted 
 Vaudois, belongs to the evangelical cantons of Switzerland. 
 Their religious zeal and their charity shone with the purest lus- 
 tre ; their anxiety had been manifested before the massacres. 
 In fact, scarcely had they been informed of the cruel order 
 published by Gastaldo, when they wrote to the duke, on the 6th 
 of March, a most respectful letter, in which they entreat him to 
 allow his Vaudois subjects to remain in their ancient habitations, 
 and to ensure them liberty of conscience by the maintenance of 
 their hereditary privileges. And when the news of the massa- 
 cres reached them, rapid and overpowering as a thunderbolt, 
 they forthwith, on the 29th of April, appointed a fast and col- 
 lections through all their territories, and on the next day they 
 informed the Protestant powers, in pathetic epistles, of what had 
 occurred in the Vaudois valleys of Piedmont, calling upon them 
 to interest themselves in their future fortunes. As for them- 
 selves, without waiting for the effect of their suggestions, they 
 deputed Colonel de Weiss, (or de Wyss,) of Berne, to the court 
 of Turin, with directions to place in the hands of the dowager 
 duchess, and of Charles Emmanuel, a letter of intercession in 
 favour of their afflicted brethren. 
 
 The Swiss deputy accomplished little by his mission ; he was 
 received, it is true, by their highnesses, but was referred, for ne- 
 gotiations, to the deceitful and fanatical Pianezza, with whom he 
 could make no arrangements. This man attempted to employ 
 him to disarm the persecuted Vaudois ; but de Weiss not being 
 able to guarantee them an honourable treaty, things remained in 
 the same state in which he found them. At all events, he ascer- 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 tained the real state of affairs by personal observation. He re- 
 turned soon after, to render an account of his mission to his supe- 
 riors. 
 
 The evangelical cantons, far from being discouraged by having 
 Obtained nothing, resolved to send an embassy to offer their me- 
 diation between the two parties actually in arms, and which 
 should strive to obtain for the Yaudois, from the duke, liberty to 
 dwell in any part of the valleys, the restoration of their posses- 
 sions, and the free exercise of their religion. The cantons, by 
 fresh communications, informed the Protestant states of the situa- 
 tion of the Vaudois, as well as the steps which their deputies were 
 going to take, and invited them to support their intervention by 
 letters, or, still better, by ambassadors. 
 
 All the Protestant powers answered to this appeal. Besides 
 the collections which they ordered in all their towns and country 
 places, they all wrote to the duke of Savoy, to entreat him to act 
 differently with his subjects of the Protestant religion. The king 
 of Sweden, the elector Palatine, the elector of Brandenburgh, 
 the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, gave special proofs of their great 
 zeal in the management of this affair ; but the greatest efforts 
 proceeded from the cantons already named, from Great Britain, 
 then under the protectorate of Cromwell, and the United Pro- 
 vinces of Holland. England, still agitated by its own religious 
 movements, entered warmly into the case of the Yaudois, fasted, 
 and made liberal collections. Oliver Cromwell displayed great 
 zeal, wrote to the Protestant states, and interfered by an embassy, 
 first to Louis XIY., allied to the house of Savoy, and whose re- 
 giments had taken part in the massacres, and afterwards to Charles 
 Emmanuel. Sir Samuel Morland, a young diplomatist equally 
 intelligent and pious, attempted to interest the French monarch 
 in giving succour to the victims of his own soldiers, and received 
 at least some promises. On his arrival at Turin, at the end of 
 June, he obtained an audience, and having expressed a severe 
 judgment on the atrocities committed, he claimed from the jus- 
 tice and generosity of the prince, in the name of his government, 
 gentler measures, and the re-establishment of the Yaudois in the 
 enjoyment of their property, their ancient privileges, and their 
 liberties. 
 
 While Sir Samuel Morland was on his way to Geneva, towards 
 the end of July, the lord protector of Great Britain sent a new 
 
MEDIATION OF FRANCE. 269 
 
 plenipotentiary to Turin, Sir — Dunning, who, after having seen 
 Sir Samuel Morland, was directed to visit Piedmont, in company 
 with him and Mr. Pell, the English resident in Switzerland, in 
 order to conduct the settlement of the affairs of the Vaudois and 
 bring them to a successful termination. 
 
 At the same period, the states-general at the United Provinces 
 deputed for the same object M. Van Ommeren, with orders to 
 act in concert with the English ambassador and the evangelical 
 cantons. The latter had already despatched their ambassadors 
 at the commencement of the month. They did not meet Sir 
 Samuel Morland, who had returned from Geneva by another 
 road. Sir — Dunning and M. Van Ommeren arrived in Switzer- 
 land still later. The embassy of the evangelical cantons found 
 itself therefore alone in the effort to accomplish this difficult mis- 
 sion. This was a great evil. The absence of the envoys of 
 Great Britain and the United Provinces gave a decisive influence 
 to the Roman Catholic party, represented by the ambassador of 
 the king of France, and permitted the hasty conclusion of an ar- 
 rangement which was far from advantageous to the poor Vaudois. 
 
 While on their way, the Swiss ambassadors were informed that 
 the mediation of the king of France in the affairs of the Vaudois 
 had been accepted by the duke, nevertheless they continued their 
 journey, and met with an honourable reception. This embassy 
 consisted of Solomon Hirzel, Stadtholder of Zurich, Charles de 
 Bonstetten, baron de Vaumarcus, etc., counsellor of Berne, Be- 
 nedict Socin, counsellor of Bale, and Jean Stockar of Schaffhau- 
 sen, formerly a magistrate of Locarno. Under pretence that 
 the acceptance of the mediation of the king of France would not 
 allow an arrangement to be made with any other party, the court of 
 Turin would not enter on the discussion of the subject with them, 
 but allowed the ambassadors to follow the negotiation, and to in- 
 terest themselves about the Vaudois. The deputies, in conse- 
 quence, betook themselves to Pignerol, at that time a city belong- 
 ing to France, some leagues from the valleys, which the ambas- 
 sador of France, de Servient, had assigned to the parties for 
 their abode. 
 
 The arrangement was a work of labour. The first fortnight 
 in August was spent in recriminations and explanations, in ani- 
 mated debates, in suing for their liberties on the part of the Vau- 
 dois, in insidious proposals from some delegates of the court, and 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 in friendly offices on the part of the evangelical commissioners.* 
 At last, on the 18th, the agreement was concluded, and the peace 
 signed. The conditions would have been doubtless more advan- 
 tageous to the Vaudois, if the ambassadors of Great Britain and 
 the United Provinces, as well as those of the evangelical cantons, 
 had been present, Sir Samuel Morland, it is true, wrote from 
 Geneva to the Swiss deputation, requesting them to protract the 
 negotiations, and, if possible, to put off the conclusion of the treaty 
 till their arrival, which would be at no distant time. But it is 
 doubtful whether these diplomatists would have been allowed to 
 exercise any direct interference, since the mediation of the king 
 of France had been accepted by the duke, and the Protestant 
 princes themselves had solicited the concurrence of that ambi- 
 tious monarch, who now claimed to act alone. Moreover, the de- 
 plorable state of the valleys required a speedy settlement. Plun- 
 dered, and a prey to all the miseries of war, they sighed after 
 repose. Their families, without provisions and without homes 
 during two months, could wait no longer. Their representa- 
 tives, with the pastor Leger at their head, all persons in whom 
 they could confide, thought they did well in accepting conditions 
 which, without being entirely satisfactory, secured to them a 
 dwelling-place in the greater part of their ancient limits, the sale 
 of their goods in some localities which it would be necessary to 
 leave, and the free exercise of their religion throughout the whole 
 extent of the new limits, besides exemption from all imposts for 
 a certain term of years. The release of all the prisoners, inclu- 
 ding the children who had been carried off, and a full amnesty, 
 were also stipulated at the same time. 
 
 The districts which the Vaudois were interdicted from settling 
 in, and in which they must dispose of all their goods, were the 
 following communes, mostly popish, in the plain of Lucerna, and 
 
 * The narrative of the negotiation would have been very instructive and use- 
 ful. It would have set in a clear light the intentions of those hard-hearted men 
 who felt no regret but that of not having been able to get rid of the barbets ; but 
 we have abstained from speaking of it at length, because our narrative is al- 
 ready too full of harrowing scenes, and atrocious acts which provoke indigna- 
 tion, and, if multiplied, would banish all charity from our hearts. 
 
 The king's representative, Servient, endeavoured to entangle the Vaudois 
 deputies, and to gain their consent to proposals of which he concealed the bear- 
 ing, and which tended to destroy them. See, for instance, his conduct in re- 
 ference to the fort of La Torre, in Leger, pt. ii, p. 264, 
 
PROTEST OF THE VAUDOIS DEPUTIES. 271 
 
 specified in Gastaldo's order, namely, Lucerna, Lucernette, Bib- 
 biana, Fenile, Campiglione, Garsillana. Permission was granted 
 them to reside in La Torre and San Giovanni — an amendment 
 of Gastaldo's edict — but with the reservation that the temple of 
 San Giovanni was not to be within the commune, and that there 
 should be no preaching in that commune, any more than in the 
 town of La Torre. San Secondo was closed against the Vaudois, 
 but the possession of Prarustin, Saint BarthClemi, and Roche- 
 platte, was allowed them, as in times past, together with the ex- 
 ercise of their religion in those villages. Liberty to dwell in the 
 city of Bricherasco might be obtained by special license. These 
 alterations excepted, the limits remained the same as before. 
 The other communes of the valleys of Lucerna and Angrogna, 
 Perosa, and San Martino, retained their privileges. 
 
 The duke reserved to himself the right of celebrating mass, 
 and placing priests or monks in whatever places he thought pror 
 per ; but in return he guaranteed to all liberty of conscience, 
 and the exercise of their worship within the new limits. A se- 
 parate article confirmed the ancient franchise, the prerogatives 
 and privileges granted and settled in times past. The act was 
 attested by the duke's signature, and that of some of his ministers. 
 The numerous deputation from the valleys also signed it. It was 
 ratified by the senate and chamber. 
 
 Notwithstanding the urgent request of the deputies from the 
 valleys, no mention was made in the act of the intercession of 
 the Swiss embassy, as the French ambassador refused his con- 
 sent that any other name than his master's should weaken, by 
 sharing it, his title of mediator. 
 
 The Vaudois suffered two other mortifications — that of seeing 
 themselves described in the preamble of the treaty as rebels, to 
 whom their prince had graciously remitted the punishment 
 which their offences deserved ; and, secondly, of reading in the 
 printed edition of this charter an article expressing the consent 
 of the valleys to the erection of a new fort at La Torre, shame- 
 fully interpolated, in order to effect the ruin of the poor Vau- 
 dois. All their deputies protested against this infamous trickery. 
 The Swiss ambassadors, who were present at the treaty, declared 
 they had no recollection of such an article. Moreover, during 
 the whole of the negotiation, they had insisted on the demolition 
 of the existing fort, which was promised them. They even at 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 one time manifested an intention of not leaving Turin till they 
 had been apprized that the demolition had been begun. 
 
 We should have preferred passing over in silence such a mis- 
 deed ; but the mention of it was requisite in order to understand 
 subsequent events. 
 
 The plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and the United Pro- 
 vinces, who had been detained in Switzerland by business 
 during the negotiation at Pinerolo, felt great dissatisfaction on 
 learning that it was terminated ; for they wished to obtain better 
 conditions for the Yaudois. They exerted themselves to induce 
 the evangelical cantons to make fresh proposals to the duke, with 
 a view to revise and modify the treaty or charter of Pinerolo. 
 But the war which broke out between the Catholic and evan- 
 gelical cantons would not allow the latter to involve themselves 
 in fresh perplexities. The commissioners of Great Britain and 
 the United Provinces then turned towards Paris, and solicited 
 from Louis XI Y. the revision of the treaty, of which he was 
 the mediator. The king did not absolutely refuse. M. de Bais 
 was sent to the valleys and to the court of Turin to collect fresh 
 information ; but it is probable that this mission was undertaken 
 merely to save appearances. One thing is certain, that nothing 
 came of it. Louis XIY. and Charles Emmanuel were quite of 
 one mind. 
 
 It now remains for us to state the amount, as near as may be, 
 of the sums collected, in the Protestant states, in aid of the de- 
 solated valleys, and the use that was made of it. 
 
 On the 25th of July, the sums received from France amounted 
 to 200,000 francs. From the beginning of March, 1655, to the 
 1st of November, 1656, the Yaudois had received from France, 
 England, Holland, and Switzerland, upwards of 504,885 francs, 
 and from the city of Zurich alone 3,778 florins.* 
 
 It would appear, however, that the sum total was even more 
 than this. We are led to believe so from the fact stated by 
 Leger — that of the collections made in England, the Protector 
 deducted and pledged the state for £16,000 sterling,! equal to 
 400,000 French francs, the interest of which was to be employed 
 to pension the pastors, school-masters, and students of the valleys, 
 
 * Revue Suisse, t. iii, p. 273, for this last sum. 
 
 t Mr. G. Lowther says, "more than twelve thousand pounds sterling." 
 
COLLECTIONS AND DISTRIBUTIONS. 273 
 
 etc.* If a sum of 400,000 francs could be deducted for an object 
 which was not strictly identical with that for which the collec- 
 tions were made, their amount must necessarily have been at 
 least as much again, and even more than thatf And if to the 
 400,000 or 500,000 francs which must have been sent fron Eng- 
 land, we add the 200,000 sent by the French Protestants in the 
 month of July, 1655, and the sums which came from Switzer- 
 land, Holland, and Germany, we shall have a total sum of more 
 than a million francs. 
 
 It was thought proper at the time, for prudential reasons, 
 which may easily be imagined, not to publish to the world the 
 large amount of donations sent by the charity of the Protestants. 
 Nevertheless, accounts carefully prepared were rendered by the 
 consistories of Geneva and Grenoble, to whom all the sums had 
 been sent, and who superintended their distribution by commis- 
 sioners. These officers, in concert with the general assembly 
 of the valleys, had determined what course to pursue in the dis- 
 tributions ; they formed a scale of division according to the losses 
 sustained and the circumstances of the communes, as well as of 
 individuals, leaving to competent persons appointed by the com- 
 munes the particular appraisement of damages and estimate of 
 the relief needed. Lastly, a commission of four members, all 
 strangers to the valleys, was employed for three whole months 
 in revising all the accounts of distribution, visiting the places, 
 and there, in the presence of the assembled commune, hearing 
 the appeals and giving the final decision. The proceedings of 
 this commission were afterwards approved, and all the accounts 
 adopted, by the consistories of Grenoble and Geneva, afterwards 
 by the synod of Dauphine, and lastly by the national synod of 
 Loudun. 
 
 Nevertheless, strange and calumnious reports were put in cir- 
 culation to the discredit of those members of the valleys who 
 
 * This sum was lost, in great part, on the accession of Charles II., who would 
 not acknowledge the engagements of the Protector as valid. 
 
 t In fact, the sum total of the English contributions is reckoned at 917,784 of 
 French francs, including the above sum of 400,000 francs. (See " Catholicism," 
 etc., by George Lowther, vol. i, p. 294, published in 1827.) 
 
 [The Protector gave £2,000 out of his own private purse. The sum total of 
 the collections amounted to £38,241 10s. 6d., of which the cities of London and 
 Westminster contributed £9,384 6s. lid. Jones's History of the Waldenses, 
 2d ed., 1816, vol. ii, pp. 345. 367. The sums collected in each county through- 
 out England and Wales are given in Morland's History, p. 588.] 
 
 12* 
 
274 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 took part in the management of this business. The principal 
 promoter of these falsehoods was a man named de Longueil, 
 once a Jesuit, a pretended convert to the gospel, to whom the 
 school at Villaro had been intrusted. The second person was 
 the same Bertram Villeneuve who had been bribed by Pianezza, 
 and in 1653 had almost effected the ruin of the valleys by pro- 
 posing the expulsion of the monks from Villaro, and the burning 
 of their dwelling. These men contrived their plot in secret, 
 conjointly with two other accomplices. They made the envious 
 and discontented — a class of people that always abound when 
 anything is to be given away — believe that a considerable sum 
 was left, which the chief persons in the valleys had set apart for 
 themselves, and which, if divided amongst all, would give each 
 one a dividend of five hundred livres at least, perhaps fifteen 
 hundred. The credulous people, whom these deceivers had 
 filled with discontent, deputed some of their number to make a 
 complaint to the French synods ; but the examination which was 
 made afresh of all the accounts confounded the accusers, and wiped 
 away all suspicion from the accused. Yet so industriously had 
 the enemies of the Vaudois propagated this calumny, that it 
 was still credited by a number of distrustful persons. The 
 European public, even the Protestant part of it, gave a partial 
 credit to it, which sensibly injured the Vaudois when they were 
 visited with new desolations, in 1663 and 1654. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 PERSECUTION AND EMIGRATION, 1656-1686. 
 
 The ambassadors of the evangelical cantons of Switzerland had 
 recrossed the Alps, carrying with them the consoling remem- 
 brance of the efforts they had made to obtain a tolerable peace 
 for their brethren in the valleys. Some verbal promises of the 
 agents of the court had given them a hope that the treaty in 
 which they had concurred would be executed in a comprehen- 
 sive and liberal manner. Moreover, it had been agreed that the 
 fort of La Torre should be demolished at as early a period as 
 would consist with the honour of the duke, who was not to ap- 
 pear submissive to his subjects. But the facts by no means cor- 
 
VEXATIONS COMMITTED BY THE GARRISON. 275 
 
 responded with the words. Not only the clauses of the charter of 
 Pinerolo that were most unfavourable to the Vaudois were main- 
 tained in all their rigour, but all haste was made to execute the 
 article which had been deceitfully foisted into the printed copies, 
 and which, contrary to the promises that had been made to the 
 Swiss embassy, declared that a fortress should be built on the 
 ancient site of the castle of La Torre, demolished by the French 
 in 1593. The deputies of the evangelical cantons had not yet 
 quitted Turin when the works were already begun, and the 
 foundations of a formidable fortress laid on the very spot where 
 the soldiers of the Count de la Trinite had committed so many 
 acts of violence, and whence Castrocaro had issued his com- 
 mands over the whole valley. Hirzel and his colleagues, having 
 received timely information, demanded an explanation. They 
 were told that what had been done would not last long, and 
 would never be finished ; that these works were merely to save 
 the duke's honour. 
 
 Faithful to the traditional Helvetic loyalty, the ambassadors, 
 incapable themselves of deceiving, did not suspect falsehood in a 
 government which pledged its word. They therefore encou- 
 raged the disturbed and anxious Vaudois, and advised them to be 
 patient and submissive.* The Yaudois were certainly not quite 
 so confiding ; experience of the past, and the nearness of the 
 danger, served to enlighten them ; yet they submitted, habitu- 
 ated as they were to bow to the will of their sovereign on all 
 points not within the province of religion. The works were 
 pushed on with so much vigour, that, before winter, the place 
 was in a state of defence, and in the following year the fortifica- 
 tions were finished. 
 
 If the erection of a citadel occasioned the Vaudois serious 
 apprehensions for the future, the powerful garrison that was 
 placed in it became an immediate and constant source of humi- 
 liation, injury, and vexation. The soldiers committed all sorts 
 of excesses, and seemed sure of impunity in most cases. It con- 
 stituted their amusement to lay waste the orchards and vine- 
 yards, to enter the houses, seize upon whatever they pleased, 
 glut themselves with wine and provisions, to spoil or scatter on 
 the ground what they could not carry away, to ill-treat those 
 
 * Hirzel wrote in 1662 to Leger : "We have been too well taught by expe- 
 rience the deceitful practices of this court." Leger, pt. ii, p. 2f>5. 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 who attempted to protect their property, and to conduct them- 
 selves with indecency towards the females, old and young. To 
 strike with the sabre, to discharge fire-arms, to take what was 
 not their own, to outrage the weaker sex, were daily occur- 
 rences : even rape and assassination were committed. When 
 complaints were made, they led to no result. " Seize the 
 offenders, bring them to me, and I engage to punish them," 
 said the commandant de Coudre ; but when, one day, some 
 peasants brought before him two soldiers whom they had appre- 
 hended in the act of robbing a house, and ill-treating its owners, 
 the commandant sent them to prison, only to release them as 
 soon as the complainants had turned their backs. Informations 
 laid before the president Truchi, or the magistrate, even when 
 accompanied with the necessary documents stating the nature 
 of the offence, and describing the culprits, remained without 
 effect. In consequence, on several occasions, the Vaudois, irri- 
 tated with the increasing audacity of their bad neighbours, might 
 be seen defending their threatened property, or recovering it 
 with their own hands, when they found themselves the strongest. 
 To this permanent source of disquietude another was very soon 
 added. Accusations, without reason, were made against persons 
 of note. The Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the 
 Extirpation of Heretics, could invent no more certain method 
 of getting rid of men whose influence they feared, or to intimi- 
 date such as might be disposed to tread in their steps. Accord- 
 ingly, all at once thirty-eight persons in the valley of Luccrna 
 received orders to proceed to Turin, to answer such questions 
 as should be put to them. The valiant Captain Janavel, the 
 hero of Rora, was one of them. The first two summonses con- 
 tained no explanation. The third and last alone mentioned the 
 crime imputed to them, and denounced their condemnation for 
 contumacy if they refused to present themselves. This mode 
 of proceeding was contrary to the grants and privileges of the 
 valleys, confirmed by the charter of Pinerolo. Regularly, they 
 were not bound, either on a first or second suit, for a criminal 
 or civil cause, to answer elsewhere than before their own tribu- 
 nals. To this first reason for not appearing at Turin might be 
 added a second, of much greater importance The Inquisition 
 had its seat at Turin. The light it always arrogated of seizing 
 its victims wherever it found them, in spite of the safe-conduct 
 
SYNOD OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. 277 
 
 of* princes, and of removing them from their jurisdiction, to treat 
 them as it pleased in its own dungeons, was well known. Every- 
 one knew what was to be expected, whether from its justice or 
 its mercy. Alas for the man who became acquainted with either 
 the one or the other ! We need not be surprised, then, that of 
 the thirty-eight accused persons, only one, John Fina, of La 
 Torre, surrendered himself into the hands of the senate at 
 Turin ;* the rest declined doing so. They were condemned for 
 contumacy, some to the galleys, others to death. The property 
 of all was confiscated, and a price was set upon their heads. It 
 was forbidden to grant them an asylum : an order was given to 
 hunt them down at the sound of a bell, whenever the presence 
 of any one of them was made known. This sentence served as 
 a pretext for the soldiers at the fortress of La Torre to enter any 
 private dwelling by force, and to commit a thousand exactions. 
 
 From this time, the valleys were filled with trouble and dis- 
 tress. 
 
 Hitherto the Yaudois had enjoyed the free exercise of their 
 religion, and, satisfied with that, they were resigned to the evils 
 we have mentioned, sufficiently happy to be able to worship 
 God according to their consciences. But their hearts were 
 harassed with apprehensions, when, in 1657, through the whole 
 extent of the church and the commune of San Giovanni, all 
 public exercise of religion was forbidden ; not only the sermons 
 which were interdicted by the charter of Pinerolo, but cate- 
 chisms, prayers, and even schools. 
 
 The Vaudois Church, whose very existence was put in jeo- 
 pardy by this attempt on its liberties, held a synod to deliberate 
 on the measures its present situation called for. The assembly 
 held in March, 1658, at Pinache, decided on addressing a peti- 
 tion to his royal highness, and on writing to his ministers, hum- 
 bly to request the revocation of the severe orders proscribing all 
 religious services in San Giovanni. It seemed also desirable to 
 engage the good offices of M. Servient, the French ambassador, 
 as mediator of the charter of Pinerolo, and those of the evan- 
 gelical cantons who had taken so much interest in it. It was, 
 moreover, decided that the pastor of San Giovanni ought to con- 
 tinue the performance of the usual religious services there, since 
 
 * He remained one year in prison, after which he was released, without 
 having been confronted with his accuser. 
 
278 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 their cessation might be detrimental to their liberties. Lastly, 
 knowing that the Lord of heaven and earth could alone bless 
 their design, and ensure success to their measures, the assembly- 
 ordained a solemn day of fasting and prayer, during which no 
 one, the infirm excepted, should leave the temples from sunrise 
 to sunset. 
 
 We shall not enter into the details of the petitions addressed 
 to their sovereign, nor of the memorials forwarded to his minis- 
 ters. The cause of the Church of San Giovanni was defended 
 on the ground of right, according to the principles laid down in 
 the ducal grants and charters. All that could be advanced in 
 favour of the menaced church was said ; but in vain. The 
 resolution, it appeared, had been taken beforehand, to seize 
 again, by these means, an occasion for troubling the valley?. 
 Nevertheless, there was probably some hesitation in high places, 
 respecting the opportuneness of the occasion, and the ulterior 
 manner of proceeding with the recusants. Perhaps, also, and 
 we are very ready to believe it, the recollection of the recent 
 intercession of the Protestant states fettered the impatient 
 movements of the council for the propagation of the Roman 
 faith. We are led to think so from the part which the embassy 
 of the evangelical cantons, on returning to their native country, 
 continued to take in the affairs of the Vaudois. They wrote, 
 for this purpose, on the 30th of November, 1657, to Servient, 
 the ambassador of France at Turin, the mediator of the charter at 
 Pinerolo, and to the two principal agents of the duke in this affair, 
 to commend the unfortunate Vaudois to their justice and equity. 
 
 To put down the resistance of these poor people, they sought 
 at first to gain Leger. A count of Saluzzo repaired to the val- 
 leys, and requested a conference with him ; which Leger would 
 not grant, except in the presence of the deputies of his own 
 church and of the other churches. This attempt, being rendered 
 abortive by . the firmness of the pastor, was soon followed by 
 threatening citations, requiring the said Leger to render an ac- 
 count of his conduct at Turin. The third citation specified his 
 crime. He was accused of having assumed the functions of a 
 pastor, of having taught certain doctrines, and kept a school at 
 San Giovanni, in the house of the commune. Six of the prin- 
 cipal persons among his parishioners were cited with him. 
 Their crime consisted in having been present at religious ser- 
 
LEGER CONDEMNED TO DEATH. 279 
 
 vices conducted by their pastor. This took place in May, 1658. 
 Their knowledge of the manner in winch the authorities were 
 accustomed to proceed in similar cases, as well as the unlimited 
 confidence placed in judges, who were almost all members of the 
 council for the extirpation of heresy, deterred every one of the 
 accused from going to Turin. None of their friends advised 
 them to do so. The churches wrote in their favour to the count 
 and to the judges. They addressed several letters to his high- 
 ness himself. A milder sentence might have been expected. 
 But, after about three years of waiting, applications, and depu- 
 tations, a sentence of death was pronounced against Leger, and 
 ten years' confinement in the galleys for the other accused parties. 
 The property of all was to be confiscated. With this sentence 
 hanging over him, Leger, by concealing himself, and continually 
 changing his place of refuge, succeeded in remaining for some 
 months longer in his native country, till towards the end of 1 661 , 
 when the valleys deputed him to interest the evangelical cantons 
 and the Protestant states in their cause. He was instructed to 
 request them to employ their intercession with the duke, and 
 their good offices with the king of France, in his capacity of 
 mediator of the charter of Pinerolo, to obtain the consent of 
 Charles Emanuel to examine for himself the complaints of his 
 Vaudois subjects, and to judge respecting them, without leaving 
 them at the discretion of the council for the extirpation of heretics. 
 
 Hardly was Leger's departure to the cantons and evangelical 
 states known, than a sentence of death still more cruel was pro- 
 nounced upon him.* He was hung in effigy ; his houses were 
 razed to the ground ; and his property, which was considerable, 
 was confiscated. The house of the valiant Janavel, who was at 
 that time a fugitive, was in like manner demolished. 
 
 The ducal government resisted all attempts at an accommo- 
 dation ; and, however conciliatory were the letters of the Pro- 
 testant princes,! which Colonel Holzhalb, of Zurich, the envoy 
 
 * He was to be strangled ; then his body was to be hung by one foot on a 
 gibbet for four-and-twenty hours ; and, lastly, his head was to be cut off and pub- 
 licly exposed at San Giovanni. His name was to be inserted in the list of noted 
 outlaws : his houses were to bo burned, etc. — Leger, pt. ii, p. 275. 
 
 t The principal letters were from the elector palatine, the elector of Bran- 
 denburgh, the landgrave of Hesse, and the states-general of Holland. Leger not 
 having been able to visit England, the kin? of Great Britain had not interposed. 
 —Leger, pt. ii, pp. 277-282. 
 
280 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 of the evangelical cantons, presented to his royal highness with 
 those of his superiors, in July, 1662, they produced no effect. 
 Charles Emmanuel replied that he had exactly fulfilled towards 
 his Vaudois subjects all their charters ; and representing them 
 as being charged with crimes, declared them to be undeserving 
 of intercession. It would seem that the duke of Savoy, sur- 
 rounded by the members of the council for the extirpation of 
 heresy, believed that he was acting in full accordance with his 
 rights, and imagined that his subjects in the valleys were rebels, 
 because they would not consent to the loss of some of their prin- 
 cipal religious liberties. 
 
 Moreover, at the moment when Charles Emmanuel made this 
 answer to the envoy of the evangelical cantons, his minister 
 Pianezza, whose influence over him was unbounded, had just 
 obtained, by his intrigues, a success which authorized him to 
 persist in his policy, and to relinquish nothing of his pretensions. 
 By the intervention of the popish advocate, Bastie, of San 
 Giovanni, in whom the Vaudois of that commune had some con- 
 fidence, he had made them believe that by consenting to an act 
 of submission they would obtain the religious liberty they wished 
 for. These simple-minded men, easily imposed upon, had at 
 last, although with reluctance, written and signed two documents, 
 namely, a promise that they would not catechise or perform 
 other religious exercises in the commune of San Giovanni ; and, 
 in the second place, a petition in which they requested that they 
 might continue these practices as heretofore. At the same time, 
 they sought for some commercial and other privileges. Bastie 
 had solemnly engaged not to give up their promise till the de- 
 cree sought for in their petition had been granted and placed in 
 their hands. But the contrary of what was pledged to them 
 actually took place. Pianezza returned the promise, and con- 
 temptuously rejected the request, when he had read the second 
 article which spoke of religion. Upon this, the Yaudois were 
 advised to present another petition, in which no mention should 
 be made of their religion ; and they were at the same time pro- 
 mised that then all they wished for would be granted, and that 
 they would be left undisturbed. But, ashamed and mortified at 
 having been deceived on this point, they refused to make any 
 further concessions. They had already placed themselves in a 
 wretchedly false position by the imprudent promise deposited in 
 
THE BANDIT PAOL DE BERGES. 281 
 
 the hands of the prime minister. They were not disposed to put 
 the finishing stroke to the catastrophe by fresh imprudences, 
 which their crafty enemies knew well how to turn against them. 
 
 If the Vaudois affairs made little progress at court, if the 
 efforts of their friends there were fruitless, their situation was 
 not more improved in the valleys. On the contrary, it became 
 continually more involved, in consequence of the violent mea- 
 sures of the governor of the fort of La Torre, and by the re- 
 prisals in which the exiles indulged. 
 
 The commandant De Coudre" was succeeded by an officer 
 named De Bagnols, who had signalized himself by his cruel zeal 
 in the massacres of 1655. The friendship of the marquis of 
 Pianezza, his godfather, and his near relationship to the Count 
 Ressan, well known for his hatred to the Vaudois, and by his 
 success against them in the valley of Barcellonette, had procured 
 his nomination to this post, for which he was so well suited. He 
 had scarcely arrived when he imprisoned a great number of un- 
 fortunate persons, and treated them with harshness. He also 
 commissioned an officer of justice to force alleged confessions 
 from them, and to oblige them by some means or other to sign 
 them, under the promise of bettering their position, but in reality 
 to establish their criminality by reciprocal accusations. De 
 Bagnols, moreover, relaxed the discipline of the soldiers, who 
 indulged with impunity in outrages of every kind. He did 
 more ; he established at Lucerna a noted bandit, Paol (Paolo, 
 or Paul) de Berges, who had been condemned for murder, but 
 pardoned on the occasion of the marriage of his highness. This 
 man of blood, having gathered round him about three hundred 
 villains, plundered the valleys in concert with the troops in the 
 fortress. Such was the terror inspired by Paol de Berges and 
 De Bagnols, that in that year, 1662, the inhabitants of San 
 Giovanni, La Torre, Rora, and Les Vignes of Lucerna, being 
 panic-stricken, took to flight the instant they had finished the har- 
 vest. No one felt secure in any part of the lower valley. Whole 
 families retired daily to the high mountains, into the woods, or 
 to the French territory in Pragela, or to Queiras. On their de- 
 parture, the garrison carried off the wine and oil, and the best 
 of whatever was left by the fugitives ; the neighbouring papists 
 took the remainder. Then, as if, by withdrawing, the unhappy 
 victims of oppression had committed a crime, De Bagnols issued 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 orders in the name of his highness, May 19, 1663, that all such 
 persons should return, under severe penalties in case of dis- 
 obedience, within three days, and surrender themselves at the 
 fortress, without any exception of age, sex, or condition. The 
 knowledge of the sufferings that so many victims would endure, 
 crowded in the fort of La Torre, prevented the majority from 
 thinking of going thither ; but some individuals ventured to re- 
 turn to their homes, for the sake of being allowed again to culti- 
 vate their lands. But how bitterly they repented ! They were 
 immediately surrounded. *Etienne Gay was beheaded; his 
 brother was wounded and dragged into the fortress with some 
 women and girls, who there suffered unspeakable torments. 
 And rather later, when a similar order had been published on 
 the 25th of June, in the same year, and some credulous house- 
 holders had returned to their own friends, they were perfidiously 
 surrounded and menaced with death, not only by the troops of 
 the governor, but also by an army assembled for their destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 The vigour previously displayed against a great number of 
 the Vaudois condemned for contumacy, and latterly against the 
 persons dwelling in the vicinity of the fortress, had forced the 
 former to take arms for the protection of their lives, which were 
 in constant jeopardy, and the second to join themselves in great 
 numbers to the exiles, whose courage excited their own. Joshua 
 Janavel, the hero of Rora, who had been condemned to be quar- 
 tered, and then to have his head exposed on an eminence, saw 
 gathered round him exiles and fugitives whom his great courage, 
 intrepidity, prudence, and consummate experience had filled with 
 confidence. Amounting now to two or three hundred, they pre- 
 sented, either in small detachments, or in one body, an armed 
 resistance, which was formidable to the troops of De Bagnols and 
 Paol de Berges ; sometimes, even, throwing themselves suddenly 
 on their enemies, they met with signal success. They were also 
 seen, it is true, attacking the peaceable inhabitants of Bricherasco? 
 at Bibbiana, for example, and even pillaging the churches of 
 their adversaries ; so that frequently the reproach was cast upon 
 the exiles of leading the lives of banditti. But we must not for- 
 get, in judging of their conduct, that they were quite homeless, 
 and that the feeling of the injustice with which they were treated, 
 as well as the prospect of the ruin to which their valleys were 
 
LOYALTY OF THE VAUDOIS. 283 
 
 devoted, did not always allow of their practising the moderation 
 that was desirable. 
 
 While the commandant of the fortress of La Torre ordered 
 the fugitive families to return to their homes, Janavel exerted 
 his influence to prevent their doing so : but before the 25th of 
 June, which was the fatal term, arrived, and the number of those 
 who had returned could be ascertained, an army commanded by 
 the marquises of Fleury and Angrogna, appeared at the entrance 
 of the valley of Lucerna, and surrounded San Giovanni. The 
 Vaudois, till then undecided, could no longer doubt of the in- 
 tention to destroy them, and took arms, having placed their fami- 
 lies in security in those distant places to which they had retired 
 in preceding persecutions. 
 
