THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES THE HISTORY OF THE ISLANDS OF THE LERINS BY THE SAME AUTHOR Church or Sect ? The Athanasian Creed The Holy Communion Service in the Book of Common Prayer Caesarius Bishop of Aries o s u n rt in rt a o s -a 01 THE HISTORY OF THE ISLANDS OF THE LERINS THE MONASTERY, SAINTS AND THEOLOGIANS OF S. HONORAT by A. C. COOPER-MARSDIN, D.D. Honorary Canon of Rochester Cambridge : at the University Press r 9 r 3 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS ILonHolt: FETTER LANE, E.C. C. F. CLAY, Manager GFUmfmrgl) : 100, PRINCES STREET Berlin: A. ASHER AND CO. ILcipjis: F. A. BROCKHAUS #tto larfe: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS Bombag anU Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND Co., Ltd. All rights reserved OJV^ "w 7 PREFACE THIS History of tlie Levins has followed upon my earlier work on the life of Caesarius, an eminent son of Lerins. Some account, however imperfect, of the leaders of Christian thought in the fifth and sixth centuries, who owed their training to the monastery of S. Honorat, seemed to fill a gap in English theological literature. Nor can it be devoid of interest to place this study in its historical setting, and trace out the early and later history of the island where these great men of the past lived and moved. French historical and theological literature does not fail in the possession of numerous monographs on this attractive subject, and among those which I have consulted and used, I am specially indebted to the works of M. Henri Moris, and of M. l'Abbe Alliez. On a defect in his work, I have later expressed my opinion. I desire to record my most grateful thanks to my friend the Rev. James S. Hill, B.D., Rector of Stowey, who has afforded me most valuable help, and taken unstinted pains. I am indebted to him for many useful suggestions, and he also undertook to see the volume through the press during my serious illness, correct the proofs and compile the index. Nor can I forget to mention the kindness of my Cambridge Tutor, Canon Foakes-Jackson, D.D., Fellow and Dean of Jesus College, who most kindly read the manuscript, and gave me valuable criticism thereon. The dedication of this book is a sincere, if imperfect, expression of my affection and respect for my Bishop. A. C. COOPER-MARSDIN BORSTALDENE BlCKLEY June 191 3 G83527 TO THE RIGHT REVEREND JOHN REGINALD HARMER, D.D. BISHOP OF ROCHESTER THIS TREATISE IS DEDICATED WITH AFFECTION AND RESPECT CONTENTS CHAP. I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. Introduction .... The Mainland of the Lerins The Islands of the Lerins The Golden Age . The Great Theologian, Vincent The Apostle of Ireland . John Cassian, the Great Organiser, Systematiser and Writer The Founder of Lerins. S. Honoratus, Archbishop of Aries A Nursery of Bishops Caesarius, Bishop and Saint . Hilary, Archbishop of Aries . Faustus, the Bishop of the "Via Media' Lupus, the Prince of Prelates Eucherius Some Minor Prelates. Valerian. Maximus ofMoustiers. Veranus. Salonius. Apoll Virgilius James, Bishop inarius. Siffred The Master of Bishops. Salvianus Worldly Prosperity. The 8th to the 15th Centuries The Day of Decay .... Some Later Writers of Lerins From Secularisation to the Present Day Appendix. Ancient Buildings, Treasures, I Monuments . . . . Bibliography. Index PAGE 1 18 33 42 5o 83 100 128 137-248 137 185 192 211 216 nscriptions and 22£ 239 249 265 283 30I 309 322 329 ILLUSTRATIONS The Monastery and Chateau Fort Frontispiece Mont Chevalier, with its ancient Tower overlooking Modern Cannes .... To face page 25 The Cell of "The Man with the Iron Mask" The Well and Palm of S. Honoratus . The Lapidary Museum .... The Chapel of S. Honoratus . The Chapel of S. Saviour The Chapel of the Holy Trinity . The Chapel of S. Cyprian and S. Justina The Cloister ...... The Exterior of the Chateau Fort . The Interior of the Chateau Fort (Ground Floor) The Interior of the Chateau Fort . The Chest in Grasse Cathedral (side view) The Chest in Grasse Cathedral (end view) 35 Appendix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION It is perhaps surprising that a historical account of the home of Vincent of Lerins has never, so far as we are aware, been presented in a monograph to English readers. It is of course a part of the history of monasticism, as the rise of monasticism is a part of the history of religious development. But Lerins has its own special interest. The theme that we have in hand does not require more than some brief remarks by way of introduction. The reader will however be helped towards its more perfect understanding if we commence by giving a short review of the outward history in which the establishment of the monastic institution at Lerins finds its setting. The student of early and mediaeval history will scarcely require even this, but there will we hope be readers of this book who will at least be glad to be reminded of the main parts of that history, treated at length in the graphic and eloquent pages of Gibbon 1 , and in the vivid narrative of Professor Dill 2 . And though the history of monas- ticism has elsewhere been ably treated, a short essay or resume may likewise prove acceptable, while those who desire more than can be said in these pages may be referred to works where an attractive theme is treated with a power to which we make no pretensions 3 . The foundation of the monastery of Lerins probably dates from A.D. 410 at the commencement of a period of special historical interest. In the opening years of the 5th century barbarian hordes began to pour over the province of Gaul in a 1 Decline a?id fall of the Roman Empire. 2 Roman Society in the last century of the Western Empire. 3 See Bibliography. C. M. I 2 INTRODUCTION great desolating stream. The remarkable series of alien im- migrations which has been called the " Volkerwanderung," was altering the face of the Roman Empire ; startling social movements characterised this period ; immense changes were working themselves out through the whole of the 5th and 6th centuries, during which the monastery was at the height of its fame, and again in the 7th and 8th, when its brilliant prosperity showed signs of decline. This history, however briefly put, of the external and internal condition of the world at least serves to explain the motives which impelled men to withdraw to quiet houses of religious life, and enables us to understand why an Empire seemingly so strong and so advanced in civilisation as that of Rome, could be overcome by barbarous invaders, and fall before their assaults, making social life hard and all but intolerable to the "quiet in the land." It was like a huge and splendid oak tree, immense in girth and grand to look upon, but in reality rotten to the core. Economical abuses were enormous ; fraud and greed were everywhere triumphant ; firm administration was almost un- known. The old heathen systems of religion were falling into decay and even much of the current Christianity was enervated and corrupt. This partly answers the question which men were then asking, why is the Empire, now that it is Christian, going to pieces? There was indeed a belief widely current among the pagans of this disastrous period that all the heaped up calamities of the time were a consequence of, and a punishment for, the rejection of the gods of their forefathers. The great S. Augustine sought to refute this delusion when he wrote of another city " not made with hands," the spiritual city of the Church of Christ 1 , and this famous work was "a theology of history, a comprehensive attempt to justify the ways of God to man," and as the writer reviews the old world of Graeco- Roman paganism, he exposes its weakness and denies that the decay of the Empire was due to the progress of Christianity. He called his treatise "the city of God." At such a crisis, " civitas " meant more than a city. In his great conception, S. Augustine portrayed an Empire of God, that 1 De Civitate Dei. INTRODUCTION 3 had no distinctions of race and religion, of civilisation or barbarism, but which shared the inspiration of faith and law and life that was common to all alike. Orosius also, a presbyter of Tarragona wrote his seven books of history 1 , in which he showed that there is a Providence in human affairs, but he seems to infer that the state of the world was not unsatisfactory and therefore in his optimistic view there was no enigma to be solved. This attitude of his was probably due to the slight but transitory improvement under Honorius in 417 A.D. It was Salvian who with a truer perception faced and solved the enigma. His book made a profound impression, and to this day it is a valuable source of information as to the inner life of the dying Empire. We shall refer to this work in a subsequent chapter. Alaric. We do not purpose attempting to trace, in any detail, the successive incursions of Teutons and Slavs, of Goths and Huns, of Vandals, Lombards and Franks 2 . The interest of all this history gathers round certain great names ; as of Alaric and Stilicho, Genseric, Attila and Theodoric. Alaric was the first barbarian to win a kingdom. The Visigoths and Ostrogoths, who were merged in one Gothic Empire in the 4th century under Ermaneric, were pressed by the Huns and checked by Theodosius. The Goths, who might have proved a valuable assistance to the Empire, if the sons of Theodosius had been firm and energetic, raised their independent standard, boldly avowed their hostile intentions and spread their hordes from the shores of Dalmatia to the walls of Constantinople. They made Alaric their leader, and his first blows were struck at the Eastern Empire. He made a secret treaty with the ministers of Constantinople, and gained the control of arsenal and taxes, as well as a strong strategic position. He next turned his thoughts westward, for the fame and wealth of Italy tempted him. He thought he heard a voice calling, " Alaric, brook no 1 Historiarum Libri VII, " de Cladibus et Miseriis Mundi." 2 Italy and her invaders, 8 vols. Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., Clarendon Press. The Dynasty of Theodosius, by the same author, and The beginning of the Middle Ages, by Dean Church. I — 2 4 INTRODUCTION delay, thou shalt penetrate to the city 1 ." He entered Italy in A.D. 400, and ten years later Rome was captured and sacked. The City of the Seven Hills had never in 800 years been entered by a foreign foe. It was called the " Eternal City " and was thought inviolable. Stilicho. The name of Stilicho stands out prominently among the defenders of the decaying Empire. To his care Theodosius had intrusted his son Honorius who ruled the Western Empire. Stilicho, loyal to his trust, would have gone to the assistance of Constantinople at the time of Alaric's invasion, but received a mysterious message, " Let Stilicho withdraw the legions of Honorius within the limits of his master's Empire." In the advance on Italy, Stilicho was once more at hand to guard his trust, and at the battle of Pollentia compelled the invader to retire for a time ; but the loyal soldier's influence began to wane. He lost the confidence of his troops and forfeited the trust reposed in him by his king. His friends would have made him their king, but he hesitated, and his hesitation cost him his life. While he sat pensive and sleepless, a Gothic warrior entered his camp at midnight to assassinate him. Stilicho managed to escape, but a warrant for his execution was obtained, and he was called in his last moments a traitor and a parricide, and was put to death in A.D. 408. A ttila. The conclusion of the first half of the 5th century witnessed the warlike prowess of Attila, king of the Huns, whose life was crowded with curious and romantic incidents. He entered Gaul in A.D. 451. Half a million men, "obedient to his nod," moved westward carrying devastation and destruction everywhere. The allied forces of the Empire and the Goths met this enemy of European civilisation and of Christianity at Chalons in A.D. 451. In a conflict fierce and obstinate, in which the number of slain was enormous, Attila could boast no victory, for it was 1 Rumpe omnes Alarice, moras. Hoc impiger anno Alpibus Italiae ruptis, penetrabis ad Urbem. Claudian, de bello Getico, 545-6. INTRODUCTION 5 a drawn battle. This and the death of Attila freed Western Europe from the barbarism of the Huns. The power of his kingdom was broken up, for only a man of genius in war and skilful in administration could sustain it. The Vandals under Genseric. The blow that might have fallen through Attila was only temporarily delayed ; it fell four years later in A.D. 455. The Vandals, who were the most savage of the Teutonic invaders, had been allies of the Empire for more than 200 years. They ravaged Spain and Northern Africa under "the terrible Genseric" whose name ranks with those of Alaric and Attila as agents in the destruction of the Empire. He was a man of inordinate ambition, and, as is commonly the case with those of this character, was troubled by no scruples in seeking to justify this passion. In A.D. 455 he arrived at the city gate, where he was met by Leo and his clergy. To them he promised protection, but the promise was not kept. The city was pillaged, and the sceptre of the great world conquering power was broken, and the spell of Empire departed. Theodoric. The Ostrogoths were vassals of the Huns and had fought on the side of Attila at Chalons. After his death they recovered their independence under the leadership of Theodoric who was destined to make a name in history and romance, and is, more by way of distinction than from his possession of supreme genius, called " the Great." In A.D. 488 he led his people forth, and fought his way to the confines of Italy. He consolidated his conquests and devoted a reign of 33 years to the duties of civil government. While he adhered to his Arian creed, he strove to show equal justice to all, and never attempted to enforce his own religious views upon his subjects, for as he wisely said, " We cannot impose religion by command, since no one can be made to believe against his will 1 ." He was king of the Goths and of the West, and was the first to establish a 1 Religionem imperare non possumus, quia nemo cogitur ut credat invitus Cassiodorus, Variae, 2, 27 {Patrol. 69). 6 INTRODUCTION state in which Goths and Italians were united in amity, though unlike in manners and customs, in religion and language, and his successful administration is sufficient testimony to his vigour and wisdom. The Wars of Justinian. Within ten years all Italy was regained for the Roman Empire by Justinian ruling from the East, the events of whose life were various and important, though it is as a legislator and codifier of the law that his name is best known to-day. He was unweariedly active and inordinately vain ; his costly extravagance made an enormous demand upon the people, who groaned beneath the heavy burden of taxation, and his wars weakened rather than strengthened the Empire. Though Italy was regained, it was an impoverished and depopulated country which brought but a small addition of power to the Empire. His reign was also disturbed by a constant succession of border inroads, and the fair prospect was overcast with clouds which presaged the gathering storm that burst upon Italy in the days that followed his death in A.D. 565. Her sufferings, in the midst of turmoil, and revolution, her crimes and factions were at this time greater than those she endured at any other period of her history. The Lombard Invasion. During the reign of his successor, Justin II, Italy was invaded by the Lombards, the Italianised name of a Teutonic tribe, called by Roman writers the Langobardi, and described by Tacitus as a race " few in number who held their own against numerous and powerful neighbours by their bravery and love of war." With Alboin their king to lead them, and accompanied by a mixed multitude of barbarians, they descended in A.D. 568 upon this unhappy country, now exhausted by the efforts to conquer the Goths, and meeting with little opposition, they established a kingdom at Pavia which lasted for more than 200 years. INTRODUCTION 7 The Throne of S. Peter. This outline picture of unrest and disquiet is not without its brighter side, for these eventful centuries of change and decay cover a period of the rise of one throne which showed no sign of decadence, but increased in power and brilliance as others tottered to their fall ; it was the throne of S. Peter. S. Augustine's Empire of God was no visionary's dream, but an accomplished triumph, for in all the wanderings of the nations, in the rise and fall of tyrant kingdoms, in dissensions and disorganisation, in the overthrow of civilised institutions and in the spread of heresies, there remains " at every step in the tangled history of these times the wonderful life which the Roman name and the Roman power still kept when it was attacked on every side from without and torn in pieces in every quarter from within 1 ," and the unity of the Empire was supported by the unity of the Church. " One Church stood beside one Empire," says Archdeacon Hutton, " and became year by year even more certain, more perfect, as well as more strong. In the West the papal power rose as the imperial decayed, and before long came near to replacing it 2 ." The growth of this influence marks the earlier half of the 5th century. The bishops of Rome were consulted and courted by the various parties engaged in the factions and disputes of the East, while the bishops of Eastern sees, the prey of mutual jealousies and rivalries, looked to Rome the representative of the Western Churches with its seat in the most ancient and impressive city of the world. The dignity of the Roman see was greatly enhanced and increased by other circum- stances, among which the confusion of the civil power was not the least potent. As the wealth of the see increased, the natural influence of riches was felt, and the bishops were able to keep in touch with the ecclesiastical affairs of distant provinces. The noble character and remarkable genius of the men who filled the papal chair would suffice to make the era memorable. "Upon the mind of Innocent I," says Milman, "seems first distinctly to have dawned the vast conception of Rome's 1 See Freeman, Western Europe in the fifth century. 2 W. H. Hutton, The Church and the barbarians, p. 4, Rivington, 1906. 8 INTRODUCTION universal ecclesiastical supremacy." He lost none of the many- opportunities of maintaining and extending the authority of the Roman see in all disputes, and of repudiating any concep- tion which narrowed the influence of his office. His successor Zosimus was called upon to intervene in the dispute as to the relative jurisdiction of the sees of Aries and Vienne, and he decided in favour of Aries as it had been founded by Trophimus " sent into Gaul by S. Peter 1 ." Zosimus is further remembered in connection with the Pelagian controversy, in which he made an important step towards increasing the authority of his see. His circular letter is the earliest instance of a document from Rome being proposed for general adoption as a standard of orthodoxy. Celestine went beyond all precedents in the ex- tension of the power of his see, when he assumed the right to depose Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople. His pretensions were not in this case allowed, for the bishop was deposed not by the mandate from Rome, but by bishops in council. Celestine advanced his claims in another direction at Ephesus where his representatives asserted that Rome's supreme judicature rested upon a prerogative exercised by S. Peter through his successors 2 , and it must in scrupulous fairness be allowed that though the great Churches of the East as patriarchal sees cannot be said to have accepted the decisions of the Roman see as final, it is still a fact that " the impartial Apostolic See of Rome " generally dis- covered the true solutions to the questions raised in the Eastern Churches, and which divided them. Hence the power grew. In Leo I Rome had a bishop of transcendent genius who made claims far in excess of his predecessors in the see. He was an astute politician as well as a learned theologian. He based his pretensions on unbroken apostolic tradition, and in urging that Alexandria should follow the Roman model he alleged that it would be impious to suppose that S. Mark the disciple would have varied the rules laid down by S. Peter the master 3 . Leo exercised sway also over Spain and Sicily, and when Hilary, Archbishop of Aries, at a synod held in A.D. 444 deposed Celi- donius, and the latter appealed to Rome, Leo welcomed the 1 Zosimus, Epp. 3-5, Patrol. 20. 2 Labbe, III, 625. ' Ep. 9. INTRODUCTION 9 opportunity of extending his powers in Gaul. He restored Celidonius, deprived Hilary of the power to hold synods, and influenced the Emperor Valentinian to promulgate a law in which he declared that the Bishop of Rome was the rightful ruler of the whole Church, and that any bishop who neglected a citation to appear at the tribunal of the Bishop of Rome would be compelled to appear by the civil governor of his province. Further developments of the papal power were made by Felix towards the close of the 5th century, when he announced the deposition of Acacius to the clergy and people of Constanti- nople, and declared that all who sided with the patriarch would be cut off from the Communion of Rome. The most eminent representative of the 6th century is the great Gregory, who was born in Rome A.D. 540. His homilies describe the depressed state of the Church, which reached its lowest depths at the end of the 6th century. He compared the Church to " an old and violently shattered ship, admitting the waters on all sides, its timbers rotten, shaken by daily storms, and fast becoming a mere wreck 1 ." Once more it is a time of civil and ecclesiastical decay in which war, disease, and famine devastated the land. Churches were destroyed ; the clergy deficient in number as in morality ; the princes and nobles sunk in depravity. In these circumstances Gregory showed a marvellous grasp of affairs, keen insight, business instinct, and remarkable tenacity of purpose. Nothing was too minute or unimportant for his close attention. His tolerance was marked by the protection of the Jews in the exercise of their religion, and by his disapproval of coercion. His influence and labours in the conversion of the heathen are too well known to need more than a passing but none the less grateful reference here. To our own island home he despatched Augustine, the provost of his own monastery, with attendant monks, who landed in the island of Thanet in A.D. 597. The rest of the story is too familiar to need recapitulation. His strength of character, his impressive genius, his masterly policy gave him the foremost place among the bishops of Rome, and his greatness is thrown 1 Ep. 1, 4 . IO INTRODUCTION into all the stronger relief by the comparative insignificance of his successors of the next hundred years. This survey of the secular history of the time and the religious position has not been made without purpose. We are of course not here concerned primarily with the secular life of the centuries during which the monastery of Lerins was a flourishing religious institution, but it is undeniable that the religious life of every age is influenced in its character and form by the secular history of the period, by its prosperity or ad- versity. It is only by knowledge of the secular history of these centuries that we can form any idea of the world that had to be conquered, and from which many fled. But we must not suppose that monastic institutions, even in their inception, were mere places of refuge, chosen for selfish peace and quiet ; rather were they centres of influence, throwing light upon the sur- rounding darkness. The light may not have penetrated far ; still it did penetrate. Recluses were not cowards who could not fight against the wickedness of the world. They entered courageously into conflict with it, and were eager to instruct, to purify, and to conquer. In their chosen retirement they sought the strength necessary for this arduous work. With what results, the great names of bishops, scholars and presbyters mentioned in the succeeding pages who obtained their inspiration from Lerins will we trust amply exhibit. Again and again might the religious recluse exclaim, " The foundations are destroyed, what shall the righteous do?" And so it was to these " isles of the blest " that men turned in their despair, and it is easy to see how these centuries provided devout natures with a powerful incentive to seek escape from the intolerable oppressiveness, and the great uncertainty of social life. The restlessness of the age impelled men of pro- found devotion and magnetic influence to go forth fortified by their solitude to guide and rule. There were also, of course, other motives at work. When persecution was not so severe as formerly, there were fewer opportunities of displaying the heroism of confession, and the distinction of martyrdom. Others again, overwhelmed by the corruption of Christian society, and despairing of the success of any attempt to hinder it, sought INTRODUCTION II to attain to personal holiness by withdrawing from the world, and by the exercise of austerity to gain a close communion with heaven. There were doubtless other motives which actuated various men ; with some it was a personal consciousness of guilt, with others it may have been sloth or even ambition. To the slothful as to the timid the monastery was a refuge from the storms whither they might flee, as to the wilderness, and be at rest. To the ambitious it was a pedestal from which to look down upon their fellow men ; for the weak and irresolute it was a defence ; to the fanatic it seemed the safest way to heaven. The history of monasticism, like the history of states and of all human things, exhibits its various stages of growth, honour and decay. From the beginning of the 4th to the close of the 5th century is the age of impulsive enthusiasm ; inexperienced and undisciplined "it has all the fervour, and all the extrava- gance of aims too lofty to be possible, of wild longings, without method, without organisation, of energies which have not yet learned the practical limits of their own power. Everything is on a scale of illogical exaggeration 1 ." The next period is from the commencement of the 6th century to the time of Charlemagne, and in this, monasticism shows a more mature activity. There is now a traditional routine, a division of duties, with stated hours for devotion, for social inter- course, for study and for manual labour. Thus, with the revival of learning, the monks were pioneers of civilisation to barbarian natives. The Lerinensian schools were the forerunners of the Benedictine seminaries in France, and of the professorships in the universities of mediaeval Christendom. After the downfall of Rome it was among the monks that musicians, painters, statesmen were found. The third stage is that of decay. Its story, as is always the case, makes sad reading. It is now that we begin to see ostentation for simplicity, worldliness for spirituality, rivalry for respect, luxury for poverty. It is the old story ; empires and individuals are alike ruined by the material prosperity which 1 Dr Gregory Smith, Christian Monasticism, Introduction, p. 9. 12 INTRODUCTION eats into noble ideals like the cankerworm. Pride ever goes before destruction, and a haughty spirit before a fall. The state of the world called for an exhibition of stern Christianity, as a counteractive to the prevalent and growing laxity. It was needed to act as a check to the undisciplined tendency of the time. But it could scarcely be hoped that even the old Roman spirit of austerity could save an empire fast crumbling to pieces. Numberless families were in distress and misery through the continuous inroads of barbarian hordes, needing bread for their bodies and food for their souls. Untamed natures required discipline and the ignorant needed teaching. The educational establishments with which Roman munificence had endowed the principal towns of Gaul had for the most part disappeared in the 3rd and 4th centuries. " Alas for our days, for the study of letters hath perished from among us 1 ." The monastic order also accepted as its mission the preservation to the world of the masterpieces of past centuries of culture. All who are not blinded by strong religious prejudices will ungrudgingly ac- knowledge the value of the literary services to posterity thus rendered. It has been well said that " Englishmen remember monasteries only in their decadence, they have entirely forgotten that for 1500 years they were the well-springs of living water from which our faith flowed to fertilise the world. They were the sacred homes where Christian art, painting, music, archi- tecture and learning were born and nourished. They were the holy sanctuaries where divine love, that flame from the heart of God, was cherished and fed by prayer and grace, until it burst forth in missionary zeal which overturned empires and claimed the world for God." Monasticism. A brief notice here of the rise of the monastic system may form also a part of our prelude to the main theme. At first, of course, ascetics or those who regarded life as a severe discipline did not form a class separated from other Christians; for the faith was in itself an ascetic practice. Tertullian in his Apology 1 Greg. Praef. INTRODUCTION I 3 expressly says that Christians did not separate themselves from the rest of mankind ; nor did distinctive Christian monasticism exist till late in the 3rd century. Asceticism or self-discipline was practised, but then the Christian profession was itself an acncr)iuperstitiously attaching to his very garments when ..rer had departed this life. It is related that a man came to the deacon Stephen in a high state of rover, and asked for a cloth which had been used for Caesarius: "Give me E :' the cloth to cure my shivering." Stephen having brought him a linen kerchief with which the bodv had been wiped, the man refused to take it. " Why do you lie ? " he said, with indignation. " I know well that the saint did not wear line Having himself learnt to obey. Caesarius was well qualified jommand. and was very impatient of disobedience, whoever - the author, and whatever the cause. It is told us by his crapher. how on one occasion he was travelling with another bishop, when they met an old woman with body bent, dragging herself along, rather than walking. Moved with pity, Caesarius made his companion get out ot the carriage, bless her. and take her by the hand and raise her up. Eucherius — for it was he — sought to excuse himself, and suggested :hat his brother should cam- out his own request But Caesarius cut short the spute; his impatience would brook no opposition to his wishes : " Come, give your hand to this woman in the name of the Lord and raise her up." But if the will of our saint would not brook disobedience ever .en it had the colour oi reason- ableness, we may imagine that it was imperious in more important matters. On one occasion, when he found that the rules of abstinence, silence, and prayer were being relaxed, he went in person to the monastery of Lerins and having spoken very severe y to the delinquents, he threatened that unless things were altered he would come again ; " not with the simple rod of fch. but with the chastisements he held in reserve for hardened hear- CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT I4I That he had a tender heart concealed beneath this severe exterior may be seen by the practical manner in which fa for the poor and the sick found expression. In these days of hospitals, infirmaries, and provision for coping with all sorts of disease, we look back and find a great forerunner in this 5th century bishop. He had built, close by his episcopal residence in Aries, a spacious hospital where a large number of beds were at the service of the poor and infirm. It has a modern touch about it to find that he had a doctor specially appointed to serve there, to give advice and medicine gratis. The church hard by ministered to the needs of their souls. The poor were his constant thought If he had a weakness it was an excess of generosity : the doors of his house were never closed to the needy. Those who had the care of his cellars and treasury found it no easy matter to practise needful economy ; through his desire to give to others his companions often endured compulsory fasts. This self-denying bishop, whose theological interest we shall presently consider, presided over his see for forty years, and during this time he did not escape suspicion and misconception. On one occasion indeed he - accused before Alaric, by a notary named Licinus, of a plot to bring the state of Aries under the subjection of the Burgundian rulers. The accusation was for a time believed, and he t exiled to Bordeaux. It was not long, however, before he able to prove his innocence and gain his recall. It is noteworthy that he bore no malice to his false accuser, and it was character- istic of the reality of his religion that he interceded for the calumniators life. Another great trial came upon him as a result of the Burgundian invasion of the Mediterranean provinces which Theodoric was anxious to re-conquer and re-organise. Owing to the vigorous resistance of the defenders of Aries against the combined forces of the Franks and Burgundiar.s. Theodoric arrived in time to relieve the city. This succe-f 2s of material advantage to him in his endeavour to weld the conflicting interests of Ostrogoths and Visigoths, But just outside the c walls a monastery which was in course of construction by 142 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS Caesarius was razed to the ground. A still less endurable trial was the suspicion of treachery that fell upon him. A young relative foreseeing the capture of the garrison, and dreading the consequences, succeeded in entering the besiegers' camp, and, unfortunately, failed to satisfy either them or the besieged. He accused Caesarius of sending him, and of a deliberate attempt to deliver the city into the enemy's hands. The Goths, on the other hand, believed the youth was his emissary, and invading his home, seized the bishop, and were about to send him to a fortress, but being prevented, kept him prisoner in his own house. When events took another turn, and their attention was drawn elsewhere, he was set at liberty. His freedom, however, was no joy to him when he con- templated the horrors of the war. There were the usual attendant miseries and consequences — devastation, suffering, massacre, pestilence. To alleviate the distress and repair the ravages was the bishop's first thought and chief desire, and he applied all his resources to this work. Even the enemy, who were prisoners, were allowed to share in his solicitous care. His religion, as always, coloured all his actions ; humanity, brother- hood, was its keynote. He even sold the furniture and sacred vessels of the church to provide necessaries, not, of course, without a grave and loud protest against this sacrilege. In defence Caesarius nobly replied, " I should like to know what my critics would have said were they in the place of the captives ? God who gave Himself as the price of man's redemp- tion, will not begrudge my redeeming captives with altar metal." To the objection that there were now no costly vessels for communion, he answered that Christ " did not use silver." He was as generous with his own possessions as he had been with those of the church ; his cellar and his table were at the disposal of the hungry, and on one occasion he had absolutely nothing left. His dependents somewhat anxiously asked how much longer they themselves must go without food, when, almost as if by magic, a royal gift of three shiploads of wheat arrived. Apart from the generosity, it was a significant recognition, by Gondebaud and Sigismund, of the value of the services the bishop had rendered to their subjects. