UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES Chronicles of Border Warfare OR, A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of North- Western Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres in that section of the State WITH REFLECTIONS, ANECDOTES, &c. BY ALEXANDER SCOTT WITHERS EDITED AND ANNOTATED BY REUBEN GOLD THWAITES Secretary of the Wisconsion Historical Society, editor of "Wisconsin Historical Collec- tions," and author of "The Colonies, 1492-1750," "Historic Waterways," "Story of Wisconsin," etc. With the addition of a Memoir of the Author, and several Illustrative Notes BY THE LATE I,YMAN COPEIvAND DRAPER Author of "King's Mountain and Its Heroes," "Autograph Collections of the Signers," etc. SEVENTH IMPRESSION THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY GLENDALE, CALIFORNIA, U. S. A. PUBLISHERS 524* 8 Copyright, 1895 BY REUBEN GOLD THWAITES All rights reserved First Impression, Second Impression, Third Impression, Fourth Impression, Fifth Impression, Sixth Impression, Seventh Impression, 1895 1903 1908 1912 1915 1917 1920 W77c CONTENTS. PAGB Editor's Preface ,.., v Memoir of the Author, by Lyman C. Draper viii Original Title-page (photographic fac-simile) xiii Original Copyright Notice xiv v Original Advertisement xv Original Table of Contents (with pagination revised) xvii ^ Author's Text (with editorial notes) 1 Index, by the Editor 431 > (iii) EDITOR'S PREFACE. It is sixty-four years since the original edition of Withers's Chronicles of Border Warfare was given to the public. The author was a faithful recorder of local tra- dition. Among his neighbors were sons and grandsons of the earlier border heroes, and not a few actual participants in the later wars. He had access, however, to few con- temporary documents. He does not appear to have searched for them, for there existed among the pioneer historians of the West a respect for tradition as the prime source of information, which does not now obtain ; to-day, we desire first to see the documents of a period, and care little for reminiscence, save when it fills a gap in or illu- mines the formal record. The weakness of the traditional method is well exemplified in Withers's work. His treat- ment of many of the larger events on the border may now be regarded as little else than a thread on which to hang annotations; but in most of the local happenings which are here recorded he will always, doubtless, remain a lead- ing authority for his informants possessed full knowl- edge of what occurred within their own horizon, although having distorted notions regarding affairs beyond it. The Chronicles had been about seven years upon the market, when a New York youth, inspired by the pages of Doddridge, Flint, and Withers, with a fervid love for border history, entered upon the task of collecting doc- uments and traditions with which to correct and amplify the lurid story which these authors had outlined. In the prosecution of this undertaking, Lyman C. Draper became so absorbed with the passion of collecting that he found little opportunity for literary effort, and in time his early facility in this direction became dulled. He was the most successful of collectors of materials for Western history, and as such did a work which must earn for him the last- ing gratitude of American historical students; but un- (v) vi Editor s Preface. fortunately he did little more than collect and investigate, and the idea which to the last strongly possessed him, of writing a series of biographies of trans- Alleghany pioneers, was never realized. He died August 26, 1891, having ac- complished wondrous deeds for the Wisconsin Historical Society, of which he was practically the founder, and for thirty-three years the main stay; in the broader domain of historical scholarship, however, he had failed to reach his goal. His great collection of manuscripts and notes, he willed to his Society, which has had them carefully classi- fied and conveniently bound a lasting treasure for histo- rians of the West and Southwest, for the important frontier period between about 1740 and 1816. Dr. Draper had exhibited much ability as an editor, in the first ten volumes of the Wisconsin Historical Collec- tions. In 1890, the Robert Clarke Company engaged him, as the best living authority on the details of Western border history, to prepare and edit a new edition of Withers. He set about the task with interest, and was engaged in the active preparation of "copy" during his last months on earth; indeed, his note upon page 123 of this edition is thought to have been his final literary work. He had at that time prepared notes for about one-fourth of the book, and had written his "Memoir of the Author." The matter here rested until the autumn of 1894, when the publishers requested the present writer to take up the work where his revered friend had left it, and see the edition through the press. He has done this with some reluctance, conscious that he approached the task with a less intimate knowledge of the subject than his predecessor; nevertheless he was unwilling that Dr. Dra- per's notes on the early pages should be lost, and has deemed it a labor of love to complete the undertaking upon which the last thoughts of the latter fondly dwelt. In the preparation of his own notes, the editor has had the great advantage of free access to the Draper Man- uscripts; without their help, it would have been impossi- ble to throw further light on many of the episodes treated by the author. The text of Withers has been preserved intact, save that where errors have obviously been typo- Editor's Preface. vii graphical, and not intended by the author, the editor has corrected them perhaps in a dozen instances only, for the original proof-reading appears to have been rather care- fully done. The pagination of the original edition has in this been indicated by brackets, as [54]. In the original, the publisher's "Advertisement" and the " Table of Con- tents" were bound in at the end of the work, see colla- tion in Field's Indian Bibliography, but evidently this was a make-shift of rustic binders in a hurry to get out the long-delayed edition, and the editor has taken the liberty to transfer them to theirproper place; also, while preserving- typographical peculiarities therein, to change the pagina- tion in the "Contents" to accord with the present edition. In order clearly to indicate the authorship of notes, those by Withers himself are unsigned; those by Dr. Draper are signed " L. C. D."; and those by the present writer, "R. G. T." BEUBEN GOLD THWAITES. Madison, Wis., February, 1895. MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. BY LYMAN COPELAND DRAPER. In 1831, an interesting volume appeared from the press of Joseph Israel, of Clarksburg, in North Western Vir- ginia, prepared by Alexander Scott Withers, on the bor- der wars of the West. It was well received at the time of its publication, when works on that subject were few, and read with avidity by the surviving remnant of the participators in the times and events so graphically de- scribed, and by their worthy descendants. Historians and antiquarians also received it cordially, universally according it high praise. Mann Butler, the faithful historian of Kentucky, declared that it was " a work to which the public was deeply indebted," composed, as it was, with " so much care and interest." The late Samuel G. Drake, the especial historian of the Red Man, pronounced it "a work written with candor and judg- ment." The late Thomas W. Field, the discriminating writer on Indian Bibliography, says : " Of this scarce book, very few copies are complete or in good condition. Hav- ing been issued in a remote corner of North- Western Vir- ginia, and designed principally for a local circulation, al- most every copy was read by a country fireside until scarcely legible. Most of the copies lack the table of con- tents. The author took much pains to be authentic, and his chronicles are considered by Western antiquarians, to form the best collection of frontier life and Indian war- fare, that has been printed." Of such a work, now difficult to procure at any price, a new edition is presented to the public. In 1845, the writer of this notice visited the Virginia Valley, collecting materials on the same general subject, going over much the same field of investigation, and quite naturally, at that early period, indentifyiug very large the sources of Mr. Withers's information, thus making it possible to repro- (viii) Memoir of the Author. ix duce his work with new lights and explanations, such as generally give pleasure and interest to the intelligent reader of border history. 1 In 1829, a local antiquary, of Covington, a beautiful little village nestling in a high mountain valley near the head of James River, in Alleghany County, Virginia, gathered from the aged pioneers still lingering on the shores of time, the story of the primitive settlement and border wars of the Virginia Valley. Hugh Paul Taylor, for such was his name, was the precursor, in all that re- gion, of the school of historic gleaners, and published in the nearest village paper, The Fincastle Mirror, some twenty miles away, a series of articles, over the signature of " Son of Cornstalk," extending over a period of some forty stirring years, from about 1740 to the close of the Revolutionary War. These articles formed at least the chief authority for several of the earlier chapters of Mr. Withers's work. Mr. Taylor had scarcely molded his materials into shape, and put them into print, when he was called hence at an early age, without having an opportunity to revise and publish the results of his labors under more favorable auspices. Soon after Mr. Taylor's publication, Judge Edwin S. Duncan, of Peel Tree, in then Harrison, now Barbour County, West Virginia, a gentleman of education, and well fitted for such a work, residing in the heart of a region rife with the story of Indian wars and hair-breadth es- capes, made a collection of materials, probably including Mr. Taylor's sketches, with a view to a similar work ; but his professional pursuits and judicial services interposed to preclude the faithful prosecution of the work, so he turned over to Mr. Withers his historic gatherings, with 1 The venerable Mark L. Spotts, an intelligent and long-time resident of Lewisburg, West Virginia, writes, in December, 1890: " I had an old and particular friend, Mr. Thomas Matthews, of this place, who, many years ago, conceived the idea of preparing and publishing a revised edition of Withers's Border Warfare, and no doubt had collected many facts looking to such a publication ; but the old man's health gave way, he died, and his widow moved away, and what became of his notes, I can not say perhaps destroyed." L. C. "D. x Memoir of the Author. euch suggestions, especially upon the Indian race, as by his studies aud reflections he was enabled to offer. Other local gleaners in the field of Western history, par- ticularly Noah Zane, of Wheeling, John Hacker, of the Hackers Creek settlement, and others, freely furnished their notes and statements for the work. Mr. Withers, under these favorable circumstances, became quite well equipped with materials regarding especially the first set- tlement and Indian wars of the region now comprising West Virginia ; and, to a considerable extent, the region of Staunton and farther southwest, of the French aud In- dian War period, together with Dunmore's War, and the several campaigns from the western borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania into the Ohio region, during the Revo- lutionary War. Alexander Scott Withers, for his good services in the field of Western history, well deserves to have his name and memory perpetuated as a public benefactor. Descend- ing, on his father's side, from English ancestry, he was the fourth child of nine, in the family of Enoch K. and Jennet Chinn Withers, who resided at a fine Virginia homestead, called Green Meadows, half a dozen miles from Warren - ton, Fauquier county, Virginia, where the subject of this sketch was born on the 12th of October, 1792 on the third centennial anniversary of the discovery of America by Columbus. His mother was the daughter of Thomas Chinn and Jennet Scott the latter a native of Scotland, and a first cousin of Sir Walter Scott. Passing his early years in home and private schools, he became from childhood a lover of books and knowl- edge. He read Virgil at the early age of ten ; and, in due time, entered Washington College, and thence en- tered the law department of the venerable institution of William and Mary, where Jefferson, Monroe, Wythe, and other Virginia notables, received their education. Procuring a license to practice, he was admitted to the bar in Warrenton, where for two or three years he practiced his profession. His father dying in 1813, he abandoned his law practice, which he did not like, be- cause he could not overcome his diflidence in public Memoir of the Author. xi speaking; and, for quite a period, he had the manage- ment of his mother's plantation. In August, 1815, he was united in marriage with Miss Melinda Fisher, a most estimable lady, a few months his junior; and about 1827, having a growing family, he looked to the Great West for his future home and field of labor, and moved to West Virginia, first locating tem- porarily in Bridgeport, in Harrison County, and subse- quently settling near Clarksburg in. the same county, where he devoted much time in collecting materials for and writing his Chronicles of Border Warfare. The publisher, Joseph Israel, who took a deep inter- est in the work, as his "Advertisement" of it suggests, must have realized ample recompense for the work, as he had subscribers for the full edition issued ; yet, from some cause, he failed pecuniarily, and Mr. Withers got nothing whatever for his diligence and labor in producing it, save two or three copies of the work itself. He used to sav, that had he published the volume himself, he would have made it much more complete, and better in everyway; for he was hampered, limited, and hurried often correct- ing proof of the early, while writing the later chapters. Mr. Israel, the publisher, died several years ago. After this worthy but uuremunerative labor, Mr. Withers turned his attention to Missouri for a suitable home for his old age. He was disappointed in his visit to that new state, as the richer portions of the country, where he would have located, were more or less unhealthy. So he returned to West Virginia, and settled near Westou, u fine, healthful region of hills and valleys, where he en- gaged in agricultural pursuits, in which he always took a deep interest. He also served several years as a magis- trate, the only public position he ever filled. The death of his wife in September, 1853, broke sadly into his domestic enjoyments ; his family were now scat- tered, and his home was henceforward made with his eld- est daughter, Mrs. Jennet S. Tavenner, and her husband, Thomas Tavenner, who in 1861 removed to a home ad- joining Parkersburg, in West Virginia. Here our author lived a retired, studious life, until his death, which oc- xii Memoir of the Author. curred, after a few days' illness, January 23, 1865, in the seventy-third year of his age. Mr. Withers had no talent for the acquisition of wealth; but he met with marked success in acquiring knowledge. He was an admirer of ancient literature, and to his last days read the Greek classics in the original. A rare scholar, a lover of books, his tastes were eminently domestic ; he was, from his nature, much secluded from the busy world around him. Nearly six feet high, rather portly and dignified, as is shown by his portrait, taken when he was about sixty years of age he was kind and obliging to all, and emphatically a true Virginia gentle- man of the old school. His sympathies during the War of Secession, were strongly in favor of the Union cause, the happy termination of which he did not live to witness. His son, Henry W. Withers, served with credit during the war in the Union service in the Twelfth Virginia Regiment. Mr. Withers was blessed with two sons and three daughters one of the sons has passed away ; the other, Major Henry W. Withers, resides in Troy, Gilmer county, West Virginia; Mrs. Tavenner still lives at Parkersburg; Mrs. Mary T. Owen, at Galveston, Texas, and Mrs. Eliza- beth Ann Thoruhill, in New Orleans. OF 9 OR A UISTOUX OF THE SETTLEMENT BY THE WHITES, OF SOUTH WESTERN VIRGINIA: AXD OF TH-& LVDUIJV WJ1RS J1WD MASSACRES, hi THAT XECTIOBI OP TTIK STATE , BY ALEXANDER S WITHERS. CLARKSBHIVG, V.A. PUBLISHED BY JOSEPH tSRAEL, \VESTEKX DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA, to wit : Be it remembered, That on the twenty-sixth day of Janu- ary, in the Fifty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America, JOSEPH ISRAEL, of the said Dis- trict, hath deposited in this Office, the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following, To wit: "Chronicles of Border Warfare, or a history of the settlement, by the whites, of North- Western Virginia: and of the Indian wars and massacres, in that section of the State; with reflections, anecdotes, &c By ALEXANDER S. WITHERS, 1831," in conformity to the act of Cong- ress of the United States, entitled "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during the times therein men- tioned; and also to an act, entitled "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during tho times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of De- signing, Engraving and Etching historical and other prints." JASPER YEATES DODDRIDGE, Clerk of the Western District of Virginia. (xiv) ADVERTISEMENT. The " Chronicles of Border Warfare" are now completed and presented to the public. Circumstances, over which the publisher had no control, have operated to delay their appearance beyond the anticipated period ; and an apprehension that such might be the case, induced him, when issuing proposals for their publication, not positively to name a time at which the work would be completed and ready for delivery. This delay, although unavoidable, has been the source of regret to the publisher, and has added considerably to the expenditure otherwise necessarily made, in attempting to rescue from oblivion the many interesting incidents, now, for the first time recorded. To preserve them from falling into the gulph of forgetfulness, was the chief motive which the publisher had in view ; and should the profits of the work be sufficient to defray the expenses, actually in- curred in its preparation and completion, he will be abundantly satisfied. That he will be thus far remunerated, is not for an in- stant doubted, the subscription papers having attached to them, as many names as there are copies published. In regard to the manner of its execution, it does not perhaps become him to speak. He was attentive to his duties, and watched narrowly the press ; and if typographical errors are to be found, it must be attributed to the great difficulty of preventing them, even when the author is at hand to correct each proof sheet. They are however, certainly few, and such as would be likely to escape ob- servation. JOSEPH ISRAEL, Publisher. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. General view of the discovery of North America, by England, France and Spain 1 to 11. Aborigines of America Their origin 12-27. Their persons and character Indian antiquities 28-43. CHAPTEU 1. Of the country west of Blue ridge, difficulties attending its first settlement; Indians in neighborhood their tribes and num- bers. Various parties explore the Valley ; their adventures. Benja- min Burden receives a grant of land; settles 100 families, their gen- eral character, West of Blue ridge divided into two counties; its present population, &c. Discovery of Greenbrier, explored by Martin and Seal; by the Lewis's, Greenbrier Company, settlement of Muddy Creek and Big Levels, of New river and Holstein ; of Gallipolis by French. ...44.. ..62. 2nd. North Western Virginia, divisions and population. Import- ance of Ohio river to the French, and the English; Ohio Company ; "English traders made prisoners by French, attempt to establish fort frustrated, French erect Fort du Quesne; War; Braddock'a ^de- fea^L. Andrew Lewis, character and services; Grant's defeat, capture of Tnrt_d Qy^sne and erection of Fort Pjt_t: TygarTatnTFiles settle on East Fork of Monongaheia, file's tamily killed by Indians, Dunkards visit the country, settle on Cheat, their fate; settlement under Decker on the Monongaheia, destroyed by Indians, pursuit by Gibson, origin of Long knives 63-80. CHAP. 3rd. Expedition to the mouth of Big_J3ady, ordered back by governor, their extreme sufferings: Dreadful catastrophe at Leyit's Fort, Shawnees visit James river settlements, their depredations and defeat, fortunate escape of Hannah Dennis, destruction at Muddy creek and Big Levels, Mrs. Clendennin, Indians visit Jackson and Ca- tawba rivers, discovered, pursued, overtaken and dispersed, Mrs. Gunn 81-99. ('HAP. 4th. Indians commit depredations in Pennsylvania, burn three prisoners, excesses of Paxton Boys, Black Boys ot great service to frontier, engagement at Turtle creek, Tr Indians, affair at Sidelong hill, Fort Bedford taken by Blackboys, (3apt. "James Smith, his character and services 100-116. CHAP. 5th. Deserters from Fort Pitt visit head of Monongaheia, The Pringles, Settlements of Buckhannon, of Hacker's creek, Mononga- heia and other places, Of Wheeling by Zane's, Their Character, Char- acter of Win. Lowther, Objects and character of the first settlers generally 117-133. CHAP. 6th. War of 1774, Inquiry into its cause, Boone and others visit Kentucky, Emigrants attacked by Indians, Surveyors begin operations there, Affair at Captina, and opposite Yellow creek, Ex- cesses of Indians, Preparations for [ii] war, Expedition against Wappa- tomica, Incursion of Logan and others, Of Indians on West Fork... 134-158. CHAP. 7th. Indians come on Big Kenhawa, Lewis and Jacob Whit- sel taken prisoners, Their adventurous conduct, Plan of Dunmore's (xvii) xviii Contents. campaign, Battle at Point Pleasant, Dunmore enters Indian country and makes peace, Reflections on the motives of Dunmore's conduct... 159-186. CHAP. 8th. General view of the relative situation of Great Britain and the colonies, British emissaries and American Tories stimulate the Savages to war, Progress of settlements in Kentucky, Character of Harrod, Boone and Logan, Attack on Harrod's fort, on Boone's and on Logan's, Bowman arrives to its relief, Cornstock visits Point Pleasant, Projected campaign against the Indians abortive. jCorn- stock'a son visite him, Gilmore killed, Murder oF Uornstock. Of El- linipsico and others, Character of Cornstock... 1^7-21 47 CHAP. 9. General alarm on the frontier, SavagAa nnmmit. Hop r o. dations. Intelligence of contemplated invasion, Condition of Wheel- ing, Indians seen near it, Two parties under captain Mason and cap- tain Ogal decoyed within the Indian lines and cut to pieces, Girty demands the surrender of Wheeling, Col. Zane's reply, Indians at- tacks the fort and retire, Arrival of col. Swearingen with a reinforce- ment, of captain Foreman, Ambuscade at Grave creek narrows, con- spiracy of Tories discovered and defeated, Petro and White taken prisoners, Irruption intoTygarts Valley, Murder at Conoly's and at Stewarts. ..215-235. CHAP. 10. Measures of defence. Fort M'Intosh erected, exposed situation, commencement of hostilities. Attack on Harbert's block- house, Murder at Morgan's on Cheat, Of Lowther and Hughes, In- dians appear before Fort at the point, Decoy Lieut. Moore into an am- buscade, a larger army visits Fort, stratagem to draw out the gar- rison, Prudence and precaution of capt. M'Kee. Fort closely be- sieged, Siege raised, Heroic adventure of Prior and Hammond to save Greenbrier, Attack on Donnelly's Fort, Dick Pointer, Affair at West's Fort, Successful artifice of Hustead, Affair at Cobern's fort, at Strader's, Murder of Stephen Washburn, captivity, <&c. of James, Projected invasion of Indian country, Col. Clarke takes Kaskaskias and other towns, Fort Lawrens erected by Gen. M'Intosh and gar- risoned.. .236-256. CHAP. 11. Gov. Hamilton marches to St. Vincent critical situa- tion of col. Clarke, his daring expedition against Hamilton, condition of Fort Lawren's, Successful stratagem of Indians there, Gen. M'In- tosh arrives with an army, Fort evacuated, Transactions in Ken- tucky, captivity of Boone, his escape and expedition against Paint creek town, Indian [iii] army under Du Quesne appear before Boone's fort, politic conduct of Boone, Fort assaulted, Assailants repulsed, Expedition against Chilicothe towns under Bowman, Its failure, Ken- tucky increases rapidly in population. ..257-274. CHAP. 12. Hacker's creek settlement breaks up Alarm of Indians near Pricket's fort, Stephen and Sarah Morgan sent to farm, Dream and anxiety of their father, His fearful encounter with two Indians, Kills both, Heroism of Mrs. Bozarth, Murders on Snow creek, cap- tivity of Leonard Schoolcraft, Indians surprize Martin's fort, destruc- tion there,, Irruptions into Tygart's valley, Indians attack the house of Samuel Cottrail, Murder of John Schoolcrafts family, Projected campaign of British and Indians, Indians again in Tygart's Valley, mischief there, West's fort invested, Hazardous adventure of Jesse Hughs to obtain assistance, Skirmish between whites and savages, coolness and intrepidity of Jerry Curl, Austin Schoolcraft killed and his niece taken prisoner, Murder of Owens and Judkins, of Sims. Small Pox terrifies Indians, Transactions in Greenbrier, Murder of Baker and others, last outrage in that country. ..275.. 293. Contents. xix CHAP. 13. Operations of combined army of British and Indians, Surrender of Huddle's Station, Outrages of savages there, Col. Byrd enabled to restrain them, Martin's station surrenders, Byrd returns to the Indian towns, Escape of Hinkstone, Invasion of North West- ern Virginia, Plan of campaign, Indians discovered near Wheeling, Take prisoners, Alarmed for their own safety, kill their prisoners and retire, Expedition under Col. Broadhead, against the Munsies, against Coshocton, excesses of the whites there, Expedition under Gen. Clarke against Chilicothe and Piqua, Battle at Piqua, Indian depre- dations in Virginia, murder of capt. Thomas and family, of School- craft, Manear, and others, Destruction of Leading creek settlement, aggressors overtaken by a party under Col. Lowther, Affair of Indian creek, murder of Mrs. Furrenash, Williamson's first expedition against Moravian Indians, Prisoners taken sent to Fort Pitt, Set at liberty, Their settlements broken up by Wyandotts...294..317. CHAP. 14. The murder of Monteur and his family, others taken prisoners, Second expedition of Williamson against Moravians, its suc- cess and the savage conduct of the whites, Expedition under Craw ford, his defeat Is taken prisoner and burned ; captivity and escapa of Doctor Knight, of Slover ; Death of Mills Signal achievement of Lewis Whitsel 318...339. CHAP. 15. Murder of White, Dorman and wife taken prisoners; Inhabitants on Buckhannon evacuate the fort, attacked by Indians on their way to the Valley; Whites visiting [iv] Buckhannon settle* ment discovered and watched by Indians conduct of George Jackson to obtain aid, Stalnaker killed, Indians cross Alleghany miss Gregg killed by Dorman, murder of mrs. Pindall, of Charles Washburn, of Arnold and Richards Daring conduct of Elias Hughes murder of Corbly's family... Grand council of Indians at Chillicothe, Its deter- minations; Indian army enters Kentucky ; Affair at Bryants station; Battle of Blue Licks Expedition under Gen. Clarke, Attack on Wheel- ing, Attempt to demolish the fort with a wooden cannon, Signal ex- ploit of Elizabeth Zane, Noble conduct of Francis Duke, Indians withdraw, Attack on Eives [Rice's] Fort, Encounter of Poe with two Indians. ..340-364. CHAP. 16. Peace with G. Britain, War continued by Indians' Operations in N. W. Virginia... murder of Daniel Radcliff, Attack on Cunninghams upon Bingamon, murders there; murders in Tazewell. of Davison, of Moore, mrs. Moore and seven children taken prison- ers, their fate murder of Ice, &c. Levi Morgan encounters two In* dians, Indians steal horses on West Fork, pursued and punished by col. Lowther murder of the Wests on Hacker's creek, Remarkable recovery of J. Hacker's daughter murder of the Johnsons on Ten- mile creek, At Macks, Artifice of John Sims. ..365. ..383. CHAP. 17. Rapid increase of population of Kentucky, opera- tions there... Preparations of the general Government to carry on the war in the Indian country, Settlement of Marietta, Of Cincinatti, Fort Washington erected, Settlement of Duck creek, Big Bottom and Wolf creeks... Harmar's campaign, murder of whites on Big Bottom, murder of John Bush Affair at Hansucker's on Dunkard... murder of Carpenter and others and escape of Jesse Hughes... campaign under Gen. St. Clair... Attack at Merrill's, Heroic conduct of mrs. Merrill, Signal success of expedition under Gen. Scott... 384-407. CHAP. 18. Indians visit Hacker's creek... murder of the Waggon- ers and captivity of others murder of Neal and Triplet, major Tru- man and col. Hardin killed, Greater preparations made by General Government, John and Henry Johnson, Attack on the hunting camp ix Contents. of Isaac Zane, Noble conduct of Zane...Treatmp"t ^f T ndia.n prjsr>n. era, Fort Recovery erected, Escape of Joseph Cox. ..murder of miss "TTuhyan and attack on Carder's, Indians kill and make prisoners the Cozads, Affair at Joseph Kanaan's, Progress of army under Gen. Wayne, Indians attack and defeat detachment under M'Mahon, bat- tle of Au Glaize and victory of General Wayne, Affair at Bozarth's on Buckhannon... Treaty of Greenville 408. ..430. [3] INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. It is highly probable that the continent of America was known to the Ancient Carthaginians, and that it was the great island Atalantis, of which mention is made by Plato, who represents it as larger than Asia and Africa. The Carthaginians were a maritime people, and it is known that they extended their \discoveries beyond the narrow sphere which had hitherto limited the enterprise of the mariner. And although Plato represents Atalantis as having been swallowed by an earthquake, and all knowledge of the new continent, if any such ever existed, was entirely lost, still it is by no means improbable, that it had been visited by some of the inhabitants of the old world, prior to its discovery by Columbus in 1492. The manner of this discovery is well known, as is also the fact that Americo Vespucci, a Florentine, under the authority of Emmanuel king of Portugal, in sailing as far as Brazil discovered the main land and gave name to America. These discoveries gave additional excitement to the adventurous spirit which distinguished those times, and the flattering reports made of the country which they had visited, inspired the different nations of Europe, with the desire of reaping the rich harvest, which the enlightened and enterprising mind of Columbus, had unfolded to their view. Accordingly, as early as March 1496, (less than two years after the discovery by Columbus) a commission was granted by Henry VII king of England, to John Cabot and his three sons, empowering them to sail under the English banner in quest of new discoveries, and in the event of their success to take possession, in the name of cn 2 Withers's Chronicles the king of England, of the countries thus discovered and not inhabited by Christian people. The expedition contemplated in this commission was never carried into effect. But in May 1498 Cabot with his son Sebastian, embarked on a voyage to attain the desired object, and succeeded in his design so far as to effect a dis- covery of [4] North America, and although he sailed along the coast from Labrador to Virginia, yet it does not now appear that he made any attempt either at settlement or conquest. This is said to have been the first discovery ever made of that portion of our continent which extends from the Gulph of Mexico to the North pole ; and to this discovery the English trace their title to that part of it, subsequently reduced into possession by them. 1 As many of the evils endured by the inhabitants of the western part of Virginia, resulted from a contest between England and France, as to the validity of their respective claims to portions of the newly discovered country, it may not be amiss to take a general view of the dis- coveries and settlements effected by each of those powers. After the expedition of Cabot, no attempt on the part of England, to acquire territory in America, seems to have been made until the year 1558. In this year letters patent were issued by Queen Elizabeth, empowering Sir Hum- phrey Gilbert to " discover and take possession of such re- mote, heathen, and barbarous lands, as were not actually possessed by any Christian prince or people" Two expedi- tions, conducted by this gentleman terminated unfavor- ably. Nothing was done by him towards the accomplish- ment of the objects in view, more than the taking pos- session of the island of New Poundland in the name of the English Queen. In 1584 a similar patent was granted to Sir Walter 1 The author errs somewhat in his review of the voyages of the Cabots. In 1497, John set out to reach Asia by way of the north-west, and sighted Cape Breton, for which the generous king gave him 10 and blessed him with " great honours." In 1408, Sebastian's voyage was intended to supplement his father's; his exploration of the coast ex- tended down to the vicinity of Chesapeake Bay. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 3 Raleigh, under whose auspices was discovered the country south of Virginia. In April of that year he dispatched two vessels under the command of Amidas and Barlow, for the purpose of visiting, and obtaining such a knowl- edge of the country which he proposed to colonize, as would facilitate the attainment of his object. In their voyage they approached the North American continent towards the Gulph of Florida, and sailing northwardly touched at an island situate on the inlet into Pamlico sound, in the state of North Carolina. To this island they gave the name of Wocoken, and proceeding from thence reached Roanoke near the mouth of Albemarle sound. After having remained here some weeks, and obtained from the natives the best information which they could impart concerning the country, Amidas and Barlow re- turned to England. In the succeeding year Sir Walter had fitted out a squadron of seven ships, the command of which he gave to Sir Richard [5] Grenville. On board of this squadron were passengers, arms, ammunition and provisions for a settlement. He touched at the islands of Wocoken and Roanoke, which had been visited by Amidas and Barlow, and leaving a colony of one hundred and eight per- sons in the island of Roanoke, he returned to England. These colonists, after having remained about twelve months and explored the adjacent country, became so dis- couraged and exhausted by fatigue and famine, that they abandoned the country. Sir Richard Grenville returning shortly afterwards to America, and not being able to find them, and at a loss to conjecture their fate, left in the island another small party of settlers and again set sail for England. The flattering description which was given of the country, by those who had visited it, so pleased Queen Elizabeth, that she gave to it the name of Virginia, as a memorial that it had been discovered in the reign of a Vir- gin Queen. Other inefficient attempts were afterwards made to colonize North America during the reign of Elizabeth, but it was not 'till the year 1607, that a colony was perma- 4 Withers's Chronicles nently planted there. In December of the preceding year a small vessel and two barks, under the command of cap- tain Newport, and having on board one hundred and five men, destined to remain, left England. In April they were driven by a storm into Chesapeak bay, and after a fruitless attempt to land at Cape Henry, sailed up the Powhatan (since called James) River, and on the 13th of May 1607, debarked on the north side of the river at a place to which they gave the name of Jamestown. From this period the country continued in the occupancy of the whites, and remained subject to the crown of Great Britain until the war of the revolution. A new charter which was issued in 1609 grants to "the treasurer and company of the adventurers, of the city of London for the first colony of Virginia, in absolute property the lands extending from Point Comfort along the sea coast two hundred miles to the northward, and from the same point, along the sea coast two hundred miles to the southward, and up into the land throughout from sea to sea, west and north-west ; and also all islands lying within one hundred miles of the coast of both seas of the precinct aforesaid." Conflicting charters, granted to other corporations, afterwards narrowed her limits ; that she has been since reduced to her present compara- tively small extent of territory, is attributable exclusively [6] to the almost suicidal liberality of Virginia herself. On the part of France, voyages for the discovery and colonization of North America were nearly contempo- raneous with those made by England for like objects. As early as the year 1540, a commission was issued by Francis 1st for the establishment of Canada. 1 In 1608, a French fleet, under the command of Admiral Champlaine, arrived 1 This refers to the explorations of Jacques Cartier. But as early aa 1534 Cartier sailed up the estuary of the St. Lawrence "until land could be seen on either side ;" the following year he ascended the river as far as the La Chine rapids, and wintered upon the island mountain there which he named Mont Real. It was in 1541 that he made his third voyage, and built a fort at Quebec. The author's reference, a few lines below, to a " Spanish sailor " in the St. Lawrence, is the result of con- fusion over Cartier's first voyages ; Cortereal was at Newfoundland for the Portuguese in 1500 ; and Gomez for Spain in 1525. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 5 in the St. Lawrence and founded the city of Quebec. So successful were her attempts to colonize that province, that, notwithstanding its proximity to the English colo- nies, and the fact that a Spanish sailor had previously en- tered the St. Lawrence and established a port at the mouth of Grand river neither of those powers seriously con- tested the right of France to its possession. Yet it was frequently the theatre of war ; and as early as 1629 was subdued by England. By the treaty of St. Germains in 1632 it was restored to France, as was also the then prov- ince of Acadie, now known as Nova Scotia. There is no doubt but that this latter province was, by priority of settlement, the property of France, but its principal town having been repeatedly reduced to possession by the Eng- lish, it was ceded to them by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713. To the country bordering the Mississippi river, and its tributary streams, a claim was made by England, France and Spain. The claim of England (based on the discovery by the Cabots of the eastern shore of the United States,) included all the country between the parallels of latitude within which the Atlantic shore was explored, extending westwardly to the Pacific ocean a zone athwart the con- tinent between the thirtieth and forty-eighth degrees of North latitude. [From the facility with which the French gained the good will and friendly alliance of the Natives in Canada, by intermarrying with, and assimilating themselves to the habits and inclinations of, these children of the forest, an intimacy arose which induced the Indians to impart freely to the French their knowledge of the interior country. Among other things information was communicated to them, of the fact that farther on there was a river of great size and immense length, which pursued a course opposite to that of the St. Lawrence, and emptied itself into an unknown sea.J^It was conjectured that it must necessarily flow either into the Gulph of Mexico, or the South Sea ; and in 1673 Marquette and Joliet, French missionaries, together with five other men, commenced -a journey 6 Withers's Chronicles [7] from Quebec to ascertain the fact and examine the country bordering its shores. From lake Michigan they proceeded up the Fox river nearly to its source; thence to Ouisconsin ; down it to the Mississippi, in which river they sailed as far as to about the thirty-third degree of north latitude. From this point they returned through the Illinois country to Canada. At the period of this discovery M. de La Salle, a Frenchman of enterprise, courage and talents but without fortune, was commandant of fort Frontignac. Pleased with the description given by Marquette and Joliet, of the country which they had visited, he formed the determina- tion of examining it himself, and for this purpose left Can- ada in the close of the summer of 1679, in company with father Louis Hennepin and some others. 1 On the Illinois he erected fort Crevecoeur, where he remained during the winter, and instructing father Hennepin, in his absence to ascend the Mississippi to its sources, returned to Canada. M. de La Salle subsequently visited this country, and estab- lishing the villages of Cahokia and Kaskaskia, left them under the command of M. de Tonti, and going back to Canada, proceeded from thence to France to procure the co-operation of the Ministry in effecting a settlement of the valley of the Mississippi. He succeeded in impressing on the minds of the French Ministry, the great benefits which would result from its colonization, and was the first to suggest the propriety of connecting the settlements on the Mississippi with those in Canada by a cordon of forts; a measure which was subsequently attempted to be carried into effect. With the aid afforded him by the government of France, he was enabled to prepare an expedition to accom- plish his object, and sailing in 1684 for the mouth of the Mississippi, steered too far westward and landed in the province of Texas, and on the banks of the river Guada- loupe. Every exertion which a brave and prudent man 1 The author wrote at too early a date to have the benefit of Park- man's researches. La Salle had probably discovered the Ohio River four years before the voyage of Joliet and Marquette. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 7 could make to effect the security of his little colony, and conduct them to the settlement in Illinois, was fruitlessly made by him. In reward for all his toil and care he was basely assassinated ; the remnant of the party whom he was conducting through the wilderness, finally reached the Arkansas, where was a settlement of French emigrants from Canada. The colonists left by him at the bay of St. Bernard were mostly murdered by the natives, the remain- der were carried away by the Spaniards in 1689. [8] Other attempts made by the French to colonize the Mississippi near the Gulph of Mexico, were for some time unavailing. In an expedition for that purpose, conducted by M. Ibberville, a suit of armor on which was inscribed Ferdinand de Soto, was found in the possession of some Indians. In the year 1717 the spot, on which New Orleans now stands, was selected as the centre of the settlements, then first made in Louisiana, and the country continued in the possession of France until 1763. By the treaty of Paris in that year, she ceded to Great Britain, together with Canada her possessions east of the Mississippi, excepting only the island of New Orleans this and her territory on the west bank of that river were transferred to Spain. The title of Spain to the valley of the Mississippi, if made to depend on priority of discovery, would perhaps, to say the least, be as good as that of either of the other powers. Ferdinand de Soto, governor of Cuba, was most probably the first white man who saw that majestic stream. The Spaniards had early visited and given name to Florida. In 1528 Pamphilo de Narvaez obtained a grant of it, and fitting out an armament, proceeded with four or five hundred men to explore and settle the country. He marched to the Indian village of Appalachas, when he was attacked and defeated by the natives. The most of those who escaped death from the hands of the savages, perished in a storm, by which they were overtaken on their voyage home. Narvaez himself perished in the wreck, and was succeeded in his attempt at colonization by de Soto. Ferdinand de Soto, then governor of Cuba, was a man of chivalrous and enterprising spirit, and of cool, deliber- 8 Withers's Chronicles ate courage. In his expedition to Florida, although at- tacked by the Indians, immediately on his landiug, yet, rather seeking than shunning danger, he penetrated the interior, and crossing the Mississippi, sickened and died on Red river. So frequent and signal had been the victories which he had obtained over the Indians, that his name alone had become an object of terror to them ; and his fol- lowers, at once to preserve his remains from violation, and prevent the natives from acquiring a knowledge of his death, enclosed his body in a hollow tree, sunk it in the Red river and returned to Florida. Thus, it is said, were different parts of this continent discovered; and by virtue of the settlements thus effected, by [9] those three great powers of Europe, the greater por- tion of it was claimed as belonging to them respectively, in utter disregard of the rights of the Aborigines. And while the historian records the colonization of America as an event tending to meliorate the condition of Europe, and as having extended the blessings of civil and religious lib- erty, humanity must drop the tear of regret, that it has likewise forced the natives of the new, and the inhabitants of a portion of the old world, to drink so deeply from the cup of bitterness. The cruelties which have been exercised on the Abo- rigines of America, the wrong and outrage heaped on them from the days of Montezuma and Guatimozin, to the present period, while they excite sympathy for their suf- ferings, should extenuate, if not justify the bloody deeds, which revenge prompted the untutored savages to com- mit. Driven as they were from the lands of which they were the rightful proprietors Yielding to encroachment after encroachment 'till forced to apprehend their utter annihilation Witnessing the destruction of their villages, the prostration of their towns and the sacking of cities adorned with spendid magnificence, who can feel surprised at any attempt which they might make to rid the country of its invaders. Who, but must applaud the spirit which prompted them, when they beheld their prince a captive, the blood of their nobles staining the earth with its crim- son dye, and the Gods of their adoration scoffed and de- Of Border Warfare. 9 rided, to aim at the destruction of their oppressors. When Mexico, " with her tiara of proud towers," became the theatre in which foreigners were to revel in rapine and in murder, who can be astonished that the valley of Otumba resounded with the cry of " Victory or Death ? " And yet, resistance on their part, served but as a pretext for a war of extermination ; waged too, with a ferocity, from the recollection of which the human mind involun- tarily revolts, and with a success which has forever blotted from the book of national existence, once powerful and happy tribes. But they did not suffer alone. As if to fill the cup of oppression to the brim, another portion of the human family were reduced to abject bondage, and made the un- willing cultivators of those lands, of which the Indians had been dispossessed. Soon after the settlement of North America was commenced, the negroes of Africa became an article of commerce, and from subsequent importations and natural [10] increase have become so numerous as to excite the liveliest apprehensions in the bosom of every friend to this country. Heretofore they have had consid- erable influence on the affairs of our government; and recently the diversity of interest, occasioned in Virginia, by the possession of large numbers of them in the country east of the blue ridge of mountains, seemed for a while to threaten the integrity of the state. Happily this is now passing away, but how far they may effect the future destines of America, the most prophetic ken cannot foresee. Yet, although the philanthopist must weep over their unfortunate situation, and the patriot shudder in anticipation of a calamity which it may defy human wisdom to avert; still it would be unfair to charge the ex- istence of slavery among us to the policy of the United States, or to brand their present owners as the instruments of an evil which they cannot remove. And while others boast that they are free from this dark spot, let them re- member, that but for them our national escutcheon might have been as pure and unsullied as their own. 1 1 It is said, that Georgia, at an early period of her colonial exist- 10 Withers's Chronicles We are indebted to the Dutch for their introduction into Virginia, and to the ships of other than slave holding communities, for their subsequent unhallowed transporta- tion to our shores. Yet those who were mainly instru- mental in forging the chains of bondage, have since ren- dered the condition of the negro slave more intolerable by fomenting discontent among them, and by " scattering fire brands and torches," which are often not to be extin- guished but in blood. Notwithstanding those two great evils which have resulted from the discovery and colonization of America, yet to these the world is indebted for the enjoyment of many and great blessings. They enlarged the theatre of agricultural enterprise, and thus added to the facilities of procuring the necessaries of life. They encouraged the industry of Europeans, by a dependence on them for al- most every species of manufacture, and thus added con- siderably to their population, wealth and happiness ; while the extensive tracts of fertile land, covering the face of this country and inviting to its bosom the enterprising [11] foreigner, has removed a far off any apprehension of the ill effects arising from a too dense population. In a moral and political point of view much good has likewise resulted from the settlement of America. Relig- ion, freed from the fetters which enthralled her in Europe, has shed her benign influence on every portion of our coun- try. Divorced from an adulterous alliance with state, she has here stalked forth in the simplicity of her founder; and with " healing on her wings, spread the glad tidings of salvation to all men." It is true that religious intoler- ance and blind bigotry, for some time clouded our horizon, but they were soon dissipated ; and when the sun arose which ushered in the dawn of our national existence scarce a speck could be seen to dim its lustre. Here too was ence, endeavored by legislative enactment to prevent the importation of slaves into her territory, but that the King of England invariably negatived those laws, and ultimately Oglethorpe was dismissed from office, for persevering in the endeavor to accomplish so desirable an ob- ject. It is an historical fact that slaves were not permitted to be taken into Georgia, for some time after a colony was established there. Of Border Warfare. 11 reared the standard of civil liberty, and an example set, which may teach to the nations of the old world, that as people are really the source of power, government should be confided to them. Already have the beneficial effects of this example been manifested, and the present condition of Europe clearly shows, that the lamp of liberty, which was lighted here, has burned with a brilliancy so steady as to have reflected its light across the Atlantic. "Whether it will be there permitted to shine, is somewhat problemati- cal. But should a " holy alliance of legitimates " extin- guish it, it will be but for a season. Kings, Emperors and Priests cannot succeed much longer in staying the march of freedom. The people are sensibly alive to the oppres- sion of their rulers they have groaned beneath the bur- den 'till it has become too intolerable to be borne ; and they are now speaking in a voice which will make tyrants tremble on their throne. 12 Withers's Chronicles [12] INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER II. When America was first visited by Europeans, it was found that its inhabitants were altogether ignorant of the country from which their ancestors had migrated, and of the period at which they had been transplanted to the new world. And although there were among them traditions seeming to cast a light upon these subjects, yet when thor- oughly investigated, they tended rather to bewilder than lead to any certain conclusion. The origin of the natives has ever since been a matter of curious speculation with the learned; conjecture has succeeded conjecture, hypoth- esis has yielded to hypothesis, as wave recedes before wave, still it remains involved in a labyrinth of inexplicable dif- ficulties, from which the most ingenious mind will perhaps never be able to free it. In this respect the situation of the aborigines of Amer- ica does not differ from that of the inhabitants of other portions of the globe. An impenetrable cloud hangs over the early history of other nations, and defies the researches of the learned in any attempt to trace them to their origin. The attempt has nevertheless been repeatedly made ; and philosophers, arguing from a real or supposed' conformity of one people to another, have vainly imagined that they had attained to certainty on these subjects. And while one has in this manner, undertaken to prove China to have been an Egyptian colony, another, pursuing the same course of reasoning, has, by way of ridicule, shewn how easily a learned man of Tobolski or Pekin might as satisfactorily prove France to have been a Trojan, a Greek or even an Arabian colony; thus making manifest the utter futility of endeavoring to arrive at certainty in this way. 1 1 " If a learned man of Tobolski or Pekin were to read some of our books, be might in this way demonstrate, that the French are descended Of Border Warfare. 13 [13] Nor is this to be at all wondered at, when we reflect on the barbarous state of those nations in their infancy, the imperfection of traditionary accounts of what had transpired centuries before, and in many instances the en- tire absence of a written language, by which, either to per- petuate events, or enable the philosopher by analogy of .language to ascertain their affinity with other nations. Conjectural then as must be every disquisition as to the manner in which this continent was first peopled, still however, as many men eminent for learning and piety have devoted much labor and time to the investigation of the subject, it may afford satisfaction to the curious to see some of those speculations recorded. Discordant as they are 'in many respects, there is nevertheless one fact as to the truth of which they are nearly all agreed ; Mr. Jeffer- son is perhaps the only one, of those who have written on the subject, who seems to discredit the assertion that from the Trojans. The most ancient writings, he might say, and those in most esteem in France, are romances : these were written in a pure language, derived from the ancient Romans, who were famous for never advancing a falsehood. Now upwards of twenty of these authentic books, affirm that Francis, the founder of the monarchy of the Franks, was son to Hector. The name of Hector has ever since been preserved by this nation ; and even in the present century one of the greatest gen- erals was called Hector de Villars. " The neighboring nations (he would continue,) are so unanimous in acknowledging this truth, that Ariosto, one of the most learned of the Italians, owns in his Orlando, that Charlemagne's knights fought for Hector's helmet. Lastly, there is one proof which admits of no reply ; namely, that the ancient Franks to perpetuate the memory of the Trojans, their ancestors, built a new city called Troye, in the province of Champagne; and these modern Trojans have always retained so strong an aversion to their enemies, the Greeks, that there is not at present four persons in the whole province of Champagne, who will learn their language ; nay, they would never admit any Jesuits among them ; probably because they had heard it said, that some of that body used formerly to explain Homer in their public schools." Proceeding in this manner, M. de Voltaire shows how easily this hypothesis might be overturned; and while one might thus demon- strate that the Parisians are descended from the Greeks, other profound antiquarians might in like manner prove them to be of Egyptian, or even of Arabian extraction ; and although the learned world might much puzzle themselves to decide the question, yet would it remain un- decided and in uncertainty . Preface to the Life of Peter the Great. 