 Whatever accusations have been brought against the Vaudois, 
 whatever appearance of imprudence may have marked their con- 
 duct in the judgment of certain persons, yet their history con- 
 tains facts which demonstrate their probity, and their sincere and 
 affectionate desire of always pleasing their prince. We shall 
 here give a striking example of this. The Vaudois population 
 in arms closed against the duke's troops the passage which led 
 to the bottom of the valley of Lucerna, which rendered it im- 
 possible to convey supplies to the fort of Mirebouc, situated in 
 the mountains, towards the French frontier, and then destitute 
 of provisions and military stores. The duke's generals called to- 
 gether the principal persons of the communes, and requested 
 them to give their sovereign a proof of their submission and good 
 intentions, by escorting a convoy which was on its way to the 
 fortress, assuring them that if they consented, peace would soon 
 be re-established. It is difficult to believe so extraordinary a 
 fact, but the proposal was actually complied with. The devoted 
 Vaudois feared less to risk their own safety, than to appear to 
 distrust their prince, and to refuse to give him a pledge of their 
 love. They conducted the convoy to its destination, and the 
 fortress which closed against them the passage to France was 
 victualled by their own good offices.* 
 
 Their devotedness was scarcely noticed by their enemies, who 
 were accustomed to attach little value to the best words or the 
 noblest actions of those whom they believed worthy of the great- 
 
 * Some weeks later they consented to guard another convoy, though a war 
 of extermination was then being waged against them. 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 est evils as heretics ; for while the Vaudois, trusting in the pro- 
 mise that had been made to them, were preparing to come down 
 again from the mountains and bring back their families to the 
 plain, De Fleury marched into the heart of the valleys, with the 
 intention of attacking the heights of La Vachere, between An- 
 grogna and Pramol, where their principal fortifications and their 
 best intrenchments lay.* On the 6th of July, at day-break, the 
 enemy ascended the mountains at four different points. The 
 Vaudois posted themselves advantageously, stopped the enemy, 
 wearied them out, decimated their ranks, strewed the ground 
 with their corpses, and, when their courage failed and they be- 
 gan to retreat, charged them in their turn, and pursued them to 
 the plain, on which they dared not to venture in sight of the re- 
 serve of cavalry that was stationed there. 
 
 Having left a party to keep watch on these heights, they di- 
 rected their course towards Plans, where De Fleury had intrench- 
 ed his division. But the little detachment at the gate of An- 
 grogna no sooner saw their brethren at their side, than two of 
 their number, Boirat of Pramol and anoth; \ crawling on all-fours, 
 and concealed by a rock, approached the camp, killed each a 
 sentinel, cleared the rampart, slew four more of the enemy, and 
 kept shouting, " Forward ! Victory !" The Vaudois, roused to 
 enthusiasm, followed in their footsteps with unparalleled ardour. 
 The Piedmontese army, surprised and disconcerted, could not 
 form their ranks, and sought for safety in a rapid flight. Their 
 generals, the marquises of Fleury and Angrogna, Leger tells us, 
 " fearing the bite of the dogs, (the barbets,) were not the last to 
 run away." The number of men slain in the rout was considerable. 
 
 The vanquished army took their revenge some days after. 
 They surprised and massacred a detachment of five-and-twenty 
 men at Bora. They burned down between twenty and thirty 
 houses that formed the hamlet of Sainte Marguerite, in the com- 
 mune of La Torre. Nevertheless, these little successes could 
 not make up for the losses sustained at Roccamaneot, Plans, and 
 other places besides. The command of the army was taken from 
 the marquis de Fleury, and given to the marquis de St. Damian. 
 The army itself was reinforced. But while it was repairing its 
 losses and recovering from its fatigues, negotiations were entered 
 upon at Paris and Turin in favour of the Vaudois. 
 
 * In the war of 1655, Pianezza was never able to capture them. 
 
CONFERENCES. 285 
 
 The duke of Savoy, chagrined with the turn the Vaudois af- 
 fairs had taken, so little to the credit of his policy or his military 
 skill, fearing also the friendly intervention of the Protestant 
 powers, appeared desirous that the king of France, whose feel- 
 ings against the evangelicals agreed with his own, and .who al- 
 ready, in 1655, had been, by his ambassador, arbitrator of the 
 treaty of Pinerolo, should again offer his mediation in the present 
 posture of affairs. Servient, who had been charged with the 
 former mediation, received, in consequence, orders to betake 
 himself to Turin, and to effect an accommodation between the 
 parties. This was about the end of the summer of 1663. 
 
 But, on the other hand, the friends of the Vaudois were not 
 asleep. The evangelical cantons, in agreement with the Pro- 
 testant powers, sent, on their part, ambassadors to Turin, to take 
 in hand the defence of their brethren in the faith. The Swiss 
 deputies, Jean Gaspard Hirzel, a distinguished magistrate of 
 Zurich, and colonel de Weiss, a senator of Berne, arrived in the 
 course of November, 1663, at Turin, where, without losing time, 
 they interceded in favour of the poor inhabitants of the valleys, 
 and requested favourable conditions for them. The court con- 
 sented to their amicable intervention as friends and advocates of 
 the Vaudois, but would not accept them for arbitrators. The 
 valleys, although rejoiced at the presence of such protectors, hesi- 
 tated about sending deputies to Turin, where the Inquisition 
 might lay hold of them, in spite of their safe-conduct. Yet they 
 decided on not losing so good an opportunity of negotiating peace. 
 
 The delegates of the valleys, on their arrival, requested a sus- 
 pension of hostilities during the whole period of the negotiation. 
 Without refusing it, the court made as a condition of it, that the 
 villages of Prarustin and St. Barthelemi should be given up to 
 the troops ; a point to which the delegates had not power to as- 
 sent. The conferences then began, leaving this important ques- 
 tion undecided. This was imprudent ; for eight days had not 
 elapsed, when the news reached Turin, of a battle fought on the 
 25th of December, along the whole extent of the Vaudois lines. 
 The Marquis of Saint Damian, strengthened by the arrival of 
 fresh troops, had attacked simultaneously all the points of ap- 
 proach to the valley of Angrogna, from St. Germain in the vale 
 of Perosa, to Tailleret in the valley of Lucerna. More than 
 twelve thousand men had attacked twelve or fifteen hundred. 
 
U86 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 The Piedmontesc had been repulsed with loss in all their at- 
 tempts to penetrate the mountains. In spite of their numerical 
 superiority, they had always been driven back upon one another ; 
 but they had been completely successful in their attack on the 
 villages situated at the foot of the mountains. They had made 
 themselves masters of St. Germain in the valley of Perosa, having 
 attacked it from the French territory, — an infraction of which 
 the Swiss deputies complained afterwards, in a memorial to 
 Louis XIV. ; and had occupied Prarustin, St. Barthelemi, and 
 Rocheplatte. This affair deprived the Vaudois of all their posi- 
 tions in the open country ; but it demonstrated, like the pre- 
 vious attempt, the impossibility of driving them out of their fast- 
 nesses in the mountains. 
 
 On hearing of this combat, the delegates of the valleys at 
 Turin requested that they might rejoin their families. The 
 Swiss deputies, on their part, made strong representations to 
 the ministers of his royal highness, who consented at last to 
 sign a truce for twelve days ; a truce which was continued from 
 week to week till the conclusion of the negotiations, two months 
 later, in February, 1664. 
 
 It appeared difficult to effect an accommodation between the 
 parties, the duke's ministers being disposed to regard the Vau- 
 dois only as rebels ; and the Vaudois, in their turn, feeling 
 themselves in danger of becoming victims, and requiring the 
 strongest guarantees to give them confidence. 
 
 At last, by the persevering efforts of the Swiss ambassadors, 
 some points were settled which seemed as the basis of the edict 
 of pacification or charter, which Charles Emmanuel granted his 
 Vaudois subjects on February 14th, 1664. In its form and 
 terms, this act was an amnesty. The sovereign consented to 
 pardon. Yet, for the sake of his reputation, and to maintain his 
 authority, he required a satisfaction and a guarantee of obedi- 
 ence on the part of the Vaudois. But out of respect for the 
 princes and republics that had interceded for them, and par- 
 ticularly on account of the mediation of the king of France, his 
 royal highness consented to submit the decision of these two 
 points to his most Christian majesty, Louis XIV. 
 
 By this new act, all the Vaudois, excepting a list of persons 
 formerly condemned, thirty-six or thirty-seven, were pardoned, 
 and admitted to the benefit of the charter of Pinerolo in 1655. 
 
ARBITRATION OF LOUIS XIV. 287 
 
 For greater clearness, the third article of the aforesaid charter, 
 relative to San Giovanni, which had been interpreted so differ- 
 ently by the two parties, was explained in this sense : — " Every 
 religious service, sermon, catechism, prayers, school, excepting 
 family worship, is forbidden throughout the whole extent of the 
 commune : no pastor can be admitted to reside in it, though 
 families may receive his visits twice a year, and the sick accord- 
 ing to their need. In case of necessity, in one of these visits the 
 pastor may sleep a night in the commune. The school, if the 
 parents do not prefer sending their children to that which the 
 duke intends to establish, must be removed to Chabas, in An- 
 grogna." An article of the charter imposed the obligation of 
 obtaining the prince's consent for every foreign pastor who 
 might be called to the valleys, and who, besides, would be 
 obliged to take an oath of fidelity. As for the rest, these restric- 
 tions excepted, liberty of worship was ensured by the charter of 
 Turin, as by the former one, to the ancient churches of the 
 valleys. 
 
 It will be obvious, that though apparently the new edict 
 placed the Vaudois in the same situation as that secured by the 
 charter of Pinerolo, which was inferior to the preceding, they 
 had, in fact, lost many of their privileges. The evangelical pub- 
 lic worship had been entirely and expressly taken away from 
 the Church of San Giovanni, as well as its school. The admis- 
 sion of the necessary pastors had been limited. Still, if by these 
 new and disadvantageous conditions, the affairs of the valleys 
 had been definitively arranged, something would have been 
 gained ; but we must not forget that the charter of Turin placed 
 it in the power of the king of France to determine what satis- 
 faction and what guarantee of obedience the Vaudois ought to 
 give their sovereign. 
 
 When the evangelical Swiss cantons had been informed of the 
 demands of the court of Turin, and were apprized that all the 
 documents relative to this affair were to be submitted to Louis 
 XIV. himself, they wrote to this monarch in favour of their 
 clients, and sent to the king of England and the states-general 
 of Holland an account of what had transpired, which led to 
 similar movements to their own on the part of these states. 
 Such zeal and intervention from such high (mailers exerted, no 
 doubt, a happy influence on the arbitration of a monarch who 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 was otherwise so little disposed to favour oppressed Protestants. 
 In his perplexity respecting the duke, a long time elapsed before 
 he arrived at a decision, which, after about three years, he gave 
 on January 18, 1667. Moreover, although he proceeded on the 
 admission of the culpability of the Vaudois, by condemning 
 them to make a pecuniary satisfaction to their sovereign, and 
 guarantees of obedience for the future, yet, in fixing the indem- 
 nity and the proofs of submission, he made such abatements from 
 the demands of the duke's government, that in fact the rights of 
 the Vaudois rather gained by it than received an injury. In- 
 stead of two million francs or more, at which the satisfaction 
 had been estimated, Louis XIV. fixed it at fifty thousand Pied- 
 montese livres, payable in ten years. As for the guarantees of 
 obedience, the Vaudois were required to give an act of submis- 
 sion, duly attested and confirmed by an oath ; they were also to 
 consent to the presence of a ducal commissioner in their synods, 
 and to some other particulars. 
 
 As for the rest, Charles Emmanuel did not abuse his victory. 
 Far from that, this prince, more enlightened, it would seem, as 
 to the real interests of his government, and more free, since the 
 death of his mother Christina, to follow the generous movements 
 of his own heart, rendered justice to his Vaudois subjects. He 
 recollected the zeal they had displayed for his cause in 1638, 
 1639, and 1640, when a great part of his subjects had taken 
 sides with his uncles against him. Finally, the war which he 
 had to carry on, in 1672, against the Genoese, and in which the 
 Vaudois, flocking to his standard at the first appeal, served him 
 with extraordinary devotedness and the greatest courage, com- 
 pletely brought back his heart to his faithful subjects. Satisfied 
 with their conduct, he assured them of his entire approbation, in 
 a letter full of kindness, — a restorative balm for the deep wounds 
 that fanaticism and the malice of his servants had inflicted. The 
 Vaudois, happy to possess a place in the affections of their sove- 
 reign, hoped to live a long time in peace under his paternal 
 sceptre ; but he died on the third of June, 1678.* 
 
 The Vaudois continued to enjoy some years of peace, under 
 
 * He was only forty-one years old. On his death-bed, with a sentiment of 
 affecting humility, he gave orders to admit all persons indiscriminately into his 
 chamber, in order, said he, that people may know that princes die like other 
 men. 
 
ABOLITION OE EVANGELICAL WORSHIP. 289 
 
 the regency of the duchess, the widow of Charles Emmanuel, 
 and under the government of their son, Victor Amadeus II. It 
 was at this time that they gave a fresh proof of devotedness to 
 their prince in marching against the banditti of Mondovi, and 
 assisting in bringing them to submission ; but at the very time 
 when they might reasonably have indulged the delightful ex- 
 pectation of a durable peace, they saw themselves all at once 
 menaced with the greatest misfortunes, and dragged into ruin. 
 Barbarous orders spread terror through the valleys. Very soon 
 they had no choice between apostasy and death under a thou- 
 sand forms, or exile. 
 
 Let us describe these melancholy scenes, and their origin : 
 
 A monarch to whom the world has given the name of Great, 
 Louis XIV., who reigned over the country on the western side 
 of the Piedmontese Alps, the powerful kingdom of France, at- 
 tempted to atone for the vices of his dissolute life by the forced 
 conversion of the Protestants in his kingdom to popery. Such 
 an undertaking could not fail to assure him of plenary indulgence 
 from the sworn foe of evangelical Christians, namely, the pope 
 of Rome ; and while he deprived his subjects belonging to the 
 reformed religion of all their civil rights, and revoked the edict 
 of Nantes by which they were guaranteed, while by these cruel 
 measures he drove to apostasy, or forced into exile, the worthiest 
 part of the French nation, he urged his neighbour, the young 
 duke of Savoy, to abolish also the Vaudois Church. 
 
 Victor Amadeus, though young, had sufficient penetration to 
 shrink from coming to such extremities with subjects who were 
 serving him faithfully. He generously and in a Christian spirit 
 resisted this pernicious temptation, until M. de Rebenac Feu- 
 quieres, the French ambassador, having told him one day that 
 the king his master would find the means of driving away these 
 heretics with fourteen thousand men, but that he would keep 
 the valleys they inhabited for himself, he was obliged, by this 
 kind of menace, to take other measures ; and judging that it 
 concerned his own honour and interest to prevent a foreign 
 power from giving laws to his own subjects, he preferred perse- 
 cuting them himself. A treaty was concluded on this footing. 
 Louis XIV. promised an armed force to reduce them. 
 
 The valleys had a presentiment of their fate, when, a few days 
 after the news of the revocation of the edict of Nantes, (October 
 
 13 
 
290 HISTUKl' OF THE VAUDOlb. 
 
 22, 1685,) they heard on November 4th a proclamation prohibit- 
 ing every stranger from staying there more than three days with- 
 out the governor's permission, and every inhabitant from lodging 
 them under pain of severe chastisement. But what was their 
 alarm when all at once, from one end of the valleys to the other, 
 the alarming words of the edict of January 31, 1 686, resounded, 
 ordaining the complete cessation of every religious service ex- 
 cept the Romish, under pain of death and the confiscation of 
 property ; the demolition of the temples of the so-called reformed 
 religion ; the banishment of the ministers and schoolmasters, and 
 in future the baptism of all the children by the popish priests, 
 who were to educate them in the Romish religion. This edict 
 annulled all the liberties acknowledged and confirmed by the 
 house of Savoy from age to age. and from reign to reign, since 
 the valleys had come under their sway, from the beginning of 
 the thirteenth century. All hearts were oppressed by unspeaka- 
 ble terror. No traditions or recollections could produce an edict 
 equally iniquitous. The valleys had never been menaced with 
 so great a danger ; never, at least, with one so imminent. If they 
 were unable to alter the duke's determination by their entreaties, 
 nothing remained but to take arms and defend themselves even 
 to death ; for the Yaudois, descendants of the martyrs, would not 
 think of apostatizing. But it was in vain that they supplicated 
 their prince : their natural protector, ordained by God to defend 
 the oppressed, to administer justice, remained deaf to their cries. 
 Some delay in the execution was all they could obtain. Despair- 
 ing of bending the duke, seeing the French and Piedmontesc 
 troops concentrating themselves on the confines of their valleys ; 
 and, lastly, hearing the insulting menaces of the papists in the 
 vicinity, they took some defensive precautions, and prepared for 
 resisting in case of an attack. 
 
 Meanwhile the news of the almost incredible edict of the 31st 
 of January, excited in all the Protestant countries indignation 
 and pity. The German princes, Holland, and England, wrote 
 to the duke. The evangelical cantons of Switzerland, whose 
 friendship and protection had already proved so useful to the Vau- 
 dois, did not act inconsistently with their previous conduct. Hav- 
 ing addressed a letter to the duke, which remained unanswered, 
 they decided, in an assembly held at Baden, in February, 1686, 
 on sending an ambassador to Turin, to take in hand the defence 
 
PROJECT OF EMIGRATION. 291 
 
 of their brethren in the faith. The counsellors of state, Gaspard 
 de Muralt of Zurich, and Bernard de Muralt of Berne, chosen 
 for this mission, arrived at their destination at the beginning of 
 March. They assigned as a reason for their intervention, not 
 only the agreement of their faith with that of the Vaudois, but 
 the interest they took in what concerned the charters of 1655 
 and 1664, which were in part the fruit of their mediation, but 
 which the edict of January 31st annulled. In the memorial they 
 presented, they urged, in favour of their oppressed brethren, the 
 pressing motives of tolerance. Especially they founded a cogent 
 argument on the historical view of the question. They repre- 
 sented that the churches of the valley of Piedmont had never 
 separated from the religion of their prince, since they had lived 
 in that which they had received from their fathers more than 
 eight centuries ago, and which they professed before passing under 
 the domination of Savoy ; that the ancestors of his royal highness, 
 having found them in the possession of their religion, had main- 
 tained it by various concessions. The ambassadors finally ap- 
 pealed to the engagements which the predecessors of his high- 
 ness had made in the face of Europe, when they had been soli- 
 cited by kings, princes, and republics to confirm to the Vaudois 
 their religious privileges. The memorial also showed that the 
 Vaudois had never given any subject of complaint which could 
 justify such a decree.* 
 
 The reply made by the marquis de St. Thomas, in the name 
 of his sovereign, to the memorial, contained a humiliating con- 
 fession. This minister of foreign affairs declared that his master 
 was not at liberty to retract or modify his decree ; that there were 
 engagements which he could not break ; that the neighbourhood 
 of a powerful monarch, who was jealous of the deference paid to 
 him, imposed on the duke the line of conduct he followed. The 
 letters of the Protestant princes were not able to turn Victor 
 Amadeus from the projected persecution^ 
 
 The Swiss ambassadors had received orders from their lords, 
 if they could not procure the withdrawment of the decree, or its 
 being considerably modified, then to try to obtain leave for the 
 
 * The historian Botta, who is not very favourable to the Vaudois, says that 
 not only were they innocent this time, but they had even deserved well of the 
 government. Storia d'ltalia, v, vi, p. 340. 
 
 t See the History of the Negotiation. 
 
HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Vaudois to emigrate to foreign countries. The court of Turin, 
 being sounded on the subject, seemed not to oppose it, and con- 
 sented that the deputies should make the proposal to the valleys. 
 
 The assembly of the delegates of the communes* heard, with 
 great pain, the report made to them by the ambassadors of the 
 desperate condition of their affairs, and the wholly novel propo- 
 sal of emigrating in a body. The Vaudois had believed that the 
 reformed powers of Europe would obtain the guarantee of their 
 liberties ; and instead of this efficacious succour, there seemed 
 no hope of deliverance but in abandoning their native soil. What 
 resolution could they adopt ? What part could they choose ? They 
 consulted their good friends the ambassadors. By them they 
 were advised, though with pain, to emigrate, from a conviction 
 that in the presence of the united forces of Savoy and France, 
 the Yaudois had no chance of escaping dreadful and final ruin. 
 
 WTiile the ambassadors returned to Turin, and conferred with 
 the duke's ministers, the Vandois communes assembled at Angro- 
 gna on March 18, (28th,) 1 686, and deliberated. If the considera- 
 tion of an unequal and bloody war influenced them to emigrate ; 
 on the other hand, they could not think without despair of quit- 
 ting the country of their fathers, the soil of their infancy, the 
 land of martyrs. The love of their native country, joined with 
 religious recollections, the glorious and venerable traditions of 
 the Yaudois Church, bound them to their rocks. Uncertain, and 
 divided in opinion, they at last decided on communicating their 
 perplexities in writing to the ambassadors, and committing them- 
 selves to the direction of their prudence. 
 
 After considering this letter, the ambassadors requested that 
 the Yaudois might have permission to leave the domains of his 
 royal highness, and to dispose of their property. But without 
 any fresh reason, by a sudden change of policy, the duke refused 
 to treat with the embassy, and required the Yaudois to come 
 themselves with an act of submission, and request leave to emi- 
 grate. Evidently the court, being chagrined at the turn the 
 affair had taken, wished not to be fettered, as would have been 
 the case in treating with the Swiss, but to retain the power of 
 imposing on their suppliant subjects conditions they would not 
 
 * We are not informed where this assembly was held, but the correspondence 
 of the Vaudois, always dated from Angrogna, sufficiently indicates that the dif- 
 ferent assemblies were held in that place. 
 
A NEW EDICT AGAINST THE VAUDOIS. 29£ 
 
 have dared to offer to their advocates. Although the ambassadors 
 might have considered themselves as insulted by the refusal of 
 the court to treat with them respecting the emigration, their pru- 
 dence did not abandon them ; their benevolence sustained them. 
 They obtained, at all events, from the ministers of his highness, 
 permission to regulate the terms and clauses of the submission. 
 But when they had proposed them to the valleys, the latter were 
 divided in opinion, and sent deputies to Turin, who were not all 
 of the same mind. Five of them were authorized to make an 
 act of submission, as well as to ask permission to leave the coun- 
 try, and to dispose of their property. The sixth, deputed from 
 Bobbio, San Giovanni, and Angrogna, was to confine himself, 
 besides submission, to request the revocation of the edict of the 
 31st of January. The ambassadors, finding themselves greatly 
 embarrassed by this division in the Vaudois communes, sought 
 to gain time from the court, during which the discordant deputies 
 might apply for fresh instructions.* But this interval was soon 
 gone. The enemies of the Vaudois were on the alert, and Victor 
 Amadeus published, on the 9th of April, a new edict, declared 
 to be final. 
 
 By this act, which put an end to all ulterior negotiations, since 
 it settled beforehand all the points under discussion, nothing was 
 left to the Vaudois, but to choose between entire submission to 
 the absolute and arbitrary will of their sovereign, and an exile 
 encompassed with dangers, snares, and perplexities. According 
 to the edict, it was lawful for the greater part to remain in the 
 valleys, (the prince, however, reserving to himself the right of 
 exiling such as he pleased,) but on the following conditions : — > 
 The Vaudois were to lay down their arms, and retire each one 
 to his own house ; they were to engage in no tumults ; they were 
 not to hold more assemblies than had been usual. The damages 
 sustained by the missionary fathers, by the Catholics, and the 
 Catholic converts, were to be made good by means of the pro- 
 perty of the said professors of the so-called reformed religion. 
 The edict of the 31st of January was in other respects confirmed. 
 As to those who wished to leave the duke's domains, they were 
 allowed to carry away with them such of their effects as they 
 chose, and to sell their goods to the Catholics, or to cause them 
 
 * They returned with the same instructions ; the three communes persisted 
 in maintaining their views. 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 to be sold by a small number of agents in the three months fol- 
 lowing their departure. They were to travel in companies, and 
 under the inspection of the authorities. The places of departure, 
 and days of assembling together, were fixed. 
 
 Whatever was the intention that dictated this decree, whether 
 it was hoped or not that the Vaudois would be divided, by offer- 
 ing them two methods instead of one, of extrication from their 
 embarrassments, the relinquishment of their religious assemblies, 
 or of their native soil ; this end, at all events, was not attained. 
 Far from disuniting them, the decree combined them all in one 
 sentiment, — that of remaining and defending themselves. For 
 they saw, in different parts of the ordinance, the intention of 
 getting rid of a certain number among them, and of forcing the 
 rest to embrace popery. For why was the decree of the 31st of 
 January maintained, which obliged the valleys to demolish their 
 temples, if the court seriously consented to their departure ? 
 Why should the duke reserve to himself the power of dismissing 
 whom he pleased, unless on the supposition that the greater 
 number would remain ? Evidently it was not his wish that all 
 the Vaudois should leave ; and, on the other hand, measures were 
 taken for preventing the celebration of the evangelical worship ; 
 was not this equivalent to saying, that the untractable alone were 
 to be dismissed from the territory, and that the rest would be 
 forced to embrace popery ? This was the general opinion.* 
 Driven to such extremities, they had no choice but to persevere 
 in an armed resistance. Preparations were accordingly made 
 for the contest ; but the ministers were first requested to preach 
 to the people, and to administer the Lord's supper to them on 
 the following Sunday, which was Easter day. 
 
 Unfortunately, the seeds of disunion were sown among the 
 Vaudois. The valley of San Martino was disposed to submission 
 and exile. The church of Villeseche, in particular, wrote to 
 the ambassadors that they had decided, and requested them to 
 obtain a safe-conduct for their members. The duke refused ; 
 the application, he said, had not been made in time. 
 
 * The following fact confirmed their suspicions : — About fifteen householders, 
 having requested, soon after the promulgation of the edict, to leave the duke's 
 domains, could not obtain permission; and as the most of them refused to 
 apostatize, they were sent to prison, where some died, and others were not re- 
 leased till nine months after, with the other prisoners.— Hist, de la Persecu- 
 tion, p. 14. 
 
CATINAT AND THE ARMY OF SAVOY. 295 
 
 The ambassadors, who, seeing the inutility of their mediation, 
 were preparing to depart, received again before their departure 
 two letters, dated from Angrogna, addressed, one to the evan- 
 gelical cantons, in the name of the Vaudois, the other to the am- 
 bassadors, in the name of the pastors : affecting letters, in which 
 gratitude was shown in lamenting the little benefit that had re- 
 sulted from the interference of the cantons and their deputies. 
 Certainly, in reading them, their generous benefactors could not 
 say that they had been labouring for the ungrateful. 
 
 Meanwhile, Victor Amadeus repaired to the camp formed in 
 the plain, at the foot of the Vaudois Alps, where he had assem- 
 bled his guard, all his cavalry and his infantry, as well as the 
 militia of Mondovi, Barges, and Bagnolo, besides a great number 
 of foragers. He also reviewed the French troops under the 
 command of Catinat. These were composed of some regiments 
 of cavalry, seven or eight battalions of infantry who had crossed 
 the mountains, and a part of the garrisons of Pinerolo and Casal. 
 
 On the part of the Vaudois, there were two thousand frve 
 hundred men under arms. They had made in each of their 
 valleys some intrenchments of turf and rough stones. If they 
 had concentrated their forces, instead of scattering them ; if they 
 had abandoned their advanced posts, to retire into the retreats 
 of the mountains ; above all, if they had been of one mind as to 
 the course to be pursued; if they had had at their head ex- 
 perienced men, of courage and influence, like a Leger or a 
 Janavel ; if, at least, they had not numbered among their ranks 
 the irresolute, the cowardly, and probably the treacherous, the 
 issue would have been different ; but in the actual state of things 
 it could not be otherwise than disastrous. 
 
 On the 22d of April, the popish army began its march, di- 
 vided into two bodies ; the duke's troops entered the valley of 
 Lucerna, led by their general, Gabriel of Savoy, the duke's 
 uncle. The French troops, commanded by Catinat, took their 
 route through the valleys of Perosa and San Martino. We shall 
 begin with narrating the operations of these latter. 
 
 Setting out before day, they ascended along the left bank of 
 the Clusone: having arrived opposite the large village of St 
 Germain, Catinat detached a division of infantry and cavalry, 
 with orders to drive away the Vaudois from this locality, while 
 he continued his march. About two hundred of the Vaudois 
 
296 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 very soon retired behind the intrenchments they had raised on 
 the side of Pramol. There the French colonel, de Villevieille, 
 met with an invincible resistance. His soldiers, in the propor- 
 tion of six to one, fought without success for ten hours, and then 
 fell back. Seeing this, the little Vaudois troop pursued, routed, 
 and chased them as far as Clusone. Villevieille threw himself 
 with seventy men into the temple of St. Germain. Being sum- 
 moned to surrender, he constantly refused, even on honourable 
 capitulation. His retreat would have been forced, if night had 
 not come on, during which fresh troops arrived from Pinerolo to 
 his aid. The loss of the French, in killed and wounded, amount- 
 ed to five hundred. 
 
 Catinat pursued his march, and invested the valley of San 
 Martino. On the next day, the 23d, he attacked Rioclaret, 
 which was without defence, as was the whole valley, the in- 
 habitants having reckoned on the benefit of the edict of April 9, 
 as they had communicated, through the ambassadors, that they 
 would submit and resign themselves to exile. They did not 
 know that their submission had been rejected. The French, 
 irritated by the defeat of their troops at St. Germain, of which 
 the news had just reached them, were not content with pillaging, 
 burning, and violating ; they massacred, without distinction of sex 
 or age, with unheard-of fury, all who had not escaped by flight 
 from their barbarity. Catinat, leaving a part of his troops in 
 the valley of San Martino, where they put all to fire and sword, 
 then crossed the mountains on his left, and fell upon the valley 
 of Pramol, which his soldiers treated in the same manner. On 
 hearing of these excesses, the two hundred Vaudois who were 
 intrenched behind St. Germain, towards Pramol, seeing them- 
 selves cut off, nfade haste to quit a post now useless, and rejoined, 
 in the district of Peumian, those of their brethren of Pramol, St. 
 Germain, Prarustin, and Rocheplatte, who were assembled there. 
 
 While all this was going on, the army of Savoy attacked the 
 valley of Lucerna. When it reached San Giovanni, on April 
 22, it swept away, by the fire of its artillery and the charges of 
 the cavalry, all the advanced corps of the Vaudois, and then 
 attacked the valley of Angrogna, defended by five hundred 
 mountaineers. These brave men, having taken refuge in the 
 intrenchments they had cast up in a place called the Casses, 
 (Cassa,) and on the heights of La Vachere, which had already 
 
SUBMISSION OP THE VAUDOIS. 297 
 
 witnessed so many terrible combats, resisted for a whole day all 
 the duke's forces. But, on the 24th, haying learned that the 
 valley of San Martino had surrendered, and that the French, 
 already masters of Pramol, were about to attack them in the 
 rear, the Vaudois sent a flag of truce. The general Gabriel, of 
 Savoy, promised to admit them to the benefit of the edict of 
 April 9, if they submitted. And as they still hesitated, he wrote 
 a note, signed with his own hand, in the duke's name, in the 
 following terms : " Lay down your arms immediately, and trust 
 yourself to the clemency of his royal highness. On these con- 
 ditions, be assured he will show you favour, and that you 6hall 
 not be injured, either in your own persons, or in that of your 
 wives and children." On this promise the Vaudois laid down 
 their arms, and the Piedmontese army occupied their intrench- 
 ments. 
 
 Nevertheless, under the pretext of conducting them to the 
 duke, for the purpose of making their submission, they brought 
 all the able-bodied men to Lucerna, where they kept them as 
 prisoners. The abandoned soldiery, masters of the hamlets, in- 
 dulged meanwhile in all the irregular acts of the most shameful 
 licentiousness and the most terrible brutality. The same scenes 
 passed at Pra-di-torre, the ancient bulwark of the valleys, 
 whither the inhabitants of Angrogna, San Giovanni, and La 
 Torre had withdrawn their most valuable effects. There also 
 the Vaudois trusted to a faithless proposal, and saw themselves 
 unworthily treated, they and their families being alike defence- 
 less. It was the same with fifteen hundred persons who were 
 collected at Peumian, near Pramol, some refugees at Ciamprama 
 and Geymets, retired localities in La Torre ; and, in a word, to 
 avoid repetitions, throughout all the valleys. All the detach- 
 ments, even those which were intrenched in the strongest 
 places, were alarmed at finding themselves isolated in the midst 
 of a population who submitted themselves in succession. Uneasy 
 in regard to the future, they lent an ear to the fair words and 
 promises of their enemies, and surrendered themselves, one after 
 another. The Vaudois of Bobbio were the last to surrender, 
 and not without having made a brave defence. They laid down 
 their arms on the rocks of Vandalin. 
 
 We shall not soil our pages by detailing the horrible deeds 
 committed by the soldiers of Catinat on the weaker sex at 
 13* 
 
 ■ 
 
298 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Peuinian, after the departure of their commander ; nor by the 
 recital of those with which the duke's troops, especially the bands 
 of Mondovi, disgraced themselves at Angrogna, and in the val- 
 ley ofLucerna. These atrocities, which too much resemble 
 those of the persecution of 1 655, have been detailed in the 
 authentic work already cited, entitled, Histoire de la Persecution 
 des Vallees du Pie'mont en 1686, (History of the Persecution of 
 the Valleys of Piedmont in 1686,) printed at Rotterdam in 
 1689. Suffice it to say, that the generals in the war against the 
 Vaudois, always regarded the wives and daughters of their ene- 
 mies merely as victims for their licentious soldiers, and the old 
 men and children as playthings on which to try their swords. 
 
 From all quarters, armed bands conducted prisoners to Lu- 
 cerna. They had been promised, that, after having performed 
 an act of submission before his royal highness, they should be 
 sent to their homes, where they would decide either for exile or 
 popery. Instead of this, they saw themselves separated from 
 one another, sons from their fathers, husbands from their wives, 
 parents from their children, and conducted to fortified places. 
 Twelve thousand persons,* men, women, and children, were, in 
 the course of a few days, dragged from their native soil, dis- 
 tributed in thirteen or fourteen fortresses, where we shall soon 
 see they endured a thousand evils. About two thousand chil- 
 dren, abducted from their parents, were at the same time dis- 
 persed throughout Piedmont among the papists. 
 
 Many executions also took place. We shall only give that of 
 the minister Leidet, of Prali. After passing many months in 
 prison, fed on bread and water, having one foot fastened in 
 heavy wooden stocks, which prevented his lying down, he was 
 condemned to death, as if he had been taken bearing arms, 
 which was not the case, for he was found under a rock, singing 
 psalms. The monks, who allowed him no rest, for they came 
 every day to worry him (so to speak) about his faith, and to 
 provoke him to a disputation, were determined to have the 
 pleasure of tormenting him in his last moments. Having been 
 present when his sentence was read, which the martyr heard 
 
 * These are the numbers given in the Hist, de la Persecution. Arnaud raises 
 them to fourteen thousand, a number which corresponds better with that 
 stated to the Swiss ambassadors to the Valleys. (See Histoire de la Nesrocia- 
 tion, p. 63.) 
 
LEIDET A MARTYR. 299 
 
 without agitation, the monks would not leave him, and gave him 
 no rest all day, though he entreated them, saying that he wished 
 to pray to God with freedom of spirit. Moreover, they returned 
 on the morrow at daybreak to harass him again. Yet they could 
 not. disturb his peace. As he came out of his prison, he spoke 
 of the twofold deliverance he was about to enjoy, namely, that 
 from the captivity which he had so long endured within those 
 narrow walls, and that which death would give his soul, free 
 from that moment to ascend to heaven ! He went to execution 
 with holy exultation. At the foot of the scaffold he made a 
 long and admirable prayer, which deeply affected the attendants. 
 Ho borrowed his last words from his Redeemer ; " Father," he 
 cried, " into thy hands I commend my spirit." 
 