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT I43 Theodoric's sovereignty included the country under the metropolitan jurisdiction of Caesarius. He sent messages from Ravenna to Aries : " Let the people consider themselves delivered, not conquered." He only fears one possibility, namely, that the barbarian influence may have left an abiding impression upon them, and he urges them to remember their Roman traditions, and to rid themselves of the manners of strangers. Under his laws and government the province changed for the better, and began to recover from its disasters. Caesarius commenced the rebuilding of his monastery ; it was ready for consecration when he was summoned to Ravenna to see the king, and to answer for the third time an accusation with which the local governor was evidently not competent to deal. It was a strange irony that his wide charity provided the pretext. From the first, however, Theodoric seems to have been convinced of the bishop's innocence, and when he entered the king's presence the latter went to meet him, spoke to him most affably, and was greatly impressed by his attitude and bearing. After the bishop's departure Theodoric expressed his regret and displeasure that so good a man should have been dragged like a prisoner so great a distance. The king further sent Caesarius a valuable present of money and a gold plate, which he promptly sold, and devoted the proceeds to the relief of the poor and the captives. His reputation soon reached Rome. The pope (Symmachus) wanted greatly to see him, honoured him with the bestowal of the pallium, confirmed him as Metropolitan, and made him " Vicar of the Holy Chair." He returned to Aries, like a conqueror crowned with the glories and honours of victories. At length the possibility of suspicion and mistrust is over; he had gained the confidence and admiration of the highest, and the popular acclamation of the lowest. We must pass over the details of this journey, which are very fully described by Cyprian, who was responsible for this part of the life-history of Caesarius. It is noticeable how this strong-minded, level-headed bishop recognised authority ; " the holy pope of the city of Rome has ordered " was a favourite formula of his, and he appealed to him in any matter of unusual importance. 144 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS His Influence at Councils. Reckoned among the chief sources of information for an estimate of the character and powers of Caesarius, must be the councils at which he presided, the deliberations of which he guided by his master mind. At each we may trace the influence, and note the ideas, of a great bishop who has helped to make Lerins famous as a school of training. First in date and ranking in importance with the second of Orange, is the council which met at Agde in A.D. 506, in the 22nd year of Alaric, Arian king of the Goths ; in this council the influence of Caesarius is clearly manifest. His name stands first in the list of signatories. Modern collections contain seventy- one canons of this council, but these were not all passed at Agde. The first forty-seven and the last one are doubtless genuine, the remainder being either resumes or extracts from the deliberations of other councils. It has historical, political and ecclesiastical interest ; historical because it marks the transition between the Gallo-Roman and Gallo-French Church ; political, in that it throws light upon the extent of Alaric's kingdom ; and ecclesi- astical, in so far as it treats of the institutions of the Gallic Church. The contact with far distant churches reflects the comprehensiveness of Caesarius' catholic mind. The canons are imbued with the disciplinary zeal and methodical precision of its president. The council assembled " by permission of our lord, and king 1 " (i.e. Alaric), without any mention of the pope Symmachus. The prologue states the objects and aims of those assembled in council : " to discuss matters of clerical discipline and ordination, and of the temporalities of the church." Among the questions debated was the relation of the clergy to their bishop. It appears that the former had complained of episcopal severity, and Caesarius does not, by any means, exonerate his brother bishops of blame, and the council decided that " if a bishop forgot moderation, and excommunicated a cleric without good reason, or for some trivial offence, the neighbouring bishop 1 Ex permissu domini nostri gloriosissinii, magnificentissitnique regis. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 145 should interpose and not refuse communion to the victims of severity." The powers of those who were inclined to abuse their authority were thus checked, but it must not be supposed that justice was by any means irregular in administration. Priests were distinctly given to understand that they were under ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; those however who appealed from the ecclesiastical to a secular tribunal were threatened with ex- communication. The age of ordinands was also fixed ; the deacons must be twenty-five and priests or bishops, thirty. This, it was thought, would guarantee reality of vocation. The question of discipline in its moral bearing upon the individual cleric was discussed, and rules of great severity were promulgated. The perusal of the canons, and a knowledge of his requirements from ordination candidates quite clearly and sufficiently mark Caesarius as a disciplinarian of a most rigid and remarkable type, and show to what length his practical ideas of the religious life would legitimately lead him. A consideration of the council's deliberations on the tem- poralities of the Church shows us that the possessions of the Church arising from voluntary gifts were very considerable. The will of Caesarius affords evidence that he had almost doubled the wealth of the Church at Aries. The powers of the bishops in dealing with property were carefully limited ; funds designed for the good of the whole Church must not be lavished only upon those who serve her in the highest offices. There was a possibility that the bishops might take advantage of the powers and authority vested in them ; they were accordingly reminded that they were not the owners but only the stewards of ecclesiastical possessions. It was possible either to forbid altogether the alienation of the Church's goods, or to render it difficult by means of reservations. A check was put upon the possibility of extravagance by requiring the consent of neigh- bouring bishops before property could be alienated, except in special cases, duly stated, where it was a question of lands of small value, and difficult to make remunerative. Caesarius himself claims this exceptional right on occasion, for we read in his will that he had alienated some Church lands for the good of his monastery, because they were not of great extent, and were c. m. 10 I46 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS too distant. In a similar way, the parochial clergy might not alienate parochial property without episcopal sanction. The State's approval was of course necessary where property and temporalities were concerned. Alaric published an edict sanc- tioning the canons of the council. Council of Aries. The Council of Aries assembled in A.D. 527, on the occasion of the dedication of the Church of the Holy Virgin, in the second year of the pontificate of John I. As at Agde so here, those present were occupied with measures of discipline, but with special reference to the country clergy. We have already noticed how fond Caesarius was of traversing the diocese, knowing and being known by the people of even the remote country parishes. This may partly explain " the rustic tone " observable in most of his sermons. This experience made him anxious to assist the work in secluded and sparsely populated districts. Owing to the scarcity of properly equipped clergy to fulfil the duties in these, there had been, on the part of the bishops, a deplorable lowering of the standard of requirements. There was also a danger in another direction, in the eagerness of lay patrons to accept almost anyone for preferment. Caesarius determined to set his brother bishops free from lay importunity and episcopal weakness alike, and therefore reasserted the age limit for the priesthood and diaconate, and exacted other reasonable conditions. The Council of Carpentras. The Council of Carpentras was held on November 6th A.D. 527 (the second year of Athalaric, king of Italy), when fifteen bishops were present. It is curious to note that all but two signed as peccator (sinner), not as episcopus (bishop). In their deliberations we see in Caesarius that rare combination of the practical man of the world and the saint. As a saint he was most particular that his clergy should be good men ; as a business man he would see that they had the wherewithal to live. The Council of Carpentras admitted that, while each CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 147 parish had the right to keep its revenues for its own use, a bishop who was poor might receive help from rich parishes ; where he had sufficient for his reasonable expenses he was forbidden to take anything from any parish, rich or poor. Only one canon was passed, which was to this effect : " If the cathedral church has enough property for its expenses, the parochial revenues shall be employed for the clergy who serve them, or for church expenses and repairs ; if the bishop's expenses exceed the income of the revenues of his church, he shall be able to draw what he needs from the richest parishes, leaving them what will suffice for their requirements." As an illustration of synodical action at this early date it may be mentioned that Agroecius, bishop of Antipolis, was suspended at this council for conferring Holy Orders contrary to the canons. He was doubly to blame in that he had himself subscribed his name to this very canon, and when summoned to state his defence refused to attend. This was, of course, too much for a disciplinarian like Caesarius, who soon brought his delinquent brother bishop to his senses by forbidding him to say mass for a year. This intimation was sent by Caesarius in the following letter : " Caesarius Bishop, and the other Bishops assembled at the Council of Carpentras, to our Venerable Brother, Bishop Agroecius,... Although you might have been present in person, or by deputy, at the council, to give an account of the ordination which you are said to have conferred ; and although priests may not ignore the canons, yet the error was almost lighter if, through ignorance, you had done wrong, than if you were a transgressor of the canons to which your hand or that of your deputy had subscribed. But now you are bound fast in a twofold impeachment ; since you are acknow- ledged to have erred heedlessly not only against the decrees of the Venerable Fathers, but also against your own. Wherefore, we have sanctioned this by a mutual deliberation in Christ, that since the statutes, inserted in the canons through you, bind our son Protadius, and bind you by a like vote, you may not presume to perform mass until after the expiry of a year. For it is right that what is established among overseers, God being the Mediator, should be kept undefiledly. For what reverence 10 — 2 148 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS of observance will be manifested by those who come after, if the law is broken in the first place by those through whom it was established ? " Council of Vaison. Twelve bishops were present at the Second Council of Vaison. We can again trace the desire of Caesarius to impress upon the minds of the young the necessity and value of acquiring knowledge and instruction. Young men must read and give themselves to systematic study. His personality and his master- mind left their mark upon the deliberations at Vaison, as seen in the determination that a parish priest must have young men at his house for the purpose of imparting religious instruction to them in preparation for the work of the ministry ; and that, with a special view to providing for the spiritual needs of country parishes, the right of preaching, hitherto confined to bishops, was now given to priests. Where the priests, for some reason- able cause, might be hindered, the deacon could read a homily culled from one of the Fathers. In an admonition addressed by Caesarius to his brethren, we have a curious sidelight upon the incapacity and indolence of some bishops of the period. In some of the towns in which they lived there was a lack of religious instruction. The disciplinarian took them severely to task for their slackness. He expresses his views with the emphasis of conviction, and with modesty and tact justifies his action : " If I were to consider my own faults I should perhaps scarcely presume to offer advice to workers in the country, on account of what is written, ' Cast out first the beam out of thine own eye,' and ' He that teacheth another, doth he not teach himself? ' But if such considerations might deter me, a greater thing is said, ' Oh thou wicked servant, wherefore gavest not thou my money into the bank, that at my coming I might have required mine own with usury.' On this account I, unprofitable trader, presume to offer you, with all humility and respect, those pearls of the Lord, in order that you may be wise and successful traders. The sluggard and the ignorant, the reluctant or dilatory can gain no advantage to himself from these ; I offer them to you so that by the gift of God a crown that doth not fade may CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 149 be given to you, and that I may receive the pardon of my sins through your intercession." If, he proceeds to say, we consider with an honest and anxious heart our grave responsibilities and the enormous weight that rests upon the shoulders of all priests, it is not a light thing that the Lord through the prophet thunders forth to priests : " Cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet " ; and that the apostle says : " Remember, that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears." If he never ceased night and day, do we neglect to minister the salt of doctrine to the Lord's sheep ? And so, fearing this, the apostle says in the same place, " I am pure from the blood of all men." From what blood did the apostle say he was pure ? From none other than that concerning which the prophet bears witness, " If thou hast not given a wicked man warning of his iniquity, I will require his blood at thy hand " — the blood of souls, not of bodies. Solemnly S. Paul writes to his disciple, " I charge thee before God and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall judge the quick and the dead at His appearing and His Kingdom " ; and if you ask of what thing it was that he made so terrible a requirement, the apostle adds, " Preach the word, be instant in season, out of season." What is " in season," what is " out of season," if not that " in season " applies to those willing, to whom a warning must be given ; and " out of season " refers to the unwilling, for on the unwilling it must be forced. Thus, then, I suggest that we ought to fear lest any of our sons witnessing against us in the Day of Judgment say that we did not forbid them unlawful things, nor did we urge them to those that were needful. The apostle says also elsewhere, "Give attendance to reading, to exhortation, to doctrine 1 "; " do the work of an evangelist 2 ." Many names are suitably applied to priests ; we are called pastors, and we are named rulers or bishops. If we are in truth pastors, we ought to provide spiritual pastures for the Lord's flock ; if we are rulers, we ought bravely and strongly so to direct the ship of the Church by the help of God, amid the waters of this world, that we may be able without going astray to enter the harbour of paradise with a direct course. For a 1 1 Tim. iv, 12. - i Tim. iv, 5. 150 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS bishop is interpreted to be an overseer, and so, since we have been placed in a higher position, let us by God's help fulfil, with great diligence, our office, and always be solicitous for the Lord's flock, fearing what the Lord says concerning priests and abbots : " I will require my sheep at the hand of the shepherds." Since we have been appointed by the Lord to rule the ship of the Church, so with the helm of the two Testaments, let us guide her by God's help in such a way that turning neither to the right hand nor the left, we may be able, in spite of difficulty, to hold a direct course amid the great dangers of this world. Just as ships' captains, if they become inactive through much sleep, or fail to issue right directions to their sailors, quickly suffer shipwreck ; so also, unless the rulers of the Church, sometimes by severity, sometimes by gentle exhortation, some- times even by chastisement, have shown the right course to eternal life, there will be judgment and not mercy. I ask therefore, and adjure you through Him whom ye serve, that you pardon my presumption. For I am quite sure that my some- what crude suggestions may cause asperity, and generate con- tempt in scholarly ears. Yet, if any will listen to me gladly and patiently, and believe in God, He is true and faithful, and will repay obedience with eternal rewards. By introducing these matters, I am eager to receive absolution at the hands of God. I am sure that I shall have no fear concerning these suggestions before the tribunal of the Eternal Judge, because they have proceeded from a sincere humility and perfect love. The inference from this Admonition to Bishops is that they were not above making excuses for the neglect of their plain duty. Some bishops of that day lived under prosperous conditions ; they were large landowners, and spent most of their time " inspecting their property, adjusting rents, exacting taxes." They gave very specious reasons to justify this way of spending their time ; it was " in the interests and on behalf of their ruined churches or hungry poor." Caesarius was not slow to see through these superficial excuses, and dismissed them with almost biting scorn : " By all means render an account of your lands, but this is the work of an hour or two a day ; better lose some of your revenues than neglect the spiritual interests of CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT I 5 I those whose care is yours." As for the poor who are dying of hunger, he somewhat sarcastically suggests the bishops might curtail the expenses of their own table ! Some of the bishops, either because they feared these excuses would be insufficient, or because they were too sincere to offer them to Caesarius, said they were " quite incapable of preaching." With regard to this lame and impotent excuse Caesarius tries to show them it is not so difficult if they will be content with simple expositions. If they cannot manage this, they can take patristic homilies as models, and copy them if need be. If this is beyond them, he caustically tells them, they can ask the priests and deacons to do the preaching for them ! Five canons were passed, to this effect: (1) All country priests shall receive into their homes young unmarried men to read : and, like good fathers, they must spiritually nourish them, making them familiar with the Psalms, and the Holy Scriptures, and instructing them in the law of the Lord. (2) For the edification of all the churches, and the advantage of the whole people, we give to priests the power to preach not only in the towns, but also in all country parishes. If a priest, prevented by infirmity, is unable to preach, the homilies of the holy Fathers shall be recited by the deacons. If deacons are worthy to read what Christ said in the gospel, why are they judged unworthy publicly to read the expositions of the holy Fathers? (3) Since throughout all the Eastern and Italian provinces, an agreeable and beneficial custom has been introduced of saying the Kyrie Eleison more often, it has been resolved by us that in all our churches this holy custom shall be introduced, both at matins, at mass and at vespers. (4) It has seemed to us right that the name of the pope be remembered in our churches. (5) As the words, " as it was in the beginning," are said after the Gloria, throughout the East, and in Africa and Italy, on account of the deceit of the heretics who blasphemously say that the Son of God was not always with the Father, but " began to be," for there was a time when " He was not," we also decree the words shall be said in all our churches. 152 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS T' n /ie Synod of Marseilles. The Synod of Marseilles, A.D. 533, was a gathering of bishops, who were constituted a tribunal for the trial of a bishop on a serious charge, which was proved by both clerical and lay witnesses. He owned to his guilt, expressed his deep regret, and was sent to a monastery. Caesarius the disciplinarian expected it would be perpetual excommunication, but the penitent bishop soon fulfilled his own idea of penance, and before a year was out resumed his episcopal work. But it was the fault of the synod, who seem to have acted very languidly in the matter ; and even Caesarius himself was not careful to guard this stringent discipline by specific declaration, and so he was foiled and appealed to Rome. The pope decided to deprive the offending bishop of his episcopal functions. The latter made an unexpected counter-appeal to the new pope, in which he maintained an air of injured innocence, and managed to deceive him to such an extent that the pope wrote to censure Caesarius. Whatever be the merits or demerits of the case in question, it will be conceded that our bishop paid dearly for a mistake of which he was rarely if ever guilty, when he failed to ensure that the " finding of the court " was in due form and order. Semipelagianism, as we have seen, was the doctrinal question of his age and of his country. Caesarius, though a disciple of Augustine, and largely borrowing from his views and sermons, strongly protested against predestination to evil. He also wrote a work " on grace and free-will," which was sanctioned by pope Felix. In it are reflected his practical zeal and his fervent charity ; with much independence of thought, he made use of augustinian doctrine in a way most natural to one who referred everything to God and saw Him in every circumstance of life. It must not be inferred that he was weak and vacillating, for though deservedly lauded as thoroughly representative of broad- minded liberalism, he was a man of most courageous convictions, and never feared to give definite and emphatic witness to them. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 1 53 The Predestinarian Controversy. The Second Council of Orange, A.D. 529, is chiefly important from the fact that it is the only one of the councils under the presidency of Caesarius which treats of matters of faith. Fourteen bishops were present. The object of the lay signatories was to show that the canons affected the laity equally with the clergy. Besides the preface and conclusion, there were twenty- five canons on grace and free-will. To these were added three propositions. The preface states the aims and intentions of those who met for deliberation and discussion : " After considering matters of ecclesiastical rule, it was declared that there are some who, through simplicity of heart, are willing to think with too little caution concerning grace and free-will, and not in accord with the rule of the catholic faith. Wherefore, it seems to us just and reasonable that, following the suggestion and authority of the apostolic see, we ought to put forth and sign with our hand a few opinions transmitted to us, which have been gathered by the ancient Fathers from the books of the Holy Scriptures, for the purpose of teaching those who hold opinions other than they ought ; after reading which, let him, who has not hitherto believed, as he ought, concerning grace and free-will, delay not to turn his mind to those things which are agreeable to the catholic faith." The general conclusions stated that, according to the view of the Holy Scriptures, and the definitions of the ancient Fathers, we ought with God's help to preach and believe this, namely, that through the sin of the first man, free-will has been abased and enfeebled to such an extent that no one can now either love God as he ought, or believe in God or do good on His account, unless the grace of divine mercy has prevented him. Therefore we believe that, to Abel the just, and Noah, and Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and the whole multitude of the patriarchs, that illustrious faith of theirs, which the apostle Paul praises, was not given on account of any natural good, but by the grace of God. Which grace also, after the advent of Christ, we know and believe may be possessed by all who desire to be baptised ; not as an act of free-will, but conferred by the grace of Christ, according to what has just been said, and 154 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS which the apostle Paul preaches : " To you it is given in the behalf of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His sake," and, " God who hath begun a good work in you will perform it until the day of our Lord Jesus Christ," and again, " By grace are ye saved through faith and that not of yourselves ; it is the gift of God." And the apostle says of himself, " I obtained mercy that I might be faithful " (he did not say " because I was," but " that I might be "), and, " What hast thou that thou didst not receive ? " and again, " Every good gift and every perfect gift is from above, and cometh down from the Father of lights," and again, " A man can receive nothing, except it be given him from heaven." There are, it was stated, innumerable testimonies from the Holy Scriptures which can be produced to prove grace, " but they are omitted for the sake of brevity, and because to him to whom a few will not suffice, more will be no profit." The three propositions were: (i) We believe this also according to the catholic faith, that all the baptised can and ought to accomplish by the help and co-operation of God, with the grace received through baptism, all things that tend to their soul's salvation, provided they are wishful to work faithfully. (2) That some are by the divine power predestinated to evil, we not only do not believe, but, also, if there are any who are willing to believe such a wicked thing, we say to them anathema > with every possible abhorrence. (3) This also we profess and believe that, in every good work, it is not we that begin, and are afterwards aided by the mercy of God, but that He, without any preceding merit on our part, inspires us with faith and .love, in order that we may faithfully seek the sacrament of baptism, and after baptism, be able, with His help, to accomplish those things which are pleasing to Him. Wherefore most clearly we must believe that the faith of that thief whom the Lord summoned to paradise, and of the centurion Cornelius to whom the angel of the Lord was sent, and of Zacchaeus who was worthy to receive the Lord Himself, did not come by nature, but was a gift of divine grace. And because it is our wish and desire that the definition of the ancient Fathers, and our own herein subscribed, may be a remedy CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 1 55 not only for the clergy, but also for the laity, it has been decreed by us that certain illustrious and eminent men, who have been present with us at the aforementioned dedication, should sub- scribe it with their own hand. Thus did Caesarius stoutly deny predestination to evil. Moreover, he sent emissaries to submit these decrees to pope Felix IV, requesting his sanction. It was the latter's successor — Boniface II — however that received the deputation, and ratified what was promulgated at this council. His Style of Preaching. As a preacher Caesarius was vigorous and practical, knew his Bible well, was anxious his hearers should understand it, and was fond of showing the connection between the Old and New Testaments. If his style was not polished in diction, and intellectual in matter, it must be remembered that we see him rather as a country parson speaking to simple rustic folk, than as a scholar addressing his congregation from a University pulpit. He was adverse to a too studied style because, he used to say, there were some preachers whose false delicacy was such that they were far more afraid to offend against purity of diction, than to inveigh against purity of morals. There were of course many in Aries who were educated and refined, but Caesarius is careful to explain his reason for simplicity. In a sermon on Rebecca 1 he says/'Let the learned accommodate themselves to the ignorance of the simple, for if the Holy Scriptures are explained with that order and eloquence which marks the exposition of the holy Fathers, then the food of doctrine will only benefit the few scholarly minds, and the rest of the people will go away hungry ; and so I humbly beg that intellectual ears may be content to receive with equanimity simple words, so that the whole of the Lord's flock may receive spiritual sustenance in plain language. Since the unlearned and simple cannot rise to the altitude of the scholars, let the learned come down to the ignorance of the simple, because what will be said to these, the scholars can understand, but what is preached to the scholars 1 Migne, Vol. 39, App. Aug. Sermon 10. 