14 Withers's Chronicles America was peopled by emigrants from the .old world. How well the conjecture, that the eastern inhabitants of Asia were descendants of the Indians of America can be supported by any knowledge which is possessed of the different languages spoken by the Aborigines, will be for others to determine. " Neque confirmare argumentis, neque refellere, in animo est; ex ingenio suo, quisque demat vel addat fidem." Among those who have given to the world their opin- ions on the origin of the natives of America, is Father Jos. Acosta, a Jesuit who was for some time engaged as a missionary among them. From the fact that no ancient author has made mention of the [14] compass, he discredits the supposition that the first inhabitants of this coun- try found their way here by sea. His conclusion is that they must have found a passage by the North of Asia and Europe which he supposes to join each other; or by those regions which lie southward of the straits of Magellan. Gregorio Garcia, who was likewise a missionary among the Mexicans and Peruvians, from the traditions of those nations, and from the variety of characters, cus- toms, languages and religion, observable in the new world, has formed the opinion that it was peopled by several dif- ferent nations. John de Laet, a Flemish writer, maintains that Amer- ica received its first inhabitants from Scythia or Tartary, and soon after the dispersion of Noah's grand-sons. The resemblance of the northern Indians, in feature, complex- ion and manner of living, to the Scythians, Tartars, and Samojedes, being greater than to any other nations. Emanuel de Moraez, in his history of Brazil, says that this continent was wholly peopled by the Carthagi- nians and Israelites. In confirmation of this opinion, he mentions the discoveries which the Carthaginians are known to have made beyond the coast of Africa. The progress of these discoveries being stopped by the Senate of Carthage, those who happened to be in the newly dis- covered countries, cut off from all communication with their countrymen, and being destitute of many of the necessaries of life, easily fell into a state of barbarism. Of Border Warfare. 15 George de Huron, a Dutch writer on this subject, con- sidering the short space of time which elapsed between the creation of the world and the deluge, maintains that America could not have been peopled before the flood. He likewise supposes that its first inhabitants were located in the north; and that the primitive colonies extended themselves over the whole extent of the continent, by means of the Isthmus of Panama. It is his opinion that the first founders of these Indian colonies were Scythians ; that the Phoenicians and Carthaginians subsequently got to America across the Atlantic, and the Chinese across the Pacific ocean, and that other nations might have landed there by one of these means, or been thrown on the coast by tempest: since through the whole extent of 'the conti- nent, both in its northern and southern parts there are evident marks of a mixture of the northern nations with those who have come from other places. [15] He also supposes that another migration of the Phoenicians took place during a three years voyage made by the Tyrian fleet in the service of king Solomon. He asserts, on the authority of Josephus, that the port at which this embarkation was made, lay in the Mediterranean. The fleet, he adds, went in quest of Elephants' teeth and Pea- cocks, to the western coast of Africa, which is Tarshish, then for gold to Ophir, which is Haite or the Island of Hispaniola. In the latter opinion he is supported by Co- lumbus, who, when he discovered that Island, thought he could trace the furnaces in which the gold had been re- fined. Monsieur Charlevoix, who travelled through North America, is of opinion that it received its first inhabitants from Tartary and Hyrcania. In support of this impression he says that some of the animals which are to be found here, must have come from those countries : a fact which would go to prove that the two hemispheres join to the northward of Asia. And in order to strengthen this con- jecture, he relates the following story, which he says was told to him by Father Grollon, a French Jesuit, as matter of fact. Father Grollon said, that after having labored some 16 Wither s's Chronicles time in the missions of New France, he passed over to China. One day as he was travelling in Tartary he met a Huron woman whom he had known in Canada. He asked her by what adventure she had been carried into a country so very remote from her own ; she replied that having been taken in war, she was conducted from nation to nation, until she reached the place where she then was. Monsieur Charlevoix narrates another circumstance of a similar kind. He says that he had been assured, another Jesuit had met with a Floridian woman in China. She also had been made captive by certain Indians, who gave her to those of a more distant country, and by these again she was given to those of another nation, 'till having been successively passed from country to country, and after hav- ing travelled through regions extremely cold, she at length found herself in Tartary. Here she had married a Tartar, who had attended the conquerors in China, and with whom she then was. Arguing from these facts and from the similarity of several kinds of wild beasts which are found in America, with those of Hyrcania and Tartary, he arrives at what he deems, a [16] rational conclusion, that more than one na- tion in America had Scythian or Tartarian extraction. Charlevoix possessed a good opportunity of becoming acquainted with the character and habits of the American Indians. His theory however has been controverted by some, possessing equal advantages of observation. Mr. Adair, an intelligent gentleman who resided among the nations during the space of forty years, and who became well acquainted with their manners, customs, religion, tra- ditions and language, has given to them a very different origin. But perfect soever as may have been his knowl- edge of their manners, customs, religion and traditions, yet it must be admitted that any inquiry into these, with a view to discover their origin, would most probably prove fallacious. A knowledge of the primitive language, alone can cast much light on the subject. Whether this knowl- edge can ever be attained, is, to say the least, very ques- tionable Being an unwritten language, and subject to change for so many centuries, it can scarcely be supposed Of Border Warfare. II now to bear much, if any affinity, to what it was in its purity. Mr. Adair says, that from the most exact observation he could make during the long time which he traded among the Indians, he was forced to believe them lineally descended from the Israelites, either when they were a maritime power, or soon after the general captivity ; most probably the latter. He thinks that had the nine tribes and a half, which were carried off by Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, and which settled in Media, remained there long, they would, by intermarrying with the nations of that country, from a natural fickleness and proneness to idolatry, and from the force of example, have adopted and bowed before the Gods of the Medes and Assyrians ; and have carried them along with them. But he affirms that there is not the least trace of this idolatry to be discovered among the Indians : and hence he argues that those of the ten tribes who were the forefathers of the natives, soon advanced eastward from Assyria and reached their settlements in the new conti- nent, before the destruction of the first Temple. In support of the position that the American Indians are thus descended, Mr. Adair adduces among others the following arguments : 1st, Their division into tribes. "As each nation has its particular symbol, so each tribe has [17] the badge from which it is denominated. The Sachem is a necessary party in conveyances and treaties, to which he affixes the mark of his tribe. If we go from nation to nation among them, we shall not find one, who does not distinguish himself by his respective family. The genealogical names which they assume, are derived either from the names of those animals whereof the cher- ubim is said in revelation to be compounded ; or from such creatures as are most similar to them. The Indians bear no religious respect to the animals from which they derive their names ; on the contrary they kill them whenever an opportunity serves. " When we consider that these savages have been up- wards of twenty centuries without the aid of letters to 2 18 Withers' 's Chronicles carry down their traditions, it can not be reasonably ex- pected, that they should still retain the identical names of their primogenial tribes : their main customs correspond- ing with those of the Israelites, sufficiently clear the sub- ject. Moreover they call some of their tribes by the names of the cherubinical figures, which were carried on the four principal standards of Israel." 2nd, Their worship of Jehovah. " By a strict, permanent, divine precept, the Hebrew nation was ordered to worship at Jerusalem, Jehovah the true and living God, who by the Indians is styled ' Yohe- wah.' The seventy-two interpreters have translated this word so as to signify, Sir, Lord, Master, applying to mere earthly potentates, without the least signification or rela- tion to that great and awful name, which describes the divine presence." 3rd, Their notions of a theocracy. "Agreeably to the theocracy or divine government of Israel, the Indians think the deity to be the immediate head of the state. All the nations of Indians have a great deal of religious pride, and an inexpressible contempt for the white people. In their war orations they used to call us the accursed people, but flatter themselves with the name of the beloved people, because their supposed ancestors were, as they affirm, under the immediate government of the Deity, who was present with them in a peculiar man- ner, and directed them by Prophets, while the rest of the world were aliens to the covenant. 1 When the old Archi- 1 In a small work entitled "Ancient History of the Six Nations," written by David Cusick, an educated Indian of the Tuscarora village, frequent mention is made of the actual presence among them, of Tarenyawagua, or Holder of the Heavens, who guided and directed them when present, and left rules for their government, during his absence. Several miracles performed by him are particularly men- tioned. It likewise speaks of the occasional visits of Angels or ' agents of the Superior power' as they are called by Cusick ; and tells of a vis- itor who came among the Tuscaroras long anterior to the discovery of America by Columbus. " He appeared to be a very old man, taught them many things, and informed them that the people beyond the great water had killed their Maker, but that he rose again. The old man died among them and they buried him soon after some person went to the grave and found that he had risen ; he was never heard of afterwards." Of Border Warfare. 19 magus, or any of their Magi, is [18] persuading the people at their religious solemnities, to a strict observance of the old beloved or divine speech, he always calls them the beloved or holy people, agreeably to the Hebrew epithet, Ammi, (my people) during the theocracy of Israel. It is this opinion, that God has chosen them out of the rest of mankind, as his peculiar people, which inspires the white Jew, and the red American, with that steady hatred against all the world except themselves, and renders them hated and de- spised by all." bth, Their language and dialects. " The Indian language and dialects appear to have the very idiom and genius of the Hebrew. Their words and sentences are expressive, concise, emphatical, sonorous and bold ; and often both the letters and signification are synonymous with the Hebrew language." Of these Mr. Adair cites a number of examples. 6th, Their manner of counting time. " The Indians count time after the manner of the He- brews. They divide the year into spring, summer, autumn and winter. They number their year from any of these four periods, for they have no name for a year ; and they subdivide these and count the year by lunar months, like the Israelites who counted time by moons, as their name sufficiently testifies. " The number and regular periods of the religious feasts among the Indians, is a good historical proof that they counted time by and observed a weekly Sabbath, long after their arrival in America. They began the year at the appearance of the first new moon of the vernal equi- nox, according to the ecclesiastical year of Moses. 'Till the seventy years captivity [19] commenced, the Israelites had only numeral names for their months, except Abib and Ethanim ; the former signifying a green ear of corn, the latter robust or valiant; by the first name the Indian? as an explicative, term their passover, which the trading people call the green corn dance" 7th, Their prophets or high priests. "In conformity to, or after the manner of the Jews, the Indians have their prophets, high priests, and others of a 20 Withers's Chronicles religious order. As the Jews have a Sanctum Sanctorum, so have all the Indian nations. There they deposit their con- secrated vessels none of the laity daring to approach that sacred place. The Indian tradition says, that their fore- fathers were possessed of an extraordinary divine spirit by which they foretold future events ; and that this was trans- mitted to their offspring, provided they obeyed the sacred laws annexed to it. 1 [20] Ishtoallo is the name of all their 1 In confirmation of this tradition among the Indians, the following somewhat singular circumstance related by Mr. Carver, may with pro- priety be adduced : While at Grand Portage, from the number of those who were there and the fact that the traders did not arrive as soon as was ex- pected, there was a great scarcity of provisions, and much consequent anxiety as to the period of their arrival. One day, Mr. Carver says, that while expressing their wishes for the event, and looking anxiously to ascertain if they could be seen on the Lake, the chief Priest of the Kilistines told them that he would endeavor in a conference with the GREAT SPIRIT, to learn at what time the traders would arrive : and the following evening was fixed upon for the spiritual conference. When every preparation had been made, the king conducted Mr. Carver to a spacious tent, the covering of which was so drawn up as to render visible to those without, every thing which passed within. Mr. Carver being seated beside the king within the tent, observed in the centre a place of an oblong shape, composed of stakes stuck at intervals in the ground, forming something like a coffin, and large enough to contain the body of a man. The sticks were far enough from each other to ad- mit a distinct view by the spectators, of what ever passed within them ; while the tent was perfectly illuminated. When the Priest entered, a large Elk-skin being spread on the ground, he divested himself of all his clothing, except that around his middle, and laying down on the skin enveloped himself (save only his head) in it. The skin was then bound round with about forty yards of cord, and in that situation he was placed within the ballustrade of sticks. In a few seconds he was heard to mutter, but his voice, gradually assuming a higher tone, was at length extended to its utmost pitch, and sometimes praying, he worked himself into such an agitation as to produce a foaming at the mouth. To this succeeded a speechless state of exhaustion, of short duration; when suddenly springing on his feet, and shaking off the skin, as easily as if the bands with which it had been lashed around him, were burned asunder, he ad- dressed the company in a firm and audible voice : " My Brothers, said he, the Great Spirit has deigned to hold a talk with his servant. He has not indeed told me when the traders will be here ; but to- morrow when the sun reaches the highest point in the heavens, a canoe Of Border Warfare. 21 priestly order and their pontifical office descends by in- heritance to the eldest. There are traces of agreement, though chiefly lost, in their pontifical dress. Before the Indian Archimagus officiates in making the supposed holy fire for the yearly atonement of sin, the Sagan clothes him with a white ephod, which is a waistcoat with- out sleeves. In resemblance of the Urim and Thummim the American Archimagus wears a breastplate made of a white conch-shell, with two holes bored in the middle of it, through which he puts the ends of an otter-skin strap ; and fastens a buck-horn white button to the outside of each ; as if in imitation of the precious stones of the Urim." In remarking upon this statement of Mr. Adair, Faber, a learned divine of the church of England, has said, that Ishtoallo (the name according to Adair of the Indian priests) is most probably a corruption of Ish-da-Eloah, a man of God, (the term used by the Shunemitish woman in speaking of Elisha ;) and that Sagan is the very name by which the Hebrews called the deputy of the High Priest, who supplied his office and who performed the functions of it in the absence of the high priest, or when any accident had disabled him from officiating in person. 8th, Their festivals, fasts and religious rites. " The ceremonies of the Indians in their religious wor- ship, [21] are more after the Mosaic institution, than of Pagan imitation. This could not be the fact if a majority of the old nations were of heathenish descent. They are utter strangers to all the gestures practiced by Pagans in their religious rites. They have likewise an appellative, which with them is the mysterious, essential name of God ; the tetragrammaton, which they never use in common will arrive, the people in that canoe will inform us when the traders will arrive." Mr. Carver adds that on the next day at noon a canoe was descried on the lake at the distance of about three miles, completely verifying the prediction of the High Priest, in point of time. From the people on board this canoe they learned that the traders would be at the por- tage on the second day thereafter, at which time they actually did arrive. 22 Withers's Chronicles speech. They are very particular of the time and place, when and where they mention it, and this is always done in a very solemn manner. It is known that the Jews had so great and sacred regard for the four lettered, divine name, as scarcely ever to mention it, except when the High Priest went into the sanctuary for the expiation of sins." Mr. Adair likewise says that the American Indians, like the Hebrews, have an ark in which are kept various holy vessels, and which is never suffered to rest on the bare ground. " On hilly ground, where stones are plenty, they always place it on them, but on level land it is made to rest on short legs. They have also a faith, in the power and holiness of their ark, as strong as the Israelites had in theirs. It is too sacred and dangerous to be touched by any one, except the chieftain and his waiter. The leader virtually acts the part of a priest of war protempore, in imitation of the Israelites fighting under the divine mili- tary banner." Among their other religious rites the Indians, accord- ing to Adair, cut out the sinewy part of the thigh ; in commemoration, as he says, of the Angel wrestling with Jacob. 12th, Their abstinence from unclean things. " Eagles of every kind are esteemed by the Indians to be unclean food ; as also ravens, crows, bats, buzzards and every species of owl. They believe that swallowing gnats, flies and the like, always breed sickness. To this that di- vine sarcasm alludes ' swallowing a camel and straining at a gnat.' " Their purifications for their Priests, and for hav- ing touched a dead body or other unclean thing, according to Mr. Adair, are quite Levitical. He acknowledges how- ever, that they have no traces of circumcision ; but he supposes that they lost this rite in their wanderings, as it ceased among the Hebrews, during the forty years in the wilderness. 15A, Their cities of refuge. " The Israelites had cities of refuge for those who killed persons unawares. According to the same particu- lar divine [22] law of mercy, each of the Indian nations has a house or town of refuge, which is a sure asylum to protect Of Border Warfare. 23 a man-slayer, or the unfortunate captive, if they can but once enter into it. In almost every nation they have peaceable towns, called ancient holy, or white towns. These seem to have been towns of refuge ; for it is not in the memory of man, that ever human blood was shed in them, although they often force persons from thence and put them to death elsewhere." ~L6th, Their purifications and ceremonies preparatory. " Before the Indians go to war they have many pre- paratory ceremonies of purification and fasting like what is recorded of the Israelites." 21s, Their raising seed to a deceased brother. ' The surviving brother, by the Mosaic law, was to raise seed to a deceased brother, who left a widow child- less. The Indian custom looks the very same way ; but in this as in their law of blood, the eldest brother can re- deem/' With these and many arguments of a like kind, has Mr. Adair endeavored to support the conjecture, that the American Indians are lineally descended from the Israel- ites; and gravely asks of those who may dissent from his opinion of their origin and descent, to inform him how they came here, and by what means they formed the long chain of rites and customs so similar to those of the He- brews, and dissimilar to the rites and customs of the pagan world. Major Carver, a provincial officer who sojourned some time with the Indians and visited twelve different nations of them, instead of observing the great similarity, men- tioned by Adair as existing between the natives and He- brews, thought he could trace features of resemblance be- tween them and the Chinese and Tartars ; and has under- taken to shew how they might have got here. He says, "Although it is not ascertained certainly, that the con- tinents of Asia and America join each other, yet it is proven that the sea which is supposed to divide them, is full of islands the distance from which to either continent, is com- paratively trifling. From these islands a communication with the main land could be more readily effected than from any other point." " It is very evident that the man- 24 Withers' s Chronicles ners and customs of the American Indians, resemble that of the Tartars; and I have no doubt that in some future era, it will be reduced to a certainty that in some of the wars between the Chinese and Tartars, a part [23] of the inhabitants of the northern provinces were driven from their country and took refuge in some of these islands, and from thence found their way to America. At differ- ent periods each nation might prove victorious, and the conquered by turns fly before the conquerors ; and hence might arise the similitude of the Indians to all these peo- ple, and that animosity which exists among so many of their tribes." After remarking on the similarity which exists be- tween the Chinese and Indians, in the singular custom of shaving or plucking out the hair leaving only a small spot on the crown of the head ; and the resemblance in sound and signification which many of the Chinese and Indian words bear to each other, he proceeds, "After the most critical inquiry and mature deliberation, I am of opinion that America received its first inhabitants from the north- east, by way of the islands mentioned as lying between Asia and America. This might have been effected at dif- ferent times and from different parts: from Tartary, China, Japan or Kamschatka, the inhabitants of these countries resembling each other, in color, feature and shape." Other writers on this subject, coinciding in opinion with Carver, mention a tradition which the Indians in Canada have, that foreign merchants clothed in silk formerly visited them in great ships : these are supposed to have been Chinese, the ruins of Chinese ships having been found on the American coast. The names of many of the American kings, are said to be Tartar ; and Tar- tarax, who reigned formerly in Quivira, means the Tartar. Manew, the founder of the Peruvian empire, most prob- ably came from the Manchew Tartars. Montezuma, the title of the emperors of Mexico, is of Japanese extrac- tion ; for according to some authors it is likewise the ap- pellation of the Japanese Monarch. The plant Ginseng, 4nce found in America, where the natives termed it Of Border Warfare. 25 Garentoguen, a word of the same import in their lan- guage, with Ginseng in the Tartar, both meaning THE THIGHS OF A MAN. Dr. Robertson is decidedly of opinion, that the differ- ent tribes of American Indians, excepting the Esquimaux, are of Asiatic extraction. He refers to a tradition among the Mexicans of the migration of their ancestors from a remote country, situated to the north-west of Mexico, and says they point out their various stations as they advanced into the interior provinces, which is precisely the route they must have held, if they had been emigrants from Asia. Mr. Jefferson, in his notes on Virginia, says, that the passage from Europe to America was always practicable, even to the imperfect [24] navigation of the ancient times ; and that, from recent discoveries, it is proven, that if Asia and America be separated at all it is only by a narrow streight. " Judging from the resemblance between the Indians of America and the eastern inhaoitants of Asia, we should say that the former are descendants of the latter, or the latter of the former, except indeed the Esquimaux, who, from the same circumstance of resemblance, and from identity of language, must be derived from the Green- landers. A knowledge of their several languages would be the most certain evidence of their derivation which could be produced. In fact it is the best proof of the affinity of nations, which ever can be referred to." After regretting that so many of the Indian tribes have been suffered to perish, without our having collected and preserved the general rudiments of their language, he proceeds, " Imperfect as is our knowledge of the tongues spoken in America, it suffices to discover the following remark- able fact. Arranging them under the radical ones to which they may be palpably traced, and doing the same by those of the red men of Asia, there will be found prob- ably twenty in America, for one in Asia, of those radical languages ; so called because if ever they were the same, they have lost all resemblance to one another. A separa- tion into dialects may be the work of a few agea only, but 26 Withers's Chronicles for two dialects to recede from one another, 'till they have lost all vestiges of their common origin, must require an immense course of time ; perhaps not less than many peo- ple give to the age of the earth. A greater number of those radical changes of language having taken place among the red men of America proves them of greater an- tiquity than those of Asia. Indian traditions say, that " in ancient days the Great Island appeared upon the big waters, the earth brought forth trees, herbs and fruits: that there were in the world a good and a bad spirit, the good spirit formed creeks and rivers on the great island, and created numerous species of animals to inhabit the forests, and fishes of all kinds to inhabit the water. He also made two beings to whom he gave living souls and named them Ea-gwe-howe, (real people). Subsequently some of the people became giants and committed outrages upon the others. After many years a body of Ea-gwe-howe people encamped on the bank of a majestic stream, which they named, Kanawaga (St. Lawrence.) After a long time a number of foreign people sailed from a part unknown, but unfortunately the winds drove them off and they ultimately landed on the southern part of the great island and many of the crew perished. Those who survived, selected a place for resi- dence, erected fortifications, became a numerous people and extended their settlements." * Thus various and discordant are the conjectures re- specting the manner in which this continent was first peopled. Although some [25] of them appear more rational and others, yet are they at best but hypothetical disquisitions on a subject which will not now admit of certainty. All agree that America was inhabited long an- terior to its discovery by Columbus, and by a race of hu- man beings, who, however numerous they once were, are fast hastening to extinction; some centuries hence and they will be no more known. The few memorials, which the ravages of time have suffered to remain of them, in those portions of the country from which they have been 1 Indian traditions by Cusick. Of Border Warfare. 5i7 long expelled ; have destruction dealt them by the ruthless hand of man. History may transmit to after ages, the fact that they once were, and give their " local habitation and their name." These will probably be received as the tales of fiction, and posterity be at as much loss to deter- mine, whether they ever had an existence, as we now are to say from whence they sprang. " I have stood upon Achilles' tomb And heard Troy doubted. Time will doubt of Rome." Withers' s Chronicles INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER III. The aborigines of America, although divided into many different tribes, inhabiting various climates, and with- out a community of language, are yet assimilated to each other in stature and complexion, more strikingly than are the inhabitants of the different countries of Europe. The manners and customs of one nation, are very much the manners and customs of all ; and although there be pecu- liarities observable among all, yet are they fewer and less manifest than those which mark the nations of the old world, and distinguish them so palpably from each other. A traveller might have traversed the country, when occu- pied exclusively by the natives, without remarking among them, the diversity which exists in Europe; or being im- pressed with the contrast which a visit across the Pyrennes would exhibit, between the affability and vivacity of a Frenchman at a theatre or in the Elysian fields, and the hauteur and reserve of a Spaniard at their bloody circus, when "bounds with one lashing spring the mighty brute." [26] Nor is there much in savage life, calculated to inspire the mind of civilized man, with pleasurable sensa- tions. Many of the virtues practised by them, proceed rather from necessity or ignorance than from any ethical principle existing among them. The calm composure with which they meet death and their stoical indifference to bodily pain, are perhaps more attributable to recklessness of life and physical insensibility, 1 than to fortitude or magnanimity; consequently they do not much heighten the zest of reflection, in contemplating their character. The Christian and the philanthropist, with the benevolent 1 It is said that the nerves of an Indian do not shrink as much, nof shew the same tendency to spasm, under the knife of the surgeon, as the nerves of a white man in a similar situation. Of Border Warfare. 29 design of improving their morals and meliorating their condition, may profitably study every peculiarity and trait of character observable among them ; it will facilitate their object and enable them the more readily to reclaim them from a life of heathenish barbarity, and to extend to them the high boons of civilization and Christianity. It has been observed that the different tribes of natives of North America, resemble each other very much in stat- ure and complexion, in manners and customs ; a general description of these will therefor be sufficient. The stature of an Indian, is generally that of the me- dial stature of the Anglo Americans ; the Osages are said to form an exception to this rule, being somewhat taller. They are almost universally straight and well proportioned; their limbs are clean, but less muscular than those of the whites, and their whole appearance strongly indicative of effeminacy. In walking, they invariable place one foot di- rectly before the other the toes never verging from a right line with the heel. When traveling in companies, their manner of marching is so peculiar as to have given rise to the expression, " Indian file ;" and while proceeding in this way, each carefully places his foot in the vestige of the foremost of the party, so as to leave the impression of the footsteps of but one. They have likewise in their gait and carriage something so entirely different from the gait and carriage of the whites, as to enable a person to pronounce on one at a considerable distance. The hair of an Indian is also strikingly different from that of the whites. It is always black and straight, hangs loose and looks as if it were [27] oiled. There is a considerable re- semblance in appearance, between it and the glossy black mane of a thoroughbred horse ; though its texture is finer. In the squaws there exist, the same delicacy of pro- portion, the same effeminacy of person, the same slender- ness of hand and foot, which characterise the female of refined society; in despite too of the fact, that every laborious duty and every species of drudgery, are imposed on them from childhood. Their faces are broad, and be- tween the eyes they are exceedingly wide; their cheek bones are high and the eyes black in both sexes the noses 30 Withers's Chronicles 9 of the women inclining generally to the flat nose of the African ; while those of the men are more frequently aqui- line than otherwise. Instances of decrepitude and deformity, are rarely known to exist among them : this is probably owing to the manner in which they are tended and nursed in infancy. It is not necessary that the mother should, as has been supposed, be guilty of the unnatural crime of murdering her decrepid or deformed offspring the hardships they encounter are too great to be endured by infants not pos- sessed of natural vigor, and they sink beneath them. Their countenances are for the most inflexible, stern and immovable. The passions which agitate or distract the mind, never alter its expression, nor do the highest ecstacies of which their nature is susceptible, ever relax its rigidity. "With the same imperturbability of feature, they encounter death from the hand of an enemy, and receive the greetings of a friend. In their intercourse with others, they seem alike in- sensible to emotions of pleasure and of pain ; and rarely give vent to feelings of either. The most ludicrous scenes scarcely ever cause them to laugh, or the most interesting recitals draw from them more than their peculiar monosyl- labic expression of admiration. In conversation they are modest and unassuming ; in- deed taciturnity is as much a distinguishing trait of Indian character, as it ever was of the Roman. In their councils and public meetings, they never manifest an impatience to be heard, or a restlessness under observations, either grat- ing to personal feeling or opposite to their individual ideas of propriety : on the contrary they are still, silent and at- tentive; and each is heard with the respect due to his years, his wisdom, his experience, or the fame which his exploits may have acquired him. [28] A loud ana garru- lous Indian is received by the others with contempt, and a cowardly disposition invariably attributed to him " Bold at the council board, But in the field he shuns the sword," is as much and truly an apothegm with them as with us. Of Border Warfare. 31 Their taciturnity and irrisibility however, are confined to their sober hours. When indulging their insatiate thirst for spirit, they are boisterous and rude, and by their ob- streperous laughter, their demoniacal shrieks and turbu- lent vociferations, produce an appalling discord, such as might well be expected to proceed from a company of in- fernal spirits at their fiendish revels ; and exhibit a strik- ing contrast to the low, monotonous tones used by them at other times. There can be no doubt that the Indians are the most lazy, indolent race of human beings. No attempt which has ever been made to convert them into slaves, has availed much. The rigid discipline of a Spanish master, has failed to overcome that inertness, from which an In- dian is roused only by war and the chase Engaged in these, he exhibits as much activity and perseverance, as could be displayed by any one ; and to gratify his fondness for them, will encounter toils and privations, from which others would shrink. His very form indicates at once, an aptitude for that species of exercise which war and hunting call into action, and an unfitness for the laborious drudg- ery of husbandry and many of the mechanic arts. Could they have been converted into profitable slaves, it is more than probable we should never have been told, that " the hand of providence was visible in the surprising instances of mortality among the Indians, to make room for the whites." In their moral character many things appear of a na- ture, either so monstrous as to shock humanity, or so absurd as to excite derision ; yet they have some redeem- ing qualities which must elicit commendation. And while we view with satisfaction those bright spots, shining more brilliantly from the gloom which surrounds them, their want of learning and the absence of every opportunity for refinement, should plead in extenuation of their failings and their vices. Some of the most flagrant of these, if not encouraged, have at least been sanctioned by the whites. In the war between the New England colonies and the Narragan setts, it was the misfortune of the brave Philip, after having witnessed the destruction of the 32 Withers' s Chronicles [29] greater part of his nation, to be himself slain by a Mo- hican. After his head had been taken off, Oneco, chief of the Mohicans, then in alliance with the colonists, claimed that he had a right to feast himself on the body of his fallen adversary. The whites did not object to this, but composedly looked on Oneco, broiling and eating the flesh of Philip and yet cannibalism was one of their most sav- age traits of character. This was a general, if not an universal custom among the Indians, when America became known to the whites. Whether it has yet entirely ceased is really to be doubted : some of those who have been long intimate with them, affirm that it has not ; though it is far from being prev- alent. The Indians are now said to be irritable ; but when Eu- ropeans first settled among them, they were not more iras- cible than their new neighbors. In their anger however, they differ very much from the whites. They are not talk- ative and boisterous as these are, but silent, sullen and re- vengeful. If an injury be done them, they never forget, they never forgive it. Nothing can be more implacable than their resentment no time can allay it no change of circumstances unfix its purpose. Revenge is to them as exhilarating, as the cool draught from the fountain, to the parched and fevered lips of a dying man. When taking vengeance of an enemy, there is no cruelty which can be exercised, no species of torture, which their ingenuity can devise, too severe to be inflicted. To those who have excited a spirit of resentment in the bosom of an Indian, the tomahawk and scalping knife are instruments of mercy. Death by the faggot by splinters of the most combustible wood, stuck in the flesh and fired maiming and disemboweling, tortures on which the soul sickens but to reflect, are frequently practiced. To an enemy of their own color, they are perhaps more cruel and severe, than to the whites. In requiting upon him, every refinement of torture is put in requisition, to draw forth a sigh or -a groan, or cause him to betray some symptom of human sensibility. This they never effect. An Indian neither shrinks from a knife, nor Of Border Warfare. 33 winces at the stake ; on the contrary he seems to exult in his agony, and will mock his tormentors for the leniency and mildness of their torture. 1 [30] Drinking and gambling are vices, to which the Indians, as well as the whites, are much addicted. Such is their fondness for spirit of any kind that they are rarely known to be sober, when they have it in their power to be otherwise. Neither a sense of honor or of shame has been able to overcome their propensity for its use ; and when drunk, the ties of race, of friendship and of kindred are too weak, to bind their ferocious tempers. In gambling they- manifest the same anxiety, which we see displayed at the card table of the whites. The great difference seems to be, that we depend too frequently on sleight and dexterity; whereas while they are shaking their gourd neck of half whited plumbstones, they only use certain tricks of conjuration, which in their simplicity they believe will ensure them success. To this method of attaining an object, they have frequent recourse. Super- stition is the concomitant of ignorance. The most en- lightened, are rarely altogether exempt from its influ- ence with the uninformed it is a master passion, swaying and directing the mind in all its operations. In their domestic economy, Indians are, in some re- spects, like the rude of all countries. They manifest but little respect for the female ; imposing on her not only the 1 A Narraganset, made prisoner by Maj. Talcott in 1679, begged to be delivered to the Mohicans that he might be put to death in their own way. The New Englanders complying with his request, prepa- rations were made for the tragical event. " The Mohicans, formed a circle, and admitting within it as many of the whites as chose to witness their proceedings, placed the prisoner in the centre. One of the Mohicans, who had lost a son in the late engagement, with a knife cut off the PRISONER'S EARS ! then his NOSE ! and then the FINGERS off each hand ! after the lapse of a few moments, his EYES WERE DUO OUT, AND THEIR SOCKETS PILLED WITH HOT EMBERS ! ! All this time the prisoner instead of bewailing his fate, seemed to surpass his tormentors in expressions of joy. At length when exhausted with loss of blood and unable to stand, his executioner closed the tragic scene by beating out his brains with a tomahawk." Indian Wars, by Trumbull.. 3 34 Withcrs's Chronicles duties of the hut, but also the more laborious operations of husbandry; and observing towards them the hauteur and distance of superior beings. There are few things, indeed, which mark with equal precision, the state of civilization existing in any com- munity, as the rank assigned in it to females. In the rude and barbarous stages of society, they are invariably regarded as inferior beings, [31] instruments of sensual gratification, and unworthy the attention and respect of men. As mankind advance to refinement, females grad- ually attain an elevation of rank, and acquire an influence in society, which smoothes the asperities of life and pro- duces the highest polish, of which human nature is sus- ceptible. Among the Indians there is, however rude they may be in other respects, a great respect always paid to fe- male chastity. Instances in which it has been violated by them, if to be found at all, are extremely few. However much the passion of revenge may stimulate to acts of cruelty, the propensities of nature never lead them to in- fringe the virtue of women in their power. The general character of the Indians, was more es- timable, when they first became known to Europeans, than it is at present. This has been ascribed to the introduc- tion of ardent spirits among them other causes however, have conspired to produce the result. (The cupidity of those who were engaged in com- merce with the natives, too frequently prompted them to take every advantage, for self aggrandizement, which they could obtain over the Indians. In the lucrative traffic car- ried on with them, the influence of honesty was not pre- dominant the real value of the commodity procured, was never allowed ; while upon every article given in ex- change, extortion alone affixed the price. These examples could not fail to have a deteriorating effect upon their un- tutored minds ; and we find them accordingly losing their former regard for truth, honesty and fidelity ; and becom- ing instead deceitful, dishonest and treacherous. Many of their ancient virtues however, are still practised by them/} Of Border Warfare. 35 The rights of hospitality are accorded to those who go among them, with a liberality and sincerit} 7 which would reflect credit on civilized man. And although it has been justly said that they rarely forgive an enemy, yet is it equally true that they never forsake their friends ; to them they are always kind, generous and beneficent. After the ceremony of introduction is over, 1 a captive enemy, [32] who is adopted by them, is also treated with the utmost humanity and attention. An Indian cheerfully divides his last morsel with an adopted son or brother ; and will readily risk life in his defence. Such indeed, is the kindness which captives thus situated invariably re- ceive, that they frequently regret the hour of their redemp- tion, and refuse to leave their red brethren, to return and mingle with the whites. As members of a community, they are at all times willing to devote their every faculty, for the good of the whole. The honor and welfare of their respective tribes, are primary considerations with them. To promote these, they cheerfully encounter every privation, endure every hardship, and face every danger. Their patriotism is of the most pure and disinterested character ; and of those who have made us feel so sensibly, the horrors of savage warfare, many were actuated by motives which would re- flect honor on the citizens of any country. The unfortu- nate Tecumseh was a remarkable example of the most ar- dent and patriotic devotion to his country. Possessed of an acute and discerning mind, he wit- nessed the extending influence of the whites, with painful solicitude. Listening with melancholy rapture, to the tra- ditionary accounts of the former greatness of his nation, and viewing in anticipation the exile or extinction of his race, his noble soul became fired with the hope that he might retrieve the fallen fortune of his country, and restore it to its pristine dignity and grandeur. His attachment to his tribe impelled him to exertion and every nerve was strained in its cause. 1 Indians consider the running of the guantlet, as but the ceremony of an introduction ; and say that it is " like the shake hands and howde do, of the whites." 36 Withers's Chronicles Determined if possible to achieve the independence of his nation, and to rid her of those whom he considered her oppressors, he formed the scheme of uniting in hos- tility against the United States, all the tribes dwelling east of the Mississippi river. In the prosecution of this purpose, he travelled from Mackinaw to Georgia, 1 and with wonderful adroitness practised on the different feelings of his red brethren. Assuming at times the character of a prophet, he wrought powerfully on their credulity and su- perstition. Again, depending on the force of oratory, the witchery of his eloquence drew many [33] to his standard. But all was in vain His plans were entirely frustrated. He had brought none of his auxiliaries into the field ; and was totally unprepared for hostilities, when his brother, the celebrated Shawanese prophet, by a premature attack on the army under Gen. Harrison, at an inauspicious mo- ment, precipitated him into a war with the United States. Foiled by this means, Tecumseh joined the standard of Great Britain in the war of 1812 ; and as a Brigadier General in her army, lost his life, bravely supporting the cause which he had espoused. He deserved a better fate ; and but for prejudice which is so apt to dim the eye and distort the object, Tecumseh would, most probably, be deemed a martyr for his country, and associated in the mind with the heroes of Marathon and Thermopylae. To contemplate the Indian character, in a religious point of view, is less gratifying than to consider it in re- gard to the lesser morals. At the period of the settlement of "Western Virginia, excepting the Moravians, and a few others who had been induced by the zeal and exertions of Roman catholic missionaries to wear the cross, the Indiana north west of the Ohio river, were truly heathens. They believed indeed in a First Cause, and worshiped the Good Spirit; but they were ignorant of the great truths of Christianity, and their devotions were but superstitious acts of blind reverence. In this situation they remain 1 While performing this tour, Tecumseh carried a RED STICK, the acceptance of which was considered a joining of his party Hence those Indians who were hostile to the United States, were denominated RED STICKS. Of Border Warfare. 37 generally at the present day, notwithstanding the many laudable endeavors which have been made to christianize them. Perhaps there was never a tribe in America, but be- lieved in the existence of a Deity ; yet were their ideas of the nature and attributes of God, not only obscure, but preposterous and absurd. They believe also in the exist- ence of many inferior deities, whom they suppose to be employed as assistants in managing the affairs of the world, and in inspecting the actions of men. Eagles and Owls are thought by some to have been placed here as observers of the actions of men ; and accordingly, when an eagle is seen to soar about them by day, or an owl to perch near them at night, they immediately offer sacrifice, that a good re- port may be made of them to the Great Spirit. They are likewise believers in the immortality of the soul ; and have such an idea of a future state of existence, as accords with their character and condition here. Strangers to [34] intellectual pleasures, they suppose that their happiness hereafter will consist of mere sensual gratifications ; and that when they die, they will be trans- lated to a delightful region, where the flowers never fade, nor the leaves fall from the trees ; where the forests abound in game, and the lakes in fish, and where they expect to remain forever, enjoying all the pleasures which delighted them here. 1 1 Pope has very finely expressed the leading articles of religion among the Indians in the following lines. Lo, the poor Indian ! whose untutor'd mind Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind ; His soul proud science never taught to stray Far as the Solar Walk or Milky Way ; Yet simple nature to his hope has giv'n, Behind the cloud-topt hill an humbler heav'n ; Some safer world in depth of woods embrac'd, Some happier island in the wat'ry waste ; Where slaves once more their native land behold, No fiends torment, no Christians thirst for gold. To BE, contents his natural desire, He asks no angel's wing, no seraph's fire : But thinks admitted to that equal sky, Kis faithful dog shall bear him company. 38 Withers's Chronicles In consequence of this belief, when an Indian dies, and is buried, they place in the grave with him, his bow and arrows and such weapons as they use in war, that he may be enabled to procure game and overcome an enemy. And it has been said, that they grieve more for the death of an infant unable to provide for itself in the world of spirits, than for one who had attained manhood and was capable, of taking care of himself. An interesting in- stance of this is given by Major Carver, and furnishes at once, affecting evidence of their incongruous creed and of their parental tenderness. Maj. Carver says: " Whilst I remained with them, a couple whose tent was near to mine, lost a son about four years old. The parents were so inconsolable for its loss, and so much affected by its death, that they pursued the usual testi- monies of grief with such uncommon vigor, as through the weight of sorrow and loss of blood, to occasion the death of the father. The mother, who had been hitherto absorbed in grief, no sooner beheld her husband expire, than she dried up her tears, and appeared cheerful and re- signed. "As I knew not how to account for so extraordinary a transition, I took an opportunity to ask her the reason of it. She replied, that as the child was so young when it died, and unable to support itself in the country of spirits, both she and her husband had been apprehensive that its situation would be far from pleasant ; but no sooner did she behold its father depart for the same place, and who not only loved the child with the tenderest affection, but was a good hunter and [35] able to provide plentifully for its support, than she ceased to mourn. She added that she saw no reason to continue her tears, as the child was now happy under the protection of a fond father ; and that she had only one wish remaining to be gratified, and that was a wish to be herself with them." 1 In relation to the Indian antiquities so frequently met 1 The author's summary of Indian character is for the most part ex- cellent, and in accord with more recent conclusions. See Chap. I. of The Colonies, in "Epochs of American History " (Longmans, 1892.) R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 39 with in America, much doubt still exists. When and for what purpose many of those vast mounds of earth, so common in the western country, were heaped up, is mat- ter of uncertainty. Mr. Jefferson has pronounced them to be repositories of the dead ; and many of them certainly were designed for that purpose ; perhaps all with which he had become acquainted previous to the writing of his notes of Virginia. Mr. Jefferson did not deem them worthy the name of monuments. Since the country has been better explored, many have been discovered justly entitled to that appellation, some of which seem to have been constructed for purposes other than inhumation. 1 These are frequently met with in the valley of the Missis- sippi, and are said to extend into Mexico. The most cele- brated works of this class, are believed to be those at Cir- cleville in Ohio, which have so frequently been described, and are justly considered memorials of the labor and per- severance of those by whom they were erected. There is a tradition among the Indians of the north, which if true would furnish a very rational solution to the question, "for what purpose were they constructed?" According to this tradition about "two thousand two hundred years, before Columbus discovered America, the northern nations appointed a prince, and immediately after, repaired to the south and visited the GOLDEN CITY, the cap- ital of a vast empire. After a time the emperor of the south built many forts throughout his dominions, and ex- tending them northwardly almost penetrated the lake Erie. This produced much excitement. The people of the north, afraid that they would be deprived of the coun- try on the south side of the great lakes, determined to defend it against the infringement of any foreign people; long and bloody wars ensued which lasted about one hun- 1 Gen. George Rogers Clark, an early and careful observer, scouted the idea advanced by Noah Webster, in Carey's American Museum, in 1789, that these extraordinary Western military defenses were the work of De Soto. "As for his being the author of these fortifications," says Clark, "it is quite out of the question; they are more numerous than he had men, and many of them would have required fifty thou- sand men for their occupancy." L. C. Dr 40 Withers's Chronicles dred years. The people of the north, being more skillful in the use of bows and arrows, and capable of enduring hardships which proved fatal to those of the south, gained the conquest ; and all the towns and forts, which had been erected by their> enemy, were totally destroyed and left in a heap of ruins." * The most considerable of those tumuli or sepulchral mounds, which are found in Virginia, is that on the bot- toms of Grave creek, near its entrance into the Ohio, about twelve miles below "Wheeling, and is the only large one in this section of the country. Its diameter at the base, is said to be one hundred yards, its perpendicular height about eighty feet, and the diameter at its summit, forty- five feet. Trees, of all sizes and of various kinds, are growing on its sides ; and fallen [36] and decayed timber, is interspersed among them; a single white oak rises out of a concavity in the centre of its summit. 