 Thus Victor Amadeus succeeded. From the gardens of the 
 palace of Lucerna, whither he had come to enjoy the victory, he 
 could behold the ravages made by his triumphant army. The 
 fields that lay before his eyes were deserted, the hamlets on the 
 sides of the mountains, the smiling villages, with their green 
 bowers and rich orchards, no longer contained one of their an- 
 cient inhabitants ; the valleys no longer resounded with the 
 bleatings of the flocks and the voices of the shepherds ; the 
 fields, the meadows, the vineyards, the alpine pasture-lands, 
 scenes once so beautiful, — all these districts, so happy in the pre- 
 vious spring, were reduced to one vast solitude, dreary as the 
 wildest rocks. 
 
 Upon the most remote Alps, in the midst of forests, and in 
 holes of the rocks, a few persons had, nevertheless, succeeded in 
 concealing themselves, living by stealth on the remnants of their 
 provisions, and on what they could find around their retreats : 
 and when the French had retired with the bands of Mondovi, 
 and a part of the Piedmontese troops, these unfortunate people 
 issued from their hiding-places. They soon collected together, 
 and rendered assistance to each other. Being often obliged to 
 descend to the inhabited places to seek for food, they rendered 
 themselves formidable. The armed force which frequently 
 chased them, could neither intimidate nor lay hold of them. 
 Their boldness accordingly increased. Unable to defeat them, 
 their enemies offered them passports, on condition of their emi- 
 grating. They only consented when hostages had been given 
 them, which one band guarded while another travelled, and 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 when some of their relations, prisoners in the fortresses, had 
 been permitted to go with them. They reached Switzerland in 
 three detachments, in the course of November.* 
 
 The evangelical cantons of Switzerland, although their inter- 
 ference had been unavailing, and they had not been able to 
 save their brethren in the faith from the catastrophe that had 
 befallen them, never ceased to feel a lively interest on their be- 
 half. They supplicated God for them on an extraordinary fast- 
 day, and ordered collections through all their territory .f They 
 redoubled their importunity with the court of Turin ; and as 
 they had been informed that the Count de Govon, the resident 
 of Savoy in Switzerland, had received power to treat with them, 
 they charged two deputies with this mission, after having de- 
 liberated on the basis of this negotiation, in their assembly at 
 Arau, in September, 1686. The plenipotentiaries agreed, sub- 
 ject to ratification, that all the prisoners should be set at liberty, 
 decently clothed, conducted to the borders of Switzerland at the 
 expense of the duke, and that those who still wandered on the 
 mountains should receive passports for the same destination. 
 The Swiss, on their part, engaged to receive them, and keep 
 them in the heart of their country, so that they might not return. 
 The ratification of the convention was immediate on the part of 
 the Swiss ; it was less readily given by the duke, who neverthe- 
 less signed it. 
 
 The decision of the evangelical cantons of Switzerland is 
 above, all praise. They charged themselves entirely with an 
 unfortunate people. They had some thousands of sickly, suffer- 
 ing, and dejected persons to feed, lodge, and maintain. What 
 a burden for their slender means ! It is true they might calcu- 
 late on succour from the Protestants of Europe, but they knew 
 not to what amount. One source was dried up, namely, in 
 France, whence the persecuted Protestants had escaped by 
 thousands in quest of an asylum, and sometimes even of bread. 
 England, where a Roman Catholic king, James II., favoured the 
 religion of the pope, and which was itself engaged in opposing 
 
 * Dieterici, die Waldenser, p. 136.— Boyer, p. 260.— Hist, de la Persecution, 
 p. 27.— Archives de Geneve, register of the 26th November, 1686, p. 306. We 
 there read that eighty Vaudois, men, women, and children, had just arrived. 
 See the same for the other detachments. 
 
 t Extracted from the public register of Berne. I.ivre des Mandats, p. 726. 
 
THEIR STATE IN THE FORTRESSES. 301 
 
 his pretensions, had not sufficient liberty to make collections in 
 favour of those whom it formerly protected. Holland and Ger- 
 many alone, although worn out by long and expensive wars, 
 could still in some degree assist the unfortunate people whom 
 they had often supported in their distress. The cantons ac- 
 quainted them with their intentions, and expected a favourable 
 answer. The elector of Brandenburg, Frederick William, 
 was the first who replied to their appeal ; the states of Holland 
 followed ; and after them several German princes, who will be 
 named in their proper place. In passing, let us pay our first 
 tribute of admiration to these Swiss cantons, who, from their 
 proximity to the valleys, were called on, prior to all their other 
 brethren, to give proof of their sincere charity to the suffering 
 disciples of Christ. 
 
 The autumn was drawing to a close, the snow already whitened 
 the summits of the alpine passes : it would soon cover all the 
 heights, and threaten with its avalanches and whirlwinds impru- 
 dent or late travellers. Yet the Vaudois were still in prison. 
 According to the best accounts, there were, in the spring, from 
 twelve to fourteen thousand in confinement. They could not 
 all be restored to liberty, for already five hundred of them had 
 been placed beyond the jurisdiction of the duke. This prince, 
 desirous of showing his gratitude for the succour afforded him 
 by the king of France, had sent this number of his subjects as a 
 present to his most Christian majesty, who had deposited them 
 in his galleys at Marseilles.* A great number of those who were 
 left in the fortresses died in them, of chagrin or disease. A change 
 of situation so complete had brought to the grave men accustom- 
 ed to inhale the mountain breezes, to live in the fields, or herds- 
 men's cottages, and, above all, to liberty. Bad water, scanty fare, 
 confinement in narrow rooms, lying on the hard bricks with which 
 they were paved, or on straw reduced to powder or rotten, the 
 suffocating heat of summer, the chilliness of the nights as soon as 
 winter came, and the vermin that covered their emaciated bodies, 
 had aggravated the morbid tendencies of many, and produced 
 epidemic disorders. Seventy-five sick persons had been found 
 at a time in one room. Moreover, they received little or no medi- 
 cal aid. It is said that many children with the small-pox died 
 from exposure to the rain. If the Vaudois wanted aid for their 
 
 * See Dieterici, p. 128. 
 
302 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 suffering bodies, to make up for that, they were constantly beset 
 by the monks. Certain it is, that of twelve thousand who entered 
 the prisons, not more than three or four thousand emigrated to 
 Switzerland. What became of the rest ? The greater part had 
 died ; others turned Catholics.* Many children and young per- 
 sons had been taken away; lastly, a considerable number of 
 adults were condemned for their lives to the fortifications and 
 the galleys. 
 
 As to the rest, there is one fact which furnishes decisive proof 
 of the determined intention of the Piedmontese government to 
 treat the miserable remains of the Vaudois with the utmost rigour ; 
 and that is, the hindrance put in the way of their departure, and 
 the manner in which it was at last effected. It was winter, a sea- 
 son in which no one, unless as a matter of necessity, would at- 
 tempt to cross the Alps. This observation, which is true in our 
 days, notwithstanding the excellent roads now made across the 
 mountains, would be particularly so two centuries ago, when the 
 means of communication were so inferior to what they have since 
 become. A journey which some robust persons would not have 
 attempted without hesitation, on account of the perils of the sea- 
 son, the ice and snows, it was cruel and barbarous, to force thou- 
 sands of men, enfeebled by disease and imprisonment, to under- 
 take, in the depth of winter, across the Alps; and also old men, 
 worn down by sufferings as well as by years, besides women and 
 children of the tenderest age. It was to consent beforehand to 
 the death of a multitude of them, and even to ensure it. Spirit 
 of Papal Rome, how many victims hast thou made ! 
 
 It may perhaps be said, not without foundation, that in choosing 
 this season, the ministers of Victor Amadeus reckoned on the 
 discouragement that would seize the unfortunate exiles, in the 
 prospect of the sufferings and perils that awaited them, which 
 might induce them to apostatize, and thus retain them in the duke's 
 domains. But if the end was praiseworthy, were the means so ? 
 No man of the slightest humanity, and much more, no Christian, 
 could assent to this. . 
 
 The intention of retaining within the duke's dominions these 
 poor prisoners, who for eight months had been deprived of their 
 
 * Those who apostatized were in hopes that their goods would be restored to 
 them, which was not the case. These persons were mostly distributed through 
 the province of Vercelli. (Hist, de la Persecution, p. 32.) 
 
THEIR TRAVELLING IN THE DEPTH OF WINTER. 303 
 
 liberty, appeared evident from the means that were employed 
 to damp their courage. Proclamation was made, it is true, that 
 all, even those who had promised to abjure, were at liberty to 
 depart ; but, as the accounts state, it was attempted to allure by 
 promises, or to deter by a description of the dangers of all kinds 
 that they might expect on the road. Many, in fact, suffered 
 themselves to be dissuaded. But nothing could stop the general 
 movement. Yet a great number of children, who, although scat- 
 tered through Piedmont, had heard of the proclamation, were 
 prevented from rejoining their parents, when they made the at- 
 tempt. Moreover, the proclamation was not published in the 
 prisons of Lucerna ; it was only posted up in the market-place ; 
 so that those who were detained in this town could not avail them- 
 selves of the liberty that was granted them. The prisoners, also, 
 who groaned in the deep dungeons of Asti, were detained, as 
 well as their parents, who waited for them in the citadel of Turin. 
 Within the walls of the latter place nine pastors, with their fami- 
 lies, were enclosed ; of whom mention will be made in the sequel. 
 
 The Vaudois travelled in companies, escorted by the officers 
 and soldiers of the duke. They were promised decent clothing, 
 but only a small number of pairs of stockings and of jackets were 
 distributed among them. The two following facts will suffice to 
 depict the situation of these unfortunate beings. At Mondovi, 
 it was five o'clock in the afternoon, at Christmas, when their 
 liberation was announced to the prisoners, but with the addition 
 that if they did not set out forthwith, it would be out of their 
 power altogether, as the order would be revoked the next day. 
 Fearful of losing the favourable opportunity, these unfortunate 
 persons, wasted by disease, set out on their march by night and 
 walked four or five leagues through the snow, and in the most 
 intense frost. This first march cost the lives of a hundred and 
 fifty of them, who died on the road, without their brethren being 
 able to give them any aid. 
 
 The other fact was this. A troop of prisoners from Fossan 
 having passed a night at Novalese, at the foot of Mount Cenis, 
 some of thorn, on setting out again, remarked to the officer who 
 conducted them that a storm was rising on the mountain. In 
 the Alps, during the winter season, persons never expose them- 
 selves to these storms without bitterly repenting. The Vaudois, 
 to whom from their habits of observation the danger was obvious, 
 
304 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 begged that their march might be suspended, out of pity for so 
 many weak and exhausted persons who were to be found in their 
 ranks. If their request caused delay, they would not ask for 
 food. They saw less danger in going without food than in travel- 
 ling at such a season. The officer refused. The company was 
 forced to proceed on its march, and eighty-six sunk in the drifted 
 snow, and were frozen to death ;* they were the aged and sick, 
 women and little children. The bands that followed, and mer- 
 chants that passed that way some days after, saw the bodies 
 stretched upon the snow, the mothers still pressing their children 
 in their arms. The Swiss commissioners, of whom mention will 
 soon be made, requested, when they returned to Turin, that 
 measures might be taken to bury the bodies as they became ex- 
 posed to view. 
 
 Yet we do not say (God forbid !) that all the officers were like 
 this one. There were several who displayed great humanity in 
 the accomplishment of their painful task. 
 
 The news of such sufferings endured in the prisons and on the 
 journey, brought by the first detachment of the unfortunate Vau- 
 dois, no sooner came to the knowledge of the magistrates of the 
 cantons than, moved with pity and following the inspirations of 
 Christian charity, they sent commissioners to the spot, who were 
 directed to relieve the exiles by all possible means. These agents, 
 with the permission of the Piedmontese authorities, stationed 
 themselves, in the beginning of February, along the road to Turin ; 
 one at Chambery or Annecy, another at St. Jean de Maurienne, 
 a third at Lans le Bourg, a fourth at Suza. Their names were, 
 Roy, lord of Romainmotier, Forestier of Cully, Panchaud of 
 Morges, and Cornilliat of Nyon. Their correspondence with the 
 government of Berne shows that they were well qualified for the 
 commission intrusted to their care. Each one, at his station, pro- 
 vided the unfortunate Vaudois, on their arrival, during their short 
 stay, and on their departure, with every comfort which sickness, 
 fatigue, age, feebleness, or the inclemency of the season could 
 call for. To furnish the means of transport to all, medicines and 
 warm clothing to others, money to a great number ; to give to 
 all consolation and encouragement, such was the task in the per- 
 formance of which these benevolent individuals gained the praise 
 
 " Besides the eighty-six Vaudois, six of the duke's guards, with the drummer, 
 lost their lives. (Letter of M. Truchet, in the Archives of Berne, mark C) 
 
THEIR TRAVELLING IN THE DEPTH OF WINTER. 305 
 
 of their superiors and the profound gratitude of the exiles. By 
 their attentions, multitudes, who were weak, exhausted, and de- 
 jected, acquired strength and courage, and were enabled to re- 
 join their brethren, whom otherwise they would never have been 
 in a state to follow, and consequently would have seen no more. 
 On many occasions, they accompanied one and another band to 
 their destination, when the care of the sick and the numerous 
 children required their presence. Their inquiries and protests 
 led also to the liberation of the greater number of the children 
 and girls that had been taken away from their parents, while 
 they were travelling. 
 
 Towards the middle of February, when the principal bands 
 of the Vaudois had passed,* two of the commissioners, Messieurs 
 Roy and Forestier, conformably to the instructions of their 
 superiors, repaired to Turin, to solicit the liberation of the re- 
 maining prisoners, namely, the ministers and their families, as 
 well as those who had taken up arms. They also claimed the 
 children who had been taken away during the preceding dis- 
 turbances. 
 
 The presence of the commissioners at Turin produced irrita- 
 tion. Such urgency was looked upon with an evil eye. The 
 Romish propaganda took offence at it. The Vaudois pastors, 
 who before could sometimes leave the prison under the inspec- 
 tion of an officer, no longer received this indulgence-! The 
 numerous barbets, or Vaudois footmen, whom the gentry placed 
 in a livery behind their carriages, were no longer to be seen. 
 All the claims for the abducted children were disregarded. The 
 commissioners only obtained leave to visit the ministers, and that 
 in the presence of several officers. But, as if the interest shown 
 towards them was a sufficient reason for tightening the bonds of 
 the prisoners, the next morning three pastors and their families, 
 with a malefactor from Mondovi, were sent away to the castle 
 of Nice. On the following day, three other pastors, with their 
 families, were despatched to Montmeillan. The malefactor of 
 Mondovi was not forgotten. The commissioners, having been 
 apprized of the departure of the first and second, watched in the 
 
 * The last reached Geneva at the end of February ; after this the commis- 
 sioners Panchaud and Cornilliat returned home. 
 
 t There were nine in the citadel of Turin, (besides their families, consisting 
 of forty-seven persons ;) they were Malanot ; Jahier, of Pramol ; Laurent ; 
 Giraud ; Jahier, of Rocheplatte ; Chauvie, Bastie, Leger, and Bertrand. 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 neighbourhood of the citadel for the setting out of the last. At 
 the head of the procession was the bandit in chains ; then came 
 a cart with the children and the sick ; next the three ministers 
 and their wives on foot, accompanied by a sergeant-major. 
 Directing their course to the Po, they embarked on it for the 
 castle of Vercelli. The commissioners were scarcely allowed to 
 exchange a few words with them, and to furnish them with what 
 money they had. The father of the minister Bastie, sixty-five 
 years old, and in bad health, was separated from his son, and 
 remained in the citadel, with one person of his family to assist 
 him.* 
 
 It was not that the duke's council had resolved on the de- 
 struction of these faithful pastors ; they had even promised to 
 release them in the course of time ; but they dreaded their in- 
 fluence on the exiles, and wished to keep them apart for some 
 time longcr.f 
 
 The efforts to obtain the return of the young children who 
 were taken from their parents at the time of their imprisonment, 
 remained without success. The commissioners returned in the 
 course of May, 1687, having had the satisfaction, if not of saving 
 all the unfortunate victims of oppression for whom they laboured, 
 yet of preventing very great evils, and becoming, to a great 
 number, a support against discouragement, an aid in distress, 
 guides to brave the storm, and skilful pilots, to bring with a 
 friendly hand the almost shipwrecked bark into port. Christ, 
 the Head of the Church, had promised faithful protectors and 
 sympathizing brethren for his witnesses while bearing the cross. 
 Switzerland was the asylum where, by their care, the children 
 of the martyrs, the descendants of the primitive Christians, came 
 to sit down by the side of the sons of freedom, in the dwellings 
 of the disciples of the reformers, Calvin, Viret, Farel, Zwingle, 
 (Ecolampadius, and Haller, ancient and revered friends of their 
 fathers. 
 
 * See the letter of April 2, (12th,) 1687, from the Commissioners to their Ex- 
 cellencies. Mark C of the Archives of Berne. 
 
 t Among the Vaudois pastors after their return, we find six of those here 
 mentioned, Bastie, Leger, Giraud, Malanot, and the two Jahiers. The names 
 of the others do not occur again, to our knowledge. 
 
THEIR ARRIVAL AT GENEVA. 307 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS REFUGEES IN SWITZERLAND AND GERMANY 
 RETURN IN ARMS TO THEIR COUNTRY AND OBTAIN PEACE. 
 
 (1686-1690.) 
 
 Two thousand six hundred Yaudois, men, women, and children, 
 were received within the walls of hospitable Geneva.* About 
 one hundred and sixty, in two or three bands, had reached that 
 city before them in the preceding autumn. A nearly equal 
 number, retarded by sickness, abduction, or imprisonment, gra- 
 dually joined the main body, which, with all these additions, 
 never reached three thousand : the feeble remnant of a popula- 
 tion of from fourteen to sixteen thousand. Moreover, they were 
 either sick or worn out with fatigue and anxiety, and the greater 
 part indifferently protected against the rigours of winterf by the 
 old garments they had worn in prison. There were some whose 
 lives ended at the very moment their liberty began, and who 
 expired between the two gates of the city ; but in proportion as 
 the wounds to be dressed were deep and alarming, the Genevese 
 charity exerted itself to meet the exigencies of the case. The 
 population hastened forth to meet the exiles as far as the bridge 
 of the Arve, which is the frontier. The magistrates were obliged 
 to prohibit persons from going out of the city in this manner, on 
 account of the embarrassment which resulted from this eagerness. 
 It was a point of contention who should have the honour of 
 lodging one of these persecuted Christians. The greatest in- 
 valids and sufferers were taken by preference.^ If they had any 
 difficulty in walking, men carried them in their arms into their 
 houses. Their hosts, as well as the committee of the Italian 
 Exchange, provided clothes for all. If Geneva did so much for 
 the Yaudois, it was because she believed that by the presence of 
 
 * This is the number stated in the letter of March 19, (29th,) 1687, addressed 
 from Switzerland to the Marquis de St. Thomas, the duke's minister at Turin. 
 — Archives of Berne, mark C. 
 
 t The journey was made in January and February, 1687. The duke had 
 clothed a small part of them, very indifferently. 
 
 $ Amaud says, " The Genevese contested with one another who should take 
 home the most destitute." 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 these martyrs she would receive in spiritual blessings more than 
 she could render to them in temporal aid. 
 
 One scene, which was repeated every time a new company 
 of exiles entered the city, deeply touched the hearts of the by- 
 standers, namely, the search made by the first and last comers 
 for their relations, the questions they put, and the answers they 
 received respecting the fate of a father, a mother, a husband, a 
 wife, or of brothers, sisters, and children, whom they had not 
 seen for ten months. We can scarcely tell which answer was 
 the most overwhelming, " Your father died in prison," " Your 
 husband has become a papist," " Your child has been carried 
 away," or, " No one has heard a word about the person you are 
 inquiring for." It was not only bread, and clothing, and an 
 asylum, which these children of the Alps had need of, they 
 wanted also sincere friends to mourn with them, and console 
 them in their afflictions. 
 
 If they met with sympathizing hearts at Geneva, they also 
 found many in the cities and country places of Protestant 
 Switzerland and Germany, where the Christian brotherhood 
 received them ;* for they could not remain at Geneva. The 
 treaty concluded by the evangelical cantons with the duke, for 
 the emigration of the Yaudois, specified their withdrawment 
 from the frontiers. Consequently, in proportion as they re- 
 covered from their fatigue, they were transported to the Pays 
 de Vaud, and thence by Yverdon, by the lakes and rivers, into 
 the interior of Switzerland. 
 
 The evangelical cantons, Berne especially, had already sup- 
 ported thousands of the French refugees. These victims of the 
 cruelty of Louis XIV., were, one-fourth or one-third of them, 
 assisted by public and private charity. The Vaudois, therefore, 
 being quite destitute of everything, gave occasion for a super- 
 added expense to the state and people, which was a heavy 
 charge ; but wise measures had been taken. Berne, for example, 
 had made preparations from the moment that emigration had 
 been decided upon. Five thousand ells of linen had been made 
 
 * A Vaudois, the author of the " Histoire de la Persecution des Vallees du 
 Piemont," printed at Rotterdam in 1689, from which we have taken most of the 
 preceding details, expresses his gratitude in these words :— " With respect to 
 the Vaudois, as well as other refugees, we may say that Switzerland was a 
 secure haven, formed by God's own hand, to save from shipwreck those who 
 were exposed to the waves of persecution." 
 
DESIRE TO RETURN TO THE VALLEYS. 309 
 
 into under garments ; an equal quantity of the common woollen 
 stuffs of Oberland had been used to prepare warm outer gar- 
 ments. Hundreds of pairs of shoes were laid up in the depots. 
 The bailiffs, being informed betimes of the wish of their excel- 
 lencies, had stimulated (if, indeed, that were necessary) the 
 generous sentiments of the communal administrations and of in- 
 dividuals. Another fast in February, 1687, at the moment when 
 the great body of the exiles entered Geneva, had prepared their 
 hearts by the inspirations of religion. Another collection had 
 been made at the same time. The reformed Swiss received with 
 open arms their brethren of Piedmont, as they had already re- 
 ceived those of France ; and with still greater compassion, for 
 the Vaudois needed it more. The evangelical cantons distri- 
 buted the refugees among them in a fixed proportion. Zurich 
 took thirty per cent. ; Bale, twelve ; Schaffhausen, eight ; Saint- 
 Gall, Outer Appenzel, the Grisons, and Glaris also received 
 some. Berne took charge of forty-four per cent. ; part of whom 
 were placed at Bienne, Neuville, and in the district of Neuf- 
 chatel. 
 
 While these victims of a fanatical policy rested under the 
 roof of Christian hospitality, the question of their future resi- 
 dence seriously engaged their protectors in Germany, Holland, 
 and Switzerland.* The elector of Brandenburg and several 
 German princes opened their states to them. In Holland, they 
 spoke of facilitating their emigration, in a body, to the Cape of 
 Good Hope or to America. The echo of these friendly voices 
 brought their proposals to the ears of the Vaudois, and filled 
 their hearts with disquietude. When, in the preceding year, 
 the Swiss deputies had proposed to them the abandonment of 
 their native country, as the only means of escaping still greater 
 evils, a numerous party among them were energetically opposed 
 to such a step. They never consented, till, having been prison- 
 ers for months in the fortresses of Piedmont, nothing remained to 
 them but to apostatize or to emigrate. Now that dungeons, and 
 their prolonged absence from their beloved native country, had 
 only increased their affection for it, they felt intense agony at 
 the thought that they should never see it again, and that they 
 
 * England, governed by a popish prince, James II., who was soon to be driven 
 from the throne for his attempts at religious oppression, was not, and could not 
 be at that period, an effective protector of the Vaudois. 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 should be compelled to renounce it forever. Certainly, they 
 returned thanks to God, and blessed their brethren, for having 
 obtained their liberty, for having fed and consoled them, and for 
 offering them houses and lands again ; but the places in which 
 love to God and Christian charity offered them an asylum, could 
 not occupy in their imagination the place of their native soil. A 
 foreign land, however benevolent the inhabitants might be who 
 would consent to share it with them, could never be the same to 
 them as their own country, the land of their fathers. 
 
 The desire of the Vaudois to return to their native country, 
 though deeply cherished by them all, was only by degrees formed 
 into a project, in proportion as they believed in the possibility 
 of its realization. The minister Arnaud, who, in the sequel, was 
 the leader of the enterprise, was probably its originator ; but, in 
 the first account that was given of it, it was attributed to the 
 fervent zeal of the hero of Rora, the intrepid Janavel, who had 
 retired to Geneva, after a capital sentence had menaced his life. 
 Geneva, believing its honour engaged to the duke, banished him 
 from its walls ; but he soon returned thither. 
 
 The first attempt of the Vaudois to return to the valleys 
 necessarily failed at its outset, from its being made so much at 
 hazard, without precaution, without leaders, and, we may say, 
 without arms. Those who engaged in it came in an irregular 
 manner from their cantonments at Zurich, Bale, Argovie, and 
 N"eufchatel, to Lausanne and its environs, about the end of July, 
 1687, without having taken any of the preliminary measures 
 necessary for such an expedition. Their numbers, moreover, 
 were inconsiderable ; only about three hundred and fifty. Being 
 stopped by the chief magistrate of Lausanne at Ouchy, where 
 they attempted to embark, they submitted, sorely against their 
 will, to the order for returning to the places from whence they 
 came. 
 
 Though in this instance unable to succeed, the Vaudois did 
 not abandon their design. They perceived that it had been 
 badly managed ; that it was necessary to mature a plan, to make 
 preparations for it, and then to execute it simultaneously and 
 secretly, under the direction of their chiefs. This method they 
 actually pursued. Their first care was to send three men to 
 discover by-roads, by which they could return to the valleys. 
 It was desirable to avoid populous localities, to follow by pre- 
 
OFFER OF THE ELECTOR OF BRANDENBURG. 311 
 
 ference the higher valleys and the elevated ridges, to pass the 
 rivers near their sources, and then, reaching their destination, to 
 engage their friends secretly to prepare bread,* and to deposit 
 it in convenient places. Such were the principal directions and 
 instructions these persons received. 
 
 While the three spies were fulfilling their mission, at the peril 
 of their lives, the cantons, dissatisfied with the attempt of the 
 Vaudois, which might have compromised them with the duke of 
 Savoy, continued the former negotiations with the German prin- 
 ces for the emigration of their guests, whose presence was now 
 become inconvenient. 
 
 The elector of Brandenburg, Frederick William, who was 
 called by his contemporaries the Great Elector, a prince whose 
 memory both the Vaudois and the French Protestants will bless 
 forever, was not content with interceding with the duke of 
 Savoy on behalf of his oppressed brother Protestants ; he showed 
 himself ready to receive a part of the remains of their popula- 
 tion, and wrote for subsidies on their behalf to the prince of 
 Orange, to the states-general of Holland, to the city of Bremen, 
 and to the elector of Saxony, as well as to England. It only re- 
 mained to compute the number of the emigrants. Of two thou- 
 sand six hundred and fifty-six Vaudois distributed among the 
 cantons, the elector consented to take charge of about two thou- 
 sand ; the aged and the sick were to remain in Switzerland. 
 Such were the arrangements settled at Berlin, in concert with 
 the deputy of the cantons, counsellor Holzhalb of Zurich. 
 
 But the Vaudois, full of the project of returning to their native 
 land, showed little eagerness to accept the asylum which the be- 
 nevolence of the great elector offered them at Stendal, in the 
 vicinity of the Elbe, to the north of Magdeburg. They were 
 alarmed at the thought of being fixed at such a distance from 
 their ancient country. The climate and the language also made 
 them hesitate. The measures taken by the evangelical cantons 
 and the Vaudois delegates had also inclined the hearts of the 
 elector Palatine, the count Waldeck, and the duke of Wirtem- 
 berg to place lands capable of cultivation at the disposal of the 
 exiles of the valleys. But, although the spring of 1G88 had now 
 arrived, the Vaudois could not resolve to separate themselves, 
 
 * In the high Alps bread is only made once a year. It becomes as hard as a 
 stone, and is kept like biscuit. 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 and to settle in these distant colonies. " It seemed that these 
 unfortunate people," said Remigius Merian, resident of the elec- 
 tor of Brandenburg, at Frankfort, " changed their plans every 
 day, and could decide on nothing. They were always longing 
 after their own country and people. They undervalued the fa- 
 vours offered them by princes." — Dieterici, die Waldenser, etc. 
 p. 145. 
 
 Nevertheless, being obliged by their position to make their 
 choice, they decided at last, that one part of them, about a thou- 
 sand, should repair to Brandenburg, but that the others should 
 distribute themselves in the Palatine and Wirtemberg, not to be 
 too far removed from the dominions of the duke of Savoy ; for 
 they had not forgotten their secret project. 
 
 The chamberlain de Bondelly had arrived with a commission 
 to conduct the thousand Vaudois to their destination. The death 
 of his master, the great elector Frederic William, the protector 
 of the persecuted Protestants, formed no obstacle to their de- 
 parture, Frederic III., his successor, having shown his readiness 
 to receive the inheritance of charity which his father had be- 
 queathed to him. 
 
 On the other hand, the three spies had returned.* Their re- 
 port on the state of the valleys, at that time inhabited by stran- 
 gers, and on the road to be taken in returning thither, induced 
 the directors to hold a council, in which it was resolved to make 
 a second attempt through the valleys, the great and little St. Ber- 
 nard and Mount Cenis. Bex, a little town at the southern ex- 
 tremity of the state of Berne,f at the foot of the mountains, near 
 a bridge over the Rhone, was chosen as the place of rendezvous. 
 The time fixed was the 9th or 10th of June, 1688. 
 
 At the head of the movement was a man, whose name has re- 
 sounded far and wide, and will be transmitted to the most dis- 
 tant posterity, — a man fitted both for peace and war ; an humble 
 minister of the Lord, and commander of an army ; copious and 
 eloquent in language enriched by the Holy Scriptures, when he 
 applied himself to teach and exhort ; full of unction and fervour 
 when on his knees he supplicated the Father of mercies for his 
 
 * They had been exposed to imminent danger. They were arrested in the 
 district of the Tarentaise. Eight days they remained in prison, but at last had 
 the good fortune to be set at liberty. 
 
 t It now makes a part of the canton of Vaud. 
 
A SECOND ATTEMPT THWARTED. 313 
 
 depressed Church ; brief and decided in tone when he directed 
 the march, or gave orders in the tumult of battle : such a man 
 was Arnaud. A native of the vicinity of Die, in Dauphine*, 
 Henri Arnaud, one of the most esteemed pastors of the Vaudois 
 Church, had withdrawn himself at the time of the general dis- 
 aster of 1686, being too prudent and too clear-sighted to surren- 
 der himself to the duke's troops.* And when the residue of the 
 people, to whom he had consecrated his life, were released from 
 prison, he joined them. He sojourned at Neufchatel with a part 
 of his people. His genius and resolute character marked him 
 out to the Yaudois, as the man around whom they ought to ga- 
 ther, as the living soul of their people, — in one word, as their 
 chief. It was to him, in fact, that the general confidence gave 
 the command of the enterprise for a long time* projected, and 
 which was now ripe for execution. 
 
 The most courageous Vaudois had quitted their cantonments 
 and traversed Switzerland by night, through byroads, and repair- 
 ed to Bex, the general rendezvous. But however secret their 
 march, it could not be concealed from the senates of Zurich and 
 Berne, nor from the council of Geneva, who suddenly were in- 
 formed that sixty Vaudois who served in the garrison had just 
 deserted, and entered the Pays de Vaud. Their project, being 
 thus divulged, was thwarted. A bark laden with arms did not 
 reach Villeneuve, where they were waiting for it. The chief 
 magistrate of Aigle, being apprized by their excellencies, was 
 obliged to conform to their orders and stop the expedition. It 
 also met with other insurmountable obstacles. The inhabitants 
 of Valais, in agreement with the Savoyards, having, on N the first 
 rumour, occupied the bridge of St. Maurice, the key of the pass, 
 had both of them by their signals roused all Chablais, and put 
 Valais on its guard. The fatal order for stopping their march 
 was given with all the kind consideration possible to six or seven 
 hundred Vaudois, who were then assembled in the temple of 
 Bex, by the generous Fr. Thormann, magistrate or governor of 
 Aigle. He addressed them with tears in his eyes, showing them 
 that their project having taken wind, and their adversaries being 
 in arms, it would be rash to think of going any farther, and that 
 their excellencies could not permit it without laying themselves 
 
 * He was present at the affairs of St. Germain, when two hundred Vaudois 
 made so gallant a defence. 
 
 14 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 open to the charge of violating treaties. He did justice to their 
 zeal ; and, in order to incline their hearts to patience and trust 
 in God, under their trials, he reminded them that the Lord, who 
 is attentive to the desires of his children, and holds the times in 
 his own hand, knew well how to bring about the favourable mo- 
 ment. This sensible and friendly discourse having somewhat 
 calmed their spirits, their pastor and leader, Arnaud, led them 
 to entire submission by a sermon on the affecting words of the 
 Saviour — "Fear not, little flock," Luke xii, 32. 
 
 The Vaudois being conducted to Aigle, and lodged with pri- 
 vate individuals, took a grateful leave of this humane governor, 
 who lent them two hundred crowns to assist those of them in re- 
 turning who lived in the farthest parts of Switzerland. They 
 felt how much*thev were indebted to him, when they saw them- 
 selves repulsed from Vevey, where they were even refused pro- 
 visions, and when they found themselves treated with severity, 
 all along the road, by order of the council of Berne, who were 
 displeased, as may be easily imagined, with an expedition which 
 compromised their honour, since there were not wanting persons 
 at Turin to suspect them of being accomplices. This was ac- 
 tually the fact ; but the cantons cleared themselves entirely of 
 such an imputation. 
 
 As to the persons engaged in this attempt, who were banished 
 for some time to the Isle of Bienne, (St. Pierre,) they received 
 orders two months afterwards from the assembled cantons, to re- 
 sume their route to the north of Switzerland, Zurich, and Schaff- 
 hausen, and to accept, notwithstanding the opposition many con- 
 tinued to show, the charitable offers of the German princes. 
 More than eight hundred persons, men, women, and children, 
 embarked on the Rhine, to be conveyed to the electorate of 
 Brandenburg. And while the French commandant de Brissac 
 fired at their boats, Frederic III. prepared to give them a cordial 
 reception. A separate part of the town of Stendal was given 
 them for a residence ; they were amply supplied with all the 
 comforts of life. They were allowed to have, not only their own 
 pastor and schoolmaster, but also their own municipal magistrates 
 and judges. Eight hundred Vaudois were to till and sow the 
 rich lands of the Palatinate, which the elector, Philip William of 
 Neuburg, had put at their disposal. Seven hundred were set- 
 tled in Wirtemberg. A few hundreds remained in Switzerland, 
 
MANY RETURN TO SWITZERLAND. 315 
 
 particularly in the Grisons. Arnaud, after having superintended 
 this distribution, which he could not but deplore, set out, in com- 
 pany with a Vaudois captain, (Baptiste Besson, of San Giovanni,) 
 for Holland, to consult respecting his secret project with prince 
 William of Orange, who was more conversant than any other 
 man with public affairs and the politics of Europe. This prince, 
 who in the following year ascended the throne of England in the 
 place of the papist James II., encouraged the persevering Ar- 
 naud, and led him to hope that circumstances would be very 
 favourable to his enterprise. He advised him, meanwhile, to 
 keep the Vaudois as much united as possible. 
 