156 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS the simple cannot receive." There is no attempt here to excuse himself, or to hide insufficient talent ; he was actuated solely by the desire to be helpful to the greatest number. He even encouraged his congregation to make further enquiry into those points which he did not make quite clear in his sermons. He certainly must have sympathised with the weaknesses of human nature, for he did not unduly try their patience, or render attention difficult or impossible. The bishop was one of those who believe it is better to end a sermon while the people still desire more, than to preach to those who have already had enough. Many discourses of his, which are still extant, would certainly occupy but a few minutes in delivery. He was ready to make allowances for human infirmities, but would brook no weak excuses. There were no seats in the churches, but he was quite willing, with a most fatherly solicitude, to excuse those who from weakness of body could not stand through a service, but when some gave a too liberal latitude to this privilege, he very quickly and sternly reprimanded them : " Some think they may sit down, though they are quite strong and well." Again if any sought to leave the church before the sermon, they feared to face the severity of his reprimand. While he impressed upon his clergy the importance of preaching, the younger ones must have felt he was almost one of themselves, and knew their difficulties and struggles in the preparation of sermons. He even went so far as willingly to lend his own sermons, and his brother bishops were not averse to utilising his outlines! He, in his turn, appears to have borrowed largely from the words and works of others, sometimes to such an extent that with the exception of an introduction and conclusion of his own composition, the complete sermon was borrowed. What a precedent for young preachers who would fain borrow (and then with hesitation) the mere skeleton of an idea, to clothe with the flesh of their own words ! There is just a suspicion of artfulness in the way in which he nicely measured his borrowed discourses to the usual length of his own com- positions, and with delightful candour he recommended his episcopal brethren to do the same ! "If the words of the Lord and the prophets and apostles are recited by priests and deacons, CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 1 57 why not those of Ambrose, Augustine, or of mine, or of any saint ? The servant is not greater than his lord. To them to whom is given authority to read the gospel, I believe it is allowed to recite in church the sermons of God's servants or the expositions of the canonical Scriptures 1 ." He was by no means a dishonest plagiarist ; he was most careful to preserve to each writer the honour of authorship, either by marginal notes, or by the title of the sermon. When his subject was the charity of which he himself, as we have seen, was so bright an example, he, though generally a preacher of short sermons, scarcely knew when to stop. In treating of the connection between the Old and New Testaments, he was not anxious to find new and unusual explanations, but to emphasise and enlarge those that were already well known through the work of his predecessors. He was the interpreter of the figurative and mystic, rather than of the literal sense, a follower rather of Origen than of Chrysostom. Choosing as his theme the choice by Abraham of a wife for Isaac, Caesarius thus proceeds : " Here is an actual and literal fact, call it even an historical incident. But what possible interest can so simple a fact have for Christians? To marry and be given in marriage are the common occurrences of everyday life in every rank of society. What then is the mystical and figurative interpretation for us ? Abraham is typical of God the Father, Isaac of the prophetic word ; he sent his son a long journey to seek a wife, even as the Father sent the prophetic word through the whole earth to seek the catholic Church as a bride for His only begotten Son ; Isaac coming into the field typifies Christ coming into the world." But his mystical explanations are never so forced, unnatural or far fetched as some of Origen's ; they are brief, exact, clear and sober. He would open with an introduction, the details of which were quite familiar to his hearers ; a short explanation would follow, and the conclusion would be a resume in a practical form, and with a definite purpose. Thus his exegesis is continuous, his exposition plain, and his lesson simple. He seeks to find Christ in every Old Testament saint ; their 1 Vita, Bk i, chap. 5, 41. 158 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS very names speak of Him ; every incident of deformity, wickedness, ingratitude is a type of those who disown Him ; each circumstance of most ordinary occurrence speaks of His ministry. When people come out to mock Elisha, they typify the detraction of Christ. When Laban pursues Jacob, it is the devil persecuting Christ. Jacob's well prefigures the waters of baptism. To enforce his practical lessons, he would see in Abraham a model of hospitality ; in Pharaoh's punishment the terrible consequences of delayed repentance. In fact all the sermons of Caesarius are interesting and instructive, picturesque and practical, and provide a most fascinating study. We can only give extracts of one of them by way of illustration. It is a sermon on Jacob 1 . (1) The mysteries of Christ are foreshadowed in Jacob. (2) Jacob carries a staff, Christ the wood of the cross. Concerning blessed Jacob, we do not read that he went out with horses, or asses, or camels, but we read this only, that he carried a staff in his hand : " With my staff I passed over this Jordan." Jacob therefore had only a staff when he received a wife, and Christ carried the wood of the cross to redeem the Church. (3) What the ladder seen by Jacob typifies. Jacob slept, and saw the Lord standing at the top of the ladder. " What is it to stand on the ladder, but to hang on the cross ?" Consider brethren, Who, hanging on the cross, prayed for the Jews, and do not be ignorant Who it was standing on the ladder that called to Jacob from Heaven. But why was this done on the journey, before Jacob received a wife ? Because the true Jacob, our Lord, first of all was on the ladder, i.e. on the cross, and afterwards joined the Church to Himself. (4) Jehovah standing on the ladder prefigured Christ. What Jacob saw in a figure in sleep, this the Lord predicted of Himself in the gospels: "Ye shall see," He says, "the heavens opened and the angels of God ascending and descending upon the Son of Man." If angels descended on the Son because He was on earth, how did these same angels ascend to the Son of Man, unless because He was in heaven ? 1 Migne, Vol. 39, Sermon n. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 1 59 And so Jacob slept, and He Himself called to Jacob from heaven. (5) Preachers are angels ascending and descending. For when God's preachers announce lofty and deep things from the Holy Scriptures, which are not understood except by the perfect, they ascend to the Son of Man ; but when they preach those things which belong to the correction of morals, and which all people can understand, they descend to the Son of Man. In this sermon we see how Caesarius was anxious always to leave an abiding impression upon his hearers and was not afraid to reiterate what he had already said. He concludes then by saying: "In order that what we have suggested above may more tenaciously cling to your minds, let us briefly repeat what has been said ; Blessed Isaac, sending his son, is a type of God the Father ; Jacob who is sent typified the Lord Christ ; the ladder reaching to heaven prefigures the cross ; in the Lord standing above the ladder, Christ crucified is shown ; by angels ascending and descending on it, the apostles and apostolic men and all teachers of the Church are understood, ascending when they preach perfection to the perfect, descending when they introduce to the poor and unskilled simple things which they can understand. His Practical Teaching and Church Discipline. In his Admonitions 1 we find mystical exegesis and inter- pretation, and here he inculcates the duties of a Christian life. In them there is much originality of thought, conception and plan. They reveal his character in no uncertain manner. His exegetical homilies were intended almost exclusively for the city of Aries ; these Admonitions had a far wider sphere of influence, and possess a more than ephemeral value. They were intended for the common people, crassly ignorant of the most elementary notions of Christian duty ; they were, therefore, simple without pretence of learning, and of course eminently practical. Doctrines in 1 Most of these will be found in Migne, Pat. Lat. Vol. 39, App. l6o A NURSERY OF BISHOPS themselves were useless if not made use of; faith is valuable only when it issues in good works. " It is in vain that you swear a thousand times that you have faith, if you have not the will to practise and carry into effect all that you profess with your lips. It is by no means a perfect faith to aspire earnestly after rewards if you live as though punishments did not exist." He calls the baptismal questions " a sacramental dialogue," in order to impress on his hearers the solemn contract made therein with God 1 : "When the bishop asks the candidate, 'Do you renounce the devil and his works ? ' he offers a contract for signature. When the reply is given, ' I renounce,' you have signed the contract." To emphasise this idea still further, he gives a simple, if startling, illustration from the law courts. " How careful a man is not to violate the terms of a deed which he has signed ; he will risk the loss of his goods, and even of his life. Should he not much more fear to violate the terms of his faith before Him who reigns above?" Those who thought the mere rite of baptism was everything and carried with it no further obligation, were asked, "Who would wish to find himself at death in the same state as when he received baptism ? " " Who, if he planted a young vine in his field would wish it to be the same at the end of several years as when he planted it ? " " Or, who would wish that his child should be, after five or six years, as weak as at its birth ? " Then, with the thought in his mind of what was expected from slaves, he turns upon those who exacted so much from them, and he says, " These slaves belong to us entirely ; if they followed us with the most serene protestations of respect and devotion, and yet did nothing we told them, how indignant we should be ! Yet we did not create our slaves. But we serve God, Who did create us, in this way." Ritual. In the same practical way he treats a piece of ritual. The sign of the cross had degenerated into a superstition, and people degraded its use and made it a mockery. Led away by their lusts and temptations, they would make the holy sign, but 1 Those to be baptised made answer with their own lips. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT l6l without the least intention of foregoing their desire. " They shut up the devil within them rather than expel him from them." Eternal Punishment. Those who held that sins would be expiated in the next world by temporary punishment, based their belief upon the teaching of S. Paul, " If any man's work shall be burned he shall suffer loss, but he himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire." Caesarius accused them of abusing the text, and of constructing a weak argument thereon ; he also denounced conclusions which resulted from their erroneous view, for since they thought the punishment was temporary, they did not trouble about it. He impressed on them his belief that the fire would be worse to bear than anything one could imagine. He refused to make any assertion as to its duration ; the uncertainty was to him a reason to keep us the more on our guard. He could not have belonged to that school of thought which prides itself upon its absolute assurance of salvation here and now ; but he appeals to the hearts of those who, without being morbid or unreal, only dare to hope and pray that their souls may be saved at the latter day. The Judge and the Judgment Day are ever present to his mind, the sentence is decisive : " It is one of two things, we either mount to heaven, or descend to hell, there is no escape 1 ." He would never have dared to say or suppose that a man could not fall after baptism, but he thankfully recognises in penitence the means of repairing the ravages of sin. Penance. For glaring sin, such as homicide, adultery, perjury, idolatry, or divination, there must be public penance, of which he gives a most vivid picture. The penitent stood before the faithful for the bishop's reprimand. Clothed in sombre garments, the supplicant is further invested by the bishop with a hair-cloth cloak ; he is then expelled from the church as having no right there until his reconciliation. Made to stand at the entrance of the church, all who enter it can see him. After the duration 1 Vita C. Bk II, c. i. C M. 1 1 162 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS and reality of his penance has been adjudged sufficient he would pass through the ranks of the faithful and prostrate himself full length before the bishop. Prayers and absolution followed. Such was the "ancient discipline" of the Church of which the Commination service of the Church of England speaks. On the question of the sufficiency of death-bed penitence — a view which was becoming general — and in order to try to set at rest a difficult problem, Caesarius took a middle course between two extremes. On the one hand, Augustine taught that grace acted independently of all human merit, and this teaching conduced to great indulgence and a belief that penitence, at the moment of death, was as completely efficacious as at any time ; and on the other, there was the rigorous view that death-bed penitence was valueless. About the date of the Admonitions the indulgent theory was popular. Caesarius, with that common-sense which is so prominent a characteristic, seeks for the truth in each view, for surely there is some truth even in errors, and he says 1 : "If any one stricken down by serious illness shows his desire to return to God in tears and sorrow, and offers, though late, a sincere and effective reparation, he will be pardoned ; but if any one has lived an evil life, reserving penitence till the end of it, and sins in the hope of getting those sins pardoned as a whole ; and if, after having done penance, he does not restore what he has unjustly taken, and pardon his enemies with a good heart ; and if he has not the firm resolve, should he live, to do penance with much com- punction and humility for the rest of his life ; if such an one asked for penance and is of an age when he can and ought to offer it, this can be imposed on him, but I cannot assure him of entire security," and he wisely adds : " God, to whom consciences are known and Who will judge each according to his works, sees in what state of mind he is, and with what contrition he has demanded it;" for my part, I fear this penitent has not perhaps in his conscience what he does not show by his actions. Though Caesarius would therefore admit the death-bed convert to heaven, it would be to a place and honour very different from that reserved for those who have lived throughout their days in the 1 Sermon 256. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 163 practice of Christian duty; in his view these only will possess the kingdom, the others will have only rest ; the former a crown of glory, the latter repose ; the one will be a king, the other a subject. The opinion Caesarius held on the general value of penitence is that which is best expressed in the well-known words, " Rend your heart and not your garments." As befitted a practical man, he urged upon penitents that contrition of heart is agree- able to God, and the means suggested to test it were almsgiving, frequent prayer, self-denial, and self-discipline, and he was himself willing to dispense with all that was prescribed in formal public penance. His Teaching on the Eucharist. About the end of the 5th century a gross inconsistency was too often apparent between the profession and practice of com- municants. The authorities of the Church noted with concern that many who came to the Eucharist were becoming more and more careless of their daily conduct and were guilty of making the Lord's Table a table of devils by their luxury and drunken- ness, by frequenting pagan shows, and indulging in auguries and superstitions. S. Hilary of Aries had already lamented that many communicants were eager to leave the church, even before the penitents and catechumens. The Council of Agde, which seems to have feared that the Sacrament would fall into entire neglect, had accordingly enacted that "the faithful" must be in a suitable frame of mind to communicate at the festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Whitsunday, the "three times a year at least," enacted in similar circumstances by the English Church. Caesarius himself was at great pains to instruct the faithful on this serious matter, and in a few very homely illustrations he sets before them the necessity for due preparation 1 . These are well worth reproduction, and are admirably fitted to enforce their lessons on present day communicants. 1 Sermon 115. II- 164 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS Church Festivals. The festival at Christmas suggested to him the brilliant anniversaries in illustrious homes, and all the care and anxiety, thought and preparation which they entailed : " Think, I beg you, my brothers, with what anxiety a great man, wishing to celebrate his own or his son's birthday or coming of age, gives the order several days beforehand that all that is untidy in his house may be made neat, all that is unseemly be got rid of, and all that is necessary arranged. The house, lest it should appear gloomy, receives a coat of fresh paint, the floors are cleansed from their stains, and beautified with flowers. The greatest diligence is employed to insure a joyful heart and bodily pleasure. If then you make so many arrangements for your birthday, what ought you not to prepare for thy Lord's birth- day?" True to his love of reiteration he repeats the same lesson under another form, lest that drawn from the customs of the rich should fail to convey an apt illustration to the poor : " Certainly, if an earthly king, or father of a family, invited you to his birthday celebration, what fine clothes you would be compelled to have, if you accepted his invitation. How many new and clean things you would want, lest the age or other defects of the other ones shocked him who sent you the invitation. See then that your soul, costumed in varied virtues and adorned with pure pearls, presents itself in all good conscience at the festival of the Eternal King, in the nativity of the Saviour Lord." Thus we find in Caesarius an intense reality. In his idea of worship is no formality or mere compliance with custom, no lip-service or outward observance. Thus he insisted on his idea of public preparation for intending communicants, and a right and proper state of heart and life, and consequently to this end he advocated strict discipline in spiritual exercises. The Laity and Public Worship. Neglect of public worship was a subject of complaint in his day, and the excuses seem to have been pretty much the same, in character and futility, as they are at the present time. He CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 165 says : " I ask you, brothers, if shoemakers and workers in gold, and others are industrious that they may provide necessaries for the body, ought we not to rise before dawn for church, that we may be worthy to receive forgiveness of our sins? If business men are accustomed to be vigilant for money, why are we not vigilant for the love of eternal life ? " Prayer. He urged his hearers to avoid praying in a loud voice, " for we ought to supplicate God quietly and silently." He warned against wandering thoughts : " Let each one before he bends in prayer put aside, God helping him, all extraneous matters, so that holy meditations can find a place in his heart. He tells them for whom and for what to pray, not only for self but for all, not only for friends but for enemies, that God may deign to grant what He knows to be profitable to the soul ; he especially commends the Lord's Prayer, for " without doubt He willingly hears the prayer which He himself set forth." There was an idea in his time, not unknown in our own, that worship was the exclusive business of the clergy. The laity, with some show of gracious patronage, would keep things going financially. Caesarius teaches them by a clear allegory, in the comparison of the elm with the vine 1 . In this sermon the bishop shows that the elm typifies the rich, and the vine God's poor. The elm is sublime, lovely, yet has no fruit ; but the vine, though poor and lowly, is known to be full of fruit. What is the remedy to save the rich from being fruitless and the poor from ruin ? The rich must put forth their branches, i.e. their hands, well filled with the fruits of their field, and sustain Christ's poor, in order thereby to escape eternal fire. If they are unwilling to join in the vigils, readings and prayers which are necessary, they are as a barren elm, which bears no fruit to sustain human life. And in another sermon he says : " Some pay no attention, they are only gazers ; when they should incline their head for the blessing, most of them hold themselves as stiff as 1 Sermon 307. 166 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS columns. What hinders you from kneeling down ? With some it is simply negligence, with others it is pride or an anxiety not to spoil their clothes, or they disdain to bend their head beneath the hand of another man." He contrasts the Pharisee's attitude and Christ's : " He who is mercy incarnate prays prostrate on the ground, and he who is in need of mercy does not even bend." He reminds his hearers — and the lesson is needful to-day — that they should think, not of the unworthiness of him who pronounces the blessing, but of the blessing which God transmits through human lips ; they should receive it as heavenly dew and rain. This suggests a simple but excellent illustration : " The rain coming down on a lofty mountain does not delay its descent to the valley, so those who humbly incline to receive the blessing make in some sort valleys, where they receive the rain of divine blessing." The Observance of Lent. Caesarius does not strongly insist on the necessity of fasting, but this was partly because the faithful were most particular in its observance. He cannot be accused of objecting to it on selfish grounds, for he was most abstemious in his own life, and most stern in his ascetic self-discipline, but he brought to bear upon the subject that sound common-sense which distinguishes the practical Christian. He allows much latitude and when he says that it is a sin not to fast, it is scarcely more than a very venial one. Here are some of his views : " I say to no one, fast more than you can, I impose upon no one the obligations to abstain from wine or meat if his health does not permit it ; true mortification is to abstain from sin and to do God's command- ments 1 ." To his mind, the best spiritual exercise is that which provokes an effort and denotes progress ; he would rather revive in the soul the sense of Christian law than afflict the body with useless prescriptions. He makes his meaning and ideas clear by similes drawn from scenes of everyday life familiar to his hearers. He speaks of Lent as of "a place where the soul's ship, damaged by the world's tempests and sin's tumultuous sea, may be housed for repairs." This would appeal to sailors. "Just 1 Sermon 269, 3. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT l6? as at harvest time people gather what will suffice for life's needs, so Lent is a time of spiritual harvest and vintage, when we should put in reserve what will make the soul live eternally." This would be clear to the farmer. A Distinction between Flesh Meats. A curious sidelight on the distinction between flesh meats is furnished by the reproof that he administers to hunting men concerning their wrong observance of Lent. Caesarius absolutely forbade the flesh of beasts, but allowed and even advised the flesh of flying things for the sick and infirm. This distinction rested on the view that the flesh of birds is less heavy for the body and therefore less enervating for the soul than that of beasts. Huntsmen, however, thought that the flesh of things hunted was quite lawful, and fell under the ban of the bishop for their opinions, not because they desired to eat forbidden meats, but because a desire for dainty dishes betokened a desire for indulgence. He objected to their hunting all day, only because they deprived themselves and their servants of those spiritual exercises, which were specially incumbent upon them in Lent. " Do you think it fasting," he asks, " when a master makes no attendance at the first day's vigil, pays no visit to sacred shrines ; awakened with difficulty, he summons his slaves, who would delight to go to church, prepares his nets, sets off with his dogs, searches the woods, spending the whole day at the chase, alternately shouting or giving mute signals for silence, happy when he finds anything, furious if he lacks what he has never had, so great his ardour that he persuades himself the fast was instituted expressly that he may hunt ? " Here is a piece of counsel, culled from the bishop of Aries, which might, with advantage, be appropriately applied to some in high places, though it would doubtless fall on heedless ears : " Devote to sacred reading the time which the excitement of the game of dice has accustomed you to lose, or which you dissipate on a run with your hounds ; discourses on the Holy Scriptures make an intermission to foolish conversation, satirical fooling, and venomous lies." 168 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS On Almsgiving. The duty of almsgiving has priority of place as a Lenten observance ; it is good to fast, but it is better to give alms when fasting is impossible ; almsgiving will suffice, but the fast will not suffice without almsgiving. There must be no saving money in Lent, to spend on oneself afterwards. To save the expense of the evening fast, in order to use it for the morrow's meal, is to accumulate two repasts. The poor had increased and generosity slackened ; it was therefore necessary to emphasise the paramount duty of almsgiving. His practical ability comes to his assistance ; there is no indiscriminate charity with him ; he considers the whole of this complex problem from different aspects, he examines the foundations of it, he describes the effects, he apportions the amount, and regulates the distribution. Its foundation is the precept of Christ, Who identified Himself with the poor when He said, " I was hungry and ye gave Me meat, I was thirsty and ye gave Me drink, I was sick and ye visited Me." When ? " Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these My brethren, ye have done it unto Me." How necessary it is to impress upon people what this bishop said so many years ago, that it is an essential part of the Christian law ; everyone that calls himself, and claims to be, a Christian must obey that law, not the rich only, but the poor as well, each according to his means, for the poor will sometimes have an opportunity of giving to a brother still poorer " a glass of water to quench thirst, half of his piece of bread, a shelter in the corner of his hut, or some other act of charity." As for the rich, " What pretext can they give to be freed from a duty which is incumbent even upon the poor?" Thus, "the hand of the poor is a poor-box which opens in the hand of Christ ; nothing of what we put therein is lost, it is a portion of our temporal goods which we send before us to heaven as ransom for our soul." We are almost surprised to find this last thought in the words of Caesarius. The idea of doing good for a reward, of bargaining temporal loss for eternal gain is so sordid and CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 169 mean, and indeed provides the scoffer with one of those cheap sneers bestowed on the Christian. Caesarius rises to such a height of idealism in so much of his teaching that we are surprised to find this concession to human weakness. He almost teaches that we may substitute almsgiving for penance. As to proportion, he is, as usual, eminently practical : " When you come to church, bring what you can for the poor; if unable to give money bring wine, or even bread, if only a piece ; let those who can do so, bring new or worn clothing. If unable to do these things let them receive the pilgrim and prepare him a bed." He strongly advocated giving away a tenth, and urged it upon his people with vigorous argument. Aware that it was not binding upon them, he appeals to their sense of justice and reason : " God reserves to Himself a tenth of the goods He has given to you. Is this excessive ? What would you say if God had reserved to Himself nine-tenths? When he takes from you the greater part of what you possess, it is because you were unwilling to give the tenth, that He has taken away nine-tenths. To those who give the tenth, heaven in return for their generosity, dispenses its dew and its sun in good measure." We should, doubtless, pass criticism, or put a reservation on some of this argument, but the principle is good, and the obligation clear, while the need of proportionate giving is paramount. If each would do his share according to his means, there would be an end to begging calls, advertising appeals, monotonous deficits. Method, thought, discrimination, justice, are the preliminary axioms ; these are the underlying principles of genuine Christian socialism. Individual right is strongly acknowledged and gladly conceded, but individual responsibility is sternly emphasised and justly demanded. To those who pleaded, as an excuse for not helping the poor, that they were engaged in the purchase of land, he vigorously replies, that the very method they employ in doing so is dishonest. How can you buy, he says, unless someone is under the necessity of selling? The position of things in his day appears to have been curious. There seemed to be something far worse than the excuse to be rid of responsibility for the poor. The desire to purchase land was in itself reasonable and right, but there seems to have been that 170 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS deplorable selfishness among the rich of that period, to which our own presents only too many parallels. " Some man covets his neighbour's property, to incorporate it in his own domains ; he manoeuvres secretly among those who have power to increase the owner's burdens, involve him in public charges, or embarrass him with debts." The poor man is thus led in his extremity to the very man who is the cause of his trouble, and, ignorant that it is he that has got him into difficulty, says, " Give me, I pray thee, some money ; I am in great need ; a creditor presses me " ; but he replies, " I have nothing just now," in order to force a sale. When the man has decided to sell, the hypocrite says, "Although I have no money, I will try to borrow it somewhere or other, to come to your aid as a friend!" It is an odious comedy! Well may Caesarius say, "Woe to him in the Judgment Day; nothing shall save him from the terrible sentence, 'Depart from me ye wicked into eternal fire.' If this is the lot of those who have not given clothing to the naked, what fire, do you think, is reserved for those who have made them naked ?" There are some crimes that, even with Caesarius, cannot be atoned for by almsgiving. Neither the amount of money nor the rank of the giver will have the slightest effect, for God will not allow Himself to be corrupted ; " Almsgiving alone does not suffice to wipe out crimes," and he instances homicide and theft. It is false security to think that when men commit crimes daily they can redeem them with daily almsgiving, imagining that God receives money after the manner of corrupt judges. Caesarius begs his brethren not to misunderstand him, or think, he says, that almsgiving cannot do any good on behalf of sin. That is far from his thoughts. " We not only believe it does good, but we confess it does much good, on this condition, however, that he who gives alms also ceases to commit sins." Superstitions. Paganism had left its impression upon the people, especially in the country districts. Such was their superstition that on January ist, celebrated in a manner that was hateful to the Church, they offered gifts for exchange, to which they attached CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 171 superstitious ideas of their undoubted virtue as securing good fortune for the whole year. On the eve of this day, they would provide tables, with various dishes, to symbolize the prospect of plenty. To counteract the disorders prevalent at this festival, Caesarius instituted a three days' fast, and at the same time denounced the profanities then in vogue in honour of Janus, who was an idol that was " nothing in the world, yet honoured as a God." Those silly people who to-day believe firmly, in certain superstitious customs, may be surprised to know that those who lived in the 6th century held very similar views. They con- sidered some days unlucky for taking a journey. One would think that people who believe in an over-ruling Providence would be ashamed to own to superstitions which belittle it. Because his people acted like " howling dervishes " in order to turn away the evil of the darkened moon 1 , Caesarius felt it necessary to explain that the eclipse was a natural phenomenon, capable of a simple explanation. They gave special meanings to a false step, to the flight of a bird, to a chance meeting, or to a sneeze ! He sternly denounced recourse to divinations during a time of sickness. The Lord's Day, and Festivals of Saints. Concerning the necessity of the due celebration of the Lord's Day, and the festivals of the saints, as days of rest, with freedom from all work, because God said by his prophet, "Be still and know that I am God," Caesarius said: "Those who are taken up with the cares of business set this, God's wish, at defiance. Apostles and holy men decreed the observance of the Lord's Day because our Redeemer rose from the dead on that day; it must, therefore, be honoured and revered on account of the hope of our own resurrection, for it is also considered in the Holy Scriptures to be holy, because it was the first day of the world in which the elements were formed ; on it the angels were created, the Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles, and manna was first given in the desert. For these reasons the doctors of the Church have decreed that all the glory of the Jewish Sabbath shall be transferred to it. Let him ] Sermon 265. 