2 Near tc Cahokia there is a group (of about two hun- dred) of these mounds, of various dimensions. 3 The largest of these is said to have a base of eight hundred yards cir- cumference, and an altitude of ninety feet. These and the one mentioned as being on Grave creek and many smaller ones in various parts of the country, were no doubt places of inhumation. 4 Many have been opened, and found to contain human bones promiscuously thrown together. Mr. 1 Indian traditions, by Cusick. 3 This description, written by Withers in 1831, still holds good in the main. The mound, which proves to have been a burial tumulus, is now surrounded by the little city of Moundsville, \V. Va., and is kept inclosed by the owner as one of the sights of the place. The writer visited it in May, 1894. R. G. T. * George Rogers Clark, who was repeatedly at Cahokia during the period 1778-80, says : "We easily and evidently traced the town for upwards of five miles in the beautiful plain below the present town of Kahokia. There could be no deception here, because the remains of ancient works were thick the whole were mounds, etc." Clark's MS. statement; Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, IV., p. 135. L. C. D. * This mound was used, at least in part, for burial purposes. Nearly fifty years ago, when the writer of this note explored this remarkable artificial elevation of eighty feet in height, he found in the excavation numerous beads of shell or bone, or both, ornaments of the dead buried there. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 41 Jefferson supposed the one examined by him, (the diame- ter of whose base was only forty feet and height twelve) to contain the bones of perhaps a thousand human beings, of each sex and of every age. Others have been exam- ined, in which were the skeletons of men of much greater stature, than that of any of the Indians in America, at the time of it's discovery, or of those with whom we have since become acquainted. It is a well known fact, that since the whites became settled in the country, the Indians were in the habit of collecting the bones of their dead and of depositing them in one general cemetery; but the earth and stone used by them, were taken from the adjacent land. This was not invariably the case, with those ancient heaps of earth found in the west. In regard to many of them, this sin- gular circumstance is said to be a fact, that the earth, of which they are composed, is of an altogether different na- ture, from that around them ; and must, in some instances, have been carried a considerable distance. The tellurine structures at Circleville are of this sort ; and the material of which they were constructed, is said to be distinctly different, from the earth any where near to them. The immensity of the size of these and many others, would induce the supposition that they could not have been raised by a race of people as indolent as the Indians have been, ever since a knowledge was had of them. Works, the construction of which would now require the concentrated exertions of at least one thousand men, aided by the mechanical inventions of later days, for several months, could hardly have been erected by persons, so subject to lassitude under labor as they are : unless indeed their population was infinitely greater than we now con- ceive it to have been. Admitting however, this density of population to have existed, other circumstances would corroborate the belief, that the country once had other in- habitants, than the progenitors of those who have been called, the aborigines of America : one of these circum- stances is the uncommon size of many of the skeletons found in the smaller mounds upon the hills. If the fact be, as it is represented, that the larger 42 Withers's Chronicles tons are invariably found on elevated situations, remote from the larger water courses, it would tend to show that there was a diversity of habit, and admitting their cotem- poraneous existence, perhaps no alliance or intercourse between those, whose remains they are, and the persons by whom those large mounds and fortifications were erected, [37] these being found only on plains in the con- tiguity of large streams or inland lakes ; and containing only the bones of individuals of ordinary stature. Another and stronger evidence that America was oc- cupied by others than the ancestors of the present Indians, is to be found in those antiquities, which demonstrate that iron was once known here, and converted to some of the uses ordinarily made of it. In graduating a street in Cincinnati, there was found, twenty-five feet below the surface of the earth, a small horse shoe, in which were several nails. It is said to pre- sent the appearance of such erosion as would result from the oxidation of some centuries. It was smaller than would be required for a common mule. 1 Many are the instances of pieces of timber found, various depths below the surface of the earth, with the marks of the axe palpably visible on them. 2 A sword too, said to have been enclosed in the wood of the roots of a tree not less than five hundred years old, is preserved in Ohio as a curiosity. Many other instances might, if neces- sary, be adduced to prove, that implements of iron were in use in this country, prior to its occupation by the whites. Now if a people once have the use of that metal, it is far 1 This proves nothing. A silver medal of John Quincy Adams's ad- ministration, evidently presented to some Indian chief was, in 1894, found in Wisconsin, twelve feet below the surface. Iron and silver tools and ornaments, evidently made in Paris for the Indian trade, have been found in Ohio and Wisconsin mounds. It is now sufficiently demon- strated that the mound-builders were the ancestors of the aborigines found in the country by the first white settlers, and that the mounds are of various ages, ranging perhaps from three hundred to a thousand years. Various Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology go into the matter with con- vincing detail. R. G. T. 1 Jacob Wolf, in digging a well on Hacker's creek, found a piece of timber which had been evidently cut off at one end, twelve or thirteen feet in the ground marks of the axe were plainly distinguishable on it. Of Border Warfare. 43 from probable that it will ever after be lost to them : the essential purposes to which it may be applied, would pre- serve it to them. The Indians however, 'till taught by the Europeans, had no knowledge of it. Many of the antiquities discovered in other parts of the country, show that the arts once nourished to an extent be- yond what they have ever been known to do among the In- dians. The body found in the saltpetre cave of Kentucky, was wrapped in blankets made of linen and interwoven with feathers of the wild turkey, tastefully arranged. It was much smaller than persons of equal age at the present day, and had yellowish hair. In Tennessee many walls of faced stone, and even walled wells have been found in so many places, at such depths and under such circumstances, as to preclude the idea of their having been made by the whites since the discovery by Columbus. [38] In this state too, have been found burying grounds, in which the skeletons seem all to have been those of pig- mies : the graves, in which the bodies had been deposited, were seldom three feet in length ; yet the teeth in the skulls prove that they were the bodies of persons of mature age. Upon the whole there cannot be much doubt, that America was once inhabited by a people, not otherwise allied to the Indians of the present day, than that they were descendants of him, from whom has sprung the whole human family. [39] CHRONICLES BOEDEE WAEFAEE. CHAPTER I. At the time when Virginia became known to the whites, it was occupied by many different tribes of Indians, at- tached to different nations. That portion of the state lying north west of the Blue ridge, and extending to the lakes was possessed by the Massawomees. These were a powerful confederacy, rarely in amity with the tribes east of that range of mountains; but generally harrassing them by frequent hostile irruptions into their country. Of their subsequent history, nothing is now known. They are supposed by some to have been the ancestors of the Six Nations. It is however more probable, that they afterwards became incorporated with these, as did several other tribes of Indians, who used a language so essentially different from that spoken by the Six Nations, as to ren- der the intervention of interpreters necessary between them. As settlements were extended from the sea shore, the Massawomees gradually retired ; and when the white pop- ulation reached the Blue ridge of mountains, the valley between it and the Alleghany, was entirely uninhabited. This delightful region of country was then only used as a hunting ground, and as a highway for belligerant parties of different nations, in their military expeditions against each other. In consequence of the almost continued hos- tilities between the northern and southern Indians, these expeditions were very frequent, and tended somewhat to retard the settlement of the valley, and render a residence (44) Of Border Warfare. 45 in it, for some time, insecure and unpleasant. Between the Alleghany mountains and the Ohio river, within the present limits of Virginia, there were some villages inter- spersed, inhabited by small numbers of Indians ; the most [40] of whom retired north west of that river, as the tide of emigration rolled towards it. Some however remained in the interior, after settlements began to be made in their vicinity. North of the present boundary of Virginia, and par- ticularly near the junction of the Alleghany and Monon- gahela rivers, and in the circumjacent country the Indians were more numerous, and their villages larger. In 1753, when Gen. Washington visited the French posts on the Ohio, the spot which had been selected by the Ohio com- pany, as the site for a fort, was occupied by Shingess, king of the Delawares ; and other parts of the proximate country, were inhabited by Miugoes and Shawanees. 1 When the French were forced ~to~~aDandon th"e position^ which they had taken at the forks of Ohio, the greater part of the adjacent tribes removed farther west. So that when improvements were begun to be made in the wilder- ness of North Western Virginia, it had been almost en- tirely deserted by the natives ; and excepting a few strag- gling hunters and warriors, who occasionally traversed it in quest of game, or of human beings on whom to wreak their vengeance, almost its only tenants were beasts of the forest. In the country north west of the Ohio river, there were many warlike tribes of Indians, strongly imbued with feelings of rancorous hostility to the neighboring colonists. Among the more powerful of these were the Delawares, who resided on branches of Beaver Creek, Cayahoga, and 1 King Shingiss was a famous village chief, " a terror to the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania." A brother, and later the successor of King Beaver, his camp was at the mouth of Beaver Creek, which empties into the Ohio twenty-six miles below "the forks" (site of Pittsburg). Christopher Gist visited him November 24, 1750. In 1759, when Fort Pitt was built, Shingiss moved up Beaver Creek to Kuskuskis on the Mahoning, and finally to the Muskingum. The land about the mouth of Beaver Creek is called " Shingis Old Town " in the Ft. Stanwix treaty, 1784. R. G. T. 4ti Withers's Chronicles Muskingum ; and whose towns contained about six hun- dred inhabitants The Shascajaees, who to the number of 300, dwelt upon the Scioto and Muskingum The Chippe- was, near Mackinaw, of 400 Cohiiniiewagos, of 300, and who inhabited near Sandusky The Wya4ots, whose villages were near fort St. Joseph, and embraced a popula- tion of 250 The Twightees, near fort Miami, with a like population The Miami s, on the river Miami, near the fort of that name, reckoning 300 persons The Potioseatamies of 300, and the Ottawas of 550, in their villages near to forts St. Joseph ancTDetroit, 1 and of 250, in the towns near Mackinaw. Besides these, there were in the same district of country, others of less note, yet equally inimi- cal to the whites ; and who contributed much to the an- noyance [41] of the first settlers on the Ohio, and its trib- utaries. There were likewise the Munsies, dwelling on the north branch of the Susquehanna, and on the Allegheny river The Senecas, on the waters of the Susquehanna, Ontario and the heads of the Allegheny The Cayugas, on Cayuga lake, and the Sapoonies, who resided in the neighborhood of the Munsies. In these tribes was an ag- gregate population of 1,380 souls, and they likewise aided in committing depredations on our frontiers. Those who ventured to explore and occupy the south western portion of Virginia, found also in its vicinity some powerful and warlike tribes. The Cherokees possessed what was then, the western part of North Carolina and numbered 2,500 The Chicasaws, residing south of the Cherokees, had a population of 750 and the Catawbas, on the Catawba river in South Carolina with only 150 per- sons. These latter were remarkably adventurous, enter- prising and courageous ; and notwithstanding their re- mote situation, and the paucity of their numbers, fre- quently traversed the valley of Virginia, and even pene- trated the country on the north branch of the Susque- 1 The numbers here set down and those given below, are as they were ascertained hy Capt. Hutchins, who visited the most of the tribes for purpose of learning their population in 1768. Of Border Warfare. 47 hanna, and between the Ohio river and lake Erie, to wage war upon the Delawares. Their success in many of these expeditions, is preserved in tne traditions of the Dela- wares, who continue to regard them as having used in these wars, a degree of cunning aud stratagem, to which other tribes have never approached. 1 Such were the numbers and positions of many of the proximate Indians about the time settlements were begun to be [42] made on the Monongahela river and its branches. Anterior to this period, adventurers had explored, and established themselves, in various parts of the valley be- tween the Blue ridge and the Alleghany mountain. That section of it, which was included within the limits of the Northern-Neck, was the first to become occupied by the whites. The facilities afforded by the proprietor for ob- taining land within his grant, the greater salubrity of climate and fertility of soil near to the Blue ridge, caused the tide of emigration to flow rapidly towards the upper country, and roll even to the base of that mountain. Set- tlements were soon after extended westwardly across the Shenandoah, and early in the eighteenth century Win- chester became a trading post, with sparse improvements in its vicinity. About this time Thomas Morlin, a pedlar trading from Williamsburg to Winchester, resolved, in conjunc- tion with John Sailing a weaver also from Williamsburg, to prosecute an examination of the country, beyond the 1 A tradition among the Delawares says that formerly the Catawbas came near one of their hunting camps and remaining in ambush at night sent two or three of their party round the camp with Buffalo hoofs fixed to their feet, to make artificial buffalo tracks and thus decoy the hunters from their camp. In the morning the Delawares, discovering the tracks and supposing them to have been made by buffaloes, fol- lowed them some time ; when suddenly the Catawbas rose from their covert, fired at and killed several of the hunters ; the others fled, col- lected a party and went in pursuit of the Catawbas. These had brought with them, rattle snake poison corked up in a piece of cane stalk ; into which they dipped small reed splinters, which they set up along their path. The Delawares in pursuit were much injured by those poisoned splinters, and commenced retreating to their camp. The Catawbas dis- covering this, turned upon their pursuers, and killed and scalped many of them. 48 Withers's Chronicles limits which had hitherto bounded the exploratory excur- sions of other adventurers. With this view, they travelleo up the valley of the Shenandoah, and crossing James river and some of its branches, proceeded as far as the Roanoke, when Sailing was taken captive by a party of Cherokees. Morlin was fortunate enough to elude their pursuit, and effect a safe retreat to Winchester. Upon the return of the party by whom Sailing had been captivated, he was taken to Tennessee where he re- mained for some years. When on a hunting expedition to the Salt licks of Kentucky, in company with some Cherokees to kill buffalo, they were surprised by a party of Illinois Indians, with whom the Cherokees were then at war, and by them Sailing was again taken prisoner. He was then carried to Kaskaskia, when he was adopted into the family of a squaw whose son had been killed in the wars. While with this nation of Indians, Sailing frequently accompanied parties of them on hunting excursions, a con- siderable distance to the south. On several occasions he went with them below the mouth of the Arkansas, and once to the Gulph of Mexico. In one of those expeditions they met with a party of Spaniards, exploring the coun- try and who needed an interpreter. For this purpose they purchased Sailing of his Indian mother for three strands of beads and a Calumet. Sailing attended them to the post at Crevecceur; from which [43] place he was conveyed to fort Frontignac : here he was redeemed by the Governor of Canada, who sent him to the Dutch settlement in New York, whence he made his way home after an absence of six years. 1 1 John Peter Sailing, sometimes spoken of as Peter Adam Sailing, was, if not of German birth, of German descent. With his brother Henry, he early settled in the forks of James River and North Branch, in the southern part of what is now Rockbridge county, Va. The details of his early explorations in the West are involved in doubt, but that he had such adventures there seems no good reason to doubt. It will be noticed that Withers omits the date ; some writers have placed it at about 1724, but the probable time was 1738-40. His descendants told Draper (about 1850) that the family tradition was, that Sailing and a son were employed by the governor of Virginia to explore the country Of Border Warfare. 49 The emigration from Great Britain to Virginia was then very great, and at the period of Sailing's return to Will- iamsburg, there were then many adventurers, who had but recently arrived from Scotland and the north of England. Among these adventurers were John Lewis l and John to the southwest ; and when near the present Salem, Roanoke county, they were captured by Cherokees and carried to the Ohio River one account says by way of the Tennessee, another by the New (Great Kanawha), their boat being made of buffalo skins. They appear by this tradition to have escaped, and in descending the Mississippi to have fallen into the hands of Spaniards. The son died, and the father was sent in a vessel bound for Spain, there to be tried as a British spy ; but the Spaniard being captured by an English vessel, our hero was landed at Charleston, whence he reached his frontier home after an absence of over three years. This story differs in many details from the one in Kercheval's History of the Valley of Virginia, and also that in Withers's text, above. Sailing kept a journal which was extant in 1745, for in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library is a diary kept by Capt. John Buchanan, who notes that in that year he spent two days in copying a part of it. In Du Pratz' History of Louisiana (London, 1774), Sailing and one John Howard are said to have made this trip in 1742, and the authority is said to be a Report of the Government of Virginia. But Sailing must have returned home by 1742, for his name is in the roll of Capt. John McDowell's militia company, and he was probably in the fight with the Indians (Dec. 14) that year, in which McDowell lost his life. In 1746, we found Sailing himself a militia captain in the Rockbridge district of Augusta county. In September, 1747, he was cited to appear at court martial for not turning out to muster and this is the last record we have of him. Descendants, named Sallee, now live iii Kentucky and Tennessee. R. G. T. 1 John Lewis, the father of Gen. Andrew Lewis, was probably of Welsh descent, and born in 1678 in County Donegal, Ireland. About 1716 he married Margaret Lynn, of the famous Lynns of Loch Lynn, Scotland. In a dispute over his tenancy (1729), he killed a man of high station, some say, his Catholic landlord, and fled to Portugal, whence in 1731, after strange adventures, he emigrated to America, and was joined there by his family. Fearing to live near a sea-port he established himself on the frontier, in the Valley of Virginia, two miles east of the present site of Staunton. His house was of stone, built for defense, and in 1754 it successfully stood an Indian siege. Lewis was colonel of the Augusta county militia as early as 1743, presiding justice in 1745, and high sheriff in 1748. In 1751, then 73 years of age, he assisted his son Andrew, then agent of the Loyal Company, to explore and survey the lat- ter's grant on Greenbrier River. It was because the old man became en- tangled in the thicket of greenbriers, that he gave this name to the Btream. He died at his old fort homestead, February 1, 1762, aged 84 4 50 Withers's Chronicles Mackey. Sailing's return excited a considerable and very general interest, and drew around him many, particularly of those who had but lately come to America, and to whom the narrative of one, who had been nearly six years a captive among the Indians, was highly gratifying. Lewis and Mackey listened attentively to the description given of the country in the valley, and pleased with its beauty and fertility as represented by Sailing, they prevailed on him to accompany them on a visit to examine it more minutely, and if found correspondent with his description to select in it situations for their future residence. Lewis made choice of, and improved, a spot a few miles below Staunton, on a creek which bears his name Mac- key on the middle branch of the Shenandoah near Buffalo- gap ; and Sailing in the forks of James river, below the Natural Bridge, where some of his descendants still reside. Thus was effected the first white settlement ever made on the James river, west of the Blue ridge. 1 In the year 1736, Lewis, being in Williamsburg, met with Benjamin Burden (who had then just come to the coun- try as agent of Lord Fairfax, proprietor of the Northern Neck,) and on whom he prevailed to accompany him home. Burden remained at Lewis's the greater part of the sum- mer, and on his return to Williamsburg, took with him a buffalo calf, which while hunting with Samuel 2 and Andrew Lewis (elder sons of John) they had caught and afterwards tamed. He presented this calf to Gov. Gooch, who there- upon entered on his journal, [44] an order, authorizing Burden to locate conditionally, any quantity of land not exceeding 500,000 acres on any of the waters of the Shen- years. Some accounts state that he was a Presbyterian ; he was, how- ever, an Episcopalian. R. G.T. 1 Lewis soon afterwards obtained leave from Governor Gooch to locate 100,000 acres of land in separate parcels on the waters of the Shenan- doah and James rivers ; and when he would go out in search of good land to locate, Mackey would accompany him to hunt buffalo. The former amassed a large estate, while the latter lived and died in com- parative poverty. 1 As Col. John Lewis had no son Samuel, probably Thomas Lewis, the elder brother of Andrew, though near-sighted, may have engaged in buffalo hunting. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 51 andoah, or of James river west of the Blue ridge. The conditions of this grant were, that he should interfere with no previous grants that he should settle 100 families, in ten years, within its limits ; and should have 1000 acres adjoining each cabin which he should cause to be built, with liberty to purchase any greater quantity adjoining, at the rate of fifty pounds per thousand acres. In order to effect a compliance with one of these conditions, Burden visited Great Britian in 1737 ; and on his return to Vir- ginia brought with him upwards of one hundred families of adventurers, to settle on his grant. 1 Amongst these adventurers were, John Patton, son-in-law to Benjamin Burden, who settled on Catawba, above Pattonsburg 2 1 Of the origin of Benjamin Borden, Sr. (the name was mispro- nounced Burden, on the frontier), little is known. He was probably from New Jersey, and early became a fur trader on the Virginia frontier ; later he was in Lord Fairfax's employ as a land agent. As such, he visited Governor Gooch and obtained from him several valuable tracts one of them (October 3, 1 734), Borden Manor, on Sprout run, Frederick county ; another, 100,000 acres at the head of the James, on condition of locating thereon a hundred families. At the Bnd of two years he had erected 92 cabins with as many families, and a patent was granted him Novem- ber 8, 1739, for 92,100 acres. He died in 1742, before further develop- ment of his enterprise. His son Benjamin succeeded to his vast estate ) but died of small-pox in 1753. In 1744, he married the widow of John McDowell, mentioned on the next page, who had been killed in the Indian fight of December 14, 1742. R. G. T. 2 The daughter of John Patton subsequently became the wife of Col. W. Preston, and the mother of James Patton Preston, late a gov- ernor of Virginia. Comment by L. C. D. This note of Mr. Withers, derived from Taylor's sketches (mentioned below), is erroneous both as to Patton and Preston. Col. Patton's first name was not John, but James, as both the records and his own autograph sufficiently attest. Neither did John Preston, nor his son Col. Wm. Preston, marry Col. Patton's daughter, but John Preston married his sister. Miss Elizabeth Patton, while crossing the Shannon in a boat, met the handsome John Preston, then a young ship carpenter, and an attachment grew out of their accidental meeting. But as Miss Patton belonged to the upper class of society, there was a wide gulf be- tween their conditions, and a runaway match was the only way out of the difficulty. Gov. James Patton Preston was named after his grand- uncle. James Patton was born in County Londonderry, Ireland, in 1692. For many years he was a prosperous navigator, and crossed the Atlantic twenty-five times with " redemptioners " for Virginia ; he was also an 52 Withers 's Chronicles Ephraim McDowell, who settled at Phoebe's falls John, the son of Ephraim, 1 who settled at Fairfield, where Col. James McDowell now lives Hugh Telford, who settled at the Falling spring, in the forks of James river Paul Whitley, who settled on Cedar creek, where the Red Mill now is Archibald Alexander, who settled on the North river, opposite Lexington Andrew Moore, who settled adjoining Alexander Sampson Archer, who settled at Gilmore's spring, east of the Bridge tavern, and Capt. John Matthews, who married Betsy Archer, (the daughter of Sampson) settled where Major Matthews lives, below the Natural bridge. Among others who came to Virginia at this time, was an Irish girl named Polly Mulhollin. On her arrival she was hired to James Bell to pay her passage ; and with whom she remained during the period her servitude was to continue. At its expiration she attired herself in the habit of a man ; and with hunting shirt and mocasons, went into Burden's grant, for the purpose of making im- provements and acquiring a title to land. Here she erected thirty cabins, by virtue of which she held one hundred acres adjoining each. When Benjamin Burden the younger, came on to make deeds to those who held cabin rights, he was astonished to see so many in the name of officer in the royal navy in the wars with the Netherlands. Having ob- tained a grant of 120,000 acres above the Blue Ridge, he himself settled in Virginia in 1735. A man of wealth, enterprise and influence, he was a justice, sheriff, Indian treaty commissioner, and finally county lieu- tenant of Augusta. In 1755, he was killed by Indians while conveying ammunition to the borderers. 1 Capt. John McDowell was of Scotch descent, and born in Ulster, Ireland, but in early manhood came to America, settling first in Penn- sylvania, and then the Virginia Valley (autumn of 1737). He at once became one of Benjamin Borden's surveyors, and for five years made surveys on Borden's Manor. Becoming a captain in the Augusta militia, he was ordered to go out against a party of Northern Indians who, on the war-path against the Catawbas, had taken in the Virginia Valley on their way, and annoyed and plundered the white settlers. The savages were overtaken on the North Branch of James River, some fifteen miles from McDowell's place, and an engagement ensued (Dec. 14, 1742), in which McDowell and seven others lost their lives. The Indians escaped with small losses. This was the first battle between whites and Indians, in the Virginia Valley. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 53 Mulhollin, Investigation led to a discovery of the mys- tery, to the great mirth of the other claimants. She re- sumed her Christian name and feminine dress, and many of [45] her respectable descendants still reside within' the limits of Burden's grant. 1 When in 1752 Robert Dinwiddie came over as gov- ernor of Virginia, he was accompanied by many adventur- ers; among whom was John Stuart, 2 an intimate friend of Dinwiddie, who had married the widow of John Paul (son of Hugh, bishop of Nottingham.) John Paul, a par- tizan of the house of Stuart, had perished in the siege of Dalrymple castle in 1745, leaving three children John, who became a Roman catholic priest and died on the east- ern shore of Maryland Audley, who was for ten years an officer in the British colonial forces, and Polly, who married Geo* Matthews, afterwards governor of Georgia. Mrs. Paul (formerly Jane Lynn, of the Lynns of Loch- Lynn, a sister to the wife of John Lewis) had issue, by 1 This incident is well authenticated. See the deposition of Mrs. Mary Greenlee, preserved in the famous Borden land suit, among the court records of Augusta county, Va. Mrs. Greenlee was the sister of Capt. John McDowell, and among the very earliest settlers of that part of Augusta, now Rockbridge county. Mrs Greenlee's deposition is pub- lished in full in Peyton's History of Augusta County, Va. (Staunton, Va., 1882), pp. 69-74. L. C. D. * The late Charles A. Stuart, of Greenbrier, son of Col. John Stuart, after the appearance of Hugh Paul Taylor's sketches over the signature of " Son of Cornstalk," published in the Staunton Spectator of August 21, 1829, over the signature of " Son of Blue Jacket," a brief criticism, in the nature of some corrections regarding his own family, to this effect : That Mrs. Jane Paul was no relative of Mrs. Margaret Lewis, wife of Col. John Lewis ; that her first husband, Mr. Paul not John, but probably Hugh Paul was apparently from the north of Ireland their son Audley Paul was born before the migration of the family to Pennsylvania ; Mr. Paul, Sr., it is said, became the pastor of the Presbyterian congregation of Ches- ter, in that province ; but as Chester was a Quaker settlement, it is more likely that he located in some Presbyterian community in that re- gion, and there must have died. Mrs. Paul, for her second husband, married Col. David Stuart, also from Ireland, by whom she had John Stuart and two daughters. Mrs. Stuart's grandchild, Charles A. Stuart, resided many years in Augusta, representing that county in the State senate, subsequently removed back to Greenbrier county, where he died about 1850, at the age of about sixty-five years. He was a man oJ sterling qualities. L. C. D. 54 Withers's Chronicles Stuart, John, since known as Col. Stuart of Greenbrier, and Betsy, who became the wife of Col. Richard Woods of Albemarle. The greater part of those, who thus ventured " on the untried being" of a wilderness life, were Scottish presby- terian dissenters; a class of religionists, of all others per- haps, the most remarkable for rigid morality. They brought with them, their religious principles, and sectional prepossessions ; and acting upon those principles acquired for their infant colony a moral and devotional character rarely possessed by similar establishments. While these sectional prepossessions, imbibed by their descendants, gave to their religious persuasions, an ascendency in that section of country, which it still retains. They were also men of industry and enterprise. Hunt- ing, which too frequently occupies the time, of those who make the forest their dwelling place, and abstracts the attention from more important pursuits, was to them a recreation not the business of life. To improve their condition, by converting the woods into fertile plains, and the wilderness into productive meadows, was their chief object. In the attainment of this, they were eminently successful. Their individual circumstances became pros- perous, and the country flourishing. The habits and manners of the primeval inhabitants of any country, generally give to it a distinctive character, which marks it through after ages. Notwithstanding the influx of strangers, bringing with them prejudices and prepossessions, at variance with those of the community in which they come ; [46] yet such is the influence of ex- ample, and such the facility with which the mind imbibes the feelings and sentiments of those with whom it associ- ates, that former habits are gradually lost and those which prevail in society, imperceptibly adopted by its new members. In like manner, the moral and religious habits of those who accompanied Burden to Virginia, were impressed on the country which they settled, and entailed on it that high character for industry, morality and piety, which it st*ll possesses, in an eminent degree. Of Border Warfare. 55 At the time of the establishment of this settlement, all that part of Virginia lying west of the Blue ridge mount- ains, was included in the county of Orange. At the fall session, of the colonial legislature, in 1738, the counties of Frederick and Augusta were formed out of Orange The country included within the boundaries of the Potomac river, on the north, the Blue ridge, on the east, and a line, to be run from the head spring of Hedgman, to the head spring of Potomac, on the south and west, to be the county of Frederick ; the remainder of the state west of the Blue ridge, to the utmost limits of Virginia to constitute Au- gusta. Within its limits were included, not only a con- siderable portion of Virginia as she now is, but an extent of territory out of which has been already carved four states, possessing great natural advantages, and the ex- treme fertility of whose soil, will enable them to support perhaps a more dense population, than any other portion of North America of equal dimensions. As the settlements were extended, subdivisions were made, 'till what was once Augusta county south east of the Ohio river, has been chequered on the map of Virginia, into thirty-three coun- ties with an aggregate population ef 289,362.* 1 The following table exhibits a list of the several counties west of the Blue ridge the counties from which each was taken when estab- lished their area in square miles population in 1830, and amount of taxation for the same year. Counties. \ Augusta, Alleghany, Bath, [47] Brooke, Berkeley, Botetourt, Cabell, Frederick, Greenbrier, Giles, Gray son, From what \ taken. Orange, Bath, Botetourt and Monroe, Augusta, Botetourt and Greenbrier, Ohio, Frederick, Augusta, Kanawha, Orange, Botet't & Montg'ry, Montgomery, Monroe and Tazewell, Wythe, When | Area, formed. 1738 948 1822 521 | Popula- tion 19,925 2,816 Taxa- tion. 6,734 526 1791 795 4,068 865 1797 202 7,040 1,136 1772 308 10,528 3,356 1770 1057 16,354 3,809 1809 1033 5,884 629 1738 745 26,045 9,396 1778 1409 9,059 1,716 1806 935 5,300 541 1793 927 7,675 537 56 Withers's Chronicles [48] About the year 1749 there was in the county of Frederick, a man subject to lunacy, and who, when labor- ing under the influence of this disease, would ramble a considerable distance into the neighboring wilderness. In one of these wanderings he came on some of the waters of Greenbrier river. Surprised to see them flowing in a westwardly direction, on his return to Winchester he made known the fact, and that the country abounded very Counties. \ Harrison, Hampshire, Hardy, Jefferson, Kanawha, Lewis, Logan, Lee, Monongalia, Monroe, Morgan, Montgomery, Mason, Nicholas, Ohio, Preston, Pendleton, Pocahontas, Randolph, Russell, Rockingham, Rockbridge, Scott, Shehandoah, Tyler, Tazewell, Washington, Wythe, Wood, From what \ taken. Monongalia, Augusta & Fred'k, Hampshire, Berkeley, Greenb'r & M'tg'ry, Harrison, Giles, Kanawha, Ca- bell & Tazewell, Russell, District of W. A'g'ta, Greenbrier, Berkeley and Hampshire, Fincastle, Kanawha, Kanawha, Greenbrier and Randolph, District of W. A'g'ta, Monongalia, Augusta, Hardy and Rockingham, Bath, Pendleton and Randolph, Harrison, Washington, Augusta, Augusta & Botetourt, Lee, Russell and Washington, Frederick, Ohio, Russell & Wythe, Fincastle, Montgomery, Harrison, When \ Area. | Popula- | Taxa- f ormed. tion. tion. 1784 1095 14,713 1,669 1754 989 11,279 2,402 1786 1156 5,700 2,633 1801 225 12,927 4,721 1789 2090 9,334 1,453 1816 1754 6,241 630 1824 2930 3,680 245 1793 512 9,461 789 1776 721 14,056 1,492 1799 614 7,798 1,158 1820 271 2,702 546 1777 1089 12,306 1,666 1804 904 6,534 915 1818 1431 3,338 373 1776 375 15,590 1,968 1818 601 5,144 441 1788 999 1821 794 1787 2061 1786 1370 1778 833 1778 680 6,271 2,542 5,000 6,717 20,663 14,244 1,120 405 644 739 5,056 3,276 1814 624 5,712 503 1772 767 19,750 4,922 1814 855 4,308 757 1799 1305 5,573 727 1777 1754 15,614 2,918 1790 1998 12,163 2,178 1799 1223 6,418 1,257 Total, 378,293 76,848 Of Border Warfare. 57 much with different kinds of Game. In consequence of this information two men, recently from New England, visited the country and took up their residence on the Greenbrier river. Having erected a cabin and being engaged in making some other improvements, an altercation arose, which caused Stephen Suel, 1 one of them, to forsake the cabin and abide for some time in a hollow tree not far from the improvement, which was still occupied by his old com- panion. They were thus situated in 1751, when John Lewis, of Augusta and his son Andrew were exploring the country ; to whom Suel made known the cause of their living apart, and the great pleasure which he experienced* now in their morning salutations, when issuing from their respective habitations ; whereas when they slept under the same roof, none of those kindly greetings passed between them. Suel however did not long remain in the vicinity of Martin, the other of the two adventurers ; he moved forty miles west of his first improvement, and soon after fell a prey to Indian ferocity. Martin is said to have re- turned to the settlements. There was no other attempt made by the whites, to improve the Greenbrier country for several years. Lewis and his son thoroughly examined it ; and when permission 1 Little and Big Sewell mountains, dividing Fayette and Greenbrier counties, seem to perpetuate the name and memory of this early and adventurous pioneer. Col. John Stuart states, that SewelPs final settle- ment was forty miles west of his primitive one, and on a creek bear- ing his name originating in Sewell mountain, and flowing into Gauley. Col. Preston, in his Register, gives September, 1756, as the date of Stephen Sewell's death by the Indians, and Jackson's River as the locality. Mrs. Anne Royall, in SketcJies of the History, Life and Manners of the United States, (l$rew Haven, 1826), p. 60, who visited the Greenbrier country in 1824, gives the name of Carver as Sewell's companion. " These two men," says Mrs. Royall, " lived in a cave for several years, but at length they disagreed on the score of religion, and occupied dif- ferent camps. They took care, however, not to stay far from each other, their camps being in sight. Sewell used to relate that he and his friend used to sit up all night without sleep, with their guns cocked, ready to fire at each other. 'And what could that be for ? ' ' Why, because we couldn't agree.' ' Only two of you, and could you not agree what did you quarrel about?' 'Why, about re-la-gin.' One of them, it seems, was a Presbyterian, and the other an Episcopalian." L. C. D. 58 Withers's Chronicles % was given to the Greenbrier company (of which John Lewis was a member) to locate 100,000 acres, on the waters of this river, they became agents to make the surveys and locations. The war between France and England in 1754 checked their proceedings; and when they, on the restora- tion of peace, would have resumed them, they were inter- dicted by a royal proclamation, issued in 1761, command- ing all those who had made settlements on the western waters to remove from them ; and those who were engaged in making surveys to desist. Sound policy requiring, that a good understanding should be maintained with the In- dians (who claimed the country) to prevent a further co- operation on their part with France. 1 Previous to the issuing of this proclamation, some families had moved to Greenbrier and made two settle- ments the one on Muddy creek, the other in the Big- Levels. These, disregarding the command of his royal majesty and rather regardless of their own safety, re- mained until they were destroyed by the Indians, in 1763. 2 From this time 'till 1769 Greenbrier was altogether unin- habited. Capt. John Stuart and a few other young men, then began to settle and improve the country ; and al- 1 An error as to date. King George's proclamation was dated Oct. 7, 1763. For full text, see Wisconsin Historical Collections, XL, pp. 46 et seq. K. G. T. * Thomas King, one of the ablest of the Iroquois chiefs, related an incident at an Indian conference held at Easton, Pa., Oct. 18, 1758, which may explain why the Indians evinced so much hostility against the Greenbrier settlements. "About three years ago," said Chief King, " eight Seneca warriors were returning from war, with seven prisoners and scalps with them ; and, at a place called Greenbrier, they met with a party of soldiers, not less than one hundred and fifty, who kindly invited them to come to a certain store, saying they would supply them with provisions. Accordingly they travelled two days with them, in a friendly manner, and when they came to the house, they took their arms from the Senecas. The head men cried out, ' here is death ; de- fend yourselves as well as you can,' which they did, and two of them were killed on the spot, and one, a young boy, was taken prisoner. This gave great offense ; and the more so, as it was upon the warrior's road, and we were in perfect peace with our brethren. It provoked us to such a degree that we could not get over it. He wished the boy re- turned, if alive ; and told his name, Squissatego." See Hazard's Penna. Register, V., p. 373; and Penna. Records, VIII., pp. 197-98. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 59 though attempts were subsequently made by the Indians to exterminate them, yet they ever after continued in pos- session of it. [49] In the year 1756 settlements were also made on New river and on Holstein. 1 Among the daring adventurers who effected them, were Evan Shelby, "William Campbell, William Preston and Daniel Boone, all of whom became distinguished characters in subsequent history. Thomas "Walden, 2 who was afterwards killed on Clinch river and 1 There were settlers on both New and Holston rivers prior to 1756 Vause, Stalnacker and others on New River ; and Stephen Holston, at least, on the river bearing his name, which was known as such anterior to April, 1748, when Dr. Walker, in his Journal of 1750, refers to it by that designation. But William Campbell did not settle on Holston un- til 1767; Wm. Preston settled in 1769; Evan Shelby and family in 1771; and, while Daniel Boone passed through that country as early, it is be- lieved, as 1760, he never " settled " there. A further notice of Stephen Holston, or Holstein, seems fitting in this connection. He was of an adventurous turn, and prior to 1748 had, during a hunt, discovered the river named after him. It was after this discovery that he settled on the Little Saluda, near Saluda Old Town, in South Carolina, where, in the summer of 1753, a party of Cherokees re- turning from a visit to Gov. Glen, at Charleston, behaved so rudely to Mrs. Holston, in her husband's absence, as to frighten her and her do- mestics away, fleeing several miles to the nearest settlement, when the house was robbed of utensils and corn, and two valuable horses were also taken. Holston and some of his neighbors settled on Holston's River, in what subsequently became Botetourt county : soon after this, they constructed canoes, and passed down the Holston into the Tennes- see River, through the Muscle Shoals, and down the Ohio and Missis- sippi as far as Natchez. Returning from this notable adventure, his name became fixed to the noble stream which he discovered, and upon which he made the primitive settlement. His location on Holston was at the head spring of the Middle Fork ; his log cabin was on the hill side some thirty rods from the spring. In 1774, one Davis occupied the place, and related that Holston had left several years before that date. On the breaking out of the Indian war in 1754, he seems to have retired with his family to Culpeper county, which was then not exempt from Indian forays ; and Holston, about 1757, was captured by the Indians. But in due time he returned to the Holston country, served in the bat- tle of Point Pleasant in 1774, on Christian's campaign against the Cher- okees in 1776, and was reported in service in 1776 or 1777. As we hear no more of him, he probably did not long survive after this period. L. C. D. 2 The first name of Walden was not Thomas Elisha Walden was his proper name. He was a son-in-law of William Blevins, and both 60 Withers' a Chronicles from whom the mountain dividing Clinch and Powel rivers derived its name, was likewise one of them. The lands taken up by them, were held as " corn rights " each acquiring a title to an hundred acres of the adjoining land, for every acre planted in corn. Nearly cotemporaneous with these establishments, was that at Galliopolis, on the north western bank of the Ohio, and below Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Keu- liawa. This was made by a party of French Jesuits, by whom the Indians were incited to make incursions, and commit the most enormous barbarities on the then front- iers. 1 This place and the mouth of Great Sandy were the chief points of rendezvous for the Ohio Indians. From Walden and Blevins lived, in 1774, at the " Round-About" on Smith's River, two miles east of what is now Martinsville, Henry county, Vir- ginia. He was then ahout forty years of age nearly six feet in height, a rough frontiersman, and a noted hunter. He and several others, in 1761, penetrated into Powell's Valley, naminp Walden's Mountain and Walden's Creek, and proceeded on through Cumberland Gap to Cum- berland River, and a few miles beyond to the Laurel Mountain, where meeting a party of Indians, they returned. In subsequent years, Wal- den settled on Holston, about eighteen miles above Knoxville, where he was residing in 1796 ; a few years later, he removed to Powell's Val- ley, but soon after migrated to Missouri, where he lived hunting up to extreme old age. Save what is related from Haywood's Hist, of Tennes- see about the trip of 1761, this information was communicated to the writer in 1849, by Maj. John Redd, of Henry county, Va., who person- ally knew the old hunter very well. L. C. D. 1 A curious misconception, this. Some of the founders of Marietta acquired in 1788 a large tract west and north of their own, and as a pri- vate speculation organized the Scioto Company. Joel Barlow, the poet, was sent to Paris to negotiate the sale of the lands. To the " Society of the Scioto," formed by him there, he sold three million acres, and France was deluged with rose-colored immigration pamphlets written by Bar- low. In Febiuary, 1790, six hundred Frenchmen chiefly professional men and small artisans from the large towns, with not an agriculturist among them arrived in Alexandria, Va., en route for the Scioto. They found that the Society, not having paid for its lands, had forfeited its rights, and deeds granted to the intending settlers were void. Five hundred finally went west, and founded Gallipolis. Poor, not knowing how to work the soil, and simple folk with no notions of independence, they suffered from famine, Indians, and yellow fever. They finally repurchased their lands, and upon the cessation of the bor- der war gained some strength ; but Gallipolis was never more than a weakling until Americans and Germans came in and put it on its feet. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 61 the former of these places they would ascend the Kenhawa and Greenbrier rivers, and from thence crossing the mount- ains enten into Augusta; or after having ascended the Kenhawa, go up the New river, from which they would pass over to the James and Roanoke. From the mouth of Great Sandy they would ascend that river, and by the way of Bluestone fall over on the Roanoke and New river. From those two points, expeditions were frequently made by the Indians, which brought desolation and death into the infant settlements of the south west, and retarded their growth very much. In the spring of 1757 nearly the whole Roanoke settlement was destroyed by a party of Shaw- auees, who had thus made their way to it. That portion of the valley of Virginia in which estab- lishments were thus begun to be made, was at that time one continued forest; overspreading a limestone soil of great fertility ; and intersected by rivers affording exten- sive bottoms of the most productive alluvial laud. Indeed few rivers of equal size, are bordered with as wide and fertile levels of this formation of earth, as those which water that section of country : the Roanoke particularly affords large bodies of it, capable of producing in great abundance hemp, tobacco and the different kinds of grain usually grown. In the country generally, every species of vegetable, to which the climate was congenial, grew with great luxuriancy; while the calcareous nature of the soil, adapted it finely to the production of that kind of grain, to which European emigrants were mostly used. The natural advantages of the country were highly improved by the persevering industry of its inhabitants. Its forests, felled by untiring labor, were quickly reduced to profitable cultivation, and the weeds which spontane- ously sprang from the earth, were soon succeeded by the various grasses calculated to furnish the most nutritious food, for the lowing herds with which their farmers were early stocked; these yielded a present profit, and laid the sure foundation [50] of future wealth. Some of the most extensive and successful graziers of Virginia, now inhabit that country ; and reap the rich reward of their manage- 62 Withers' s Chronicles ment and industry, in the improved and more contiguous market of Richmond. In the infancy of these establishments, their only market was at Williamsburg. Thither the early settlers packed their butter and poultry, and received in exchange salt, iron, and some of the luxuries of life ; their beef and other stock was taken to the same place. In the process of time, as the country east of the Blue ridge became more improved, other markets were opened to them ; and the facilities of communication were gradually increased. Their successors have already derived great advantage from those improvements ; and the present generation will not only witness their farther extension, but most prob- ably see the country first tenanted by Lewis and his co- temporaries, a great thoroughfare for the produce of sev- eral of the western states a link of communication between the Chesapeak bay and the Gulph of Mexico. Of Border Warfare. 63 [51] CHAPTER II. The tract of country usually denominated North Western Virginia, includes the counties of Brook, Ohio, Tyler, Wood, Lewis, Randolph, Preston, Harrison and Monongalia, covering an area of 8,887 square miles, and having a population, according to the census of 1830, of 78,510 souls. These counties, with a portion of Pennsyl- vania then deemed to be within the limits of Virginia, constituted the district of West Augusta; and was the last grand division of the state, to become occupied by the whites. This was perhaps owing to natural causes, as well as to the more immediate proximity of hostile Indians. The general surface of this district of country is very broken, its hills, though rich, are yet steep and precipitous, and the various streams which flow along their bases, af- ford but few bottoms ; and these of too narrow and con- tracted dimensions to have attacted the adventurer, when more invited portions of the country, were alike open to his enterprise. The Alleghany ridge of mountains, over which the eastern emigrant had to pass, presented too, no inconsiderable barrier to its earlier location ; while the cold, bleak, inhospitable region, extending from the North Branch to the Cheat and Valley rivers, seemed to threaten an entire seclusion from the eastern settlements, and to render it an isolated spot, not easily connected with any other section of the state. The first attempt on the part of the English to occupy the country contiguous to the Ohio river, was made in consequence of the measures adopted by the French to possess themselves of it. France had early become ac- quainted with the country, so far as to perceive the facility with which her possessions in the north, might, by means of a free communication down, the valley of the Missis- sippi, be connected witn those in the south. To preserve this communication uninterrupted, to acquire influence 64 Withers's Chronicles over the neighboring Indians and to prevent the occupancy and settlement by England of the country west [52] of the Alleghany mountains, the French were early induced to establish trading posts among the Indians on the Ohio, and to obtain and preserve possession of the country by the erection of a chain of forts to extend from Canada to Louisiana. 1 To counteract those operations of the French, to pos- sess herself of the country, to which she deemed her title to be good, and to enjoy the lucrative traffic which was then to be carried on with the Indians, England gave to an association of gentlemen in Great Britain and Vir- ginia, (under the title of the Ohio Company,) liberty to locate and hold in their own right, 600,000 acres of land within the country then claimed by both England and France. In pursuance of this grant, steps were directly taken to effect those objects, by establishing trading houses among the Indians near the Ohio, and by engaging persons to make such a survey of the country, as would enable the grantees to effect a location of the quantity al- lowed them, out of the most valuable lands. The com- 1 This is misleading. The author has told us, in the preceding chapter, of several attempts of English coast colonists to make trans- montane settlements, quite apart from thought of ousting the French. Englishmen had no sooner landed in America than they attempted to cross the western mountain barrier. Ralph Lane made the attempt in 1586, Christopher Newport and John Smith in 1606, and Newport him- self in 1607. John Lederer, a German surgeon exploring for Governor Berkeley, of Virginia, reached the top of Blue Ridge in 1669, but did not descend the western slope. Two years later, Abraham Wood dis- covered the Great Kanawha. It is possible that the French Jesuit Le Moyne was on the Alleghany River as early as 1656. La Salle was probably at the Falls of the Ohio (Louisville) in 1669. But it was not until about 1700 that French and English fur-traders met in open rivalry on the Ohio. It was with no thought of the French that Gov- ernor Spottswood, of Virginia, passed over the Blue Ridge in 1714. The situation in short, was this: The English colonists early wanted the over-mountain country watered by the Ohio, but were too weak at first to hold for agricultural settlement lands so far from home, in the face of a savage foe. The French wanted the valley solely for the fur trade, but Iroquois opposition long kept them from entering; when at last they were able to do so, the English colonists had also grown strong enough to move in, and then ensued the long and bloody struggle in which New France fell. -R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 65 pany endeavored to complete their survey with all possi- ble secrecy, and by inducing the Indians to believe their object to be purely commercial, to allay any apprehen- sions, which might otherwise arise, of an attempt to gain possession of the country. The attempt to accomplish their purpose of terri- torial aggrandizement, with secrecy, was fruitless and un- availing. The Pennsylvania traders, fearful that they would lose the profitable commerce carried on with the Indians, excited their jealousy by acquainting them with the real motive of the company; while the French actu- ally seized, and made prisoners, of their traders, and opened and secured, by detachments of troops stationed at convenient situations, a communication from Presq' Isle to the Ohio river. The Ohio company sent a party of men to erect a stockade fort at the confluence of the Monongahela and Alleghany rivers, which had been recommended by Gen- eral Washington as a suitable position for the erection of fortifications. 