 In fact, scarcely had a few months passed away, when the 
 situation of political affairs favoured the accomplishment of 
 Arnaud's project. War broke out, Germany was invaded in the 
 autumn of 1688, and the French army overran the Palatinate. 
 The Vaudois who were there, dreading these Frenchmen who 
 had done so much mischief in their valleys, retired before them, 
 and retook the road to Switzerland. A part of those in Wirtem- 
 berg did the same. The evangelical cantons, affected by their 
 new sufferings, gave them a kind reception ; Schaffhausen, par- 
 ticularly, where they obtained a temporary settlement. They 
 were soon distributed in their ancient allotments, even in dis- 
 tricts where the French language was spoken ; as at Neuville 
 and Neufchatel. The intervention of Holland was perhaps not 
 useless, in these times, for the poor exiles, tossed about by poli- 
 tical storms, at a distance from their native land. M. de Con- 
 venant, deputed by the states general, requested the cantons, at 
 the beginning of 1689, to continue their protection to the Vau- 
 dois till his Britannic majesty, William of Orange,* could pro- 
 vide for their settlement in his new dominions. Thus protected, 
 the children of the valleys waited for the important hour of their 
 departure, gaining an honest livelihood with their own hands, 
 chiefly among the peasantry. Everywhere justice was done to 
 their activity and probity. The only misdemeanour of which 
 any one of them was accused, was the carrying off a musket ; 
 and this, after some time, was restored. 
 
 The dawn of their deliverance, so impatiently longed for, at 
 last appeared on the political horizon, inviting the Vaudois to 
 
 * The prince of Orange landed in England in November, 1688, and was crowned 
 April 11, 1689. 
 
316 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 depart and to re-enter their own country in arms. Savoy was 
 stripped of troops ; Victor Amadeus having withdrawn them to 
 Piedmont, where he needed them. France, attacked by the 
 emperor and by the Dutch, to whom England, now governed by 
 William III., would soon be joined, having itself to defend, could 
 furnish no succour to the duke of Savoy against the Vaudois, 
 who, when once more intrenched in their mountains, would 
 know how to defend themselves, till their powerful protectors 
 could obtain- an honourable capitulation for them. 
 
 Feeling secure on the side of their adversaries, the Vaudois 
 needed only to be on their guard against their friends, whose 
 political relations constrained them to put obstacles in the way 
 of their departure. The undertaking was certainly difficult ; 
 but if secrecy could be preserved, it was not impossible. The 
 experience of two abortive attempts had taught silence and ex- 
 traordinary prudence. Yet some suspicions were excited at 
 Berne, and orders were given to the chief magistrates at Chillon 
 and Aigle, at Nyon, and some other places, in case the Vaudois 
 should attempt a passage, as in the preceding year. Berne also 
 caused Arnaud, who was residing at Neufchatel with his wife, to 
 be watched. This enterprising leader, however, took his pre- 
 cautions so well, made his preparations with so much ability, and 
 gave his orders with such precision, that in spite of the watch- 
 fulness of the authorities, he perfectly succeeded. 
 
 The place of rendezvous appointed for the scattered Vaudois 
 was a forest of considerable size, called the wood of Prangins, 
 situated on the borders of the lake Leman, in the vicinity of the 
 little town of Nyon, on the confines of the Bernese territory.* 
 The extent of the forest, its isolated position along the banks 
 facing the Savoyard coast, from which it was not above a league 
 distant, rendered it preferable to every other point. The time 
 fixed for the gathering was equally well chosen. They took 
 advantage of the solemnity of a general fast, which, keeping the 
 population in the temples and the interior of the villages, pre- 
 vented them from noticing the armed travellers, and rendered 
 it very difficult to call out the militia of the country, in case the 
 authorities wished to oppose either the gathering or the em- 
 barkation. 
 
 The movement of several hundreds of armed men could not 
 * This district now forms part of the canton of Vaud. 
 
THE WOOD OF PRANGINS. 31*7 
 
 be concealed so entirely that the magistrates should receive no 
 notice of it ; but the care taken by the bands to conceal their 
 march into the wood, and particularly their staying on the dis- 
 tant lands of the chief magistrate of Morges till the decisive 
 moment, the evening of the 16th of August, when they entered 
 unperceived into the bailiwick of Nyon and the wood of Pran- 
 gins, at a time when they were supposed to be far off, as the 
 distance was thought to be too great for their arrival there ; by 
 such precautions the measures were thwarted, which the magis- 
 trates had hastened to take. All sources of apprehension were 
 not yet removed. Scarcely had the principal brigades reached 
 the wood of Nyon in the evening, when they saw persons land- 
 ing from a multitude of boats, whose curiosity had brought them 
 there, to ascertain if the reports in circulation were well founded. 
 This circumstance, which might have been fatal to them, and 
 obliged them to embark much sooner than they had expected, 
 before all their own people had arrived, turned out very ad- 
 vantageously for them, by putting at their disposal means of 
 transport which they would otherwise have been without 
 
 It was between nine and ten o'clock, in the evening of the 
 16th of August, 1689, the day after the fast, that Henri Arnaud 
 gave the signal for their departure, by falling on his knees on 
 the margin of the lake, and invoking, in a loud voice, the all- 
 good and all-powerful God, who, in their distresses, had remained 
 their safeguard and their hope. Fifteen boats unmoored, laden 
 with the greater part of the little army. A gust of wind, which 
 for a short time dispersed some of them, brought them within 
 sight of a Geneva boat that contained eighteen of their people. 
 No sooner had they reached the opposite shore than the trans- 
 ports pushed off again, in quest of those who might be waiting 
 for them ; but of the fifteen boats, three only reached the wood 
 of Prangins in the night, and brought over a fresh detachment 
 to the Savoy side.* The others disappeared. By this mishap, 
 two hundred men remained on the Swiss side. It may be pre- 
 sumed that they were not the most ardent to engage in the 
 
 * One of the boatmen of Nyon, named Signat, a native of Tonneins, in Guienne, 
 a man zealous for religion, and a refugee, was left on the Savoy side by the other 
 boatmen, while he was taking leave of his friends from the valleys. In vain he 
 ran to the shore, calling after his comrades, who went off with his boat. " Come 
 with us," said his new friends, " and we will give you a good house in lieu of 
 your little boat." He accordingly set out with them. 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 struggle. Many of them were not even armed. Aruaud also 
 regretted the loss of a score of men, who reached Morges too 
 late, where they were stopped, and prevented from joining him. 
 All these men, however, regained their asylum in the cantons ; 
 but the loss most lamented was that of a hundred and twenty 
 brave men coming from the Grisons, St. Gall, and Wirtemberg. 
 They were arrested in the small popish cantons, by the desire 
 of the Count de Govon, the resident of the duke of Savoy, who 
 had got tidings of their setting out, and they were sent to the 
 prisons of Turin, where they remained till the peace. 
 
 Nine hundred men had effected the passage of the lake — a 
 small company to attempt making their way through an un- 
 friendly population, and thousands of soldiers intrenched behind 
 streams of water, or in fortified positions ; a company, on the 
 other hand, far too numerous for the slender means of sustenance 
 to be found in the by-places through which they intended to go ; 
 an untrained assemblage, formed of persons of every age, harden- 
 ed, it is true, by toil, but yet strangers to military discipline and 
 manoeuvres. 
 
 Between Nernier and Yvoire, two towns of the Chablais, 
 facing the wood of Prangins, Arnaud, the leader, landed from 
 his frail bark with fourteen companions, and his first care was to 
 place sentinels at all the avenues, and to marshal his troops as 
 they disembarked. He then divided his nine hundred men into 
 twenty companies, six of which were composed of the French 
 of Dauphine", adjoining the valleys, and of Languedoc ; thirteen 
 others were of different Vaudois communes ; and the last of 
 volunteers, who were not willing to make a part of the preceding. 
 They formed three bodies, an advanced guard, a centre, and a 
 rear-guard, according to the tactics of regular troops, which were 
 always observed by the Vaudois in their marches. Two min- 
 isters, beside Arnaud, were with the little army— Cyrus Chyon, 
 formerly pastor of Pont-a-Royans, in Dauphind, and Montoux, 
 of the valley of Pragela. The first, Chyon, was soon separated 
 from the expedition. Having repaired with too much confidence 
 to the first village, to obtain a guide, he was taken prisoner and 
 led to Chambe'ry, where he remained till the peace. 
 
 The army, once organized, and in a condition to defend them- 
 selves if the enemy appeared, bent their knees before the Lord, 
 on whom the success of their enterprise depended, and ardently 
 
PROGRESS OF THE ARMY. 319 
 
 invoked his all-powerful aid. They then took a southward 
 direction, in order to pass over the little mountain range that 
 separates Chablais from Faucigny ; — Yvoire, being threatened, 
 opened its gates and gave them a free passage. The villages 
 through which they passed never dreamed of making resistance. 
 Some gentry, as well as subaltern magistrates, whose persons 
 they secured as hostages, were obliged to follow, and served as 
 guides, till they were replaced by others. Nevertheless, they 
 performed these coercive measures with so much address, and 
 the discipline of the army was so strict, that the apprehensions 
 at first felt by the inhabitants of the open country soon subsided, 
 and the peasants with their ministers might be seen approaching 
 and quietly watching the troops as they filed off*, and even 
 saluting them by saying, May God go with you ! The parish 
 minister of Filly opened his cellar, and supplied them with re- 
 freshment, without receiving any remuneration. But very soon, 
 while ascending the mountain by the path which leads to Boege 
 on the Menoge, in Faucigny, the encounter they had with the 
 gentry, whom, notwithstanding their threatening tone, they made 
 prisoners, and then with two hundred armed peasants, under the 
 command of the governor of Boege and a quarter-master, whose 
 resistance was next to nothing, showed them nevertheless the 
 necessity of being beforehand with the inhabitants. They per- 
 ceived that if arms were generally taken up, the expedition 
 would be exposed to great danger. They therefore employed 
 a slight stratagem : they made one of the gentry who were kept 
 as hostages write the following letter from Boege : " These per- 
 sons have arrived here to the number of two thousand ; they 
 have requested us to accompany them, that we may be able to 
 give an account of their conduct, and to assure you that it has 
 been perfectly regular ; they pay for everything they take, and 
 all they ask is a free passage. We beg you, therefore, not to 
 sound the tocsin, or to beat the drum, and to withdraw your 
 people in case they should be under arms." This letter, signed 
 by all the gentry and sent to the town of Viu, in Faucigny, 
 where they arrived at nightfall, had a very good effect; and on 
 their march they met with no more resistance ; on the contrary, 
 they found the people eager to furnish whatever they asked for, 
 even to saddle-horses and wagons. A similar letter sent to St. 
 Joyre prepared a good reception for the weary travellers. But, 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 to gain time, they pushed on. It was only at midnight that they 
 stopped in an open field and rested a little, notwithstanding the 
 rain. 
 
 The next day did not pass quite so peaceably. Cluse, a walled 
 city, obstructed the narrow passage between the mountain to the 
 north, and the impetuous Arve on the south. The inhabitants 
 in arms lined the trenches; the mountaineers ran together, 
 shouting out abuse. The firmness of the Vaudois, who resolved 
 to force a passage, and the intervention of the hostages, who 
 trembled for their own safety, led to a capitulation. The gates 
 were opened, and provisions were sold. The little army con- 
 tinued its march southward, on the east bank of the Arve, at 
 the foot of contiguous mountains, from whose declivities they 
 might have been crushed, by rolling down fragments of rock, 
 and reached by way of Maglan the great bridge of St. Martin, 
 facing Salenches. While still at a great distance they had seen 
 on the other side a horseman riding at full speed, and concluded 
 that he was going to give the alarm in the town, the chief place 
 in Faucigny. Having advanced within a hundred paces of a 
 great wooden bridge, flanked by many houses, and easily de- 
 fended, the Vaudois halted and formed in close columns for the 
 attack. But, faithful to their rule, never to seize by force what 
 they could obtain willingly, they requested a passage over the 
 bridge and through the city. The town-council, avoiding giving 
 a precise answer, gained time, and collected six hundred men. 
 At the sight of the latter, the Vaudois knew what they had to 
 do, and, in an instant, they had crossed the bridge, and set them- 
 selves in order of battle. Their antagonists retreated behind 
 the hedges, without firing ; our warriors of two days old left them 
 in peace in their turn, then resumed their march, and, quitting 
 the valley of the Arve to plunge into a defile which opened to 
 the south of Salenches, passed the night at Cablau, where they 
 wanted a sufficient supply of provisions, and could scarcely dry 
 their garments, soaked with the rain that had been falling in- 
 cessantly since the preceding evening. Nevertheless, these poor 
 people blessed God that they had so far marched successfully, 
 without fighting or loss of men, over bridges and through defiles 
 where a few courageous defenders could have done them irre- 
 parable injury, and that he had granted them a peaceful night 
 after so much fatigue and anxiety. 
 
DIFFICULTIES OF THEIR SITUATION. 321 
 
 Kest was very necessary for them ; for they were about to face 
 physical difficulties of which the prospect might have shaken the 
 courage of persons quite unfatigued and free from anxiety ; how 
 much more men who for a number of days and nights had 
 known no rest or sleep but what they could enjoy during their 
 brief halts, exposed to the injuries of the atmosphere, and for the 
 last eighteen hours to rain — not to mention the mental dis- 
 quietude which scarcely allowed them to close their eyes? 
 They were arrived at the spot, where the Alps to the west of 
 Mont-Blanc change their direction all at once by an obtuse 
 angle, and instead of stretching westward descend in a zigzag 
 to the south. Numerous valleys are spread out at their base, 
 separated from one another by lateral branches of the principal 
 chain. To the summit of these lateral branches it was necessary 
 for our nine hundred travellers to ascend from the bottom of the 
 valleys, in order to descend again into the opposite valley. This 
 fatiguing labour was to be their daily task for eight days, one ex- 
 cepted. Often they could scarcely find anything to maintain them 
 excepting milk and cheese, and the frozen water of the mountains. 
 The rain frequently beat upon their backs, bent with fatigue, and 
 their suffering feet slipped many times in a day upon the snows 
 and in the stony ravines. We shall not recount their sufferings 
 in detail ; they would fatigue the reader. Let it suffice to give 
 a general idea, by this description of the route they followed. 
 
 From Cablau, in the mountains to the south of Salenche, the 
 little army ascended to the valley of Megeve, at the foot of 
 Mont-Joli, which bounds it to the east, and separates it from 
 that of Mont-Joie or Bonnant, and after having passed the first 
 defile, where they refreshed themselves in the herdsmen's huts, 
 they descended into the valley of Haute-Luce, to ascend imme- 
 diately on the left, to the east, a precipitous mountain, whose 
 aspect inspired horror, but which must unavoidably be crossed 
 by whoever would enter the valley of Bonnant, to pass next 
 through the defile of Bonhomme, as was the design of our tra- 
 vellers. At the sight of this awful mountain, the courage of 
 many failed. In various places, the road was hewn out of the 
 rock : they were obliged to ascend and descend as if by a ladder 
 suspended over the precipices. " Arnaud," says the author of 
 the " Glorieuse Rentree," ("Glorious Return,") "the zealous 
 and renowned leader of this little flock, restored, by his holvand 
 14* 
 
S22 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 excellent exhortations, the courage of those who followed him. 
 But this was not all ; the descent was still more painful and 
 dangerous than the ascent. To effect it, it was necessary almost 
 always to sit and slide down precipitously, without any other 
 light than the reflection of the snows and glaciers of Mont-Blanc, 
 which rose before them. It was not till late at night that they 
 reached the shepherds' huts, in a place deep as an abyss, barren 
 and cold, where they could not make a fire except by unroofing 
 the hovels to take the wood, which in return exposed them to 
 the rain, which lasted all night. So many hardships determined 
 Captain Chien, belonging to one of the six French companies, 
 to desert, taking a horse along with him. He was of a delicate 
 constitution. 
 
 On the fourth day the little army passed through the defile 
 of Bonhomme, which separates the province of Faucigny from 
 that of Tarentaise, the basin of the Arve from that of the Isere. 
 They ascended the mountain up to their knees in snow, while a 
 heavy rain was falling. They had not been without fear of 
 having their passage disputed, for they knew that in the pre- 
 ceding year, at the report of their first attempts, fortifications 
 and intrenchmenis had been constructed in these places with 
 embrasures and coverings, in a position so advantageous that 
 thirty persons would have sufficed, our friends said when they 
 saw them, to stop their passage and destroy them. They praised 
 God most heartily that all these works had been abandoned. From 
 the heights of Bonhomme they descended into the valley of the 
 Versoi, where their resolute appearance overawed the peasantry, 
 who had assembled by the command of their lord to oppose their 
 passage. In the evening they reached Sey on the Isere, and 
 meeting there with a plentiful supply of provisions, they en- 
 camped not far from the town. The fifth day, spent in going 
 up the Isere, had nothing remarkable, unless, perhaps, the ex- 
 cessive earnestness with which some gentlemen of Sainte-Foi 
 wished to detain and lodge them ; a politeness which rendered 
 them suspected, and procured them the advantage of travelling 
 in company with the other hostages. The number of these per- 
 sons was now very considerable ; but their lot was not so melan- 
 choly as to prevent their repeating, with good-humour, their 
 accustomed saying when they saw some person of consequence 
 coming towards them, " Here is another handsome bird for our 
 
DIFFICULTIES OF THEIR SITUATION. 323 
 
 cage !" This evening, for the first time in eight days and eight 
 nights, Arnaud and Montoux, his colleague, were lodged, supped, 
 and rested in peace three hours. 
 
 On the following day they ascended Mount Iseran, from 
 which the Isere takes its rise. Some shepherds who had regaled 
 them with milk on these mountains, covered with cattle, warned 
 them that on the other side of Mount Cenis some regular troops 
 were waiting for them, determined to oppose them. This news, 
 far from alarming them, inflamed their courage ; for, knowing 
 that the issue of battles depends on God, for whose glory they 
 had taken arms, they doubted not that he would open a passage 
 for them, whoever might attempt to close it. 
 
 Having reached Maurienne in the evening, the little army on 
 the seventh day ascended Mount Cenis, where they seized all 
 the post-horses, so that the news of their coming could not be 
 transmitted very rapidly. A small division also laid hands on 
 some mules laden with the baggage of the pope's nuncio in France, 
 cardinal Ange Ranuzzi, who was returning to Italy; but the 
 muleteers having complained to the officers, they caused all the 
 booty to be restored. Only a watch could not be recovered.* 
 Having ended this affair, the army took the route of the little 
 Mount Cenis, leaving the most frequented road to the left, and 
 descended into the valley of Jaillon, having wandered out of the 
 way in a mist and over the snow with which the earth was covered. 
 Many passed the night wretchedly in the woods. The main body 
 had no advantage over them, except that of warming and drying 
 themselves round some fires. 
 
 When on the eighth day, leaving the valley of Jaillon, the 
 Vaudois wished to press on to Chaumont, where they hoped to 
 pass the Doire, (Doria Riparia,) one league above Suza, and for 
 this purpose were seeking for an outlet from the narrow valley 
 in which they had passed the night, they found the enemy in 
 possession of the heights. A part of the French garrison of Ex- 
 illes, and a great number of peasants, occupied an advantageous 
 post which commanded the path along which they must go. 
 Captain Pelenc, who was sent to treat with them, having been 
 
 * The prelate's correspondence was also missing. It seems that it came into 
 the hands of the king of France, which sorely displeased and vexed the cardinal, 
 as he felt himself committed by it. But the Vaudois always asserted their en- 
 tire ignorance of the affair. 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS. 
 
 kept prisoner, the advanced guard, a hundred strong, set forward, 
 but being immediately repulsed by a shower of balls, grenades, 
 and stones, they forded the Jaillon, and defiled on the right bank, 
 protected by a grove of chestnut-trees. Yet the examination of 
 the places inspiring some fears as to ultimate success, they de- 
 cided on regaining the heights they had descended. This last 
 resolution filled the hostages with despair, worn out as they were 
 •with fatigue. " Rather put us to death," they cried. Many of 
 them were left behind. The Vaudois themselves did not ac- 
 complish it without great difficulty. Forty men lost their way ; 
 among others, the French captains Lucas and Privat, who were 
 never heard of again ; besides two good surgeons, Jean Malanot, 
 taken by the Piedmontese,* and then conducted to the prison at 
 Turin, and Jean Muston, taken by the French, and sent to the 
 galleys, where he ended his days. As they re-ascended the de- 
 file of Clairee, the trumpets were sounded for a long time in or- 
 der to collect the wanderers, and to indicate to all the right di- 
 rection: They even waited full two hours, and then, being press- 
 ed for time, resumed their route, although a considerable number 
 were missing. 
 
 From the summit of the mountain, where the little army had 
 avoided an encounter with two hundred soldiers of the French 
 garrison of Exilles, they proceeded through the defile of Touille, 
 to the west, against Oulx, situated also in the valley of the Doire, 
 but several leagues above Suza. Arnaud's intention was to pass 
 the river at the bridge of Salabertrand, between Exilles and 
 Oulx. The night had already overtaken them while they were 
 still on the mountain. Near a village, a league from the bridge 
 they hoped to force, a peasant, whom they asked whether they 
 could get any provisions by paying for them, replied very coolly, 
 " Come on, they will give you all you want, and are preparing 
 you an excellent supper !" These words, from the tone in which 
 they were uttered, seemed rather threatening. But there was 
 now no time to hesitate. After taking refreshment in the village, 
 they renewed their march, and half a league from the bridge 
 they saw before them about six-and-thirty fires, an indication of 
 
 * It appears that the Piedmontese cavalry of the count de Verrue, who occu- 
 pied Suza, was also in the field ; but the greater part of the troops were French. 
 Each nation guarded its own prisoners.— See Histoire Militaire, (Military His- 
 tory,) by the count of Saluzzo, t. v, pp. 6, 7. 
 
DEFEAT AN ARMED FORCE AT 3ALABERTRAND. 325 
 
 rather a large encampment ; a quarter of an hour afterwards the 
 vanguard came upon an advanced post. 
 
 Every one perceiving that the critical hour on which the suc- 
 cess or ruin of the expedition depended was come, listened to 
 the prayer with deep attention ; then, under favour of the night, 
 they advanced to the bridge. To the cry of "Who's there?" 
 they answered, " Friends," — a suspicious answer, to which the 
 enemy's only reply was, " Kill ! kill !" accompanied with a tremen- 
 dous fire for a quarter of an hour ; which however did no harm, 
 Arnaud having at the first shot ordered the men to fall on the 
 ground. But a division of the enemy who had followed the Vau- 
 dois having taken them in the rear, they found themselves placed 
 between two fires. In this critical moment, some of them, feel- 
 ing that they must risk everything, shouted, " Courage ! the 
 bridge is won !" At these words the Yaudois, rushing forwards 
 headlong, sword in hand, and with fixed bayonets, on the passage 
 marked out for their valour, carried it, and vigorously attacking 
 the intrenchments, forced them at once. They pursued their 
 enemies so closely as to seize them by the hair. The victory was 
 so complete that the marquis de Larrey, who commanded the 
 French, and was himself wounded in the arm, exclaimed, " Is it 
 possible that I have lost the battle and my honour ?" 
 
 In fact, two thousand five hundred soldiers, firmly intrenched, 
 that is, fifteen companies of regular troops and eleven of militia, 
 without reckoning the peasantry and the troops that attacked 
 the Vaudois in the rear, were defeated by eight hundred men, 
 worn out with fatigue, as well as novices in the art of war. The 
 Vaudois had only ten or twelve wounded, and fourteen or fifteen 
 killed. The French acknowledged a loss of twelve captains, be- 
 sides many other officers, and about six hundred soldiers. This 
 combat was advantageous for the hostages, who, almost all, availed 
 themselves of it to make their escape. Of thirty-nine there re- 
 mained only six of the most aged. 
 
 The moon had risen, the enemy had disappeared. The Vau- 
 dois provided themselves with military stores and other booty. 
 They longed to take some repose ; but prudence dictated their 
 departure, for which Arnaud gave orders. Having thrown into 
 the Doire a part of what they could not carry away, they col- 
 lected what powder remained, and, on going away, set what they 
 left on fire. To the tremendous explosion that followed, and re- 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 sounded to a distance among the mountains, was added the sound 
 of the Vaudois trumpets and the acclamations of the conquerors, 
 who threw their caps in the air as a sign of gladness, and exclaim- 
 ed, " Thanks be to the Lord of hosts, who hath given us the vic- 
 tory over all our enemies." 
 
 But if the joy were great, so also was the fatigue : to such a 
 degree, indeed, that the greater part were overpowered with 
 sleep ; and yet it was necessary to advance, and, if possible, as- 
 cend the mountain of Sci, which separated them from Pragela, 
 that they might not be surprised the next morning by all the 
 forces which the enemy had in the valley of the Doire. But, 
 with all the care of the rear-guard to arouse the sleepers and 
 make them march, twenty-four remained behind and were taken 
 prisoners — a loss which, added to the forty that missed their way 
 in the ravines of Jaillon, deeply affected the army, otherwise so 
 elated with their great success. 
 
 The next day, the ninth since they set out, was a Sunday. 
 The dawn appeared as they reached the summit of Sci ; and 
 when they were all assembled, Arnaud, with a full heart, pointed 
 out to them in the distance the tops of their mountains. A sin- 
 gle valley only separated them — that of Pragela or Clusone, well 
 known of yore, peopled throughout with Vaudois from time im- 
 memorial, who had long been united to those of Piedmont by 
 alliances, by a similar ecclesiastical organization, and by a com- 
 mon synod. It was long ago a place of refuge for them in the 
 persecution of 1G55. It would still have been so if his most 
 Christian majesty had not caused all the evangelicals to disappear, 
 some years since, either by emigration or abjuration. It was not 
 in a temple of any one of those once evangelical villages that our 
 travellers were able to return thanks to God for the numerous 
 proofs of his infinite compassion ; it was on the solitary Sci, under 
 the vault of the heavens, encircled by a vast horizon of moun- 
 tains, lighted up by the dazzling rays of the rising sun. On this 
 spot the conductor of this little band, Arnaud, on his knees like 
 all around him, humbled himself with them before the Eternal, 
 adoring and blessing him for their deliverances. All, after having 
 confessed their sins, looked up with confidence to God, the Au- 
 thor of their salvation, and rose filled with fresh courage. Some 
 hours after, they passed the Clusone, rested at La Traverse, and 
 slept at the village of Jaussaud, at the foot of the defile of Pis. 
 
THEY ENTER BALSILLE. 327 
 
 The tenth day was spent by our travellers in the defiles of the 
 mountains which unite the valley of Pragela with that of San 
 Martino. A detachment of Piedmontese soldiers, which guarded 
 the pass of Pis, took flight at the sight of our intrepid band. The 
 latter, constrained by their privations to provide for the wants 
 of the present moment as well as those of the future, felt autho- 
 rized to capture a flock of six hundred sheep, which were feed- 
 ing on their route ; they restored, however, a small number for 
 some money. The rest, slaughtered the next day and eaten with- 
 out bread, furnished an acceptable repast. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 27th of August, 1689, the valiant troops who 
 had crossed the lake of Geneva eleven days before, and sur- 
 mounted immense obstacles with self-denying constancy, set foot 
 in the first Vaudois village, Balsille, at the north-west extremity 
 of the valley of San Martino. Solemn moment ! uniting the 
 pleasant and painful recollections of the past with the fears and 
 disquietudes of the future. Everything reminded them of happy 
 days that were no more, but which might possibly be renewed. 
 But, whatever might be the issue of their bold enterprise, every- 
 thing announced to them that, for a long time yet, privations 
 and a deadly struggle awaited them. They knew it, and were 
 prepared for it. The repulse at the Jaillon, the glorious affair 
 at the bridge of Salabertrand, and the effects of exhaustion and 
 drowsiness at the ascent of Sci, had deprived them of almost a 
 hundred and fifty men. Many who were wounded in the pas- 
 sage of the Doire had remained behind on the French territory ; 
 traitors, and minute search, had delivered them up to the royal 
 vengeance. Lastly, desertion had taken from the army, during 
 the last night, twenty of their defenders, probably Frenchmen 
 of Pragela, or of Dauphine, whom the vicinity of their native 
 country detached from the common enterprise. Our heroic 
 mountaineers were thus reduced to about seven hundred, while 
 severe conflicts with thousands of disciplined soldiers awaited 
 them. 
 
 The little army, for greater security, and that it might better 
 explore the country, divided itself into two bodies, of which one 
 passed by the mountain to Rodoret, and the other to Fontaine 
 by the base of the valley. They nowhere met with soldiers, but 
 only some Savoyards, new inhabitants, whom they captured. 
 On reaching the hamlet of Guigou they were rejoiced to find 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS. 
 
 the temple of Prals still standing. They pulled down the orna- 
 ments placed in it by superstition. Then the seven hundred 
 warriors, laying down their arms, and crowding to the inside 
 and before the porch, sang the seventy-fourth Psalm, which be- 
 gins thus : — 
 
 " O God, why hast thou cast us off forever ? 
 Why doth thine anger smoke against the sheep of thy pasture V etc. 
 
 They also sang the hundred and twenty-ninth Psalm : — 
 
 " Many a time have they afflicted me from my youth, may Israel now say : 
 Many a time have they afflicted me from my youth : 
 Yet they have not prevailed against me," etc. 
 
 In order to be heard by those within as well as those without, 
 Arnaud stood upon a bench placed in the doorway, and took 
 for his text some verses of this latter Psalm. 
 
 At the sight of this temple, on hearing these sacred songs, and 
 listening to the preaching of this servant of God surrounded with 
 dangers, many were reminded of the last pastor who had 
 preached in these places — the blessed Leydet, surprised by the 
 papists as he sang psalms under a rock, and who died a martyr 
 in 1686, confessing the name of the Saviour. Everything here, 
 past and present, united to fill the assembly with deep emotion, 
 and to make them seek from on high the help of which they felt 
 the need. 
 
 Being assured that the upper villages of the valley of San 
 Martino, thinly inhabited by a small number of papists, were 
 stripped of troops, these conquerors of their native soil hastened 
 to pass into the valley of Lucerna by the pass of Giulian, which 
 they found occupied by two hundred soldiers of the guards. To 
 force their intrenchments, and put them to flight, was the work 
 of an instant. This action only cost the life of a single Vaudois. 
 The fugitives lost their ammunition, provision, and baggage, — 
 an agreeable booty for the conquerors, who also slew about 
 thirty-one men in the pursuit. The little army, rushing down 
 from the mountains into the large valley of Lucerna, took Bob- 
 bio, which lies at the bottom, by surprise, and drove away the 
 new inhabitants. Then passing for a day from the fatigues of 
 marching and conflict to more peaceful scenes, they transformed 
 themselves either into a religious assembly, and listened with 
 earnestness to the exhortations of one of their pastors, M. Mon- 
 
DEFEATED AT VILLARO. 329 
 
 toux, or into a national council, deliberating on their interests, 
 and imposing laws on themselves, the guarantee of order and 
 justice. An oath of union and fidelity to the common cause, 
 their re-establishment in the heritage of their fathers, with the 
 practice of their holy religion, was taken, as in the sight of the 
 living God, by the pastors, captains, and other officers, towards 
 all the privates, and by the latter towards the former. They 
 also swore to consider the booty as common property, to rever- 
 ence the name of God, and to labour to recover their brethren 
 from the thraldom of cruel Babylon. Four treasurers and two 
 secretaries were chosen to take charge of the booty, and a ma- 
 jor* and an adjutant appointed over the companies. 
 
 The large town of Villaro, in the midst of the valley of Lu- 
 cerna, was attacked as Bobbio had been ; and at first the enemy 
 fled, some to the valley of Guichard, on the right bank of the 
 Pelice, others to the convent, where they were closely pressed. 
 But a considerable reinforcement of regular troops having come 
 to their succour, the Vaudois were forced to retreat upon Bob- 
 bio, and eighty of them could only escape by dispersing them- 
 selves over the Vaudalin, the limit of the Alps of Angrogna, 
 and then rejoining each other at a distance from the main body. 
 Montoux, the second pastor, being separated from his people 
 under similar circumstances, was surrounded by the enemy, and 
 sent to prison at Turin, where he remained till the peace. Ar- 
 naud three times gave himself up for lost, three times he prayed 
 with six of his men, and three times God averted the fatal blow. 
 At last, this chief, whose life was so precious, gained the ridge 
 on which eighty of his men had halted. 
 
 This defeat occasioned a change in their tactics. The first 
 eight days of their return, the Vaudois, acting on the offensive, 
 had successively beaten every corps of the enemy they had 
 met on their march. Henceforward they attacked more rarely, 
 and then only convoys, advanced posts, or detached columns. 
 Being reduced to act on the defensive, they intrenched them- 
 selves in mountainous retreats of difficult access, in natural 
 fortresses that might be easily defended, while their detachments 
 scoured the country to obtain provisions. It was on the declivi- 
 ties of their mountains, in the centre of their verdant pastures, 
 once covered with their flocks, but now solitary, that they sold 
 * Captain Odin. Arnaud was commander-in-chief. 
 
330 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 their lives dearly. Decided, at least, to die in their heritage, on 
 their widowed and desolate soil, they would not lay down their 
 arms except with their last groan, or for peace, if their prince 
 offered them an honourable one. 
 
 Abandoning, therefore, the hope of keeping their ground in 
 their ancient villages of the rich valleys of Lucerna, renouncing 
 even the possession of Villaro and Bobbio, the Vaudois retreated 
 to the heights of this last district, to the granges of the Serre-de 
 Cruel, a locality naturally fortified, whither they carried their 
 sick and wounded. The eighty men who had taken refuge in 
 the Alps of Angrogna, having received a reinforcement, formed 
 an active brigade, always on the alert, making incursions on the 
 hamlets and villages of this glen, and engaging in several 
 skirmishes : amongst others, one near la Vachere and Mount 
 Cervin. In this last, they made head against six hundred men, 
 killed a hundred of them, and lost themselves only four. But 
 they suffered great privations. Often they had nothing to eat 
 but wild fruits. Twenty-nine men returned one evening with 
 no food but a few nuts, with which they were forced to content 
 themselves. A detachment which rejoined the flying camp be- 
 fore the combat we have just mentioned, had passed two days 
 without anything to eat ; yet they could not give each one a 
 piece of bread to revive him larger than the palm of the hand. 
 On the evening of the same day, all these refugees, in the rocks 
 near a small hamlet called Turin, thought themselves well off 
 with a supper of raw cabbages, which they did not dare to cook 
 for fear of being discovered. The next day, at Crouzet, also in 
 the valley of San Martino, they had nothing to appease their 
 hunger and recruit their strength but a soup made with cab- 
 bages, peas, and leeks, without salt, fat, or any seasoning, which, 
 nevertheless, they swallowed very eagerly. 
 
 However, the little army here and there got hold of some 
 better provisions, which they partly kept in reserve and partly 
 used. Being stationed at Prali for two days, they cut down all 
 the wheat they could find, and hastened to have it ground at the 
 mills in that place. In the midst of these conflicts and labours, 
 religious duties were not neglected. Arnaud administered the 
 holy supper to the troops who accompanied him. He also visited 
 the district of Bobbio, to attend to the same sacred ordinance 
 with the Yaudois who lived there. 
 
DESERTION AND DEATH OF CAPTAIN TUREL. 381 
 
 The little army was left in possession of the valley of San 
 Martino by the retreat of the Piedmontese troops of the Marquis 
 de Parelle, who, at his departure, had burned le Perrier. 
 Taking advantage of this, the Vaudois proceeded to get in all 
 the standing corn, thresh, and transport it to the retired village 
 of Rodoret, where they established their magazine. It was also 
 the vintage season in the lower parts of the valley, as well as 
 the time for gathering walnuts, apples, and chestnuts.* The 
 flying camp, always vigilant and active, captured some large 
 convoys of provisions and wine ; so that, if no misfortune hap- 
 pened, the future, as far as regarded the means of subsistence, 
 was by no means to be dreaded. 
 
 The general satisfaction was disturbed at the moment by the 
 desertion of Captain Turel, a Frenchman, who, although brave 
 and estimable, gave up the hope of final success, and persuaded 
 four of his friends to go off with him. The unfortunate man 
 only escaped the privations he dreaded, to endure a horrible 
 punishment. Having been seized at Embrun, he was broken on 
 the wheel alive, at Gronoble, among twelve wretched beings, of 
 whom six were hung on his right and six on his left. 
 