172 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS come, who can, to vespers and nocturns, and ask from God the pardon of his sins. Let him who cannot come, pray at home, and not neglect to pay to God his vows." The foregoing will give some idea of the practical views held by Caesarius, and of the words used by him to counteract the evils of his day. It almost requires an effort to imagine we are dealing with a 6th century divine ; he seems so very modern. It is yet another exemplification of the truth that human nature in A.D. 500 and A.D. 19 13 is very much the same. It was fortunate for Caesarius that in his day the preacher came in contact with his people, and they never doubted the authority with which he spoke. But in any generation, and under any conditions, it will be conceded that the man who speaks in language suitable to his hearers, and in a manner that commands their attention, depicting truths by means of simple and effective illustrations, and showing their value and efficacy in the daily life of ordinary men and women, will never have said of him that the pulpit has had its day and lost its power. There never was a time when sermons were more needed, and might be more helpful. Men are wanted who will fire the doctrines of faith with the spark of living reality, and who can make men see, and know, and feel that they appeal to their reason, and desire to enlighten their conscience, answer their problems and ennoble their lives, expand their spiritual vision and silence their doubts. Caesarius, clear and concise, plain and practical, has merited the eulogium of his admirers. The Regula ad Monachos. The Regula ad Monachos 1 consists of twenty-six short and concise articles based upon the Rule of Lerins. Its obligations are emphatic and extensive : " This is the Rule which must be observed in every monastery, whosoever be the abbot," and there is no doubt it was promulgated, during the lifetime of Caesarius, in many monasteries. This and the Regula ad Virgines are regarded by modern critics as too pedantic and minute. The opening injunction is perseverance, the first condition of 1 Accessible in Migne's Pat. Lat. Vol. 57, p. 1097. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 173 monastic life. This was an advance on the discipline even of Lerins, where liberty to withdraw was not absolutely forbidden. There was great difficulty in enforcing a permanent profession, especially upon those of good family, who could not altogether forget their pride of race and would not consent to be treated as slaves. It often happened, to the scandal of the brethren, that these would, therefore, suddenly leave, and stir up a spirit of rebellion. Caesarius accordingly felt that stringent rules were necessary for the maintenance of stability, and although of course no one was compelled to take the vow, yet having taken it, the promise was to be deemed irrevocable. With him there was no excuse for a change of mind ; it was a bad sign and showed lack of fervour ; absolute poverty is a necessary condition, all private possession was suppressed within the monastery walls. He had already practised what he preached, for he gave up all his own patrimony, he had made a valuation of his goods and divided the proceeds between the monastery and the poor. He exacted the same from others as a guarantee of true renunciation. If they had reached manhood, postulants were only admitted on the production of an act of alienation of their possessions in legal form ; if minors, they were compelled, when they reached their majority, to confirm by an act of equal validity the re- nunciation they had verbally made. He allowed them to choose their own beneficiary, and while he emphasises the claim of their parents and the community they join, he strongly objects to their contributing to the pomp of parents already rich ; that was, in his idea, a profanation of the vow of poverty. Again, we shall note the desire on the part of Caesarius to repress individualism, to establish a feeling of fellowship, and foster the spirit of harmony and equality. Thus continuity, poverty, and fellowship are the distinguishing marks of his rules for monks. The Regula ad Virgines 1 has earned special attention as the masterpiece of Caesarius, and is regarded as his greatest work. His best thoughts are incorporated in it ; no detail of any importance has been forgotten. It is full of good advice, and is more personal than the Regula ad Monachos. It was written specially for the monastery of S. John — one of the first 1 Accessible in Migne's Pat. Lat. Vol. 57, p. 1103. 174 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS for women, mentioned in the documents of Gaul — and was adopted by other celebrated monasteries. Owing to wars and incursions, women dared not go far from centres of habitation ; monastic settlements for them were only possible therefore in or near fortified centres, or in places out of the beaten track of invaders. There was also the ground of expense to be considered as another deterrent. But although, before the monastery of S. John was founded there was no community of women, yet by certain vows made before the bishop they were recognised as holding a position of honour in the Church, and it was their duty to catechise unlearned women, and to take care of the church linen. There were two classes — widows and virgins. The veil was reserved for the latter only. With much pomp Caesarius consecrated the mystical marriage of the virgin with the Church. The first inhabitants of S. John's monastery were spared all anxiety about subsistence by the providence of the founder, but misfortune and disappointment soon came to him. Built at first outside the town, the monastery was completely ruined before it was really finished ; but with dogged pluck and perseverance, Caesarius set to work to rebuild it. With his practical wisdom and clever foresight he anticipated the possibility of war in the future ; he built in the town a place of refuge for the sisters of the convent. The monastery being built, Caesarius set himself to draw up a Rule, and it is the first of its kind ; others before him had compiled treatises for women, but they were exhortations or sermons rather than rules. It was based upon the general principles of the Regula ad Monac/ios, and was suggested partly at any rate by an epistle of Augustine's 1 , though it reflected his own originality and independence of character. There was certainly room for and need of a definite authority and settled restrictions. In spite of the supposed vow of poverty, the women had hitherto enjoyed every possible refinement in tapestry, embroideries, dress and art. Designated " servants of God," they seem to have led the life of the world's pleasure- seekers ; discipline was conspicuous by its absence. In the men's monasteries the abbot was a man of high ecclesiastical rank 1 Ep. ccxi, Migne, Pat. Lat. Vol. 33. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 175 whose word and command was law, demanding and receiving deference from all ; but in the women's convents, the seat of responsible government seems constantly to change according to will of abbot and provost, of priest and bishop in turn. Some bishops when asked to lend their support to a convent about to be erected in their diocese only showed indifference or ill-will. Obliged to seek help elsewhere, the sisters were then the butt of episcopal animosity. At another time the convent would itself forget to approach the bishop to choose a priest, or institute a Rule ; this betrayed a great lack of discipline and of desire to obey. Caesarius began as he intended to go on, there were no half measures with him, there was no gradual tightening of the reins of government. The Regula consists of forty-three enactments, more numerous and more detailed than those addressed ad Monachos. The first restriction is rigorous in the extreme ; not content with demanding perseverance, the sisters must promise never to go outside the monastery ; this was the most severe as well as the earliest occasion of such a regulation in the history of monastic institutions. His practical prudence, however, established a series of tests to prove whether the postulants were aware of the vows that must be taken by them. He was not one to believe in and to act upon sudden emotions. Before admission, the mother superior questioned the postulant, made her acquainted with this rule, and invited her seriously to examine her supposed vocation. A time of probation followed, of not less than a year's duration, and, at the discretion of the superiors, might be prolonged. She was confined to the care, during this time, of one of the seniors, to whom she could open her heart and thus be warned against illusions. At the end of this probation, the special habit was adopted, and she was admitted to the school. Thus was spent the transition stage between the world and the cloister. We are not to understand that all communication with the outer world was absolutely cut off. The visits of the bishop, abbots, or priests of recognised merit were welcomed as joyous events. The sisters were asked to cultivate the friendship of pious ladies, and these on certain days were asked to partake of the hospitality of the community. Caesarius did not forbid 176 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS the exchange of little tokens and souvenirs of friendship ; access to the monastery was not forbidden, and interviews were allowed in the presence of a senior. The precepts enjoining poverty seem to have been intended to teach discipline and equality rather than privation. What ministered to superfluity and vanity was rigorously forbidden, but not what was useful or indispensable. We have already noted in his sermons for Lent that macerations of the flesh did not enter into his ideas. For the sick there were no restrictions of hours, or of quality and quantity of food. Inequality on the ground of health was alone recognised. There was no lack of work, which chiefly consisted of spinning and weaving. In the matter of dress, everything which seemed inconsistent with sisters of poverty was forbidden, but they might undertake elaborate and costly work for the Church or for individuals ; Caesarius in his will makes special mention of a mantle that had been made for him by the abbess Caesaria, and he leaves it to her at his death. He forbade all kinds of paintings in the rooms of the monastery, as inconsistent with his idea of poverty. The precept that they must know how to read and write is interesting because of its object, which was not only to join in the recitation of the office, but to be able to transcribe manuscripts, and to this work may be traced the preservation of some at least of the documents relating to the ecclesiastical history of Gaul. Work was shared in equal proportion, each in turn would do the cooking, lay the table, and in short do the drudgery which did not require aptitude or special qualifications ; none but the abbess and the provost were exempted. This taught fraternity, and was a welcome change in the monotonous routine. The chief and first necessity in a monastery is authority. Caesarius provided it with much wisdom and considerable tact. Though there was a duly constituted and fully recognised authority at the head, there was a division of subordinate powers ; there were chiefs of departments. The supreme head was the abbess, but even her authority was tempered by the opinions of other officials. Her chief officer was the provost, CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT iyy who had delegated powers ; there were also the " seniors " — commended to the sisters as " Mothers and representatives of God " — who were responsible for the due obedience to the Rule in their own section. Two sisters with special functions and recognised titles were (i) the Primiceria, or "character- former" to whom was entrusted the moulding of the novices to discipline and virtue ; (2) a Registraria or treasurer, who kept all the household accounts, and the keys. These two acted as inspectors, and had the power to reprimand. There were, in fact, all the officials and servants which the exigencies of a large and well ordered house require — cellarer, laundress, nurse, porter, a surveyor of wool, a librarian. The order and arrangement of the household seem to have been well nigh perfect. The faults that were most severely treated were those that involved a breach of charity or modesty. In the matter of faults of charity, the way was always left" open to reconcilia- tion, for if the guilty one asked for pardon this request effaced the offence ; if the one offended refused pardon, she became the guilty one. On the question of modesty, the sisters were to constitute themselves mutual guardians. The one who was cognisant of her sister's faults must correct her. But Caesarius was no petty tyrant ; only serious faults were to be brought to the notice of the superiors. The confession of the fault, and the voluntary acknowledgment of wrong gave immunity from punishment. Some corporal punishment, on the authority of Holy Scripture, had already been introduced into monasteries. The rule for women allowed the " forty stripes save one," borrowed from the old penal code, but the pride of those punished was probably more wounded than their shoulders. Caesarius preferred spiritual punishments ; the use of the rod, which is specified in his Regida ad Monachos, is here replaced by excommunication of different degrees, ranging from exclusion at prayer, or the common table, to complete separation, which is, next to expulsion, the greatest punishment. Caesarius im- presses upon Caesaria that she must ease her material and temporal anxieties by frequent reading and meditation. There must be no superiority of mere dignity. She must outstrip cm. 12 178 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS those under her authority in virtue also; she must be the first in and the last out from prayer ; the first at work and the last at rest ; the most ardent at the fast, and yet the most abstemious at the feast, in order that it may not be said of her : " It is all very well for our abbess, with a full stomach, to preach abstinence to us ; how can she, from whose lips comes the odour of the good food she has eaten, exhort us to be content with bad ?" With another flash of true wisdom, he warned against having favourites, and personal preferences. With a view to securing continuity of policy and safeguarding autonomy for the monastery, Caesarius enacted that the abbess should be elected by her companions ; this was of course to their advantage, and avoided all doubt and difficulty. They were also exempt from all outside interference. In his will, he asks his successor to be good enough to institute as priest him for whom the sisters supplicate. The bishop had a limited jurisdiction ; he might bless the selected abbess, celebrate from time to time the functions of his office, and interpose in gross infractions of the canons, but he could not interfere in the nomination of the abbess, or in the discipline within the walls of the monastery. By way of insuring the continuity of it and its privileges, Caesarius applied for a bull of confirmation, and obtained it. It only remains to say that his Rule gained far more than a local and temporal reputation ; it was the groundwork and basis of many others, as well as the inspiration of numberless disciples, who, scattered far and wide, attained, some of them, to posts of importance and dignity, and would thus give to their master's work and influence a wide publicity. Practical to the last, Caesarius prepares to die, but while strength remains he will see the monastery again and bless its inmates. He speaks words of encouragement to the abbess and her " daughters," words which are received by them with a chorus of sobs. We gather from his will that his first thoughts, as his last, were with the monastery, which is made his legatee. He thinks of and looks forward to its future. There was no idea of nepotism, of family influence, or favouritism with him. Zealously guarding it against the possibility of interference on the part of CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 179 his relatives, he gave it into the care of the Arlesian clergy in general, and to his successor in particular ; he confirms the gifts made by him to it, and he contributes to its up-keep by means of the produce of other lands, the ownership of which is given to the metropolitan church. He died at the age of seventy-three ; more than half his life, forty-one years, he had been a bishop. Aries as a city mourned his loss, and he was taken to his burial amid every manifestation of universal respect. His body found a resting place in the church of S. Mary, in the suburbs of Aries, but later was removed to a special oratory set apart for it in the monastery. In A.D. 873, after his sepulchre had been destroyed by the Saracens, Paulus wrote his epitaph 1 , the words of which are given in an old Arlesian MS., and of which we venture to give a translation : See here the shrine, restored in marble rare, The tomb of father, bishop, saint, Cesaire ; Destroyed by ruthless hordes, a frenzied band, Whom waves o'er whelmed by God's command. Rostagnus then, at Aries, was titled lord When Paulus' reverent zeal this shrine restored, Who now, in choir angelic, with Christ doth stay. O Revered Father do thou in mercy for us pray, That God may wash our every sin away. A possible Author of the Athanasian Creed. We have elsewhere 2 ventured to suggest Caesarius may have written the Athanasian creed. The first quotation of it at any 1 Cernitur hie vario renovatum marmore tectum Patri Caesario, pontificique sacro, Quod Scelerata cohors rabie destruxit acerba, Hanc virtute Dei sorbuit unda maris. Praesule Rostagno hac Arelati sede locato Cernuus id Paulus strenue composuit opus, Cui Christus tribuat coelestis praemia vitae, Coetibus angelicis consociat ovans. Et nobis, venerande Pater, miserere precando Diluat ut noster crimina cuncta Deus. 2 Caesarius Bishop of Aries, claimed as author of the Athanasian Creed, Journal Company, Rochester, 1903, and The School of Lerins, 1905. 12 — 2 l8o A NURSERY OF BISHOPS length is made by him 1 . The coincidences of language are a most certain indication that Caesarius was steeped in the phraseology of the creed. There is not a sermon of the many attributed to him, in which is not some phrase reminiscent of it. There is also a remarkable similarity in the statement of doctrine. Taking the words of Caesarius on the Trinity as an illustration, we see more than a mere verbal agreement with the creed 2 . The argument of a common authorship is strengthened by a comparison of the rhythm 3 , and no less an authority than Dr Burn acknowledges that the same sort of rhythm is found throughout the writings of Caesarius, and he adds that "the Quicunque reproduces in small compass but with sufficient exactness the literary qualities and defects of the Bishop of Aries " (Caesarius) 4 . The Athanasian is the only creed that speaks of " works " as well as " faith." Caesarius frequently lays stress upon the twofold necessity of " a right faith " and of a practical creed which is translated in terms of life. These words may be taken as illustrations : (a) " As it (faith) is praised with the tongue, so 1 Sermon 244, App. Aug. Pat. Lat. Vol. 39, Rogo et admoneo vos, fratres carissimi ut quicunque vult salvus esse fidem rectam Catholicam discat, firmiter teneat inviolatamque conservet. Ita ergo oportet unicuique observare ut credat Patrem, credat Filium, credat Spiritum Sanctum. Deus Pater, Deus Filius, Deus et Spiritus Sanctus, sed tamen non tres dii sed unus Deus. Qualis Pater talis Filius talis et Spiritus Sanctus. Attamen credat unusquisque fidelis quod Filius aequalis est Patri secundum Divinitatem et minor est Patre secundum humanitatem carnis quam de nostro as- sumpsit ; Spiritus vero Sanctus ab utroque procedens. Professor Bergmann maintains this sermon cannot be ascribed to Caesarius. Dr Burn has mentioned that in two MSS. (Cod. lat. 14470, 8th and 9th cent, at Munich, and Cod. A 214, nth and 12th cent., at Rouen) the first omits the whole ; the second all but the first sentence of this quotation. See The Guardian, Nov. 13, 1901. 2 Cum vero in ipsis scripturis ubi invenis secundum humanitatem minorem esse filium, ibi invenis secundum Divinitatem etiam aequalem quomodo ego tibi adquiesco? At ubicumque minor dicitur filius propter incarnationis mysterium, verum esse profiteor : quare tu mecum non vis credere, ubi filius patri aequalis esse scribitur ? Ego enim et ubi minor dicitur credo, et ubi aequalis dicitur credo ? Novi enim quid secundum Divinitatem et quid secundum humanitatem fuerit dictum ; quia minor non dicitur nisi propter carnis adsumptionem. Tu vero qui in ipso evangelio et minorem et aequalem frequentius legis, quare unum credis, et aliud credere non adquiescis ? 3 Notably Sermon 228, ibid. 4 The Guardian, Nov. 13, 1901. Dr Burn has also drawn attention to a letter of Caesarius to some monks "on humility," which is couched throughout in similar rhythm. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT l8l should it be by the life. Let us see what his duty is who wishes to keep the faith. If he believes faithfully and strives to do good with all his heart, let him rejoice that he holds the right faith 1 ." {b) "What hope can they who do evil have, when they who do no good shall perish 2 ." (c) "We can see to what punishment they who do evil will be condemned, when those who do nothing good are sent into fire 3 ." Again, in the sermons of Caesarius there is always much recapitulation, as if he desired by a repetition of phrases and ideas, in slightly varied language, to make the mysteries of the faith more intelligible. For some years Dom Morin pointed to Caesarius as the author 4 but has now " marched over the ruins of his own theory," and suggests that the Quicunque emanated from Spain 5 . He is not prepared to say definitely that Martin of Braga is the author, but he hazards the opinion that this creed may be the lost Regula ftdei* of this 6th century archbishop. Martin, who was born at Pannonia about A.D. 510, had spent some time founding monasteries, and was an intermediary of Christian culture between East and West, and in close touch with Gaul. It is more than possible therefore that he had visited Lerins. Dom Morin notes the remarkable coincidence between the entirely special character of the creed and the terms used by Isidore in his description of Martin's rule 7 . The creeds properly so called begin with personal affirmation of belief 1 Sermon 264, App. Aug. 2 Ibid. 77. 3 Ibid. 78. 4 " Le symbole d'Athanase et son premier temoin, S. Cesaire d' Aries." Revue Benidictine, Oct. 1901. 5 Four lectures delivered at Oxford in 1910, and published under the title of " L'Origine du Symbole d'Athanase," Jotirnal of Theological Studies, January and April 1911, Clarendon Press. The claim of yet another possible author has been made by Von Heinrich Brewer in Das sogennante Athanasiansche Glaubensbekenntnis ein Werk des hciligen Ambrosius, Paderborn, 1909. Father Brewer fixes the date of the composition of the creed between a.d., 382 and 383 and in his argument he says that belief in the Trinity as a condition of salvation is not found in the works of Ambrose before A.D. 383, but frequently occurs subsequent to a.d. 384. 6 Isidore (de Viris illustr. c. 35) tells us that Martin came from the countries of the East into Galicia (Spain), and on arrival there established a Rule of Faith, according to custom, for the Suevi who had been converted from Arianism to the catholic faith. 7 Regulam fidei et sanctae religionis constituit. l82 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS at first in the plural but subsequently in the singular person, but the Quicunque confronts us with a constitutum or dogmatic ordinance to which " Whosoever will be saved " must submit 1 . Dom Morin has evidently found a fairly long list of com- parisons in the Quicunque and in other authentic works of Martin, but says "the results appeared so insignificant that I have not thought it to the purpose to reproduce them." With delightful and fascinating candour he proceeds to discount his latest suggestion by adding, " I have discovered some traces, almost imperceptible it is true, that decisively prevent me from recognising in Martin the author of the Quicunque " ; and again, " I do not hesitate to say that it seems impossible at present to put any name at the head of this famous creed 2 ." Until then more definite conclusions are justified and proved, we venture still to uphold, at least tentatively, the claim of Caesarius to the authorship of the creed, but we do not wish to lay ourselves open to Dom Morin's charge when he says this claim is " suggested, affirmed, and put forth with an assurance that is truly astonishing 3 ." It would still seem to be true that the arguments for the authorship of Caesarius are more cogent than for any other author. We cannot but express our satisfac- tion when, for the honour of Lerins in connection with this creed, we read that Dom Morin, is still able to say that " it will always be true that the author manifestly belongs to the theological circle of Lerins ; it is in the bosom of this famous monastery that the future Quicunque was chiefly elaborated 4 ." An Estimate of Caesarius. Modern historians who have studied his character and his doings, like Neander, Malnory, Alliez, all agree in the high estimate they put upon this prince of 6th century bishops. As a bishop he combined in a remarkable degree, saintliness of character, and administrative ability. Thus in him the practical and spiritual sides of Christianity found an admirable exponent. Among his contemporaries he was, in ecclesiastical 1 See also C. H. Turner's History and use of the Creeds, p. 66. 2 Loc. at. April, p. 358. 