1 This party of men was accompanied by a detachment of militia, which had been ordered out by the governor; but before they could effect their object, they were driven off by the French, [53] who immedi- ately took possession of the place, and erected thereon Fort du Quesne. These transactions were immediately succeeded by the war, usually called Braddock's war, which put an end to the contemplated settlement, and the events of which are, for the most part, matter of general history. It may not however be amiss to relate some incidents connected with this war, which though of minor import- ance, may yet be interesting to some ; and which have escaped the pen of the historian. In Braddock's army there were two regiments of vol- unteer militia from Virginia. 3 One of these was com- 1 In the journal (drawn up for the inspection of Gov. Dinwiddie) of the events of his mission to the commander of the French forces on the Ohio ; this was the first of those splendid acts of a public nature, per- formed by Gen. Washington. 1 Only five companies of the first Virginia regiment served on Brad- 5 66 Withers's Chronicles manded by Col. Russel of Fairfax ; the other by Col. Fry, and was from Shenandoah and James rivers. In this latter regiment there was a company from Culpep- per, commanded by Capt. Grant, (afterwards known as a considerable laud holder in Kentucky) and of which John Field (who was killed in the battle at Point Pleas- ant) was a lieutenant. There was likewise in this regi- ment, a company of riflemen, from Augusta, commanded by Capt. Samuel Lewis, (the eldest son of John Lewis, who, with Mackey and Sailing, had been foremost in settling that country) who was afterwards known as Col. Samuel Lewis of Rockiugham. 1 In this company was also contained the five brothers of Capt. Lewis. Andrew, afterwards Gen. Lewis of Botetourt Charles, afterwards Col. Lewis, who was likewise killed at Point Pleasant William, John and Thomas. Among their compatri- ots in arms, were the five sons of Capt. John Matthews, (who had accompanied Burden to Virginia) Elihu Bark- ley, John McDowell, 2 Paul Whitly, James Bell, Patrick Lockard, and a number of others of the first settlers of Augusta, Rockbridge and Rockingham. From the time the army crossed the Alleghany moun- tain, its movements were constantly watched by Indian dock's campaign hence there was no second regiment, nor any Colonel Russell engaged in that service ; there was, however, at this period, a Colonel or Lieut.-Colonel William Russell, who emigrated from England when a young lawyer, to Virginia, about 1710, and settled in Culpeper, and by the readjustment of county lines he was thrown into the new county of Orange. He was a man of much prominence, and at one time was high sheriff of Orange ; and apparently lieutenant-colonel of militia, and as such, in the early part of the French and Indian War, did some frontier service, though rather advanced in years at the time. In 1753, he was sent as a commissioner to pacify the Indians in the re- gion where Pittsburg was subsequently located. He died October 18, 1757, aged about seventy-two years. His son of the same name served with reputation at the battle of Point Pleasant, and during the Revolu- tionary War, retiring at its close with the brevet rank of brigadier- general. L. C. D. 1 It has already been stated that Col. John Lewis's eldest son was Thomas, not Samuel. L. C. D. * Capt. John McDowell was killed in an engagement with the In- dians, in December, 1742, and of course could not have served under either Andrew or Charles Lewis. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 67 spies, from Fort du Quesne ; and as it approached nearer the point of destination, runners were regularly des- patched, to acquaint the garrison with its progress, and manner of marching. When intelligence was received that Braddock still moved in close order, the Indians laid the plan for surprising him, and carried it into most effectual execution with but little assistance from the French. 1 [54] At the place where the English crossed the Mo- nongahela river, there are about two acres of bottom land, bounded by the river on the east, and by a ledge of high cliffs on the west. Through these cliffs there is a con- siderable ravine, formed by the flowing of a small rivu- let On the summit, a wide prospect opens to the west, of a country whose base is level, but surface uneven. On this summit lay the French and Indians concealed by the prairie grass and timber, and from this situation, in al- most perfect security, they fired down upon Braddock's men. The only exposure of the French and Indians, resulted from the circumstance of their having to raise their heads to peep over the verge of the cliff, in order to shoot with more deadly precision. In consequence, all of them who were killed in the early part of the action, Were shot through the head. 2 1 James Smith, afterwards Col. Smith of Bourbon county in Ken- tucky, was then a prisoner at du Quesne. He says that the Indians in council planned the attack on Braddock's army and selected the ground from which to make it that the assailants did not number more than 400 men, of whom but a small proportion were French. One of the Indians laughed when he heard the order of march in Braddock's army, and said " we'll shoot them down all as one pigeon." Washing- ton beheld the event in fearful anticipation, and exerted himself in vain with Gen. Braddock, to alter the order of march. * It is evident that the author never saw the site of Braddock's de- feat, just below the mouth of Turtle Creek, for his description is quite inaccurate. June 30, 1755, the army, which had been following the Ohio Company's road from Will's Creek, via East Meadows, crossed the Youghiogbeny and proceeding in a devious course struck the head of Turtle Creek, which was followed nearly to its mouth, whence a south- ern course was taken to avoid the steep hills. Reaching the Mononga- hela just below the mouth of the Youghiogheny, they crossed (July 9) to the west side, where there is a long, narrow bottom. Nearly opposite the mouth of Turtle Creek, and about four miles below the first crossing, 68 Withers's Chronicles The companies, commanded by Capt. Grant and Lewis, 1 were the first to cross the river. As fast as they landed they formed, and proceeding up the ravine, arrived at the plain on the head of the rivulet, without having discovered the concealed enemy which they had just passed. So soon as the rear of Braddock's army had crossed the river, the enemy raised a heart rending yell, and poured down a con- stant and most deadly fire. Before General Braddock re- ceived his wound, he gave orders for the whole line to countermarch and form a phalanx on the bottom, so as to cover their retreat across the river. When the main col- umn was wheeled, Grant's and Lewis' companies had pro- ceeded so far in advance, that a large body of the enemy rushed down from both sides of the ravine, and intercepted hills again closely approach the west bank, and the east side becomes the more favorable for marching. Here, only eight miles across country from Fort Duquesne, Braddock forded the second time, and in angling up the rather easy slope upon which is now built the busy iron-making town of Braddock, Pa., was obliged to pass through a heavily-wooded ravine. This was the place of the ambuscade, where his army was cut to pieces. Indians from the Upper Lakes, under the leadership of Charles Langlade, a Wisconsin fur-crader, were the chief participants in this af- fair, on the French side. R. G. T. 1 This statement about Capts. Grant and Lewis having taken part in the battle of the Monongahela, is altogether a mistake. It must have originated in some traditional account, and become confused in some way with Grant's defeat, three years later, in which Maj. James Grant and Maj. Andrew Lewis both took a prominent part. There is no record of any Capt. Grant in Braddock's army. Andrew Lewis, though a major, was still in command of his company, and at the time of Braddock's defeat was on detached service. Gov. Dinwiddie, writing to Maj. Lewis, July 8, 1755, says : " You were ordered to Augusta with your company to pro- tect the frontier of that county ;" and, in a letter of the same date, to Col. Patton, the Governor adds : " Enclosed you have a letter to Capt. Lewis, which please forward to him : / think he is at Greenbrier. Capt. Robt. Orme, aide-de-camp to Gen. Braddock, in his Journal appended to Sargent's History of Braddock's Expedition, states under date of April, 1755, that the Virginia troops having been clothed, were ordered to march to Winchester, for arming and drilling, and then adds: "Capt. Lewis was ordered with his company of Rangers to Greenbrier river, there to build two stockade forts, in one of which he was to remain him- self and to detach to the other a subaltern and fifteen men. These forts were to cover the western settlers of Virginia from any inroads of In- dians." L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 69 them. A most deadly contest ensued. Those who inter- cepted Grant and Lewis, could not pass down the defile, as the main body of Braddock's army was there, and it would have been rushing into the midst of it, to inevita- ble destruction the sides of the ravine were too steep and rocky to admit of a retreat up them, and their only hope of escape lay in cutting down those two companies and passing [55] out at the head of the ravine. A dreadful slaughter was the consequence. Opposed in close fight, and with no prospect of security, but by joining the main army in the bottom, the companies of Grant and Lewis literally cut their way through to the mouth of the ravine. Many of Lewis's men were killed and wounded, and not more than half of Grant's lived to reach the river bank. Al- most the only loss the enemy sustained was in this con- flict. The unfortunate result of the campaign of 1755, gave to the French a complete ascendency over the Indians on the Ohio. In consequence of this there was a general dis- tress on the frontier settlements of Virginia. The incur- sions of the Indians became more frequent and were ex- tended so far, that apprehensions existed of an irruption into the country east of the Blue ridge. 1 This state of things continued until the capture of Fort du Quesne in 1758, by Gen. Forbes. In the regiment commanded by Washington in the army of 1758, Andrew Lewis was a Major. With this gentleman, Gen. Washington had become acquainted dur- ing the campaign of 1754, and had formed of him, as a military man, the highest expectations; his conduct at the defeat of Major Grant, realized those expectations, and acquired for him a reputation for prudence and courage which he sustained unimpaired, during a long life of pub- lic service. 2 1 The MS. Journal of Col. Charles Lewis, in possession of the Wis- consin Historical Society, covering the period from October 10 to Decem- ber 27, 1755, is an unconsciously eloquent picture of the hardships of life on the Virginia frontier, at this time. R. G. T. J After the capitulation of Fort Necessity, and while some of the soldiers of each army were intermixed, an Irishman, exasperated with 70 Withers's Chronicles Gen. Lewis was in person upwards of six feet high, finely proportioned, of uncommon strength and great activity. His countenance was stern and rather forbid- ding his deportment distant and reserved ; this rendered his person more awful than engaging. When he was at Fort Stanwich in 1768, as one of the commissioners from the colony of Virginia, to treat, in conjunction with com- missioners from the eastern colonies, with the Six Nations, the Governor of New York remarked " that the earth seemed to tremble under his tread." When the war of the revolution commenced, and General [56] Washington was commissioned commander in chief, he is said to have expressed a wish, that the ap- pointment had been given to Gen. Lewis. Be this as it may, it is certain that he accepted the commission of Brigadier General at the solicitation of Washington ; and when, from wounded pride ! and a shattered constitution, he was induced to express an intention of resigning, Gen. Washington wrote him, entreating that he would not do so, and assuring him that justice should be done, as re- garded his rank. Gen. Lewis, however, had become much reduced by disease, and did not think himself able, longer to endure the hardships of a soldier's life he resigned his commission in 1780, and died in the county of Bedford, on the way to his home in Botetourt on Roanoke river. When Major Grant, (who had been sent with a de- tachment for the purpose of reconnoitering the country about Fort du Quesne,) arrived in view of it, he resolved on attempting its reduction. Major Lewis remonstrated with him, on the propriety of that course, and endeavored to dissuade him from the attempt. Grant deemed it practicable to surprise the garrison and effect an easy con- an Indian near him, " cursed the copper-coloured scoundrel " and raised his musket to shoot him. Gen. Lewis who had been twice wounded in the engagement, and was then hobbling on a staff, raised the Irishman's gun, as he was in the act of firing, and thus not only saved the life of the Indian, but probably prevented a general massacre of the Virginia troops. 1 Congress had given to Gen. Stephens, and some others (whose senior Lewis had been in former services) commissions as Major Gen- erals. Of Border Warfare. 71 quest, and was unwilling that the provincial troops should divide with his Highland regulars the glory of the achiev- ment he therefore ordered Major Lewis two miles into the rear, with that part of the Virginia regiment then under his command. Soon after the action had commenced, Lewis dis- covered by the retreating fire, that Grant was in an un- pleasant situation, and leaving Capt. Bullet with fifty men to guard the baggage, hastened to his relief. On arriving at the battle ground, and finding Grant and his detachment surrounded by the Indians, who had passed his rear under covert of the banks of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, Major Lewis commenced a brisk fire and made so vigorous an attack on the Indians as to open a passage through which Grant and some few of his men effected an escape. Lewis and his brave provincials be- came enclosed within the Indian lines and suffered dread- fully. Out of eight officers five were killed, a sixth wounded and a seventh taken prisoner. Capt. Bullet, [57] who defended the baggage with great bravery and contributed much to save the remnant of the detachment, was the only officer who escaped unhurt. 1 Out of one 1 Thomas Bullitt was a native of Prince William county, Virginia. He was appointed an ensign in Washington's first Virginia regiment, July 20, 1754, and promoted to a lieutenancy on October 30th following. It is said that he served in Braddock's defeat ; but the records of the Virginia officers present do not include Lieut. Bullitt's name. He was, perhaps, with Capt. Lewis in the Greenbrier country, or on some other detached service. In May, 1756, he was stationed at Winchester; in July following, in command of Fort Frederick, on Jackson's River, and in November of that year, in command of Fort Cumberland. He was in active service in 1757, and early the next year we find him a captain; as such, he distinguished himself in checking the enemy and saving many of the fugitives at Grant's defeat, and shared in Gen. Forbes's successful expedition in the capture of Fort Du Quesne. In May, 1759, while guarding with one hundred men, fifteen wagons loaded with pro- visions for the westward, he was attacked and defeated by a strong party of French and Indians, losing thirty-five of his party killed and prison- ers and all his wagons. In 1760, he was appointed a surveyor of a dis- trict bordering on the Ohio, and had much to do in early Kentucky ex- ploration and surveys, making an early location and survey at the Falls of Ohio in 1773. In September, 1775, he was appointed adjutant-gen- eral of all the Virginia forces; and on the 9th of December following, 72 Withers 's Chronicles hundred and sixty-six men, sixty-two were killed on the spot and two were wounded. Major Lewis was himself made prisoner ; and al- though stripped by the Indians of every article of his clothing, and reduced to perfect nudity, he was protected from bodily injury by a French officer, who took him to his tent and supplied him with clothes. Grant who had wandered all night with five or six of his men, came in, on the morning after the engagement, and surrendered him- self a prisoner of war. While Grant and Lewis were prisoners, the former addressed a letter to Gen. Forbes giving a detailed account of the engagement and attributing the defeat to the ill conduct of the latter. This letter, (being inspected by the French who knew the falsehood of the charge it contained) was handed to Maj. Lewis. Exasperated at this charge, Lewis waited on Major Grant and in the interview be- tween them, after having bestowed on him some abusive epithets, challenged him to the field. Grant declined to accept the invitation ; and Lewis, after spitting in his face in the presence of several of the French officers, left him to reflect on his baseness. After this defeat a council was held by the Indians to determine on the course proper for them to pursue. The most of them had come from about Detroit at the in- stance of the French commandant there, to fortify Fort du Quesne against an attack by Forbes the hunting sea- son had arrived and many of them were anxious to return to their town. The question which attracted their atten- tion most seriously was, whether Gen. Forbes would then retreat or advance. As Grant had been most signally de- feated, many supposed that the main arm would retire into winter quarters, as Dunbar had, after the battle on the Monongahela. The French expressed a different opinion, and endeavored to prevail on the Indians to remain and he aided Colonel Woodford in defeating Capt. Fordyce and party at the Great Bridge. In March, 1776, Congress appointed him deputy adju- tant-general of the Southern Department with the rank of lieutenant- colonel, and advanced him in May following to the full rank of col- onel. He died while yet in service, in 1778. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 73 witness the result. This however they refused to do, and the greater part of them left du Quesne. Upon this the commandant of the fort, in order to learn the course which Gen. Forbes would pursue, and to impress upon the English, an idea that the French were in return preparing to attack them, ordered the remainder of the Indians, a number of Canadians and some French regulars to recon- noitre the route [58] along which Gen. Forbes would be most likely to march his army, to watch their motions and harrass them as much as possible; determining if they could not thus force him to abandon the idea of attacking Du Quesne during that campaign, they would evacuate the fort and retire into Canada. When Major Grant with his men had been ordered on to Du Quesne, the main army had been left at Raystown, where it continued for some time ; an advance was how- ever posted at fort Ligonier. Between this vanguard and the detachment from Du Quesne there was a partial en- gagement, which resulted in the loss of some of the Mary- land troops. Fort Ligonier was then closely watched by the French and Indians, and several of the sentinels were killed, before the point from which the fires were directed, was discovered ; it was at length ascertained that parties of the enemy would creep under the bank of the Loyal Hanna till they could obtain a position from which to do execution. Some soldiers were then stationed to guard this point, who succeeded in killing two Indians, and in wounding and making prisoner of one Frenchman. From him the English obtained information that the greater part of the Indians had left Du Quesne, and that the fort was defenceless : the army then moved forward and taking possession of its ruins established thereon Fort Pitt. 1 The 1 The French destroyed Fort Duquesne in November, 1758. During the winter following, Fort Pitt was erected by the English troops. In his Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River (1770), Washington says of it: " The fort is built on the point between the rivers Alleghany and Monon- gahela, but not so near the pitch of it as Fort Duquesne stood. It is five- sided and regular, two of which next the land are of brick ; the others stockade. A moat encompasses it." Fort Pitt was invested by the In- dians during Pontiac's War (1763). It was fully garrisoned until 1772, when a corporal and a few men were left as care-takers. In October of 74 Withers's Chronicles country around began immediately to be settled, and sev- eral other forts were erected to protect emigrants, and to keep the Indians in awe. Previous to this an attempt had been made by David Tygart and a Mr. Files to establish themselves on an up- per branch of the Monongahela river. 1 They had been for some time frontier's men, and were familiar with the scenes usually exhibited on remote and unprotected borders ; and nothing daunted by the cruel murders and savage enormi- ties, which they had previously witnessed, were induced by some cause, most probably the uninterrupted enjoyment of the forest in the pursuit of game, to venture still farther into the wilderness. About the year 1754 these two men with their families arrived on the east fork of the Monon- gahela, and after examining the country, selected posi- tions for their future residence. Files chose a spot on the river, at the mouth of a creek which still bears his name, where Beverly, the county seat of Randolph has been since established. Tygart settled a few miles farther up and also on the river. The valley in which they had thus taken up their abode, has been since called Tygart's [59] valley, and the east fork of the Monongahela, Ty- gart's- valley river. that year, the property was sold, and several houses were built out of the material. In the course of the boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia, the latter colony took possession of the ruins, through Lord Dunmore's agent there, John Conolly. R. G. T. 1 The author overlooks the settlement made by Christopher Gist, the summer of 1753, in the town of Dunbar, Fayette county, Pa., two or three miles west of the Youghiogheny and some seventy miles north- west of Will's Creek ; the site was doubtless selected by him in his trip of 1751-52. Washington, who visited him there in November, 1753, on the way to Fort Le Boeuf, calls it " Gist's new settlement," but the own- er's name for his place was " Monongahela." It was the first settlement of which there is record, upon the Ohio Company's lands. Gist induced eleven families to settle near him ; and on his journey home, in January, 1754, Washington met them going out to the new lands. The victory of the French over Washington, at Fort Necessity, in July, led to the ex- pulsiqn from the region of all English-speaking settlers. The French commander, De Villiers, reports that he " burnt down all the settle- ments" on the Monongahela (from Redstone down), and in the vicinity of Gist's. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 75 The difficulty of procuring bread stuffs for their fami- lies, their contiguity to an Indian village, and the fact that an Indian war path passed near their dwellings, soon de- termined them to retrace their steps. 1 Before they carried this determination into effect, the family of Files became the victims of savage cruelty. At a time when all the family were at their cabin, except an elder son, they were discovered by a party of Indians, supposed to be returning from the South Branch, who inhumanly butchered them all. 2 Young Files being not far from the house and hear- ing the uproar, approached until he saw, too distinctly, the deeds of death which were doing; and feeling the utter impossibility of affording relief to his own, resolved if he could, to effect the safety of Tygart's family. This was done and the country abandoned by them. Not long after this, Doctor Thomas Eckarly and his two brothers came from Pennsylvania and camped at the mouth of a creek, emptying into the Monongahela, 8 or 10 miles below Morgantown; they were Dunkards, and from that circumstance, the watercourse on which they fixed themselves for a while, has been called Dunkard's creek. While their camp continued at this place, these men were engaged in exploring the country; and ultimately settled on Cheat river, at the Dunkard bottom. Here they erected a cabin for their dwelling, and made such improvements as enabled them to raise the first year, a crop of corn suf- ficient for their use, and some culinary vegetables : their guns supplied them with an abundance of meat, of a flavor 1 This trail was a continuation of the famous " Warrior Branch,' which coming up from Tennessee passed through Kentucky and South- ern Ohio, and threading the valley of Fish Creek crossed over to Dunkard's Creek and so on to the mouth of Redstone Creek. R. G. T. 2 In Col. Preston's MS. Register of Indian Depredations, in the Wis- consin Historical Society's library, it is stated that Robert Foyle, wife and five children, were killed on the Monongahela in 1754. Gov. Din- widdie, in his speech to the Virginia house of burgesses ih February, 1754, refers to this barbarous affair, giving the same number of the family destroyed; and the gazettes of that period state that Robert Foyle, together with his wife and five children, the youngest about ten years of age, were killed at the head of the Monongahela ; their bodies, scalped, were discovered February 4th. and were supposed to have been killed about two months before. L. C. D. 76 Withers's Chronicles as delicious as the refined palate of a modern epicure could well wish. Their clothes were made chiefly of the skins of animals, and were easily procured: and although calcu- lated to give a grotesque appearance to a fine gentleman in a city drawing room; yet were they particularly suited to their situation, and afforded them comfort. Here they spent some years entirely unmolested by the Indians, although a destructive war was then raging, and prosecuted with cruelty, along the whole extent of our frontier. At length to obtain an additional supply of am- munition, salt and shirting, Doctor Eckarly left Cheat, with a pack of furs and skins, to visit a trading post on the Shenandoah. On his return, he stopped at Fort Pleas- ant, on the South Branch; and having communicated to its inhabitants the place of his residence, and the length of time he had been living there, he was charged with being in confederacy with the Indians, and probably at that instant a spy, examining the condition of the fort. In vain the Doctor protested his innocence and the fact that he had not even seen an Indian in the country; the suffering condition [59] of the border settlements, rendered his account, in their opinion improbable, and he was put in confinement. The society, of which Doctor Eckarly was a member, was rather obnoxious to a number of the frontier inhabit- ants. Their intimacy with the Indians, although cultivated with the most laudable motives, and for noble purposes, yet made them objects at least of distrust to many. Laboring under these disadvantages, it was with difficulty that Doctor Eckarly prevailed on the officer of the fort to release him ; and when this was done he was only permitted to go home under certain conditions he was to be escorted by a guard of armed men, who were to carry him back if any discov- ery were made prejudicial to him. Upon their arrival at Cheat, the truth of his statement was awfully confirmed. The first spectacle which presented itself to their view, when the party came within sight of where the cabin had been, was a heap of ashes. On approaching the ruins, the half decayed, and mutilated bodies of the poor Dunkards, were seen in the yard; the hoops, on which their scalps Of Border Warfare. 77 had been dried, were there, and the ruthless hand of deso- lation had waved over their little fields. Doctor Eckarly aided in burying the remains of his unfortunate brothers, and returned to the fort on the South Branch. In the fall of 1758, Thomas Decker and some others commenced a settlement on the Monongahela river, at the mouth of what is now, Decker's creek. In the ensuing spring it was entirely broken up by a party of Delawares and Mingoes ; and the greater part of its inhabitants mur- dered. There was at this time at Brownsville a fort, then known as Redstone fort, under the command of Capt. Paul. 1 One 1 In 1750, the Ohio Company, as a base of operations and supplies, built a fortified warehouse at Will's Creek (now Cumberland, Md.), on the upper waters of the Potomac. Col. Thomas Cresap, an energetic frontiersman, and one of the principal agents of the Company, was di- rected to blaze a pack-horse trail over the Laurel Hills to the Monon- gahela. He employed as his guide an Indian named Nemacolin, whose camp \\ us at the mouth of Dunlap Creek (site of the present Browns- ville, Pa,), an affluent of the Monongahela. Nemacolin pointed out an old Indian trace which had its origin, doubtless, in an over-mountain buffalo trail ; and this, widened a little by Cresap, was at first known as Nemacolin's Path. It led through Little Meadows and Great Meadows open marshes grown to grass, and useful for feeding traders' and ex- plorers' horses. Washington traveled this path in 1753, when he went to warn the French at Fort Le Boeuf. Again, but widened somewhat, it was his highway in 1754, as far north as Gist's plantation ; and at Great Meadows he built Fort Necessity, where he was defeated. Braddock followed it in great part, in 1755, and henceforth it became known as " Braddock's Road." The present National Eoad from Cumberland to Brownsville, via IFniontown, differs in direction but little from Nemaco- lin's Path. For a map of Braddock's Road, see Lowdermilk's History of Cumberland, Md., p. 140. with description on pages 51, 52, 140-148. Ellis's History of Fayette Co., Pa., also has valuable data. The terminus of Nemacolin's Path was Dunlap's Creek (Browns- ville). A mile-and-a-quarter below Dunlap's, enters Redstone Creek, and the name "Redstone" became affixed to the entire region hereabout, although " Monongahela " was sometimes used to indicate the pan- handle between the Monongahela and the Youghiogheny. In 1752, the Ohio Company built a temporary warehouse at the mouth of Dunlap's Creek, at the end of the over-mountain trail. In 1754, Washington's ad- vance party (Capt. Trent) built a log fort, called " The Hangard," at the mouth of the Redstone, but this was, later in the year, destroyed by the French officer De Villiers. In 1759, Colonel Burd, as one of the fea- tures of Forbes's campaign against Fort Duquesne, erected Fort Burd at the mouth of Dunlap's, which was a better site. This fort was gar- 78 Withers' s Chronicles of Decker's party escaped from the Indians who destroyed the settlement, and making his way to Fort Redstone, gave to its commander the melancholy intelligence. The garrison being too weak to admit of sending a detachment in pursuit, Capt. Paul despatched a runner with the in- formation to Capt. John Gibson, then stationed at Fort Pitt. Leaving the fort under the command of Lieut. "Will- iamson, Capt. Gibson set out with thirty men to intercept the Indians, on their return to their towns. In consequence of the distance which the pursuers had to go, and the haste with which the Indians had retreated, the expedition failed in its object; they however accidentally came on a party of six or seven Mingoes, on the head of Cross Creek in Ohio (near Steubenville) these had been prowling about the river, below Fort Pitt, seeking an op- portunity of committing depredations. 1 As Capt. Gibson passed the point of a small knoll, just after day break, he came unexpectedly upon them some of them were lying down; the others were sitting round afire, making thongs of green hides. Kiskepila or Little Eagle, a Mingo chief, headed the party. So soon as he discovered Capt. Gibson, he raised the war whoop and fired [61] his rifle the ball passed through Gibson's hunting shirt and wounded a sol- dier just behind him. Gibson sprang forward, and swinging his sword with herculean force, severed the head of the Little Eagle from his body two other Indians were shot down, and the remainder escaped to their towns on Mus- kingum. When the captives, who were restored under the treaty of 1763, came in, those who were at the Mingo towns when the remnant of Kiskepila's party returned, stated that the Indians represented Gibson as having cut off the Little risoned as late as the Dunmore War (1774), but was probably abandoned soon after the Revolutionary War. The name " Redstone Old Fort " be- came attached to the place, because within the present limits of Browns- ville were found by the earliest comers, and can still be traced, ex- tensive earthworks of the mound-building era. R. G. T. 1 Cross Creek empties into the Ohio through Mingo Bottom (site of Mingo Junction, O.). On this bottom was, for many years, a consider- able Mingo village. R. G T. Of Border Warfare. 79 Eagle's head with a long knife. Several of the white per- sons were then sacrificed to appease the manes of Kis- kepila; and a war dance ensued, accompanied with terrific shouts and bitter denunciations of revenge on "the Big knife warrior." This name was soon after applied to the Vir- ginia militia generally ; and to this day they are known among the north western Indians as the "Long knives" or "Big knife nation" l 1 This statement, that Capt. Audley Paul commanded at Redstone, and of his attempting to intercept a foraging Indian party, can not possi- bly be true. There was no fort, and consequently no garrison, at Red- stone in 1758. It was not built 'till 1759, and then by Col. James Burd, of the Pennsylvania forces. James L. Bowman, a native of Brownsville, the locality of Redstone Old Fort, wrote a sketch of the history of that place, which appeared in the American Pioneer in February, 1843, in which he says : " We have seen it stated in a creditable work, that the fort was built by Capt. Paul doubtless an error, as the Journal of Col. Burd is ample evidence to settle that matter." Col. Burd records in his Journal : " Ordered, in Aug. 1759, to march with two hundred of my battalion to the mouth of Redstone Creek, to cut a road to that place, and to erect a fort." He adds: " When I had cut the road, and finished the fort," etc. The other part of the story, about Capt. John Gibson commanding at Fort Pitt in " the fall of 1758," is equally erroneous, as Gen. Forbes did not possess himself of Fort Duquesne till Nov. 25th, 1758, within five days of the conclusion of " fall " in that year ; and Gen. Forbes com- manded there in person until he left for Philadelphia, Dec. 3d following. There is, moreover, no evidence that Gibson was then in service. The story of his decapitating Kis-ke-pi-la, or the Little Eagle, if there was such a person, or of his beheading any other Indian, is not at all probable. He was an Indian trader for many years, and was made prisoner by the Indians in 1763, and detained a long time in captivity. Gibson could not by any such decapitating exploit, have originated the designation of " Big Knife," or " Big Knife warrior," for this appella- tion had long before been applied to the Virginians. Gist says in his Journal, Dec. 7th, 1750, in speaking of crossing Elk's Eye Creek the Muskingum and reaching an Indian hamlet, that the Indians were all out hunting; that " the old Frenchman, Mark Coonce, living there, was civil to me ; but after I was gone to my camp, upon his understanding I came from Virginia, he called me Big Knife." Col. James Smith, then a prisoner with the Indians, says the Indians assigned as a reason why they did not oppose Gen. Forbes in 1758, that if they had been only red coats they could have subdued them ; " but they could not withstand Ash-a-le-co-a, or the Great Knife, which was the name they gave the Virginians." L. C. D. Comment by R. G. T. See note on p. 77, regarding erection of early forte at Redstone. James Veech, in Monongahela of Old, says, "We know 80 Withers' s Chronicles These are believed to have been the only attempts to effect a settlement of North Western Virginia, prior to the close of the French war. The capture of Fort du Quesne and the erection and garrisoning of Fort Pitt, although they gave to the English an ascendency in that quarter; yet they did not so far check the hostile irruptions of the Indians, as to render a residence in this portion of Vir- ginia, by any means secure. It was consequently not at- tempted 'till some years after the restoration of peace in 1765. that the late Col. James Paull served a month's duty in a drafted militia company in guarding Continental stores here [Fort Burd] in 1778." The term "Big Knives" or "Long Knives" may have had reference either to the long knives carried by early white hunters, or the swords worn by backwoods militia officers. See Roosevelt's Winning of the West, I., p. 197. Of Border Warfare. 81 [62] CHAPTER III. The destruction of the Roanoke settlement in the spring of 1757, by a party of Shawanees, gave rise to the campaign, which was called by the old settlers the " Sandy creek voyage." To avenge this outrage, Governor Din- widdie ordered out a company of regulars (taken chiefly from the garrison at Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson's river) under the command of Capt. Audley Paul ; a company of minute-men from Boutetourt, under the command of Capt. William Preston ; and two companies from Augusta, un- der Captains John Alexander 1 and William Hogg. In Capt. Alexander's company, John M'Nutt, afterwards governor of Nova Scotia, was a subaltern. The whole were placed under the command of Andrew Lewis. 2 1 Father of Dr. Archibald Alexander, sometime president of Hamp- den Sydney College in Virginia, and afterwards a professor at Princeton in New Jersey. Comment by L. C. D. He was the grandfather of Dr. Alexander. * The attacks on the Roanoke settlement, mentioned by Withers, oc- curred in June and July, 1755 (not the spring of 1757, as he states); that on Greenbrier, in September following; and the expedition against the Shawnees did not take place in 1757, but in February and March, 1756. Diaries and other documents in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library prove this. Dr. Draper estimated that Lewis's force was about 263 whites and 130 Cherokees 418 in all. The several companies were officered by Peter Hogg, John Smith, William Preston, -Archibald Alexander, Robert Breckenridge, Obadiah Woodson, John Montgomery, and one Dunlap. Two of Dr. Thomas Walker's companions in his Kentucky exploration of 1750, were in the expedition Henry Lawless and Colby Chew. Governor Dinwiddie had stipulated in his note to Washington, in December, 1755, that either Col. Adam Stephen or Maj. Andrew Lewis was to command. Washington having selected the latter, dis- spatched him from Winchester about the middle of January, 1756, with orders to hurry on the expedition. To the mismanagement of the guides is attributed much of the blame for its failure. The interesting Journals of Capt. William Preston and Lieut. Thomas Norton are in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society. R. G. T. 6 82 Withers' s Chronicles, Beside the chastisement of the Indians, the expedition had for its object, the establishment of a military post at the mouth of the Great Sandy. This would have enabled them, not only to maintain a constant watch over maraud- ing parties of Indians from that quarter ; but to check the communication between them and the post at Galliopolis ; and thus counteract the influence which the French there had obtained over them. 1 The different companies detailed upon the Shawanee expedition, were required to rendezvous on the lioanoke, near to the present town of Salem in Bottetourt, where Col. Lewis was then posted. The company commanded by Capt. Hogg failed to attend at the appointed time; and Col. Lewis after delaying a week for its arrival, marched forward, expecting to be speedily overtaken by it. To avoid an early discovery by the Indians, which would have been the consequence of their taking the more public route by the Great Kenhawa ; and that they might fall upon the Indians towns in the valley of the Scioto, without being interrupted or seen by the French at Galli- opolis, they took the route by the way of New river and Sandy. Crossing New river below the Horse-shoe, they descended it to the mouth of "Wolf creek ; and ascending this to its source, passed over to the head of Bluestone river; where they delayed another week awaiting the ar- rival of Capt. Hogg and his company. 2 They then marched to the head of the north fork of Sandy, and con- tinued down it to the great Burning Spring, where they 1 But Gallipolis was not settled until 1790, as has been previously shown. Withers confounds the modern French town of Gallipolis, whose residents were the sad victims of Indian outrages rather than the abettors of them, with the old Shawnee town just below the mouth of the Scioto (site of Alexandria. O.). This fur-trading center was a village of log huts built by the French for the accommodation of their Shawnee allies, and was a center of frontier disturbances. R. G. T. 2 Preston's Journal does not lay much stress on Hogg's delay. Nor- ton's Journal, speaking of Hogg, says, " common soldiers were by him scarcely treated with humanity," and he seems to have regularly over- ruled and disobeyed Lewis. There was much rancor in camp, and Nor- ton writes of the Cherokee allies, "The conduct and concord that was kept up among the Indians might shame us for they were in general quite unanimous and brotherly." R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 83 also remained a day. Here the salt and provisions, which had been conveyed [63] on pack horses, were entirely ex- hausted. Two buffaloes, killed just above the spring, were also eaten while the army continued here; and their hides were hung upon a beech tree. After this their subsist- ence was procured exclusively by hunting. The army then resumed their march ; and in a few days after, it was overtaken by a runner with the intelli- gence that Capt. Hogg and his company were only a day's march in the rear. Col. Lewis again halted; and the day after he was overtaken by Hogg, he was like- wise overtaken by an express from Francis Fauquier 1 with orders for the army to return home ; and for the dis- banding of all the troops except Capt. Paul's regulars, 2 who were to return to Fort Dinwiddie. This was one of the first of Gov. Fauquier's official acts ; and it was far from endearing him to the inhabitants west of the Blue ridge. They had the utmost confidence in 'the courage and good conduct of Col. Lewis, and of the officers and men under his command they did not for an instant doubt the success of the expedition, and looked forward with much satisfaction, to their consequent ex- emption in a great degree, from future attacks from the Indians. It was not therefore without considerable re- gret, that they heard of their countermanding orders. Nor were they received by Lewis and his men with very different feelings. They had endured much during their march, from the inclemency of the weather ; more from the want of provisions They had borne these hard- ships without repining ; anticipating a chastisement of the Indians, and the deriving of an abundant supply of pro- visions from their conquered towns They had arrived within ten miles of the Ohio river, and could not witness the blasting of their expectations, without murmuring. A council of war was held disappointment and indigna- 1 This expedition was sent out under the auspices of Gov. Dinwid- die Fauquier did not become governor until 1758. No countermand- ing orders were sent. L. C. D. 2 Audley Paul was first lieutenant in Preston's company. L. C. D. 84 Withers's Chronicles tion were expressed in every feature. A majority of the officers were in favor of proceeding to the Ohio river, un- der the expectation that they might fall in with some of the enemy they marched to the river and encamped two nights on its banks. Discovering nothing of an enemy, they then turned to retrace their steps through pathless mountains, a distance of three hundred miles, in the midst of winter and without provisions. The reasons assigned by the friends of Gov. Fauquier, for the issuing of those orders were, that the force detailed by Gov. Dinwiddie, was not sufficient to render secure an establishment at the contemplated point near the In- dian towns on the Scioto within a few days journey of several thousand warriors on the Miami in the vicinity of the hostile post at Galliopolis and so remote from the settled part of Virginia, that they could not be furnished with assistance, and supplied with provisions and military stores, without incurring an expenditure, both of blood and money, beyond what the colony could spare, for the accomplishment of that object. Had Capt. Hogg with his company, been at the place of rendezvousat the appointed time, the countermanding or- ders of the governor [64] could not have reached the army, until it had penetrated the enemy's country. What might have been its fate, it is impossible to say the bravery of the troops their familiar acquaintance with the Indian mode of warfare their confidence in the officers and the experience of many of them, seemed to give every assur- ance of success While the unfortunate result of many subsequent expeditions of a similar nature, would induce the opinion that the governor's apprehensions were per- haps prudent and well founded. That the army would soon have had to encounter the enemy, there can be no doubt ; for although not an Indian had been seen, yet it seems probable from after circumstances, that it had been discovered and watched by them previous to its return. On the second night of their march homeward, while encamped at the Great falls, some of Hogg's men went out on the hills to hunt turkeys, and fell in with a party of' Indians, painted as for war. As soon as they saw that Of Border Warfare. 85 they were discovered, they fired, and two of Hogg's men were killed the fire was returned and a Shawanee warrior Nvas wounded and taken prisoner. The remaining Indians, yelling their war whoop, fled down the river. Many of the whites, thinking that so small a party of Indians would not have pursued the army alone, were of opinion that it was only an advanced scout of a large body of the enemy, who were following them : the wounded In- dian refused to give any information of their number or object. A council of war was convoked ; and much diver- sity of opinion prevailed at the board. It was proposed by Capt. Paul to cross the Ohio river, invade the towns on the Scioto, and burn them, or perish in the attempt. 1 The proposition was supported by Lieut. M'Nutt, but over- ruled; and the officers, deeming it right to act in con- formity with the governor's orders, determined on pur- suing their way home. Orders were then given that no more guns should be fired, and no fires kindled in camp, as their safe return depended very much on silence and secrecy. An obedience to this order, produced a very consider- able degree of suffering, as well from extreme cold as from hunger. The pack horses, which were no longer service- able (having no provisions to transport) and some of which had given out for want of provender, were killed and eaten. When the army arrived at the Burning spring, the buffalo hides, which had been left there on their way down, were cut into tuggs, or long thongs, and eaten by the troops, after having been exposed to the heat produced by the flame from the spring. Hence they called it Tugg river a name by which it is still known. After this the army subsisted for a while on beachnuts ; but a deep snow 1 Withers, deriving his information from Taylor's sketches, was mis- led as to any intention of establishing a fort at the month of the Kanawha ; and also as to Paul's, or any one else's proposition to cross the Ohio, and invade the Shawnee towns. The only aim was, to reach the Upper Shawnee town. L. C. D. Comment by R. G. T. " Upper Shawnee town " was an Indian vil- lage at the mouth of Old Town Creek, emptying into the Ohio from the north, 39 miles above the mouth of the Great Kanawha. 86 Withers's Chronicles falling these could no longer be obtained, and the re- strictions were removed. About thirty men then detached themselves from the main body, to hunt their way home. Several of them were known to have perished from cold and hunger others were lost and never afterwards [65] heard of; as they had separated into small parties, the more certainly to find game on which to live. The main body of the army was conducted home by Col. Lewis, after much suf- fering the strings of their mocasons, the belts of their hunting shirts, and the flaps of their shot pouches, hav- ing been all the food which they had eaten for some days. 1 A journal of this campaign was kept by Lieut. M'Nutt, a gentleman of liberal education and fine mind. On his re- turn to Williamsburg he presented it to Governor Fauquier by whom it was deposited in the executive archives. In this journal Col. Lewis was censured for not having pro- ceeded directly to the Scioto towns ; and for imposing on the army the restrictions, as to fire and shooting, which have been mentioned. This produced an altercation be- tween Lewis and M'Nutt, which was terminated by a per- sonal encounter. 2 During the continuance of this war, many depreda- tions were committed by hostile Indians, along the whole extent of the Virginia frontier. Individuals, leaving the forts on any occasion, scarcely ever returned; but were, almost always, intercepted by Indians, who were constantly prowling along the border settlements, for purposes of 1 If such a journal ever existed, it passed into the hands of Gov. Dinwiddie, or possibly to Gov. Fauquier ; but no reference to it is found among the Dinwiddie Papers, as published by the Virginia Historical So- ciety ; nor in the Calendar of State Papers, published by the State of Vir- ginia. It is to be remarked, however, that few of the records of that period have been preserved by that State. L. C. D. s Shortly after, M'Nutt was appointed governor of Nova Scotia, where he remained until the commencement of the American revolution. In this, contest he adhered to the cause of liberty, and joined his country- men in arms under Gen. Gates at Saratoga. He was afterwards known as a meritorious officer in the brigade of Baron de Kalb, in the south he died in 1811, and was buried in the Falling Spring church yard, in the forks of James river. Of Border Warfare. 87 rapine and murder. The particulars of occurrences of this kind, and indeed of many of a more important character, no longer exist in the memory of man they died with them who were contemporaneous with the happening of them. 1 On one occasion however, such was the extent of savage duplicity, and such, and so full of horror, the catastrophe resulting from misplaced confidence, that the events which marked it, still live in the recollection of the descendants of some of those, who suffered on the theatre of treachery and blood. On the south fork of the South Branch of Potomac, in, what is now, the county of Pendleton, was the fort of Capt. Sivert. 