 In the autumn, numerous battalions appeared in the valleys, 
 both Piedmontese and French ; the former under the command 
 of the Marquis de Parelle, lieutenant-general, the latter under 
 that of M. de POmbraille. Their troops covered all the villages 
 and all the passes, with the exception of a few scattered hamlets 
 and by-ways. The vale of Roderet, being attacked in the middle 
 of October by a troop of the enemy, had been found untenable. 
 Desertion had begun again among the French refugees. Neither 
 the fear of perishing miserably like Turel, nor nobler feelings, 
 could detain Captain Fonfrede, with his lieutenant and twenty 
 soldiers, who escaped to Pragela, where they were soon arrested, 
 and then hung. The situation of the Vaudois army was cer- 
 tainly most critical, pursued as it was, incessantly, by a force 
 twenty times its superior. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 2 2d of October, two thousand French 
 
 having passed from Pragela into the valley of San Martino, and 
 
 pitched their camp at Champ-la-Salse, the small remnant of the 
 
 Vaudois held a council at night-fall, at Rodoret, as to what step 
 
 * Chestnuts make an important part of the winter provisions in the valleys 
 of Piedmont. 
 
332 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 it would be most proper to take. It was evident that, in the 
 presence of so many enemies, this post, after a while, would be 
 untenable. But whither were they to retreat ? Some advised 
 the mountains of Bobbio ; others suggested following the steps 
 of the valiant Captain Buffa, to the heights of Angrogna. Al- 
 though the latter proposal seemed to be most generally accept- 
 able, the partisans of the former were unwilling to accede to it. 
 Division crept in among the chiefs: things seemed tending to 
 certain ruin. At this critical moment, the pious Arnaud pro- 
 posed that they should join in prayer to God, and without wait- 
 ing for their reply, he invoked Him who is the Author of wisdom, 
 prudence, and union ; then, after having seriously and warmly 
 exhorted his companions to sacrifice their particular views to 
 the judgment of others, he advised the adoption of a third plan, 
 that of retreating to Balsille ; a proposition which gained all their 
 suffrages so completely, that the same night, two hours before 
 day, they were on their march thither. Wishing to avoid meet- 
 ing their enemies, they passed through places so dangerous that 
 it was often necessary to use both hands and feet, to keep their 
 footing.* The general attention was so much occupied at such 
 seasons that the hostages escaped, after having bribed their 
 guards. 
 
 It was on a rock near Balsille that the Vaudois posted them- 
 selves, with a firm resolution of waiting steadily for their enemies 
 without wearying themselves, as they had so often done, with 
 running from mountain to mountain. To maintain their position, 
 they began to form intrenchments, made covered ways, ditches, 
 and walls, and dug more than fourscore cabins in the earth, sur- 
 rounding them with channels to carry off the water. After the 
 morning prayer,f those who were appointed went to labour at 
 the fortifications. The intrenchments consisted of cuttings one 
 above another. They made as many as seventeen where the 
 ground was the least inclined, and disposed them in such a man- 
 
 *"He who has not seen these places," Arnaud exclaims, "cannot well im- 
 agine the dangers ; and he who has seen them will no doubt consider this march 
 as a fiction and a romance, but it is nevertheless pure truth ; and it may be 
 added, that when the Vaudois saw them again by day, as happened many times 
 afterwards, their hair stood on end," etc.— (V. Glorieuse Rentree.) 
 
 t Arnaud preached twice a week, once on Sunday, and again on Thursday. 
 Every day, morning and evening, he also assembled his companions for prayer, 
 in which they joined on their knees, and with their faces on the ground. 
 
DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH AT BALSILLE. 333 
 
 ner that when necessary they could retreat from one within the 
 other, so that if the besiegers carried the first, the second re- 
 mained ; then the third, and so on, till they reached the summit 
 of the rock. A little fort was also constructed on a rock higher 
 up, but contiguous, though separated itself from the mountain 
 towards the top by a rent, where they made a triple intrench- 
 ment. Lastly, on a lofty ridge, commanding the works, as well 
 as the valley, they left a constant watch, to give notice of the 
 least movement of the enemy. 
 
 The Vaudois had not commenced these labours more than 
 three or four days when the French battalions, who, not having 
 met with them at Rodoret, could only lay hands on their abun- 
 dant stock of provisions, penetrated into the valley, coming from 
 Prali, besides some other troops of the same nation, commanded 
 by M. de l'Ombraille. In a short time, the Vaudois* saw them- 
 selves enclosed on all sides ; their advanced post at Passet, which 
 covered the entrance of Balsille, was at the same time captured 
 by a stratagem, though without any loss on their part, and on 
 the 29th of October the enemy advanced to attack the castle. 
 For this purpose they filled the woods, with which the mountain 
 on which Balsille rests is covered, with detachments, which 
 blockaded them from Friday to Sunday evening, and which 
 suffered extremely, the snow falling incessantly. A hot skirmish, 
 in which they lost at the passage of the bridge sixty men killed, 
 and as many wounded, at last proved to them the impossibility 
 of forcing a position so well intrenched and defended. All their 
 summonses to surrender had been rejected. The Vaudois had 
 not lost a single man. 
 
 In the course of November, as a part of the French troops 
 had already retired much discouraged, de l'Ombraille having 
 learned, by the report of an apostate who had visited Balsille, 
 that the mill of Macel was often employed by the men of the 
 castle, sent five hundred soldiers thither, who, after all, captured 
 only one man, and killed two. These were French refugees. 
 The survivor, who had only gone out, the day he was taken, to 
 nurse his two sick friends, and to bring them back to the castle, 
 had to carry their heads to la Perouse to head-quarters. His 
 edifying discourses so much interested the judge of the place, 
 although a Roman Catholic, that he endeavoured to obtain his 
 pardon from the inflexible Ombraille, but in vain. His con- 
 
334 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 stancy in the profession of his faith, his calmness in ascending 
 the fatal ladder,* produced a powerful impression on the people 
 of Pragela, the witnesses of his execution, and who had for the 
 most part changed their religion, from timidity. 
 
 Whether the season was too far advanced, or the position of 
 Balsille appeared too strong to be carried by the means they 
 had at their disposal, their enemies abandoned the upper glens, 
 burning almost all the houses, granges, and corn-stacks, carrying 
 away or destroying the stores of wheat and other eatables, and 
 calling out to the Vaudois to have patience and wait for them 
 till Easter. Having retired into better cantonments, they had 
 their advanced posts at Maneille and Perrier. 
 
 Owing to this withdrawal of their enemies, the Vaudois felt 
 perfectly free in their movements. The first months of their re- 
 turn to tbeir native land had been spent, it is true, in privation 
 and suffering, in the midst of daily conflicts ; but at least they, 
 the ancient proprietors of the soil, had remained masters of it. 
 God, who had protected them at the time of their first danger, and 
 who had brought them to that inclement season of the year in 
 which no one would venture to attack them in their mountains, 
 could not he still deliver them in days to come V They were there- 
 fore, if not happy, yet thankful, and inspired with hope. Deser- 
 tion rather than death had a little thinned their ranks : their num- 
 bers, however, in the valley of San Martino, still amounted to four 
 hundred, without reckoning the little division which had fixed 
 itself on the mountains of Angrogna, and one or two little bands 
 in the wilds of the glens and rocks. 
 
 One thing made them anxious ; their means of sustenance. 
 Where could they be found? The enemy, besides destroying 
 everything they could when they retired, had closed against them 
 all the avenues to inhabited places. A gracious Providence had 
 provided for their need, by covering with snow the fields of rye, 
 ripened in September, but which the papist cultivators, in their 
 flight, had not reaped, and which they themselves had cut only 
 in part, in order to withdraw them from the notice and devasta- 
 tion of the soldiers. Remaining untouched under this protective 
 covering, they furnished a wholesome and abundant nutriment 
 to the recluses of Balsille, who reaped them during the winter. 
 
 * He was hung at the castle of Bois, in Pragela. from which it is supposed 
 that he belonged to that district. 
 
SUFFERINGS. 335 
 
 Moreover, strong detachments, making sudden incursions into the 
 valleys of Pragela and Queyras, brought in salt, butter, wine, 
 and other provisions. From these various sources their subsist- 
 ence was secured. 
 
 Those most to be lamented among the Vaudois were they whom 
 the course of war, or some imprudence, had placed at a distance 
 from their brethren. The following fact will show what they 
 suffered. A band of twelve, who had concealed themselves in 
 a cave or isolated grotto, behind L'Essart, in the district of Bob- 
 bio, were constrained by hunger to come out and procure pro- 
 visions. On returning to their asylum, they thought that the 
 traces of their footsteps in the snow might be perceived, and de- 
 cided on seeking for a new one in La Biava difficult of access. 
 Scarcely had they set out when they saw behind them a troop 
 of one hundred and twenty-five peasants, who in less than a quar- 
 ter of an hour would have surprised and surrounded them ; there- 
 fore, throwing away their little baggage immediately, they made 
 haste and reached a ridge above, from which they fired so ac- 
 curately on the assailants, that, of the first fifteen shots, thirteen 
 took effect ; and when the peasants asked for a parley, and an 
 honourable retreat on both sides was agreed upon, they acknow- 
 ledged twelve dead and thirteen wounded : not one of the twelve 
 Vaudois was hurt. Their victory, nevertheless, did not relieve 
 them from trouble for more than a day, or even a shorter time ; 
 for on returning, towards evening, through the by-paths to La 
 Biava, they were every moment exposed to destruction among 
 the precipices under their feet. The situation of their new re- 
 fuge left nothing to be desired in point of security. They might 
 have passed months there without being pursued ; but after two 
 days they were driven from it by .the intensity of the cold. Ac- 
 cordingly they again descended into less savage parts, to seek 
 for a milder climate, or a better abode, in the midst of new dan- 
 gers. Saddened by suffering, but animated with stern resolu- 
 tion, they were proceeding on their way, when they met an armed 
 band. In a moment they retreated behind a house, and their 
 fire killed one man, an enemy, as they supposed; when, to their 
 great grief, mingled with lively joy, they recognized the party 
 to be composed of their Vaudois brethren. With tears in their 
 eyes they ran to meet them. They went on together through the 
 pass Giulian, and at last found, in the castle of Balsille, the rest, 
 
336 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 protection, subsistence, and security which the twelve fugitives 
 had almost despaired of. 
 
 The winter passed peaceably at Balsille in the work of erect- 
 ing defences, in laying in a stock of provisions, and in anticipa- 
 tions of the future, regulated by the confidence in God which the 
 pious Arnaud sought to cherish in all, by his firm bearing, his 
 conversation, and the exercises of worship. The monotony of 
 their life was interrupted only by the friendly visits and mes- 
 sages of relations, or of officers in the duke's service. All these 
 proceedings tended to the same end, — intimidation. The desire 
 was, to induce the Vaudois to arrange for a final withdrawal from 
 their native soil. For this purpose it was sought to excite their 
 fears, by confidential communications respecting the lot that await- 
 ed them. A numerous army would surround and destroy them 
 in the spring : if they were wise, they would accept terms while 
 they could be granted. They were conjured not to risk any 
 longer the cause of their relations who were detained in the pri- 
 sons, nor the interests of those who, having become papists, dwelt 
 in their ancient villages; and were implored also to think of 
 their wives and children whom they had left in Switzerland, and 
 who would be deprived of their natural protectors by their incon- 
 ceivable and imprudent pertinacity. 
 
 As the Vaudois could not make an unconditional submission, 
 and the hour was not yet come in which the prince would ac- 
 knowledge the justice of their cause, the negotiations were in- 
 terrupted after some conferences, and led to no result. 
 
 When the snows had begun to melt in the upper valleys, and 
 the roads underneath the mountains might be considered as pas- 
 sable, French troops might be seen directing their march towards 
 Balsille, at the bottom of the valleys of San Martino and of Pra- 
 gela, through the pass of Clapier and that of Pis. Those who 
 made their way through this latter passage remained two days 
 on the mountain, in the snow, and without fire, for fear of being 
 discovered. The soldiers were obliged to crowd closely together, 
 in order to keep themselves warm while they were waiting for 
 orders to renew their march and invest the place. 
 
 We have described the position of the castle, and the artificial 
 means of defence which were added to those afforded by nature. 
 Yet there was one more which we have not yet mentioned, be- 
 cause it was formed during the winter. Access to the place not 
 
ATTACK OJ}' JiALrfiLLE. 337 
 
 being possible with any chance of success for the assailants, ex- 
 cept on the side of a stream which ran at the foot of the castle, 
 where the ground is not so steep, Arnaud had fortified this part 
 with special care. He had planted strong palisades and raised 
 small parapets, with trees disposed in such a manner that the 
 arms and boughs were towards the enemy, and the trunks and 
 roots towards the Vaudois ; and to make them firm they were 
 covered with large stones, so that it was not easier to move them 
 than to scale them. 
 
 The distinguished De Catinat, lieutenant-general of the armies 
 of France, commanded the troops assembled around Balsille, 
 amounting to twenty-two thousand men ; namely, ten thousand 
 French, and twelve thousand Piedmontese : too large a body, 
 certainly, to make the assault, but of whom two-thirds were to 
 be employed in investing the place and guarding all the passages, 
 in order to make prisoners of the five hundred men who were 
 besieged, if they should attempt to escape. Catinat, in haste 
 to go elsewhere, hoped to accomplish the affair in one day. 
 
 The firing began on Monday morning, May 1, 1690. The 
 dragoons, who were encamped in a wood on the left of the castle, 
 crossed the river, and placed themselves in ambush all along its 
 bank, under a shower of balls, and with great loss of men. Some 
 hundreds of the duke's soldiers remained without stirring from 
 their first position. The major part of the enemy's forces ap- 
 proached the ruins of Balsille as far as the foot of the rock, but 
 they quickly retreated, leaving many dead on the spot, and carry- 
 ing away a number of wounded. An engineer having observed 
 the approaches to the chateau with a spy-glass, and noticing, as 
 he thought, that the weakest part was on the. right, a picked 
 corps of the regiment of Artois, five hundred strong, was despatch- 
 ed thither for the assault. Seven hundred peasants followed, to 
 pull down the palisades and the parapets. On the signal being 
 given, and amidst the general firing of seven thousand soldiers 
 drawn up in line of battle, the picked battalion rushed forward 
 to the intrenchment marked out with unparalleled ardour. They 
 thought that they should only have to clear away the boughs 
 that were heaped together, in order to have an open path ; but 
 they soon perceived that the trees were immovable, and, as it 
 were, driven into the soil by the mass of stones that were heaped 
 upon them. The Vaudois, seeing that they could not accomplish 
 
 15 
 
338 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 their object, and were advanced very near, opened such a vigor- 
 ous fire, the young men loading the muskets which the more 
 experienced discharged with a sure aim, that, though the snow 
 was falling and wetted their powder, the ranks of the assailants 
 were evidently thinned ; and when confusion began to spread 
 among the victims of the assault, the Vaudois made a fierce sally, 
 pursuing and cutting in pieces the remains of these picked troops, 
 of which not above ten or a dozen escaped, with the loss of their 
 hats and weapons. Their commander, De Parat, being wounded 
 in the thigh and arm, and having been found among the rocks, 
 was made prisoner with two sergeants, who remaine'd faithfully 
 by his side to take care of him. Strange to say, the Vaudois 
 had not one either killed or wounded ! The enemy retreated in 
 consternation the same evening ; the French to Macel, the Pied- 
 montese, who had remained quiet spectators of the engagement, 
 to Champ-la-Salse. Three days after, the enemy passed into 
 the French territory (the vale of Pragela) to recruit themselves, 
 firmly resolved to return and avenge such an affront, and to die 
 rather than abandon their enterprise. The same day Arnaud 
 delivered a very powerful discourse, and was himself so deeply 
 affected that neither the flock nor their pastor could refrain from 
 tears. 
 
 On stripping the dead bodies, charms were found upon them, 
 or supposed preservatives against the attacks of the evil one and 
 death ; precautions that were judged indispensable by men who 
 had been taught to believe that the barbets had dealings with the 
 devil* 
 
 Catinat, deeply mortified by the check he had received, made 
 all the necessary preparations for taking signal vengeance ; but 
 he did not judge it expedient to risk a second time his own per- 
 son, and his hopes of a French marshal's baton ; he therefore 
 left the execution of the enterprise to the king's ambassador at 
 the court of Savoy, the Marquis dc Feuquieres. 
 
 * Most of these charms or amulets were printed. The following is a specimen : 
 " Ecce crutcem Domini nostri Jesu Christi, fugite partes adversae ; vici leo de 
 tribu Juda, radix David, Allel. Allel., ex S. Anton. De Pad., homo natus est in 
 ea; Jesus, Maria, Franciscus, sint mihi salus." i.e. "Behold the cross of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ ; flee, ye adversaries ! I, the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the 
 Root of David, have conquered. Alleluia, Alleluia. From Saint Anthony of 
 Padua, a man who was born in it ; Jesus, Maria, Franciscus, may they be my 
 salvation." 
 
SIEGE OF BALSILLE. 339 
 
 On Saturday, the 10th of May, the advanced guard gave 
 notice of the approach of the enemy. Immediately the outposts 
 were abandoned, and all fell back into the castle. They gave 
 up with regret the exercises of preparation for the holy supper, 
 of which they had intended to partake the next day, being Whit- 
 sunday. The same evening, the enemy encamped close at 
 hand ; this time there were only twelve thousand soldiers, and 
 fourteen hundred peasants. Having been formed into five divi- 
 sions, they completely surrounded the place. Dispensing with 
 the tactics of a siege, they approached the castle within musket- 
 shot, intrenching themselves behind some good parapets; for, 
 besides pioneers in great numbers, and soldiers, either for mus- 
 keteers or for digging trenches, all the rest employed themselves 
 in making fascines and carrying them to the extremities of the 
 works. By day, it was impossible to attack their works ; for no 
 sooner did the enemy catch sight of a Vaudois cap, than they let 
 off a hundred firelocks, without running any risk on their part, 
 protected as they were by sacks of wool and by their parapets. 
 But scarcely a night passed without some sallies being made by 
 the besieged. 
 
 Seeing that the discharge of musketry answered no end but 
 to waste powder and shot, De Feuquieres planted a cannon* on 
 a level with the castle, on the mountain of Guignevert ; he then 
 hoisted a white flag, and after that a red one, to intimate to the 
 besieged that unless they requested peace they could expect no 
 quarter. They had already been invited to surrender, and had 
 answered, that " not being subjects of the king of France, and 
 that monarch not being master of the country, we cannot treat 
 with his officers. Being in the heritage left us by our fathers 
 from time immemorial, we hope, by the aid of him who is the 
 Lord of hosts, to live in it and die in it, should only ten of us be 
 left ! Discharge your artillery ; our rocks will not be terrified, 
 and we will listen to it." 
 
 The next day the cannon thundered all the morning; the 
 balls made a breach in the walls, and orders were given for the 
 assault in three points. One column marched up by Clos- 
 Dalmian ; a second by the ordinary approach ; and the third by 
 
 * We may judge of the calibre of the cannon by this fact:— About 1811, in 
 removing the earth on the site of the castle, a ball was found weighing about 
 eleven pounds of twelve ounces, that is, about eight pounds avoirdupois. 
 
340 HISTORY OE THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the stream, without caring for the fire of the besieged, nor for 
 the stones they rolled down upon them. The enemy, moreover, 
 protected their men by a shower of balls, which, nevertheless, by 
 a miracle of the Divine goodness, killed none in the castle. 
 But the Vaudois, assailed at once from so many quarters, and by 
 forces so disproportionably greater than their own, saw them- 
 selves compelled to evacuate their lower intrenchments. Before 
 quitting them they put to death their prisoner, M. de Parat, 
 who, when informed of their intentions, replied, " I pardon you 
 my death." 
 
 Balsille could not be defended much longer. The watch 
 placed upon an elevated summit had been driven off by the 
 enemy, who had fired upon it from the neighbouring rocks. 
 According to all appearances, the fortress as well as the upper 
 intrenchments must soon be forced. Happily, the day was 
 drawing to its close. One means only of safety was left to the 
 Vaudois — flight. It was a difficult matter, for they were sur- 
 rounded on all sides by the enemy. If they had for a moment 
 indulged the hope of succeeding during the darkness, they lost 
 it as soon as they beheld the great fires which were lighted 
 every evening, and cast a bright glare all round. Nothing was 
 left for them but to die. The French were rejoicing at the 
 prospect of seeing them march to execution ; the cords for tying 
 and hanging them all were quite ready ; but if that Providence 
 which had hitherto delivered them from the hands of their ene- 
 mies, had permitted them now to be driven to the last extremity, 
 it was only for the purpose of making them more sensible with 
 what care He watched over their preservation. In fact, a thick 
 fog came on before night, and Captain Poulat, who belonged to 
 Balsille, having offered to be their guide, they prepared to follow 
 him. An attentive examination of the enemy's posts, by means 
 of their fires, had indicated to this leader (who was perfectly 
 familiar with the localities, the undulations, and inclinations of 
 the ground) the possibility of escaping, if God permitted it, 
 though by a frightful road along a ravine or precipice which he 
 pointed out. Without hesitation they descended in file, through 
 a fissure of the rocks, the greater part of the time sitting and 
 sliding down, or going on their knees, laying hold of branches of 
 trees or of bushes, and resting for a few moments. Poulat and 
 those who were with him at the head groped with their feet, 
 
WONDERFUL FLIGHT. 341 
 
 purposely made bare, as well as with their hands, lengthening 
 or gathering up their bodies, to make sure of the nature and 
 firmness of the ground on which they were about to trust them- 
 selves : all in their turn imitated the movements of those who 
 preceded them. The approaches to the castle were so well 
 watched, that they could not entirely avoid coming into the 
 neighbourhood of some of the soldiers on guard. Accordingly, 
 so it happened ; they passed close to a French patrol just as he 
 was going his rounds : and, unfortunately, at that instant a 
 Vaudois, trying to help himself with his hands, let fall a small 
 kettle he was carrying, and which, as it rolled, attracted the 
 attention of the sentinel. Immediately he gave the challenge, 
 " Who goes there ?" " But," says Arnaud, humorously, in hia 
 narrative, " this kettle (which fortunately was not like one of 
 those that the poets feign, as giving oracles in the forest of Do- 
 dona) making no answer, the sentinel thought he was mistaken, 
 and did not repeat his challenge." Having reached the foot of 
 the precipice, the Vaudois, descending the steep slopes of 
 Guignevert, directed their course southward towards Salse. It 
 was now two hours after daybreak, and they were still ascend- 
 ing by steps which they hollowed out in the snow. Then the 
 enemy, who were encamped at Lautiga, under the rock where 
 the Vaudois had placed their mountain watch, discovered them, 
 and cried out that the barbets had made their escape. 
 
 A detachment in pursuit followed them for two days, until, on 
 the 1 7th, as the enemy were on their track, they left the moun- 
 tain to the south and invaded Pramol. There they came into 
 conflict with the inhabitants and some soldiers intrenched in the 
 churchyard, killed fifty-seven men, and burned the village. 
 They had to lament on their own side three wounded and as 
 many killed, without reckoning one of their wives, (though very 
 few of them were there,) who was struck at the very moment she 
 was carrying some straw to smoke those persons who had taken 
 refuge in the temple. They captured the commandant De 
 Vignaux, with three lieutenants. The first of these officers in- 
 formed Arnaud, when he delivered up his sword, that Victor 
 Amadeus would have to decide in three days either to continue 
 his alliance with France, or to join the coalition which the em- 
 peror, one part of Germany, Holland, England, and Spain, had 
 formed against Louis XIV. Arnaud, who, by his secret relations 
 
342 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 with the prince of Orange, now become king of England, had 
 been initiated into European politics, but during his isolation in 
 Balsille had been debarred from any certain intelligence, per- 
 ceived in an instant how much depended for himself and his 
 troop on the resolution the duke might take. He saw it would 
 be either their ruin or deliverance. To foresee what the deter- 
 mination of the prince would be, was impossible : he waited for 
 it with intense anxiety. 
 
 On the following day, May the 18th, 1690, being Sunday, 
 the decision taken by Victor Amadeus was announced to them, 
 and peace was offered them in his name, by two individuals of 
 San Giovanni and Angrogna whom they well knew, MM. 
 Parender and Bertin, sent for this purpose by the Baron de 
 Palavacini, a general of the duke. 
 
 Who can imagine the joy of these poor people, whom a war 
 of nine months had weakened and reduced to two-thirds of their 
 original number, whom famine pursued, and who, chased from 
 their last asylum, tracked like game from rock to rock, from 
 valley to valley, could only expect death or perpetual imprison- 
 ment ? News so unexpected might have been fatal to many, by 
 exciting their sensibility too strongly, and transporting them at 
 once, without any intermediate steps, from the gloomiest resolu- 
 tions to the most delightful hopes, if the fear that it was prema- 
 ture had not repressed the first impulses of their joy. 
 
 But gradually events occurred to confirm the fact. The 
 Piedmontese garrison of the town of La Torre captured, under 
 the eyes of the Yaudois, the French detachment of Clerambaud, 
 which, in pursuit of these latter, had entered that place to refresh 
 themselves. At the same time, provisions were distributed in 
 the duke's name to these poor fugitives from Balsille, who eight 
 days before had been doomed to death. The village of Bobbio 
 was put into their hands, and intrusted to their protection. A 
 little while after, they witnessed the arrival of the ministers 
 Montoux and Bastie, Captain Pelenc, the surgeon Malanot, and 
 twenty others, who, released from the prisons of Turin, hastened 
 to meet their brethren with transports of joy. It is told that on 
 this occasion the prince kindly addressed them, and said that he 
 would not prevent them from preaching anywhere, even in 
 Turin. They also saw themselves treated with confidence. The 
 commandant of the troops of his royal highness called for their 
 
SPEECH OP VICTOR AMADEUS II. 343 
 
 cooperation, and, in conjunction with the duke's troops, they 
 passed through the defile of La Croix, assisted in beating the 
 enemy, burned Abries, and returned to Bobbio laden with booty. 
 They attacked the French troops intrenched in the forts of San 
 Michel of Lucerna, and of La Torre. Success crowned the 
 arms of their prince, whom they were now happy to serve. 
 
 One of their captains having made an incursion into Pragela, 
 and seized a courier with letters for the king of France, Arnaud, 
 who had informed the Baron Palavicini of the occurrence, re~ 
 ceived orders to bring the despatches to him, and accompanied 
 this general-in-chief to his royal highness. Victor Amadeus II. 
 received the Vaudois deputation with cordiality. " You have," 
 he said, " only one God and one prince to serve. Serve God 
 and your prince faithfully. Up to the present time we have 
 been enemies ; henceforward we must be good friends ; others 
 have been the cause of your misfortunes ; but if, as you ought, 
 you hazard your lives in my service, I will also hazard my life 
 for you ; and as long as I have a morsel of bread, you shall have 
 your share of it." 
 
 If political interests had reconciled Victor Amadeus to his 
 unfortunate subjects of the Vaudois valleys, if the necessity of 
 defending his frontier, joined to the want of experienced soldiers, 
 made him confide that post of honour to these very men whose 
 character and sentiments he had misapprehended, we must still 
 acknowledge that the sight of their devotedness to his cause and 
 their exemplary fidelity touched his heart, and won his affection 
 for them. This prince, enlightened as to the disposition and 
 wishes of his subjects in reference to religion, gave them his 
 esteem, and did not withdraw it. It is true, it was not till some 
 years after the 13th (23d) May, 1694, that the act of pacification 
 respecting the Vaudois affairs was proclaimed; nevertheless, 
 from the first day that the offer of peace was made, the recon- 
 ciliation was sincere and complete on both sides. 
 
 The confidence of the prince was not limited to committing 
 the guard of the frontiers to a band of the once proscribed 
 Vaudois, nor his esteem to granting the rank of colonel to their 
 chief, Arnaud ; his justice crowned their wishes, by consenting 
 to the return of their families to the valleys, as well as their re- 
 instatement in their ancient heritage. At the beginning of July, 
 the indefatigable Arnaud travelled in all haste to Milan, to meet 
 
HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 the Vaudois bands who were expected there. These were, 
 without doubt, composed of exiles that had remained in the 
 north of Switzerland, the Grisons, and Wirtemberg, and who, 
 being informed of the favourable disposition of Victor Amadeus, 
 rejoined their brethren, bringing with them their wives and 
 children, whom the latter had confided to their generous hosts, 
 when they set out eleven months before for the conquest of their 
 native country. From the lofty mountains of Switzerland they 
 descended to the friendly plains, whose sovereigns, like their 
 own, were members of the coalition. 
 
 We regret the want of precise information respecting the re- 
 turn of the Vaudois who were domiciled in western Switzerland. 
 But it is sufficient to know that the generality of the members of 
 this great family, with few exceptions, directed their footsteps to 
 the country of their fathers. This was the case with even those 
 at the greatest distance. The elector of Brandenburg, who had 
 received them into his dominions with so much cordiality, and 
 had incurred great expense in their settlement, did not hesitate 
 to make fresh sacrifices in order to gratify the wish of their 
 hearts. He generously furnished them with the means of re- 
 turning home. 
 
 To do entire justice to the good faith of Victor Amadeus, we 
 ought to add, that he not only allowed all the exiles to re- 
 turn, but consented that those Vaudois whom distress had en- 
 slaved for a time* to the Romish worship should return to the 
 faith of their pious ancestors and their heroic brethren. Avail- 
 ing themselves of his benevolence, and making use of their 
 liberty, a great number of young persons of both sexes, who had 
 been forced to enter into the service of the rich Piedmontese in 
 order to save their lives, as well as the children who were ab- 
 ducted at the time of the imprisonment in 1686, and of the emi- 
 gration in 1687, hastened to the places of their birth to seek 
 their relations, and to profess once more a faith, the recollections 
 of which still filled their hearts. 
 
 After four years of cruel and painful separation, how happy 
 were they to see themselves again in that beloved country which 
 they had recovered, but where they had everything to re- 
 establish ! As when Israel, released from captivity, returned to 
 the land of their fathers to rebuild Jerusalem, to restore its 
 temple and its worship, and to cultivate its long-abandoned 
 
FIDELITY OP THE VAUDOIS. 345 
 
 fields, that they might present their tithes to Jehovah, so this 
 feeble remnant of the Vaudois, without laying aside the weapons 
 that were necessary for the defence of their prince, took the 
 trowel, the spade, and the plough, rebuilt their thatched cottages, 
 repaired their temples and their villages, recognized and sowed 
 their fallow ground, and with grateful and loving hearts returned 
 thanks to the all-wise, all-good, all-powerful God, who, having 
 made them pass through severe but salutary trials, had restored 
 to them, on the soil of their fathers, the liberty of serving him 
 with a pure worship, conformable to his word. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 THE VAUDOIS IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, AND DURING THE 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1690-1814. 
 
 " Serve God and your prince faithfully ;" such was the prin- 
 cipal passage and substance of the address of Victor Amadeus II. 
 to the Vaudois chiefs, when he declared that he would grant his 
 affection as well as protection to their people. Words delightful 
 to their ears ! for if they brought under their notice a duty 
 which in their last armed conflict had undergone a forcible in- 
 terruption, they specified in the first place that duty which 
 claimed the preference to it. The duke himself placed fidelity 
 to God before that which related to his own person. Their past 
 conduct thus received its justification in the judgment even of 
 him who was most interested, next to themselves, that there 
 should be no recurrence of conflict between the two duties. The 
 future, in its turn, offered them some security, since the prince 
 of his own motion assigned to the two great duties which should 
 govern the life of a Christian citizen, the same order as that in 
 which the Vaudois had always placed them, when they supported 
 them by an appeal to the apostolic injunction, " Fear God, honour 
 the king." 1 Peter ii, 1 7. 
 
 The Vaudois, grateful to their sovereign for the return of his 
 benevolence, endeavoured to give him palpable proofs of their 
 sincerity ; and, in the first place, by shedding their blood for him. 
 They hastened to his standard at the first call, without sparing 
 themselves. " Thev were a great support to the duke of Savoy, 
 
 15* 
 
340 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOI3. 
 
 when the war with France broke out," says a Piedmontese au- 
 thor, Charles Botta, who is far from being prejudiced in their 
 favour. — Storia d'ltalia, t. vii, p. 20. The count of Saluzzo, in 
 his Military History of Piedmont, expresses himself as follows : — 
 " These mountaineers hastened to join the marquis de Parelle, 
 who had not long before attacked them, and the skirmishes on 
 the mountains cost the enemy, whom they drove from Lucerna, 
 more than a thousand men." — Histoire Militaire, t. v, p. 13. The 
 marquis Costa de Beauregard, in his " Historical Memoirs of the 
 House of Savoy," (Memoir es Historiques sur la Maison de Savoie,) 
 speaks of the bravery of the barbets, who rendered themselves 
 formidable to the French. — Tom. iii, pp. 38-41. He even passes 
 an eulogium on their conduct at the siege of Coni, in the follow- 
 ing year. " This fortress," he says, " invested from the commence- 
 ment of the. campaign, was for a long time defended only by its 
 own inhabitants and some troops of peasants from the neighbour- 
 ing districts, among others by eight hundred Vaudois, under the 
 command of a chief celebrated among them." 
 
 While the military force of the valleys distinguished itself in 
 the defence of towns as well as in the field of battle,* and thus 
 fulfilled the wish expressed to their leader Arnaud by their prince, 
 the latter interested himself, according to his promise, in the es- 
 tablishment of the Yaudois families, and gave the necessary or- 
 ders for that purpose. Nevertheless, the resumption of their an- 
 cient inheritance was not so easy in point of law as the simple 
 act might have been, for this property had changed masters. One 
 part had been ceded to religious corporations ; another part sold 
 to individuals ; a third had been let on a lease. It was desirable 
 to make an amicable arrangement with the various holders of 
 the property ; and the prince acted accordingly. 
 
 It would be interesting to know the numbers of the Vaudois 
 who established themselves in their burned or half-deserted vil- 
 lages ; but the exact data are wanting. All that we know is, that, 
 during the years immediately following, the number of Vaudois 
 able to bear arms did not exceed a thousand or eleven hundred. 
 And taking into account the very small proportion of children 
 to adults, on their return, we can scarcely suppose the popula- 
 
 * At Marsaille— a battle lost, it is true, by the duke and his allies— the Vau- 
 dois captains were Imbert, Peyrot, Combe, and CafTarel. (Storia di Pinerolo, 
 1836 ; t. iv, p. 140.) 
 
EDICT OF 1G94. 347 
 
 tion more than three or four thousand persons. There was, 
 however, in a short time, a rapid increase, the effect of numerous 
 marriages and births, as is attested by some of the parish registers.* 
 To the account of the Vaudois we must also add, in order to have 
 the real number of the evangelical professors who came to re- 
 people the valleys, some thousands of French from Pragela, 
 Dauphine, and elsewhere, some of whom had deserved this favour 
 by fighting in the ranks of the Vaudois, under the conduct of 
 Arnaud ; and others, attracted by their brethren and friends, had 
 joined them, desirous as they were to live in countries bordering 
 on the parts from wiiich Louis XIV. had driven them. 
 
 Victor Amadeus, who regretted having been deprived, by a 
 persecution equally unjust and impolitic, of a faithful and cou- 
 rageous people, and who now wished to see them acquire some 
 consistence, permitted the establishment of these strangers, who 
 assimilated themselves to his subjects. 
 