8 Ibid. January 191 1, Lecture 2, p. 181. * Ibid. April, p. 339. CAESARIUS, BISHOP AND SAINT 1 83 eminence, facile princeps, and a biographer says that of all the Gallican bishops he would only yield the palm to Martin of Poitiers, Irenaeus, and Hilary. There were many points in his character which in all ages have been a source of strength to the clergy, and too often have been lacking. He was a man of considerable tact, able to adapt himself to different circumstances and various surroundings. A 6th century bishop (like his episcopal brother of the 20th) had his troublous times, and there were many watching his actions, eager to report his words, and to enlarge upon the most innocent remark, but he went his way, and spoke, and taught, and worked in accordance with the dictates of his conscience — backed by undoubted learning and sanctified common-sense — in faithful fulfilment of the duties of his exalted office. His energies were by no means confined to the city of his bishopric. When health and circum- stances allowed, he traversed his diocese from end to end, and thus saw for himself how his clergy were working. Wherever he went his simple messages to the people always had the same effect ; they helped and cheered his hearers and deepened their love and veneration for their " Father-in-God." He on his part rejoiced in thus being able to visit his people : " What father does not frequently desire to see his sons, especially when they are good and faithful ? " was the simple explanation of the ties that bound him to all within his rule and jurisdiction. As an administrator he was essentially in advance of his time in thought, method and ideas. He combined a ready sympathy with an earnest enthusiasm. To his spiritual power was added organising ability ; he welded isolated churches into a Gallican Church. Moreover, he knew and realised a valuable secret for the accom- plishment of a great work, that is, he understood that he is the best administrator who can with unerring judgment select his workers, and apportion out to each the details for which the individual is most fitted. To him the three chief duties of the episcopate were teaching, preaching, and reading, and he could only devote himself diligently to these things by handing over to trustworthy subordinates the management of matters of less importance. In short, he had the happy gift of making others work. The 1 84 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS foregoing pages have provided many illustrations of his disciplin- ary zeal and dominating will, more especially in his rules for monks and nuns. " Should the abbot find it necessary to re- primand, none shall dare reply ; if he call for the attendance of any, disobedience shall be visited with chastisement," is sufficiently eloquent of his ideas of discipline. It was his master-passion, yet he was loved rather than feared, for in his firm strength of will he did not lose the sense of proportion. His words come with a living message across the centuries, and they strike home to an English reader with no little force, even though they lack the attractiveness of the living voice. The reason is not far to seek, he was above all things manly. He was well abreast of his time ; he understood his brother men ; he knew their dangers and difficulties, their trials and temptations, aye, and their subterfuges and excuses. He scorned superstition ; he would have no dealings with formalism. He brought every- thing into the clear light of plain fact. While he was most anxious to persuade and help the laity to join in the offices of the Church, he did not forget to give them an intelligent idea of worship ; he was at considerable pains to point out the practical significance of their devotions ; it was his invariable custom to inculcate the duties which the acceptance of the Christian faith calls forth. As then, so now, it is just this that so many need. If in our prayers, our praises, our communion, we could change the lip service into heart devotion, and behind all the formality perceive a grand reality, the world would be better than it is, and our own life nobler. The biographer of Porcarius says, " His happiness would have been greater still if the Lord had revealed to him the services that this son of Lerins, Caesarius his pupil, would render during the forty years of his episcopate." Caesarius, as we have seen, loved Lerins, and the monastery was proud of her distinguished son. CHAPTER X A NURSERY OF BISHOPS HILARY, ARCHBISHOP OF ARLES We have already said that those gathered round the deathbed of Honoratus desired that he would name his successor in the see whom they might summon to direct the Church and rule the diocese. He pointed, as we have before said, to the prostrate form of Hilary. The two men were bound to each other by the ties of a deep affection dating from the great crisis in the life of Hilary. Born in A.D. 401 of a family accounted among the richest and most distinguished in the province, Hilary received an education befitting his rank, and had time and money to indulge his love for the attractions of a worldly life. It was thus in the midst of worldly attractions that S. Honoratus, his compatriot, wrote letters to him, full of tender compassion and of persuasive exhortation and he left the monastery to return to his old home with the special object of saving his friend. The zeal of the young convert was no whit behind that of his cloistered companions, and at the request of Honoratus he accompanied him to Aries. So great was the impression made by Lerins, so deep the love for its secluded joy, that even his devotion to Honoratus could not keep his thoughts from the island home, and so he returned to it. It was in no spirit of ingratitude that he left his dear friend's side, and S. Eucherius, who addressed to him his Eulogy of Solitude, said, " You previously showed a brave soul in giving up your country and your kin to seek the desert's solitude, but you show a braver soul to-day in coming back. Honoratus is not opposed to your return. He loves you much but in his love he only desires your good." 1 86 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS Hilary's next visit to Aries was to await as a last sad duty the " passing " of his benefactor, and to learn that at the early age of 28 he would be called to succeed him as archbishop of Aries. Foreseeing what evidently awaited him, S. Hilary hastened, so soon as the obsequies were completed, to return to Lerins, but the people of Aries pursued him, seized him and took him back to the city. For a long time he hesitated to accept the burden that he knew not how to evade. He asked God to make known to him His will, and soon a white dove, as is related, descended from the clouds and rested on his head. The omen sufficed, and all fear was dissipated by the incident. On the anniversary of his elevation to the see of Aries he pronounced the panegyric 1 on S. Honoratus already alluded to above. From this masterpiece of touching eloquence — greatly admired on account of its graceful style — which no one was more fitted to pronounce than he who had been rescued from the attractions of the world which kept him far from God and against which he felt himself powerless to contend, we give a quotation: "It was for me," says Hilary, "that he returned to his own country, for me that he faced danger and fatigue. He came, nevertheless, and when I, a rebel of God, was the slave of the world, he used every persuasion to lead me back to the love of Jesus Christ. I resisted, but with prophetic spirit he replied, " What you refuse me now, God will grant me." What tears he shed to soften the hardness of my heart ! At first I gained a hateful victory, but the hand of God took possession of me. Who can describe the contending wills that disputed for possession ? When Honoratus was not there, the Saviour took his part against me, and divine pity aroused by my friend's prayers broke all resistance. Honoratus had conquered. He led me away as a glorious triumph, he hastened to make me taste the sweetness of solitude. He fed me at first with the milk of children, and afterwards with the bread of the strong." 1 Vita Saticti Honorati Arelatensis Episcopi, first published by Genebardus in 1578. Also from MSS. preserved at Lerins by Vincent Barralis in his Chronologia, Lugd. 1 613. See also Opera Vincentii Lirinensis et Hilarii, Salinas, Rome, 1731. It is also given in the Bollandists, Vol. II, fol. xi. The text of the former edition was followed by Surius (16 Jan). See also Biblioth. Maxima Patrum, Vol. VIII, p. 1228, Lugd. 1677. HILARY, ARCHBISHOP OF ARLES 1 87 In his new position as bishop, S. Hilary continued to live as a monk, sharing the life of his clergy, and being content, as they were, with a cell. He traversed his diocese always on foot and without shoes even in the snow. He was consumed with love for the poor, and for work. So different an age as ours may learn something from the attitude of this early monastic school towards preaching, and its value. Gifted with an easy eloquence, endued with extraordinary zeal, and with a great power over a multitude, S. Hilary regarded preaching as one of the most powerful means for the sanctifica- tion of the faithful. Like the apostle he sought to be " all things to all men," and so fitted his subject and his style to the understanding of his hearers. He was simple when addressing the unlearned, but as his funeral oration abundantly proves, he could rise to the highest eloquence when speaking to the cultured and learned. Sometimes his sincerity offended the proud, but men who loved the truth applauded him. In the work of a monk-bishop in that hard time, when the battles of the age were being fought out, when Romans and barbarians contended inch by inch for possession of Southern Gaul, he displayed a generous solicitude for the bodily wants of his people. He sold all that he possessed to supply their needs, and gave himself up to manual labour that he might have the wherewithal to succour them. He was an inventor also, for he made with his own hands a machine for manufacturing salt 1 . It would be interesting to examine the views held by S. Hilary on grace and predestination if his certain extant works afforded a sufficiency of needful material. At this time the whole Christian world was, as we have noted, alive with these controversial disputes. These old battle cries are rarely heard to-day, but the history of theological controversy is of great importance for the understanding of any age. From the fact that pope Celestine did not include him among the bishops to whom he addressed his letter on this subject some inference may perhaps be drawn as to the attitude he took in this grave controversy. " We know," says Monsieur l'Abbe Goux, " that 1 Salinas expetens automata propriis manibus et sudore confecerit. Vita S. Hilarii, chap. xii. 1 88 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS S. Hilary admiring in all else the teaching of S. Augustine, made some reservations touching the question of grace 1 . This is no doubt a reference to Prosper, but, in this case, the words were, " On the question which was then being discussed, he wished himself to write to S. Augustine," and Prosper adds, " I do not know whether he did this, or with what result 2 ." S. Hilary believed in prevenient grace, for on his deathbed he said, " In reliance on the heavenly grace which prevents us we have had to sustain on this earth a struggle which no man desirous of attaining to blessedness can avoid." He believed too in the need of being " daily renewed by the Holy Spirit " for he proceeds : " Our envelope of clay cannot without the grace of God prevail against the power of the devil." He must also have held the view that salvation involved human effort to "work out our own salvation," for he states that " the ambush of the tempter can only be foiled by a fierce combat and an incessant struggle." He does not underestimate the use of means, for " God who sees the poisoned arrows shot by Satan, delivers those who know how to pray and weep 3 ." He was clearly then no mere Pelagian, for he recognises that salvation could not be effected without the Divine power and presence. In his sermon over Honoratus, he had said, "Thanks be to Thee, good Jesus, that Thou hast broken my chains, and hast surrounded me with the bands of Thy love." He still maintained that salvation was conditional on human effort. The bands of love will deliver me from the chains of sin, " if I preserve them in my heart," that is to say, salvation is not absolutely predestinated. On two occasions Hilary found himself at variance with the pope. He consecrated a bishop to a see, the holder of which was ill but who recovered his health sometime afterwards. His action is however justified by Quesnel 4 and others. This case is of natural interest to us as it is at any rate the first serious struggle between a Gallic bishop and the pope of Rome. His other dispute with the Roman see was in the matter of Celidonius, 1 Lerins au cinquieme sitele. 2 Epist. ad Augustinum. 3 Vita S. Hilarii, chap. XX. 4 Quesnel, Opera Leonis, I, Paris, 1675, where the "Panegyric" is also given. HILARY, ARCHBISHOP OF ARLES 1 89 and it cannot be passed over in silence. Hilary had a general supervision over Gaul, and at a synod, held at Besancon, in A.D. 444 he deposed Celidonius on the grounds that his consecration was invalid. The deposed bishop appealed to Rome. Hilary promptly proceeded there. Leo summoned a synod in A.D. 445 but seems to have been prejudiced against Hilary, for he treated him as though he were the accused and not the accuser, and reinstated Celidonius. Hilary claimed that the decision reached at Besancon must be sent back to Gaul for reconsideration, if it was not endorsed at Rome. His freedom and fearlessness of language were such that, according to his biographer, he used words, " which no layman could utter and no priest hear." Leo appealed to the young emperor Valentinian III, who issued the edict that, "no pretended power should arrogate to itself anything against the primacy of the apostolic see," and he empowered the imperial officers to arrest all those who resisted the authority of the bishop of Rome. Tillemont says of this edict that, " in the eyes of those who love the Church's liberty, and know her discipline, it brought as little honour to him whom it praises, as of injury to him whom it condemns 1 ." Hilary was deprived of his metro- politan dignity, Aries was reduced to an ordinary bishopric, and the archbishopric of Vienne was revived. Humiliated and insulted as he had been, Hilary was held in deep respect by the Gallic bishops, and had he lived, it is possible that many of the bishops that favoured Aries might have made it very unpleasant for Leo. Be that as it may, the bishops of the province of Aries consecrated Hilary's successor, and in A.D. 450 Leo re-established the archbishopric there, and deprived Vienne of the honour it had recently received. Though almost all the works of Hilary are lost, his letter to Eucherius, and his panegyric of Honoratus above mentioned are still extant. A poem Carmen in Genesim (written about A.D. 429) in which the creation of the world to the flood is described, is usually printed and reckoned among the works of Hilary of Poitiers, but its style and phraseology suit the time of Hilary of Aries, and by some authorities is declared not to be the work of 1 MJmoins, Vol. xv, Art. 20, p. 83. 190 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS the former. Another work, de Providentia, is a poem also ascribed to him though customarily printed among the works of Prosper 1 . It will be remembered that as in the case of Honoratus already mentioned, his claims to the authorship of the Athanasian creed are not without support. Waterland maintains his authorship 2 . His arguments which have still considerable weight, are so well known that only a brief recapitulation of them must suffice. " Who more likely to compose such a creed than Hilary, a celebrated man of that time, and of chief repute in the Gallican Church ? " is Waterland's introduction to his claims, and he bases his opinion upon the words of Livius : "If S. Augustine had come after you, we should have esteemed him less than you "; words which show that Hilary was "a man of great parts and capacity, of a neat wit and elegant style." The opinion of Gennadius is also given 3 , and the statement of Honoratus of Marseilles is specially noted, that Hilary composed " an admirable exposition of the creed." The admiration of S. Hilary for S. Augustine, whose writings he had studied, is also emphasised. His Life of S. Honoratus is described by Waterland as clear and strong in style, and it is remarked that though he touches but little on the subject of the Trinity, that little is much like a paragraph of the creed " in turn and expression." Waterland notes also that S. Hilary spoke of S. Honoratus as " clear and expressive concerning the Trinity." On the other hand these arguments are characterised by so careful a writer as Ommanney 4 as " not convincing," and the passage quoted " contains too slight a resemblance of expression with the creed to be made the basis of his argument," and his only other attempt at proof " completely breaks down on examination." Worn out by austerities and work, Hilary at the early age of forty-eight knew that his end was approaching. Like his master Honoratus, he desired to say a last word to those who gathered 1 The " opuscula " assigned to him are given in Salinas (Rome, 1731), see also Bahr, Christlich-romische Litteratur, 1 Abtheilung, p. 32, 2 Abtheilung, p. 338. 2 History of the Athanasian Creed. 3 Ingenio vero immortali, aliqua et parva edidit, quae eruditae animae et fidelis linguae indicia sunt. De Viris illnstr. p. 42. 4 Dissertation on the Athanasian Creed, p. 376. HILARY, ARCHBISHOP OF ARLES 191 round his deathbed. " We are nearing the harbour of our rest after having struggled against the princes of this world." With prophetic instinct he foresaw the dangers that would beset the faith, and the evils that his people would suffer at the hands of the Arian Visigoths. " Prepare for adversity," he said, " for, if I am not deceived, a great calamity will befall this city. Preserve inviolate the faith of the Trinity, diligently examine the Holy Scripture, fortify your souls by penitence and work." Shortly afterwards in A.D. 449, he died, venerated and loved by all. The whole city shed tears for this zealous pastor, and the Jews lamented over the loss of the man of God, who, in his charities, thought less of creed than of the degree of misery, and they came to chant a Hebrew dirge at his burial 1 , because the Christians were so sorrow-stricken that they could not fulfil this duty, and the pope, through whom the emperor's rescript represented the archbishop as " a rebel against the authority of the holy See and the majesty of the Empire 2 ," spoke of him as " Hilary of holy memory." His tomb bore a long inscription, in marble, recalling the glory and the virtues of this son of Lerins, who proved himself well worthy to succeed the founder of the monastery, on which master and disciple alike shed lustre and renown. 1 Histoire litt. de la France, II, p. 265. 2 Vita Hilar, chap. XXII. CHAPTER XI A NURSERY OF BISHOPS THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA" Faustus was among the early disciples who came to find in Honoratus a guide and model in the monastic life. He is sometimes called Faustus the Breton, from his alleged birth in Armorica 1 . If, as almost all writers think, he was born in Britain 2 , there is an added connection between Lerins and our own country. He was born sometime between A.D. 405 and 410. He had made a great name for himself by his eloquence at the bar ; but readily sacrificing an illustrious future he was content to hide his genius in the obscurity of the cloister. His talents could not be thus hidden, and he quickly became proficient in Scriptural knowledge 3 . When Maximus the abbot was elected to the bishopric of Riez in A.D. 433, his pupil Faustus was chosen to succeed him in the abbacy. Of his 25 years' work in this position we have only scanty details, but we know that he had a dispute with Theodore bishop of Frejus, in which diocese the monastery was situated, on a matter of jurisdiction. From its foundations there had always been intimate relations between the monastery and the see of Frejus. Perhaps Theodore 1 Oudin, De scriptoribus eccles. Vol. I, p. 1293, says that Faustus came from Armorica, but this name was not narrowed into the equivalent for Brittany till the Middle Ages. 2 The Benedictines in V Histoire littiraire de la France strongly hold this opinion. It is shared by Tillemont, and by Alliez who speaks of " the celebrated Faustus, originally of Great Britain" (Histoire du Monastere, 1, p. 66). Avitus in a letter to Gundobad (Ep. 4, Pat. Lat. Vol. 59, p. 219) refers to him as "British by birth" (ortu Britannicus), and Engelbrecht (Corpus Scriptorum, Vol. xxi) considers that Avitus desires by this designation to dissociate Faustus from Gaul. 3 Mundana abdicat.-.supernas praedicat disciplinas. S. Sidonius, Ep. 9. Vir in divinis scripturis satis intentus. Gennadius. THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA 193 wished to take away some of the privileges granted to the monastery by Leontius, or the abbot may have sought to extend them. Ravennius, bishop of Aries, desirous of ending the dispute, summoned the Third Council of Aries for the express purpose of deciding it, and invited Rusticus of Narbonne and the bishops of the province to attend. The abbot and monks of Lerins were admitted as interested parties. The council preserved to the bishop all the privileges allowed to chief pastors by the canons, and to the abbot all the rights that were necessary for the government of the monastery 1 . Theodore was asked to forget the past, and to renew his friendship with Faustus, to continue the help hitherto given to the monastery in its needs, and to confirm the rights that Leontius his predecessor had conferred. The right of the bishop to give the holy chrism, and to confirm the neophytes, was acknowledged. No strange clergy were to be received in the monastery without his authority. All the seculars were to be under the administration of the abbot whom they themselves had chosen, and Theodore could claim no right to ordain any of them unless requested by the abbot so to do. Incidentally, we see that the community was, at this time, composed of seculars, who made their own choice of superior, and that the bishop had no part in the election. The happy relationship between the bishop and the monastery was thus re-established. About A.D. 452, again as successor of Maximus, Faustus was chosen bishop of Riez and showed no sign of a slackened zeal for monasticism. He still visited Lerins ; practised asceticism most rigorously, and was very happy in serving the brethren there 2 . In A.D. 462 Faustus went to Rome to attend a synod, which had been summoned to consider the case of Hermes. It appears that Hermes had been consecrated by Rusticus, bishop of Narbonne, to the bishopric of Beziers but was not accepted there. He, therefore, returned to the diocese of Narbonne and assisted Rusticus in its administration. On the 1 Labbe, Condi, vm, p. 635, ed. 1762. a Sidonius Apollinarius thus describes the severe austerity practised by Faustus at this time : Discipulis servire venis, vixque otia somni, Vix coctos captare cibos, abstemius aevum Ducis et insertis pingis jejunia psalmis. Carmen Eucharist, xvi. C. M. 13 194 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS death of Rusticus, Hermes was elected his successor, but being still canonically bishop of Beziers, Leontius, archbishop of Aries, was asked to give particulars of this intrusion to pope Hilarius. The synod decreed that Hermes should remain bishop of Nar- bonne but without power to take part in the consecration of bishops 1 . The episcopate of Faustus was a period of revolution in the Empire. Euric wished to conquer Gaul, and in pursuance of this desire first turned his attention in the direction of Arvernia ( Auvergne) ; its people bravely fought to uphold the independence of Gaul. Their bishop, Sidonius of Clermont, fearlessly led processions on the ramparts. The Arianism of Euric excited the horror of the people, and their faith and patriotism displayed itself in remarkable examples of heroism. The Gauls implored the aid of Nepos, emperor of Italy, but his own kingdom had suffered loss in dimensions and in resources, and he was unable to render the required assistance, and sent an ambassador to treat for peace. Faustus took some part in the treaty of peace which was concluded in A.D. 475 between Euric and the emperor, and thus had an opportunity of showing his powers of diplomacy, for with Leontius, bishop of Aries, and another, he was appointed to represent the interests of Gaul. At the first conference, Euric demanded the cession of Arvernia, and Sidonius declared with epigrammatic eloquence, " Our country will be more unfortunate in peace than it has been in war." But courageous protestations were of no avail against overwhelming battalions, and Faustus was compelled to sign the cession. As so often happens, war brought famine in its train, and the town and district of Riez suffered severely. It was then that Faustus showed such generosity and courage that the misery was considerably lessened by his efforts. In A.D. 481 Euric took possession of what still remained to the Roman Empire in Provence, and Riez also fell into his hands. Faustus was exiled to a distant part of Gaul, probably on account of his writings against Arianism, until the death of the Visigothic king. He resumed his episcopal work in the diocese at the instance of Alaric the new king. In the remaining years of his life, he 1 Concil. iv, p. 1 04 1. THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA" 195 frequently visited Lerins. He died some time between A.D. 490 and 493 and his body was buried in the cathedral. In spite of his life of controversy, he was regarded by his people as a saint, and they built a church to his honoured memory. He is venerated as " Blessed Faustus, Abbot of Lerins." The Controversialist. The theology of Lerins was a mediating theology and Faustus is a notable example of it. He held the Via media, or as he also called it, the Via regia, in the great, interminable controversy on predestination. If he calls Pelagius Pestifer doctor 1 he stigmatises extreme Augustinianism as " a heathenish fatalism 2 ." Indeed he himself says, " It is necessary to keep the middle path 3 ." To his mind Augustine and Pelagius were both too exclusive, the one allowed too much to human liberty 1 and the other too little. Like Vincentius, he makes no personal attack on S. Augustine and speaks of him indirectly, and also, like Vincentius, as Quidam sanctorum, and he traces his predestinarian theory to its proper source. S. Augustine's Manicheism. His Writings. Now in this controversy the writings of Faustus play no inconsiderable part. They were highly praised by Sidonius Apollinarius who described them as important, in the diversity of the subjects, in the forcefulness of their treatment, and in the order of their arrangement under different titles. They " treat serious matters gravely, and carefully examine those that are obscure and difficult." His discourses are "sometimes gentle, sometimes vigorous, but always elegant and edifying 4 ." 1 De gratia, Bk 1, cap. 1. 2 Hinc fatum cum Gentilibus asserunt, inde liberum arbitrium cum Manicheis negant. 3 Ep. ad Lucidum. 4 Bk IX, Ep. 9. 13- 196 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS The Epistle to Lucidus. Lucidus had carried this doctrine of predestination to bounds which Augustine himself never reached, inasmuch as his theories involved the complete suppression of the human will. He roundly declared that man is irrevocably predestined from his birth, and he expressed himself, and his doctrines, in extremely harsh and utterly repellent language. Faustus begged him to retract his false views, and for this purpose sent a statement for his signature, containing six propositions which he was asked to condemn and censure. They were to this effect: (1) That man was born without sin, could be saved by his own efforts, and could, without the grace of God, keep from sinful ways. (2) That one who had received the grace of baptism, and then fell away through temptation, perished in the original sin of Adam. (3) That in the foreknowledge of God a man might be predestined to eternal death. (4) That no man who perished had been placed by grace in the way of salvation. (5) That a man made as a vessel unto dishonour can never become a vessel unto honour. (6) That Christ did not die for all, and does not desire that all should be saved. From these uncompromising propositions it is possible for us to see clearly what views Lucidus really held. After some delay and reluctance Lucidus signed the condemnation of them. Two Books on " Grace and Freewill." It was then that at the wish of a number of brother prelates, this great thinker of the 5th century, Faustus, undertook his work on Grace and Freewill 1 in which he argues like a theologian of a much later period in the history of Christian doctrine. There is no doubt that Faustus believed that human salvation was con- ditional on the possession of a right will, and on human effort. This is for him Cooperatio voluntatis humanae, the " co-operation of the human will," Labor humanae obedientiae, the " work of human obedience." Overstatement and exaggeration are avoided. Faustus stands midway between S. Augustine's theory of total depravity and its accompanying total disability, 1 See Biblioth. Max. Vol. VIII, p. 523. THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA" 197 on the one hand, and the maxim of Pelagius, " If I ought, I can," on the other. He ascribes sovereign grace to God, and full responsibility to man. He maintains that even before the fall of man, free-will could not without grace attain to salvation. He vigorously repudiates the contrary opinion expressed by Pelagius : "Among other abominable doctrines, he has endeavoured to assert that man's work can prevail without grace." Faustus says that his opponent, forgetting the fear of God, forfeits sanity of judgment when he praises human weakness too highly, and when he affirms the original and unimpaired liberty of the will, there are others who assert that the human will has been altogether destroyed. Midway between these two conflicting errors, the one that extols grace alone, and the other, human effort alone, Faustus stands, and he maintains that although after the fall, the human will lost its original power, nevertheless it was not entirely destroyed, or completely de- prived of grace. There is an indestructible germ and spark of good that God implanted within, which, if cherished and nurtured by man, will co-operate with the will of God with saving effect 1 . Thus, in his opinion, even the heathen might attain to the salvation of God. In the second book 2 , the writer says that the four attributes necessary in the work of the Creator in the creation of man, are power, goodness, wisdom and justice. Faustus asks his readers to suppose that each of these in turn addressed the Creator. Wisdom asks : What are we to do ? are we to allow man a free will ? We foreknow that he will stray into the by-paths of sin, and we also foresee that he will convert those endowments which distinguish him among creatures into instru- ments of wickedness ; and consequently, if we desire that, in his case, our work should be permanent we must deprive him of the power of sinning. But Justice answers : Not so ! It is not in accord with our principles that a being, who must be tested by conflict, should have no opportunity of displaying his strength ; it is not, I say, in harmony with our principles that he whom we 1 Hie in homine ignis interior a Deo insitus, et ab homine cum Dei gratia nutritus operatur. Bk 1, chapter 1. 2 Chapter X. I98 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS desire to glorify, by his voluntary service, should be denied the opportunity and condition on which the glory depends ; that he whom we wish to reward, as a matter of pure grace, should have none of the burden of responsibility for his work laid upon him. Rather (says Justice) let all our associated and allied energies be severally displayed in him, and let us individually put forth our strength in his case. Let it be the endeavour of Power to create an exalted creature fit to dwell among all things visible, and especially in a hostile world. Let it be the part of Wisdom to regulate his life with prudence ; of Goodness to aid the contest with evil ; of Justice to reward the conqueror. Let us therefore make man for his good and for our glory ; a creature not under necessity to be good, but one who, while understanding the nature of evil, does what is good in virtue of his own choice. Let us make him a creature to whom goodness is natural and evil unnatural ; who may of his choice be good, but is possessed of the possibility of evil ; who naturally desires the good but may do the evil ; who may voluntarily keep our commandments and need not run into moral danger without his consenting will. Let it suffice that we have already formed creatures devoid of moral responsibility, in the cases of those four-footed creatures and other beasts subject to man, and consequently also incapable of the glory of moral conquest. Certainly, when we are about to confer upon a creature the dignity of being made in our image, he ought not to be made like the beasts of the field. Let us ask with regard to those creatures that we have made unconscious of sin, devoid of reason, and incapacitated for any of the praise of foresight : " Of what moral advantage is its innocent simplicity to an animal, or its fruitfulness to a tree ? " It is clear that we should not be able to bestow the palm of praise on the man we make if we preserve his nature to him by necessity. It is therefore proper for us to make him a being subject to conditions, free in his choice, perfect in his reason, under a permissive authority and a declared law, that the keeping of our commands may be the means and occasion of reward, for if he have no scope or permission to do evil, he cannot have the praise of virtue. If while participant in our kindness he does not also by his own effort and toil hold fast by THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA 199 a praiseworthy integrity, this will not be so much innocence as inertia ; and moreover, reward cannot subsist where there is no precedent merit. He cannot keep his blessings who does not know how to gain them. The gift of grace is treated with contempt where there is no devotion of obedience. Besides, it is a shame when he who bestows reward honours the lazy and rewards the sluggish. Nay rather, let him grow worthy by his own effort with co-operant help, and then with a good conscience he can be happy. For there cannot be complete happiness on the part of the recipient, unless there is personal effort, alongside the generosity of the giver. And besides, unless there is, to begin with, the curiosity of the enquirer into ascertained truths, in what way will the kindness of the bestower bring him delight ? Thus far Justice engages in the conversation and then Fore- knowledge on her part says : Is it not better not to create the human race at all than so to make him as that it may seem he must inevitably perish ? To this Goodness and Justice answer : Not so. Are we to be deprived of the piety of Abel by reason of the wickedness of Cain ? Are we to be without justice because there is increasing malice in the world ? Are we to have no Peter because at the same time we have Judas? "Very well then," says Goodness : " Let us make the human race in such manner that it cannot sin." Justice to this soon made answer circumspectly : " How can we give to man on earth what we have not given to angels in heaven ? Are we to bestow on human frailty what we have denied to the angels. This is how the case stands. It was the work of Power to draw immortal man from nothingness ; of Wisdom, to make him partaker of reason ; of Goodness, to prepare him for blessedness ; of Justice, to render him capable of deliberation before he exercises his will." " A Profession of Faith." In a preface or dedication Faustus had addressed his mono- graph on Grace and Freewill to " the most blessed and most Reverend Leontius," then bishop of Aries, at whose request it had been written. The Lyons edition of the Bibliotheca Patrum separates the preface from the body of the work under the title 200 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS of A Profession of Faith, but it is only a recapitulation of the contents of the treatise on Grace and Freewill and written against those who say it is by the will of God alone that some men are led to life while others are thrust down to hell 1 . It is a stern denunciation of the teaching of Pelagius whom it is necessary to confute, because he unduly exalts the work of man, and main- tains the all-sufficiency of man in his weakness without the need of grace. " This he foolishly believed and impiously preached," adds Faustus, who declares that grace must be added to obedience. This via media bishop who attacks Pelagius, naturally warns against the opposite extreme of fatalism, which the denial of man's power as a free agent would involve. His work had not the approbation he expected, except from Gennadius who shared the views of Faustus. Pope Hormisdas writing to Possessor excludes Faustus from the number of the Fathers who were to be regarded as judges in the difficulties raised by this doctrine of grace and free-will. " We do not receive him among the number of the Fathers" are his words 2 , and he says further, " The writings of a certain bishop of Gaul have not the authority of the works of the Fathers accepted by the Church." The work of Faustus was attacked on every side, notably by Fulgentius, Avitus and Caesarius. " On the Holy Spirit:' Gennadius tells us that Faustus wrote a book On the Holy Spirit in which he shows Him to be consubstantial and co-eternal with the Father and the Son. The same biographer says also that Faustus had written another book against the Arians and Macedonians in which he sets forth the co-essential Trinity, and another against those who say there is something incorporeal in created beings. Gennadius clearly distinguishes these two treatises and mentions that he had read both 3 . The work on the Holy Spirit, which is supposed to be lost, is given under the name of Paschasius, a deacon of the Roman Church 4 . Others 1 Biblioth. Maxima Patr. Vol. vni, pp. 5-23 seq. 2 Ep. 70, ad Possessorem . 