2 In this fort, the inhabitants of what was 1 Preston's MS. Register of the persons of Augusta county, Va., killed, wounded, captured by the Indians, and of those who escaped, from 1754 to May, 1758, is in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library. It is to be regretted that Col. Preston, whose opportunities were so good, did not continue the Register till the end of the Indian wars. It is a most valuable document as far as it goes, and supplies many dates and facts hitherto involved in doubt and obscurity. L. C. D. J Seybert's Fort was situated on the South Fork, twelve miles north- east of Franklin, in Pendleton County. At the time of this invasion, there was a fort located on the South Branch, garrisoned by Capt. James Dunlap and a company of rangers from Augusta county. Pres- ton's Register states, that on the 27th of April, 1758, the fort at which Capt. Dunlap was stationed, was attacked and captured, the captain and twenty-two others killed ; and, the next day, the same party, no doubt, attacked Seybert's Fort, killing Capt. Seybert and sixteen others, while twenty-four others were missing. Washington, at the time, placed the number as "about sixty persons killed and missing." A gazette account, published at Williamsburg, May 5th ensuing, says : " The Indians lately took and burnt two forts, where were stationed one of our ranging companies, forty of whom were killed and scalped, and Lieut. Dunlap and nineteen missing." Kercheval's History of the Valley gives some further particulars : That Seybert's Fort was taken by surprise ; that ten of the thirty persons occupying it, were bound, taken outside ; the others were placed on a log and tomahawked. James Dyer, aJad of fourteen, was spared, taken first to Logstown, and then to Chillicothe, and retained a year and ten months, when as one of an Indian party he visited Fort Pitt, and man- aged to evade his associates while there, and finally reached the settle- ments in Pennsylvania, and two years later returned to the South Fork. It is added by the same historian, as another tradition, that after the fort had been invested two days, and two of the Indians had been killed, the garrison agreed to surrender on condition of their lives being spared, 88 Withers's Chronicles then called the " Upper Tract," all sought shelter from the tempest of savage ferocity ; and at the time the Indians appeared before [66] it, there were contained within its walls between thirty and forty persons of both sexes and of different ages. Among them was Mr. Dyer, (the father of Col. Dyer now of Pendleton) and his family. On the morning of the fatal day, Col. Dyer and his sister left the fort for the accomplishment of some object, and although no Indians had been seen there for some time, yet did they not proceed far, before they came in view of a party of forty or fifty Shawanees, going directly towards the fort. Alarmed for their own safety, as well as for the safety of their friends, the brother and sister endeavored by a hasty flight to reach the gate and gain admittance into the garrison ; but before they could effect this, they were overtaken and made captives. The Indians rushed immediately to the fort and com- menced a furious assault on it. Capt. Sivert prevailed, (not without much opposition,) on the besieged, to forbear firing 'till he should endeavor to negotiate with, and buy off the enemy. With this view, and under the protection of a flag he went out, and soon succeeded in making the wished for arrangement. When he returned, the gates were thrown open, and the enemy admitted. No sooner had the money and other articles, stipulated which was solemnly promised. That when the gate was opened, the Indians rushed in with demoniac yells, the whites fled, but were re- taken, except one person ; the massacre then took place, and ten were carried off into captivity. Still another tradition preserved by Kercheval, says the noted Del- aware chief, Killbuck, led the Indians. Seybert's son, a lad of fifteen, exhibited great bravery in the defense of the fort. Killbuck called out to Capt. Seybert, in English, to surrender, and their lives should be spared ; when young Seybert at this instant, aimed his loaded gun at the chief, and the father seized it, and took it from him, saying they could not successfully defend the place, and to save their lives should surrender, confiding in Killbuck's assurances. Capt. Seybert was among the first of those sacrificed. Young Seybert was among the prisoners, and told the chief how near he came to killing him. " You young rascal," laughingly replied Killbuck, " if you had killed me, you would have saved the fort, for had I fallen, my warriors would have immedi- ately fled, and given up the siege in despair." L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 89 to be given, been handed over to the Indians, than a most bloody tragedy was begun to be acted. Arranging the inmates of the fort, in two rows, with a space of about ten feet between them, two Indians were selected ; who taking each his station at the head of a row, with their tomahawks most cruelly murdered almost every white person in the fort ; some few, whom caprice or some other cause, induced them to spare, were carried into captivity, such articles as could be well carried away were taken off' by the Indians ; the remainder was consumed, with the fort, by fire. The course pursued by Capt. Sivert, has been supposed to have been dictated by timidity and an ill founded ap- prehension of danger from the attack. It is certain that strong opposition was made to it by many; and it has been said that his own sou raised his rifle to shoot him, when he ordered the gates to be thrown open ; and was only prevented from executing his purpose, by the inter ference of some near to him. Capt. Sivert was also sup- ported by many, in the plan which he proposed to rid the fort of its assailants : it was known to be weak, and incapable of withstanding a vigorous onset; and [67] its garrison was illy supplied with the munitions of war. Experience might have taught them, however, the futility of any measure of security, founded in a reliance on In- dian faith, in time of hostility; and in deep and bitter anguish, they were made to feel its realization in the pres- ent instance. In the summer of 1761, about sixty Shawanee war- riors penetrated the settlements on James river. To avoid the fort at the mouth of Looney's creek, on this river, they passed through Bowen's gap in Purgatory mount- ain, in the night; and ascending Purgatory creek, killed Thomas Perry, Joseph Dennis and his child and made prisoner his wife, Hannah Dennis. They then proceeded to the house of Robert Renix, where they captured Mrs. Renix, (a daughter of Sampson Archer) and her five chil- dren, William, Robert, Thomas, Joshua and Betsy Mr. Renix not being at home. They then went to the house of Thomas Smith, where Renix was ; and shot and scalped 90 Withers's Chronicles him and Smith ; and took with them, Mrs. Smith and Sally Jew, a white servant girl. 1 William and Audley Maxwell, and George Matthews, (afterwards governor of Georgia,) were then going to Smith's house; and hearing the report of the guns, sup- posed that there was a shooting match. But when they rode to the front of the house and saw the dead bodies of Smith and Renix lying in the yard, they discovered their mistake; and contemplating for a moment the awful spec- tacle, wheeled to ride back. At this instant several guns were fired at them ; fortunately without doing any execu- tion, except the cutting off the club of Mr. Matthews' cue. The door of the house was then suddenly opened ; the Indians rushed out and raising the war cry, several of them fired Audley Maxwell was slightly wounded in the arm. It appeared afterwards, that the Indians had seen Matthews and the Maxwells coming; and that some of them had crowded into the house, while the others with the prisoners went to the north side of it, and concealed themselves behind some fallen timber. Mrs. Renix, after she was restored to her friends in 1766, stated that she was sitting tied, in the midst of four Indians, who laying their guns on a log, took deliberate aim at Matthews ; the others firing at the Maxwells The sudden wheeling of their horses no doubt saved the lives of all three. The Indians then divided, and twenty of them taking the [68] prisoners, the plunder and some horses which they had stolen, set off by the way of Jackson's river, for 1 The name is Renick. Robert Renick, who was killed on the occa- sion referred to, was a man of character and influence in his day. His name appears on Capt. John Smith's company roll of Augusta militia as early as 1742 ; and four years later, he was lieutenant of a mounted company of Augusta militia. Instead of 1761, the captivity of the Ren- ick family occurred July 25, 1757, as shown by the Preston Register, which states that Renick and another were killed on that day Mrs. Renick and seven children, and a Mrs. Dennis, captured ; and the same day, at Craig's Creek, one man was killed and two wounded. The Renick traditions state that Mrs. Renick had only five children when taken ; and one born after reaching the Indian towns ; and corrects some other statements not properly related in Withers's narrative of the affair. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 91 the Ohio ; the remainder started towards Cedar creek, with the ostensible view of committing farther depreda- tions. But Matthews and the Maxwells had sounded the alarm, and the whole settlement were soon collected at Paul's stockade fort, at the Big spring near to Springfield. Here the women and children were left to be defended by Audley Maxwell and five other men ; while the others, forming a party of twenty-two, with George Matthews at their head, set out in quest of the enemy. The Indians were soon overtaken, and after a severe engagement, were forced to give ground. Matthews and his party followed in pursuit, as far as Purgatory creek ; but the night being very dark in consequence of a con- tinued rain, the fugitives effected an escape ; and overtak- ing their comrades with the prisoners and plunder, on the next evening, at the forks of the James and Cow- pasture rivers, proceeded to Ohio without further moles- tation. When Matthews and his men, on the morning suc- ceeding the engagement, returned to the field of battle, they found nine Indians dead ; whom they buried on the spot. Benjamin Smith, Thomas Maury and the father of Sally Jew, were the only persons of Matthews' party, who were killed these, together with those who had been murdered on the preceding day, were buried near the fork of a branch, in (what is now) the meadow of Thomas Cross sr. In Boquet's treaty with the Ohio Indians, it was stip- ulated that the whites detained by them in captivity were to be brought in and redeemed. In compliance with this stipulation, Mrs. Renix was brought to Staunton in 1767 and ransomed, together with two* of her sons, William, the late Col. Renix of Greenbrier, and Robert, also of Greenbrier Betsy, her daughter, had died on the Miami. Thomas returned in 1783, but soon after removed and set- tled, on the Scioto, near Chilicothe. Joshua never came back ; he took an Indian wife and became a Chief among the Miamies he amassed a considerable fortune and died near Detroit in 1810. Hannah Dennis was separated from the other captives, 92 Withers' s Chronicles and allotted to live at the Chilicothe towns. 1 She learned their language ; painted herself as they do ; and in many respects conformed to their manners and customs. She was attentive to sick persons and was highly esteemed by the Indians, as [69] one well skilled in the art of curing diseases. Finding them very superstitious and believers in necromancy ; she professed witchcraft, and affected to be a prophetess. In this manner she conducted herself, 'till she became so great a favorite with them, that they gave her full liberty and honored her as a queen. Not- withstanding this, Mrs. Dennis was always determined to effect her escape, when a favorable opportunity should occur; and having remained so long with them, appar- ently well satisfied, they ceased to entertain any suspicions of such a design. In June 1763, she left the Chilicothe towns, ostensibly to procure herbs for medicinal purposes, (as she had be- fore frequently done,) but really to attempt an escape. As she. did not return that night, her intention became sus- pected ; and in the morning, some warriors were sent in pursuit of her. In order to leave as little trail as possible, she had crossed the Scioto river three times, and was just getting over the fourth time 40 miles below the towns, when she was discovered by her pursuers. They fired at her across the river without effect; but in endeavoring to make a rapid flight, she had one of her feet severely cut by a sharp stone. The Indians then rushed across the river to overtake and catch her, but she eluded them by crawling into the hollow limb, of a large fallen sycamore. They searched around for her some time, frequently stepping on the log which concealed her; and encamped near it that night. On the next day they went on to the Ohio river, but find- ing no trace of her, they returned home. Mrs. Dennis remained at that place three days, doc- 1 In 1763-65, the great Shawnee village just below the mouth of th Scioto (site of Alexandria, O.), was destroyed by floods. Some of the tribesmen rebuilt their town on a higher bottom just above the mouth (site of Portsmouth, O.), while others ascended the Scioto and built successively Old and New Chillicothe. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 93 toring her wound, and then set off for home. She crossed the Ohio river, at the mouth of Great Kenhawa, on a log of driftwood, travelling only during the night, for fear of discovery She subsisted on roots, herbs, green grapes, wild cherries and river muscles and entirely exhausted by fatigue and hunger, sat down by the side of Green- brier river, with no expectation of ever proceeding farther. In this situation she was found by Thomas Athol and three others from Clendennin's settlement, which she had passed without knowing it. She had been then upwards of twenty days on her disconsolate journey, alone, on foot but 'till then, cheered with the hope of again being with her friends. She was taken back to Clendennin's, where they kindly [70] ministered to her, 'till she became so far invig- orated, as to travel on horseback with an escort, to Fort Young on Jackson's river; from whence she was carried home to her relations. In the course of a few days after Hannah Dennis had gone from Clendennins, a party of about sixty warriors came to the settlement on Muddy creek, in the county of Greeubrier. That region of country then contained no inhabitants, but those on Muddy creek, and in the Levels ; and these are believed to have consisted of at least one hundred souls. The Indians came apparently as friends, and the French war having been terminated by the treaty of the preceding spring, the whites did not for an in- stant doubt their sincerity. They were entertained in small parties at different houses, and every civility and act of kindness, which the new settlers could proffer, were ex- tended to them. In a moment of the most perfect confi- dence in the innocense of their intentions, the Indians rose on them and tomahawked and scalped all, save a few women and children of whom they made prisoners. After the perpetration of this most barbarous and bloody outrage, the Indians (excepting some few who took charge of the prisoners) proceeded to the settlement in the Levels. Here, as at Muddy creek, they disguised their horrid purpose, and wearing the mask of friendship, 94 Wit hers' s Chronicles were kindly received at the house of Mr. Clendennin.^ This gentleman had just returned from a successful hunt, and brought home three fine elks these and the novelty of being with friendly Indians, soon drew the whole set- tlement to his house. Here too the Indians were well entertained and feasted on the fruit of Clendetmin's hunt, and every other article of provision which was there, and could minister to their gratification. An old woman, who was of the party, having a very sore leg and having un- derstood that Indians could perform a cure of any ulcer, shewed it to one near her; and asked if he could heal it The inhuman monster raised his tomahawk and buried it in her head. This seemed to be the signal of a general massacre and promptly was it obeyed nearly every man of the settlement was killed and the women and children taken captive. While this tragedy was acting, a negro woman, who was [71] endeavoring to escape, was followed by her cry- ing child. To save it from savage butchery, she turned round and murdered it herself. Mrs. Clendennin, driven to despair by the cruel and unprovoked murder of her husband and friends, and the spoilation and destruction of all their property, boldly charged the Indians with perfidy and treachery ; and al- leged that cowards only could act with such duplicity. The bloody scalp of her husband was thrown in her face the tomahawk was raised over her head ; but she did not cease to revile them. In going over Keeny's knot on the next day, the prisoners being in the centre, and the Indians in the front and rear, she gave her infant child to one of the women to hold for a while. She then stepped into the thicket unperceived, and made her escape. The crying of the infant soon lead to a discovery of her flight one of the Indians observed that he could " bring the cow to her calf," and taking the child by the heels, beat out its brains against a tree. Mrs. Clendennin returned that night to her home, a distance of ten miles; and covering the body of her hus- Where Ballard Smith now resides. Of Border Warfare. 95 baud with rails and trash, retired' into an adjoining corn field, lest she might be pursued and again taken prisoner. While in the corn field, her mind was much agitated by contending emotions ; and the prospect of effecting an es- cape to the settlements, seemed to her dreary and hopeless. In a moment of despondency, she thought she beheld a man, with the aspect of a murderer, standing near her ; and she became overwhelmed with fear. It was but the creature of a sickly and terrified imagination ; and when her mind regained its proper tone, she resumed her flight and reached the settlement in safety. 1 These melancholy events occurring so immediately after the escape of Hannah Dennis ; and the unwillingness of the Indians that she should be separated from them, has induced the supposition that the party committing those dreadful outrages were in pursuit of her. If such were the fact, dearly were others made to pay the penalty of her deliverance. This and other incidents, similar in their result, satis- fied the whites that although the war had been terminated on the part of the French ; yet it was likely to be contin- ued with all its horrors, by their savage allies. This was then, and has since been, attributed to the smothered hos- tility of the French in [72] Canada and on the Ohio river; and to the influence which they had acquired over the Indians. This may have had its bearing on the event; but from the known jealousy entertained by the Indians, of the English Colonists ; their apprehensions that they would be dispossessed of the country, which they then held (England claiming jurisdiction over it by virtue of the treaty of Paris ;) and their dissatisfaction at the terms on which France had negotiated a peace, were in themselves sufficient to induce hostilities on the part of the Indians. Charity would incline to the belief that the continuance of the war was rightly attributable to these causes the other reason assigned for it, supposing the existence of a 1 Further particulars of this captivity are in Royall's Sketches of His- tory, Life, and Manners in U. S. (New Haven, 1826), pp. 60-66. R. G. T. 96 Withers' s Chronicles depravity, so deep and damning, as almost to stagger cre- dulity itself. In October, 1764, about fifty Delaware and Mingo warriors ascended the Great Sandy and came over on New river, where they separated ; and forming two parties, di- rected their steps toward different settlements one party going toward Roanoke and Catawba the other in the di- rection of Jackson's river. They had not long passed, when their trail was discovered by three men, (Swope, Pack and Pitman) who were trapping on New river. These men followed the trail till they came to where the Indian party had divided; and judging from the routes which had been taken, that their object was to visit the Roanoke and Jackson's river settlements, they determined on apprizing the inhabitants of their danger. Swope and Pack set out for Roanoke and Pitman for Jackson's river. But before they could accomplish their object, the Indians had reached the settlements on the latter river, and on Catawba. The Party which came to Jackson's river, travelled down Dunlap's creek and crossed James river, above Fort Young, in the night and unnoticed; and going down this river to William Carpenter's, where was a stockade fort under the care of a Mr. Brown, they met Carpenter just above his house and killed him. They immediately pro- ceeded to the house, and made prisoners of a son of Mr. Carpenter, two sons of Mr. Brown 1 [73] (all small children) 1 Carpenter's son (since Doctor Carpenter of Nicholas) came home about fifteen years afterwards Brown's youngest son, (the late Col. Samuel Brown of Greenbrier) was brought home in 1769 the elder son never returned. He took an Indian wife, became wealthy and lived at Brown's town in Michigan. He acted a conspicuous part in the late war and died in 1815. Comment by L. C. D. Adam Brown, who was captured as mentioned in the above text and note, was thought by his last surviving son, Adam Brown, Jr., whom I visited in Kansas in 1868, to have been about six years old when taken ; and he died, he thought, about 1817, at about seventy- five years of age. But these dates, and his probable age, do not agree ; he was either older when taken, or not so old at his death. The mother was killed when the sons were captured, and the father and some others of the family escaped. The late William Walker, an educated Wyandott, Of Border Warfare. 97 and one woman the others belonging to the house, were in the field at work. The Indians then dispoiled the house and taking off some horses, commenced a precipitate re- treat fearing discovery and pursuit. "When Carpenter was shot, the report of the gun was heard by those at work in the field; and Brown carried the alarm to Fort Young. In consequence of the weak- ness of this fort, a messenger was despatched to Fort Dinwiddie, with the intelligence. Capt. Paul (who still commanded there,) immediately commenced a pursuit with twenty of his men ; and passing out at the head of Dun- lap's creek, descended Indian creek and New river to Piney creek ; without making any discovery of the enemy. On Indian creek they met Pitman, who had been running all the day and night before, to apprise the garrison at Fort Young of the approach of the Indians. Pitman joined in pursuit of the party who had killed Carpenter ; but they, apprehending that they would be followed, had escaped to Ohio, by the way of Greenbrier and Kenhawa rivers. 1 As Capt. Paul and his men were returning, they acci- dently met with the other party of Indians, who had been and at one time territorial governor of Kansas, stated to me, that the Wyandotts never made chiefs of white captives, but that they often at- tained, by their merits, considerable consequence. It is, however, certain that Abraham Kuhn, a white prisoner, grew up among the Wyandotts, and, according to Heckewelder, became a war chief among them, and signed the treaty at Big Beaver in 1785 ; and Adam Brown himself signed the treaties of 1805 and 1808, and doubtless would have signed later ones had he not sided with the British Wyandotts, and retired to Canada, near Maiden, where he died. 1 It is highly probable that this foray took place in 1763. During this year, as features of the Pontiac uprising, bloody forays were made on the more advanced settlements on Jackson, Greenbrier, and Calf Pas- ture rivers, and several severe contests ensued between whites and Indians. Captains Moffett and Phillips, with sixty rangers, were am- buscaded with the loss of fifteen men. Col. Charles Lewis pursued the savages with 150 volunteers raised in a single night, and on October 3rd surprised them at the head of the South Fork of the Potomac, killing twenty-one, with no white losses. The spoils of this victory, beside the " five horses with all their trappings," sold for 250. This was the most notable of the several skirmishes which took place on the Virginia fron- tier, that year. R. G. T. 7 98 Wit hers' s Chronicles to Catawba, and committed some depredations and murders there. They were discovered, about midnight, encamped on the north bank of New river, opposite an island at the mouth of Indian creek. Excepting some few who were watching three prisoners, (whom they had taken on Ca- tawba, and who were sitting in the midst of them,) they were lying around a small fire, wrapped in skins and blan- kets. Paul's men not knowing that there were captives among them, fired in the midst, killed three Indians, and wounded several others, one of whom drowned himself to preserve his scalp the rest of the party fled hastily down the river and escaped. In an instant after the firing, Capt. Paul and his men rushed forward to secure the wounded and prevent further escapes. One of the foremost of his party seeing, as he supposed, a squaw sitting composedly awaiting the result, raised his tomahawk and just as it was descending, Capt. Paul threw himself between the assailant and his victim ; and receiving the blow on his arm, exclaimed, " It is a shame to hurt a woman, even a squaw." Recognising the voice of Paul, the woman named him. She was Mrs. Catharine Gunn, an English lady, who had come to the country some years before; and who, previously to her marriage, had lived in the family of Capt. Paul's father-in- law, where she became acquainted with that gentleman She had been taken captive by the Indians, on the Cataw- ba, a few days before, when her husband and two only chil- dren were killed by them. When questioned why she had not cried out, or otherwise made known that she was a white prisoner, she replied, " I had as soon be killed as not my husband is murdered my children are slain my parents are dead. I have not a relation in America every thing dear to me here is gone I have no wishes no hopes no fears 1 would not have risen to my feet to save my life." [74] When Capt. Paul came on the enemy's camp, he silently posted his men in an advantageous situation for doing execution, and made arrangements for a simultane- ous fire. To render this the more deadly and efficient, they dropped on one knee, and were preparing to take de- Of Border Warfare. 99 liberate aim, when one of them (John M'Collum) called to his comrades, " Pull steady and send them all to hell." This ill timed expression of anxious caution, gave the enemy a moment's warning of their danger ; and is the reason why greater execution was not done. The Indians had left all their guns, blankets and plunder these together with the three white captives, were taken by Capt. Paul to Fort Dinwiddie. 1 1 Perhaps this affair is that related by Capt. William Christian, in a letter dated Roanoke, Oct. 19th, 1763, as published in the gazettes of that day there are, at least, some suggestive similarities: "Being joined by Capt. Hickenbotham, with twenty-five of the Amherst militia, we marched on Tuesday last, to Winston's Meadows, where our scouts informed us, that they had discovered a party of Indians about three miles off. Night coming on, prevented our meeting them ; and next day, being rainy, made it difficult to follow their tracks. As they were on their return, Capt. Hickenbotham marched to join Capt. Ingles down New River. I, with nineteen men and my ensign, took a different route in quest of them. We marched next day on their tracks until two hours before sunset, when we heard some guns, and soon afterwards discovered three large fires, which appeared to be on the bank of Turkey Creek, where it empties into New river. Upon this we immediately ad- vanced, and found they were on an island. Being within gun-shot, we fired on them, and loading again, forded the creek. The Indians, after killing Jacob Kimberlain, a prisoner they had with them, made but a slight resistence, and ran off. We found one Indian killed on the spot, and, at a little distance, four blankets shot through, and very bloody. We took all their bundles, four guns, eight tomahawks, and two mares. They had several other horses, which being frightened by the firing, ran off and were lost. The party consisted of upwards of twenty In- dians. By the tracks of blood, we imagined several of them were wounded." This affair occurred Oct. 12th. L. C. D. 100 Withers' s Chronicles [75J CHAPTER IV. Daring the continuance of the French war, and of that with the Indians which immediately succeeded it, the entire frontier from New York to Georgia was exposed to the merciless fury of the savages, ' n no instance were the measures of defence adopted by the different colonies, ade- quate to their object. From some unaccountable fatuity in those who had the direction of this matter, a defensive war, which alone could have checked aggression and pre- vented the effusion of blood, was delayed 'till the whole population, of the country west of the Blue ridge, had re- tired east of those mountains; or were cooped up in forts. The chief means of defence employed, were the militia of the adjoining counties, and the establishment of a line of forts and block-houses, dispersed along a con- siderable extent of country, and occupied by detachments of British colonial troops, or by militiamen. All these were utterly incompetent to effect security ; partly from the circumstances of the case, and somewhat from the en- tire want of discipline, and the absence of that subordina- tion which is absolutely necessary to render an army effective. So great and apparent were the insubordination and remissness of duty, on the part of the various garrisons, that Gen. Washington, declared them " utterly inefficient and useless ; " and the inhabitants themselves, could place no reliance whatever on them, for protection. In a par- ticular instance, such were the inattention and carelessness of the garrison that several children playing under the walls of the fort, were run down and caught by the In- dians, who were not discovered 'till they arrived at the very gate. 1 In Virginia the error of confiding on the militia, soon 1 At Dickenson's fort in 1755. Of Border Warfare. 101 became apparent. 1 Upen the earnest remonstrance and en- treaty of General Washington, the colonial legislature substituted a force of regulars, 2 [76] which at once effected the partial security of her frontier, and gave confidence to the inhabitants. In Pennsylvania, from the pacific disposition of her rulers and their abhorrence of war of any kind, her border settlements suffered most severely. The whole extent of her frontier was desolated by the Indians, and irruptions were frequently made by them into the interior. The es- tablishments, which had been made in the Conococheague valley, were altogether broken up and scenes of the great- est barbarity, on one side, and of the utmost suffering on the other, were constantly exhibiting. A few instances of this suffering and of that barbarity, may not be im- properly adduced here. They will serve to illustrate the condition of those who were within reach of the savage enemy ; and perhaps, to palliate the enormities practiced on the Christian Indians. In the fall of 1754 about forty or fifty Indians entered that province, and dividing themselves into two parties, sought the unprotected settlements, for purposes of mur- der and devastation : the smaller party went about the forks of Delaware the other directing their steps along the Susquehanua. On the 2nd of October, twelve of the former appeared before the house of Peter Williamson, (a Scotchman, with no family but his wife,) who had made considerable improvement near the Delaware river. Mrs. Williamson being from home, he sat up later than usual, and about 11 o'clock was astounded at the savage war whoop, resounding from various directions, near to the house. Going to the window, he perceived several Indians standing in the yard, one of whom, in broken English, promised that if he would come out and surrender he 1 When the Indians were most troublesome, and threatening even the destruction of Winchester, Lord Fairfax who was commandant of the militia of Frederick and Hampshire, ordered them out. Three days active exertion on his part, brought only 20 in the field. 2 Rather rangers, who seem to have been enlisted to serve a year, and were re-engaged when necessary. L. C. D. 102 Withers' s Chronicles should not be killed; threatening at the same time that if he did not, they would burn him up in his house. Un- able to offer an effectual resistance, and preferring the chance of safety by surrendering, to the certainty of a horrid death if he attempted an opposition, he yielded himself up a prisoner. So soon as he was in their power they plundered the house of such articles as they could conveniently take with them, and set fire to it, and to the barn, in which was a quantity of wheat, some horses and other cattle. After inflicting some severe tortures on Williamson, and forcing him to carry a heavy weight of the plunder, which they had taken from him, they went to a neighboring house, occupied by Jacob Snyder, his wife, five children and a servant. The piercing cries, and [77] agonizing shrieks of these poor creatures, made no impression on the sav- ages. The father, mother, and children were tomahawked and scalped, and their bodies consumed by fire together with the house. The servant was spared that he might aid in carrying their plunder; but manifesting deep dis- tress at his situation as prisoner, he was tomahawked be- fore they proceeded far. Before they could accomplish farther mischief a fall of snow, making them apprehensive that they would be pursued by the united force of the settlement, induced them to return to Alamingo taking Williamson with them. On their way back, they met with the party of Indians, which had separated from them, as they ap- proached the settlements. These had been lower down on the Susquehanna, and had succeeded in making greater havoc, and committing more depredations, than it had fallen to the lot of those who had taken Williamson, to commit. They had with them three prisoners and twenty scalps. According to the account of their transactions as detailed by the prisoners, they had on one day killed and scalped John Lewis, his wife and three children, and in a few days after had murdered, with almost every circum- stance of cruelty, Jacob Miller, his wife and six children, and George Folke, his wife and nine children, cutting up Of Border Warfare. 103 the bodies of the latter family and giving them piece-meal to the hogs in the pen. Wherever they had been, de- struction marked their course. In every instance the houses, barns and grain stacks were consumed by fire ; and the stock killed. The three prisoners who had been brought in by the last party, endeavored soon after to effect an escape ; but their ignorance of the country, and the persevering ac- tivity and vigilance of the Indians, prevented the accom- plishment of their attempt. They were overtaken, and brought back ; and then commenced a series of cruelties, tortures and death, sufficient to shock the sensibilities of the most obdurate heart, if unaccustomed to the perpetra- tion of such enormities. Two of them were tied to trees, around which large fires were kindled, and they suffered to remain for some time, in the gradual but horrible state of being scorched to death. After the Indians had enjoyed awhile the writhings of agony and the tears of anguish, which were drawn from these suffering victims, one, stepping within the circle, ripped open their bodies and threw their bowels into the flames. Others, to emulate [78] this most shock- ing deed, approached, and with knives, burning sticks, and heated irons, continued to lacerate, pierce and tear the flesh from their breasts, arms and legs, 'till death closed the scene of horrors and rendered its victims in- sensible to its pains. The third was reserved a few hours, that he might be sacrificed under circumstances of peculiar enormity. A hole being dug in the ground of a depth sufficient to en- able him to stand upright, with his head only exposed, his arms were pinioned to his body, he placed in it, and the loose earth thrown in and rammed closely around him. He was then scalped and permitted to remain in that sit- uation for several hours. A fire was next kindled near his head. In vain did the poor suffering victim of hellish barbarity exclaim, that his brains were boiling in his head ; and entreat the mercy of instant death. Deaf to his cries, and inexorable to his entreaties, they continued 104 Withers' s Chronicles the fire 'till his eye balls burst and gushed from their sock- ets, and death put a period to his sufferings. Of all these horrid spectacles, Williamson was an un- willing spectator ; and supposing that he was reserved for some still more cruel and barbarous fate, determined on escaping. This he was soon enabled to do ; and returned to the settlements. 1 The frequent infliction of such enormities as these upon the helpless and unoffending women and children, as well as upon those who were more able to resist and better qualified to endure them ; together with the desola- tion of herds, the devastation of crops, and the conflagration of houses which invariably characterized those incursions, engendered a general feeling of resentment, that sought in some instances, to wreak itself on those who were guiltless of any participation in those bloody deeds. That vindictive spirit led to the perpetration of offences against humanity, not less atrocious than those which they were intended to requite ; and which obliterated every discrim- inative feature between the perpetrators of them, and their savage enemies. The Canestoga Indians, to the number of forty, lived in a village, in the vicinity of Lancaster ; they were in amity with the whites, and had been in peace and quiet for a considerable length of time. An association of men, denominated the " Paxton boys," broke into their little town and murdered all who were found at home four- teen men, women and children fell a prey to the savage brutality of those sons of civilization [79]. The safety of the others was sought to be effected, by confining them in the jail at Lancaster. It was in vain. The walls of a prison could afford no protection, from the relentless fury of these exasperated men. The jail doors were broken 1 Peter Williamson had singular adventures. When a boy he was kidnapped at Aberdeen, and sent to America, for which he afterwards recovered damages. It is said that he passed a considerable period among the Cherokees. He instituted the first penny post at Edinburgh, for which, when the government assumed it, he received a pension. His Memoirs, and French and Indian Cruelty xamplified, were works of interest. He died in Edinburgh in 1 799. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 105 open, and its wretched inmates cruelly murdered. And, as if their deaths could not satiate their infuriate murder- ers, their bodies were brutally mangled, the hands and feet lopped off, and scalps torn from the bleeding heads of innocent infants. A similar fate impended the Christian Indians of Nequetank and Nam ; and was only averted, by the timely interposition of the government of Pennsylvania. They were removed to Philadelphia, where they remained from November 1763 'till after the close of the war in December 1764 ; during which time the Paxton boys twice assembled in the neighborhood of the city, for the purpose of assault- ing tne barracks and murdering the Indians, but were deterred by the military preparations made to oppose them; and ultimately, but reluctantly, desisted. Had the feelings excited in the minds of these mis- guided men, by the cruelties of the Indians, been properly directed, it would have produced a quite different result. If, instead of avenging the outrages of others, upon those who were no otherwise guilty than in the complexion of their skin, they had directed their exertions to the repressing of invasion, and the punishment of its authors, much good might have been achieved ; and they, instead of being stigmatized as murderers of the innocent, would have been hailed as benefactors of the border settlements. As- sociations of this kind were formed in that province, and contributed no little to lessen the frequency of Indian massacres, and to prevent the effusion of blood, and the destruction of property. At the time the Paxton boys were meditating and endeavoring to effect the destruction of the peaceable Christian Indians, another company, formed by voluntary league, was actively engaged in checking the intrusions, of those who were enemies, and in punish- ing their aggressions. A company of riflemen, called the Black boys (from the fact of their painting themselves red and black, after the Indian fashion,) under the command of Capt. James Smith, contributed to preserve the Cono- cocheague valley, during the years 1763 and 1764, from the devastation [80] which had overspread it early after the commencement of Braddock's war. 106 Withers' & Chronicles Capt. Smith had been captured by the Indians in the spring of 1755, and remained with them until the spring of 1759, when he left them at Montreal, and after some time arrived at home in Pennsylvania. He was in Fort du Quesne, when the Indians and French went out to surprise Gen. Braddock; and witnessed the burnings and other dread- ful tortures inflicted upon those who were so unfortunate as to have been made prisoners ; and the orgies and de- moniacal revels with which the victory was celebrated. He was subsequently adopted into a family, by which he was kindly treated; and became well acquainted with their manner of warfare, and the various arts practised by them, to ensure success in their predatory incursions, and after- wards to elude pursuit. He became satisfied from ob- servation, that to combat Indians successfully, they must be encountered in their own way ; and he accordingly instructed his men in the Indian mode of warfare, dressed them after the Indian fashion, and fought after the Indian manner.- 1 An instance of the good effect resulting from prac- ticing the arts and stratagems of the Indians, occurred during this war; and to its success the garrison of Fort Pitt were indebted for their preservation. After the ratification of the treaty of peace which had been concluded between England and France, war con- 1 Col. James Smith was born in Franklin county, Pa., in 1737 ; was captured by Indians in 1755, remaining in captivity until his escape in 1759. He served as ensign in 1763, and lieutenant under Bouquet in 1764; he was a leader, for several years, of the Black Boys a sort of regulators of the traders who, the Black Boys thought, supplied the In- dians with the munitions of war. As the troubles with the mother country began, Smith was selected for frontier service, and held civil and military positions captain in the Pennsylvania line ; then in 1777 as major under Washington ; in 1778, he was promoted to the rank of colonel of militia, and led an expedition against the Indian town on French Creek. In 1788, he removed to Kentucky ; served in the early Kentucky conventions, preparatory to State organization, and also in the legislature. He did missionary work in Kentucky and Tennessee, and preached among the Indians. He wrote a valuable account of his Indian captivity, republished a few years since by Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, and a treatise on Indian warfare, besides two contro- versial pamphlets against the Shakers. He died in Washington count'- Ky., in 1812, aged about seventy-five years. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 107 tinued to be waged by the Indians on the whole western frontier. A large body of them had collected and marched to Fort Pitt, with a view to its reduction by famine. It had been invested for some time and the garrison being too weak to sally out and give battle to the, besiegers, Capt. Ecuyer dispatched messengers with the intelligence of his situation and a request for aid and provisions : these were either compelled to return or be killed, as the country for some distance east of Fort Pitt was in the possession of the savages. 1 At length a quantity of provisions were ordered by Gov. Amherst for the relief of the fort, and forwarded under a strong guard commanded by Colonel Boquet. The Indians were soon apprized of this and determined on intercepting the provisions, and if practicable, to pre- vent their reaching the place of their destination. With this object in view, a considerable force was detached, to watch the motions of Col. Boquet and [81] upon a fa- vorable opportunity to give him battle. In a narrow defile on Turtle creek an attack was made by the Indians, and a severe engagement ensued. Both armies fought with the most obstinate bravery, from one o'clock 'till night, and in the morning it was resumed, and continued with unabated fury for several hours. At length Col. Boquet, having placed four companies of infantry and grenadiers in ambush, ordered a retreat. So soon as this was com- menced, the Indians, confident of victory, pressed forward with considerable impetuosity, and fell into the ambus- cade. This decided the contest the Indians were repulsed with great slaughter and dispersed. The loss of the British, in killed and wounded, ex- ceeded one hundred. That they were not entirely cut off, was attributable to the stratagem of the retreat (a favorite one of the Indians ;) the success of which not only saved 1 Captain Simeon Ecuyer, like Bouquet, was a native of Switzerland ; he did good service on the frontiers, especially in the gallant defense of Fort Pitt in 1763. He became disgusted with the bad conduct of his Boldiers, especially the grenadiers, and begged leave to resign. " For God's sake," he implored Bouquet, "let me go, and raise cabbages." L. C. D. 108 Withers' s Chronicles the detachment under Col. Boquet, but likewise preserved Fort Pitt, from falling into the hands of the savage foe. The loss sustained by the enemy, must have equaled that of the British; several of their most distinguished chiefs and warriors, were of the number of the slain : and so decisive was the victory obtained over them, that in the succeeding campaign against the Indians on the Mus- kingum, Boquet found not much difficulty in bringing them to terms. A cessation of hostilities was agreed to, upon condition that they would give up all the whites then detained by them in captivity. Upwards of three hundred prisoners were then redeemed; but the season being far advanced and the others scattered in different parts of the country, it was stipulated, that they should be brought into Fort Pitt early in the ensuing spring ; and as a security that they would comply with this condition of the armistice, six of their chiefs were delivered up as hostages these however succeeded in making their escape before the army arrived at Fort Pitt. 1 The ill success which had attended the combined op- erations of the Indians, during this war, the difficulty of procuring ammunition to support it, and the fact that it had begun to be carried into their own country, disposed them to make peace. A treaty was accordingly concluded with them by Sir William Johnson in 1765. Previous to this however, some few depredations were committed by 1 Henry Bouquet was born at Rolle, in the canton of Berne, Switzer- land, in 1721, and at the age of seventeen he entered into the service of the states general of Holland ; subsequently engaged under the banner of Sardinia, and distinguished himself at the battle of Cony. In 1748, he was a lieutenant-colonel in the Swiss guards, in the service of Holland. At length, in 1756, he entered the English army, serving in the Royal Americans, and co-operated with Gen. Forbes on the campaign against Fort Du Quesne, repulsing an attack of French and Indians on Loyal Hanna. He afterwards served in Canada, and was sent for the relief of Fort Pitt, when beleagured in 1763. While marching on this service/ he signally defeated the Indians at Bushy Run, after a two days' en- gagement, in August of that year, and relieved Fort Pitt. In 1764, he led an expedition against the Ohio Indians, compelling them to sue for peace. He died at Pensacola, September 2, 1765, of a prevailing fever. in the prime of life, at the age of forty-four years. He had attained the rank of general. L. C. D. Of Border Warfare. 109 the Indians, in contravention of the agreement made with them by Col. Boquet; and which induced a belief that the want of clothes and ammunition, [82] was the real cause of 'their partial forbearance. It was therefore of great consequence, to prevent their obtaining a supply of these necessaries, until there could be some stronger as- surance, than hacjflbeen given, of their pacific disposition. Notwithstanding the prevalence of this impression, and the fact, that a royal proclamation had been issued, for- bidding any person trading with the Indians, yet in March 1765 a number of wagons, laden with goods and warlike stores for the Indians, was sent from Philadelphia to Henry Pollens of Conococheague, to be thence transported on pack horses to Fort Pitt. This very much alarmed the country; and many individuals remonstrated against the propriety of supplying the Indians at that particular junct- ure; alleging the well known fact, that they were then destitute of ammunition and clothing, and that to furnish them with those articles, would be to aid in bringing on another frontier war, and to lend themselves to the com- mission of those horrid murders, by which those wars were always distinguished. Remonstrance was fruitless. The gainful traffick which could be then carried on with the Indians, banished every other consideration ; and sev- enty horses, packed with goods, were directed on to Fort Pitt. In this situation of things, Capt. James Smith, (who had been with Boquet during the campaign of 1764, and was well convinced that a supply at that time of clothing and ammunition, would be the signal for the recommence- ment of hostilities) collected ten of his " Black boys," painted and dressed as Indians ; and waylaid the caravan, near a place called the " Side long Hill." He disposed his men in pairs, behind trees along the road, at intervals of about 60 yards, with orders for the second not to fire 'till the first had reloaded, so that a regular, slow fire might be maintained at once, from front to rear. As soon as the cavalcade approached, the firing com- menced, and the pack horses beginning to fall by the side of their conductors, excited the fear of the latter, and in- 110 Wit hers' s Chronicles duced them to cry out " Geiitlemen what would you have us to do." Captain Smith replied, " collect all your loads to the front, deposit them in one place; take your private property and retire." These things were accordingly done ; and the goods left (consisting of blankets, shirts, beads, vermillion, powder, lead, tomahawks, scalping knives, &c.) were immediately burnec^ or otherwise de- stroyed. [83] The traders then went to Fort London, and ob- taining of the commanding officer a party of Higland soldiers, proceeded in quest of the Robbers (as they termed them ;) some of whom were taken and carried into the Fort. Capt. Smith then raised about 300 riflemen, and marching to Fort London, occupied a position on an eminence near it. He had not been long there before he had more than twice as many of the garrison, prisoners in his camp, as there were of his men in the guard house. Under a flag of truce proceeding from the Fort, a convention for the ex- change of prisoners was entered into between Capt. Grant, the commander of the garrison, and Capt. Smith, and the latter with his men, immediately returned to their homes. 1 1 The following song was soon after composed by Mr. George Camp- bell (an Irish gentleman who had been educated in Dublin,) and was frequently sung in the neighborhood to the tune of the Black Joke, Ye patriot souls who love to sing, What serves your country and your king, In wealth, peace, and royal estate ; Attention give whilst I rehearse, A modern fact, in jingling verse, How party interest strove what it cou'd, To profit itself by public blood, But justly met its merited fate. Let all those Indian traders claim, Their just reward, in glorious fame, For vile, base and treacherous ends, To Pollins in the spring they sent Much warlike stores, with an intent, To carry them to our barbarous foes, Expecting that nobody dare oppose A present to their Indian friends. Astonished at the wild design Frontier inhabitants combin'd, Of Border Warfare. Ill Occurrences such as this, were afterwards of too fre- quent [84] recurrence. The people had been taught by experience, that the fort afforded very little, if any pro- tection to those who were not confined within its walls they were jealous of the easy, and yet secure life led by the garrison, and apprehensive of the worst consequences .- With brave souls to stop their career, Although some men apostatized Who first the grand attempt advis'd, The bold frontiers they bravely stood, To act for their king, and their country's good In joint league, and strangers to fear. On March the fifth, in sixty-five, Their Indian presents did arrive, In long pomp and cavalcade, Near Sidelong-hill, where in disguise, Some patriots did their train surprise, And quick as lightning tumbled their loads And kindled them bonfires in the woods; And mostly burnt their whole brigade. At Loudon when they heard the news, They scarcely knew which way to choose, For blind rage and discontent ; At length some soldiers they sent out, With guides for to conduct the route, And seized some men that were travelling there And hurried them into Loudon, where They laid them fast with one consent. But men of resolution thought Too much to see their neighbors caught For no crime but false surmise ; Forthwith they join'd a warlike band, And march'd to Loudon out of hand, And kept the jailors pris'ners there, Until our friends enlarged were, Without fraud or any disguise. Let mankind censure or commend, This rash performance in the end, Then both sides will find their account. 'Tis true no law can justify To burn our neighbors property, But when this property is design'd To serve the enemies of mankind, Its high treason in the amount. 112 Wit hers's . Chronicles from the intercourse of traders with the Indians. Under those feelings, they did not scruple to intercept the pussage of goods to the trading posts, and commit similar outrages to those above described, if there were any interference on the part of the neighboring forts. On one occasion, Capt. Grant was himself taken prisoner, and [85] detained 'till restitution was made the inhabitants of some guns, which had been taken from them, by soldiers from the garrison ; and in 1769, a quantity of powder, lead and other articles was taken from some traders passing through Bedford county, and destroyed. Several persons, sup- posed to have been of the party who committed this out- rage, were apprehended, and laid in irons in the guard house at Fort Bedford. Capt. Smith, although in no wise engaged in this trans- action, nor yet approving it, was nevertheless so indignant that an offence against the civil authorities, should be at- tempted to be punished by a military tribunal, that he re- solved on effecting their release. To accomplish this, he collected eighteen of his ' Black boys," in whom he knew he could confide ; and marched along the main road in the direction of Fort Bedford. On his way to that place, he did not attempt to conceal his object, but freely told to every one who enquired, that he was going to take Fort Bedford. On the evening of the second day of their march, they arrived at the crossings of Juniata, (14 miles from Bedford) and erected tents as if they intended encamping there all night. Previous to this, Capt. Smith had communicated his intention to Mr. "William Thompson (who lived in Bedford and on whom he could rely,) and prevailed on him to ob- tain what information he could as to the effect produced in the garrison by the preparations which he was making for its attack; and acquaint him with it. That he might be enabled to do this with greater certainty, a place and hour were appointed at which Capt. Smith would meet him. About 11 o'clock at night the march was resumed, and moving briskly they arrived near to Bedford, where they met Thompson ; who communicated to them the fact, that the garrison had been apprized of their object that in Of Border Warfare. 113 consequence of having heard from them on the preceding evening, at the Crossings of Juuiata, it was not expected they would arrive before mid-day, that their number was known, and the enterprise ridiculed. Thompson then returned to Bedford, and the party moved silently under covert of the banks of the river, 'till they approached near to the Fort, where they lay concealed, awaiting the open- ing of the gate. About day light Thompson apprised them that the guard had thrown open the gate, and were taking their morning's dram ; that the arms were stacked not far from the entrace into the Fort, and three centinels on the wall. Upon hearing these things, Capt. Smith with his men rushed rapidly to the Fort, and the morning being misty, were not discovered 'till they had reached the gate. At that instant the centinels fired their guns and gave the alarm ; but Capt. Smith and his men took possession of the arms, and raised a loud shout, before the soldiers of the garrison could learn the cause of the alarm, or get to the scene of action. [86] Having thus obtained possession of the Fort, Capt. Smith had the prisoners released from the guard- house, and compelling a blacksmith to knock off their irons, left the Fort with them and returned to Conoco- cheaque. " This, Capt. Smith says, was the first British fort in America, taken by what they called American rebels." Some time after this, an attempt was made to appre- hend Capt. Smith, as he was proceeding to survey and lo- cate land on the Youghogany river. In the encounter which succeeded, a man (by the name of Johnson) was killed ; and the murder being charged on Smith, he was confined for a time in Bedford jail; but fearing a release, the civil authority sent him privately through the wilderness to Car- lisle, to await a trial for the alledged offence. On hearing this, upwards of three hundred persons (among whom were his old " Black boys,") proceeded to Carlisle to effect a rescue ; and were only prevented the accomplishment of their object, by the solicitation of Smith himself. He 8 114 Withers' s Chronicles knew his iiinocence, and preferred awaiting a trial ; and bow willing soever he might have been to oppose any encroachments of the military, he held in just abhorrence, an opposition to the civil authority of his country. He was put on his trial and acquitted. 