 The manifesto, which was intended to determine the position 
 of the Vaudois in the state, to recognize their right to the pos- 
 session of the territory, and to guarantee the exercise of their 
 religion, was, we may easily imagine, a document as difficult for 
 the sovereign to draw up as to publish, on account of the constant 
 opposition of their inveterate enemies, the papists, especially the 
 priests and their agents. Nevertheless, the real services they 
 had rendered to their prince in this war were too recent, and 
 those that were still expected from their zeal too necessary, to 
 allow the refusal of this authentic act. An edict of pacification 
 was therefore published ; but care was taken to grant the Vau- 
 dois no new advantage. They were put on the same footing on 
 which they stood before the events that led to their exile. The 
 edict, which is dated 13 (23) May, 1694, contains in substance 
 the recognition of their legitimate establishment in the land of 
 their ancestors, and their hereditary possessions ; the revocation 
 of the edicts of January and April, 1686; with a general and 
 complete amnesty, and the promise of the favour of their prince. 
 It obtained, moreover, all the legal sanctions of registration that 
 were necessary to render it effectual.f That the Vaudois, how- 
 
 * In the register of births, in the church of Angrogna, it is stated that from 
 the month of August, 1690, to January 1st, 1697, there were 95 marriages and 
 143 births in this very large commune. 
 
 t This fact is not without importance. The history of former periods shows 
 us that many decrees of his royal highness were not effective, owing to their 
 
348 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ever, did not obtain their re-settlement without meeting with im- 
 pediments, is proved by the fact that pope Innocent XII., in a 
 bull of the 19th of August, of the same year, 1694, declares the 
 ducal edict respecting the Vaudois to be null and void, and en- 
 joins on his inquisitors to pay no regard to it in the pursuit of 
 these heretics. But the senate of Turin, in decided harmony 
 with the will of the prince, confirmed, by their rescript of the 31st 
 of August, the validity of the edict of May 13, (23,) and prohibit- 
 ed the pope's bull. 
 
 However ill-disposed certain persons might be, the Vaudois 
 colony would have advanced rapidly to prosperity, and risen from 
 its ruins, protected as it was by the good-will of its sovereign, if 
 politics, with their sinister means, their temptations and cruel re- 
 servations, had not given it a fatal blow. Victor Amadeus, se- 
 duced by the brilliant promises of Louis XIV., who restored to 
 him his lost provinces, and requested his daughter's hand for his 
 grandson, the heir presumptive to the crown of France, consent- 
 ed to break his engagements with his allies, and to place himself 
 under the patronage of the great king. If, in accordance with 
 the conditions of the treaty, Victor Amadeus remained faithful 
 to his pledge to maintain the Vaudois in their heritage, and if he 
 protected them against their inveterate enemy, the real author of 
 the frightful calamities of 1686, yet he consented, alas ! to rigor- 
 ous measures against the French belonging to the reformed 
 church who were settled in the valleys, with whom he had made, 
 it is true, no express engagement, but whom five years' residence 
 might authorize to consider themselves as his new subjects. It 
 was stipulated in this treaty, concluded secretly at Loretto, at the 
 beginning of 1696, — 1. That the inhabitants of the Vaudois val- 
 leys should have no communication or connexion with the sub- 
 jects of the great king in matters of religion ; and, 2. That the 
 subjects of his most Christian majesty who had taken refuge in 
 the valleys should be banished. 
 
 In conformity with this treaty, those of the French reformed 
 settled in the valleys, who had enlisted in the Vaudois army, in 
 the service of the duke, were obliged to quit the camp at Fres- 
 carole, and pass into Switzerland. They reached the French 
 
 not being entered in the registers of the Senate. (For the Edict, see Storia di 
 Pinerolo, iv, 141, and especially Duboin, Raccolta, etc., Turin, 1826, t. ii, p. 
 109 to 278, which contain the edicts relating to the Vaudois.) 
 
EXILE OF THE FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 349 
 
 part of the canton of Berne at the beginning of August. Others 
 followed them in the month of September. In the course of 1698, 
 and not before, the terms of the treaty were fully executed. In 
 the interval, apart from the efforts made to lead back to popery, 
 by working on their fears, those who had returned to the Vaudois 
 faith, — to alienate family property by marriages with Catholics ; 
 and to prevent the valley of Perosa from being peopled with 
 Vaudois, — scarcely any change was perceptible in the valleys. 
 But on the 1st of July, 1698, the duke of Savoy published the 
 twofold decree which his powerful neighbour had wrested from 
 him; namely, prohibiting the Vaudois from having any con- 
 nexion, in religious matters, with his French subjects, and order- 
 ing the latter to leave the valleys within the space of two months, 
 under pain of death and confiscation. This edict forcibly ex- 
 pelled seven pastors, who came originally from Pragela and Dau- 
 phine, — Montoux, the companion of Arnaud, Pappon, Giraud, 
 Jourdan, Dumas, Javel, and, lastly, Henri Arnaud himself. In 
 fact, Arnaud was a Frenchman, from the environs of Die. Had 
 it been otherwise, some reason probably would have been found 
 for getting rid of him, for jealousy and calumny pursued him 
 with their envenomed tongues. The accusation was wickedly 
 renewed against him of wishing to form a republic, although his 
 part in civil affairs was confined to settling the differences which 
 sometimes arose in families, in rebuilding houses, or in the divi- 
 sion of property on the unexpected return of some relation. His 
 person was too highly venerated, his counsels too much valued, 
 and followed too promptly, to render it surprising that umbrage 
 should be taken at a man so influential among his adopted peo- 
 ple. His name, celebrated by the remembrance of his exploits, 
 by his enterprising genius and heroic firmness, as well as by his 
 talents and virtues as a pastor, made him an object of dread to a 
 party destitute of generosity, who, in the councils of the prince, 
 secretly excited hatred against the evangelicals. It was with' a 
 heavy heart that the friend, the leader, the hero, the beloved 
 pastor of the Vaudois, quitted forever these churches to which 
 he had consecrated his life, and for whose re-establishment he 
 had not feared death on the field of battle. Three thousand 
 Frenchmen, refugees from Pragela, Dauphine*, and elsewhere, 
 withdrew with him from the valleys, where, after cruel persecu- 
 tions, they had found for a few years an imperfect repose. 
 
350 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 Geneva, which had admitted within its walls the unfortunate 
 Vaudois twelve years before, again charitably received these 
 new guests, until their departure for Switzerland and Germany. 
 Arnaud entered it on the 30th August, 1698. The companies 
 of the other exiles followed during the first days of September. 
 
 Always prompt in his measures, Arnaud had scarcely arrived, 
 when he set out to solicit an asylum for his brethren from the 
 Protestant courts of Germany. Writing from Stuttgard, he had 
 the pleasure of announcing to the Bernese magistrates that the 
 duke of Wirtemberg was favourable to the exiles, and would 
 admit them within his territories. 
 
 They left, and this time without the hope of ever returning 
 to their inhospitable valleys. The love of the Lord and Christian 
 charity upheld their tottering steps. At one of their halts, at 
 Knittlingen, on the road from the Rhine to Maulbronn, a few 
 leagues only from their destination, they took possession of the 
 soil by depositing in it the remains of one of their faithful pas- 
 tors, named Dumas, to whom death had scarcely given time to 
 reach a place of refuge before he departed * 
 
 It was on the west and north of Stuttgard that the emigrants 
 from the Vaudois Alps established themselves and founded their 
 colonies, to Which, from recollections at once mournful and de- 
 lightful, they gave the names of villages in the valleys of Perosa 
 and Pragela which they had been obliged to quit. 
 
 On the soil of Germany, these victims of the fanatic hatred 
 of Louis XIV. experienced no recurrence of sufferings such as 
 those they formerly endured. Protected by the august princes 
 of the Protestant faith, and treated by them with equity and 
 kindness, like their other subjects, they have lived in prosperity 
 and peace. 
 
 Down to the commencement of the present century, the 
 Vaudois colonies of Wirtemberg governed themselves, as far as 
 regarded ecclesiastical affairs, by means of a Presbyterian synod. 
 
 * We are indebted for these particulars, as well as for many others respect- 
 ing the Vaudois settlements in the south-west of Germany, to the kindness of 
 our fellow-countryman and friend, M. P. Appia, pastor of the French Church at 
 Frankfort-on-Main. The valleys of Piedmont number him among the worthiest 
 of their sons, and one of their most devoted counsellors. I hope this humble 
 and faithful servant of God will bear with this public expression of respect which 
 his character claims ; we are prompted to it by personal regards and a convic- 
 tion of its truth. 
 
VAUDOIS COLONIES OF WIRTEMBERG. 351 
 
 Conformably to the traditions of their church, they provided at 
 their own expense the means of worship and instruction, and 
 paid for the repairs of the temples, parsonages, and school- 
 houses, as well as the maintenance of the school-masters and 
 pastors ; a considerable charge upon their poverty, which was 
 lightened, however, by the contributions of English charity. 
 For a long time they had the pleasure of being watched over by 
 pastors of their own or of the mother-country, and of listening 
 to their instructions in the language of their ancestors. But for 
 many years they have been under the control (though un- 
 willingly, for the most part, and with a constrained submission) 
 of the superior consistory of Stuttgard. Henceforward, the 
 language of their worship and schools is German, and the na- 
 tional element is lost. In a short time their separate history 
 will end, if it have not done so already. The Vaudois patois is 
 almost forgotten, though it may be in use in a certain number 
 of villages.* Very soon, it is to be feared, nothing but the 
 namesf of families and those of villages and particular localities 
 will recall the origin of these men of the south, whose swarthy 
 complexion and black hair will no longer serve to distinguish 
 their descendants. 
 
 In one of these colonies, Schoenberg, near Durrmenz, the 
 hero of the Vaudois terminated his career. Preferring the ex- 
 ercise of his pastoral functions to military honours and glory, 
 Henri Arnaud declined the pressing invitations of William III., 
 king of England, who had sent him a colonel's brevet and the 
 offer of a regiment. He wished to forget, as an humble presbyter, 
 the art of war and generalship, together with the remembrance 
 of his exploits. Wholly devoted to the work of the ministry, to 
 the preaching of the gospel, to consoling the poor and the 
 afflicted, he applied himself to lead the flock committed to his 
 charge no longer into their ancient country, as when he recon- 
 
 * In 1820, a schoolmaster, originally from the settlement of Serres, conversed 
 at Lausanne in the patois, which he generally used, with the students from the 
 Vaudois valley, and was understood by them. The pastor Appia, in two visits 
 which he paid to the Vaudois settlements of Wirtemberg, in 1845 and 1846, as- 
 certained, that though in many villages, such as Serres and Pinache, all the 
 families still speak their ancient idiom ; at other places, such as Perosa, it is 
 entirely forgotten. 
 
 t Among the names well known in the Vaudois valleys and in Pragela, are 
 those of Rivoire, Mondon, Geymet, Vole, Poet, Peyrot, Clapier, Pascal, Jourdan, 
 Carrier, Jouvenal, etc. 
 
352 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 quered the Vaudois soil at the head of nine hundred valiant 
 men, but to the heavenly abodes, in the footsteps of the Head 
 and Saviour of the Church. 
 
 Having been twice married, and the father of three sons and 
 two daughters, he died at Schoenberg on the 8th of September, 
 1721, at the age of fourscore years, leaving a very inconsiderable 
 patrimony to his children — an evident proof, that in his con- 
 nexions with the great in this world, as well as in his enterprises, 
 he had forgotten himself while seeking only the general good. 
 
 Within the humble precincts of a temple with walls of clay, 
 and a bell whose sound was never heard beyond the cherry- 
 trees of the village, gratitude and respect have assigned an 
 honourable place to the mortal remains of this great man, for 
 whom the modest crook of a shepherd of souls had a stronger 
 attraction than an elevated rank in the army, than honour and 
 glory, or than the favour of courts. His ashes repose at the foot 
 of the communion-table. An engraving, hung under the desk 
 of the pulpit, exhibits the features which distinguished the hero 
 of Salabertrand and Balsille ; while a Latin inscription engraven 
 on the stone that covers his tomb recalls his exploits. The fol- 
 lowing is a translation : — 
 
 " BENEATH THIS TOMB LIES HENRI ARNATJD, 
 
 PASTOR, AND ALSO MILITARY COMMANDER, OF THE 
 
 PIEDMONTESE VAUDOIS." 
 
 In the centre of the monument — 
 
 " Thou seest here the ashes of Arnaud, but his achievements, 
 labours, and undaunted courage no one can depict. The son 
 of Jesse combats alone against thousands of foreigners ; alone he 
 terrifies their camp and leader. He died Sept. 8, and was 
 buried, 1721. 
 
 "AGED LXXX." 
 
 The Vaudois population of the valleys of Lucerna, Angrogna, 
 Perosa, and San Martino, now considerably diminished by the 
 forced emigration of three thousand Frenchmen, whose presence 
 during many years had filled up the immense vacancies made 
 by persecution, had themselves to suffer, at times, measures 
 severe and vexatious, as well as prejudicial to their prosperity. 
 Although it appeared certain that Victor Amadeus was not un- 
 
ATTEMPTS AT OPPRESSION. 353 
 
 favourably disposed to the Vaudois, yet an underhand and con- 
 cealed war was made upon them. Contrary to the terms of the 
 edict for their re-establishment, the children of the Vaudois who 
 had been dispersed over Piedmont were tampered with and turned 
 from the faith by promises of marriage and other means of seduc- 
 tion, or by acting on their fears by threats. Under the pretext 
 of the incompatibility of Protestantism and Popery, and at the 
 instigation of France, their next neighbour,* endeavours were 
 made to prevent the Vaudois of the half-valley of Perosa from 
 entering into possession of their property on the left bank of the 
 Clusone, and establishing themselves there. Payment in full 
 was claimed, out of their slender means, of all the taxes and im- 
 posts since their expulsion in 1686, and consequently during the 
 period which they had spent in foreign lands, and in which their 
 property was possessed by others. Ancient debts, also, which 
 they supposed were extinguished, were laid to their account, 
 amounting, with some fresh items, to 450,000 French francs, for 
 which interest was required at three per cent. It was an addi- 
 tional misfortune that the imposts had been considerably in- 
 creased, and were exacted with rigour. While they were not 
 required from the Catholics, the Vaudois, who were unable to 
 discharge them, were immediately ejected. Popish missionaries 
 traversed the villages and mountains, directing their efforts 
 chiefly to poor families, whom they too often succeeded in draw- 
 ing into apostasy. Sometimes the vague rumour of a new and 
 immediate forced emigration was spread from place to place, and 
 filled their hearts with anxiety ; at other times they were calmed 
 and consoled by being assured that the duke was most kindly 
 disposed towards his Vaudois subjects. They were never al- 
 lowed to repair or rebuild the churches that had been injured 
 or pulled down, and the severe measures taken against the 
 French part of the population prevented their having a sufficient 
 number of ministers. This want would have been unsupplied 
 if the canton of Berne had not sent some preachers, by permis- 
 sion of the duke.f 
 
 At the end of 1698, the situation of the Vaudois appeared so 
 
 * It must be recollected that France at that time possessed the valley of 
 Pragela, the eastern part of the valley of Perosa and Pinerolo. 
 
 t At that time, the following eminent men were among the pastors of the 
 valleys : Jacob Dubois, Philippe Dind, Isaac Senebier, Joseph Decoppet, Philippe 
 Dutoit, and Abram Ilenriod.— (Extract from the parish registers of the valleys.) 
 
354 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 precarious that one of their pastors, Blachon, expressed in a 
 letter his fears that such a state of things could not last a year, 
 and as it concerned himself, he saw no safety but in emigration. 
 The Vaudois at this period, after the departure of the French 
 Protestants, were reduced to the number of eleven hundred men 
 able to bear arms. Such were the effects of the return of Victor 
 Amadeus to an alliance with France. Political considerations 
 overpowered the better feelings of his heart. The Yaudois were 
 victims to his plans of aggrandizement. 
 
 An alteration in the politics of the court of Savoy, at the com- 
 mencement of the eighteenth century, led to a slight amelioration 
 in the condition of the valleys. Victor Amadeus escaped from 
 the influence of Louis XIV. on the occasion of the Spanish suc- 
 cession, and entered into a league with the emperor of Germany 
 and the two great Protestant powers, England and Holland, to 
 make war on the French monarch. It may be supposed that in 
 the correspondence of the allied cabinets, and in the conferences 
 of the ambassadors, the affairs of the Vaudois came under dis- 
 cussion, and that the intercession of the Protestant courts was 
 not unavailing. The secret articles of the preceding treaty of 
 alliance, signed at the Hague, in 1691, were no doubt confirmed, 
 by which the duke of Savoy guaranteed to the Vaudois the 
 exercise of their religion. This prince also approved of the pro- 
 tection granted by these two powers to the churches of the val- 
 leys, and permitted the transmission of foreign subsidies intended 
 to aid their poverty. A few words on this subject may be pro- 
 perly introduced here. 
 
 Queen Mary, the consort of William HI, king of England, 
 had formed a fund, — the interest of which was then and is still 
 called, the Royal Subsidy, for the purpose of paying the salaries 
 of the pastors of the valleys, and also those of the colony of 
 Wirtemberg.* The states-general of Holland employed the in- 
 terest of a fund obtained by collections throughout the states, as 
 well as the amount of annual collections, for the payment of the 
 
 * It has been said that since the wars at the beginning of this century, the 
 pastors of the Vaudois settlements in Wirtemberg cease to receive their sala- 
 ries from England. Those of the valleys are still indebted to it for a part of 
 their maintenance. We may add that in 1770, the liberal collections made in 
 Great Britain permitted an augmentation of the pastors' salaries in thevaDeys. 
 The interest of this latter fund bore the name of the National Subsidy, to dis- 
 tinguish it from the Royal Subsidy furnished by the crown. 
 
THE SIEGE OF TURIN. 355 
 
 salaries of schoolmasters, gratuities to superannuated pastors, and 
 to the widows of pastors, for relieving the poor of each church, 
 and also for the support of a Latin school. And as we are now 
 on the subject of gifts of Christian charity made at this time, or a 
 few years before, for the suffering Vaudois, we must not forget 
 the bursaries appropriated by the evangelical cantons of Switzer- 
 land to the students of the valleys in some of their academies ; 
 namely, one at Bale, five at Lausanne, and two at Geneva. In 
 this last city, one was paid by the state out of the funds of the 
 general hospital ;* the second proceeded from a donation made 
 by M. Clignet, postmaster at Leyden, and intrusted to the Com- 
 mittee of the Italian Exchange.f 
 
 While the valleys, in consequence of their prince's taking a 
 part in the coalition against France, felt themselves less oppressed 
 by the restraints of a hateful fanaticism which that power then 
 displayed towards evangelical Christians, their militia, enlisted 
 under his banners, acquitted themselves with the greatest credit. 
 The war that Victor Amadeus had to sustain against his ancient 
 ally was long and disadvantageous to his arms. His personal 
 courage, his perseverance in the contest, and great efforts, could 
 not save him from being crushed under the strokes of his formi- 
 dable neighbour. He saw himself deprived of the greater number 
 of his fortified places, and at last, in 1706, was besieged in his 
 capital, Turin. The recital of the vicissitudes of this siege does 
 not enter into the plan of this history, yet we must mention an 
 episode in it which is strictly connected with our subject. The 
 labours of the siege were suddenly interrupted by the flight of 
 the duke of Savoy, who left the city at the head of a body of 
 cavalry. The French general, the duke de la Feuillade, pur- 
 sued him with a party of the besiegers, reckoning upon getting 
 possession of his person. In fact, more than once Victor Ama- 
 deus was closely pressed, and in imminent danger. Having 
 almost reached Saluzzo, he proceeded to the left of the Po, and 
 took refuge in the mountains, among his faithful Vaudois. Let 
 us here quote the words of the Count de Saluzzo, who was, after 
 all, no great friend to the Vaudois : — 
 
 * This bursary ceased in 1798 ; those of Lausanne were partially interrupted, 
 and afterwards re-established for a time. 
 
 t These details are extracted from a little work, entitled, Le Livre de Famille, 
 (The Family Book,) Geneva, 1830, by the ancient moderator of the Vaudois 
 churches, P. Bert, who, from his office, might be expected to know them. 
 
356 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 " The object of Victor Amadeus was," he says, " to encourage 
 M. de la Feuillade to run after him. He fell back to Lucerna. 
 The Vaudois joined hirn in great numbers. He was so well 
 fortified in the position he chose, that the French general, after 
 advancing as far as Bricherasco, gave up the design of encoun- 
 tering him."* The Piedmontese historian notices the fact of the 
 stay of Victor Amadeus in the midst of the Vaudois, and the zeal 
 of the latter to surround his person, in order to defend him unto 
 death ; but he does not say, what, nevertheless, we cannot pass 
 over in silence, that the duke reposed at night under the roof 
 of a Vaudois, in the midst of the humble population of Rora. 
 Thus this enlightened prince appreciated and estimated at its 
 proper value the honesty and perfect fidelity of his evangelical 
 subjects, whom the popish perfidy and hatred of Louis XIV., 
 though they had been so long attached to him, had represented 
 as enemies of his person and kingdom, and whom he had treated 
 with excessive rigour twenty years before. The confidence dis- 
 played on this occasion by Victor Amadeus did as much honour 
 to his judgment as to the simple and faithful men to whom it was 
 given. The family of Durand Canton, to whom the privilege 
 belonged of offering hospitality to their sovereign, preserve irre- 
 fragable proofs of it ; namely, the goblet and silver service he 
 made use of, which he left as a memorial of his visit, as well as 
 an authentic act, authorizing the family who received him to 
 bury their dead in their garden. During the retreat of the 
 French, who were at last beaten by prince Eugene under the 
 walls of Turin, and constrained to flee after having raised the 
 siege of that city, the Vaudois gave a second mark of devotion 
 to their sovereign, by not sparing themselves in the pursuit. 
 " The French army," says the Count of Saluzzo, " took the route 
 to Dauphine, which it did not reach without experiencing fresh 
 losses, having been continually harassed on its march by the 
 Vaudois soldiers, under the command of Colonel de Saint- 
 Amour."f 
 
 The peace of Utrecht in 1713, so advantageous to Victor 
 Amadeus, whose dominions it increased, while putting on his 
 head a royal crown, that of Sicily, exchanged some years after- 
 
 * Histoire Militaire, t. v, p. 189. 
 
 t Histoire Militaire, t. v, p. 212. The Vaudois signalized themselves by other 
 feats of arms in the first half of the eighteenth century. 
 
LETTER OF FREDERICK WILLIAM OF PRUSSIA. 357 
 
 wards, rather by constraint, for that of Sardinia, tended in- 
 evitably to bring back that attention and activity to the interior 
 ■which had been expended outwardly on a contest of the most 
 serious importance. Political prejudices were again in action 
 against the existence of a religious confession different from that 
 of the generality. The secret enemies of the Vaudois and of the 
 reformed religion impelled the government to some vexatious 
 and even unjust measures. In the first class we may mention 
 the obligation imposed on all the Vaudois churches to observe 
 as holy days all the numerous festivals ordained by the Romish 
 church, contrary to their ancient usages, and notwithstanding 
 the absence of antecedent legal arrangements ; so also the dif- 
 ficulties, or rather direct hindrances, put by the custom-house in 
 the way of the admission of the books necessary for the services 
 of religion ; and the refusal to admit any Vaudois to the office 
 of notary : also many grievances which have been constantly re- 
 peated since that time. Another measure taken against the 
 Vaudois may be cited as evidently unjust, namely, that which 
 constrained the Vaudois parents, whose child might have passed 
 over to popery, to provide him with a maintenance, or to give 
 him his legal portion, both of personal and real property ; an 
 unjust measure, for it tended to weaken parental authority, to 
 give an advantage to vicious and rebellious children, and to re- 
 duce aged persons to indigence, by depriving them of property 
 without which they could not make shift to live. These ex- 
 actions and severities drew forth complaints from the population 
 of the valleys. They had recourse to the benevolence and justice 
 of their sovereign ; but whatever methods they took, however 
 humble the petitions they addressed to him, no success attended 
 their efforts. 
 
 At this juncture, a monarch, whose august house had con- 
 stantly given the Vaudois proofs of its enlightened and Christian 
 benevolence, Frederick William I., king of Prussia,* interceded 
 
 * The letter of the king of Prussia to the king of Sardinia :— " Sir, my Brother,— 
 Affected as I am with the present mournful situation of the Protestant churches 
 in the valleys of Piedmont, I cannot forbear addressing these lines to you on 
 their behalf, hoping that your majesty will receive them more favourably, since 
 you will easily judge, by the affection you feel towards those who profess the 
 same religion as yourself, that I must have the same tender regard for the said 
 churches, and that their preservation and tranquillity can never be indifferent 
 to me. 
 
358 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 in their favour, in the beginning of the year 1725. The answer 
 of Victor Amadeus, although evasive, expressed friendly dis- 
 positions towards them. These were also shown in a subsequent 
 act, which will soon come under our notice, without its being 
 possible to say that they materially modified the condition of the 
 victims of popish prejudices, or that they much weakened the 
 opposition of a jealous religion, which never ceased to hold up 
 to their prince as dangerous subjects, men whose blood had re- 
 cently been spilt in his service. The principles of an enlarged 
 toleration never prevailed in the administration of the Vaudois 
 affairs, and at this time so much the less, when the government 
 
 " I cannot believe that the complaints of these poor churches have reached 
 your majesty, or, if they have, that they have been represented so as to do them 
 complete justice ; for every one knows that your majesty is too generous to be 
 able to refuse remedying the grievances of a people who, on many important 
 occasions, have shed their blood and sacrificed their property in the service of 
 your majesty, and that with so much bravery and fidelity, that your majesty has 
 always appeared satisfied. 
 
 " Relying on these testimonies, I promise myself that your majesty will be 
 well pleased, as I earnestly entreat, to continue your royal protection and be- 
 nevolence to the aforesaid Protestant churches, and allow them peaceably to 
 enjoy the edicts already published in their favour, and especially that of the 23d 
 of May, 1694, in contravention of which it has been attempted to oblige the 
 said Protestant churches, under rigorous penalties, to observe all the feasts ap- 
 pointed by the Romish Church, which is a proceeding directly contrary to that 
 liberty of conscience, of which, as your majesty knows, no prince can deprive 
 his subjects without committing extreme violence, and without encroaching 
 even on the rights reserved for the Divine Majesty, to whom alone belongs the 
 dominion over the hearts and consciences of men. 
 
 "The ordinance published under your majesty's name, that the Protestant 
 Vaudois must furnish the children who have abjured the religion of their fathers 
 with a maintenance, or give them their legal share of the real and personal 
 property of their parents, cannot be less severe nor less contrary than the 
 above-mentioned to Divine and human laws, since it inspires Protestant chil- 
 dren with sentiments of insubordination, and withdraws them from the obedience 
 due to their fathers and mothers, reducing the latter, at the same time, to an 
 impossibility of maintaining themselves ; especially when their property lies 
 entirely in land, or they are constrained to part with many portions of their pro- 
 perty, to make them over to their children, who may have been seduced to 
 abandon the Protestant religion. 
 
 " I beg also your majesty to be assured, that of all the marks of friendship you 
 are able to give me, that of paying attention to my intercession for the said 
 Protestant churches will always be to me the most agreeable, and the one for 
 which I shall feel most sensibly obliged. I shall with pleasure avail myself of 
 every opportunity to testify my lively gratitude, and to prove to your majesty 
 the sincerity and high consideration with which I am, etc. 
 
 " Berlin, Jan. 6, 1725. Frederick William." 
 
 (Vide Dieterici, p. 396.) 
 
NEW VEXATIONS. 359 
 
 was resolved to take very severe measures against the evangelical 
 Christians of another part of his majesty's states, namely, that 
 of Pragela, annexed to the Piedmontese territory by the treaty 
 of Utrecht. 
 
 In spite of the fury of Louis XIV., and the violent emigration 
 to which, in 1C98, he had forced more than three thousand Pro- 
 testants of that country, there still remained in the valley of 
 Pragela some hundreds of persons, who, although less fervent in 
 their faith, and less disposed to sacrifice their lives for it, cither 
 by exile, or openly confessing their religion, nevertheless pre- 
 served in secret the hopes, the belief, and the worship of the 
 gospel. Passing under the dominion of Savoy in 1713, and 
 seeing that their brethren in the faith and neighbours in the 
 valleys of Lucerna and San Martino enjoyed the exercise of 
 their religion, they took courage, put off all dissimulation, and 
 assembled frequently for edification in the temple of their bre- 
 thren. For some time, their return to the faith of their an- 
 cestors was unnoticed, both by the Vaudois and their neighbours. 
 But Romish susceptibility and the traditional policy of the 
 government now took the alarm at their boldness, and brought 
 it to an issue in 1730. An edict constrained them to choose 
 between a fresh abjuration and exile. A friendly attempt at 
 mediation on the part of the king of Prussia with the king of 
 Sardinia could not ward off the blow. Three hundred and sixty 
 individuals, recovered from their former fall, and animated with 
 the love of the Lord, not feeling themselves at liberty in their 
 consciences to deny their faith, decided on the latter alternative. 
 They arrived in the Pays de Vaud in the course of May, 1 730. 
 The government of Berne received them with the same charity 
 which it had displayed towards their unfortunate brethren in 
 the preceding century. A part of them settled there ; the rest 
 rejoined their relatives who were settled in Wirtemberg or else- 
 where. 
 
 All the friends of the gospel in Pragela did not emigrate. The 
 weak dissembled afresh, and went to mass. In secret, they con- 
 tinued to read the word of God. After the end of the century, 
 the author of this work, then a student, having requested hos- 
 pitality at a house in the valley, met with a cordial reception as 
 one preparing to be a minister of the gospel. " We have the 
 Bible — we read it," they said ; and placed the precious antique 
 
360 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 volume before him- It is not very long since that the popish 
 authorities, jealous of the sacred book, seized and burned all 
 the copies they could discover in the valleys. The last victory 
 over the truth — to burn the Bible in the nineteenth century ! — 
 Spirit of Rome ! thou art always the same. 
 
 In this same year, 1730, Victor Amadeus II. was urged by 
 the French court to severe measures against the French Pro- 
 testants who had taken refuge in the valleys, and by Pope Cle- 
 ment XII. to punish the relapsed and renegades, with the threat, 
 that if his wishes were not complied with, he would dissolve the 
 advantageous concordat that then existed between him and the 
 court of Turin. Being thus prompted, Victor published, on the 
 20th June, a severe edict against three classes of persons, in 
 which also are to be found some arrangements respecting the 
 churches of the valleys. The French Protestants, whom the 
 toleration granted to the Vaudois, and their vicinity to them, had 
 attracted thither, were ordered to leave his majesty's dominions 
 within six months, under pain of flogging, and afterwards five 
 years at the galleys. The Vaudois who should give them an 
 asylum would receive the estrapado* for the first offence, and 
 for the second a public flogging. Catholics who had embraced 
 Protestantism, and Vaudois who had become Catholics, but had 
 returned to their former profession, were to receive a similar 
 sentence. The same threats were held out to those who should 
 conceal them. In vain the compassionate monarch who reigned 
 over Prussia requested a full toleration in favour of the converts 
 from Catholicism, referring on their behalf to the edict of paci- 
 fication of 1694: Victor Amadeus remained inflexible. About 
 five hundred proselytes, now steadfast and unflinching at the 
 thoughts of exile, took, at the beginning of the winter of 1 730, 
 the road to Geneva, where they arrived in the course of De- 
 cember. 
 
 Victor Amadeus, though personally recovered from his pre- 
 judices against the Vaudois, and convinced of their fidelity, as 
 well as of the other moral qualities that distinguished them, did 
 not grant them much greater liberties than his predecessors. 
 Yet, if he did not show entire tolerance, if he established re- 
 
 * A punishment in which the person was raised by his hands tied behind his 
 back, and then let fall with a slight concussion, once, twice, or more, as the 
 case might be. 
 
EFFECTS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 361 
 
 strictions of many kinds on the extension, rather than on the 
 maintenance of the Christian faith, and the increase of the 
 evangelical population in the three ancient valleys and in that 
 of Pragela, we must allow that it was owing to the incessant 
 solicitations of the eternal enemies of the Vaudois, and the re- 
 quirements of his warlike and powerful neighbour of France. 
 Let us acknowledge, that if he could not do more for his subjects, 
 whose services and characters were misapprehended, he had at 
 least the merit of fixing definitively, with a firm hand, the civil 
 and religious positions of the Vaudois, by confirming the ancient 
 edicts which determined it, and promulgating new ones. By 
 these measures, if the condition of the descendants of the martyrs 
 remained low, humbled, and straitened, yet it escaped, forever, 
 it may be hoped, from arbitrariness and uncertainty. 
 
 Under the reign of Charles Emmanuel III., who ascended the 
 throne in 1730, on the voluntary abdication of his father, 
 Victor Amadeus II., the senate of Turin published, in 1 740, a 
 summary of the edicts concerning the Vaudois, in twenty-six 
 articles, to serve as a guide to the judicial and executive autho- 
 rities. This publication might be considered as a new royal 
 benefit. For if it notified to the magistrates the restrictions im- 
 posed on the civil and religious liberties of the Vaudois, it 
 established, on the other hand, the rights that were conceded to 
 them by their sovereign, and thus rendered their position more 
 stable for the future. 
 
 Henceforward, under the reign of Charles-Emmanuel III., and, 
 after that, under Victor Amadeus III., who took the crown in 
 1773, until the time of the French revolution, few striking events 
 interrupted the course of the uniform life of the inhabitants of 
 the valleys. We may, however, cite, as a title to the favour of 
 their sovereign, the brilliant courage which they exhibited at the 
 siege of Coni, in 1 747, and at the batde of Assiette, in 1 74 7, which 
 was lost by the French ; renowned actions, which have claimed 
 the praises of military men * as well as the esteem of Charles- 
 Emmanuel III., who called them his brave and faithful Vaudois.f 
 Why are we obliged to add, in spite of the proofs of love and 
 devotion on the part of the subjects, and of esteem on the part 
 
 * Ilistoirc Militaire, by the count of Saluzzo, t. v, p. 213. 
 t This royal expression was quoted, with the facts we have narrated, in a 
 petition presented, in 1814, to Count Cerutti. minister of his Sardinian majcM v. 
 
 16 
 
362 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 of the sovereign, the Vaudois frequently saw their children taken 
 away by the artifices of priests and monks, sometimes even by 
 violence, without any possibility of obtaining justice ; and them- 
 selves forced to contribute to the expenses of the Romish worship, 
 to pay tithes, first-fruits, and other things besides, to parish priests,* 
 contrary to the express words of the royal edicts, which relieved 
 them from such burdens ? 
 
 Such was the success which the papal power had obtained in 
 the valleys, when, in 1789, the sound of the first movement of 
 the French revolution was heard in Piedmont. The Alps could 
 not arrest the progress of the new ideas, which, after fermenting 
 and threatening for a long time, at length found vent in a sudden 
 explosion. Attractive and dazzling theories, promises of liberty 
 and happiness, proclaimed in tones that were everywhere au- 
 dible, inflamed the minds of men, and wrapped their hearts in 
 pleasing illusions. In their conversations, in the social circle, 
 nothing was talked of but the events that were transpiring be- 
 yond the Alps. A pastor of the valleys ventured to make an 
 allusion to them, in a sermon preached before the assembled sy- 
 nod, in the autumn of the same year, 1 789. His brethren, being 
 disturbed at the possible effects that so imprudent a discourse 
 might produce on public opinion, as well as the evils which it 
 might bring on the Yaudois population from the ruling powers, 
 exerted their right of discipline, and suspended the indiscreet 
 orator from his functions for six months. This decision was equal- 
 ly wise and just ; for the preacher had violated his duty as a sub- 
 ject of the king, by attracting attention to questions hostile to 
 his government, and as a pastor, by introducing politics into the 
 pulpit. 
 
 Such a fact sets in a clearer light than any words would do, 
 the spirit that animated the valleys at this critical epoch. The 
 emotions of the heart spoke in favour of the new principles pro- 
 claimed in France ; but a sense of duty to the authorities pre- 
 vented the faithful subject from receiving and propagating them. 
 The heart, in some persons, prevailed over a traditional submis- 
 sion. Nevertheless, we shall not depart from the truth in saying, 
 that it would have been difficult, under such circumstances, for 
 men so little favoured by the government as the Vaudois had 
 
 * Tableau du Piemont, (Picture of Piedmont,) by Maranda, Turin, the year xi, 
 p. 32. Memoirs and petitions presented in 1814 to Count C'erutti. 
 
UNJUST ACCUSATIONS. 368 
 
 been, to have given greater proofs of prudence and moderation. 
 Perceiving the delicacy of their situation, they took the greatest 
 pains to prevent and to avoid everything that might commit them. 
 