3 Legi ejus et adversus Arianos et Macedonianos parvum libellum in quo es- sentialem praedicat Trinitatem ; et alium adversus eos qui dicunt esse in creaturis aliquid incorporeum. De viris illustr. sect. 8-;. 4 Pat. Lat. Vol. 62. THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA 2QI think it is found in the 23rd homily of those that bear the name of Eusebius of Emesa, or is identical with A Reply to some objections against the Catholic Faith. "A Reply to Some Objections." The style and reasoning of this treatise are sufficiently similar to confirm this last opinion. The increased spread and power of the Arian heresy was due in large measure to Euric, whose ambition was as great as his hatred of orthodoxy. Faustus had felt it his duty to sign the cession of Arvernia, but he would not sacrifice the souls of the people committed to his care. He raised his voice against Arianism, and it was probably on this account, as we have said, that the Arian king banished him. His battles with west Gothic Arianism won him great respect among his contemporaries. Faustus had been consulted by a bishop, whose name is not mentioned, on three questions 1 , namely, (1) What reply should be made to Arians who said that the Son being born of the Father must necessarily be younger? (2) In what sense was it true that in Jesus Christ the Divine Substance had suffered nothing by grief but only by compassion ? and (3) what are corporeal and what are incorporeal creatures? Faustus did not put his name to the reply. Although his treatise was not published, Mamertus refuted it, and confined himself almost entirely to the last of the three subjects. The first portion of this work of Faustus is a defence of orthodoxy against Arianism, and gives an explanation of the difference between the technical theological terms persona and natura in the incarnation. The obscurity of the terms when rendered from Greek into Latin gave rise to much confusion at times. Faustus maintained that the nature of things and the name of things must be distinguished the one from the other. " When you speak of gold and silver, you do not mean the metal, but the designation of the metal, for gold is one thing in its generic quality, and another in the appellation of the word. So too " begotten " and " unbegotten " are a signification of Deity, and not the Deity itself. The 1 Biblioth. Maxima Patr. Vol. viii, p. 523. 202 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS answer to the second question shows that divinity is subject to passion, and that it is true, in a sense, to say that anger, repentance and compassion find a place in God. He explains that God's anger is really His justice. The third subject forms the second portion of the treatise. It is metaphysical, and deals with the nature of the soul. Now this has been a subject of discussion by the Church from the first century, the corporeal hypothesis being the more generally held. Tertullian, for instance, declares that " the corporeality of the soul is clearly manifest to all readers of the gospel 1 . As further examples of this teaching we may instance Arnobius, the Christian apologist, who in the second book of his treatise Against the heathen, does not think the soul is of divine origin, and scarcely believes it immortal. He holds the curious opinion that a belief in its immortality would tend to remove moral restraint, and would have a prejudicial effect on human life, and maintains that what is ethereal cannot feel pain, and so there could be no punishment by fire. In the light of modern controversies it is interesting to note that he seems to have been an " Annihilationist," for in the same chapter in which he speaks of Plato's view as "not very far from the truth," he adds that souls " are cast into hell, and being annihilated pass away into everlasting destruction... this is man's real death 2 . In a later chapter Arnobius seems to suggest that those who uphold the immortality of the soul increase the wickedness of man, who will not be restrained by fear if he is assured that his life cannot be cut short by any power: "Refrain from placing man in the highest rank, since he is of the lowest, for what man is there who if he hear it taught that the soul is immortal, will not indulge in all kinds of vicious and unlawful things 3 ." Also Arnobius the younger, a semipelagian of Gaul, who wrote an allegorical commentary on the Psalms 4 couples "infinite" and "incorporeal" as the attributes of God 5 only. 1 De Anima, V, 7. 2 Contrast S. Augustine's "The death which men fear is the separation of the soul from the body ; the true death is the separation of the soul from God. This men do not fear." Augustine, Psalm xlviii. 3 XI, 2. 29. 4 Erasmus attributes this to the apologist, the elder Arnobius. 5 Solus Deus immensus et incorporeus. THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA" 203 Another example is that of John of Damascus, a great theologian of the early eastern Church, who wrote a treatise on The Fount of Knowledge, part of which is an exposition of the orthodox faith as relating to the soul, and contains the system of theology, founded on patristic teaching and councils of the Church, from the 4th to the 7th century 1 . In it he expresses the view that " God is incorporeal by nature, but angels and souls by grace 2 ." When he states that angels have an incorporeal nature, he explains it is incorporeal "in comparison with the denseness of matter." He dfaws an interesting distinction between one material being and another, and says " the human body is composed of the four elements, earth, air, water, and fire, and also of four humours, black bile, phlegm, blood and yellow bile 3 . Man shares in the mental processes of reasoning beings, participates in the life of unreasoning creatures, and has something in common with the inanimate. The bond of unity between man and the inanimate creation is the body composed of the four elements, and in the case of plants, there is the added bond of nourishment, growth, and seed. With the unreasoning animals, there is the community of the appetites of desire and impulse, of anger and the like. Man and intelligent creatures share the reasoning faculty. All this paved the way for arguments in favour of incorporeality, but it was in the interests of a literal interpretation of numerous passages of holy writ that the Fathers contended for the materiality of the soul, emphasising the doctrine of the punish- ment or reward of the soul. Faustus declared in favour of this teaching, and the argument of the tractate now under consideration proceeds somewhat like this : Everything created is of the nature of matter, and is 1 There is an English translation of the De orthod.fide in the Ante-Nicene Library, Vol. ix. 2 De ortkod. fide, Bk in, cap. 12. 3 In a volume of addresses for a retreat, published by Francis Neumayr in 1755, the author calls attention to the excuses that clergy make for their idleness. " I should like to work but I cannot, for I am indisposed." The phrase non sum dispositus is delightfully ambiguous. Neumayr then asks, "Do you mean 'I am not able' or ' I do not like ' to work ? If you are not able, it means that this inability, which is abnormal, must be due to a change in the solid or in the liquid parts of the body." He specifies the liquid parts as, " Humores, sanguis, phlegma, bilis." 204 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS corporeal, but the soul is confined within a body. Following the examples of Tertullian, Origen and others, he thought the soul in order to inhabit a body had itself need of a bodily clothing 1 , which, after death, became aerial and igneous, but did not injure its essentially spiritual nature. The soul is permanent, leaving the body at death, and re-entering it at the resurrection. He discusses the eternal punishment of the lower regions, and developing his argument he asks, " Where can the fire prepared for the devil and his angels be felt if not in the body?" " Tell me," he proceeds, "where matter can attach itself if there be no body, and if it has brought nothing material with it from the higher regions. In that case, methinks, you will take some one else's body into torment 2 ! " Faustus maintains that a body is under certain limitations of space, quantity, and quality, and is subject to pain. This being the case, how can people say that the soul is not corporeal, and consider it the exception to the universal rule of material creation 3 . He who made all things out of nothing, both fashioned them by His workmanship and endowed them with material form, and " among these things the soul is included," is the conclusion of Faustus, who anticipates, as a possible objection, the argument that an admixture of the human element renders angels susceptible to pain, and that within this element the pain is felt, and outside it, loses its force ; the answer is that it is not a matter of locality but of body, which renders pain possible or impossible 4 . Faustus is quick to see the conclusion that must be drawn from " this shortsighted and foolish argument" of his opponent who actually admits step by step that angels are first incorporeal and then infinite, 1 Vestimentum corporeum. 2 Ubi inhaerere concretio, ubi haec ipsa nescio quae colligere se potuit crassitudo, si secum aliquid corporale de ilia coelesti arce non detulit ? alienum corpus ad tormentum portabis. :i Quae cum ita habeant, quin corporeum dicunt animum ? Ergo anima a materia universae creaturae excepta esse creditur, quae non est corporea, nee localis est, si loco non continetur, ergo ubique diffunditur. 4 This would seem to be the line of his argument. His words are, " Si forte adferendum aliquis putet quod ilia angelicae subtilitas naturae quadam contagione aeris hujus admixtione collecta, flammis inveniatur obnoxia, ergo in aere solo, prout ait si aerem est quod ardebit, non in illo, sed extra ilium poena desaeviret, sed absque dubio non aliud est, quam substantia corporis, ubi dominari poterit vis doloris." THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA" 205 and thus the privileges, attributes and majesty of the Creator are ascribed to created beings 1 . Elsewhere, without making any statement as to their spirituality, Faustus seems to protest against the idea of angels, archangels and human souls being reckoned incorporeal 2 . His views were opposed by Claudius Mamertus 3 , who in a.d. 470 wrote a book on the condition or substance of the soul, in refutation of the tractate of Faustus. It is possible and not unlikely that Faustus may only have wished to draw a distinction between the Creator and the creature, for though he had said that angels have a body, he was quite definite that nothing is incorporeal but God 4 . In his opinion, "God alone is incorporeal because incomprehensible and everywhere diffused, for He did not take beginning from any created body of matter 5 ." Letter to Gratus 6 . The fruitfulness of his pen is further indicated by his letter, condemning the teaching of the Nestorians and Monophysites, which he addressed to Gratus, a deacon who did not hold orthodox views on the union of the two natures in the Person of Christ, and was probably a Eutychian. This Gratus had lived the life of a solitary, and had practised such austerity that his mind had become affected, and he imagined that he had revelations 7 , and, under this delusion, he composed a tractate in which he maintained that in Jesus Christ, God and Man, there was only one nature. He sent this tractate to Faustus who hesitated to reply to it, because it did not seem to merit any answer. He 1 Vide quo tendat imprudens loquitur et imperita persuasio, qui incorporeum loquitur et jam incomprehensibilem confitetur. 2 Licet enim non pronuntiemus nonnullas esse spirituales substantias, ut angeli, archangeli, ipsae quoque animae nostrae, tamen incorporeae nullatenus aestimandi sunt. Epistle 3. 3 Gennadius in Deviris illustr. sect. 68, calls him " Episcopum Viennensem," and in sect. 84, " Viennensis ecclesiae presbyter." 4 Nihil ergo Deus incorporeum praeter Deum. 5 Unus ergo Deus incorporeus, quia et incomprehensibilis, et ubique diffusus ; ex nullius enim facturae corpore materiale sumpsit exordium. 6 Biblioth. Maxima Patr. Bk VIII, p. 553. 7 Hist. lit. de la France, Bk 11, p. 317. 206 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS did send a reply, however, in which he tried to persuade Gratus to relinquish his life of solitude, and to submit himself to some experienced abbot for the better regulation of his life. This letter was couched in language of somewhat severe criticism, but was written in sincere humility and unfeigned charity, and with the frankness of a friend, for he desired to cure Gratus with a bitter remedy rather than lose him by the sweetness of flattery. He did not return the tractate, but advised him to suppress what he had written lest it should fall into the hands of others, who loved his person, and his honour, less than his friend did ; and in making it public would only bring discredit upon him through its errors. Faustus shows him that in his unwillingness to say that the Virgin was the " Mother of God," he falls into the error of Nestorius. He reproves him for saying there was only one nature, and tells him that although it is quite true to say that in God there is only one nature in three Persons, yet in Jesus Christ there are two natures in one single Person. • Letter to Felix. Faustus also wrote a letter to Felix, a patrician and prefect of the Praetorium, who was then under the spiritual guidance of Leontius, bishop of Aries. In it he prescribes three remedies against sin. They are: (i) confession of those that have been committed, (2) fear of the last judgment, and (3) a dread of eternal fire. An Admonition to Monks. In this epistle Faustus expresses his strong disapproval of monks who return to the outer world, especially if they retain the monastic garb. He points a moral from the lower creation which sets such a different example : " Birds value their nests, wild beasts love the place where they were brought up." He lays stress also upon the importance of the human will ; " Resist the devil by the use of your will, cherish all virtues especially obedience and humility," is his message. In similar words he appeals to the human element in religion. Speaking of ex- communication, he says it must only be used as a last resource. THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA" 207 Faustus also wrote on Deathbed Repentance, The State of the Soul after Death, and kindred subjects. Sidonius Apollinarius, his great friend, wrote letters and poems to him, lavishing very flattering eulogies upon his writings. His Homilies. Uncurbed passions prevailed amongst men of the world, and society was marked by deplorable faults, while the discipline of the quiet monastic life directed and dominated the minds and hearts of the monks. The homilies of Faustus 1 , who possessed great powers as an extemporaneous preacher 2 , played no un- important part in fostering this holy temper. " It is not to repose in false security that you have entered this island," he said, " but that you may make vigorous efforts for self-improve- ment. Our vigour must show no sign of relaxation, our efforts must be constant, for the warfare is endless, and peace with our enemy is impossible. The foe may be vanquished, but friendship between us can never be established. Our profession compels us to renounce all that this present life offers of consolation and of glory ; the delights of earth are not for us ; our thoughts must be towards the eternal promises 3 ." Faustus indicates two great means of securing victory in the struggle ; they are the love of solitude and the spirit of obedience. It is evident that from time to time the attractions of outside work and activities proved a strong temptation to the monks, for Faustus asks : " What more dangerous than to leave the place where the Lord has called you, where he has sheltered you as in a harbour from the tempests of the age 4 ? " He warns them of the cruel deception of inconstancy. He reminds them that, even in the shelter of the island home, there is danger that the least negligence and the lightest faults act upon the soul, even as drops of water penetrate the ship through imperceptible fissures. He points out also the force of example in its effect upon others, " How blessed is he whose humility has lowered his brother's pride, whose obedience and fervour rebuke lukewarmness and idleness in others 5 ." He lays special emphasis upon the necessity and value of obedience : 1 Twenty-two of his sermons are preserved in Codex Regnlarum and a codex of the 9th and 10th centuries. 2 Gennadius. 3 Sermon 1. 4 Sermon VII. 5 Sermon I. 208 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS " God refuses the strength needful for the great work of salvation to those who have not learnt how to obey. The habit of dis- obedience darkens the understanding and misleads the judgment 1 ." He warns them that the soul, which is the slave of its own will and passions, is an exile from God. He bears touching testimony to the influence still exerted by their pious founder : " Let us remember of what an illustrious father we are the disciples and sons ! Let each take what he can of this treasured legacy. One can be heritor of his faith, his sweetness, his simplicity, another of his benevolence and his wisdom. Although this friend of God, so rich in virtue, has taken away with him all his possessions, yet he has left them also to us in their entirety, if we desire them 2 ." By such exhortations did Faustus maintain the fervour of the monastery's earliest days. His sermons on some of the festivals show originality of interpretation, and abound in simple illustrations. Preaching on The Nativity he says : " Consider I pray you with what anxiety a great man desiring to celebrate his own, or his son's birthday, gives the order several days beforehand that nothing which is soiled and untidy shall be seen in his house. If therefore we make such preparations for our own birthday, what preparations ought we not to make for the Lord's birthday ? " Caesarius, bishop of Aries, defended honest borrowing of the thoughts of others. He was facile enough even to lend out his own sermons which his brother bishops preached or utilised. He borrowed largely from the works of others. This sermon of Faustus is an instance in point. It is reproduced almost word for word in Caesarius 3 . In a sermon on The Feast of S. Stephen, Faustus says : " If any distinction can be made between martyrs, he who is first in time would seem to be chief of all. For whilst S. Stephen was ordained deacon by the apostles, he surpassed them in his blessed and triumphal death, and so he, who was inferior in order, became first in suffering, and he, who was a disciple in rank, was a master in his martyrdom." There are extant several of his sermons on The Epiphany. In one of these, he preached on the marriage in Cana. It is an 1 Sermon vn. 2 Sermon I. 3 Pat. Lat. Vol. 39, p. 1973. THE BISHOP OF THE "VIA MEDIA" 200. example of the Origenist allegorical method. He commences by- saying that such as Christ was after His baptism, such was He before it, Lord. He interprets the miracle thus : The marriage signifies our restoration, just as on another occasion the younger son is received with dancing and singing. The six waterpots are the six periods of the world, from Adam to Noah, Noah to Abraham, Abraham to Moses, Moses to David, David to the Captivity, and the Captivity to John the Baptist, during which prophecy concerning Christ never failed. The marriage signifies the joy of human salvation, and it was solemnised on the third day to typify either the Trinity or the resurrection. The Theological Position of Faustus. It is not altogether easy to define his theological position with complete exactitude. There is no doubt of his orthodoxy concerning the central truth of the Christian faith 1 , but orthodoxy in this case is defined without difficulty. It is summed up in one question, Was Jesus Christ or was He not a creature ? The difference between Pelagianism and Semipelagianism is one of degree. It has been quaintly said with some clearness and cleverness that Augustinianism represented man as morally dead, Semipelagianism as morally sick and Pelagianism as morally sound. He was a very definite theologian and a stern and uncompromising adversary of Pelagius. He was equally definite in his views on predestination, which he termed " blas- phemous, erroneous, heathen, fatalistic and immoral." He may aptly be described, then, as the via media bishop, just such a son of Lerins as we have learnt to look for from the mediating influence of that monastery. These men who were trained in the solitude of Lerins were eminently practical, when they went from its cloisters to face the duties of the outer world ; they accomplished with honour the mission entrusted to them. Faustus was no exception. In his own words he did not forget the illustrious founder of whom he was a disciple and a son, and 1 In his De Spiritu sancto, I, 2, we find these words: "Credo et in Filium Dei Jesum Christum qui conceptus est de Spiritu sancto natus ex Maria virgine" and " (credo et) in Spiritum sanctum, sanctam ecclesiam, sanctorum communionem, remissionem peccatorum, carnis resurrectionem, vitam aeternam." C M. 14 210 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS he did not fail to manifest some at least of the virtues that he had inherited from the master. He maintained the pristine fervour of the monastery and helped to preserve the savour in those whom God had chosen to be " the salt of the earth." As has been said of other Lerinensian theologians, there are many phrases in the writings of Faustus that are reminiscent of the Athanasian creed. No one has as yet come forward to champion his authorship. It is interesting to note that in one of his letters 1 Faustus answers a question, raised by Paulinus, as to whether one who held orthodox views would be saved in spite of sins against morality. " In things divine, both believing and pleasing are necessary " is the substance of the reply, and in spirit it is in accord with the teaching of the creed, which inculcates not only a right faith, but a right conduct, for in the words of Emerson " a man's action is the picture-book of his creed." 1 Ep. 5. CHAPTER XII A NURSERY OF BISHOPS LUPUS, THE PRINCE OF PRELATES Lupus was born at Toul towards the end of the 4th century. He was the son of a wealthy nobleman named Epirocus, but lost his parents in infancy. He was educated by an uncle named Alisticus, and seems to have done full justice to his excellent opportunities. He was closely connected by ties of kinship with great ecclesiastics, for his mother was sister of Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, and he married Pimeniola, the sister of Hilary, archbishop of Aries, from whom he afterwards separated by mutual consent in order to devote himself to the conventual life. He too was a son of Lerins, and another illustration of the wide-spread influence of the monastery. He was only there about a year, but it was long enough for him to gain the esteem of the brethren. Connection with it, even if brief, is regarded as one of the glories of a life-time. Eucherius placed his name by the side of those of Honoratus and Caprasius, and, curiously and quaintly punning on his name, compared him to the wolf of the tribe of Benjamin. The point of comparison is that Lupus the bishop and Lupus the wolf are both alike, vigilant and determined to take possession of their prey 1 . It was not distaste for the religious life that caused him to leave Lerins. It was with a view to a fuller renunciation of the world that he went away for a few days, with the set purpose of selling such goods as he still possessed, that he might distribute the proceeds of the sale among the poor. As he was about to return to the monastery, the people seized him at Macon and acclaimed him bishop of Troyes. Of this method of selecting bishops there are of course very notable examples in Ambrose of Milan, and Cyprian of Carthage. This was in A.D. 427 and he occupied the see for the extraordinarily long period of fifty-two years. Sidonius 1 Reverendi nominis Lupum, qui nobis ilium ex tribi Benjamin lupum retulit. De laude eremi. 14 — 2 212 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS Apollinaris, in a flattering description, calls him " the father of fathers, the bishop of bishops, the prince of the prelates of Gaul, the pillar of virtue, the friend of God 1 ." A biographer 2 says of Lupus, "his habits were more austere, his activity less varied, (than Hilary's), he lived a hard life, and the severity of it and the assiduity of his prayers were the ceaseless admiration of his contemporaries. He had moreover a cultivated mind and took an active interest in intellectual development. He was anxious about the schools and educational facilities in his diocese, and gave protection to all who encouraged learning." It has been well said also that his ascendancy struck the imagination of men. The story related by Bede of the visit of this eminent prelate to England sufficiently illustrates the saying that he was one of those singular characters that struck the imagination of their fellows. The Fathers of Gaul had dealt vigorously with the errors of Pelagianism, and when it spread to Britain, the Christians there made an appeal to the Gallican bishops, who thereupon held a synod, and as a result of this they appointed Lupus and Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, to undertake a mission in defence of orthodoxy. Prosper states that this task was undertaken at the request of pope Celestine. The two delegates, by whomso- ever sent, preached and taught, and as a climax met the supporters of Pelagianism at Verulam 3 . The story of this public disputation at S. Alban's is worth noting. The two bishops spoke with such power and eloquence that the advocates of Pelagianism were silenced. The rules of debate seem to have been fairly observed, and the Pelagians given every opportunity of fully stating their case. The tomb of S. Alban was visited by Lupus and Germanus who took away with them some earth still moist with this martyr's blood. The heathens were instructed and prepared for baptism. The help of Germanus and Lupus was then sought in defence of the Christians against Saxons and Picts. The well-known and apocryphal story of the "Alleluia victory " (wherever fought) is attached to the visit and to these 1 Ep. VI, i. - Guizot, Histoire de la civilisation en France, Vol. I, p. 93. 3 Bede gives a very full narrative in Hist. Eccles. Vol. I, pp. 17-21, which is based upon Constantius' Life of Germanus. LUPUS, THE PRINCE OF PRELATES 21 3 names of Gallic bishops. Bede's summary of their mission is characterised by sound common sense. The varied miraculous interferences and interpositions, in the story of the " burning thatched houses, in one of which Germanus lay helpless with a broken limb, from which the flames scrupulously held aloof," and the like do not disturb our judgment when we read what he says : " Like the apostles, they had honour and authority through a good conscience, obedience to their doctrine through their sound learning, whilst the reward of virtue attended upon their numerous merits." Whether the Maes Gannon is the Field of Germanus in Flintshire, or wherever " Alleluia " may have won a victory, we can easily believe that the piety and learning of these Gallic bishops produced a great and permanent impression in favour of the orthodox catholic faith. His defiance at the gates of Troyes of the fierce barbarian is another illustration of the impressiveness of his personality. It was a dramatic meeting. The all-conquering Hun had marched through unresisted plunder and rapine on this city. Behind him were the Roman legions, the Burgundians and the Visigoths. Behind Lupus was a defenceless city ! The man of God triumphed, and the heathen warrior's arms were powerless under the spell of this soldier of the cross, unarmed with carnal weapons. The city was saved, the Hun was impressed. The latter history of the bishop is not known. He returned to Troyes after accompanying Attila for a time, but the town had been deserted, and Lupus retired to the mountains some forty miles from Troyes, where, his biographer states, he spent two years, in hope of gathering together the people of the episcopal city. His efforts were in vain, and he went back again to Macon where he had been proclaimed bishop. Two letters of his are extant. There is no record of any other of his writings. The one was written by Lupus to Sidonius, who had been a prefect of Rome and became bishop of Clermont. When Euric aspired to conquer Gaul, Sidonius had conducted operations on the ramparts against him. It was at this period of anxiety and unrest that he had written to Lupus, asking his prayers and council. Lupus wrote in reply : " Very dear brother, I render thanks to the Lord our God who, 214 A NURSERY OF BISHOPS in this weakness and affliction of the Church, His spouse, has called thee to the rank of bishop to sustain and console her. You have gloriously endured earthly wars, and now you can with ardour fulfil the ministrations of heavenly battles. You have honourably filled senatorial rank. Once the master of all you must now be the servant of all. Courage, my old friend and young brother. I do in spirit what I cannot do in body. In Christ's presence I embrace and honour no longer a prefect of the republic but a bishop of the church, who is my son in age, my brother in dignity, my father in merit 1 ." This letter made a great impression upon Sidonius, and his reply, written in terms of almost extravagant admiration, is extant : "If criminals may be allowed to do justice to one who is at once the model of morals, the pillar of virtues, how great a debt I owe to you who have been so good as to dress, by means of your exhortations, the wounds of a most contemptible worm ! " The other letter of Lupus was addressed to Talasius who had been elected bishop of Angers in A.D. 453 and was anxious to obtain some information on liturgical matters and ecclesiastical discipline. With this end in view he had written to Lupus and to Euphronius, bishop of Autun. These specific questions on which he desired advice related to the differences in the observance of the vigils of Christmas, Epiphany, and Easter, and to the marriage of the clergy and other officials of the Church. The reply 2 which is sent in the names of Lupus and Euphronius 3 says, " We have carefully read the Commonitorium which was sent to us by the hands of Archontius the sub-deacon, and to which, as you have requested, we are anxious to reply." It gives the method of celebrating the vigils, and points out that lections on the birth of our Lord are to be read on the vigil of Christmas, and lections from various books all of which should contain something prefigurative, or prophetic of the passion, and in addition psalms and lections from the prophets or the New Testament may also be included as a 1 This letter is accessible in the Spicilegium, but is declared by Mons. Havet (Article in the Bibliothlque de V icole des Charles, 1885) to be a forgery. 