1 1 The following extract from the Pennsylvania Gazette of November 2d, 1769, details the circumstances of this transaction. "James Smith, his brother and brother in law, were going out to survey and improve their land, on the waters of the Youghogany. Ex- pecting to be gone some time, they took with them their arms, and horses loaded with necessaries ; and as Smith's brother in law was an artist in surveying, he had also with him the instruments for that busi- ness. Travelling on their way and within nine miles of Bedford, they overtook and joined in company with one Johnson and Moorhead, who had likewise horses packed with liquor and seed wheat their inten- tions being also to make improvements on their lands. Arrived at the parting of the road near Bedford, they separated, one party going through town for the purpose of having a horse shod ; these were ap- prehended and put under confinement. James Smith, Johnson and Moorhead taking the other road, met John Holmes of Bedford, to whom Smith spoke in a friendly manner but received no answer. Smith and his companions proceeded to where the two roads again united ; and waited there the arrival of the others. "At this time a number of men came riding up, and asked Smith his name. On his telling them who he was, they immediately presented their pistols, and commanded him to surrenderor he was a dead man. Smith stepped back and asking if they were highwaymen, charged them to keep off; when immediately Robert George (one of the assailants) snapped a pistol at Smith's head ; and that (as George acknowledged under oath ) before Smith had offered to [87] shoot. Smith then presented his gun at another of the assailants, who was holding Johnson with one hand, while with the other he held a pistol, which he was preparing to discharge. Two shots were fired, one by Smith's gun, the other by the pistol, so quick as to be just distinguishable, and Johnson fell. Smith was then taken and carried to Bedford, where John Holmes (who had met him on the road, and hastened to Bedford with the intelligence) held an inquest over the dead body of Johnson. One of the assailants being the only witness examined, it was found that "Johnson had been murdered by Smith," who was thereupon committed for trial. But jealousy arising in the breasts of many, that the inquest was not so fair as it should have been, William Deny, (the coroner of Bedford county) thought proper to re-examine the matter ; and summoning a jury of unexceptionable men, out of three townships men whose can- dour, probity, and honesty are unquestionable, and having raised the corpse, held a solemn inquest over it for three days. " In the course of their scrutiny, they found the shirt of Johnson, around the bullet hole, blackened by the powder of the charge with Of Border Warfare. 115 [87] Events such as those which have been narrated, serve to shew the state of things which existed at that day; and to point out the evils necessarily resulting, from an absence of municipal regulations. Man, in every station and condition of life/fequires the controlling hand of civil power, to confine him in his proper sphere, and to check every advance of invasion, on the rights of others. Unre- strained liberty speedily degenerates into licentiousness. Without the necessary curbs and restraints of law, men would relapse into a state of nature ; [88] and although the obligations of justice (the basis of society) be natural obligations ; yet such are the depravity and corruption of human nature, that without some superintending and co- ercive power, they would be wholly disregarded ; and hu- which he had been killed. One of the assailants being examined, swore to the respective spots of ground on which they stood at the time of firing, which being measured, was found to be 23 feet distance from each other. The experiment was then made of shooting at the shirt an equal distance both with and against the wind, to ascertain if the pow- der produced the stain ; but it did not. Upon the whole the jury, after the most accurate examination and mature deliberation, brought in their verdict that one of the assailants must necessarily have done the murder." Captain Smith was a brave and enterprising man. In 1766, he, in company with Joshua Horton, Uriah Stone, William Baker and James Smith, by the way of Holstein, explored the country south of Kentucky at a time when it was entirely uninhabited ; and the country between the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers, to their entrance into the Ohio. Stone's river, a branch of the Cumberland and emptying into it not far above Nashville, was named by them in this expedition. After his acquittal from the charge of having murdered Johnson, he was elected and served as one of the board of commissioners, for regulating taxes and laying the county levy, in the county of Bedford. [88] He was for several years a delegate from the county of Westmoreland, to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania ; and in the war of the revo- lution was an officer of merit and distinction. In 1781 he removed to Kentucky and settled in Bourbon county not far from Paris ; was a member of the convention which set at Danville, to confer about a separation from the state of Virginia, in 1788, from which time until 1799, with the exception of two years, he was either a delegate of the convention or of the General Assembly of Kentucky. Comment by L. C. D. It would seem from Col. Smith's own state- ment, that his removal to, and settlement in, Bourbon county, Ky., was in 1788. 116 Withers' s Chronicles man society, would become the field of oppression and outrage instead of a theatre for the interchange of good offices. Civil institutions and judicial establishments; the comminations of punishment and the denunciations of law, are barely sufficient to repress the evil propensities of man. Left to themselves, they spurn all natural restrictions, and riot in the unrestrained indulgence of every passion. Of Border Warfare. 117 [89] CHAPTER V. The comparative security and quiet, which succeeded the treaty of 1765, contributed to advance the prosperity of the Virginia frontiers. The necessity of congregating in forts and blockhouses, no longer existing, each family enjoyed the felicities of its own fireside, undisturbed by fearful apprehensions of danger from the prowling savage, and free from the bustle and confusion consequent on being crowded together. No longer forced to cultivate their lit- tle fields in common, and by the united exertions of a whole neighborhood, with tomahawks suspended from their belts and rifles attached to their plow beams, their original spirit of enterprise was revived : and while a certainty of reaping in unmolested safety, the harvest for which they had toiled, gave to industry, a stimulus which increased their pros- perity, it also excited others to come and reside among them a considerable addition to their population, and a rapid extension of settlements, were the necessary conse- quence. It was during the continuation of this exemption from Indian aggression, that several establishments were made on the Monongahela and its branches, and on the Ohio river. These were nearly cotemporaneous; the first how- ever, in order of time, was that made on the Buchannon a fork of the Tygart's valley river, and was induced by a flattering account of the country as given by two brothers; who had spent some years in various parts of it, under rather unpleasant circumstances. Among the soldiers who garrisoned Fort Pitt, were William Childers, John and Samuel Pringle and Joseph Linsey. In 1761, these four men deserted from the fort, and ascended the Monongahela as far as to the mouth of George's creek (the site afterwards selected by Albert Gallatin, for the town of Geneva.) Here they remained awhile ; but not liking the [90] situation crossed over to the 118 Wit hers' s Chronicles head of the Youghogany ; and encamping in the glades, continued there about twelve months. In one of their hunting rambles, Samuel Pringle came on a path, which he supposed would lead to the inhabited part of Virginia. On his return he mentioned the discov- ery and his supposition, to his comrades, and they re- solved on tracing it. This they accordingly did, and it conducted them to Loony's creek, then the most remote western settlement. While among the inhabitants on Loony's creek, they were recognized and some of the party apprehended as deserters. John and Samuel Pringle succeeded in making an escape to their camp in the glades, where they remained 'till some time in the year 1764. During this year, and while in the employ of John Simpson (a trapper, who had come there in quest of furs,) they determined on removing farther west. Simpson was induced to this, by the prospect of enjoying the woods free from the intrusion of other hunters (the glades hav- ing begun to be a common hunting ground for the inhab- itants of the South Branch ;) while a regard for their per- sonal safety, caused the Pringles to avoid a situation, in which they might be exposed to the observation of other men. In journeying through the wilderness, and after hav- ing crossed Cheat river at the Horse shoe, a quarrel arose between Simpson and one of the Pringles ; and notwith- standing that peace and harmony were so necessary to their mutual safety and comfort ; yet each so far indulged the angry passions which had been excited, as at length to produce a separation. Simpson crossed over the Valley river, near the mouth of Pleasant creek, and passing on to the head of another water course, gave to it the name of Simpson's creek. Thence he went westwardly, and fell over on a stream which he called Elk: at the mouth of this he erected a camp, and continued to reside for more than twelve months. During this time he neither saw the Pringles nor any other human being ; and at the expiration of it went to the South Branch, where he disposed of his furs and Of Border Warfare. 119 skins and then returned to, and continued at, his encamp- ment at the mouth of Elk, until permanent settlements were made in its vicinity. The Pringles kept up the Valley river 'till they ob- served a large right hand fork, (now Buchannon), 1 which they ascended [91] some miles ; and at the mouth of a small branch (afterward called Turkey run) they took up their abode in the cavity of a large Sycamore tree. 2 The stump of this is still to be seen, and is an object of no little veneration with the immediate descendants of the first settlers. The situation of these men, during a residence here of several years, although rendered somewhat necessary by their previous conduct, could not have been very enviable. Deserters from the army, a constant fear of discovery filled their minds with inquietude. In the vicinity of a savage foe, the tomahawk and scalping knife were ever present to their imaginations. Remote from civilized man, their solitude was hourly interrupted by the fright- ful shrieks of the panther, or the hideous bowlings of the wolf. And though the herds of Buffalo, Elk and Deer, which gamboled sportively around, enabled them easily to supply their larder ; yet the want of salt, of bread, and of every species of kitchen vegetable, must have abated their 1 Now spelled Buckhannon. R. G. T. * Sycamores, which attain gigantic proportions, are given to rotting in the lower portions of the trunk, and chambers eight feet in diameter are not uncommon. In the course of a canoe voyage down the Ohio, in the summer of 1894, I frequently saw such cavities, with the openings stopped by pickets or rails, utilized by small bottom farmers as hog- pens, chicken-coops, and calf stalls. L. V. McWhorter, of Berlin, W. Va., who has kindly sent me sev- eral MS. notes on Withers's Chronicles (all of which will be duly cred- ited where used in this edition), writes: "The aged sycamore now (1894) occupying the site, is the third generation the grand-child of that which housed the Pringles. It stands on the farm of Webster Dix, who assures me that it shall not be destroyed. A tradition held by his descendants has it, that when John Pringle went back to the South Branch for ammunition, Charity, the wife of Samuel, who was left be- hind, started immediately for the wilderness home of her husband, and found him by the path which John had blazed for his own return." R. G. T. 120 Withers's Chronicles relish for the, otherwise, delicious loin of the one, and hauch of the others. The low state of their little maga- zine too, while it limited their hunting, to the bare pro- curation of articles of subsistence, caused them, from a fear of discovery, to shrink at the idea of being driven to the settlements, for a supply of ammunition. And not until they were actually reduced to two loads of powder, could they be induced to venture again into the vicinity of their fellow men. In the latter part of the year 1767, John left his brother, and intending to make for a trad- ing post on the Sbenandoah, appointed the period of his return. Samuel Pringle, in the absence of John, suffered a good deal. The stock of provisions left him became en- tirely exhausted one of his loads of powder, was ex- pended in a fruitless attempt to shoot a buck his brother had already delayed his return several days longer than was intended, and he was apprehensive that he had been recognized, taken to Fort Pitt and would probably never get back. With his remaining load of powder, however he was fortunate enough to kill a fine buffalo ; and John soon after returned with the news of peace, both with the Indians and French. The two brothers agreed to leave their retirement. Their wilderness habitation was not left without some regret. Every object around, had become more or less en- deared to them. The tree, in whose hollow they had been so [92] frequently sheltered from storm and tempest, was regarded by them with so great reverence, that they re- solved, so soon as they could prevail on a few others to accompany them, again to return to this asylum of their exile. In a population such as then composed the chief part of the South Branch settlement, this was no difficult mat- ter. All of them were used to the frontier manner of liv- ing; the most of them had gone thither to acquire land; many had failed entirely in this object, while others were obliged to occupy poor and broken situations off the river; the fertile bottoms having been previously located. Add to this the passion for hunting (which was a ruling one Of Border Warfare. 121 with many,) and the comparative scarcity of game in their neighborhood, and it need not excite surprise that the proposition of the Pringles to form a settlement, in such a country as they represented that on Buchannon to be, was eagerly embraced by many. In the fall of the ensuing year (1768) Samuel Pringle, and several others who wished first to examine for them- selves, visited the country which had been so long occu- pied by the Pringles alone. Being pleased with it, they, in the following spring, with a few others, repaired thither, with the view of cultivating as much corn, as would serve their families the first year after their emigration. And having examined the country, for the purpose of selecting the most desirable situations ; some of them proceeded to improve the spots of their choice. John Jackson (who was accompanied by his sons, George and Edward) set- tled at the mouth of Turkey run, where his daughter, Mrs. Davis, now lives John Hacker l higher up on the Buchannon river, where Bush's fort was afterwards estab- lished, and Nicholas Heavener now lives Alexander and Thomas Sleeth, near to Jackson's, on what is now known as the Forenash plantation. The others of the party (William Hacker, Thomas and Jesse Hughes, John and William RadclifF and John Brown) appear to have em- ployed their time exclusively in hunting; neither of them making any improvement of land for his own benefit. Yet were they of very considerable service to the new set- tlement. Those who had commenced clearing land, were supplied by them with abundance of meat, while in their hunting excursions through the country, a better knowl- edge of it was obtained, than could have been acquired, had they been engaged in making improvements. [93] In one of these expeditions they discovered, and gave name to Stone coal creek ; which flowing westward!}', induced the supposition that it discharged itself directly into the Ohio. Descending this creek, to ascertain the 1 This early and meritorious pioneer was born near Winchester, Va., Jan. 1, 1743, figured prominently in the Indian wars of his region, and served on Col. G. R. Clark's Illinois campaign of 1778; he died at his home on Hacker's Creek, April 20, 1821, in his 82d year. L. C. D. 122 Withers's Chronicles fact, they came to its confluence with a river, which they then called, and has since been known as, the West Fork. After having gone some distance down the river, they re- turned by a different route to the settlement, better pleased with the land on it and some of its tributaries, than with that on Buchannon. Soon after this, other emigrants arrived under the guidance of Samuel Pringle. Among them were, John and Benjamin Outright, who settled on Buchannon, where John Outright the younger, now lives ; and Henry Rule who improved just above the mouth of Fink's run. Be- fore the arrival of Samuel Pringle, John Hacker had be- gun to improve the spot which Pringle had chosen for himself. To prevent any unpleasant result, Hacker agreed that if Pringle would clear as much land, on a creek which had been recently discovered by the hunters, as he had on Buchannon, they could then exchange places. Complying with this condition Pringle took possession of the farm on Buchannon, and Hacker of the land improved by Pringle on the creek, which was hence called Hacker's creek. 1 John and William Radcliff, then likewise settled on this stream the former on the farm, where the Rev. John Mitchel now lives ; the latter at the place now owned by William Powers Esq. These comprise all the improve- ments which were made on the upper branches of the Monongahela in the years 1769 and 1770. At the close of the working season of 1769 some of these adventurers, went to their families on the South Branch ; and when they returned to gather their crops in the fall, found them entirely destroyed. In their absence the buffaloes, no longer awed by the presence of man, had trespassed on their enclosures, and eaten their corn to the ground this delayed the removal of their families 'till the winter of 1770. Soon after the happening of this event, other settle- ments were made on the upper branches of the Monon- gahela river. Capt. James Booth .and John Thomas es- tablished themselves on what has been since called Booth's 1 Its Indian name signified " Muddy Water." R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 123 creek The former at the place now owned by Jesse Mar- tin; and the latter where William Martin at present re- sides, and which is perhaps the [94] most valuable landed estate in North "Western Virginia, off the Ohio river. Previous however to the actual settlement of the country above the forks of the Monongahela, some few families (in 1767) had established themselves in the vicinity of Fort Redstone, now Brownsville, in Pennsylvania. 1 At the head of these were Abraham Tegard, James Craw- ford, John Province, and John Harden. The latter of these gentlemen afterwards removed to Kentucky and be- came distinguished in the early history of that state, as well for the many excellencies of his private and public life, as for the untimely and perfidious manner of his death. In the succeeding year Jacob Yanmeter, John Swan, Thomas Hughes and some others settled on the west side of the Monongahela, near the mouth of Muddy creek, where Carmichaelstown now stands. 2 In this year too, the place which had been occupied for a while by Thomas Decker and his unfortunate asso- ciates, and where Morgantown is now situated, was settled by a party of emigrants ; one of which was David Morgan, who became so conspicuous for personal prowess, and for the daring, yet deliberate courage displayed by him, dur- ing the subsequent hostilities with the Indians. 1 We have already seen (p. 74, note), that Gist settled at Mount Braddock, Fayette county, in 1753, and that eleven families joined him in January, 1754. There is a tradition that settlers were in the district even before Gist. It has been shown that the Gist settlements, and others in the lower Monongahela, were burned by the French in July, 1754. The English borderers fled upon the outbreak of disturbances, and did not return until about 1760-61, when confidence had been re- stored. R. G. T. * Both Van Meter and Swan afterwards served under Col. G. R. Clark at least, on the Kaskaskia campaign ; Swan commanded a com- pany on Clark's Shawnee campaign of 1780, and Van Meter on that of 1782. The latter moved to Kentucky in 1780; settled in Hardin county, Ky., Nov. 16th, 1798, in his seventy-sixth year. L. C. D. Comment by R. G. T. This note, written by Dr. Draper a few days before his death (Aug. 26, 1891), was probably his last stroke of literary work. 124 Withers' s Chronicles In 1769, Col. Ebenezer Zane, his brothers Silas and Jonathan, with some others from the south Branch, visited the Ohio river for the purpose of commencing improve- ments ; * [95] and severally proceeded to select positions for their future residence. Col. Zane chose for his, an eminence above the mouth of Wheeling creek, near to the Ohio, and opposite a beautiful and considerable island in that river. The spot thus selected by him, is now occupied by his son Noah Zane, Esq. and is nearly the centre of the present flourishing town of Wheeling. Silas Zane commenced improving on Wheeling creek where Col. Moses Shephard now lives, and Jonathan re- sided with his brother Ebenezer. Several of those who 1 These gentlemen were descendants of a Mr. Zane who accompanied William Penn, to his province of Pennsylvania, and from whom, one of the principal streets in Philadelphia, derived its name. Their father was possessed of a bold and daring spirit of adventure, which was dis- played on many occasions, in the earlier part of his life. Having ren- dered himself obnoxious to the Society of Friends (of which he was a member,) by marrying without the pale of that society, he moved to Virginia and settled on the South Branch, where the town of Moorfield has been since erected. One of his sons (Isaac) was taken by the In- dians, when he was only nine years old, and carried in captivity, to Mad river, in Ohio. Here he continued 'till habit reconciled him to his situation, when he married a squaw, became a chief and spent the re- mainder of his life with them. He was never known to wage war against the whites; but was, on several occasions, of infinite service, by apprising them of meditated attacks of the Indians. His descend- ants still reside in Ohio. The brothers, Ebenezer, Silas and Jonathan, who settled Wheeling, [95] were also men of enterprise, tempered with prudence, and directed by sound judgment. Ready at all times, to resist and punish the aggres- sion of the Indians, they were scrupulously careful not to provoke them by acts of wanton outrage, such as were then, too frequently committed along the frontier. Col. Ebenezer Zane had been among the first, to explore the country from the South Branch, through the Alleghany glades, and west of them. He was accompanied in that excursion by Isaac Williams, two gentlemen of the name of Robinson and some others; but setting off rather late in the season, and the weather being very severe, they were compelled to return, without having penetrated to the Ohio river. On their way home, such was the extremity of cold, that one of the Robinsons died of its effects. Williams was much frost bitten, and the whole patrty suffered exceedingly. To the bravery and good conduct of those three brothers, the Wheeling settlement was mainly indebted for its security and preservation, during the war of the revolution. Of Border Warfare. 125 accompanied the adventurers, likewise remained with Colonel Zane, in the capacity of laborers. After having made those preparations which were im- mediately requisite for the reception of their respective families, they returned to their former homes. In the en- suing year they finally left the South Branch, and accom- panied by Col. David Shephard, (the father of Col. Moses Shepherd,) John Wetzel (the father of Lewis) and the McCulloughs men whose names are identified with the early history of that country repaired again to the wilderness, and took up their permanent abode in it. Soon after this, other settlements were made at differ- ent points, both above and below Wheeling; and the country on Buffalo, Short, and Grave creeks, 1 and on the Ohio river, became the abode of civilized man. Among those who were first to occupy above Wheeling, were George Lefler, John Doddridge, Benjamin Biggs, Daniel Greathouse, Joshua Baker and Andrew Swearingen.* [96] The settlement thus made constituting a kind of advance guard, through which an Indian enemy would have to penetrate, before they could reach the interior, others were less reluctant to occupy the country between them and the Alleghany mountains. Accordingly various establishments were soon made in it by adventurers from different parts of Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia; and those places in which settlements had been previously effected, received considerable accessions to their popula- tion. In 1772, that comparatively beautiful region of coun- try, lying on the east fork of the Monongahela river, be- 1 Joseph Tomlinson surveyed a claim at the mouth of Grave Creek, about 1770, but did not settle there until 1772. His cabin was the nucleus of the present Moundsville, W. Va. R. G. T. 2 John Doddridge settled in Washington county, Pa., on the Ohio River a few miles east of the Pennsylvania- Virginia state line, in 1773 ; his son, Joseph Doddridge, was the author of Notes on the Settlements and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1763-83, a valuable antiquarian work. The names of Greathouse and Baker became execrable through their connection with the massacre of Chief Logan's family, in 1774. Leffler and Biggs attained prominence in bor- der warfare. R. G. T. 126 Withers's Chronicles tween the Alleghany mountains, on its south eastern, and the Laurel Hill, or as it is there called the Rich mountain, on its north western side, and which had received the de- nomination of Tygart's valley, again attracted the atten- tion of emigrants. In the course of that year, the greater part of this valley was located, by persons said to have been enticed thither by the description given of it, by some hunters from Greenbrier who had previously ex- plored it. Game, though a principal, was not however their sole object. They possessed themselves at once of nearly all the level land lying between those mountains a plain of 25 or 30 miles in length and varying from three fourths to two miles in width, and of fine soil. Among those who were first to occupy that section of country, we find the names of Hadden, Connelly, Whiteman, Warwick, Nelson, Stalnaker, Riffle and Westfall : the latter of these found and interred the bones of Files' family, which had lain, bleeching in the sun, after their murder by the In- dians, in 1754. Cheat river too, on which no attempt at settlement had been made, but by the unfortunate Eckarly's, became an object of attention, The Horse Shoe bottom was lo- cated by Capt. James Parsons, of the South Branch ; and in his neighborhood settled Robert Cunningham, Henry Fink, John Goff and John Minear. Robert Butler, Will- iam Morgan and some others settled on the Dunkard bottom. In this year too, settlements were made on Simpson's creek, the West Fork river and on Elk creek. Those who made the former, were John Powers, who purchased Simp- son's right (a tomahawk improvement) * to the land on which Benjamin [97] Stout now resides; and James Ander- son and Jonas Webb who located themselves farther up the creek. 1 "At an early period of our settlements, there was an inferior kind of land title, denominated a tomahawk right. This was made by [97] dead- ening a few trees near a spring, and marking on one or more of them, the initials of the name of the person, by whom the improvement was made. Rights, acquired in this way, were frequently bought and sold." Doddridge's Notes on Western Virginia. Of Border Warfare. 127 On Elk, and in the vicinity of Clarksburg there set- tled Thomas Nutter, near to the Forge-mills Samuel Cot- trial, on the east side of the creek and nearly opposite to Clarksburg Sotha Hickman, on the west side of the same creek, and above Cottrial Samuel Beard at the mouth of Nanny's run Andrew Cottrial above Beard, and at the farm now owned by John W. Patton Daniel Davisson, where Clarksburg is now situated, and Obadiah Davisson and John Nutter on the West Fork ; the former near to the old Salt works, and the latter at the place now owned by Adam Hickman, jr. There was likewise, at this time, a considerable acces- sion to the settlements on Buchannon and Hacker's creek. So great was the increase of population in this latter neighborhood, that the crops of the preceding season did not afford more than one third of the breadstuff, which would be ordinarily consumed in the same time, by an equal number of persons. Such indeed was the state of suf- fering among the inhabitants, consequent on this scarcity, that the year 1773 is called in the traditionary legends of that day, the starving year; and such were the exertions of William Lowther to mitigate that suffering, and so great the success with which they were crowned, that his name has been transmitted to their descendants, hallowed by the blessings of those, whose wants he contributed so largely to relieve. 1 1 William Lowther was the son of Robert, and came with his father to the Hacker creek settlement in 1772. He soon became one of the most conspicuous men in that section of country ; while his private virtues and public actions endeared him to every individual of the com- munity. During the war of 1774 and subsequently, he was the most active and efficient defender of that vicinity, against the insidious at- tacks of the savage foe ; and there were very few if any scouting parties proceeding from thence, by which the Indians were killed or otherwise much annoyed, but those which were commanded by him. He was the first justice of the peace in the district of West Augusta the first sheriff in the county of Harrison and Wood, and [98] once a dele- gate to the General Assembly of the States. His military merits carried him through the subordinate grades to the rank of Colonel. Despising the pomp and pageantry of office, he accepted it for the good of the community, and was truly an effective man. Esteemed, beloved by all, he might have exerted his influence, over others, to the advancement 128 Withers' s Chronicles [98] These were the principal settlements begun in North Western Virginia, prior to the year 1774. Few and scat- tered as they were, no sooner was it known that they were commenced, than hundreds flocked to them from different parts; and sought there the gratifications of their respec- tive predilections. That spirit of adventurous emigration, which has since peopled, with such unprecedented rapid- ity, the south western and western states, and which was then beginning to develope itself, overcame the fond at- tachments of youth, and impelled its possessors, to the dreary wilderness. Former homes, encircled by the com- forts of civilization, endeared by the grateful recollections of by-gone days, and not unfrequently, consecrated as the spots where their tenants had first inhaled the vital fluid, were readily exchanged for "the variety of untried being, the new scenes and changes," which were to be passed^ before the trees of the forest could be supplanted, by the fruits of the field, or society be reared in the solitude of the desert. With a capability to sustain fatigue, not to be subdued by toil; and with a cheerfulness, not easily to be depressed; a patience which could mock at suffering and a daring which nothing could daunt, every difficulty which intervened, every obstacle which was interposed between them and the accomplishment of the objects of their pur- suit, was surmounted or removed ; and in a comparatively brief space of time, they rose to the enjoyment of many of those gratifications, which are experienced in earlier and more populous settlements. That their morals should, for a while, have suffered deterioration, and their manners and habits, instead of [99] approximating those of refined society, should have become perhaps, more barbarous and uncouth, was the inevitable consequence of their situation, of his individual interest; but he sought the advancement of the gen- eral weal, not a personal or family aggrandizement. His example might teach others, that offices were created for the public good, not for pri- vate emolument. If aspirants for office at the present day, were to re- gard its perquisites less, and their fitness for the discharge of its duties more, the country would enjoy a greater portion of happiness and pros- perity, and a sure foundation for the permanence of these be laid, in the more disinterested character of her counsellors, and their conse- quently, increased devotion to her interests: Of Border Warfare. 129 and the certain result of circumstances, which they could not control. When that situation was changed, and these circumstances ceased to exist, a rapid progress was made in the advancement of many sections of the country, to the refinements of civilized society. The infantile state of all countries exhibits, in a greater or less degree, a prevalence of barbarism. The planting of colonies, or the formation of establishments in new countries, is ever attended with circumstances unpro- pitious to refinement. The force with which these circum- stances act, will be increased or diminished in proportion to the remoteness or proximity of those new establish- ments, to older societies, in which the arts and sciences are cultivated ; and to the facility of communication be- tween them. Man is, at all times, the creature of circum- stances. Cut off from an intercourse with his fellow men, and divested of the conveniences of life, he will readily relapse into a state of nature. Placed in contiguity wi.th the barbarous and the vicious; his manners will become rude, his morals perverted. Brought into collision with the sanguinary and revengeful ; and his own conduct will eventually be distinguished, by bloody and vindictive deeds. Such was really the situation of those who made the first establishments in North Western Virginia. And when it is considered, that they were, mostly, men from the humble walks of life; comparatively illiterate and un- refined ; without civil or religious institutions, and with a love of liberty, bordering on its extreme ; their more enlightened descendants can not but feel surprise, that their dereliction from propriety had not been greater ; their virtue less. The objects, for the attainment of which they volun- tarily placed themselves in this situation, and tempted the dangers inseparable from a residence in the contiguity of Indians, jealous of territorial encroachment, were almost as various as their individual character. Generally speak- ing, they were men in indigent circumstances, unable to purchase land in the neigborhoods from which they came, 9 130 Withers's Chronicles and unwilling longer to remain the tenants of others. These were induced to [100] emigrate, with the laudable ambition of acquiring homes, from which they would not be liable to expulsion, at the whim and caprice of some haughty lordling. Upon the attainment of this object, they were generally content ; and made but feeble exertions to acquire more land, than that to which they obtained title, by virtue of their settlements. Some few, however, availed themselves of the right of pre-emption, and be- coming possessed of the more desirable portions of the country, added considerably to their individual wealth. Those who settled on the Ohio, were of a more enter- prising and ambitious spirit, and looked more to the ad- vancement of their condition in a pecuniary point of view. The fertile bottoms of that river, and the facility with which, by means of it, their surplus produce might be transported to a ready market, 1 were considerations which influenced many. Others, again, looking forward to the time when the Indians would be divested of the country north west of the Ohio river, and it be open to location in the same manner its south east- ern shores were, selected this as a situation, from which they might more readily obtain possession of the fertile 1 The Spaniards at New Orleans, from the first settlement of the country west of the Alleghany Mountains, sought to attach it to the province of Louisiana. Knowing the powerful efficacy of gold, in pro- ducing such results, they dispensed it with a liberal hand, to such as made New Orleans their market. The attachment of the first settlers, to the free institutions of our country, baffled every attempt to detach them from it. Comment by R. O. T. The Spanish conspiracy was, in the main, " baffled " by the prompt action of our general government. George Rogers Clark and several other leading Kentuckians were quite willing to be " detached," for a consideration. The fact is, that at first the sense of national patriotism was weak, west of the Alleghanies; the eighteenth century had closed before efforts at separation from the East were com- monly regarded as treason. The interests of the Western people ap- parently were centered in the south-flowing Mississippi ; they seemed to have at the time little in common with the East. So long as Spain held the mouth of the river, many Western leaders thought it not improper that the West should ally itself with that power ; when our government finally purchased the Spanish claim, the Western men had no further complaint. See Roosevelt's treatment of the Spanish conspiracy, in his Winning of the West, III., ch. iii. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 131 land, with which its ample plains were known to abound. In anticipation of this period, there were some who em- braced every opportunity, afforded by intervals of peace with the Indians, to explore that country and select in it what they deemed, its most valuable parts. Around these they would generally mark trees, or otherwise define boundaries, by which they could be afterwards identified. The cession by Virginia to the United States, of the North Western Territory, and the manner in which its lands were subsequently brought into market, prevented the realiza- tion of those flattering, and apparently, well founded ex- pectations. There were also, in every settlement, individuals, who had been drawn to them solely by their love of hunting, and an attachment to the wild, unshackled scenes of a wilderness life. These were perhaps, totally regardless of all the inconveniencies, [101] resulting from their new sit- uation ; except that of being occasionally pent up in forts ; and thus debarred the enjoyment of their favorite pastimes. Although hunting was not the object of most of the old settlers, yet it was for a good part of the year, the chief employment of their time. And of all those, who thus made their abode in the dense forest, and tempted ag- gression from the neighboring Indians, none were so well qualified to resist this aggression, and to retaliate upon its authors, as those who were mostly engaged in this pursuit. Of all their avocations, this " mimickry of war" best fitted them to thwart the savages in their purpose, and to mitigate the horrors of their peculiar mode of war- fare. Those arts which enabled them, unperceived to ap- proach the watchful deer in his lair, enabled them like- wise to circumvent the Indian in his ambush ; and if not always punish, yet frequently defeat him in his object. Add to this the perfect knowledge which 4 they acquired of the woods, and the ease and certainty with which they consequently, when occasion required, could make their way to any point of the settlements and apprize the inhabitants of approaching danger ; and it will be readily admitted that the more expert and successful the hunts- man, the more skillful and effective the warrior. 132 Withers' s Chronicles But various soever, as may have been their objects in emigrating, no sooner had they come together, than there existed in each settlement, a perfect unison of feeling. Similitude of situation and community of danger, operat- ing as a magic charm, stifled in their birth those little bickerings, which are so apt to disturb the quiet of so- ciety. Ambition of preferment and the pride of place, too often lets and hindrances to social intercourse, were unknown among them. Equality of condition rendered them strangers alike, to the baneful distinctions created by wealth and other adventitious circumstances ; and to envy, which gives additional virus to their venom. A sense of mutual dependence for their common security linked them in amity; and conducting their several purposes in harmonious concert, together they toiled and together suf- fered. Not all the " pomp and pride and pageantry " of life, could vie with the Arcadian scenes which -encircled the rude cottages of those men. Their hnmble dwellings were the abode of virtues, rarely found in the " cloud capt towers and [102] gorgeous palaces" of splendid ambition. And when peace reigned around them, neither the gaudy trap- pings of wealth, nor the insignia of office, nor the slaked thirst for distinction, could have added to the happiness which they enjoyed. In their intercourse with others they were kind, beneficent and disinterested; extending to all, the most generous hospitality which their circumstances could af- ford. That selfishness, which prompts to liberality for the sake of remuneration, and proffers the civilities of life with an eye to individual interest, was unknown to them. They were kind for kindness sake ; and sought no other recompense, than the never failing concomitant of good deeds the reward of an approving conscience. It is usual for men in the decline of life, to contrast the scenes which are then being exhibited, with those through which they passed in the days of youth ; and not unfrequently, to moralize on the decay of those virtues, which enhance the enjoyment of life and give to pleasure its highest relish. The mind is then apt to revert to Of Border Warfare. 133 earlier times, and to dwell with satisfaction on the man- ners and customs which prevailed in the hey-day of youth. Every change which may have been wrought in them is deemed a deteriorating innovation, and the sentence of their condemnation unhesitatingly pronounced. This is not always, the result of impartial and discriminating judgment. It is perhaps, more frequently founded in prepossession; and based on the prejudices of education and habit. On the other hand those who are just entering on the vestibule of life, are prone to give preference to the habits of the present generation ; viewing, too often, with con- temptuous derision, those of the past. Mankind certainly advance in intelligence and refinement; but virtue and happiness do not at all times keep pace with this progress. " To inform the understanding," is not always " to correct and enlarge the heart ;" nor do the blandishments of life invariably add to the sum of moral excellence ; they are often " as dead sea fruit that tempts the eye, but turns to ashes on the lips." While a rough exterior as frequently covers a temper of the utmost benignity, happy in itself and giving happiness to all around. Such were the pioneers of this country; and the greater part of mankind might now derive advantage from the [103] contemplation of " their humble virtues, hospita- ble homes and spirits patient, noble, proud and free their self respect, grafted on innocent thoughts ; their days of health and nights of sleep their toils, by danger digni- fied, yet guiltless their hopes of cheerful old age and a quiet grave, with cross and garland over its green turf, and their grand children's love for epitaph." 134 Withers's Chronicles [104] CHAPTER VI. In the year 1774, the peace, which had subsisted with but little violation since the treaty of 1765, received an in- terruption, which checked for a while the emigration to the North "Western frontier; and involved its infant settle- ments in a war with the Indians. This result has been at- tributed to various causes. Some have asserted that it had its origin in the murder of some Indians on the Ohio river both above and below Wheeling, in the spring of that year. Others suppose it to have been produced by the instigation of British emissaries, and the influence of Canadian traders. That it was not caused by the murders at Captina, and opposite the mouth of Yellow creek, 1 is fairly infer- rible from the fact, that several Indians had been pre- viously murdered by the whites in a period of the most profound tranquillity, without having led to a similar is- 1 Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, represents this as happen- ing at Grave creek, which empties into the Ohio from the south eastern, or Virginia side of this river, twelve miles below Wheeling. Those who lived near at the time and are supposed to have had the best oppor- tunity of ascertaining the fact, say that it happened near the mouth of Captina, a creek sixteen miles below Wheeling, and on the Ohio side. Comment by R. G. T. What is called the " Captina affair " happened April 27th, at Pipe Creek, emptying into the Ohio from the west, four- teen miles below Wheeling, and six above Captina Creek. Two friendly Shawnees were killed here by a party commanded by Michael Cresap, of Redstone, who at the time was in the neighborhood of Wheeling, surveying and clearing farms for new settlers. Cresap and his men, among whom was George Rogers Clark, then a young surveyor who had a claim at the mouth of Fish Creek, thereupon started out to destroy Chief Logan's camp, at Baker's Bottom, opposite the mouth of Yellow Creek, fifty-three miles up the Ohio, and forty miles west of Pittsburg by land ; but as Logan was a well-known friend of the whites, they be- came ashamed of their project, and marched on across country to Fort Redstone. Meanwhile, as will be seen in due course, others were pre- paring to destroy Logan's band, and on April 30th occurred that infa- mous massacre which Logan wrongly believed to be Cresap's work. Of Border Warfare. 135 sue ; or even given rise to any act of retaliation, on the part of the friends or countrymen of those, who had been thus murdered. At different periods of time, between the peace of 1765, and the renewal of hostilities in 1774, three Indians were unprovokedly killed by John Ryan, on the Ohio, Monongahela and Cheat rivers. The first who suffered from the unrestrained licentiousness of this man, was an Indian of distinction in his tribe, and known by the name of Capt. Peter ; the other two were private warriors. And but that Governor Dunmore, from the representations made to him, was induced [105] to offer a reward for his apprehension, which caused him to leave the country, Ryan would probably have continued to murder every Indian, with whom he should chance to meet, wandering through the settlements. Several Indians were likewise killed on the South Branch, while on a friendly visit to that country, in the interval of peace. This deed is said to have been done by Henry Judah, Nicholas Harpold and their associates ; and when Judah was arrested for the offence, so great was the excitement among those who had suffered from sav- age enmity, that he was rescued from confinement by upwards of two hundred men, collected for that especial purpose. The Bald Eagle was an Indian of notoriety, not only among his own nation, but also with the inhabitants of the North "Western frontier; with whom he was in the habit of associating and hunting. In one of his visits among them, he was discovered alone, by Jacob Scott, William Hacker and Elijah Runner, who, reckless of the consequences, murdered him, solely to gratify a most wan- ton thirst for Indian blood. After the commission of this most outrageous enormity, they seated him in the stern of a canoe, and with a piece of journey-cake thrust into his mouth, set him afloat in the Monongahela. In this situation he was seen descending the river, by several, who supposed him to be as usual, returning from a friendly hunt with the whites in the upper settlements, and who expressed some astonishment that he did not stop to see 136 Withers' s Chronicles them. The canoe floating near to the shore, below the mouth of George's creek, was observed by a Mrs. Prov- ince, who had it brought to the bank, and the friendly, but unfortunate old Indian decently buried. Not long after the murder of the Bald Eagle, another outrage of a similar nature was committed on a peaceable Indian, by William White ; and for which he was appre- hended and taken to Winchester for trial. But the fury of the populace did not suffer him to remain there await- ing that event. The prison doors were forced, the irons knocked off him and he again set at liberty. But a still more atrocious act is said to have been soon after perpetrated. Until then the murders committed, were only on such as were found within the limits of white settlements, and on men & warriors. In 1772, there is every reason to believe, that women and children like- wise became victims to the exasperated feelings of our [106] own citizens ; and this too, while quietly enjoying the comforts of their own huts, in their own village. There was at that time an Indian town on the Little Kenhawa, (called Bulltown) inhabited by five families, who were in habits of social and friendly intercourse with the whites on Buchannon and on Hacker's creek ; frequently visiting and hunting with them. 1 There was likewise re- siding on Gauley river, the family of a German by the name of Stroud. 2 In the summer of that year, Mr. Stroud 1 Capt. Bull was a Delaware chief whose original village of Oghkwaga was on Unadilla River, an eastern branch of the Susquehanna, in what is now Boone county, N. Y. He had been the prime mover in an at- tempt to interest the Delawares in Pontiac's conspiracy (1763). In March, 1764, a strong party of whites and friendly Indians were sent out to capture him, by Sir William Johnson, English Indian superin- tendent in New York. After a sharp struggle, Bull and a number of his adherents were captured and conveyed in irons to New York City, where they were imprisoned for a time, but finally discharged. The Delaware towns on the Unadilla having been burned, Bull and five families of his relatives settled what the whites called Bulltown, on the Little Kanawha. This was at a salt spring about a mile and a quarter below the present Bulltown P. O., Braxton county, Va. Capt. Bull and his people were inoffensive, and very friendly to their white neighbors, as our author says. R. G. T. 1 Adam Stroud lived on Elk River, a few miles south of Indian Of Border Warfare. 137 being from home, his family were all murdered, his house plundered, and his cattle driven off. The trail made by these leading in the direction of Bulltown, induced the supposition that the Indians of that village had been the authors of the outrage, and caused several to resolve on avenging it upon them. A party of five men, (two of whom were "William White and William Hacker, 1 who had been concerned in previous murders) expressed a determination to proceed immediately to Bulltown. The remonstrance of the set- tlement generally, could not operate to effect a change in that determination. They went; and on their return, cir- cumstances justified the belief that the pre-apprehension of those who knew the temper and feelings of White and Hacker, had been well founded; and that there had been some fighting between them and the Indians. And not- withstanding that they denied ever having seen an Indian in their absence, yet it was the prevailing opinion, that they had destroyed all the men, women and children at Bulltown, and threw their bodies into the river. Indeed, Bulltown. The massacre of his family his wife and seven children occurred in June, 1772. Shawnees were the murderers, and not Bull's people. K. G. T. 1 Mr. McWhorter writes me that two others were Jesse Hughes and John Outright (corruption of Cartwright?), both of them settlers on Hacker's Creek. Hughes was a noted border scout, but a man of fierce, unbridled passions, and so confirmed an Indian hater that no tribesman, however peaceful his record, was safe in his presence. Some of the most cruel acts on the frontier are by tradition at- tributed to this man. The massacre of the Bulltown Indians was accompanied by atrocities as repulsive as any reported by captives in Indian camps ; of these there had long been traditions, but details were not fully known until revealed by Outright upon his death-bed in 1852, when he had reached the age of 105 years. Want of space alone prevents me from giving Mr. McWhorter's narrative of Hughes's long and bloody career. " Hughes died," he says, " in Jackson county, W. Va., at a date unknown to me, but in very old age. While he was a great scout aud Indian trader, he never headed an expedition of note. This no doubt was because of his fierce temperament, and bad reputa- tion among his own countrymen." In studying the annals of the bor- der, we must not fail to note that here and there were many savage- hearted men among the white settlers, whose deeds were quite as atro- cious as any attributed to the red-skins. Current histories of Indian warfare seldom recognize this fact. R. G. T. 138 Withers' s Chronicles one of the party is said to have, inadvertently, used ex- pressions, confirmatory of this opinion ; and to have then justified the deed, by saying that the clothes and other things known to have belonged to Stroud's family, were found in the possession of the Indians. The village was soon after visited, and found to be entirely desolated, and nothing being ever after heard of its former inhabitants, there can remain no doubt but that the murder of Stroud's family, was requited on them. Here then was a fit time for the Indians to commence a system of retaliation and war, if they were disposed to engage in hostilities, for offences of this kind alone. Yet no such event was the consequence of the killing of the Bulltown Indians, or of those other murders which pre- ceded that outrage ; and it may be hence rationally con- cluded, that the murders on the Ohio river did not lead to such an event. If however, a doubt should still remain, that doubt is surely removed by the declaration of Logan himself. It was his family that was killed opposite Yel- low creek, about the last of April ; and in the following July (after the expedition against the Wappatomica towns, under Col. McDonald) he says, " the Indiens are not angry on account of those murders, but only myself." The fact is, that hostilities had commenced before the happening of the affair at Captina, or that near Yellow creek ; and these, instead of having produced that event, were the consequence of the previous hostile movements of the In- dians. 1 107] Those who lived more immediately in the neigh- borhood of the scene of action at that time, were generally of opinion, that the Indians were urged to war by the in- stigation of emissaries from Great Britain, and of the Canadian traders; and, independently of any knowledge which they may have had of the conduct of these, cir- cumstances of a general nature would seem to justify that opinion. Tfro' relative situation of the American colonies and the mother country, is matter of general history, and too well known to require being repeated here. It is equally well known too, that from the first establishment of a Of Border Warfare. 