 This conduct ensured to them the confidence of their sovereign, 
 who, in 1792, called them to take arms for the defence of their 
 frontiers. And when, in the following year, Victor Amadeus 
 III., being despoiled by the French of two of his most beautiful 
 provinces, Savoy and Nice, resolved to act on the offensive and 
 attack the enemy, he intrusted the protection of the valleys of 
 Lucerna and San Martino to the fidelity of the Vaudois, com- 
 manded by one of their officers, colonel Maranda, under the or- 
 ders of general Gaudin, also a Protestant and a Swiss, from 
 Nyon, on the lake of Geneva. 
 
 The French, who were aware how precarious and exposed the 
 situation of this poor people had been, believed that they should 
 find no difficulty in impelling them to revolt, to surrender the 
 passes, and to make common cause with them. They were de- 
 ceived. The Vaudois esteemed fidelity to their oath, even in 
 their depressed condition, preferable to the splendid hopes of 
 civil, political, and religious liberty, if acquired by perjury. Yet 
 this admirable conduct could not silence calumny, nor stifle all 
 suspicion. How could it be credited, that men, so often ill-treated 
 on account of their religion, would refrain from avenging them- 
 selves, and refuse the emancipation that was promised them? 
 They were, accordingly, accused of lending an ear to the pro- 
 posals of the enemy. Some unfortunate facts gave a colour to 
 these rumours. The Vaudois militia had given way at some 
 points ; the fort of Mirabouc, at the bottom of the valley of Lu- 
 cerna, in the gorge of the only pass that leads to France, had 
 surrendered ;* and though the investigation ordered on this oc- 
 casion had proved in the clearest manner the innocence of the 
 inhabitants of the valleys,f the exasperation resulting from these 
 
 * A Swiss officer, named Mesmer, commanded. He was ill, and the place was 
 badly provided with the means of defence. One of the two cannons burst, when 
 the match was applied, on the approach of the enemy. The garrison was com- 
 posed of one-half company of Vaudois and one-half of Piedmontese invalids. 
 Mesmer was intimidated, and capitulated. But if timid, he acted, nevertheless, 
 with good faith ; for, after the surrender of the fort, he set out for Turin to ex- 
 plain his conduct, and was there beheaded. V. Tableau du Piemont, t. v, p. 166. 
 
 t Musset, the only Vaudois officer in the fort, opposed the capitulation to the 
 utmost ; he thought the place might have been defended. 
 
364 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 suspicions had grown to such a height, that, by the aid of fanati- 
 cism, it ripened among the papists of the environs into the de- 
 testable project of a second St. Bartholomew, of which the Yau- 
 dois of San Giovanni and La Torre were to be the victims. 
 
 All the men of these two communes, able to bear arms, were 
 on the mountains, occupied in guarding the frontiers ; none re- 
 mained in their dwellings on the plain but the women and chil- 
 dren, with the sick and aged ; feeble defenders ! The enterprise, 
 therefore, was not a dangerous one. On the night of the 14th 
 and 15th of May, 1 793, a troop of assassins assembled at Lucerna, 
 intending at a given signal to invade these two districts, and put all 
 to fire and sword. The plot had been so secretly arranged that 
 not a Yaudois knew of it. Two Catholics, one an ecclesiastic, 
 the respectable Brianza, the parish priest of Lucerna, and cap- 
 tain Odetti, of Cavor, gave them notice of it. The latter, when 
 he reached the house of his friend, M. P^ul Vertu, at La Torre, 
 said, on entering, " I am come here to defend you and yours, to 
 the last drop of my blood." He then detailed the dreadful plot 
 in which he had refused to take a part. Several messengers were 
 immediately despatched to the mountains, to the husbands and 
 brothers of the intended victims. General Gaudin, when urged 
 to let them fly to the defence of their families, refused to believe 
 in the existence of so odious a project ; but the list of the con- 
 spirators, to the number of more than seven hundred, which was 
 placed before his eyes, put an end to his incredulity. Yet if on 
 the one hand he could not resolve to deprive so many innocent 
 creatures of their natural defenders, on the other, he knew not 
 how to detach a sufficient force from his division, without ex- 
 posing himself to be overpowered by the French, or how to allow 
 the Yaudois to withdraw, without awakening the suspicions of 
 the Piedmontese troops with whom they were associated. A 
 stratagem relieved him from his embarrassment. On the even- 
 ing of the fatal night, towards the close of the day, a false alarm 
 was given ; a shout resounded on the heights, " The French ! the 
 French !" followed very soon by " Sauve qui peut !" (" Save 
 himself who can !") The Yaudois first quitted their elevated 
 post, and in the midst of a sharp fire of musketry sounded a re- 
 treat, as if the enemy were pursuing them. The Piedmontese 
 troops, who were stationed between them and the bottom of the 
 valley, seeing this, began in their turn a retrograde movement, 
 
PROJECT OP A MASSACRE ABANDONED. 365 
 
 and threw themselves into La Torre and San Giovanni, which 
 they occupied for the night. The conspirators, frightened at the 
 pretended aggression of the French, abandoned their infernal 
 project. Gaudin being called to Turin to render an account of 
 his conduct, justified himself by presenting the proofs of the con- 
 spiracy and the list of the conspirators. The documentary evi- 
 dence could not be rebutted ; it was absolute. But he was at 
 the same time withdrawn from the valleys, and not long afte/ dis- 
 missed from the service ; his superior humanity lost him the con- 
 fidence of the court. Of the assassins, not one was punished ; 
 none of them were even sought for. 
 
 The government being disquieted and suspicious, and imagin- 
 ing that the French were in communication with the valleys, 
 thought it needful to take very severe measures. A Vaudois, 
 named Davit, an artillery officer of colonel Fresia's, who had 
 succeeded general Gaudin in the command, was given up by his 
 superior to a court-martial, and hung as a traitor. The two offi- 
 cers of the highest rank in the Vaudois militia, colonel Maranda 
 and major Goante, were also thrown in prison. Other arrests 
 were talked of as about to take place ; but the two accused indi- 
 viduals were able to demonstrate their own innocence, as well 
 as that of their friends and companions. 
 
 The liberation of Maranda and Goante, their restoration to 
 their place, and the superseding of Colonel Fre*sia, (who had 
 been detested ever since the execution of Davit,) by a Swiss 
 officer, General Zimmermann,* calmed the agitated and timid 
 spirits in the valleys, by showing that the government, being 
 now better informed as to the real facts of the case, had re- 
 nounced its unjust suspicions, or, at least, its severity. Confi- 
 dence was soon restored. Zimmermann, though a Roman 
 Catholic, succeeded in gaining the general affection. 
 
 The Vaudois, taking advantage of the favourable moment 
 when the court was convinced of their innocence, accepted the 
 offer made by the general of becoming their agent there. 
 Through his intervention they transmitted to their sovereign a 
 petition, in which, after just protestations of attachment to hig 
 person and dynasty, they requested the redress of certain abuses, 
 
 * A native of Lucerna, formerly colonel of the Swiss guards at Paris. He had 
 escaped the massacre of the 10th of August, and had lately entered the service 
 of Piedmont, 
 
366 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 and some amelioration in their political condition. Their appli- 
 cation was not altogether unsuccessful. The duke of Aosta, the 
 king's younger son, then stationed at Pinerolo, at the head of a 
 division of the army, transmitted a most gracious answer to the 
 petitioners, in which it was said, that the constant and dis- 
 tinguished proofs they had given of attachment and fidelity to 
 their sovereigns, and the sentiments they had recently expressed, 
 in offering to join with all possible zeal the force intended to 
 repel the enemy, had disposed the king to receive their memo- 
 rial favourably. Nevertheless, a compliance with the request 
 for an equality of political rights with those of his other subjects, 
 was deferred till the arrival of peace.* From this time, how- 
 ever, permission was generously granted to have physicians of 
 their own religion ; measures were promised to be taken against 
 the abduction of children, which was frequently practised, as 
 well as the introduction of unfit Catholics into the councils of the 
 commune, and the abolition of charges and imposts that affected 
 the Vaudois alone. We perceive that the royal favours did not 
 go beyond the most ordinary requirements of justice, and yet 
 the prince, and even the Vaudois themselves, considered them 
 as gracious gifts, it having been so much the practice to treat the 
 Vaudois as intruders, barely tolerated, and to consider their 
 sharing in the principal advantages which all the rest of their 
 fellow-subjects enjoyed as an extraordinary benefaction. 
 
 Peace arrived in the spring of 1 796 ; but it was a disastrous 
 peace,f which wrested from the king some of his most beautiful 
 provinces, and prostrated him under the overwhelming influ- 
 ence of the French republic and the young general of the army 
 of Italy, Napoleon Bonaparte. A new king, Charles Em- 
 
 * We naturally ask, would not this concession in our times, if made to a popu- 
 lation who have always been devoted to their sovereign, and who are reduced 
 to the necessity of seeing their active youth annually dispersed to a distance, 
 be politically more useful to the state than troublesome or dangerous ? Is it to 
 be dreaded on religious grounds, when we see everywhere else Catholics and 
 Protestants living together in peace ? 
 
 t An armistice was at first concluded on April 28, 1796, at Cherasco, by Gene- 
 ral Bonaparte, the conqueror, to the king's plenipotentiaries. Peace was sign- 
 ed soon after. The king ceded to France the duchy of Savoy and the county 
 of Nice ; he consented to the destruction of the forts of Susa and Brunette, and 
 granted to France, during the war, the occupation of Coni, Tortona, and Alex- 
 andria, as well as the free passage of the French troops in their marches.— 
 Hist, de la Bevol. Franc., par Thiers. 
 
TUMULTUARY MOVEMENTS. 367 
 
 manuel IV., ascended the tottering throne of his deceased 
 father, on October 10, 1796. This was the moment for grant- 
 ing his faithful subjects the political equality which they sought, 
 and which their loyal services deserved. The British ambas- 
 sador seized this juncture to make a representation in their 
 favour ; but all he could obtain was a confirmation of the incon- 
 siderable concessions that were granted three years before. No ! 
 we are mistaken; the royal missive, or "bLUet," as this official 
 document was termed, contained an additional favour — permis- 
 sion to repair the temples ! to enlarge them, if required ; and 
 (can it be credited ? for it was a generous act) to remove them 
 to more commodious sites, provided their number were not in- 
 creased, and notice were given to the intendant of the province, 
 in order that he might give the necessary directions.* 
 
 It was impossible but that the presence of the French army 
 (it is well known that the army of Italy numbered in its ranks 
 the most enthusiastic revolutionists) would excite the Piedmontese 
 to aim at shaking off the yoke of feudal servitude, and acquiring 
 all the political privileges proclaimed in France as the inherent 
 right of man. A secret agitation was rapidly succeeded by 
 tumultuary movements in towns and country places, as far even 
 as Moncalier, at the very gates of Turin. Truth requires us to 
 avow that the valleys were not entirely strangers to them. A 
 company of revolutionists,! of the valley of Lucerna, repaired to 
 Campiglione, the chateau of the marquis of Rora, one of their 
 principal lords, and requested the abolition of his feudal titles. 
 " My friends," he replied, with admirable presence of mind and 
 courteousness, " if there be any of my titles that you do not like, 
 I will abandon them most cheerfully, with the exception of one, 
 which you shall not deprive me of, I mean my title of friend of 
 the Vaudois, and my ancient affection for my dear and brave 
 Vaudois !" These words, so opportunely uttered, were enough 
 to disarm them. They retired without committing the slightest 
 outrage. 
 
 General Zimmermann was sent to the valleys, ostensibly to 
 hear the wishes of the communes, but in reality to observe how 
 things stood ; and received orders, soon after his arrival, to make 
 some arrests. In Piedmont, the court had had recourse to exe- 
 
 * Royal letter, Aug. 26, 1797. 
 
 t This company was composed of Catholics as well as Vaudois. 
 
368 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 cutions, by way of example. But the warrior showed himself to 
 be the friend of peace. In his report he recommended the 
 adoption of mild measures, and he had the satisfaction of seeing 
 them approved ; the valleys escaped imprisonments and execu- 
 tions. 
 
 The complicated difficulties of the times rendered the weight 
 of his crown insupportable to Charles Emmanuel. He signed a 
 solemn act of abdication on December 9th, 1798. France left 
 him the possession of Sardinia. From that day, Piedmont was 
 regarded and administered as a French province. This event, 
 in which moreover the Vaudois had taken no part, put them in 
 a position they had never before enjoyed, and which they had 
 never dared to expect. In one day, and as if by magic, they beheld 
 the downfall of all the prohibitory, humiliating, and restrictive 
 laws under which they had so long groaned. The barrier which 
 had enclosed them within such narrow limits, which had con- 
 demned them to be crowded in some isolated valleys, was 
 thrown down. A free field was opened to their industry and 
 activity, which hitherto had been shackled. From being despised 
 pariahs, barbets, hated and kept at a distance as malefactors, 
 they saw themselves placed on an equal footing with their 
 haughtiest persecutors. A people who had been regarded as 
 intruders, and were tolerated only at pleasure, were now be- 
 come citizens like the rest. Men who had been treated as 
 spurious children of the state had at length obtained a recogni- 
 tion of their legitimacy. In one day, and by a single act, with- 
 out their will being consulted, every species of liberty had been 
 secured to them ; and, what was more precious to them than all 
 the rest, they were put in possession, without any reserve, of 
 that religious liberty, the right of serving God according to their 
 consciences, for which they had toiled and shed their blood for 
 centuries. 
 
 But, as if to instruct them that the preservation or prosperity 
 of the Christian life is not dependent on political circumstances, 
 scarcely was the French domination established in Piedmont 
 before it was exposed to the most imminent dangers. The army 
 of Italy being attacked in the spring of 1799 by Suwarrow, at 
 the head of the Russians and Austrians, was forced to retreat 
 precipitately in the midst of a population excited against it, and 
 soon roused to fanaticism. At this difficult moment, the Vau- 
 
THE PASTOR ROSTAING. 369 
 
 dois remained faithful to the power at that time established, and 
 obeyed the orders of their superiors to descend into the plain 
 with the other troops, and assail Carmagnola, the head-quarters 
 of the insurgents. The action opened with a terrible discharge 
 of artillery ; and although the insurgents had intrenched them- 
 selves in a convent, where they illuminated the Madonna,* they 
 were crushed by the bravery of the Vaudois and the regular 
 troops. General Freissinet levied a military contribution. This 
 expedition was charged as a crime on the Vaudois ; they were 
 accused of sacrilege and pillage. But how could they be held 
 responsible for a combat in which they engaged only in obe- 
 dience to the military authority which they still recognized ? As 
 to sacrilege, could any one seriously accuse them of it ? Ought 
 they to have retreated without fighting, and received a murder- 
 ous fire from the convent without returning it, merely because 
 a Madonna with lighted tapers had been placed in front ? As 
 to the forced contribution levied by the French general, we 
 know not how it can be imputed to them. If any individual 
 cases of violence are referred to, supposing them to have occur- 
 red, all the Vaudois would regret them. 
 
 A second fact has been imputed to them as a crime ; let the 
 reader judge : we give it without comment. Three hundred 
 wounded French, coming from Cavor, and fleeing before the 
 Austrians, arrived, towards the end of May, in wagons, at the 
 village ofBobbio, the extreme frontier of the valley of Lucerna, 
 on the side of France, in a shocking state of destitution and suf- 
 fering. The pastor of the place, Rostaing, a respectable old 
 man, assisted by his wife, relieved the most pressing wants of 
 these unfortunate beings as far as he could.f A calf, twenty-five 
 loaves, and some wine, all that his presbytery contained, were 
 furnished them by his care. The parishioners supplied what 
 was deficient from their slender means. The sores of the 
 wounded were dressed and bound ; after which hundreds of men 
 carried them into France in their arms, or on their shoulders, a 
 
 * A Madonna is an image of the holy virgin. It is almost needless to say that 
 the Roman Catholics worship images, and look upon any injury done to them 
 as sacrilege. 
 
 T Colonel Maranda, in his work, " Tableau du Piemont," claims the honour 
 of the plan which was put in execution under his direction by the pastor Ros- 
 taing. It may be as he says ; nevertheless, the devotedness of the pastor and 
 the people ofBobbio is not the less admirable. 
 
 16* 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 distance of ten leagues, over a lofty defile, along precipices, and 
 in the midst of snows which were impassable to beasts of bur- 
 den. The Vaudois never quitted them till they had deposited 
 them in safety, in the hands of their fellow-countrymen. This 
 fact was notified to the French army in an order of the day by 
 General Suchet,* who sent a copy of it to the pastor, with a 
 very flattering letter. 
 
 This generous action, joined to the vigorous resistance which 
 the Vaudois, faithful to their oaths, made to the last against the 
 invasion of the Austro-Russian army, and to their defence of the 
 government which had taken refuge at Perrier, would have 
 brought on them the greatest misfortunes, if God had not sent 
 the prince Bagration from the centre of Russia to protect them. 
 In the midst of the furious clamours of the Piedmontese, who 
 longed to lay waste the valleys with fire and sword, this prince, 
 an aide-de-camp of Suwarrow, was able to ascertain the real state 
 of things ;f he understood and appreciated the line of conduct 
 pursued by the Vaudois. " They are under the protection of 
 the marshal," (Suwarrow,) replied a Russian officer to the head 
 of the supreme council at Turin, who was reproaching and 
 threatening the deputies of the Vaudois valleys, " we have no- 
 thing to do with your Piedmontese antipathies." 
 
 So far from undertaking anything against them, the Russians 
 even left them their arms, to defend themselves in case of an at- 
 tack ; nothing was required of them but a simple promise not to 
 employ them against the allied troops. 
 
 The Vaudois, for about a year, remained placed between the 
 belligerent, armies. Their mountains resounded with the tramp 
 of foreign troops ; and more than once with a vigorous discharge 
 of musketry. They escaped, however, from greater evils which 
 menaced them. 
 
 The year 1800 arrived. The first consul of the French re- 
 public, another Hannibal, crossed the Alps at the head of a 
 great army, to throw himself on the Austrians and Piedmontese, 
 who fancied themselves in security, and to snatch from them a 
 victory at Marengo, on the 14th of June, and with it the posses- 
 sion of the richest provinces. Piedmont once more passed under 
 
 * Dated at the head-quarters at La Pietra, 3d Frimaire, year 8. 
 t It is not impossible that England had recommended the Vaudois to the pro- 
 tection of the generals of the allied powers. 
 
EXTREME SCARCITY AND MISERY. 371 
 
 the domination of the Frencri, and the Vaudois immediately 
 enjoyed the privileges of which they had only just caught a 
 glimpse. 
 
 But this return to liberty was not, after all, a return to pros- 
 perity and happiness. All the plain and the valleys presented 
 at this time a more wretched spectacle than can easily be 
 imagined. An extreme scarcity, added to the pillaging of the 
 soldiers and the rapacity of the commissaries, both French and 
 Austrian, had raised the price of provisions so extravagantly, 
 that hardly any money could procure them. The poor only 
 existed in misery, while numbers died of hunger. 
 
 In these circumstances the financial position of the pastors 
 became very critical. The Royal English Subsidy, which formed 
 the largest part of their income, had been withdrawn from the 
 time they became the subjects of France. The English National 
 Subsidy continued to reach them but irregularly ; the share of 
 each amounted to about five hundred francs. This was all their 
 salary ; too little, certainly, for the wants of a family. The 
 devotedness of their parishioners exerted itself to assist them. 
 In more than one locality, the elders of the church might be 
 seen busy in calling at houses to procure a supply of bread for 
 the pastors. On hearing of these pressing necessities, the execu- 
 tive commission of Piedmont took measures, well intended, but 
 far from politic. It will be recollected that Roman Catholic 
 parishes had been formed throughout the whole extent of the 
 valleys, notwithstanding the extreme fewness of the flocks, and 
 property and rents had been assigned to the officiating priests. 
 The executive commission provided in a different manner for 
 their support ; and remitted the administration of these proper- 
 ties and rents, with some small deductions, to Vaudois modera- 
 tors, to defray the expenses of worship and instruction. The 
 administration of the popish institution for Vaudois catechumens 
 at Pignerol,* and its dependencies, was also intrusted to them, 
 as a pledge that henceforth the evangelical people of the valleys 
 would not have to dread the seductions and violence of the 
 papists ; thus giving some little satisfaction to the wounded feel- 
 
 * In this institution the Vaudois children who had been abducted from their 
 parents were instructed in popery, as well as all those persons who could be 
 seduced by any means to the Romish faith. Since the restoration, it has been 
 used for its original purpose, at least as far as regards the latter class. 
 
372 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 ings of the Vaudois, by putting the persecuted in possession of 
 the house of their spiritual oppressors. It is lamentable that 
 they should have provided in this manner for the maintenance 
 of the pastors and schoolmasters ; the Catholics looked upon it 
 as an act of spoliation and hostility. This opinion was no doubt 
 unjust, since the decision was made by the existing authorities, 
 composed moreover of Catholics, and not by the Vaudois ; but 
 although it was certainly lawful for the authorities to give satis- 
 faction to a Christian church that had been long oppressed, it 
 would have been much better to have done it in a manner less 
 irritating towards the party that was thus humiliated. As for 
 the rest, it is merely an act of justice to state that during the 
 whole time of the French domination, the pastors and their flocks 
 never gave occasion to the priests or their parishioners to com- 
 plain of their conduct. 
 
 The ecclesiastical administration of the valleys remained the 
 same during the first years of the reunion with France ; it con- 
 tinued as in time past in the hands of the consistories, the 
 synod, and the table, or superior executive commission. It was 
 not till 1805, when the emperor was on his way to Turin, that 
 the assimilation of these churches to the other Protestant churches 
 of the French empire was projected,* and -some months later it 
 was definitively settled by a decree of the 6th of Thermidor,f in 
 the year 13. According to this decree, the different churches 
 were arranged in three consistories ; namely, those of La Torre, 
 Prarustin, and Villeseche. The first comprised the parishes of 
 La Torre, Villaro, Bobbio, and Rora. The second, those of 
 Prarustin, Angrogna, and San Giovanni. The third, those 
 of Villeseche, Pomaret, St. Germain, Prali, Maneille, and Pra- 
 mol. This organization lasted as long as the valleys were sub- 
 ject to France. 
 
 During this period, the Vaudois, heretofore crowded within 
 narrow limits, came forth and acquired property in the plain. 
 The temples that had fallen in ruins were repaired. At San 
 
 * The moderator, Rod. Peyran, obtained at that time an audience with Na- 
 poleon. 
 
 t The decree is dated from the palace of St. Cloud. Another decree, con- 
 firming the concessions of funded property, made by the executive commission 
 for the support of the Vaudois pastors, is dated from Boulogne. As to the 
 remainder of the salaries, it was provided for conformably to the law of Ger- 
 minal, year 10. 
 
GREAT EARTHQUAKE OP 1808. 373 
 
 Giovanni, where all the places appropriated to worship and in- 
 struction had been closed since 1 658, a temple was erected. 
 
 This large and beautiful edifice was scarcely finished when it 
 suffered great damage from the earthquake which, in 1808, 
 spread consternation through the valleys and the province of 
 Pinerolo, and was also felt in many parts of France and Italy. 
 For four months, from the beginning of April to the end of July, 
 shocks more or less violent continued to shake the ground and 
 buildings of every kind. The damages were so great that they 
 were estimated at two or three millions for the district of Pine- 
 rolo and the valleys. Clouds of an unusual and ominous aspect 
 had been the forerunners of this scourge. On the eve of the 
 first shocks the barometer fell very low: a sudden and very 
 considerable increase of water was noticed in the torrents of the 
 valley of Lucerna, and the water in the wells became whitish : 
 a cold and violent wind began to blow. The first shock, fol- 
 lowed by several others in close succession, was felt in the after- 
 noon of April 2d. These were the most terrible of all. 
 Churches and houses fell in ruins ; those that remained standing 
 were seriously damaged. Large portions of rock were detached 
 from the summits of the mountains, and rolled down with a crash 
 into the valley. The lower communes were those that suffered 
 the most ; among others, San Giovanni, La Torre, and Lucerna : 
 those higher up felt it but slightly; yet everywhere the con- 
 sternation was great ; scarcely any persons dared to remain in 
 their houses. The population lived in tents ; some individuals 
 sheltered themselves in old casks or in slight sheds made for the 
 unexpected emergency. These places, lately so peaceful, pre- 
 sented the appearance of a camp where all was confusion. All 
 agriculture, commerce, and handicraft were put a stop to ; fear 
 had seized every one to such an extent, that they thought of 
 nothing but how to save their lives. In this respect each one 
 experienced the protection of Divine Providence ; for, during 
 all the time this visitation lasted, they had only to lament the 
 loss of three lives, and the letters written at that period are filled 
 with recitals of deliverances that were truly miraculous.* 
 
 The following years, down to 1814, so fertile in political and 
 military events, present no fact within the range of our narrative 
 
 * Correspondance Vaudoise, etc. — Vaudois Correspondence ; or, a Collection 
 of Letters from the Valleys on the Earthquake of 1808, etc., Paris, 1808. 
 
374 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 deserving of particular attention. But before we proceed to the 
 new and last period of this history, it will be of importance to 
 examine into the religious spirit of the years we have passed 
 through. 
 
 The end of the eighteenth century was marked in the valleys 
 by a decline in the tone of religion, which was weakened every- 
 where. There, as in other countries, it might be remarked that 
 the Christian spirit, so vigorous and so fruitful in the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries, fed itself less abundantly from the pure 
 source of the gospel. A proud rationalism, mere human opinion, 
 began to claim a place in theology, and, attempting to make re- 
 ligion more accessible and less repulsive in its doctrines, tarnish- 
 ed and disfigured it. The candidates for the sacred ministry 
 acquired for the most part in the foreign academies, where they 
 prepared for entering upon it, nothing but a cold orthodoxy, or 
 the germs of Socinian laxity.* The first years of the nineteenth 
 century brought no amelioration. Virtue was often preached 
 and exalted more than the work of Christ, or than faith, or than 
 the love of the Lord. The title of philosopher was placed at least 
 on a level with that of Christian.! The Vaudois representative 
 of this tendency was M. Mondon, the late pastor of San Giovanni, 
 a man of talent, well versed in classical literature and profane 
 history, of a singular, capricious character, but courageous and 
 full of frankness. His belief was attacked, and on good grounds, 
 for it was far from being evangelical ; it was he who in a manu- 
 script answer to a pastoral letter of the bishop of Pinerolo, sum- 
 med up the fruits of the Spirit, enumerated by St. Paul in the 
 Epistle to the Ephesians, (ch. v.,) and in that to the Galatians, 
 (ch. v.,) in these words : " In substance, these are their names, — 
 humanity, justice, and reason."J He was, moreover, an austere 
 man, and of regular conduct. 
 
 M. Peter Geymet, pastor of La Torre, and moderator for twelve 
 years, was also a person of note at this period, but less for his theo- 
 logical opinions and preaching than for the part he acted in poli- 
 tical affairs. Being called to take a share in a Piedmontese coun- 
 cil (consulte) at Turin, he attracted attention and gained the es- 
 
 * In fact, at Lausanne cold orthodoxy, and at Geneva, Socinianism. 
 t Letter, in manuscript, from a herdsman of the high mountains of Angrogna, 
 March 19, 1819. 
 t Answer of a pastor (M. Mondon) to the bishop of Pinerolo. MSS. 
 
GERMS OF RELIGIOUS DECLENSION. 375 
 
 teem of many influential persons by the warmth with which he 
 undertook the defence of religion when attacked in this assembly. 
 On the reunion of Piedmont to France, he was nominated sub- 
 prefect of Pinerolo, and filled that honourable office for thirteen 
 years.* While he rendered important services to his own bre- 
 thren in the faith, he also acquired the respect and attachment 
 of all his constituents. He left behind him in this important place, 
 though wholly Roman Catholic, an untarnished reputation for 
 probity, at a time when high functionaries generally possessed so 
 little. At the restoration, Geymet withdrew to La Torre so poor, 
 and so modest withal, that he, who a short time before was the 
 first magistrate in the valleys, did not refuse to accept the hum- 
 ble post of master of a Latin school, the salary of which did not 
 exceed seven hundred francs, and to which he devoted his latter 
 days, till his death in 1822. 
 
 But the pastor whose name has attracted the most attention, 
 at least among foreigners, is Rodolph Peyran, who was at his 
 death pastor at Pomaret, after having been moderator of the Vau- 
 dois churches from 1801 to 1805, and from 1814 to 1823. He 
 merited his celebrity by his very great erudition, of which he has 
 left proofs in his manuscript letters, on a great variety of subjects, 
 addressed to various persons, and in which he has manifested a 
 mind capable of great things, if the religious and moral sentiment 
 had combined with his genius in producing them. Although an 
 able controversialist, he made too little use himself of the excel- 
 lence of the doctrines that he so victoriously defended. He al- 
 ways reproached himself for the agitated life of his youth. The 
 best remembrance that he has left of himself among his fellow- 
 countrymen, is that of a mind abounding in sallies of wit, and full 
 of originality. 
 
 It is not too severe to say, that the end of the last century and 
 the commencement of the present produced in the valleys the 
 germs of religious declension. If the lukewarmness or the errors 
 of some ministers of the gospel, victims themselves of the spirit 
 of the times, contributed on one side to the weakening of the 
 faith, and of the Christian life in some localities, yet we must ac- 
 knowledge that the greatest evil arose from political circum- 
 
 * The author of this work can attest that in the midst of his multiplied occu- 
 pations, this good father found special hours which he devoted to the instruc- 
 tion of his numerous family. 
 
376 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 stances, from an unavoidable contact with the men of the French 
 revolution, with the zealots of impiety. Everything tended to 
 divert the soul from the interior life hidden with Christ in God. 
 The power of the human understanding, united to material force, 
 was regarded as the regenerator of the world. Nothing was 
 thought of but social organization, material conquests, interests 
 purely human, and worldly glory. There was no room left in 
 this world, so to speak, for the interests of the world to come : 
 all eyes were turned towards that extraordinary man whose 
 achievements obscured the splendour of all that preceding ages 
 had admired. Napoleon concentrated the attention of every one 
 on his person and his empire. Attracted by his voice, hurried 
 along by his genius, the sons of the Yaudois submitted to the con- 
 scription, hastened to range themselves under his banners, to shed 
 for a foreign nation their precious blood, and to expend a life 
 which their ancestors, the martyrs, had consecrated to the pros- 
 perity and defence of the Church. Cut down by death in fields 
 of battle or in hospitals, few of them ever saw their native coun- 
 try again. Some acquired reputation and rank in the army. 
 The name of Colonel Olivet is popular in the valleys ; his portrait, 
 lithographed, is to be found in every cottage. Other Vaudois 
 distinguished themselves, like M. Geymet, in civil administration. 
 But while the young and men in the prime of life were more 
 or less excited and carried away by the torrent of new ideas, the 
 aged, the simple-minded, the serious, the mountaineers, in the 
 retired hamlets, mothers of families, and respectable pastors, 
 preserved their primitive manners and traditions, by the recital 
 of the sufferings of their ancestors, and by the reading and teach- 
 ing of the Holy Scriptures.* 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 THE VALLEYS SINCE THE GENERAL PEACE (1814-1846.) 
 
 The time marked by the wisdom of Providence for the end of 
 Napoleon's reign approached. His unbounded ambition pre- 
 pared an immense grave for his armies in the frozen snows. The 
 
 * For this chapter the author has consulted the histories of the time, the Ta- 
 bleau du Piemont, by Maranda, Turin, year xi, of the French Republic, some 
 manuscripts, and the recollections of several contemporaries. 
 
EFFECTS OF NAPOLEON'S DOWNFALL. 377 
 
 work assigned him by " the Lord of lords" was accomplished ; 
 kings and nations had received salutary lessons. The emperor 
 of the French was vanquished, and forced to abdicate. Restored 
 for a hundred days to the possession of a part of his dominions, 
 he fell once more from his elevation; and leaving forever to 
 others the task of governing the world, he closed his life in hu- 
 miliation and in painful reflection, as the prisoner of England, 
 at St. Helena. 
 
 The legitimate sovereign of Piedmont returned to the pos- 
 session, of his states, increased by the spoils of his enemy. Victor 
 Emmanuel received the homage of the ancient and new pro- 
 vinces of his monarchy. The Vaudois valleys were not the last 
 to acknowledge his authority, and to promise entire fidelity to 
 their prince. 
 
 Nevertheless, if the fall of Napoleon was a benefit to Europe, 
 now exhausted and decimated, it was rather a loss to the Vaudois, 
 who, from being on a level with all the other members of the 
 Piedmontese family, and enjoying equal laws with them, again 
 descended to the condition of sectaries, and were placed under 
 a system of exclusion and privation. They had hoped better 
 things. They confided in Victor Emmanuel, because he had 
 resided in their neighbourhood, at Pinerolo, in 1794 ; had visited 
 their valleys, and commanded their militia, when, as duke of 
 Aosta, he was at the head of a division of the army which pro- 
 tected their frontiers. So great were the expectations they 
 founded upon him, that, at the congress of Vienna, they ab- 
 stained from the employment of means at which they supposed 
 he might take offence. We have been assured that a friend of 
 the Vaudois had prepared the way for having their emancipa- 
 tion demanded from the king as a condition of the territorial 
 advantages he would enjoy. A memorial to this effect was 
 drawn up ; but at the moment of sending it, the Vaudois board, 
 fearing to displease a monarch whom they believed to be gener- 
 ous, did not think fit to forward it. They were contented with 
 acquainting the king's government with the wishes of the popu- 
 lation, and interesting two superior officers of the allied powers 
 in their favour, the Count de Bubna, an Austrian general, and 
 Lord Bentinck, commander of the British forces in the Medi- 
 terranean, and then at Genoa. Their requests related to liberty 
 of conscience and worship ; to a political equality with the other 
 
378 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 subjects of the king ; to the abolition (which had already taken 
 place, in fact, since 1 800) of all humiliating restrictions in their 
 religious and civil relations ; and, lastly, some particular points, 
 such as the salary of the pastors, and an efficacious protection 
 against the abduction of the Vaudois children. 
 
 This was too much to expect from a court, politic, superstitious, 
 and little disposed to innovate. To re-establish the Vaudois 
 affairs on their ancient footing was in its eyes the most prudent 
 decision ; and it would go no further. One of the first acts pre- 
 sented for the signature of Victor Emmanuel, after his return 
 to his capital, was the edict which replaced the Vaudois under 
 all the restrictive ordinances that were in force during the reign 
 of his predecessors, before the French domination. We may 
 easily imagine the surprise, the grief, the depression, which this 
 news occasioned in the valleys. After the full enjoyment for 
 fifteen years of the advantages of religious liberty and political 
 equality, it appeared hard to be obliged to surrender the general 
 interests of the Church to the disquieting guardianship of a 
 government ruled by priests, and to see themselves enclosed in 
 narrow limits, like culprits in a prison, or restrained to a small 
 number of occupations to the exclusion of the more honourable 
 professions, as men who were unworthy of consideration. 
 
 The first use to which this restrictive edict was applied by the 
 authorities was to shut up the temple of San Giovanni, which 
 had been built at Blonats, in the centre of the parish, during 
 the French occupation. It became necessary, in consequence, 
 to re-open the ancient edifice, which was situated out of the 
 commune, in Angrogna. 
 
 A second case soon after occurred ; the parsonages, properties, 
 and rents, which had been assigned to the priests in the valleys, 
 before the French domination, and transferred during that period 
 to the hands of the Vaudois directory or board, were reclaimed 
 by the former recipients and occupants. To this no objection 
 was made. But, not content with being put in possession of their 
 ancient benefices, the priests claimed a reimbursement of the 
 property and revenues which the pastors had enjoyed ; an unjust 
 requirement, since the Vaudois board had not administered this 
 property except by order of the authorities at that time esta- 
 blished. 
 