2 Sirmond, Concil. Gal. Vol. I, p. 122, and Instrumenta {Gallia Christiana), Vol. IV, Col. 39. 6 Beatissimo fratri Talasio Episcopo, Lupus et Euphronius Episcopi pariter positi. LUPUS, THE PRINCE OF PRELATES 215 voluntary exercise, on the vigil of Easter, but that the festival of Epiphany has its own particular observance, which however he does not state. With regard to second marriages, the reply states that the Church allows it for all up to the grade of porter, and that where a priest shall have admitted the rule for his own district, the Church will legally guard it, but that she rigorously excludes exorcists and sub-deacons from second marriages. The reply further states that these particulars have been given in order " to explain the custom of our churches of which there is but one rule, but that for anything which conduces to the honour of God which may be introduced in a district, we will allow it, though we may not imitate it." The writers of the letter say further, " We do not allow those who have given themselves to the ministrations of the Church to contract a second marriage," and it concludes, " if either an exorcist or a sub-deacon, or even a porter comes to such a pitch of folly as to bind himself in a second marriage, he is barred not only from his ministrations, but also from the communion of the faithful." Lupus is described as the " S. James of his age " ; " in no way inferior to Moses " ; "a sentinel, from a Jerusalem in no way inferior to the first, watching over the Church of God " ; and as " indisputably the first of all the prelates not only of Gaul, but of the world." High opinion of this bishop of Troyes is continually expressed in the epistles of Sidonius. He refers to "the wisdom of Lupus 1 ," and in desiring to pay a tribute to Aigan, called him " the equal of Lupus 2 ." To speak of his combination of ascetic contemplation, and practical duty, is but to pay testimony to the common charac- teristic of the sons of Lerins. His bravery in action, his spirituality in counsel, and the honoured position he held in the opinion of his contemporaries justify his biographer's designating him Lupus " of glorious memory," and cause us to regret that we know so little of the life of this " Moses of a later age," who brought lustre to Lerins. 1 Ep. vn, 13. 2 Ep. vm, 15. CHAPTER XIII A NURSERY OF BISHOPS EUCHERIUS The name of this, " the most distinguished occupant of the see of Lyons, Irenaeus alone excepted," is said to be derived from evj^epr]?, ev^etp, avhpbs e#%etpo» "^ U V in (U ^ a. ^ a s x: "^ U ~ o <^ h ^ *>- ■*> *%• ■^ <: b/> ■^ ■s ^ ^ *o 4 U, ^ s ^ a ■5a .<^ J5 to •«s * «; ■-» j^ q ^ *<^ ■-^ ^ ^^ u O O tC ^ T3 a *>s* 3 E* o > b>0 +-> % u, O 'K i U, ^ 3 n! *J -4-> '— S; o £ u O ■s ">o 4) -*-> d ■ J5 h ^ -*: ^ > •^ & ^ 14 O Uh 3 a -4-> O u a; h ft. ^ ^ >> ^3 ^3 ^ m u O 4> U) W u o o c u 4) h The Chest, now in Grasse Cathedral. APPENDIX ANCIENT MONUMENTS, BUILDINGS AND TREASURES Only one inscription has been discovered on the island of Sainte Marguerite. It is bilingual (Greek and Latin) and was unearthed in 1818, near the fort. It has been lost again and only an imperfect account of it has been preserved. It was dedicated to the god Pan. If it does not prove that there was originally a temple on the island in his honour, it shows at any rate that Greek navigators frequented it, and that a Greek population existed side by side with the Roman. The island of Saint Honorat, on the contrary, is rich in inscriptions and monumental ruins, which attest that it was very early occupied, and was of considerable importance long before the Christian era. Most of these are now preserved in the lapidary museum of which we give an illustration. In the court of the chateau fort is a votive stone, with an inscription as below 1 . It would seem to be a column erected "To the emperor 1 IMP FL . . . . VAL .... TINO P . . F AVG .... NEPOTI The full inscription may be conjecturally restored as follows : IMPERATORI CAESARI FLAVIO VALERIO CONSTAN TINO PIO FELICI AVGVSTO DIVI MAXI MIANI AVGVSTI NEPOTI DIVI CON STANTI AVGVSTI PII FILIO. 3IO APPENDIX Caesar Flavius Valerius Constantine, pious, blessed, Augustus, grandson of the divine Maximinius Augustus, son of the divine pious Constantius Augustus 1 ." There is an interesting inscription which recalls a college or association of boatmen who plied between Cannes and the island 2 . It may perhaps be thus read : " Gaius Julius Catullinus raised this monu- ment to the honour of the college of the Utriculars 3 ." These Utriculars used inflated leather bottles, covered with planks, to transport travellers and merchandise across the river, or an arm of the sea. As these rafts were very light, and only drew a little water they could, even if heavily loaded, navigate shallow water more easily than any boat. This inscription was originally in the chapel of S. Stephen. On a block of limestone, forming a lintel or head-piece of a door, some letters are very clearly cut 4 . It is probably part of a tomb prepared for himself and his family by one who had had his name engraved thereon, " Desiderius Ferox during his lifetime made this tomb for himself and his family." The position of this mutilated stone, in the very shadow of the present church, has moved a writer to see a vivid contrast between one who was self-named the ferocious, whose pagan relic now lies almost on the ground, and the magnificent basilica of the humble S. Honoratus whose memory will be immortal. This writer also makes an interesting alternative suggestion that the first word of this inscription should read " Lerius." As the first letter has disappeared, the supposition finds some support. It may then be 1 M. Edmond Blanc, Epigraphie du Depart ement des Alpes-Maritimes, Partie I, No. 2125. 8 COLLEGIO VTRICLAR GIVLIVS CATVILLINVS DON POS It should probably be amplified to read thus : COLLEGIO VTRICVLARIORVM GAIVS IVLIVS CATVLLINVS DONO POSVIT 3 We are again indebted to M. Edmond Blanc for an interpretation. * ERIVS FEROX SIBI ET SVIS V F The full inscription may be restored thus : "Desiderius Ferox sibi et suis vivus fecit." APPENDIX 311 conjectured that the monument is part of a dedication to Lerius or Lero whose altars Honoratus destroyed 1 . Another limestone column is in honour of Neptune 2 . It consists only of three proper names, and may be understood without difficulty : "Veratia Montana raised this monument to Neptune." This was formerly in the chapel of Caprasius. In the old cloister there is a stone which serves as the capital of one of the columns. It is upside down. The two first words of the short inscription are quite clear, the last is indistinct 3 . It is reason- able to assume that it is the offering of some freedman to his master. The Chapel of S. Honoratus. The original building, partly in ruins, was still standing so late as a.d. 1876. A learned and well informed archaeologist 4 gives a very full and interesting account of the church as it was in a.d. 1835. The walls, he says, have a Roman appearance, but the layers, which are quite parallel, are of unequal thickness, and the stones, although cut square, are not joined with that perfection which was characteristic of early times to the end of the 4th century. He tells us that the interior of the chapel was divided into three naves by two rows of six pillars, each of which sustains a Gothic vault. He presumes that the chapel took the form of a Latin cross. In no part was any sign of painting to be seen " except mean whitewash which is to be found everywhere." An architect to the French government has published a monograph on the ancient chapel as he saw it in a.d. 1869 5 . He expresses the opinion that " this sanctuary goes back to the highest antiquity, according to tradition, and was founded in the 7th century, although the general form of this early date has entirely disappeared." Both these writers are agreed that the chapel was of great antiquity although not contemporaneous with the founder of the abbey. The use of very ancient materials and especially of tumular stones indicate a barbaric age. According to 1 Monographic de Pile Saint Honorat de Lerins, 1880, p. 237 a NEPTVNO VERATIA MONTANA 3 NVS LIBERTO INCOMPARABILI * Prosper Merimee, Voyage dans le midi de la France. 5 Rohault de Fleury, Une visite a~ Vile de Saint Honorat, Me" moires de la Societe" des Sciences, Cannes, 1869. This book is now out of print, but we were able to see it in the municipal library at Nice. 312 APPENDIX tradition 1 , the chapel was rebuilt and consecrated in a.d. 1088 by abbot Aldebert II, who had originated the fortress tower. Alterations and additions were made until completion in the second half of the 1 2th century, and in this form the building remained until the 17th, when considerable ruin necessitated important reconstruction. The Cistercians, who were put in possession of the monastery after the secularisation, were unable to adapt the old chapel to their new needs. They therefore pulled it down and built a new one in its place. According to a modern writer 2 , the new building reproduces the ancient gable of the old chapel ; "in a word the whole architecture concurs in perfect reproduction, but in better harmony with the ancient building." The Seven Chapels of S. Honoratus. Barralis, the historian of the abbey, tells us that round the island of Saint Honorat were seven chapels, all of them on the sea-shore, and most of them terraced with two cannon, and that in the period of indulgences, pilgrims visited them before preparation for Holy Communion 3 . He gives the names as follows : The Holy Trinity, SS. Cyprian and Justina, S. Michael, The Transfiguration of our Saviour, S. Caprasius, S. Peter, and S. Porcarius. They served as places of prayer for groups of cells. The Chapel of the Transfiguration of our Saviour. By far the most interesting is the chapel of the Transfiguration, known as S. Saviour. It is situated on the north-east of the island, not far from the present landing stage. Its architectural beauty is seriously disfigured by being almost entirely covered with a thick coating of whitewash. It is octagonal in form, with a very low semicircular apse. The roof is shaped like a slightly raised dome. The arched door in the front is low. The absence of all characteristic ornament renders the date of construction very problematic. But its simplicity, and the relationship it bears to the buildings of the old monastery, suggest it was erected about the same time, if not earlier. It was probably the first chapel to be built on the island. Its size too would suggest that it was anterior to the large 1 Barralis, Chron. Lev. 1, p. 376. 2 Monographie de Vile Saint Honorat de Lerins, 1880. 3 Circa gyrum insulae, Viae stratae ad peregrinorum solamen visitantium.... Chron. Ler. Descriptio situs. APPENDIX 313 addition of monks in the later years of the history of the monastery. Prosper Merimee 1 makes the interesting, and by no means unlikely, suggestion that this chapel was really a baptistery. There is something to be said both for and against this theory. On the one hand, there was a custom in the first centuries for the new converts to pass some time in the monasteries in preparation for baptism, or for instruction. The Council of Aries, regulating the rights of the bishop of Frejus and the immunities of the monastery, enacted that the bishop alone should give the chrism, that is confirm the neophytes, but that the abbot possessed the right to give holy baptism. In the primitive churches the baptistery was generally in a separate building. On the other hand, this chapel is a long way from the monastery. No baptismal font or laver has been discovered, and no conduit for the water. Barralis says nothing about it, and local tradition is equally silent. The Abbot's Grotto. Not far from this chapel is the "Abbot's Grotto." It is entered from the sea through an opening between two rocks. The historian of the abbey tells us that Columbanus and Eleutherius probably hid here 2 at the time of the massacre of Porcarius and the five hundred monks. It received its name from the fact that Eleutherus subsequently became abbot of the monastery. The Chapel of the Holy Trinity. Situated at the opposite end of the island, and facing the islet of S. Ferreol, is the chapel of the Holy Trinity. No whitewash or plaster has defaced this construction which has impressed all archaeologists who have visited and examined it. " At first sight," says Revoil 3 " this singular edifice leaves us in very great uncertainty as to the period of its erection, but after a more close survey, it is recognised to be much anterior to the nth century." Merimee places it in the 7th or 8th century, and remarks that " it is difficult to imagine a more barbaric structure 4 ," and he adds his opinion that " we do not believe there 1 Voyage dans le midi de la France. - Columbanus et Eleutherius discedentes a ceteris in quodam antro prope littus insulae. Chron. Ler. I, p. 112. 3 Architecture roviane du midi de la France; Edifices religieux, Chapelles et Oratoires, pp. 4-8. 4 Voyage dans le midi de la France. 314 APPENDIX exists in the west a more ancient dome than that of the chapel of the Holy Trinity." Composed of regular layers carelessly placed, devoid of architectural proportion, and without the least decoration, this chapel can be cited as one of the first built in Christian Gaul. There is a nave, with semi-circular vault, divided into two parts by a groin. A narrow arcade separates the nave from the three apses which terminate it. A small dome with circular base, and conical in shape, surmounts the space between these apses. This remarkable construction may not belong either to the Christian era or to the Roman period. Its enormous stones, and its lack of ornamentation are not inconsistent with the period of the Greeks or Phoenicians. The Chapel of S. Peter. The site of this chapel is indicated by a mass of ruins near the position of the old monastery. It was dedicated to S. Peter, the first patron of the island of Saint Honorat. Its foundations were buried under thick bushes, and only saw the light of day in recent years. The chapel had fallen into ruins towards the end of the 15th century, and was rebuilt by Antony Saramand, prior of Vergons, with the concurrence of Andrew Grimaldi who was abbot-commendatory at that time 1 . It was destroyed by the Spaniards in a.d. 1636, in order to make a bastion of the materials. The Chapel of S. Caprasius. This chapel, which Fournier calls S. Caprasius, and places opposite the fort of Aragon, was in the western part of the island, but has now entirely disappeared. Its stones were used for the construction of a battery. It was built in honour of Caprasius, the guide and companion of Honoratus and Venantius, near the place in which he had lived a hermit's life. From motives of humility he never received Holy Orders, but, in spite of this, he was always regarded as the patriarch of the monks. He survived Honoratus and died a centenarian in a.d. 434. The cell of brushwood, occupied by this old hermit for 55 years, became a holy meeting place, and it is not surprising that a chapel should have been erected in commemoration of him. Only a few unimposing ruins remain. 1 Inventaire de Mine la Ctesse de Sainte-Seine. APPENDIX 315 The Chapel of S. Cyprian and S. Justina. This chapel is now in the precincts of the orphanage ; and still preserves its architectural features, and is in a good state of preservation. It is a simple structure with arched vault, and is lighted by two lancet windows. It is jointly dedicated to S. Cyprian the Magician, and S. Justina, two illustrious martyrs who suffered death the same day at Nicomedia under Diocletian. The relics of Justina were venerated in the church of the Benedictines at Padua; and when the Benedictines came to assist in the reformation of the monastery of Lerins, they established there the memory and veneration of their saint, and consecrated this small chapel to her. The building thus serves to commemorate the transitory union of the monks of Saint Honorat with those of the congregation of S. Justina, or Monte-Cassino. The Chapel of S. Michael. This chapel was situated on the northern extremity of the island, opposite Sainte Marguerite. Very little of the building remains except the base of the front wall, for the materials were used for the construction of a little rotunda for the storage of the rigging of a ship. It was built in honour of Caprasius at the place where S. Michael was said to have appeared when he announced the approaching death of this aged monk, and, judging by the foundations, it was of somewhat small dimensions. The dedication is not altogether special, for in the middle ages there was an almost universal devotion paid to the Archangel. There was, however, an added reason for this dedication at Lerins, for according to the legend, the prince of the angels appeared not only to Caprasius but also to Aygulphus and others. The Chapel of S. Porcarius. Porcarius and his martyred monks were supposed to have been buried by Eleutherus and his three surviving companions in a long grave hollowed out between the chapel of Porcarius and the new monastery. This chapel is within the abbey walls, and is the only- one of the seven where mass is now celebrated. This is done once a year on the festival of the Martyr-Saint. This appears to be the only one of the seven chapels which the Spaniards spared. Of all the others we read that they were terraced with cannon, and used for some military or other temporary purpose. It offers nothing of interest from 316 APPENDIX the point of view of archaeology, but historically it ranks among the oldest buildings on the island. Indulgences for Pilgrims. Reference has already been made to the grant of indulgences, by various popes, to those who visited the island during the period from the Ascension to Whitsuntide. The chapels were then the objects of special worship on the part of the faithful who went in procession, chanting canticles, the whole length of a path traced round the island. They came from all parts, both far and near, and jealousy on the matter of precedence was not unknown. The two villages of Rians and Pertuis, situated at some distance from Cannes, seem to have been as jealous as they were fervent, and in order to avoid any dispute in the future, the abbot found it necessary in a.d. 1633 to make an ordinance determining the order and rank that each one should hold. It is entitled "An ordinance of the Abbot of Lerins, relative to the order of precedence in processions, between the inhabitants of Cannes, Pertuis and Rians 1 ." It is to this effect : " In order to avoid in the future every kind of dispute and contention about rank, order, and right of place in the procession which is annually made at the feast of the Ascension, in the island of S. Honoratus of Lerins, between Cannes, Pertuis and Rians, and in order that union, peace and concord may be continued among them and all present, and that devotion may in no way be disturbed, We, Dom Honorius Dubrais, Abbot of the Monastery, on the advice of the Reverend Father Benoist of Aix, Prior, and of the Reverend Father Louis, of the said Aix, Cellarer and Procurator-General of the said monastery, have determined the rank, order, and place in the procession as follows : First of all shall march the chief and captain of the company of Cannes with his armed men disposed and ranked as customary. After them shall follow the great cross of our Monastery with the candles. Then shall follow the cross and banner of the confraternity of Rians, the priest-prior and other colleagues two and two. Afterwards shall march the cross and banner, priests, priors and other colleagues of Pertuis, two and two. Immediately afterwards shall march four ranks of musketeers of the Cannes company. Then shall march our chapter in order, and after them those who carry the relics of S. Honoratus and S. Aygulphus, one priest of Pertuis and one of Rians. Pertuis shall go first and return last." The processions were 1 There is a similar Norwich order of precedence extant. APPENDIX 317 forbidden by the archbishop of Aix in a.d. 1743 within a radius of more than a quarter of a league round the parishes. The community of Rians which did not wish to renounce so ancient a devotion on any account, decided that a delegate should go in its name every year to carry the offerings reserved for the saint, as long as the prelate should maintain his prohibition. At Pertuis, the devotion to Honoratus was not less than at Rians. According to local tradition he was born near this place, and about a.d. 1397 a chaplaincy in the parish church was established in his honour. In a.d. 1655, tne consuls of Pertuis themselves went to Lerins. These processions ceased altogether in the middle of the 1 8th century. The Cloister. Not less interesting is the old cloister, the darkened galleries of which still survive. The Cistercians rebuilt the new church round it. According to tradition it was here that Porcarius and his companions were murdered. The cloister communicated with the ancient church through the right transept, and this position has been maintained in the new church. The cloister is very low built, and very dark. Merimee 1 says of it: "Nothing is ruder than the construction of the cloister ; the capitals of the columns are never the same height ; the breadth of the windows varies continually ; in short, as an indication of barbarism, the capital of one column is formed by a stone with an inscription upside down 2 ." Rohault de Fleury is not more complimentary, except that he says the cloister is " one of the oldest examples of monastic architecture in the west." In the almost entire absence of features which give the ordinary indication of the date of a building, he will not precisely specify its date. We find, he says, " in front of thick-set arcades, coarse mouldings without any special characteristics." He sees in the con- struction some indication of date, for he notes that it is partly Roman, and may be ascribed to the 7th or 8th century. The introduction of the rule of Benedict at Lerins in a.d. 661 would be a sufficient motive for the erection of the cloister. The new horizon which Christianity opened out to modern art had not yet appeared, and builders had, as models, only ancient monuments, and as materials, only their ruins. Those they used in their work, without showing any power or originality in reconstruction. This writer realises with a shock that "these heavy 1 In his work already quoted. 8 The Incomparabili, already referred to, p. 311, note. 318 APPENDIX and dark galleries replaced the entrancing cloisters of the Middle Ages, those marvels of architectural elegance such as we admire at Rome, Pisa, and Aries. Here we see no ornament, no symmetry, nothing picturesque." The Chateau Fort. The most modern and the largest monument is the chateau fort, constructed for the defence of the island against the Saracens. It is built with beautifully cut stones of a yellow tint, on the edge of the sea which it proudly commands. Its high walls and crenelated parapets are mirrored in the dark blue of the Mediterranean, and still seem to protect the ruined church which was once the sanctuary of the first monks. It is a characteristic type of the forts, both military and religious, erected on the shores of Provence from the ioth to the 14th centuries. These forts serve to remind us of the disorder and violence characteristic of the Middle Ages. Beneath the ground floor is a large dungeon. The ground floor itself contains a small, square court open to the sky. It is sup- ported by six columns, one of which is red marble, three are granite, and two are common stone. On one of them are the remains of the inscription to Constantine already noted. In the middle of this court there is a 15th century cistern with a large water capacity, which was built at the expense of Gastolius de Grasse, who also paid for a chapel in the western part of this floor. It has since been destroyed. It was in this chapel that the abbots came to take official possession of the abbey. The eastern wing was added at a later date, and consisted of a large kitchen and offices, and a dining hall, and on a slightly lower level the bakehouse. The first floor is also of Gothic form and corresponds with the lower. The columns here are not so high, and their diameter is less. The chapel of the Holy Cross was in the western portion, and the body of Honoratus was placed here, but was transferred with other relics to various parishes in the neighbourhood of Grasse at the time of the secularisation of the monastery. The choir was built by abbot Geoffrey in a.d. 1432. The second floor shows the remains of several rooms, some of which were in the occupation of the monks at the time of the secularisation. To the west was the library. The most remarkable work it contained was a Bible in two volumes with two columns, on vellum. The com- missioners, appointed to make an inventory at the time of the secularisa- tion in a.d. 1788, noted that it had suffered considerable damage. The APPENDIX 319 prior and other " religious " observed that the books were very old, and they had heard say the tradition was that, to prevent them being taken away, they had been buried, but they did not know who had cut, torn, or taken away the leaves that were missing. The tower is surmounted by a terrace floored with stout bricks, with an open parapet, which is still well preserved. This is recognised as part of the Spanish construction. In the whole building there were nearly ninety apartments altogether, among which were thirty-six cells for monks, five for strangers, and others for servants. There were four chapels, two cisterns, two staircases, four kitchens, and "in a word all that was necessary for a well-ordered monastery l ." This splendid building was commenced in a.d. 1073 by Aldebert. It stands partly upon old Roman foundations and partly on the natural rock. The second floor was covered in about fifteen years afterwards, and this haste shows the dangers that the " religious " ran. In a.d. 1 190 the tower was completed. In a.d. 1295 much of the interior work was undertaken by abbot de Mayreris 2 . In a.d. 1400 the cloisters and winding staircase were commenced 3 . It was in this year that Genoese corsairs attacked the monastery, and approached the tower which was courageously defended by the monks, till an entrance was forced. The chapel was also invaded and nothing was respected. Twenty years later, further building was undertaken by Gastolius. In a.d. 1524 the Spanish fleet, tempted by cupidity, took possession of the monastery, and in a.d. 1536 it was taken, for Charles V, by Andrew Doria. In a.d. 1746 the Germans captured it, but it was retaken by Chevalier Belle-Isle the following year. The Chest. This curious relic is now at Grasse, stowed away in a recess of the cathedral, and its existence is apparently unknown to the inhabitants generally. It is a small, arched, wooden box two or three feet in length, and a foot and a half in height, with curious archaic figures in bas-relief, and is supposed to have contained the bones of the founder of the monastery. The painted figures are still in a remarkably good state of preserva- tion. One of the sides with the top corresponding to it only shows rude decoration. The front is in three panels of unequal size, separated 1 In summa, omnia quae ad bene ordinatum monasterium requisita. Chron. Ler. 11, p. 214. 2 lb. p. 170. 3 lb. p. 214. 320 APPENDIX by figures of trees carved in the woodwork. On the left panel is depicted the arrival of Honoratus at Lerins. Three people are rowing towards the island. In the centre panel, much smaller than the other two, Honoratus, three-quarter length, is pointing with his finger to one of the trees. The sculptor either meant this to refer to the traditional palm tree, in which case Honoratus should have been depicted as mounted on it ; or more probably he wishes to indicate in this way the fertility of the island. To the right, Honoratus is shown chasing away the monsters that swarmed there at the time of his arrival. With hands joined he awaits the " Host " which an angel is bearing to him from heaven, while two serpents and a stag flee from him, and two women of repulsive ugliness, doubtless figuring the evil genii of the place, are seen above. Beneath are two shields, with a golden band across them. Three scenes are also depicted on the top of the chest : the arrival of a pope at Lerins, his reception by the abbot, and his departure. This cannot be Adrian VI, who visited Lerins in a.d. 1522, for this relic, presented as previously stated by John Andrew Grimaldi in a.d. 1482, was in existence forty years before his pontificate. The scene may merely commemorate a legendary visit. Both ends of the chest have carved work. The lower portion of the one shows Honoratus giving the Holy Communion to three monks ; and the upper panel depicts Christ leaving the tomb. The other end in the lower panel shows Honoratus celebrating Mass, and in the upper there is a representation of the resurrection in which Christ appears to be carried, or escorted, by two angels to heaven. The subject is probably another version of that shown on the other end, the ideas in both being practically identical, and perhaps represents a vision seen over the altar by Honoratus as in the " Mass of S. Gregory," or a similar legend 1 . The artistic value of this chest is not great, but still it merits 1 I am indebted to Dr James, the Provost of King's College, Cambridge, for this suggestion, which he very kindly allows me to reproduce. The legend of the Mass of S. Gregory is a late one, and artistic representations of it are very common from the beginning of the 15th century. There are several variations of it. Mrs Jameson in Sacred and Legendary Art, Vol. n, p. 316, gives this description of it : " On a certain occasion when S. Gregory was officiating at Mass, one who was near him doubted the Real Presence ; thereupon at the prayer of the saint a vision is suddenly revealed of the crucified Saviour Himself Who descends upon the altar surrounded by the instruments of His passion." This writer says she has "met with it in every variety of treatment and grouping; sometimes several saints are introduced in a poetical manner as witnesses of the miracle, and the crucified Saviour descends from the cross and stands on the altar, or is up-borne in the air by angels." APPENDIX 321 attention, and is valuable inasmuch as reliquaries of the Middle Ages in sculptured wood are comparatively rare 1 . The Library. Caesar Nostradamus tells us 2 that the monastery library was in the 14th century "renowned as the most beautiful in Europe," and that a " Monge des iles d'or " made a catalogue of the books. This, if it ever existed, has been entirely lost, as well as one said to have been compiled by Hermentarius ; but four others are still preserved which date from the 17th and 18th centuries. Two of these 3 form part of an inventory of the property of the monastery at the time of its cession to a French congregation in a.d. 1742, and at the secularisation in a.d. 1788. The greater part of the manuscripts named were not then found at Lerins, and Monsieur Moris says that " search for most of them has been so far in vain 4 ." Only "the Bible of S. Honoratus" appears in the official entry, and this book has in its turn now disappeared. The inventory of a.d. 1742 speaks of "a small missal in vellum with capital letters, and illuminated pictures." It is a lectionary of the 13th century, and is to-day in the departmental Archives of the Maritime Alps 5 . It contains a homily of Gregory the Great, a sermon of Fulgentius, a prayer of Gregory, two homilies of S. Augustine, and an Order of the Divine Office of the Monastery of Lerins 6 . There are no traces of the writings of the great men of the golden age. The Monastery Treasures. The oldest inventory of these dates from a.d. 1638, others were made in a.d. 1685, 1742 (as part of the one to which reference has just been made), 1757, and 1788. There are also occasional notes by Barralis in his Chronology. At the time of the secularisation most of these treasures were distributed by Monsignor Prunieres, bishop of Grasse, to the churches in the neighbourhood, and some were sold. 1 We confess to a feeling of disappointment and regret that on our visit to the cathedral at Grasse in search of this remarkable chest, the caretaker was not apparently instructed to regard it as of value or interest, for he did not show it until much pressed as to its whereabouts, and when produced, part of the roof or lid was broken in, and gave the impression of an old box that was not wanted. We have seen many relics treasured on the continent which seem to receive undue notice and veneration. In this case, the chest might with advantage be placed in a position more in keeping with its archaeological and historic interest. 