139 colony in Canada, the Canadians obtained an influence over the Natives, greater than the Anglo-Americans were ever able to acquire ; and that this influence was frequently exercised by them, to the great annoyance, and manifest injury of the latter. France and England have been long considered as natural enemies ; and the inhabitants of their respective plantations in America, entertained strong feel- ings of jealousy towards each other. When by the treaty of Paris, the French possessions in North America (which had not been ceded to Spain,) were transferred to Great Britain, those feelings were not subdued. The Canadians still regarded themselves as a different people. Their na- tional prejudices were too great to be extinguished by an union under the same prince. Under the influence of these prejudices, and the apprehension, that the lucrative commerce of the natives might, by the competition of the English traders, be diverted from its accustomed channels, they may have exerted themselves to excite the Indians to war ; but that alone would hardly have produced this re- sult. There is in man an inherent partiality for self, which leads him to search for the causes of any evil, elsewhere than in his own conduct ; and under the operation of this propensity to assign the burden of wrong to be borne by others, the Jesuits from Canada and Louisiana were cen- sured for the continuation of the war on the part of the Indians, after it had been terminated with their allies by the treaty of 1763. Zet that event was, no doubt, justly attributable to the erection of forts, and the location of land, in the district of country claimed by the natives, in the province of Pennsylvania. And in like manner, the origin of the war of 1774 may fairly be charged to the en- croachments which were then being blade on the Indian territory. To be convinced of this, it is necessary to ad- vert to the promptitude of resistance on the part of the Natives, by which those encroachments were invariably met ; and to recur to events happening in other sections of the country. Events, perhaps no otherwise connected with the history of North Western Virginia, than as they are believed to have been the proximate causes of an hos- tility, eventuating in the effusion of much of its blood; 140 Wit hers 1 s Chronicles and pregnant with other circumstances, having an im- portant bearing on its prosperity and advancement. In the whole history of America, from the time when it first [108] became apparent that the occupancy of the country was the object of the whites, up to the present period, is there perhaps to be found a solitary instance, in which an attempt, made by the English to effect a settle- ment in a wilderness claimed by the Natives, was not suc- ceeded by immediate acts of hostility on the part of the latter. Every advance of the kind was regarded by them, as tending to effect their expulsion from a country, which they had long considered as their own, and as leading, most probably, to their entire extinction as a people. This excited in them feelings of the most dire resentment; stimulating to deeds of cruelty and murder, at once to repel the encroachment and to punish its authors. Expe- rience of the utter futility of those means to accomplish these purposes, has never availed to repress their use, or to produce an acquiesence in the wrong. Even attempts to extend jurisdiction over a country, the right of soil in which was never denied them, have ever given rise to the most lively apprehensions of their fatal consequences, and prompted to the employment of means to thwart that aim. An Indian sees no difference between the right of empire and the right of domain ; and just as little can he discrim- inate between the right of property, acquired by the actual cultivation of the earth, and that which arises from its ap- propriation to other uses. Among themselves they have lines of demarkation, which distinguish the territory of one nation from that of another; and these are of such binding authority, that a transgression of them by neighboring Indians, leads inva- riably to war. In treaties of purchase, and other conven- tional arrangements, made with them by the whites, the validity of their rights to land, have been repeatedly recognized ; and an infraction of those rights by the Anglo-Americans, encounters opposition at its threshold. The history of every attempt to settle a wilderness, to which the Indian title was not previously extinguished. Of Border Warfare. 141 has consequently been a history of plunder, conflagration and massacre. That the extension of white settlements into the In- dian country, was the cause of the war of 1774, will be abundantly manifested by a recurrence to the early history of Kentucky; and a brief review of the circumstances con- nected with the first attempts to explore and make estab- lishments in it. For several reasons, these circumstances merit a passing notice in this place. Redstone and Fort Pitt (now Brownsville and Pittsburgh) were for some time, the principal points of embarkation for emigrants to that country; many of whom were from the establishments which had been then not long made, on the Monongahela. The Indians, regarding the settlements in North Western Virginia as the line from which swarmed the adventurers to Kentucky, directed their operations to prevent the suc- cess of these adventurers, as well against the inhabitants of the upper country, as against them. While at the same time, in the efforts which were made to compel the Indians to desist from farther opposition, the North Western Vir- ginians frequently combined [109] their forces, and acted in conjunction, the more certainly to accomplish that ob- ject. In truth the war, which was then commenced, and carried on with but little intermission up to the treaty of Fort Greenville in 1795 was a war in which they were equally interested, having for its aim the indiscriminate destruction of the inhabitants of both those sections of country, as the means of preventing the farther extension of settlements by the whites. 1 1 Lord Dunmore's War (1774) was a natural outgrowth of the strained relations which had long existed between the savages and the white colonists in their midst. As our author has made clear, minor hostilities had broken out here and there ever since the Pontiac upris- ing, but there had been no general campaign since Bouquet's treaty in 1764. Affairs had come to that pass by the early spring of 1774, that diplomacy was no longer possible, and an Indian war was inevitable. It was merely a question of detail, as to how and when. The immediate cause of precipitation not the cause of the war, for that lay deeper was the territorial dispute over the Ft. Pitt region, between Virginia and Pennsylvania. Dunmore, as royal governor of Virginia, had sev- eral reasons for bringing matters to a head he was largely interested 142 Withers's Chronicles When Kentucky was first begun to be explored, it is said not to have been claimed in individual property by any nation of Indians. Its extensive forests, grassy plains and thick cane brakes, abounding with every variety of game common to such latitudes, were used as common hunting grounds, and considered by them, as open for all who chose to resort to them. The Cherokees, the Chick- asaws, the Cataubas, and the Chicamaugas, from the south east; and the Illinois, the Peorias, the Delawares, the Mingoes and Shawanees from the west, claimed and exercised equal rights and privileges within its limits. When the tribes of those different nations would however meet there, frequent collisions would arise between them ; and so deadly were the conflicts ensuing upon these, that, in conjunction with the gloom of its dense forests, they acquired for it the impressive appellation of " the dark and bloody ground." But frequent and deadly as may have been those conflicts, they sprang from some other cause, than a claim to exclusive property in it. In the summer of 1769, Daniel Boone, in company with John Finley (who had previously hunted through the country) and a few other men, entered Kentucky, and travelled over much of its surface, without meeting with in land speculations under Virginia patents that would be vitiated if Pennsylvania, now becoming aggressive, should succeed in planting her official machinery at Ft. Pitt, which was garrisoned by Virginia ; again, his colonists were in a revolutionary frame of mind, and he favored a distraction in the shape of a popular Indian war; finally, it seemed as though a successful raid by Virginia militia would clinch Virginia's hold on the country and the treaty of peace that must follow would widen the area of provincial lands and encourage Western settlements. April 25, 1774, he issued a proclamation in which, after reference to Penn- sylvania's claims, it was asserted that Ft. Pitt was " in danger of some annoyance from the Indians," and he called on his local military com- mandant, the fire-eating Dr. John Connolly, " to embody a sufficient number of men to repel any insult." Connolly, evidently as part of a preconcerted plan, at once (April 26) issued a circular letter to the ex- cited borderers, which was well calculated to arouse them, being in ef- fect a declaration of war against the Indians. The very next day occurred the Pipe Creek affair, then came the Logan tragedy at Baker's Bottom, three days later, and at once the war was on at full-head. B. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 143 an Indian, until the December following. 1 At this time Booiie and John Steward (one of his companions,) while on a hunting excursion, were discovered by a party of Indians, who succeeded in making them prisoners. After 1 Of John Findlay (so he signed his name), " the precursor and pilot of Daniel Boone to Kentucky," but little is known and less has been published. Apparently he was a native of the north of Ireland. In early life he emigrated to the neighborhood of Carlisle, Cumberland county, Pa., a district almost wholly settled by Scotch-Irish Protestants. In February, 1752, we find him a trader among the Shawnees ; the following year, he was robbed and driven off. It is probable that he served in the Pennsylvania frontier militia from the opening of the French and Indian War (1754). Boone met him on the Braddock cam- paign (1755), and they became fast friends. Findlay had already (1752) been in Kentucky as far as the Falls of the Ohio, in the course of his ramb- lings as a trader, and inspired Boone with an intense desire to seek this El Dorado of the West. It was in 1767, when settled near the head of the Yad- kin River, that Boone first tried to reach Kentucky by way of the Sandy, but failed. In the winter of 1768-69, Findlay, now a peddler, with a horse to carry his traps, appeared at Boone's cabin on the Yadkin, and the two old comrades had a happy time rehearsing their various adventures during the thirteen years of separation. An expedition to Kentucky was agreed upon, and the party set out from Boone's cabin, May 1, 1769 ; it was composed of Findlay, now advanced in years, Daniel Boone, the latter's brother-in-law, John Stuart, and three Yadkin neighbors, Jo- seph Holden, James Mooney, and William Cooley. The story of their expedition through Cumberland Gap, and their long hunt, is now famil- iar to readers of Western history. Their principal camp was probably on Red Lick Fork of Station Camp Creek. In December, Stuart and Boone were captured by Indians, but escaped early in January (1770), and on re- joining their comrades on Rockcastle River found that Daniel's brother, Squire, had arrived with fresh horses and traps from the North Carolina home ; and with him was Alexander Neely, whom Squire had found on New (Great Kanawha) River. Findlay, Holden, Mooney, and Cooley now elected to return home, leaving the others to spend a longer period in Kentucky ; Findlay took the left-hand road through the West Vir- ginia settlements, to Pennsylvania, and the others, turning to the right, wended their way to North Carolina through Cumberland Gap. Not long after this, Stuart was killed by Indians, while alone in the woods, and Neely, discouraged by his fate, returned home. The story, often copied from Withers, that Neely was killed by a wolf, is erroneous. As for Findlay, he appears to have again become an Indian trader in West- ern Pennsylvania ; for late in 1771 he is reported to have been robbed of $500 worth of goods, by a Seneca war party raiding the Youghiogheny district. There is a tradition that not long after this he " was lost in the wilds of the West." Holden and Cooley spent the rest of their days on the Upper Yadkin. Mooney was killed at the battle of Point Pleasant (1774). R. G. T. 144 Withers' s Chronicles a detention of but few days, these men effected their es- cape; & returning to their old camp, found that it had been plundered, and their associates, either killed or taken into captivity. They were shortly after joined by a brother of Daniel Boone and another man, from North Carolina, who were so fortunate in wandering through the wilder- ness, as to discover the only, though temporary residence of civilized man within several hundred miles. But the Indians had become alarmed for the possession of that country ; and fearing that if Boone and Steward should be suffered to escape to the settlements, they might induce others to attempt its permanent occupancy, they sought with vigilance to discover and murder them. They suc- ceeded in killing Steward ; but Daniel Boone and his brother, then the only persons left (the man who came out with the younger Boone having been killed by a wolf,) es- caped from them, and soon after returned to North Caro- lina. The Indians were not disappointed in their expecta- tions. The description given of the country by the Boones, soon led others to attempt its settlement ; and in 1773, six families and about forty men, all under the guidance of Daniel Boone, commenced their journey [110] to Kentucky with a view of remaining there. Before they proceeded far, they were attacked in the rear by a party of Indians, who had been observing their move- ments ; and who in the first fire killed six of the emi- grants and dispersed their cattle. Notwithstanding that, in the engagement which ensued upon this attack, the assailants were repulsed, yet the adventurers were so afflicted at the loss of their friends, and dispirited by such serious and early opposition, that they abandoned their purpose for a time, and returned to the inhabited parts of Tennessee. 1 1 The Boones and five other families set out from their homes on the Yadkin, Sept. 25, 1773. In Powell's Valley they were joined by forty people under Boone's brother-in-law, William Bryan. While the main party were slowly advancing through the valley, a small squad, under Boone's oldest son, James, went on a side expedition for flour, cattle, and other supplies. With these they had nearly caught up to the advance, Of Border Warfare. 145 The Indians elated with their success in defeating this first attempt at the settlement of Kentucky, and supposing that the route pursued by the party which they had driven back, would be the pass for future adventurers, determined on guarding it closely, and checking, if possible, every similar enterprise. But while their attention was directed to this point, others found their way into the country by a different route and from a different direction. The Virginia troops, who had served in the Canadian war, had been promised a bounty in "Western lands. Many of them being anxious to ascertain their value, and deem- ing this a favorable period for the making of surveys, col- lected at Fort Pitt in the fall of 1773 ; and descending the Ohio river to its falls, at Louisville, proceeded from thence to explore the country preparatory to a perfection of their grants. 1 when, not knowing they were so near, they camped on the evening of October 9 a few miles in the rear. Earl} 1 in the morning of the 10th, a small band of Shawnees and Cherokees, who were nominally at peace with the whites, fell upon and, after cruel tortures, slaughtered them. In Dunmore's speech at Fort Pitt, this tragedy in Powell's Valley was alluded to as one of the chief causes of the Indian war of 1774. At the Camp Charlotte treaty (October, 1774), some of the plunder from this massacre was delivered up by the savages. After the tragedy, the greater part of the Kentucky caravan returned to their homes, but the Boones spent the winter of 1773-74 at a settlement some forty miles distant, on Clinch River. During the Dunmore War, Boone was active as an In- dian fighter. R. G. T. 1 The leader of this party was Capt. Thomas Bullitt. He was born in Fauquier county, Va., in 1730 ; was one of Washington's captains at the Great Meadows (1754), and fought gallantly with Braddock (1755) and Forbes (1758) ; in 1763, was made adjutant-general of Virginia; during the early part of the Revolution he held the same office in the South- ern Department of the United States, but resigned in 1776 because not promoted ; he died in Fauquier county, in 1778. The project of Frank- lin, Walpole, and others to found the Colony of Pittsylvania, with its seat at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, greatly stimulated Western land speculation, and there was a rush of those holding military land warrants to locate claims. Lord Dunmore's agent at Fort Pitt, Dr. John Connolly with whom his lordship was doubtless in partnership had large interests of this character, and Bullitt went to the Falls of the Ohio (1773) to survey lands for him. Bullitt had a surveyor's commission from Williams and Mary College, but Col. William Preston, county sur- 10 146 Withers' s Chronicles About the same time too, General Thompson of Penn- sylvania, commenced an extensive course of surveys, of the rich land on the North Fork of Licking ; and other individuals following his example, in the ensuing winter the country swarmed with land adventurers and survey- ors. So sensible were they all, that these attempts to appropriate those lands to their own use, would produce acts of hostility, that they went prepared to resist those acts ; and the first party who took up their abode in Ken- tucky, no sooner selected a situation for their residence, than they proceeded to erect a fort for their security. 1 The conduct of the Indians soon convinced them that their apprehensions were not ill founded ; and many of them, in consequence of the hostile movements which were being made, and the robberies which were com- mitted, ascended the Ohio river to Wheeling. It is not known that any murders were done pre- viously to this, and subsequently to the attack and repulse of the emigrants who were led on by Boone in 1773. This event happened on the tenth day of October ; and it was in April the ensuing year, that the land adventurers re- tired to Wheeling. In this interval of time, nothing could, perhaps, be done by the Indians, but make prepara- tion [111] for hostilities in the spring. Indeed it very rarely happens, that the Indians engage in active war dur- veyor for Fincastle county in which Kentucky was then included declined to recognize any but his own deputies. Preston carried his point, and the lands were re-surveyed the following year (1774) by his deputies. Bullitt had laid off a town on this Connolly survey ; but the Revolution soon broke out, Bullitt was otherwise engaged, Dunmore was deposed, Connolly was imprisoned, and the scheme fell through. In 1778, George Rogers Clark camped at the Falls on his way to the Illinois, and the garrison he established there grew into the town of Louisville. With Bullitt's surveying party in 1773, were James Douglas, James Har- rod, James Sodousky, Isaac Kite, Abraham Haptonstall, Ebenezer Severns, John Fitzpatrick, John Cowan, prominent names in later Ken- tucky history, and possibly others. George Rogers Clark was probably with the party during a part of its canoe voyage down the Ohio, but seems to have gone no farther than Big Bone Creek. R. G. T. 1 This was done by a party of men from the Monongahela, under the guidance of James Harrod ; by whom was built the first cabin for human habitancy ever erected in Kentucky. This was on the present site of Harrodsburg. Of Border Warfare. 147 ing the winter ; and there is, moreover, a strong presump- tion, that they were for some time ignorant of the fact that there were adventurers in the country; and conse- quently, they knew of no object there, on which their hos- tile intentions could operate. Be this as it may, it is cer- tain that, from the movements of the Indians at the close of the winter, the belief was general, that they were as- suming a warlike attitude, and meditating a continuance of hostilities. War was certainly begun on their part, when Boone and his associates, were attacked and driven back to the settlement ; and if it abated for a season, that abatement was attributable to other causes, than a disposi- tion to remain quiet and peaceable, while the country was being occupied by the w hites. If other evidence were wanting, to prove the fact that the war of 1774 had its origin in a determination of the Indians to repress the extension of white settlements, it could be found in the circumstance, that although it was terminated by the treaty with Lord Dunmore, yet it re- vived as soon as attempts were again made to occupy Kentucky, and was continued with increased ardour, 'till the victory obtained over them by General Wayne. For, notwithstanding that in the struggle for American liberty, those Indians became the allies of Great Britain, yet when independence was acknowledged, and the English forces withdrawn from the colonies, hostilities were still carried on by them ; and, as was then well understood, because of the continued operation of those causes, which produced the war of 1774. That the Canadian traders and British emissaries, prompted, the Indians to aggression, and ex- tended to them every aid which they could, to render that aggression more effectually oppressive and overwhelming, is readily admitted. Yet this would not have led to a war, but for the encroachments which have been men- tioned. French influence, united to the known jealousy of the Natives, would have been unavailingly exerted to array the Indians against Virginia, at the commencement of Braddock's war, but for the proceedings of the Ohio company, and the fact that the Pennsylvania traders rep- resented the object of that association to be purely terri- 148 Withers's Chronicles torial. And equally fruitless would have been their en- deavor to involve them in a contest [112] with Virginians at a later period, but for a like manifestation of an inten- tion to encroach on their domain. In the latter end of April 1774, a party of land advent- urers, who had fled from the dangers which threatened them below, came in collision with some Indians, near the mouth of Captina, sixteen miles below Wheeling. A slight skirmish ensued, which terminated in the discomfiture of the whites, notwithstanding they had only one man wounded, and one or two of the enemy were killed. About the same time, happened the affair opposite the mouth of Yellow creek ; a stream emptying into the Ohio river from the northwest, nearly midway between Pitts- burg and Wheeling. 1 In consequence of advices received of the menacing conduct of the Indians, Joshua Baker (who lived at this place) was preparing, together with his neighbors, to re- tire for safety, into some of the nearer forts, or to go to the older and more populous settlements, remote from danger. There was at that time a large party of Indians, encamped on both sides of Yellow creek, at its entrance into the river; and although in their intercourse at Baker's, they had not manifested an intention of speedily commencing depredations, yet he deemed his situation in the immediate contiguity of them, as being far from se- cure, and was on the eve of abandoning it, when a party of whites, who had just collected at his house, n'red upon and killed some Indians, who were likewise there. Among them were the brother and daughter of the celebrated chief, Logan. 2 1 These are the Pipe Creek and Baker's Bottom affairs, respectively mentioned on pp. 134, 149, notes. Yellow Creek, opposite Baker's Bot- tom, empties into the Ohio 51 miles below Pittsburg; Wheeling is 91 miles below Pittsburg, and Pipe Creek 104. R. G. T. "There is some difficulty in fixing on the precise time when these occurrences happened. Col. Ebenezer Zane says that they took place in the latter part of April, and that the affair at Captina preceded the one at Yellow creek a few days. John Sappington, who was of the party at Baker's, and is said to be the one who killed Logan's brother, says, the murders at that place occurred on the 24th of May, and that the Of Border Warfare. 149 In justification of this conduct it has been said, that on the preceding evening a squaw came over from the en- campment and informed Mrs. Baker that the Indians meditated the murder of her family on the next day ; and that before the firing [113] at Baker's, two canoes, con- skirmish at Captina was on the day before (23rd May.) Col. Andrew Swearingen, a presbyterian gentleman of much respectability, one of the early settlers near the Ohio above Wheeling, and afterwards inti- mate with those engaged at both places, says that the disturbance oppo- site Yellow creek preceded the engagement [113] at Captina, and that the latter, as was then generally understood, was caused by the conduct of the Indians, who had been at Yellow creek and were descending the river, exasperated at the murder of their friends at Baker's. Mr. Ben- jamin Tomlinson, who was the brother-in-law of Baker and living with him at the time, says that this circumstance happened in May, but is silent as to the one at Captina. These gentlemen all agree in the fact that Logan's people were murdered at Baker's. Indeed Logan himself charges it as having been done there. The statement of Sappington, that the murders were caused by the abusive epithets of Logan's brother and his taking the hat and coat of Baker's brother in law is confirmed by Col. Swearingen and others ; who also say that for some days previous, the neighborhood generally had been engaged in prepar- ing to leave the country, in consequence of the menacing conduct of the Indians. Comment by R. G. T. The date is now well established April 30. Withers is altogether too lenient, in his treatment of the whites en- gaged in this wretched massacre. Logan, encamped at the mouth of Yellow River, on the Ohio side, was a peaceful, inoffensive Indian, against whom no man harbored a suspicion ; he was made a victim of race hatred, in a time of great popular excitement. Joshua Baker, who was settled opposite him on Baker's Bottom, in Virginia, kept a low grog-shop tavern, and had recently been warned not to sell more liquor to Indians. Daniel Greathouse lived in the vicinity a cruel, blood- thirsty fellow, who served Connolly as a local agent in fomenting hatred of Indians. It will be remembered (p. 134, note) that Cresap's party were intending to strike the camp of Logan, but that they abandoned the project. In the meantime, probably without knowledge of Cresap's in- tent, Greathouse had collected a party of 32 borderers to accomplish the same end. Logan's camp seemed too strong for them to attack openly ; so they secreted themselves in Baker's house, and when Logan's family, men and women, came over to get their daily grog, and were quite drunk, set upon them and slew and tomahawked nine or ten. The chief, standing on the Ohio bank, heard the uproar and witnessed the massacre ; he naturally supposed that the murderers were led by Cresap. From a friend of the whites, Logan became their implacable enemy, and during the ensuing war his forays were the bloodiest on the bor- der. We shall hear of him and his famous speech, later on. 150 Withers 's Chronicles taining Indians painted and armed for war, were seen to leave the opposite shore. Under these circumstances, an apparently slight provocation, and one, which would not perhaps have been, otherwise heeded, produced the fatal result. As the canoes approached the shore, the party from Baker's commenced firing on them, and notwith- standing the opposition made by the Indians, forced them to retire. An interval of quiet succeeded the happening of these events; but it was as the solemn stillness which precedes the eruption of an earthquake, when a volcanic explosion has given notice of its approach; rendered more awful by the uncertainty where its desolating influence would be felt. It was however, a stillness of but short duration. The gathering storm .soon burst over the devoted heads of those, who had neglected to seek a shelter from its wrath. The traders in the Indian country were the first victims sacrificed on the altar of savage ferocity ; and a general massacre of all the whites found among them, quickly followed. A young man, discovered near the falls of Muskingum and within sight of White Eyes town, was murdered, scalped ; literally cut to pieces, and the man- gled members of his body, hung up on trees. White Eyes, a chief of the friendly Delawares, hearing the scalp halloo, went out with a party of his men ; and seeing what had been done, collected the scattered limbs of the young man, and buried them. On the next day, they were torn from the ground, severed into smaller pieces, and thrown dis- persedly at greater distances from each other. [114] Apprized of impending danger, many of the inhabitants on the frontiers of North Western Virginia, retired into the interior, before any depredations were committed, in the upper country ; some took refuge in forts which had been previously built ; while others, col- lecting together at particular houses, converted them into temporary fortresses, answering well the purposes of pro- tection, to those who sought shelter in them. Fort Red- stone, which had been erected after the successful expedi- tion of General Forbes ; and Fort Pitt, at the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, afforded an asylum Of Border Warfare. 151 to many. Several private forts were likewise established in various parts of the country ; l and every thing which individual exertion could effect, to ensure protection to the border inhabitants, was done. Nor did the colonial government of Virginia neglect the security of her frontier citizens. When intelligence of the hostile disposition of the Natives, reached Williams- burg, the house of Burgesses was in session ; and measures were immediately adopted, to prevent massacres, and to restore tranquillity. That these objects might be the more certainly accomplished, it was proposed by General Andrew Lewis (then a delegate from Bottetourt,) to or- ganize a force, sufficient to overcome all intermediate op- position, and to carry the war into the enemy's country. In accordance to this proposition, orders were issued by Governor Dunmore for raising the requisite number of troops, and for making other necessary preparations for the contemplated campaign ; the plan of which was con- certed by the Governor, Gen. Lewis and Colonel Charles Lewis (then a delegate from Augusta.) But as some time must necessarily have elapsed before the consummation of the preparations which were being made ; and as much individual suffering might result from the delays unavoid- ably incident to the raising, equipping and [115] organizing a large body of troops, it was deemed advisable to take some previous and immediate step to prevent the invasion of exposed and defenceless portions of the country. The best plan for the accomplishment of this object was believed to be, the sending of an advance army into the Indian country, of sufficient strength to act offensively, before a confederacy could be formed of the different tribes, and their combined forces be brought into the field. A sense 1 It was then that "Westfall's and Casinoe's forts were erected in Tygart's valley, Pricket's, on Pricket's creek, Jackson's on Ten Mile, and Shepherd's on Wheeling creek, a few miles above its mouth. There were also others established in various parts of the country and on the Monongahela and Ohio rivers. Nutter's fort, near to Clarksburg, afforded protection to the inhabitants on the West Fork, from its source, to its confluence with the Valley river; and to those who lived on Buchannon and on Hacker's creek, as well as to the residents of its im- mediate vicinity. 152 Withers' s Chronicles of the exposed situation of their towns in the presence of an hostile army, requiring the entire strength of every village for its defence, would, it was supposed, call home those straggling parties of warriors, by which destruction is so certainly dealt to the helpless and unprotected. In conformity with this part of the plan of operations, four hundred men, to be detailed from the militia west of the mountains, were ordered to assemble at Wheeling as soon as practicable. And in the mean time, lest the surveyors and land adventurers, who were then in Kentucky, might be discovered and fall a prey to the savages, Daniel Boone was sent by the Governor to the falls of Ohio, to conduct them home from thence, through the wilderness; the only practicable road to safety, the Ohio river being so effectu- ally guarded as to preclude the hope of escaping up it. 1 1 June 20, Col. William Preston, having charge of the defenses of Fincastle county, authorized Capt. William Russell to employ two faith- ful woodsmen to go to Kentucky and inform the several surveying parties at work there, of their danger. June 26, Russell replied, " I have en- gaged to start immediately on the occasion, two of the best hands I could think of Daniel Boone and Michael Stoner; who have engaged to reach the country as low as the Falls, and to return by way of Gas- per's Lick on Cumberland, and through Cumberland Gap ; so that, by the assiduity of these men, if it is not too late, I hope the gentlemen will be apprized of the imminent danger they are daily in." Boone and Stoner journeyed overland to Harrodsburg, where Col. James Harrod and thirty men were making improvements and laying out the town. The thrifty Boone secured a good lot, hastily built a claim cabin, and proceeded on his tour. At Fontaine Blue, three miles below Harrodsburg, the two scouts found another party of surveyors, whom they warned ; and in going down the Kentucky River came across Capt. John Floyd's surveying party, eight men, who had left Preston's house for Kentucky, April 9, who agreed to meet, them farther down the river. But circumstances prevented a reunion, and Floyd's band penetrated through the wilderness on their own account, and had a painful journey of sixteen days' duration before reaching Russell's Fort on Clinch River. Meanwhile, Boone and Stoner descended to the mouth of the Kentucky, and thence to the Falls of the Ohio, and found more surveyors at Mann's Lick, four miles southeast. Indians were making bloody forays through the district, and the scouts had frequent thrilling adventures. Finally, after having been absent sixty-one days and trav- elled 800 miles, they reached Russell's on the Clinch, in safety. Russell was absent on the Point Pleasant campaign, and Boone set out with a party of recruits to reinforce him, but was ordered back to defend the Clinch settlements. He was busy at this task until the close of the war. Of Border Warfare. 153 Early in June, the troops destined to make an incur- sion into the Indian country, assembled at Wheeling, and being placed under the command of Colonel Angus Mc- Donald, descended the Ohio to the mouth of Captina. Debarking, at this place, from their boats and canoes, they took up their march to Wappatomica, an Indian town on the Muskingum. The country through which the army had to pass, was one unbroken forest, presenting many ob- stacles to its speedy advance, not the least of which was the difficulty of proceeding directly to the point proposed. 1 To obviate this, however, they were accompanied by three persons in the capacity of guides; 2 whose knowledge of the woods, and familiarity with those natural indices, which so unerringly mark the direction of the principal points, enabled them to pursue the direct course. When they had approached within six miles of the town, the [116] army encountered an opposition from a party of fifty or sixty Indians lying in ambush; and before these could be dis- lodged, two whites were killed, and eight orten wounded ; one Indian was killed, and several wounded. They then proceeded to Wappatomica without further molestation.* When the army arrived at the town, it was found to be entirely deserted. Supposing that it would cross the river, the Indians had retreated to the opposite bank, and concealing themselves behind trees and fallen timber, were awaiting that movement in joyful anticipation of a suc- He was present at the Watauga treaty, March 17, 1775 ; later that year, he led another band to Kentucky, and early in April built Fort Boone, on Kentucky River, "a little below Big Lick," the nucleus of the Henderson colony. R. G. T. 1 The party numbered about four hundred men. The line of march was about ninety miles in length, as estimated by the zig-zag course pursued. R. G. T. 2 They were Jonathan Zane, Thomas Nicholson and Tady Kelly. A better woodsman than the first named of these three, perhaps never lived. 3 Doddridge locates Wapatomica " about sixteen miles below the present Coshocton." Butterfield (History of the Girtys) places it "just below the present Zanesville, in Logan county, Ohio, not a great distance from Mac-a-cheek." For localities of Indian towns on the Muskingum, see map in St. John de Creve Coeur's Lettres d'un Cultivateur Americain (Paris, 1787), III., p. 413. R. G. T. 154 Withers's Chronicles cessful surprise. Their own anxiety and the prudence of the commanding officer, however, frustrated that ex- pectation. Several were discovered peeping from their covert, watching the motion of the army ; and Colonel McDonald, suspecting their object, and apprehensive that they would recross the river and attack him in the rear, stationed videttes above and below, to detect any such purpose, and to apprise him of the first movement to- wards effecting it. Foiled by these prudent and precau- tionary measures and seeing their town in possession of the enemy, with no prospect of wresting it from them, 'till destruction would have done its work, the Indians sued for peace ; and the commander of the expedition consenting to negotiate with them, if he could be assured of their sincerity, five chiefs were sent over as hostages, and the army then crossed the river, with these in front. When a negotiation was begun, the Indians asked, that one of the hostages might be permitted to go and convoke the other chiefs, whose presence, it was alleged, would be necessary to the ratification of a peace. One was accordingly released ; and not returning at the time specified, another was then sent, who in like manner failed to return. Colonel McDonald, suspecting some treachery, marched forward to the next town, above Wappatomica, where another slight engagement took place, in which one Indian was killed and one white man wounded. It was then ascertained, that the time which should have been spent in collecting the other chiefs, preparatory to negotiation, had been employed in removing their old men, their women and children, together with what prop- erty could be readily taken off, and for making prepara- tions for a combined attack on the Virginia troops. To punish this duplicity and to render peace really desirable, Col. McDonald burned their towns and destroyed their crops; [117] and being then in want of provisions, retraced his steps to Wheeling, taking with him the three remain- ing hostages, who were then sent on to Williamsburg. 1 1 John Hargus, a private in Capt. Cresap's company, while stationed as a videttc below the main army, observed an Indian several times raising his head above his blind, and looking over the river. Charging Of Border Warfare. 155 The inconvenience of supplying provisions to an army in the wilderness, was a serious obstacle to the success of expeditions undertaken against the Indians. The want of roads, at that early period, which would admit of trans- portation in wagons, rendered it necessary to resort to pack horses; and such was at times the difficulty of pro- curing these, that, not unfrequently, each soldier had to be the bearer of his entire stock of subsistence for the whole campaign. When this was exhausted, a degree of suffering ensued, often attended with consequences fatal to individuals, and destructive to the objects of the expedition. In the present case, the army being without provisions before they left the Indian towns, their only sustenance consisted of weeds, an ear of corn each day, and occasionally, a small quantity of venison : it being im- practicable to hunt game in small parties, because of the vigilance and success of the Indians, in watching and cut- ting off detachments of this kind, before they could ac- complish their purpose and regain the -main army. No sooner had the troops retired from the Indian country, than the savages, in small parties, invaded the settlements in different directions, seeking opportunities of gratifying their insatiable thirst for blood. And al- though the precautions which had been taken, lessened the frequency of their success, yet they did not always prevent it. Persons leaving the forts on any occasion, were almost always either murdered or carried into captivity, a lot sometimes worse than death itself. Perhaps the first of these incursions into North West- ern Virginia, after the destruction of the towns on the Muskingum, was that made by a party of eight Indians, at the head of which was the Cayuga chief Logan. 1 This his rifle with a second ball, he fired, and both bullets passed through the neck of the Indian, who was found next day and scalped by Hargus. 1 Logan was the son of Shikellemus, a celebrated chief of the Cayuga nation, who dwelt at Shamokin, and always attached to the [118] English, was of much service to them on many occasions. After the close of Dunmore's war, Logan became gloomy and melancholy, drank freely and manifested symptoms of mental derangement. He remained some time at Detroit, and while there, his conduct and expressions evinced a 156 Withers s Chronicles very celebrated [118] Indian is represented as having hitherto, observed towards the whites, a course of conduct by no means in accordance with the malignity and stead- fast implacability which influenced his red brethren gen- erally ; but was, on the contrary, distinguished by a sense of humanity, and a just abhorrence of those cruelties so fre- quently inflicted on the innocent and unoffending, as well as upon those who were really obnoxious to savage enmity. Such indeed were the acts of beneficence which characterized him, and so great his partiality for the English, that the finger of his brethren would point to his cabin as the res- idence of Logan, " the friend of white men." " In the course of the French war, he remained at home, idle and inactive;" opposed to the interference of his nation, "an advocate for peace." When his family fell before the fury of exasperated men, he felt himself impelled to avenge their deaths ; and exchanging the pipe of peace, for the toma- hawk of war, became active in seeking opportunities to glut his vengeance. 1 With this object in view, at the head of the party which has been mentioned, he traversed the county from the Ohio to the West Fork, before an opportunity was presented him of achieving any mischief. Their distance from what was supposed would be the theatre of war, had rendered the inhabitants of that section of country, comparatively inattentive to their safety. Relying on the expectation that the first blow would be struck on the Ohio, and that they would have sufficient notice of this to prepare for their own security, before danger could reach them, many had continued to perform the ordinary business of their farms. On the 12th day of July, as William Robinson, Thomas Hellen and Coleman Brown were pulling flax in a field op- posite the mouth of Simpson's creek, Logan and his party approached unperceived and fired at them. Brown fell weariness of the world. Life he said had become a burden to him, he knew no more what pleasure was, and thought it had been better if he had never existed. In this disponding and disconsolate condition he left Detroit, and on his way between that place and Miami, is said to have been murdered. 1 See p. 149, note, for account of the massacre. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 157 instantly; his body perforated by several balls; and Hellen and Robinson [119] unscathed, sought safety in flight. Hellen being then an old man, was soon overtaken and made captive; but Robinson, with the elasticity of youth, ran a considerable distance before he was taken ; and but for an untoward accident might have effected an escape. Believing that he was outstripping his pursuers, and anxious to ascertain the fact, he looked over his shoulder, but before he discovered the Indian giving chase, he ran with such violence against a tree, that he fell, stunned by the shock and lay powerless and insensible. In this situ- ation he was secured with a cord; and when he revived, was taken back to the place where the Indians had Hellen in confinement, and where lay the lifeless body of Brown. They then set off to their towns, taking with them a horse which belonged to Hellen. When they had approached near enough to be dis- tinctly heard, Logan (as is usual with them after a suc- cessful scout,) gave the scalp halloo, and several warriors came out to meet them, and conducted the prisoners into the village. Here they passed through the accustomed ceremony of running the guantlet ; but with far different fortunes. Robinson, having been previously instructed by Logan (who from the time he made him his prisoner, mani- fested a kindly feeling towards him,) made his way, with but little interruption, to the council house; but poor Hel- len, from the decrepitude of age, and his ignorance of the fact that it was a place of refuge, was sadly beaten before he arrived at it ; and when he at length came near enough, he was knocked down with a war club, before he could enter. After he had fallen, they continued to beat and strike him with such unmerciful severity, that he would assuredly have fallen a victim to their barbarous usage, but that Robinson (at some peril for the interference) reached forth his hand and drew him within the sanctuary. When he had however, recovered from the effects of the violent beating which he had received, he was relieved from the apprehension of farther suffering, by being adopted into an Indian family. A council was next convoked to resolve on the fate 158 Withers 1 s Chronicles of Robinson ; and then arose in his breast, feelings of the most anxious inquietude. Logan assured him, that he should not be killed; but the council appeared determined that he should die, and he was tied to the stake. Logan then addressed them, and with much vehemence, insisted that Robinson too should be spared; and had the elo- quence displayed on that occasion been less than Logan is believed to have possessed, [120] it is by no means won- derful that he appeared to Robinson (as he afterwards said) the most powerful orator he ever heard. But com- manding as his eloquence might have been, it seems not to have prevailed with the council ; for Logan had to in- terpose otherwise than by argument or entreaty, to succeed in the attainment of his object. Enraged at the perti- nacity with which the life of Robinson was sought to be taken, and reckless of the consequences, he drew the tom- ahawk from his belt, and severing the cords which bound the devoted victim to the stake, led him in triumph, to the cabin of an old squaw, by whom he was immediately adopted. After this, so long as Logan remained in the town where Robinson was, he was kind and attentive to him ; and when preparing to go again to war, got him to write the letter which was afterwards found on Holstein at the house of a Mr. Robertson, whose family were all mur- dered by the Indians. Robinson remained with his adopted mother, until he was redeemed under the treaty concluded at the close of the Dunmore campaign. Of Border Warfare. 159 [121] CHAPTER VII. When information of the hostile deportment of the Indians was carried to Williamsburg, Col. Charles Lewis sent a messenger with the intelligence to Capt. John Stuart, and requesting of him, to apprize the inhabitants on the Greenbrier river that an immediate war was an- ticipated, and to send out scouts to watch the warrior's paths beyond the settlements. The vigilance and activity of Capt. Stuart, were exerted with some success, to pre- vent the re-exhibition of those scenes which had been previously witnessed on Muddy creek and in the Big Levels : but they could not avail to repress them alto- gether. In the course of the preceding spring, some few indi- viduals had begun to make improvements on the Kenhawa river below the Great Falls ; and some land adventurers, to examine and survey portions of the adjoining country. To these men Capt. Stuart despatched an express, to in- form them that apprehensions were entertained of im- mediate irruptions being made upon the frontiers by the Indians, and advising them to remove from the position which they then occupied ; as from its exposed situation, without great vigilance and alertness, they must necessarily fall a prey to the savages. When the express arrived at the cabin of Walter Kelly, twelve miles below the falls, Capt. John Field of Culpepper (who had been in active service during the French war, and was then engaged in making surveys,) was there with a young Scotchman and a negro woman. Kelly with great prudence, directly sent his family to Greenbrier, under the care of a younger brother. But Capt. Field, considering the apprehension as groundless, determined on remaining with Kelly, who from prudential motives did not wish to subject himself to observation by 160 Withers's Chronicles mingling with others. 1 Left with no persons but the Scotchman and negro, they were not long permitted to doubt the reality of those dangers, of which they had been forewarned by Capt Stuart. [122] Very soon after Kelly's family had left the cabin, and while yet within hearing of it, a party of Indians ap- proached, unperceived, near to Kelly and Field, who were engaged in drawing leather from a tan trough in the yard. The first intimation which Field had of their approach was the discharge of several guns and the fall of Kelly. He then ran briskly towards the house to get possession of a gun, but recollecting that it was unloaded, he changed his course, and sprang into a cornfield which screened him from the observation of the Indians; who, supposing that he had taken shelter in the cabin, rushed immediately into it. Here they found the Scotchman and the negro woman, the latter of whom they killed; and making prisoner of the young man, returned and scalped Kelly. When Kelly's family reached the Greenbrier settle- ment, they mentioned their fears for the fate of those whom they had left on the Kenhawa, not doubting but that the guns which they heard soon after leaving the house, had been dischaaged at them by Indians. Capt. Stuart, with a promptitude which must ever command ad- miration, exerted himself effectually to raise a volunteer corps, and proceed to the scene of action, with the view of ascertaining whether the Indians had been there ; and if they had, and he could meet with them, to endeavor to punish them for the outrage, and thus prevent the repeti- tion of similar deeds of violence. They had not however gone far, before they were met by Capt. Field, whose appearance of itself fully told the tale of woe. He had ran upwards of eighty miles, naked except his shirt, and without food ; his body nearly ex- hausted by fatigue, anxiety and hunger, and his limbs greviously lacerated with briers and brush. Captain 1 He is said to have committed some offence, in the upper part of South Carolina, which rendered him obnoxious to the laws of that colony, and to evade the punishment for which, he had fled to the wilderness and taken up his abode in it. Of Border Warfare. 161 Stuart, fearing lest the success of the Indians might in- duce them to push immediately for the settlements, thought proper to return and prepare for that event. In a few weeks after this another party of Indians came to the settlement on Muddy creek, and as if a cer- tain fatality attended the Kelly's, they alone fell victims to the incursion. As the daughter of "Walter Kelly was walking with her uncle (who had conducted the family from the Kenhawa) some distance from the house, which had been converted into a temporary fort, and in which they lived, they were discovered and fired upon ; the latter was killed and scalped, and the former being overtaken in her flight, was carried into captivity. After the murder of Brown, and the taking of Hellen and Robinson, the inhabitants on the Monongahela and its upper branches, alarmed for their safety, retired into forts. But in the ensuing September, as Josiah Pricket and Mrs. Susan Ox, who had left Pricket's fort for the purpose of driving up their cows, were returning in the evening they were way laid by a party of Indians, who had been drawn to the path by the tinkling of the cow- bell. Pricket was killed and scalped, and Mrs. Ox taken prisoner. [123] It was in the course of this season, that Lewis Wetsel 1 first gave promise of that daring and discretion, which were so full}* developed in his maturer years, and which rendered him among the most fortunate and suc- cessful of Indian combatants. When about fourteen years old, he and his brother Jacob, (still younger) were discov- 1 Lewis Wetzel, the son of a German settler on Wheeling Creek, some fourteen miles above its mouth, was born about 1764. He and his broth- ers Martin, Jacob, John, and George became famous in border warfare after the close of the Revolution ; the annals of the frontier abound in tales of their hardy achievements. Martin and Lewis were the heroes of most remarkable escapes from Indian captivity; John was also famous as an Indian fighter ; and Jacob's name will ever be connected with the exploits of that other great border scout, Simon Kenton. But of all the brothers, Lewis achieved the widest celebrity, and two biographies of him have been published: by Cecil B. Hartley (Phila., 1860), and by R. C. V. Meyers (Phila., 1883). R. G. T. 11 162 Withers 1 's Chronicles ered some distance from the house, by a party of Indians, who had been prowling through the settlements on the Ohio river, with the expectation of fortunately meeting with some opportunity of taking scalps or making prison- ers. As the boys were at some distance from them, and in a situation too open to admit of their being approached without perceiving those who should advance towards them, the Indians determined on shooting the larger one, lest his greater activity might enable him to escape. A shot was accordingly discharged at him, which, partially taking effect and removing a portion of his breast bone, so far deprived him of his wonted powers, that he was easily overtaken ; and both he and his brother were made pris- oners. The Indians immediately directed their steps towards their towns, and having travelled about twenty miles beyond the Ohio river, encamped at the Big Lick, on the waters of McMahon's creek, on the second night after they had set off. When they had finished eating, the Indians laid down, without confining the boys as on the preceding night, and soon fell to sleep. After making some little movements to test the soundness of their repose, Lewis whispered to his brother that he must get up and go home with him ; and after some hesitation on the part of Jacob, they arose and set off. Upon getting about 100 yards from the camp, Lewis stopped, and telling his brother to await there, returned to the camp and brought from thence a pair of mocasons for each of them. He then observed, that he would again go back and get his father's gun ; this he soon effected, and they then commenced their journey home. The moon shining brightly, they were easily able to distinguish the trail which they had made in going out ; but had not however pursued it far, before they heard the Indians coming in pursuit of them. So soon as Lewis perceived by the sound of their voices that they were approaching tolerably near to them, he led his brother aside from the path, and squatting down, concealed them- selves 'till their pursuers had passed them; when they again commenced travelling and in the rear of the Indians. Not overtaking the boys as soon aa was expected, those who had been sent after them, began to retrace their steps. Of Border Warfare. 