 Accordingly, though the government refused to the Vaudois 
 
TEMPLE OF SAN GIOVANNI. 379 
 
 the position they wished to hold in the state, it could never think 
 of sanctioning such ridiculous claims as those of the Romish 
 clergy in the valleys. By its orders, without doubt, Count 
 Crotti,* superintendent of the province of Pinerolo, a magistrate 
 whose memory is still revered, assembled the interested parties, 
 and desired them to argue their claims before him. Although 
 moderate in form, the discussion was earnest, each party stoutly 
 defending its own opinion, and there seemed no likelihood of 
 their coming to a settlement, when the youngest priest, who, as 
 such, spoke after the rest of his brethren, gave an opinion quite 
 different from theirs. " The ministers," he said, " have ad- 
 ministered not only lawfully, but loyally ; they have preserved 
 our property uninjured and in a perfect state. We ought to 
 claim nothing from them." This equitable priest justified his 
 view of the case with so much frankness and truth, that it pre- 
 vailed, and terminated the difference to the great satisfaction of 
 the worthy intendant, who, in the name of the king, had under- 
 taken to settle it. 
 
 Their sovereign, in replacing the Vaudois under a restrictive 
 and obsolete system of legislation, did not, it is plain, intend to 
 push matters to extremity. Thus, with respect to the temple 
 of San Giovanni, he granted, after the lapse of a year, permis- 
 sion to perform Divine service in it. Yet, as some concession 
 must be granted to the priest, who considered himself aggrieved, 
 pained, and incommoded by the very sight of those who entered 
 it, as well as by the singing of the hymns, which were heard out- 
 side, from the door being left open, an order was given to raise 
 a structure that would hide the door. This was obeyed by 
 raising a screen formed of planks before it.f The sovereign 
 gave a proof of his tolerance in allowing the pastor to retain his 
 residence in the parish, and in permitting schools also to be kept 
 there. Thus an end was put to the prohibition which, since 1 658, 
 deprived San Giovanni of worship and schools within its limits, 
 as well as of a pastor's presence. This redress of abuses, and 
 extended toleration, may be imputed to the new spirit with 
 
 * In the course of a long exile among the Protestants he had learned to ap- 
 preciate them, and always treated the Vaudois with respect. 
 
 t This fence fell down from decay a few years ago, and, at the suggestion of 
 the same priest, a screen in the interior was substituted for it, which he con- 
 sidered sufficient. 
 
380 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 which the government was animated, though slowly, in reference 
 to the affairs of the Vaudois. 
 
 The Vaudois also received other proofs of the king's benignant 
 disposition. By the withdrawal of the funds and incomes which 
 were set apart for the worship and schools, under the French 
 government, the pastors, school-masters, and managers, were re- 
 duced to penury. The foreign subsidies had returned to the 
 valleys with the peace, but the sum was of smaller amount than 
 formerly. The Royal English Subsidy was no longer received, 
 owing to a cause known to the Vaudois. The Dutch funds, 
 diminished by a third under the French administration, did not 
 yield more than that proportion. These necessities having been 
 laid before his majesty, he took them, as well as some other re- 
 quests, into consideration ; and on February 27, 1816, published 
 an edict, by which he conferred three favours on his Vaudois 
 subjects : — I. A fixed annual salary to the pastors :* II. Permis- 
 sion to keep their property acquired beyond the limits during 
 the French government: III. License to practise, besides the 
 common trades, the professions of surgeon, apothecary, architect, 
 land-surveyor, and those for which a diploma was not required, 
 after having submitted to the prescribed examinations and con- 
 formed to the regulations. 
 
 As a new spirit of enlarged toleration thus presided over the 
 acts of government, the Romish clergy changed the method of 
 carrying on their ancient warfare against the Vaudois Church. 
 Violence and oppression not suiting the spirit of the times, they 
 had recourse to a method often employed in preceding ages, 
 namely, discussion, but giving it a milder form, that of pastoral 
 letters. The bishop of Pinerolo, Bigex, undertook this task. 
 His addresses were well written, and combined all the qualities 
 requisite for persuasion, if the number and arrangement of the 
 arguments, and the art of presenting them, could make up for 
 
 * This salary was 500 livres (or French francs) for each of the thirteen an- 
 cient pastors, payable by the public functionaries, and raised by an additional 
 tax on the landed property of the Vaudois. This annual allowance has admit- 
 ted of the establishment recently, with the royal approbation, of two new pas- 
 torates, one at Rodoret, an ancient parochial dependency of Prali, another at 
 Macel, similarly related to Maneille. The salary of these two pastors is in- 
 ferior ; it is provided for entirely by means of a part of the Royal British Subsidy, 
 which remained unemployed because of the salary assigned by his majesty to 
 the thirteen' ancient pastors, 
 
A PAPER WARFARE. 381 
 
 the unsoundness of the foundation. All that could be said to 
 entice the disciples of the Saviour into the great establishment 
 of which the centre is at Rome, was repeated ; error was palliated, 
 and false doctrines coloured or attenuated. On the appearance 
 of the first of the pastoral epistles, in 1818, the Vaudois public, 
 whether on account of the novelty of the thing, or for fear of 
 consequences, was very much agitated. Nevertheless, it was 
 very soon seen that where the spirit of the Reformation, or rather 
 the spirit of the ancient Vaudois, which accords with the mind 
 of God, breathed, the spirit of Rome could not mislead the un- 
 derstanding ; that where the word of God is not only preached, 
 but within the reach and in the hands of all, there, popish error, 
 the worship of saints, and the observance of the mass, will only 
 gain isolated partisans. Nevertheless, many pastors thought it 
 their duty to reply by manuscript refutations, which, being copied 
 a great many times, circulated from family to family. Those of 
 MM. Geymet, Rod. Peyran, and Mondon, deserve to be parti- 
 cularly mentioned. The seriousness of some, and the excellent 
 selection of arguments, form a striking contrast to the tone (far 
 too light) of others. The feebleness of the cause of the adver- 
 saries, and the excellence of their own, were not sufficient rea- 
 sons, when the matter in question was really the gospel and the 
 kingdom of God, for indulging in pleasantry, personality, or 
 malice. This paper war, after being carried on for some time 
 with vigour, subsided without any result beyond the noise it 
 made at the time. It was attempted to be renewed, but without 
 success, by the bishops who succeeded M. Bigex ; by M. Rey, 
 in 1826, in a pastoral letter devoid of all persuasive argument, 
 and lastly, by the present bishop, M. Charvoz, in pastoral letters 
 and numerous writings, composed with ability, in which learning 
 is employed in the service of error with very great skill. By 
 these publications, printed and circulated through the diocese, in 
 Piedmont and elsewhere, endeavours were made to effect a 
 change of opinion, as if the Vaudois, reduced to silence, would 
 succumb to the force of argument in favour of the Romish system. 
 The valleys undoubtedly reckon at this hour, among their pas- 
 tors, men of talent, versed in biblical science and in the history 
 of the Church, and capable, assuredly, of taking up the gauntlet 
 that has been thrown down to them. But, independently of the 
 little advantage to be gained in refuting objections a hundred 
 
382 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 times made and as often answered, and in exploding assertions 
 of which the falsehood is generally acknowledged, especially in 
 the valleys, it is difficult, and indeed almost impossible, for the 
 spiritual guides of these churches to do it by means of the press, 
 since their writings would be partially cancelled, or totally sup- 
 pressed by the censorship, and they themselves might be called 
 to account, under pretext of having wronged the Romish Church. 
 
 The prejudices and repugnance with which the suggestions of 
 the priests inspired the Roman Catholics against the Vaudois 
 made their way to the throne itself. Charles Felix, who became 
 king on the abdication of Victor Emmanuel, in 1821, refused to 
 admit to an audience the Yaudois deputation, who were com- 
 missioned by the Valleys to present their homage to his majesty. 
 His religious prejudices prompted him to this severity. He con- 
 descended to explain the cause : " Tell them," he said, " that they 
 only want one thing, that is, to be Catholics." Their fidelity, in 
 fact, never failed them; for when, in 1821, all Piedmont, so to 
 speak, was involved in a revolutionary movement, the Vaudois 
 almost alone remained attached to legal order and legitimacy. 
 
 By the elevation of the present king, Charles Albert, prince 
 of Carignan, the prejudices which prevailed on the throne are 
 now banished from it. Intelligent and generous, the father of 
 his subjects, Charles Albert has put an end to many severities 
 and indignities which were heaped upon the Vaudois. Promo- 
 tion in the army had been refused to them ; since the French 
 domination, no Vaudois had been raised to the rank of an officer. 
 Charles Albert has repaired this intentional slight. Superstition 
 had refused, at Aosta, honourable burial to a Vaudois, an aged 
 soldier, Major Bonnet ; Charles Albert, listening to the appeal 
 of justice, imposed silence on the voice of intolerance, and gave 
 authority to one of his Vaudois subjects, the chaplain of the Pro- 
 testant ambassador at Turin, to transport the remains of the aged 
 warrior with honour to one of the cemeteries of the valleys. It 
 cannot however be denied that, in some of his measures, the prince 
 has appeared to return at times to the distrustful and restrictive 
 policy of most of his predecessors : thus his government has put 
 in force, for some years, the edict which confined all the Vaudois 
 within the valleys, and did not allow them to stay more than three 
 successive days in a locality beyond those limits, unless perhaps 
 at Turin. In the same manner, a desire has been shown to con- 
 
FOREIGN BENEFACTORS OF THE VAUDOIS. 383 
 
 strain the Vaudois proprietors of land in the Catholic territory, 
 to sell it within a short space of time. But we are anxious to add 
 that his majesty, urged in the name of tolerance and equity, has 
 not sanctioned the first measure, and has modified the second in 
 the following manner : — Property possessed beyond the limits by 
 the Vaudois is not to be sold compulsorily, and may pass in suc- 
 cession to legal heirs ; but in the case of escheat, or obstruction 
 to the course of descent, such property is to be sold to Roman 
 Catholics. 
 
 These restrictions, injurious even to the revenue, increase the 
 discomfort which is already felt in the valleys by a population 
 too large for such narrow limits. A part of the twenty thousand 
 Vaudois, cooped up amidst snowy cliffs, barren rocks, and the 
 plain which is closed to them, can barely exist : their activity ex- 
 pends itself for nothing, and is lost. Emigration becomes the 
 only resource of those who are not proprietors ; for of commerce 
 there is almost none, and labour was scarcely more profitable. 
 France and Switzerland increase by the loss of population which 
 the valleys incur : Marseilles, Nismes, Lyons, and Geneva re- 
 ceive a great number, who are daily increasing, in consequence 
 of that distrustful policy which expels from Piedmont the most 
 moral part of its population. 
 
 The popish system, it is true, finds its advantage in this sys- 
 tem of oppression, which furnishes it with subjects of conquest. 
 It is especially among the poor, in distress and burdened with 
 families, and the. demoralized, that the religion of Rome gains 
 ground from time to time by means of bribes. In this way, from 
 fifteen to twenty persons have passed over to Popery in a single 
 year. 
 
 The increasing wants of the Vaudois population, since the re- 
 storation, have attracted afresh, as in former ages, the attention 
 and interest of the Protestants of Europe. One sovereign, the 
 late glorious king of Prussia, Frederick William III., testified a 
 lively solicitude for them. They have found indefatigable bene- 
 factors among the clergy of England, and many of the gentry of 
 that noble nation. Holland and Switzerland have added new 
 contributidns to their former aid. Other states also have taken 
 part in giving assistance. 
 
 During a long course of years, the pious Frederick William III. 
 was represented at Turin by Count Waldburg Truchsess, who 
 
384 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 was furnished, no doubt, with special instructions concerning the 
 Vaudois colonies, (as he called the valleys.) The noble count 
 was their constant support : he visited them, sojourned among 
 them, made himself acquainted with their wants, occupied him- 
 self actively in improving their condition, often spake in their 
 favour to their sovereign, and on more than one occasion interest- 
 ed himself for them. It was by his endeavours, aided by the am- 
 bassadors of England and Holland, that an evangelical chapel 
 was established at Turin, with the approbation of the king, which 
 is regularly supplied by a resident Yaudois pastor, and open to 
 the Yaudois and Protestant population (far from inconsiderable) 
 of the capital. 
 
 To the count Walburg belonged also the first idea of an es- 
 tablishment which Protestant charity has bestowed on the valleys, 
 namely, a hospital for the sick. Struck with the miseries and 
 ills which the want of succour and medical aid left incurable ; 
 mortified, too, with seeing that no Yaudois was admitted into an 
 infirmary without being harassed with solicitations to change his 
 religion, the ambassador interested his sovereign in the founding 
 of such an establishment. Request was next made in all the evan- 
 gelical states for permission to make collections for this object. 
 The consent of the king of Sardinia to the plan was asked, and 
 graciously granted. Collections were made, in 1825, in Prussia, 
 England, Holland, France, Switzerland,* throughout Protestant 
 Germany, and even in Denmark, Sweden, and Russia.f The 
 funds collected are secured in foreign parts. They were suffi- 
 ciently abundant to build and endow two hospitals instead of 
 one : one at La Torre, for the valley of Lucerna ; the other at 
 Pomaret, for the two other valleys. The blessings of the sick, 
 of their families, and of the Yalleys altogether, rest on the au- 
 thors of so great a benefit. 
 
 A third signal service rendered to the Yalleys by the king of 
 Prussia, Frederick William III., was the creation of two bursaries 
 in favour of Yaudois students at the university of Berlin. By 
 this means the candidates for the ministry, instructed under the 
 eyes of the king, by the lectures of an Augustus Neander, and 
 by the paternal counsels of a Dieterici, cannot but promote, with 
 
 * The canton of Vaud collected 500 louis. 
 
 t The bust of the emperor Alexander, preserved in the hospital, is a memorial 
 of a generous donation. 
 
ENGLISH BENEFACTORS. o85 
 
 the blessing of God, the spiritual prosperity of the Christians of 
 the Alps. 
 
 The Prussian monarch, who took delight in advancing the tem- 
 poral and spiritual good of his humble brethren in the valleys, 
 did not leave this world without receiving proofs of their grati- 
 tude. They testified the same sentiments also to his represen- 
 tative more than once during his lifetime, and, after that, to his 
 mortal remains. His excellency had left directions to deposit 
 his remains in the midst of his beloved Vaudois, as he was wont 
 to call them. On August 18th, 1844, the heads of the Vaudois 
 family received his remains, and accompanied them with weep- 
 ing eyes to the cemetery of La Torre, where they were placed 
 among the ashes of their dead. All the pastors, the members 
 of the consistory, deputies from all the communes, the college, 
 the schools, with an assemblage of two or three thousand persons, 
 testified the veneration felt by the people for their pious bene- 
 factors. 
 
 Next to the count Waldburg and his pious sovereign, may be 
 named, amongst the warmest friends of the Vaudois in England, 
 the Rev. Mr. Sims, and the Rev. Dr. Gilly, George Lowther, Esq., 
 Colonel Beckwith, and others. By their publications, correspond- 
 ence, and conversations, they have excited in their native coun- 
 try a lively interest for the descendants of those who confessed 
 the pure gospel at a period antecedent to the Reformation. 
 Many of them have united their efforts for the improvement of 
 the schools. As to the higher branches of instruction, formerly 
 one master, paid by the Walloon committee of Holland, had the 
 entire charge of it, under the title of rector of the Latin school ; 
 Dr. Gilly and his friends applied the funds they raised to enlarge 
 this primary institution, with the consent of the committee in 
 Holland, and the approbation of his Sardinian majesty. 
 
 Two professorships have been added to that which already ex- 
 isted at La Torre : their union constitutes a college, where Latin, 
 Greek, French, Italian, geography, history, and the mathematics 
 are taught in connexion with religion. A spacious building, 
 designed for the classes, and a library, has been built in the out- 
 skirts of La Torre, on the Villaro road, in a beautiful situation, 
 at the expense of the Vaudois communes, with the aid of a gener- 
 ous donation. Scholarships have also been founded for the be- 
 nefit of the pupils. The ancient Latin school of Pomaret, in the 
 
 17 
 
386 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 valley of San Martino, by an increase in the salary of the in- 
 structor, now enjoys the services of a superior man. Excited by 
 the example of English Christians, the communes have increased 
 the salaries of the parish schoolmasters, in the hope that their 
 young people who enter on this useful vocation will prepare 
 themselves for it by more extensive and solid studies than for- 
 merly. Many, in fact, have placed themselves for this purpose 
 in the normal school of the canton de Vaud, which has been eager- 
 ly opened for them by a benevolent government. The residences 
 of the schoolmasters and the school buildings have been put on 
 a uniform footing. It is impossible, in speaking of these various 
 efforts and improvements, to forget the venerated name of Colonel 
 Beckwith, whose enlightened charity has been displayed in aid- 
 ing, by liberal donations, the repair or erection of more than 
 eighty schools, greater or smaller, in districts or parishes. 
 
 A superior school for girls was still wanting, but has been 
 formed under the name of a boarding-school, (pensionnat,) by 
 the same benefactor. School-mistresses and teachers have also 
 been established in various places, by generous aid. Were we 
 permitted, we should be gratified to mention among the bene- 
 factresses the name of a noble Prussian lady, the Countess F . 
 
 The Swiss cantons continue to give assistance to some Vaudois 
 students in the universities of Lausanne and Geneva. 
 
 Holland, whose moral and pecuniary support has been so im- 
 portant to the valleys in their distresses, has continued to render 
 signal services by contributions towards the salaries of the 
 school-masters and the teacher of the Latin school, and by its 
 aid to the superannuated pastors and their widows, as well as by 
 gifts to deserving students. 
 
 It was impossible that such visible marks of the interest taken 
 in the valleys by the Protestants of Europe should not attract 
 the attention, and, in some degree, excite the distrust of the 
 government, although on closer examination it might easily be 
 assured that nothing had been done in a spirit of either open or 
 concealed hostility, and that all their improvements tended only 
 to the greatest welfare of the valleys. Could it then be thought 
 that the government would have wished to form a counterpoise 
 to these measures, by permitting, at the very gates of La Torre, 
 the head-quarters and centre of this movement, the erection of 
 an establishment in aid of the Romish missions, for eight fathers. 
 
ANXIETIES m THE VALLEYS. 387 
 
 under the name of the priory of the holy religion, and of the 
 military order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus? During the 
 building of this convent and of its vast church, the people of the 
 valleys became disturbed and anxious, and could not think 
 without emotion of the intentions it announced. Those who 
 knew the history of their native country recollected that more 
 than once disturbance, followed by cruel measures against their 
 forefathers, had been occasioned by the introduction of monks 
 into the midst of a Vaudois population. It was feared that this 
 establishment would be a source of evil at no .very distant 
 period. As the day for the completion of the building and its 
 consecration drew near, their anxiety increased. 
 
 But such was not the intention of his majesty ; at least, so we 
 are authorized to believe, after the proofs he then gave of his 
 good-will and confidence in his Vaudois subjects. Charles Albert, 
 in his quality of grand master of the order of the Saints Maurice 
 and Lazarus, had consented to be present at the dedication of 
 the new temple of La Torre. The military commandant had 
 already given orders to quarter the troops of the line in that 
 city, as a guard for his majesty. They were expected, when the 
 report was spread that Charles Albert had declined to employ 
 them, that he had even sent back to Pinerolo half a squadron of 
 the royal carabiniers who had been appointed to accompany him, 
 and, finally, that the marquises of Lucerna and Angrogna had 
 proposed to the king that he should be received by the Vaudois 
 militia, and that this offer had been accepted. This news dis- 
 sipated the sombre thoughts that had been gathering in many 
 hearts. They vanished entirely when it was known that his 
 majesty had said, in reply to those who urged him to make use 
 of the regular troops, " I require no guard in the midst of the 
 Vaudois." They all instinctively drew the conclusion that the 
 king entertained the best feelings towards them, since he wished 
 for no other defenders than their love. This hope rose brightly 
 in their hearts, like the sun which at daybreak, on September 
 24th, 1 844, gilded the mountains, after the two days of incessant 
 rain which had chilled the limbs of the Catholics who had assem- 
 bled on the 2 2d for the dedication. 
 
 All the men able to bear arms in the valleys of Lucerna, An- 
 grogna, and Prarustin, formed themselves into two lines for the 
 passage of the king, who, in the midst of solemn silence, repaired 
 
388 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 to the new Roman temple to perform his devotions. During 
 this time the militia formed into companies, and proceeded to 
 Lucerna, half a league distant. The king quitted La Torre on 
 foot, surrounded by a dense crowd, who hailed him with affec- 
 tion ; and then entered his carriage and pursued his journey. 
 In the direction of Lucerna, repeated acclamations and shouts 
 of joy were heard from the Vaudois militia who awaited his 
 arrival. The king, affected by such a cordial reception, took 
 his stand at the gate of the palace of Lucerna, and made the 
 militia file off by companies, according to their communes and 
 with their colours. He saluted each standard, and every one 
 could see a good-humoured smile on his countenance when a 
 standard-bearer, not content with lowering his colours before 
 his sovereign, saluted him by taking off his hat also. The 
 Vaudois Board, or Directory, were admitted in their turn to an 
 audience, and met with a gracious reception : and when, after 
 having delivered to the syndic of La Torre a liberal donation 
 for the poor of the two communes, the king left at night for 
 Turin, he saw from a distance La Torre illuminated, and the 
 dark mountains that surround it covered with bonfires, as if to 
 enlighten as far as possible the route of their prince, who had 
 found the way to the hearts of his subjects. 
 
 It would seem that it was not in the hearts of the Vaudois 
 alone that the visit of the 24th September, 1844, left ineffaceable 
 traces. Charles Albert, in a gratifying manner, has preserved 
 the remembrance of it by an enduring memorial. He has 
 caused a beautiful fountain to be constructed at the entrance of 
 the town of La Torre, with this inscription : — " II re, Carolo 
 Alberto, al popolo che I'accoglieva con tanto affetto." " The 
 king, Charles Albert, to the people who welcomed him with so 
 much affection." 
 
 Since that time nothing has interrupted this confidence be- 
 tween the sovereign and his faithful Vaudois subjects. May it 
 always endure, and increase in his august house, as well as 
 fidelity to God and the king in the hearts of the inhabitants of 
 the valleys ! 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 In the Appendix to the original work the undermentioned pieces 
 are given. 
 
 I. A short geographical and statistical description of the Vau- 
 dois valleys of Piedmont. 
 
 II. (A) Three Catalogues of the ancient writings of the 
 Vaudois. 
 
 (B) A few of the principal of these writings ; namely, 
 
 1. The Noble Lesson, A. D. 1100. 
 
 2. Some extracts from other religious poems of the Vaudois, 
 without date, but reputed to be as ancient as The Noble 
 Lesson. 
 
 3. The Vaudois Catechism, A. D. 1100. 
 
 4. Their Confession of Faith, A. D. 1120. 
 
 5. A Treatise on Antichrist, A. D. 1120. 
 
 6. Extracts from the Treatise on Purgatory, A. D. 1126. 
 
 7. The Formulary of their Confession of Sins, without date, 
 and in French, M. Monastier not having at hand the manu- 
 script in the Romance language or Vaudois dialect. 
 
 So much of the geographical and statistical statement as 
 seemed useful is given in this Appendix, but it has not been 
 thought expedient to print here the catalogues and other docu- 
 ments extending over 147 pages. 
 
 The first of the three Catalogues (A) contains the titles and 
 description of those ancient writings of the Vaudois made use of 
 by Perrin in the composition of his History of the Vaudois, and 
 mentioned by him. 
 
 The second Catalogue consists of ancient writings of the 
 
390 APPENDIX. 
 
 Vaudois, collected in the valleys by Jean Leger, and delivered 
 by him, in the year 1658, to Sir Samuel Morland, British am- 
 bassador or commissioner from Oliver Cromwell to Turin, who 
 deposited them in the library of the University of Cambridge. 
 According to Leger, these writings were contained in seven 
 volumes. A list of them is in Morland's " History of the Evan- 
 gelical Churches of Piedmont," folio, London, 1658. 
 
 The third Catalogue is that of Vaudois works deposited by 
 Leger in the library of Geneva. 
 
 The Noble Lesson (La Nobla Leyczon) is a metrical produc- 
 tion, consisting of 479 lines, in the Romance or Vaudois language, 
 which has been frequently translated. It consists chiefly of an 
 abstract of the Old and New Testament history, and refers to the 
 corruptions introduced into the nominal church after the apos- 
 tolic age. The introductory lines fix the date of its composition 
 to be the beginning of the twelfth century. 
 
 1. O brethren, give ear to a noble lesson : 
 
 2. We ought often to watch and pray, 
 
 3. For we see this world is near its end ; 
 
 4. We ought to be very earnest in good works, 
 
 5. For we see the end of this world approaches. 
 
 6. Eleven hundred years are fully accomplished 
 
 7. Since it was written, " We are in the last times." 
 
 A GEOGRAPHICAL AND STATISTICAL DESCRIPTION 
 OP THE VAUDOIS VALLEYS OF PIEDMONT. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 The Vaudois valleys are situated in the Alps, on the eastern 
 side of the great chain of mountains of that name, which separate 
 High Dauphine from Piedmont ; they lie to the north of Mount 
 Viso and the sources of the Po, to the south of Geneva, and to 
 the west of the city of Pinerolo. 
 
 They are formed by the mountain ranges which descend from 
 the great chain of the Alps, their western limit, to the plains of 
 Piedmont on the east. The ridges which separate them from 
 France reach the height of more than three thousand metres 
 [eleven or twelve thousand feet] above the level of the sea, and 
 
APPENDIX. 391 
 
 the breaks of the chain afford only two passages, that of Abries 
 being the most northern, and the Col de la Croix [pass of la 
 Croix] the most southern. The range which bounds the Vau- 
 dois valleys on the north separates them from the valley of 
 Pragela, or Clusone. The chain which shuts them in on the 
 south, and which is more elevated than the preceding, descends 
 from the Viso, and touches the high valley of the Po in the pro- 
 vince of Saluzzo. On the east, their only barrier is formed by 
 the depression or flattening of the mountains, as they merge into 
 the plain, and by the waters of the Clusone, which flow into 
 the Po. 
 
 The Vaudois valleys are separated from one another by ridges 
 of considerable elevation. Taken altogether, they form a trun- 
 cated or irregular triangle, of which the base is the ridge of the 
 high Alps, running from north to south, and the sides of which 
 converge towards Pinerolo, without actually reaching it. 
 
 They may also be considered as a fan-shaped group of valleys, 
 resting against the giant Alps, and uniting together in two large 
 valleys, which approach each other in the direction of Pinerolo, 
 but become blended with the plain, against which the two last 
 slopes of two of these depressed ridges form a half valley between 
 these mountains and the river Clusone. 
 
 This Vaudois half valley, called the valley of Perosa, is, pro- 
 perly speaking, only the extreme western (or right) flank of the 
 valley of Pragela, which surrounds the Vaudois valleys from the 
 north-west to the south-east. It includes also an interior vale, 
 that of Pramol, which proceeds from the banks of the Clusone, 
 near Saint Germain towards the west, between the valley of San 
 Martino on the north, and Angrogna to the south. 
 
 The two other great Vaudois valleys are (i.) the valley of San 
 Martino on the north, through which flows the torrent called the 
 Germanasco, which falls into the Clusone, opposite the little town 
 of Perosa, at the outlet of the valley of Pragela, and formed by 
 the junction of the lateral vales of Kioclaret and Fact with that 
 of Le Perrier, which again is itself formed by the junction of the 
 upper Alpine vales of Macel or Balsille, Rodoret, and Prali, from 
 north to south. 
 
 (ii.) The valley of Lucerna, to the south of that of San Mar- 
 tino, watered by the Police, a small stream, which receives the 
 waters of the Angrogna, the Lucerna, and many others of less 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 importance. This valley, the widest and most extensive of all, 
 is flanked towards its outlet to the plain on the east by two vales ; 
 the one to the south, the smallest, is that of Rora, traversed by 
 the Lucerna ; the other, to the north, large enough to be often 
 reckoned as forming a distinct valley, is the vale of Angrogna, 
 watered by the noisy torrent of the same name. It is enclosed 
 between the valleys of San Martino on the west and north, and 
 of Perosa by the vale of Pramol on the north-east, and by the 
 side of Prarustin on the east ; and, lastly, by the valley of Lu- 
 cerna on the south. This last extends in a plain from east to 
 west, and terminates by the high pass of the Col de la Croix, 
 which opens into France, following the same direction, by the 
 pasture-lands and Col Giuliano, which separate it from the valley 
 of San Martino to the north, and by the Combe des Charbon- 
 niers, or vale of Guichard, in the direction of Viso to the south- 
 west. 
 
 The distribution of the parishes in the respective valleys is 
 as follows. 
 
 A. — The Valley of San Martino. 
 
 The valley of San Martino has five churches, or Vaudois 
 parishes ; Prali, Rodoret, and Macel in the mountainous vales 
 on the west, ranged in this order from north to south ; Maneille, 
 the fourth parish, which belongs to the eastern part of the valley ; 
 and Villeseche, the fifth, at the entrance of the valley to the 
 east, with two dependencies, namely, Rioclaret and Fact. This 
 parish stands on both sides of the river. 
 
 The Yaudois of some communes, where the Catholics form the 
 majority, as at Le Perrier, Ciabrans, San Martino, etc., frequent 
 the churches of Maneille and Villeseche, according as either is 
 most within their reach. 
 
 B. — The Half-valley of Perosa. 
 
 The half-valley of Perosa contains four parishes : I. That of 
 Pomaret, at the outlet of the defile which separates this half- 
 valley from the valley of San Martino ; the Vaudois inhabitants 
 on the other side of Pinache, to the south, attend at this church. 
 At Pomaret there is a Latin school, and a Vaudois hospital. 
 
APPENDIX. 393 
 
 II. The parish of San Germain, of which Chenevieres and 
 Turina, or Envers-les-Portes, form a part. III. That of Pramol 
 and Peumian, to the north of San Germain, an Alpine district ; 
 and, IV. That of Prarustin, with Rocheplatte as a dependency. 
 The parish church is that of San Barthelemi. 
 
 C. — The Valley of Lucerna. 
 
 The valley of Lucerna has six large parishes, which are so 
 many populous communes. I. Angrogna, to the west of Pra- 
 rustin and Rocheplatte ; this parish has two temples, that of 
 Saint Laurent, near which the pastor dwells, and that of Le 
 Serre. II. San Giovanni, to the south of Angrogna : the tem- 
 ple is at Blonats, in the centre of the parish : it was formerly at 
 Ciabas on the Angrogna. III. The church of La Torre, to the 
 west of San Giovanni : the temple is at the hamlet called Les 
 Coppiers : near it is the hospital. The Vaudois possess, in the 
 outskirts of the town of La Torre, two interesting establish- 
 ments — a college, and a girl's boarding-school. IV. Proceeding 
 westward, we meet first with the parish of Villaro, with a town 
 of the same name, containing the church ; then, V. That of Bob- 
 bio, which occupies all the lower part of the valley ; the parish 
 temple is in the village of that name. Two chapels belong to 
 this parish, the one in La Combe des Charbonniers, the other in 
 La Combe de la Ferriere. Lastly, VI. The parish of Rora, the 
 smallest of those in the valley of Lucerna ; it is to the south of 
 that of La Torre, from which it is separated by a ridge of steep 
 and naked rocks. 
 
 STATISTICS. 
 A. — Population. 
 
 The Vaudois population of the valleys amounted in 1839 to 
 more than twenty thousand souls, exclusive of four or five thou- 
 sand Roman Catholics; a number far too large for the extent 
 of territory, taking into account the nature of the soil. 
 
 According to the census made by order of government, of the 
 date 1839, the exact numbers were for the communes: — Vau- 
 dois, 20,394 ; Catholics, 4,589. 
 
 17* 
 
394 APPENDIX. 
 
 B. — Climate and Productions. 
 
 The Vaudois valleys, from their southern situation and their 
 outlet on the plains of Piedmont, would naturally have the warm 
 temperature of the south, if their lofty mountains, and the con- 
 siderable elevation of the greater part of the soil above the level 
 of the sea, did not counterbalance this effect. 
 
 The air is generally pure and healthy in these valleys. Shel- 
 tered from the north winds by the mountains, the climate is mild 
 and temperate, but varies according to the height of the locali- 
 ties. Snow falls in great quantities in all the Alpine region, and 
 the avalanches cause frequent accidents. 
 
 The soil in the lower part of the valleys, and on the neigh- 
 bouring hills, is fertile. The vine succeeds there, as well as 
 wheat, maize, the mulberry, and other good fruit-trees ; even the 
 fig-tree, in the open air. 
 
 The middle region has all the productions which belong to 
 that altitude; wheat, rye, maize, oats, barley, potatoes, etc., 
 likewise the common fruit-trees, and chestnuts in great quanti- 
 ties. 
 
 Such are the rich productions of the most fertile part of these 
 valleys. One-third, probably, or at least one-fourth of their ex- 
 tent, which is from about twenty to twenty-four square leagues, 
 is thus favoured. But two-thirds, or perhaps three-fourths, of 
 this extent of country presents nothing but precipices, ravines, 
 naked rocks, and Alpine districts, or such as have a northern 
 aspect. The cultivation of the land is here very laborious and 
 unproductive. The inhabitants in different places are reduced 
 to cultivate some small patches of ground among the rocks, to 
 which they must carry mould on their backs. A great part of 
 the population only live by the product obtained from a few 
 cattle — cows, goats, and sheep. 
 
 No branch of industry, excepting the labour of the field, and 
 the care of cattle, can be carried on to any extent among this 
 population, who are naturally active, but on bad terms with 
 their neighbours. The sale of articles of daily consumption is 
 in the hands of the Roman Catholics at Pinerolo, and in the 
 other small towns of the neighbourhood, where all the markets 
 are held. 
 
APPENDIX. 805 
 
 The Vaudois valleys do not produce in sufficient quantity for 
 their population the provisions that are most necessary, which 
 therefore have to be purchased. If they have some productions 
 in superabundance, such as butter, cheese, potatoes, fruits, the 
 inhabitants cannot dispose of them for want of suitable channels. 
 The only market of considerable size is that of Pinerolo ; but 
 besides that it is not accessible to all the localities of the valleys, 
 provisions abound there already in every direction. 
 
 C. — Religious Administration of the Vaudois 
 Churches. 
 
 All that relates to the relief of the poor, to hospitals, to educa- 
 tion, and to the religious affairs of the Vaudois, is the result of 
 an administration formed from among themselves, in the nomi- 
 nation of which all the churches of the valleys take a part. This 
 administration is particular or general. 
 
 Each church has its parochial administration. The heads of 
 families united with their pastor form the church. The popula- 
 tion, generally dispersed, is divided into districts. The indivi- 
 duals of a district choose, with the concurrence of the consistory, 
 an elder, or inspector, who enjoys certain prerogatives. When 
 the choice is agreed upon, the name of the person chosen is 
 proclaimed aloud from the pulpit. If no opposition be made, 
 he is publicly installed into his office, consecrated by prayer, 
 and becomes a member of the consistory, who regulate the 
 affairs of the parish, under the presidency of the pastor, and ex- 
 ercise discipline there. 
 
 The general administration is composed of a Synod and a 
 Board. 
 
 The Synod is composed of the pastor and ministers resident 
 in the valleys, (the chaplain of the ambassadors at Turin is also 
 admitted to it,) and a lay delegation from each of the five 
 parishes. These delegations may consist of more than one 
 deputy, but each delegation has but one vote. The Synod meets 
 specially when any business requires it, and regularly at the end 
 of four or five years, with the permission of the sovereign, who 
 is represented in it by the supci'intendent of the province. The 
 members of the Synod, the sittings of which last for two or three 
 days, and the king's representative, have their expenses paid by 
 
396 APPENDIX. 
 
 the parishes or communes. The Synod prepares and determines 
 all the administrative regulations, names the members of the 
 administration called the Board, examines its proceedings, passes 
 its accounts, and decides on all important affairs. 
 
 The Board is composed of five members ; three ecclesiastics 
 and two laymen. They are chosen according to certain rules, 
 at the beginning of each Synod, and remain in office till the 
 opening of the next Synod. The ecclesiastical members perform 
 the functions of moderator, or president, assistant-moderator, or 
 vice-president, and secretary. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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