2 Histoire de Provence, pp. 443-5. 3 Archives des Alpes-Maritimes, II, 126, 127. 4 LAbbaye, p. 409. 5 II, 138. 6 See H. Moris, VAbbaye, p. 411. CM. 21 BIBLIOGRAPHY INTRODUCTORY Gibbon. 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An article in the " Bibliotheque de l'^cole des Chartes." 1885. Hoefer. General Biography, xxxii. 16. Herzog. Realencyklopadie, VIII. 564. Leipsic. 1900. Migne. Two letters. Vol. lviii. Gallandius. Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum. Vol. IX. VERANUS E. Blanc. An article in the " Bulletin Monumental." 1878. VALERIANUS L. Duchesne. Fastes episcopaux de l'ancienne Gaule. 1. N. SHACK. De Valeriano seculi quinti homiliae Christianae. Copenhagen. 1814. VINCENT OF LERINS LEON Bretenier. Essai sur Saint Vincent. 1854 J. Martin. Vincent de Levins. 1859. TlLLEMONT. Me"moires. Vol. XV. C. A. Heurtley. Vincent of Lerins. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. Vol. XI. Oxford. 1894. Ommanney. Dissertation on the Athanasian Creed. Oxford. 1897. BRUNETIERE and LABRIOLLE. Vincent of Lerins. Paris. 1906. POITEL. De utroque Commonitorio Lerinensi. Nancy. 1895. THE COMMONITORIUM Vincenti Lerinensis Commonitoria, in Florilegium patristicum. Ed. G. Rauschen. Bonn. 1906. Commonitorium. Editio princeps by Jo. Sichardus. 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La domination Sarrasine dans la Narbonnaise. Nice. 1865. E. A. Freeman. History and conquest of the Saracens. Oxford. 1856. S. OCKLEY. History of the Saracens. Bohn : s Library. A. Gilman. Magna Charta Stories. 1882. A. Gilman. The Saracens. Story of the Nations Series. Sir E. S. Creasy. The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the world. 1852. RAYMOND FERAUD Carlone. Etudes historiques sur l'ancien Comic" de Nice. Ann. de la Socie'te' des Lettres, des Alpes Marit. Vol. II. Nice. 1873. C. Fauriel. Histoire de la Poe'sie Proven^ale. Paris. 1847. Diez. Die Poe'sie der Troubadours. Zwickau. 1827. New edition by Bartsch. 1883. Diez. Leben und Werke der Troubadours. Heidelberg. 1882. New edition by Bartsch. 1882. Raynouard. Choix de poesies originales des Troubadours. Vol. II. Paris. 1817. Paul Meyer. Les derniers troubadours de la Provence. Revue des Societe's savantes. Paris. 187 1. Gaston Paris. Histoire po^tique de Charlemagne. 1865. A. L. Sardou. La vida de Sant Honorat. Nice. 1875. John Nostradamus. Les vies des plus celebres et anciens poetes Provencaux. Lyons. 1 575. Gioffredo. Storia delle Alpi Marittime, Monumenta historiae patriae. Turin. 1839. La CURNE de Sainte-PalaYE. Histoire litte'raire des Troubadours. Paris. 1774. English edition. London. 1807. DENIS FAUCHER MoUAN. Etude sur Denis Faucher. Bulletin des travaux de l'Academie d'Aix. Aix. 1847. Robert de Briancon. Etudes sur Denis Faucher. H. Tournaire. Faucher, Prieur du Monastere de LeVins. Memoires de la Socidte' des Sciences, &c. Vol. ill. Cannes. 1873. GREGORY CORTESIUS Hersilia Cortesia de Monte. Vita Gregorii Cortesii. The works of Cortesius were published by J. A. Gradenigo, at Padua, 1774, in 2 vols. Ansar. Vie de Gre"goire Cortes. Paris. 1786. INDEX Accidie (aicr)5La), Cassian on, 107 (note) ; Paget on, 108 (note) ; John Climacus on, 108 (note) ; John of Damascus on, 108 (note) ; Chaucer on, 108 (note) ; Sidgwick on, 108 (note) Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas, 90 Adrian IV, pope, 257 Adrian VI, pope, 320 Agde, Council of, 144, 163 Age, golden, of monastery, 42 ft". Agrippinus, bishop of Carthage, 55 Agroecius, bishop, and Council of Carpentras, 147 Aigitna, spellings of, as place-name, 21 Ail Cluade, birth-place of S. Patrick, 85 Alaric, 3, 5, 144 Alban's, S., 212 Alboin, king of the Lombards, 6 Aldebert II, and the island fortresses, 259. Alleluia victory, 213 Alliez, abbe, 27 (note), 46 (note), 88, 182, 192, 302, 303 Almsgiving, Caesarius on, 168-170 Ambrose of Milan, 26, 55, 211 Ampere, M. (quoted), 73 Anchorites, etc., Cassian on, 116 Andrew de Plaisance, abbot, 26 Angels, incorporeal, 203 Annals of the Four A/asters, 84 Annihilationism, 202 Anonius, bishop of Aries, 1 39 ; death of, 139 Anthelmy, M., bishop of Grasse (quoted), 218, 276 Antibes and Esterel, 19, 21, 22, 268 Anlipkonary of Bangor, 98 (note) Antonii, Vita, 13 and note Antonine, Maritime Itinerary, 34 Antony, S., 15, 116 Antony of Velleneuve, 260 Apocrypha, 63 Apollinarius, bishop of Valence, 49, 55, 228, 235 Apollinarius, heresy of, 55, 67 (note) ; Vincent on, 76 Apollos, abbot, 118 Apostle of Ireland, 83 ft. Apron, river, 22 Aquitaine, Saracens invade, 249 Arian heresy, 5, 201 Arius, Arians, Arianism, 54, 70 Aries, See of, 8 ; Church at, 145 ; Council of, 146, 189 Arluc, derivation of name, 46 Armagh (ardd mache), 92 ; Book of, 91 (note), 92 Armorica, 192 Arnobius, Against the Heathen, 202 ; the younger, 202 Asceticism, 13; Cassian on, no, in; Ebionitic, of Marcion, 122 Athanasian Creed (see Quicunque), 80 ff., 180, 181 (note); suggested authors of, 81 Athanasius, 13, 57, 61 Athos, Mt., 42 Attila, 3, 4, 5, 213 Augier, abbot, 260 Augustine, S., 2, 7, 14 (note), 54, 71, 72, 74 (note), 75, 76-79, 81 (note), 188, 190, 237 Augustine, sent to Britain, 9 Augustinianism, 75, 77, 152, 195, 209 Austria, Anne of, 37 Auxanius, bishop of Aix, 233 Avarice, Salvian on, 240-3 Avedic, Armenian patriarch, 37 Avignon, popes at, 261-2 Avitus (quoted), 192 (note), 200 Aygulphus, 47 Bannauem taberniae, birth-place of S. Patrick, 85 Baptism, heretical, 55 Baronius (quoted), 79, 129 Barralis, 249, 253, 293, 294, 313, 321; the historian of Lerins, 283, 298, 321 ; works of, 298, 299 Basil, S., 15 Bastille, 36 Bazaine, Marshal, prisoner at Sainte Marguerite, 39 Beaufort, duke of, 37 Bede (quoted), 212, 213 Bellon, John de, 35 Benedict, S., 127 Benedictine seminaries in France, j 1 , 192 (note) Benefactors to Lerins, 253 Benigne, count of Mars, 36 Benson, archbishop (quoted), 62 Benvenuto, 108 (note) Berenger, Raymond de, 26, 260, 284 Bergmann, Dr (quoted), on sermon of Caesarius, 180 Bernard, Dom Marie, 305 Bertrand, bishop of Frejus, 253 ; of Grasse, 260 Bethune-Baker (quoted), 69 (note) Bollandists (quoted), 47 (note), 86, 186 Boniface IX, 262 Book of Di/nma, 98 Book of Mulling, 98 330 INDEX Book of the Professions, by S. Martin of Tours, 263 Bossuet, on Eucherius, 224 Bouche, Chorographie (quoted), 10 (note) Boufort, Choronos, abbot, 46 Brentano, 37 (note), 38 Brewer, Heinrich, on Athanasian Creed, 181 (note) Brougham, Lord, at Cannes, 32 Brown, General, 280 Buckingham, duke of, 37 Burgaud and Bazeries, MM., 38 Burn, Dr (on Quicunque), 8r, 82, 180 (note) Bury, Dr, on S. Patrick, 85 (note), 88, 97 Butler, Dom (quoted), 13 note Byng, Admiral, 280 Caesarius, bishop, 45, 49, 82, 200; Rule of, 47; on Lerins, 131 (note), 133; bishop and saint, 137-184; personal character, 137 ; sources of information, 137 (note); his character, 138; methods of discipline, 138, 140; at Aries, 139 ; benevolence, 141 ; exile, 141 ; and Theodoric, 142, 143 ; rebuilds monastery, 143 ; made metropolitan, 143 ; influence at councils, 145; style of preaching, 146, 155. I57-9. x 8i 5 training of clergy, 146, 148, 156 ; preaching, impor- tance of, 149, 156 ; preaching, canons on, 151 ; his Admonition to Bishops, J 50> 159; Synod of Marseilles, 152; Predestinarian controversy, 153; prac- tical teaching and Church discipline, 159; Ritual, teaching on, 160; Eternal punishment, teaching on, 161 ; Penance, teaching on, 162 ; Eucharist, teaching on, 163 ; Church festivals, teaching on, 164; Public worship, teaching on, 164; Prayer, teaching on, 165; Lent, manner of keeping, teaching on, 166 ; Fasting, teaching on, 167; Almsgiving, teaching on, 168-9, 1 7°> Superstitions, on popular, 170; Sunday and festivals, 171 ; Regtila ad Monachos, 172 ; Regula adVirgines, 172-3; Rules for convents, 174-80; death of, 178-9; Shrine, inscription on, 179 (and note); Atha- nasian Creed, as author of, 179, 180 (notes); estimate of, 182, 183 Calvin, 77 Cannes, 18; site of, 19,20, 21, 25, 46, 73 ; Lord Brougham at, 32 ; Napoleon at, 30 ; relation of, to Lerins, 26 f ; pestilence and wars at, 29 ; history of, 2 5ff. ; statutes of, 258 Canons, Eccles., of S. Patrick, 96 ; of Agde, 144 Caprasius, 211, 289, 315 ; chapel of, 314 Carmen Eucharisticum of Sidonius (quoted), 193 Carnot, president, 305 Carpentras, Council of, 146 Cassian, 13, 100 ff. ; his importance for Lerins, 100; the great systematiser of monastic rule, 10 1 ; place of birth, 100, 101 ; his Institutes, 13, 10 1, 102 f., 113 ; in the East, 101 ; and the Origenistic controversy, 101 ; founded monastery of S. Victor at Marseilles, 102 ; teaching of, on Asceticism, 103 ; teaching of, on Gluttony, 105; teaching of, order of prayers and psalms, 104 ; teaching of, Renunciants, Rule of, 104 ; teaching of, on Covetousness, 106; teaching of, on Accidie (sub voce), 107 ; teaching of, on Vainglory, 109 ; his Conferences, noff. ; on Temptation, in, 113; on Fasting, 114, 117; on truth and casuistry, 1 15 ; on Coenobites and Anchorites, 1 16, 118; on Lent, 118; on Recreation, 119; on Incarna- tion, doctrine of, 119 ; on Incarnation, 7 books on, 119; on manhood of Christ, 122; on two natures of, 123; the Pelagian controversy, 124; on Chastity, 126; death of, 127; on Honoratus, 131 Cassian, hill of, 47 Cassino, Mt., 42 Cassiodorus, 5 (note) ; on Eucherius, 222 Castor, bishop of Apta, 101, no Castrum, Canois, 24, 26 ; Erancum, 25 ; Marcellinum, 24 Catalonia and the Troubadours, 283, 284 Celestine, pope, 8, 72, 84, 88 Celidonius, 188-9 Celtic Church, Liturgy and Ritual of, 98 (note) Chapel of S. Honoratus, 311 Chapels at Lerins (the seven), 312-315 ; of the Transfiguration of Our Saviour, 312 ; of the Holy Trinity, 313; of S. Peter, 314; of Caprasius, 314; of S. Cyprian and S. Justina, 315 ; of S. Michael, 315; of S. Porcarius, 315 Charles d'Anjou, 284 Chastity, Cassian on, 126 Chateau fort, 25, 26, 309, 318-319 (described) Chaucer on Accidie, 108 (note) Chest, ancient, in the cathedral of Grasse, 267, 318 (appendix, illustrations); description of, 319^, 321 (note) ; silver chest of monastery, 268 INDEX 331 Choronus, 46 ; (see Boufort) Christotokos and Theotokos, Cassian on, 120 Chrysostom, 101 (note), 120 Church, temporalities, 145, 147 ; festi- vals, 164 Cistercians at Lerins, 304 City of God, S. Augustine's, 2, 7 Claudian, 4 (note) Claudius Mamertus, on the substance of the soul, 205 Clement of Alexandria, 13, 58 Clement III, pope, 257 Clerical discipline, 144, 147, 148, 152, 159 Climacus, abbot, 107 (note), 108 Cloister, ruins of ancient, description of, 317 Cluverius, Italia antiqua, quoted, 21 (note) Coenobites, Cassian on, n6-n8 Collationes {Conferences), of Cassian, 217; (see Cassian and Conferences) Colomba, life of, apostle of Ireland, 299 Colomban, 46, 305, 313 Commendam and commendatory, 42, 43, 265 (note) 266, 274, 276, 269-281, 290 Commonitorium of Marius Mercator, 52 Commonitorium of S. Vincent, 50-82, 283; date of, 51; versions of, 51; title of, 52 ; doctrinal value of, 53 ; occasion of writing, 54 ; second part, 60 ; rule of interpretation, 62, 78 ; theological contents of, 67 Commonitorium of Talasius, 214 Comtnunicatio idiomatttm, 70, 123 Conferences of Cassian, no, 120, 125 ff. Confession of S. Patrick (see Patrick) Corolicus, Epistle to, 86, 93 Corporeality of the soul, 204 (note) Cortesius, Gregory, 17, 132, 229, 268, 293; on Lerins, 132; abbot, 296; birth, 296 ; visitor apostolic, 296 ; works of, 297 ; verse on Lerins, 297 Councils : of Ephesus, 51, 61, 232 ; Agde, 144; Aries, 47, 146, 313; Carpentras, 146; Laodicea, 63; Vaison, 148; Orange, 153, 224; Third Council of Orange, 193 ; Latrocinium, 232 ; Trent, 63 Crochan in Connaught, 90 Cromwell, 37 Crusaders, 260 Cyprian, of Carthage, 57, 62 (note), 78, ^ H3. 211 Cyprian, the magician, 312, 315 Cyril, of Alexandria, 61 Cyril, of Jerusalem, 57 Daire, king of Oriel, 92 Dalaradia, 87, 89 Damascus, John of, 108, 203 D'Anthelmy, bishop of Grasse, and the monastery, 276 ff. Deceates, 21 Denis Faucher, 290-2 ; prior of Lerins, 291, 292; on education of women, and teacher of nuns, 292; A Book of the Hours, 293 (note) ; his poetry, 294 ; other works, 294 ; death of, 294 Depositu?nfidei, Vincent on, 66 Development of doctrine, 64 Diez, M., lives of troubadours (quoted), 607 Dill, professor, 1 Dinamius, Patricius, life of Maximus, 229 Dioscorus, 232 Divine government, Salvian on, 240 Docetism of Marcion, 122 Domitian (and Ireland), 83 Donatists, 54, 79 Donatus, 54 Dorner (quoted), 74 (note) Du Cange (quoted), 255 Duchesne (quoted), 231 Dumas, Alexander, 37 Eleutherus, abbot, 250, 303, 313 (note) Emerson (quoted), 210 Engelbrecht (quoted), 192 (note) Ephesus, Council of, 8, 51, 61, 232 Ermaneric, 3 Esterels, 129 Eternal punishment, Caesarius on, 161, 202 ; Arnobius on, 202 Eucharist, Caesarius on, 163 Eucherius, bishop, 35, 41, 45, 49, ill, 129, 131, sii, 235, 239; at Lerins, 132; on Honoratus, 136 (note), 186; his Eulogy of 'Solitude, 185; on preach- ing, 187 ; Life of, 186 (note) ; dispute with the pope, 188; bishop of Lyons, 216-224; derivation of his name, 216 ; birth and status, 216 ; his sons, Salonius and Veranus, 216; retreat to Lerins, 217; and Cassian, 217; estimate of, 217; his works, 217; Eulogy of the Desert, 220-2 ; his Instructions , 222 ; Principles of Spiritual Knozvledge, 222 ; Theban Legion, Acts of Martyrdom of, 223 ; Corporeality of angels and the soul, 223 Eugene III, 41 Eulogy of Solitude, by S. Eucherius, 184 Euphonius, bishop of Autun, 2T4 Euric, Arianism of, 194, 201, 213 Eusebius of Dorylaeum, 232 Eutyches, heresy of, 231 Eutychian, Gratus the, 205 (note) 332 INDEX Fasting, Cassian on, ri4, 117 ; Caesarius on, 167 Faucher, Denis, on Lerins, 132, 290 (see Denis) Fauriel, M. (quoted), 73, 225 Faustus, 45, 133, 136 (note); bishop of the "via media," 192-210; his birth-place, 192 ; abbot of Lerins, 193; bishop of Riez, 193 ; and Euric (Ari- anism), 194; exiled by Euric, 194; death of, 195 ; as controversialist on predestination, 195; Works: Lucidus, Epistle to, 196; Grace and Freewill, books on, (quoted), 196, 197; Profes- sion of Faith, 200; On the Holy Spirit, 200 ; Reply to objections against the Catholic Faith, 201 ; On Arianism, 201 ; On Nature of the Soul, 202-4 (note) ; Letters to Gratus on Nestorian- ism, 205; Letter to Felix, 206; Admoni- tion to Monks, 206 ; Homilies, 207 ; as preacher, 207-209 ; his theological !>osition, 209 ; De Spiritu sancto, 209 note) ; Athanasian Creed, relation to, 210 ; panegyric of Maximus, 230 Fayette, admiral, 268 Felix, martyr, letter of, 62 Felix, of Aries, Faustus' letter to, 206 Feraud, Raymond, 25, 35, 47 (note), 283 ; the troubadour, life of, 283, 286, 288, 289 f. ; his Life of S. Honoratus, 284, 285 ; other works of, 287 (note) ; birth and death, 285 ; Nostradamus, details of life and family of Feraud, 287 Fishing rights of monastery, 257 Flavian, bishop of Constantinople, 231, 232 Fleury, Cardinal de, 277 Fleury-sur-Loire, 48 Fort of Sainte Marguerite, 272 Forum Julii, 20 Fount of Knowledge, John of Damascus, 203 Fouquet, Nicholas, 37 Fraxinet, Garde, 250 (note) Freeman, 7 (note) Freewill and Grace, 72, 73, 125, 154, 188, 196-9 Frejus, 20, 27, 129, 230, 302 Fulgentius, 200 Gallic Monasticism, 17 Gallinaria Island, 17 Gaul, i, 17, 19, 21, 47, 314; Greek and Roman traces in, 23 f. ; and Ireland, 99 Gemara, 57 (note) Gennadius, 50, 52, 80, 101, 190, 192, 200 (note), 205 (note) 238, 239, 247 Genoese Marauders, 260 Genseric, 3, 5 Geoffrey of Mont Choisi, abbot, 262 Gerbet, Mgr. (quoted), 53 and note Germanus, and Cassian, 101, 102, 11 r, 125-6 Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, 211 ; Constantius' Life of, 212 (note) Gibbon, 1 Gioffredo, on Feraud, 287 Giry, Pere (quoted), 129 God, government of, Salvian on, 240, 243-8 ; incorporeality of, 205 (note) Goths, Visigoths and Ostrogoths, 3, 5, 6, 144, 213, 243, 246 Goux, abbe (quoted), 34, 53, 187 Grace and Freewill, Vincent on, 73 ff. , 77; Synod of Marseilles on, 154; Cassian on, 125 ff. ; S. Augustine on, 54; Council of Orange on, 1 53 ff. ; Hilary on, 187 ; Faustus on, 196, 197-9; Valerian on, 226 Gratus, letter to Faustus, 205 Gregory, legend of Mass of, 320 (note) Gregory, pope, 237 ; his homilies, 9 Gregory, Nazianzum, 62 Gregory the Great, homily and prayer, 321 Grimaldi, John Andrew, 714 (quoted), 320 Grotto, abbot's, at Lerins, 313 Guizot (quoted), 43, 212 (note), 290 Hadrian I, pope, 95 Haering's Ethics (quoted), 114 (note) Hermentarius, catalogue of library, 321 Hibernensis (canons), 96 (note) Hilary, S., 40 (note), 41 (note), 45, 129 (note), 130, 133, 183, 185-191 ; pane- gyric on Honoratus, 131, 135 (note), 186, 187, 188 (note) ; on death of Honoratus, 135 ; successor of Honora- tus, 135, 185 ; on Holy Communion, 163 ; archbishop of Aries, 8, 185-191 ; on preaching, 187; on prevenient grace, 188; dispute with pope, 188; works, 189; deprived, as metropolitan, 189; Carmen in Genesim, 189 ; as author of Athanasian Creed, 190; Life of S. Honoratus, 190, 284, 285, 289 ; death of, 190 Hilary of Poitiers, 189 Hodgkin, Italy and her invaders, 3 (note) Holmes, Dr (quoted), 233 Honorat, Saint, island of, 33, 35, 42, 261, 307, 309; Isle of Saints, 40; serpents of, 40 (note) ; palm of, 41 ; well of, 41, 305 ; coat of arms of monastery, 41 ; Monuments, Buildings and Treasures, 309 ff. ; chapels of, 312-316 INDEX 333 Honoratus, S., 26, 99, [27, 133-4, 190, 192, 222, 240, 316, 317, 320, 321 ; his service to literature, 43 ; his temperament, 128; his family, 128; becomes a solitary, 129 ; reclaims Lerins from serpents and desolation, 4°> 3"» 3'9' 32o; Hilary's panegyric on, 130 ; chosen bishop, 49, 135 ; death of, 134; author of Athanasian Creed, 135; Founder of Lerins, 128 ff. mentioned, 127, 135, 192, 211, 303; Bible of, 321 ; Feraud's Life of, 285, 288-290 ; Chapel of, 307, 311 ; Votive stone of, 309, 310 Honorius, 3 Hormisdas, pope, 200 Huns, 3, 213, 244, 246 Hutton (quoted), 7 Hymns of S. Fiacc and S. Secundinus, 90 Ignatius, 60 Incarnation, doctrine of, 67 ; Vincent on, 67 ff . ; Cassian on, 119 ff. Incorporeality of God, 213 ; of angels and of souls, 204, 233 (note) Ingenuus, bishop of Embrun, 233 Innocent I, 7, 101 Innocent II, pope, 260 Inscriptions at Lerins, 309 Institutes of Cassian, 10 1 Ireland, apostle of, 83 ff . ; and Roman Empire, 83 ; influence of Gaul on, 94 Irenaeus (quoted), 62 (note), 183 Irish Church (early), monastic character of, 94 ; oriental influence on, 95 ; liturgical uses of : tonsure, 97 ; veil or chrism, 97 ; eastern origin of, 97 ; offices : Book of Dimma, 98 (note) ; Book of Mulling, 98 (note) ; Stowe Missal, 98 ; Antiphonarv of Bangor, 98 Isaac, abbot, 113 Isidore, 18 1, 221 James, bishop of Moustiers, 230, 231 James, Dr (quoted), 320 Jamieson, Mrs, sacred and legendary art, 320 Tarente, Louis, Sextus de, last abbot commendatory, 280 Jerome, 15, 16, 116 (note) Jerome de Montferrat, 267 John, S., story of, 119 Jordany, Dom, 277 f. Jowett (quoted), 38 Julian, of Eclanum, 76 Julian, S., letter of, 62 Julian, the Pelagian, 77 Justina, S., of Padua, 267, 312, 315 Justinian, wars of, 6 Kabbalah, 57 Kattenbusch (on Quicunque), 81 Labbe (quoted), 47 (note), 193 (note) Langobardi, 6 Laoghaire, daughters of, 90, 97 Latrocinium, Council of, 232 Laura, or cluster of cells, 15 Lausiac history of Palladius, 13 Lausus, 13 Lent, observance of, Caesarius on, 117, 166 Leo, pope, 5, 8, 119, 189, 231 Leo, the Tome of, 232 Leontius, bishop of Frejus, 129, 229, 254; bishop of Aries, 193-4, 233 Leporius, the Pelagian, 120 Lerins, situation of, 33 ; mainland of, i8ff. ; monastery of, date of founda- tion, 1 ; origin of name, 33, 34 (note), 35 (note) ; periods of history of, 42 ; distinguished sons of, 44 ; Caesarius on, 131; Faucher on, 132; possessions of monastery of, 252, 2546".; Mamertus on, 132; administration of, 254-8; Papal favour to, 255-6; fortress of, 259; attack by Genoese, 260; Clement VII and, 262 ; life of monks at, 133 ; worldly prosperity of, 248-264 ; decay of, 265-282; later writers of, 283-300; secularisation and later history, 300- 308 ; present state of, 306-308 ; ruins at, 309-318; restoration of modern, 302, 305 ; divine office of monastery, 321 Lero, statues of, 35 Lessons, church, Lupus on, 214 Liber Armachanus, 86 (note) Library of Lerins, 287, 321 Ligurians in Gaul, 19, 22, 23 Literary History of France, 223 Literature and Lerins, 43 Littre (quoted), 44 Lombard invasion, 6 Loquin, 38 (note) Lorraine, Charles de, 35 Louis II, king of Provence, 261 Louis IX, 284 Louis XIII, 273 Louis XIV, 39, 258 Louis XVIII, 31 Louvois, 36 Loyola, Ignatius, 127 Lucidus, on doctrine of predestination, 196; Epistle of Faustus to, 196 Lupus, 45 ; prince of prelates, 211-215 ; birth and relationships, 211 ; pun on his name, 211 (note); bishop of Troyes, acclaimed, 211; visit to England, (Bede), 212; Lupus and Germanus, 334 INDEX 212; at the siege of Troyes, 213; extant letters, 213 ; on Church lessons, 214; on second marriages, 214, 215, character of, 215 Mabillon (quoted), 239 Malnory on Caesarius, 182 Mamertus on Lerins, 133, 205 (note), 233 Man with the iron mask, 35 ff ; theories of > 37 Manhood of Christ, Cassian on, 122 Manicheans, 69 Marcellinum, old name of Cannes, 23, 25, 260 Marcion, 122 Marguerite, Island of Sainte, 30, 33, 35, 39, 129, 270, 271 ; fort on, repaired, 272 ; history of, 35 ff. Marius Mercator, 52 Maries, George de, 261 Marriages, second, Lupus on, 215 Mars, M. de Saint, 35, 37, 39 Martell, Charles, 249, 250 Martin of Braga and Quicunque, 181 Martin of Poitiers, 183 Martin of Tours, 16, 17, 44, 95 Martin, S., of Gallinaria, 17 Martin V, 262 Massilians, 73 Massorah and Kabbalah, 57 Matthioli, 37, 38 Maur, S., monks of, 273 Maximian, speech of, 223 Maximilian, emperor, 268 Maximus, abbot and bishop, 46, 131, 192, 193, 228 ; made bishop of Riez, 230 Mayeul, abbot of Cluny, preaches crusade against Saracens, 251 Merimee, 313 (note) fieffrifjL^pivov, Vulgate of psalm 91, 108 (note) Milman (quoted), 7 Mishnah, 57 (note) Mollat, Mons. G., Les Papes cV Avignon, 261 (note) Alonachorum Ckori, 16 Monachorum, Historia, 13 Alonachos, Regula ad (Caesarius), 172, 173. 174. 175 Monastery, coat-of-arms of Lerins, 41 ; prosperity of, 251; possessions of, 252-3 ; treasures of, 321 Monasticism, rise of, I, n ff. ; origin of, 14 ff.; coenobitic, 15; anchoretic, 16 Monophysites, 205, Monte-Cassino, monastery, 274 ff. Montmajour monastery, 285, 286 Morin, Dom (quoted), 82, r8r Moris, M. (quoted), 321 (note) Mother of God (see 7 heotokos), 120 Mulling, bishop of Ferns, 98 Napoleon at Cannes, 31 Narbonne, 249 Narrow way, (sermon, Valerian's), 227 Nazarus, abbot, 47 Neander, 97 Nemthur, birth-place of S. Patrick, 85 Neoplatonism, 14 Nestorian controversy, 81 Nestorius, 55, 67, 68 (note), 76, 119, 126, 127, 182, 205, 23X Neumeyer, address at retreat, 203 Nice, 19 Nicholas V, 257 Noris, cardinal (quoted), 73 Nostradamus, John (on Feraud), 285 (note), 286-8 Obedience and obedientiaries, 254 Ommaney, on the Quicunque, 81, 190 (note) Orange, Council of (see Councils) Ordinands, age of, 145 Origen, 54, 55, 78, 204 Origenistic controversy, 101 (note) Orosius of Tarragona, Histories (quoted), 3' r 7 Ottley, Doctrine of Incarnation (quoted), 67 (note) Otto Colonna (Martin V), 262 Oubliettes or secret dungeon, 39 Oudin, 192 (note) Oxybians, 19, 20, 2 1 , 46 ; Roman conquest of, 22, 23 Pachomius, 15 Palladius, Lausiac History of, 13, 15, r 7 Palladius and Ireland, 84 Pantaenus, 58 (note) Papal power, 7 Paphnutius, abbot, 112, 125 Papon (quoted), 22 Paschasius, on Holy Spirit, 200 Patrice, Uom, present abbot of Lerins, 307 Patrick, S., 45, 83 ; origin of name, 84, 86 ; birth-place, 84, 85 ; sources of information, 86 ; Confession of, 85, 86 ff. ; in Gaul, 88 ; at Lerins, 88 ; at Marmoutier, 88 ; at Sabhall Padhrig, 89 ; in Connaught, 90 ; biographies of, 90 ; teaching of, 91 ; legends of, 88-90 ; monastery of Armagh, 92 ; his writings, 93; place-names from Patrick, 91, 92; monastic organisation, 95; Ecclesiastical INDEX 335 Canons, 96 ; character of, 99; S. Ervin on, 99 ; Tripartite life of, 99 Paulinus, of Nola, 217 Pelagianism, 8, 50, 52, 81 ; controversy on, 71 ff. ; semi- Pelagianism, 71 ; semi- Pelagianism in Britain, 212 Pelagius, 70, 77, 80, 120, 195, 197, 200 Pellicier, bishop and abbot, 293 Penance, Caesarius on, 161 Pepin and Carloman, 250 Peregrinus, pseudonym of S. Vincent, 52 Perfection of Monks by S. Martin of Tours, 262 Permutatio, 65 Person of Christ, 68 ff. Persona and natura, 201 Peter, S., throne of, 7 Petronius, bishop of Bologna, 218 Phoenicians in Gaul, 19 Photinus, heresy of, 55, 67, 76 Piamum, abbot, 116 Pilgrims to Lerins, order of procession, 316 Pity, sermon on (Valerian's), 227 Planasia, place-name, 34 Pliny, second, 21 (note), 34 (note) Polybius (place-names), 21 (and note), 22 Poly carp, 90 Porcarius, abbot, 42, 138, 184, 236, 249, 315 ; name of Feraud and pun, 2815, 308 Prayer, Caesarius on, 161 Prayers and psalms, canon of (Cassian on), 104 Preaching, Caesarius on, 149, 151, 156, 157 ; Hilary on, 187 Predestinarianism, 75, 77, 78, 153-5, 195, 196 Primiceria of convent, 177 Prior or provost, name, 254 Priscillian, 79 Profectus religionis, Vincent on, 64 Progressus fidei, Vincent on, 63 Prosper, 72, 188, 212 Provencal poets, 284, 285 (note) Provence, department of, 18 ; origin of name, 19; inhabitants of, 19 ; prisoner of, 36 ; annals of, 294 Ptolemy, 34 Punishment and the corporeality of the soul, 204 (note) Purgatorio, Dante's, 108 (note) Quesnel, theory of, on Quicunque, 81 ; (quoted), 188 Quicunque, Latin origin of, 81 ; bishop Ussher on, 8i ; Honoratus, author of, 135 ; Caesarius, author of, 180 (notes), 181 (notes) ; Dom Morin on, 181 (note); Martin of Braga, as author of, 181, 182 ; Von Heinrich Brewer on, 181 ; Hilary as author of, 190 ; Faustus, relation to, 210 Ravennius, bishop of Aries, 193, 232 Recreation, Cassian on, 119 Registraria of convent, 177 Reglhe, Surgeon Major of Bastille, 37 Pegu/a, ad monachos, of Caesarius, 172 ; ad Virgines, of Caesarius, 173 Repentance (deathbed), Caesarius on, 162 Richelieu, 271, 272, 273 Rin, serpent, name of, 34 (note) Ritual, Caesarius on, 160 Robertson, Introduction to the works of Athanasius, 13 (note) Robinson, Dr Armitage, on Quicunque, 82 Roman empire, state of, 8 ff., 113 Romans and Oxybians, 20, 21 Rosage, Surgeon-major of Bastille, 37 Rostan, abbot of Thoronet, 262, 3, 4 Roux, Cap, grotto at, 129 Rule of S. Benedict, 47 Rule of S. Lerins, 47 Rules, convent, of Caesarius, 174-8 Rusticus of Narbonne, 193 Rutilius Numatianus (quoted), 16 (note) Sabourg, village of, 258 Sainval, Mdle, at Lerins, 302 Salageri, Genoese chief, 261 Salembier, Le grand schisme ct Occident, idi (note) Sales, Francis de (quoted), 119 Saletta, William, claustral prior, 267 Salonius, bishop, 49, 228, 234; son of Eucherius, 222 Salvian, "Master of Bishops," 3, 43, 130, 216, 239-248; his early life, 239; his book On the Government of God, 240, 243, 247; literary style, 240; Against Avarice, 240 f. ; other works of, 247, 248 Sarabaites and Anchorites, 116 Saracens and Saracen invasion, 42, 107, 179, 249, 250, 259, 260 Sardou, M. Victorian, 27 (note), 38 Scete, desert of, in Secularisation of Lerins, details of, 301-8 Semipelagianism, 71, 152, 202, 209, 226 Serapion, abbot (and Cassian), 113 Serenus, abbot, 113 Serf-system, Salvian on, 245 Shrine of Caesarius, 179 Siagne, river, 21, 46 Sidgwick, professor, on Accidie, 108 (note) Sidonius Apollinarius, 34, 132, 133, 192, (note), 193, 195, 211, 213, 214 336 INDEX Siffred, bishop of Venasque, 228, 236 Simon Magus, 79 Sirmondus, preface to Valerian's Homilies. 228 Soul, material, 203; incorporeality of, Sourdis, abp of Bordeaux. 27: Stephen, abbot, 46, 95 Stephen II, pope, 55, 95. 250 Stilicho, 4 Stokes on S. Patrick {Ireland and the Celtic Church), 94 Stowe Missal, 98 Strabo, 33 Stromata of Clement of Alexandria, 58 Stubbs, Haddan and (quoted), 97 Subsian-.ii. 301 Superstitions, popular, 1 70 Symbolum, Cassian : s definition of, 1 20 Symmachus, pope, and Caesarius, 143 >ynod, of Marseilles, 152 ; of Bescancon, 189; of Constantinople, 231 Talasius, Commonitorium of, letter of Lupus on, to, 214 Talmud, 57, 63 Tatian, 58 Temptation, Cassian on. 112, 113 Tertullian, 54, 55, 56, 78, 204; on tradition, 59 ; on heresies, 59 Theodore, bishop of Frejus, and Faustus, 192 ; and Valerian, 228, 229 Theodoric, 3. 5. 14*1 143 Theodosius, dynasty of, 3 (note) ; and Valentianus. 54 Theodotus, 58 Theophilus of Alexandria. 61 Theotokos, Vincent on, 70 ; Cassian on, i2off. ; Faustus on, 206 Thomas. S-, apostle, 123 Tillemont (quoted), 130, 189, 192, 223 Tirechan, 96 Tisserand, l'Abbe, 281 Todd's S. Patrick (quoted), 95 Tongue, insolence of, sermon on (Valerians'. ::7 Tonsure, form of, 97 (note) Topin, 37 (note) Tours, defeat of Saracens at. 250 Tradition, doctrine of, 56 ff . ; Clement on, 58 : Tertullian and Cyprian on, 57, 59 ( note ) Treasures of monastery, 321 Trent, Council of, 266; Cortesius a member of committee for, 296 Troubadours, Raymond Feraud, 283 ; poetry of, lyric, 284 ; Raymond Berenger and, 284 Truthfulness, Cassian on, 114, 115 Ulster, S. Patrick, 92 Unity of the Church, 60 Ussher, bishop, on Quicunque, 81 Valentinian, 189 Valerian, bishop, 49, 225-8 ; bishop of Cemele, 225; his early life, 235; Epistolae ad Monachos, 225; Virtues and Order of Apostolic teaching, 225 ; his Semipelagianism, 226; as a theologian, 226 ; his homilies, 226 ; on grace and good will, 226 ; on sermons, 227 Valerian, prefect of Gaul, and Eucherius, 219 Valette, cardinal de la, abbot, 272, 274 Valliere, 36 Vandals, 5 Vayciere, 264 Venantius, Fortunatus, 82, 314 Vendome, Louis de, abbot, 275-6 Venusia,Anthemilla(inscription), 24 (note) Veranus, (son of Eucherius), 216, 111, 231-4 ; bishop of Vence, 228 ; as a theologian, 233; of Aries, 234 Vermandois, count of, 36 Verulam, 212 Via Media, Faustus, bishop, 193 Victor, S., abbey of, 73 Victurus, 233 Vienne, council of, 255 Vigilius, of Thapsus, as author of Quicun- que, 81, 82 Villa Franca, 25 Vincent of Lerins, 35, 45, 50-82, 195, 303 ; his criterion of orthodoxy, 53 ; on heretical baptism, 55 ; progressus