163 Expecting this, the boys were watchful of every noise or object before them, and when they heard the Indians re- turning, again secreted themselves in the bushes, and escaped observation. They were then followed by two, of the party who had made them prisoners, on horseback ; but by practising the same stratagem, they eluded them also ; and on the next day reached the Ohio river opposite to Wheeling. Apprehensive that it would be dangerous to apprize those on the opposite side of the river of their situation, by hallooing, Lewis set himself to work as silently, and yet as expeditiously [124] as possible, and with the aid of his little brother, soon completed a raft on which they safely crossed the Ohio ; and made their way home. That persons, should, by going out from the forts, when the Indians were so generally watching around them, expose themselves to captivity or death, may at first appear strange and astonishing. But when the mind reflects on the tedious and irksome confinement, which they were compelled to undergo; the absence of the comforts, and frequently, of the necessaries of life, coupled with an overweening attachment to the enjoyment of forest scenes and forest pastimes, it will perhaps be matter of greater astonishment that they did not more fre- quently forego the security of a fortress, for the uncer- tain enjoyment of those comforts and necessaries, and the doubtful gratification of this attachment. Accus- tomed as they had been " free to come and free to go," they could not brook the restraint under which they were placed; and rather than chafe and pine in unwilling confinement, would put themselves at hazard, that they might revel at large and wanton in the wilderness. De- riving their sustenance chiefly from the woods, the strong arm of necessity led many to tempt the perils which envi- roned them ; while to the more chivalric and adventurous " the danger's self were lure alone." The quiet and still- ness which reigned around, even when the enemy werq lurking nearest and in greater numbers, inspired many too, with the delusive hope of exemption from risk, not unfrequently the harbinger of fatal consequences. It seemed indeed, impracticable at first to realize the exist- 164 Withers s Chronicles ence of a danger, which could not be perceived. And not until taught by reiterated suffering did they properly ap- preciate the perilous situation of those, who ventured beyond the walls of their forts. But this state of things was of short duration. The preparations, which were nec- essary to be made for the projected campaign into the In- dian country, were completed ; and to resist this threatened invasion, required the concentrated exertions of all their warriors. The army destined for this expedition, was composed of volunteers and militia, chiefly from the counties west of the Blue ridge, and consisted of two divisions. The northern division, comprehending the troops, collected in Frederick, Dunmore, 1 and the adjacent counties, was to be commanded by Lord Dunmore, in person; 2 and the south- ern, comprising the different companies raised in Bote- tourt, Augusta and the adjoining counties east of the Blue ridge, was to be led on by Gen. Andrew Lewis. These two divisions, proceeding by different routes, were to form a junction at the mouth of the Big Kenhawa, and from thence penetrate the country north west of the Ohio river, as far as the season would admit of their going; and de- stroy all the Indian towns and villages which they could reach. About the first of September, the troops placed under the command [125] of Gen. Lewis rendezvoused at Camp Union (now Lewisburg) and consisted of two regiments, commanded by Col. William Fleming of Botetourt and Col. Charles Lewis of Augusta, and containing about four hundred men each. At Camp Union they were joined by an independent volunteer company under Col. John Field of Culpepper ; a company from Bedford under Capt. Bu- 1 Now Shenandoah. * The northern wing was composed of men from Frederick, Berke- ley, and Dunmore (afterwards Shenandoah) counties, and Col. Adam Stephen was placed in command. With this wing went Lord Dunmore and Major John Connolly. Counting the forces already in the field un- der Maj. Angus McDonald and Capt. William Crawford, this levy num- bered some twelve hundred men. Among them, as scouts, were George Roger Clark, Simon Kenton, and Michael Cresap. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 165 ford and two from the Holstein settlement (now Wash- ington county) under Capts. Evan Shelby and Harbert. These three latter companies were part of the forces to be led on by Col. Christian, who was likewise to join the two main divisions of the army at Point Pleasant, so soon as the other companies of his regiment could be assembled. The force under Gen. Lewis, having been thus augmented to eleven hundred men, commenced its march for the mouth of Kenhawa on the llth of September 1774. 1 From Camp Union to the point proposed for the junc- tion of the northern and southern divisions of the army, a distance of one hundred and sixty miles, the intermedi- ate country was a trackless forest, so rugged and moun- tainous as to render the progress of the army, at once, tedious and laborious. Under the guidance of Capt. Mat- thew Arbuckle, they however, succeeded in reaching the Ohio river after a march of nineteen days ; and fixed their encampment on the point of land immediately between that river and the Big Kenhawa. 2 The provisions and ammunition, transported on packhorses, and the beeves in droves, arrived soon after. When the army was preparing to leave Camp Union, there was for a while some reluctance manifested on the 1 Lewis was colonel of the militia of Botetourt county. Camp Union (so called because several bodies of troops met there) was on the Big Savannah or Great Levels of Greenbrier River ; the town of Lewis- burg now occupies the site. In Dunmore's letter to Andrew Lewis, dated July 12, he directed him to raise a sufficient body of men, and proceeding to the mouth of the Great Kanawha there erect a fort ; if he deemed best he was to cross the Ohio, proceed directly to the Indian towns, and destroy their crops and supplies ; in any event he was to keep communication open between Fort Wheeling and Fort Dunmore (Pittsburg). It is evident that his lordship then contemplated no separate expedition of his own, for he talks of sending Major Angus McDonald's party and a new levy to Lewis's assistance. But he changed his mind, and August 30 wrote to Lewis directing that the latter meet him at the mouth of the Little Kanawha. Lewis replied through Col. William Preston that it was now too late to change his plans ; he should proceed at once with the levy just sum- moned, to the mouth of the Great Kanawha, and there await further orders. R. G. T. 2 This cape was called Point Pleasant, and is now occupied by the West Virginia town of that name. R. G. T. 166 Wit hers' s Chronicles part of Col. Field to submit to the commaud of Gen. Lewis. This proceeded from the fact, that in a former military service, he had been the senior of Gen. Lewis ; and from the circumstance that the company led on by him were In- dependent Volunteers, not raised in pursuance of the or- ders of Governor Dunmore, but brought into the field by his own exertions, after his escape from the Indians at Kelly's. These circumstances induced him to separate his men from the main body of the army on its march, and to take a different way from the one pursued by it, de- pending on his own knowledge of the country to lead them a practicable route to the river. 1 While thus detached from the forces under Gen. Lewis, two of his men (Clay and Coward) who were out hunting and at some little distance from each other, came near to where two Indians were concealed. Seeing Clay only, and supposing him to be alone, one of them fired at him ; and running up to scalp him as he fell, was himself shot by Coward, who was then about 100 yards off. The other Indian ran off unarmed, and made his escape. A bundle of ropes found where Clay was killed, induced the belief that it was the object of these Indians to steal horses ; it is not however improbable, that they had been observing the progress of the army, and endeavoring to ascertain its numbers. Col. Field, fearing that he might [126] encounter a party of the enemy in ambush, re- doubled his vigilance 'till he again joined General Lewis ; and the utmost concert and harmony then prevailed in the whole army. 1 When the Southern division arrived at Point Pleas- ant, Governor Dunmore with the forces under his com- 1 This is misleading. On September 6, Col. Charles Lewis, with his Augusta troops, numbering about six hundred, were detached to proceed to the mouth of the Elk, and there make canoes for transporting the supplies to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. This body had in charge a drove of 108 beef cattle, and 400 pack-horses laden with 54,000 Ibs. of flour. Field's company soon followed this advance. R. G. T. 1 Saturday, the 10th, Clay and Coward were sent out to hunt deer for Field's company, on the banks of the Little Meadow. Then occurred the incident related by Withers. The Indian who escaped, hurried on to the Shawnee towns and gave them their first notice of the approach of Of Border Warfare. 167 mand, had not reached there ; and unable to account for his failure to form the preconcerted junction at that place, it was deemed advisable to await that event; as by so doing, a better opportunity would be afforded to Col. Christian of coming up, with that portion of the army, which was then with him. 1 Meanwhile General Lewis, to learn the cause of the delay of the Northern division, de- spatched runners by land, in the direction of Fort Pitt, to obtain tidings of Lord Dunmore, and to communicate them to him immediately. In their absence, however, ad- vices were received from his Lordship, that he had deter- mined on proceeding across the country, directly to the Shawanee towns; and ordering General Lewis to cross the river, march, forward and form a junction with him, near to them. These advices were received on the 9th of Octo- ber, and preparations were immediately begun to be made for the transportation of the troops over the Ohio river. 2 the army. Alarmed at this incident, Field hurried and caught up with the advance under Charles Lewis. The text reads as though he had hastened back to Andrew Lewis, who had not yet left Camp Union. R. G.T. 1 Col. Andrew Lewis marched out of Camp Union the 12th, with about 450 men. These consisted of Fleming's Botetourt troops, three companies of Fincastle men under Capts. Evan Shelby, William Her- bert, and William Russell, the Bedford men under Thomas Buford, and Dunmore men under Slaughter. They had with them 200 pack-horses laden with flour, and the remainder of the beeves. Col. William Christian, who arrived at Camp Union the day Andrew Lewis left, was ordered, with the rest of the Fincastle men, to remain there, to guard the residue of the provisions, and when the brigade of horses sent to the mouth of the Elk had returned, to hurry every thing forward to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. Five weeks were thus consumed in transporting the troops and the supplies a distance of 160 miles through the tangled forest, to Point Pleasant, where the main army, upwards of 1,100 strong, had arrived, quite spent with exertions, on the 6th of October. When Christian left Camp Union for the front, Anthony Bledsoe^ with a company of Fincastle men, was detailed to remain behind with the sick, while the base of supplies at the mouth of the Elk was placed in charge of Slaughter. As will be seen, Christian arrived too late to engage in the battle of Point Pleasant. R. G. T. 1 When Lewis arrived at Point Pleasant (October 6th), he found awaiting him in a hollow tree dispatches from Dunmore, brought by Simon Kenton and two companions, directing him to join his lordship 168 Withers's Chronicles Early on the morning of Monday the tenth of that month, two soldiers 1 left the camp, and proceeded up the Ohio river, in quest of deer. When they had progressed about two miles, they unexpectedly came in sight of a large number of Indians, rising from their encampment, and who discovering the two hunters fired upon them and killed one; the other escaped unhurt, and running briskly to the camp, communicated the intelligence, " that he had seen a body of the enemy, covering four acres of ground as closely as they could stand by the side of each other." The main part of the army was immediately ordered out under Colonels Charles Lewis, 1 and William Fleming; and having formed into two lines, [127] they proceeded about four hundred yards, when they met the Indians, and the action commenced. at the mouth of the Big Hockhocking, where the governor's northern wing, under Major Crawford, was building a stockade. But Lewis's men were spent, and pens had to be built for the cattle, and shelter for the stores, so no move was made. On Saturday, the 8th, came a further message from the governor, who was still at the Big Hockhocking. Lewis replied that he would join him there as soon as the troops, food supply, and powder had all reached Point Pleasant. His men were angry at Dunmore's interference, and argued with Lewis that it was sixty miles by river and over half that by land, to Dunmore's camp, whereas it was less than either to the hostile towns which they had started out to attack ; and to turn aside from this purpose was to leave open for the hostiles the back-door to the frontier settlements of Vir- ginia. The 9th was Sunday, and these sturdy Scotch-Irish Presbyteri- ans spent the day in religious exercises, listening to a stout sermon from their chaplain. On the morrow, they were surprised by the Indians, as the sequel relates. R. G. T. 1 James Mooney, of Russell's company, and Joseph Hughey, of Shelby's. They were surprised at the mouth of Old Town Creek, three miles distant. Hughey was killed by a shot fired by Tavenor Ross, a white renegade in Cornstalk's party. R. G. T. * Few officers were ever more, or more deservedly, endeared to those under their command than Col. Charles Lewis. In the many skirmishes, which it was his fortune to have, with the Indians he was uncommonly successful ; and in the various scenes of life, thro' which he passed, his conduct was invariably marked by the distinguishing characteristicks of a mind, of no ordinary stamp. His early fall on this bloody field, was severely felt during the whole engagement ; and to it has been attributed the partial advantages gained by the Indian army near the commencement of the action. When the [127] fatal ball struck him, he fell at the root of a tree ; from whence he was carried to his Of Border Warfare. 169 At the first onset, Colonel Charles Lewis having fallen, and Colonel Fleming being wounded, both lines gave way and were retreating briskly towards the camp, when they were met by a reinforcement under Colonel Field, 1 and rallied. The engagement then became general, and was sustained with the most obstinate fury on both sides. The Indians perceiving that the " tug of war " had come, and determined on affording the Colonial army no chance of escape, if victory should declare for them, formed a line extending across the point, from the Ohio to the Kenhawa, and protected in front, by logs and fallen timber. In this situation they maintained the contest with unabated vigor, from sunrise 'till towards the close of evening; bravely and successfully resisting every charge which was made on them ; and withstanding the impetuosity of every onset, with the most invincible firmness, until a fortunate move- ment on the part of the Virginia troops, decided the day. Some short distance above the entrance of the Kenhawa river into Ohio, there is a stream, called Crooked creek, emptying into the former of these, from the North east, 2 whose banks are tolerably high, and were then covered with a thick and luxuriant growth of weeds. Seeing the impracticability of dislodging the Indians, by the most vigorous attack, and sensible of the great danger, which must arise to his army, if the contest were not decided be- fore night, General Lewis detached the three companies which were commanded by Captains Isaac Shelby, George Matthews, and John Stuart, with orders to proceed up the Kenhawa river, and Crooked creek under cover of the banks and weeds, 'till they should [128] pass some dis- tance beyond the enemy ; when they were to emerge from tent, against his wish, by Capt. Wm. Morrow and a Mr. Bailey, of Cap- tain Paul's company, and died in a few hours afterwards. In remem- brance of his great worth, the legislature named the county of Lewis after him. 1 An active, enterprising and meritorious officer, who had been in serv- ice in Braddock's war, and profited by his experience of the Indian mode of fighting. His death checked for a time the ardor of his troops, and spread a gloom over the countenances of those, who had accompanied him on this campaign. 2 A half-mile up the Big Kanawha. B. G. T. 170 Withers' s Chronicles their covert, march downward towards the point and at- tack the Indians in their rear. 1 The manoauvre thus planned, was promptly executed, and gav a decided vic- tory to the Colonial army. The Indians finding them- selves suddenly and unexpectedly encompassed between two armies, & not doubting but that in their rear, was the looked for reinforcement under Colonel Christian, soon gave way, and about sun down, commenced a precipitate retreat across the Ohio, to their towns on the Scioto. Some short time v after the battle had ended, Colonel Christian arrived with the troops which he had collected in the settlements on the Holstein, and relieved the anxiety of many who were disposed to believe the retreat of the 1 From MS. journals and letters in possession of the Wisconsin His- torical Society, it appears that the conduct of the battle was as follows : Andrew Lewis, who as yet thought the enemy to be but a scouting party, and not an army equal in size to his own, had the drums beat to arms, for many of his men were asleep in their tents ; and while still smoking his pipe, ordered a detachment from each of the Augusta com- panies, to form 150 strong under Col. Charles Lewis, with John Dickin- son, Benjamin Harrison, and John Skidmore as the captains. Another party of like size was formed under Col. Fleming, with Captains Shelby, Russell, Buford, and Philip Love. Lewis's party marched to the right, near the foot of the hills skirting the east side of Crooked Creek. Flem- ing's party marched to the left, 200 yards apart from the other. A quar- ter of a mile from camp, and half a mile from the point of the cape, the right-going party met the enemy lurking behind trees and fallen logs at the base of the hill, and there Charles Lewis was mortally wounded. Fleming marched to a pond three-quarters of a mile from camp, and fifty rods inland from the Ohio this pond being one of the sources of Crooked Creek. The hostile line was found to extend from this pond along Crooked Creek, half way to its mouth. The Indians, under Cornstalk, thought by rushes to drive the whites into the two rivers, " like so many bullocks," as the chief later explained ; and indeed both lines had frequently to fall back, but they were skillfully reinforced each time, and by dusk the savages placed Old Town Creek between them and the whites. This movement was hastened, a half hour before sunset, by a movement which Withers confounds with the main tactics. Cap- tains Matthews, Arbuckle, Shelby, and Stuart were sent with a detach- ment up Crooked creek under cover of the bank, with a view to secur- ing a ridge in the rear of the enemy, from which their line could be en. fi laded. They were discovered in the act, but Cornstalk supposed that this party was Christian's advance, and in alarm hurried his people to the other side of Old Town Creek. The battle was, by dark, really a drawn game; but Cornstalk had had enough, and fled during the night. B. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 171 Indians to be only a feint; 1 and that an attack would be again speedily majle by them, strengthened and reinforced by those of the enemy who had been observed during the engagement, on the opposite side of the Ohio and Kenhawa rivers. But these had been most probably stationed there, in anticipation of victory, to prevent the Virginia troops from effecting a retreat across those rivers, (the only possible chance of escape, had they been overpowered by the enemy in their front ;) and the loss sustained by the Indians was too great, and the prospect of a better fortune, too gloomy and unpromising, for them to enter again into an engage- ment. Dispirited by the bloody repulse with which they had met, they hastened to their towns, better disposed to purchase security from farther hostilities by negotiation, than risk another battle with an army whose strength and prowess, they had already tested ; and found superior to their own. The victory indeed, was decisive, and many advantages were obtained by it ; but they were not cheaply bought. The Virginia army sustained, in this engage- ment, a loss of seventy-five killed, and one hundred and forty wounded. About one fifth of the entire number of the troops. Among the slain were Colonels Lewis and Field ; Cap- tains Buford, Morrow, Wood, CundifF, Wilson, and Robert McClannahan ; and Lieutenants Allen, Goldsby and Dil- lon, with some other subalterns. The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained. On the morning after the action, Colonel Christian marched his men over the battle ground and found twenty-one of the Indians lying dead ; and twelve others [129] were afterwards discovered, where they had been attempted to be concealed under some old logs and brush. 2 1 During the day, a messenger had been dispatched to harry on Christian, who with 250 men was convoying cattle and powder. In the early evening, fifteen miles from Point Pleasant, this rear party was found, toiling painfully over the wilderness trail. Christian at once left his property in charge of a small party, and arrived in camp by mid- night. R. G. T. J Most of the killed and wounded, on both sides, were shot in the head or breast, which indicates good marksmanship'. The Indians, 172 Wit hers' s Chronicles From the great facility with which the Indians either carry off or conceal their dead, it is always difficult to as- certain the number of their slain ; and hence arises, in some measure, the disparity between their known loss and that sustained by their opponents in battle. Other reasons for this disparity, are to be found in their peculiar mode of warfare, and in the fact, that they rarely continue a contest, when it has to be maintained with the loss of their warriors. It would not be easy otherwise to account for the circumstance, that even when signally vanquished, the list of their slain does not, frequently, appear more than half as great, as that of the victors. In this particular instance, many of the dead were certainly thrown into the river. NOT could the number of the enemy engaged, be ever ascertained. Their army is known to have been composed of warriors from the different nations, north of the Ohio ; and to have comprised the flower of the Shawanee, Dela- ware, Mingo, Wyandotte and Cayuga tribes; led on by men, whose names were not unknown to fame, 1 and at the head of whom was Cornstalk, Sachem of the Shawanees, and King of the Northern Confederacy. 2 though skillful marksmen, did not exhibit sufficient mechanical knowl- edge to enable them properly to clean their guns, and thus were at some disadvantage. The statistician was at work in those days, as now, for we learn from an old diary that at Old Town Creek were found by the white victors, 78 rafts with which the Indians had crossed the Ohio to the attack, the night of October 9-10; and on the battlefield during the 10th and 12th, were collected 23 guns, 27 tomahawks, 80 blankets, and great numbers of war-clubs, shot-pouches, powder-horns, match-coats, deer-skins, " and other articles," all of which were put up at auction by the careful com- missary, and brought nearly 100 to the army chest. R. G. T. 1 Such were Redhawk, a Delaware chief, Scoppathus, a Mingo, Ellinipsico, a Shawanee, and son to Cornstalk, Chiyawee, a Wyan- dotte, and Logan, a Cayuga. 'The first recorded foray of Cornstalk was on October 10, 1759, against the Gilmore family and others, on Carr's Creek, in what is now Rock- bridge county, Va. "The Carr's Creek massacre " was long remembered on the border as one of the most daring and cruel on record. He was again heard of during the Pontiac conspiracy, in 1763, when he led a large war-party from the Scioto towns against the Virginia frontier. Both at Muddy Creek, and the Clendenning farm near Lewisburg, on the Of Bordex Warfare. 173 This distinguished chief and consummate warrior, proved himself on that day, to be justly entitled to the prominent station which he occupied. His plan of alter- nate retreat & attack, was well conceived, and occasioned the principal loss sustained by the writes. If at any time his warriors were believed to waver, his voice could be heard above the din of arms, exclaiming in his native tongue, " Be strong! Be strong;" and when one near him, by trepidation and reluctance to proceed to the charge, evinced a dastardly disposition, fearing the example might have a pernicious influence, with one blow of the toma- hawk he severed his skull. It was perhaps a solitary in- stance in which terror predominated. Never did men exhibit a more conclusive evidence of bravery, in making a charge, and fortitude in withstanding an onset, than did these undisciplined soldiers of the forest, in the [130] field at Point Pleasant. Such too was the good conduct of those who composed the army of Virginia, on that occa- sion ; and such the noble bravery of many, that high ex- Levels of the Greenbrier, the marauders pretended to be friendly with the settlers, and in an unguarded moment fell upon and slew them. Other massacres, in connection with the same foray, were at Carr's Creek, Keeney's Knob, and Jackson's River. The story of the captivity of Mrs. Clendenning and her children, who were taken to the Shawnee towns on the Scioto, is one of the most heartrendering in Western his- tory. In 1764, Bouquet raided these towns, and Cornstalk was one of the hostages sent to Fort Pitt in fulfillment of the terms of the treaty, but later he effected his escape. Nothing more is heard of this warrior until 1774, when he became famous as leader of the Indians at the bat- tle of Point Pleasant. Cornstalk's intelligence was far above that of the average Shawnee. He had, before the Dunmore War, strongly counseled his people to observe the peace, as their only salvation ; but when defeated in council, he with great valor led the tribesmen to war. After the treaty of Fort Charlotte, he renewed his peace policy, and was almost alone in refusing to join the Shawnee uprising in 1777. Late in September, that year, he visited his white friends at Fort Randolph (Point Pleasant), and was retained as one of several hostages for the tribe- Infuriated at some murders in the vicinity, the private soldiers in the fort turned upon the Indian prisoners and basely killed them, Cornstalk among the number. Governor Patrick Henry and General Hand the latter then organizing his futile expedition against the Shawnees wished to punish the murderers; but in the prevalent state of public opinion on the border, it was easy for them to escape prosecution. R. G. T. 174 Withers's Chronicles pectatious were entertained of their future distinction. Nor were those expectations disappointed. In the various scenes through which they subsequently passed, the pledge of after eminence then given, was fully redeemed ; and the names of Shelby, Campbell, Matthews, Fleming, Moore, and others, their compatriots in arms on the memorable tenth of October, 1774, have been inscribed in brilliant characters on the roll of fame. 1 Having buried the dead, and made every arrangement of which their situation admitted, for the comfort of the wounded, entrenchments were thrown up, and the army commenced its march to form a junction with the north- ern division, under Lord Dunmore. Proceeding by the way of the Salt Licks, General Lewis pressed forward with astonishing rapidity (considering that the march was through a trackless desert); but before he had gone far, an express arrived from Dunmore, with orders to return im- mediately to the mouth of the Big Kenhawa. Suspecting the integrity of his Lordship's motives, and urged by the advice of his officers generally, General [131] Lewis re- fused to obey these orders ; and continued to advance 'till he was met, (at Kilkenny creek, and in sight of an Indian village, which its inhabitants had just fired and deserted,) 1 The following gentlemen, with others of high reputation in private life, were officers in the battle at Point Pleasant. Gen. Isaac Shelby, the first governor of Kentucky, and afterwards, secretary of war ; Gen. William Campbell and Col. John Campbell, heroes of King's mountain and Long Island ; Gen. Evan Shelby, one of the most favored citizens of Tennessee, often honored with the confidence of that state; Col. William Fleming, an active governor of Virginia during the revolution- ary war ; Gen. Andrew Moore of Rockbridge, the only man ever elected by Virginia, from the country west of the Blue ridge, to the senate of the United States; Col. John Stuart, of Greenbrier; Gen. Tate, of Washington county, Virginia ; Col. William McKee, of Lincoln county, Kentucky ; Col. John Steele, since a governor of Mississippi territory ; Col. Charles Cameron, of Bath ; Gen. Bazaleel Wells, of Ohio ; and Gen. George Matthews, a distinguished officer in the war of the revolu- tion, the hero of Brandywine, Germantown, and of Guilford ; a gov- ernor of Georgia, and a senator from that state in the congress of the United States. The salvation of the American army at Germantown, is ascribed, in Johnston's life of Gen. Green, to the bravery and good conduct of two regiments, one of which was commanded by General, then Col. Matthews. Of Border Warfare. 175 by the Governor, (accompanied by White Eyes,) who in- formed him, that he was negotiating a treaty of peace which would supersede the necessity of the further move- ment of the Southern division, and repeating the order for its retreat. The army under General Lewis had endured many privations and suffered many hardships. They had en- countered a savage enemy in great force, and purchased a victory with the blood of their friends. When arrived near to the goal of their anxious wishes, and with noth- ing to prevent the accomplishment of the object of the campaign ; they received those orders with evident cha- grin ; and did not obey them without murmuring. Hav- ing, at his own request, been introduced severally to the officers of that division; complimenting them for their gallantry and good conduct in the late engagement, and assuring them of his high esteem, Lord Dunmore re- turned to his camp ; and General Lewis commenced his retreat. 1 1 In order to get a clearer view of the situation, a few more details are essential here. For several days after the battle of Point Pleasant, Lewis was busy in burying the dead, caring for the wounded, collecting the scattered cattle, and building a store-house and small stockade fort. Early on the morning of October 13th, messengers who had been sent on to Dunmore, advising him of the battle, returned with orders to Lewis to march at once with all his available force, against the Shawaee towns, and when within twenty-five miles of Chillicothe to write to his lordship. The next day, the last rear guard, with the remaining beeves, arrived from the mouth of the Elk, and while work on the defenses at the Point was hurried, preparations were made for the march. By evening of the 17th, Lewis, with 1,150 men in good condition, had crossed the Ohio and gone into camp on the north side. Each man had ten days' supply of flour, a half pound of powder, and a pound and a half of bullets ; while to each company was assigned a pack-horse for the tents. Point Pleasant was left in command of Col. Fleming, who had been severely wounded in the battle, Captains Dickinson, Lock- ridge, Herbert, and Slaughter, and 278 men, few of whom were fit for service. On the 18th, Lewis, with Captain Arbuckle as guide, advanced towards the Shawnee towns, eighty miles distant in a straight line, and probably a hundred and twenty-five by the circuitous Indian trails. The army marched about eleven miles a day, frequently seeing hostile parties but engaging none. Reaching the salt licks near the head of the south branch of Salt Creek (in the present Lick township, Jackson county, O.), they descended that valley to the Scioto, and thence to a 176 Withers' s Chronicles If before the opening of this campaign, the belief was prevalent, that to the conduct of emissaries from Great Britain, because of the contest then waging between her and her American colonies, the Indian depredations of that year, were mainly attributable ; that belief had be- come more general, and had received strong confirmation, from the more portentous aspect which that contest had assumed, prior to the battle at Point Pleasant. The de- struction of the tea at Boston had taken place in the March preceding. The Boston Port Bill, the signal for actual conflict between the colonies and mother country, had been received early in May. The house of Bur- gesses in Virginia, being in session at the time, recom- mended that the first of June, the day on which that prairie on Kinnikinnick (not Kilkenny) Creek, where was the freshly- deserted Indian village referred to above, by Withers. This was thir- teen miles south of Chillicothe (now Westfall). Here they were met, early on the 24th, by a messenger from his lordship, ordering them to halt, as a treaty was nearly concluded at Camp Charlotte. But Lewis's army had been fired on that morning, and the place was untenable for a camp in a hostile country, so he concluded to seek better ground. A few hours later another messenger came, again peremptorily ordering a halt, as the Shawnees had practically come to terms. Lewis now con- cluded to join the northern division in force, at Camp Charlotte, not liking to have the two armies separated in the face of a treacherous enemy ; but his guide mistook the trail, and took one leading directly to the Grenadier Squaw's Town. Lewis camped that night on the west bank of Congo Creek, two miles above its mouth, and five and a quarter miles from Chillicothe, with the Indian town half- way between. The Shawnees were now greatly alarmed and angered, and Dunmore himself, accompanied by the Delaware chief White Eyes, a trader, John Gibson, and fifty volunteers, rode over in hot haste that evening to stop Lewis, and reprimand him. His lordship was mollified by Lewis's ex- planations, but the latter's men, and indeed Dunmore's, were furious over being stopped when within sight of their hated quarry, and tradi- tion has it that it was necessary to treble the guards during the night to prevent Dunmore and White Eyes from being killed. The following morning (the 25th), his lordship met and courteously thanked Lewis's officers for their valiant service ; but said that now the Shawnees had acceded to his wishes, the further presence of the southern division might engender bad blood. Thus dismissed, Lewis led his army back to Point Pleasant, which was reached on the 28th. He left there a garrison of fifty men under Captain Russell, and then by companies the volunteers marched through the wilderness to their respective homes, where they disbanded early in November. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 177 bill was to go into operation, be observed throughout the colony " as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, imploring the divine interposition to avert the heavy calamity which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of a civil war." In consequence of this recommendation and its accompanying resolutions, the Governor had dissolved the Assembly. The Legis- lature of Massachusetts had likewise passed declaratory resolutions, expressive of their sense of the state of pub- lic affairs and the designs of Parliament; and which led [132] to their dissolution also. The committee of corre- spondence at Boston, had framed and promulgated an agreement, which induced Governor Gage, to issue a proclamation, denouncing it as " an unlawful, hostile and traitorous combination, contrary to the allegiance due to the King, destructive of the legal authority of Parliament, and of the peace, good order, and safety of the com- munity ;" and requiring of the magistrates, to apprehend and bring to trial, all such as should be in any wise guilty of them. A congress, composed of delegates from the different colonies, and convened for the purpose " of unit- ing and guiding the councils, and directing the efforts of North America," had opened its session on the 4th of Sep- tember. In fine, the various elements of that tempest, which soon after overspread the thirteen united colonies, had been already developed, and were rapidly concentrating, before the orders for the retreat of the Southern division of the army, were issued by Lord Dunmore. How far these were dictated by a spirit of hostility to the cause of the colonies, and of subservience to the interests of Great Britain, in the approaching contest, may be inferred from his conduct during the whole campaign ; and the course pursued by him, on his return to the seat of government. If indeed there existed (as has been supposed,) between the Indians and the Governor from the time of his arrival with the Northern Division of the army at Fort Pitt, a secret and friendly understanding, looking to the almost certain result of the commotions which were agitating America, then was the battle at Point Pleasant, virtually 12 178 Withers' s Chronicles the first in the series of those brilliant achievements which burst the bonds of British tyranny ; and the blood of Virginia, there nobly shed, was the first blood spilled in the sacred cause of American liberty. 1 It has been already seen that Lord Dunmore failed to form a junction with General Lewis, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa, agreeably to the plan for the campaign, as concerted at Williamsburg by the commanding officer of each division. No reason for changing the direction of his march, appears to have been assigned by him ; and others were left to infer his motives, altogether from cir- cumstances. While at Fort Pitt Lord Dunmore was joined by the notorious Simon Girty, 2 who accompanied him from thence 'till the close of the expedition. The subsequent conduct of this man, his attachment to the side of Great Britain, in her [133] attempts to fasten the yoke of slavery upon the necks of the American people, his withdrawal from the garrison at Fort Pitt while commissioners were there for the purpose of concluding a treaty with the Indians, as was stipulated in the agreement made with them by Dunmore, the exerting of his influence over them, to prevent the chiefs from attending there, and to win them to the cause of England, his ultimate joining the savages in the war which (very much from his instigation,) they waged against the border settlements, soon after, the horrid cruelties, and fiendish tortures inflicted on unfor- 1 This is not the view of students in our own day, coolly looking at the affair from the distance of a hundred and twenty years. There now seems no room to doubt that Dunmore was thoroughly in earnest, that he prosecuted the war with vigor, and knew when to stop in order to secure the best possible terms. Our author wrote at a time when many heroes of Point Pleasant were still alive, and his neighbors; he re- flected their views, and the passions of the day. That it was, in view of the events then transpiring, the best policy to turn back the southern army, after the great battle, and not insist too closely on following up the advantage gained, seems now incontrovertible. R. G. T. * Butterfield's History of the Girtys (Cincinnati, 1890) is a valuable con- tribution to Western history. Simon, James, and George Girty were notorious renegade whites, who aided the Indians against the b orderers from 1778 to 1783; Simon and George were similarly active in the In- dian war of 1790-95 R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 179 tunate white captives by his orders and connivance ; all combined to form an exact counterpart to the subsequent conduct of Lord Dunmore when exciting the negroes to join the British standard ; plundering the property of those who were attached to the cause of liberty, and ap- plying the brand of conflagration to the most flourishing town in Virginia. At Wheeling, as they were descending the river, the army delayed some days ; and while proceeding from thence to form a junction with the division under general Lewis, was joined, near the mouth of the Little Kenhawa, by the noted John Connoly, of great fame as a tory. Of this man, Lor^ Dunmore thence forward became an intimate associate ; and while encamped at the mouth of Hock Hocking seemed to make him his confidential adviser. It was here too, only seventy miles distant from the head quarters of General Lewis, that it was determined to leave the boats and canoes and proceed by land to the Chilicothe towns. 1 The messengers, despatched by Lord Dunmore to ap- prize the lower army of this change of determination, were Indian traders ; one of whom being asked, if he supposed the Indians would venture to give battle to the superior force of the whites, replied that they certainly would, and 1 Upon leaving Pittsburg, where the governor held a council with several Delaware and Mingo chiefs, to whom he recited the outrages perpetrated by the Shawnees since Bouquet's treaty of 1764 the north- ern division divided into two wings. One, 700 strong, under Dunmore, descended the river in boats ; the other 500 went across the " pan-han- dle" by land, with the cattle, and both rendezvoused, September 30th, at Wheeling, 91 miles below Pittsburg. Next day, Crawford resumed his march along the south bank of the Ohio, to a point opposite the mouth of Big Hockhocking, 107 miles farther down. Here the men, the 200 bullocks, and the 50 pack-horses swam the Ohio, and just above the Big Hockhocking (the site of the present Hockingport) erected a blockhouse and stockade, which they called Fort Gower, in honor of the English earl of that name. A part of the earthwork can still (1894) be seen in the garden of a Hockingport residence. Dunmore's party, in 100 canoes and pirogues, arrived a few days later. While at Fort Gower, he was joined by the Delaware chiefs, White Eyes and John Montour, the former of whom was utilized as an agent to negotiate with the Shawnees R. G. T. 180 Witkers's Chronicles that Lewis' division would soon see his prediction verified. 1 This was on the day previous to the engagement. On the return of these men, on the evening of the same day, they must have seen the Indian army which made the attack on the next morning; and the belief was general on the day of battle, that they had communicated to the Indians, the present strength and expected reinforcement of the south- ern division. It has also been said that on the evening of the 10th of October, while [134] Dunmore, Connoly and one or two others were walking together, his Lordship remarked "by this time General Lewis has warm work." 2 The acquaintance formed by the Governor with Con- noly, in the ensuing summer was further continued, and at length ripened into one of the most iniquitous conspira- cies, that ever disgraced civilized man. In July, 1775, Counoly presented himself to Lord Duumore with proposals, well calculated to gain the favor of the exasperated Governor, and between them a plan was soon formed, which seemed to promise the most cer- tain success. Assurances of ample rewards from Lord Dunmore, were transmitted to such officers of the militia on the frontiers of Virginia, as were believed to be friendly to the royal cause, on putting themselves under the com- mand of Connoly; whose influence with the Indians, was 1 This was William McCulloch. R. G. T. 1 The authority for this is Stuart's Indian Wars, p. 56. Abraham Thomas, in his Sketches, relates that the governor, placing his ear at the surface of the river, said he thought he heard the firing of guus ; and Thomas, then a young militiaman, was asked to do likewise, and re- ported that it was the rattle of musketry. The distance across country to Point Pleasant was but twenty-eight miles, but by the river windings was sixty-six. These anecdotes have been related as proof that Dunmore desired Lewis beaten. White Eyes had notified the governor that a con- flict was expected, though he had reported a much smaller Indian army than Lewis's ; hence his lordship had no fear of the result. Had he known that the opposing forces were equal in number, and that the whites had been surprised, he doubtless would have sent relief. Knowing the Shawnee warriors were away from home, fighting Lewis, whom he had reason to suppose was very well able to handle them, he determined to advance inland to the deserted towns on the Soioto and destroy their houses and crops. He was upon this errand when met and stopped by the messengers of peace. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 181 to ensure their co-operation against the friends of America. To perfect this scheme, it was necessary to communicate with General Gage ; and about the middle of September, Connoly, with despatches from Dunmore, set off for Bos- ton, and in the course of a few weeks returned, with in- structions from the Governor of Massachusetts, which de- veloped their whole plan. Connoly was invested with the rank of Colonel of a regiment, (to be raised among those on the frontiers, who favored the cause of Great Britain,) with which he was to proceed forthwith to Detroit, where he was to receive a considerable reinforcement, and be sup- plied with cannon, muskets and ammunition. He was then to visit the different Indian nations, enlist them in the projected enterprise, and rendezvous his whole force at Fort Pitt. From thence he was to cross the Alleghany mountain, and marching through Virginia join Lord Dun- more, on the 20th of the ensuing April, at Alexandria. This scheme, (the execution of which would at once, have laid waste a considerable portion of Virginia, and ultimately perhaps, nearly the whole state,) was frustrated by the taking of Connoly, and all the particulars of it, made known. This development, served to shew the vil- lainous connexion existing between Dunmore and Connoly, and to corroborate the suspicion of General Lewis and many of his officers, that the conduct of the former, dur- ing the campaign of 1774, was [135] dictated by any thing else than the interest and well being of the colony of Virginia. This suspicion was farther strengthened by the readi- ness with which Lord Dunmore embraced the overturea of peace, and the terms on which a treaty was concluded with them; while the encamping of his army, without en- trenchments, in the heart of the Indian country, and in the immediate adjacency of the combined forces of the Indian nations of Ohio, would indicate, that there must have been a friendly understanding between him and them. To have relied solely on the bravery and good conduct of his troops, would have been the height of im- prudence. His army was less than that, which had been scarcely delivered from the fury of a body of savages in- 182 Withers s Chronicles ferior in number, to the one with which he would have had to contend ; and it would have been folly in him to suppose, that he could achieve with a smaller force, what required the utmost exertions of General Lewis and his brave officers, to effect with a greater one. 1 When the Northern division of the army resumed its march for Chilicothe, it left the greater part of its pro- visions in a block house which had been erected during its stay at the mouth of the Hockhocking, under the care of Captain Froman with a small party of troops to garrison it. On the third day after it left Fort Gore (the block house at the mouth of Hockhocking) a white man by the name of Elliott came to Governor Dunmore, with a re- quest from the Indians that he would withdraw the army from their country, and appoint commissioners to meet their chiefs at Pittsburg to confer about the terms of a treaty. To this request a reply was given, that the Gov- ernor was well inclined to make peace, and was willing that hostilities should cease ; but as he was then so near their towns, and all the chiefs of the different nations were at that time with the army, it would be more con- convenient to negotiate then, than at a future period. He then named a place at which he would encamp, and listen to their proposals ; and immediately despatched a courier to General Lewis with orders for his return. 2 1 The two wings of the white army had about the same strength 1100 under Duninore, and 1150 (after leaving Point Pleasant) under Lewis. The fighting quality was also the same, in both. It is to be re- membered that in the army under Dunmore there was very little dis- content at the issue, and at the close of the campaign the men heartily thanked his lordship for his valuable services in behalf of the people. They did this, too, at a time when they knew from Eastern news re- ceived in camp, that the Revolution was near at hand, and Dunmore must soon be fighting against them in behalf of his royal master. R. G. T. * Dunmore had, through White Eyes, summoned the Shawnee chiefs to treat with him at Fort Gower (not Gore), but they had declined to come in. He then set out, October llth, to waste their towns on the Scioto, as previously noted, leaving the fort in charge of Captain Kuy- kendall (not Froman), with whom remained the disabled and the beeves. Each man on the expedition carried flour for sixteen days. Just after the Point Pleasant battle, Lewis had dispatched a messenger Of Border Warfare. 183 The Indian spies reporting that General Lewis had disregarded these orders, and was still marching rapidly towards their towns, the Indians became apprehensive of the result; and one of their chiefs (the White Eves) waited on Lord Dunmore in person, and complained that the "Long Knives" [136] were coming upon them and would destroy all their towns. Dunmore then, in com- pany with White Eyes, visited the camp of General Lewis, and prevailed with him, as we have seen, to return across the Ohio. In a few days after this, the Northern division of the army approached within eight miles of Chilicothe, and en- camped on the plain, at the place appointed for the chiefs to meet without entrenchments or breast works, or any protection, save the vigilance of the sentinels and the bravery of the troops. 1 On the third day from the halting of the army eight chiefs, with Cornstalk at their head, came into camp ; and when the interpreters made known who Cornstalk was, Lord Dunmore addressed them, and from a written memorandum, recited the various infrac- tions, on the part of the Indians, of former treaties, and different murders, unprovokedly committed by them. To all this Cornstalk replied, mixing a good deal of recrimi- nation with the defence of his red brethren ; and when he to his lordship with news of the affair ; Dunmore's messenger to Lewis, with instructions to the latter to join him en route, crossed Lewis's ex- press on the way. The messenger from Lewis found that his lordship had marched up the Big Hockhocking valley for the Scioto, and hurried after him. The governor was overtaken at the third camp out (west of the present Nelsonville, Athens county, O.), and the good news caused great joy among the soldiers. October 17th, Dunmore arrived at what he styled Camp Charlotte (on the northern bank of Sippo Creek, Pickaway county, eight miles east of Chillicothe, in view of Pickaway Plains), and here the treaty of peace was concluded. R. G. T. 1 Doddridge's Notes says that the camp was surrounded by a breast- work of fallen trees, and an entrenchment, and Roosevelt's Winning of the West follows him. But Dr. Draper was distinctly told (in 1846-51) by two survivors of the campaign, Samuel Murphy and John Grim, that Withers's account is correct ; and this is confirmed in Whittlesey's Fugi- tive Essays. In the center of the field, a building of poles was erected, in which to hold the council ; around this, the army encamped. A large white oak having been peeled, Dunmore wrote upon it in red chalk, " Camp Charlotte,-" thus honoring the then English queen. R. G. T. 184 Withers' s Chronicles had concluded, a time was specified when the chiefs of the different nations should come in, and proceed to the nego- tiation of a treaty. Before the arrival of that period, Cornstalk came alone to the camp, and acquainted the Governor that none of the Mingoes would attend ; and that he was apprehen- sive there could not a full council be convened. Duumore then requested that he would convoke as many chiefs of the other nations as he could, and bring them to the coun- cil fire without delay, as he was anxious to close the war at once ; and that if this could not be effected peaceably, he should be forced to resume hostilities. Meantime two interpreters were despatched to Logan, 1 by Lord Dunmore, requesting his attendance ; but Logan replied, that " he was a warrior, not a councillor, and would not come."* On the night after the return of the interpreters to camp [137] Charlotte (the name of Dunmore's encamp- 1 Logan was the Mingo chief, the massacre of whose family at Ba- ker's Bottom, the previous April, has already been described. He had just returned (October 21) from a foray on the Holston border, bringing several scalps and three prisoners, when the trader Gibson and the scout Simon Girty were sent to him by his lordship. R. G. T. * Colonel Benjamin Wilson, Sen. (then an officer in Dunmore's army, and whose narrative of the campaign furnished the facts which are here detailed) says that he conversed freely with one of the inter- preters (Nicholson) in regard to the mission to Logan, and that neither from the interpreter, nor any other one during the campaign, did he hear of the charge preferred in Logan's speech against Captain Cresap, as being engaged in the affair at Yellow creek. Captain Cresap was an officer in the division of the army under Lord Dunmore ; and it would seem strange indeed, if Logan's speech had been made public, at camp Charlotte, and neither he, (who was so materially interested in it, and could at once have proved the falsehood of the allegation which it con- tained,) nor Colonel Wilson, (who was present during the whole confer- ence between Lord Dunmore and the Indian chiefs, and at the time when the speeches were delivered sat immediately behind and close to Dunmore,) should have heard nothing of it until years after. Comment by R. G. T. Withers thus shortly disposes of the famous speech by Logan, which schoolboys have been reciting for nearly a hundred years as one of the best specimens extant, of Indian eloquence. The evidence in regard to the speech, which was undoubtedly recited to Gibson, and by him written out for Lord Dunmore's perusal, and later " improved " by Jefferson, is clearly stated in Roosevelt's Winning of the West, I., app. iii. Of Border Warfare. 185 ment,) Major William Crawford, with three hundred men, left the main army about midnight, on an excursion against a small Mingo village, not far off. Arriving there before day, the detachment surrounded the town ; and on the first coming out of the Indians from their huts, there was some little firing on the part of the whites, by which one squaw and a man were killed the others about 20 in number were all made prisoners and taken to the camp; where they remained until the conclusion of a treaty. Every thing about the village, indicated an intention of their speedily deserting it. 1 Shortly after Cornstalk and two other chiefs, made their appearance at camp Charlotte, and entered into a ne- gotiation which soon terminated in an agreement to for- bear all farther hostilities against each other, to give up the prisoners then held by them, and to attend at Pitts- burgh, with as many of the Indian chiefs as could be pre- vailed on to meet the commissioners from Virginia, in the ensuing summer, where a treaty was to be concluded and ratified Dunmore requiring hostages, to guarantee the performance of those stipulations, on the part of the In- dians. If in the battle at Point Pleasant, Cornstalk mani- fested the bravery and generalship of a mighty captain ; in the negotiations at camp Charlotte, he displayed the skill of a statesman, joined to powers of oratory, rarely, if ever surpassed. With the most patriotic devotion to his country, and in a strain of most commanding elo- quence, he recapitulated the accumulated wrongs, which had oppressed their fathers, and which were oppressing them. Sketching in lively colours, the once happy and powerful condition of the Indians, he placed in striking 1 The reason for the attack was, that the Mingoee were implacable, and Dunmore had learned that instead of coming into the treaty they purposed retreating to the Great Lakes with their prisoners and stolen horses. This Mingo village was Seekonk (sometimes called the Hill Town), 30 or 40 miles up the Scioto. Crawford left Camp Charlotte the night of the 25th, and surprised the town early in the morning of the 27th. Six were killed, several wounded, and fourteen captured ; the rest escaping into the forest. Crawford burned several Mingo towns in the neighborhood. R. G. T. 186 Wit hers' s Chronicles contrast, their present fallen fortunes and unhappy destiny. Exclaiming against the perfidiousness of the whites, and the dishonesty of the traders, he proposed as the basis of a treaty, that no persons should be permitted to carry on a commerce with the Natives, for individual profit; but that [138] their white brother should send them such articles as they needed, by the hands of honest men, who were to exchange them at a fair price, for their skins and furs ; and that no spirit of any kind should be sent among them, as from the "fire water" of the whites, proceeded evil to the Indians. 1 This truly great man, is said to have been opposed to the war from its commencement ; and to have proposed on the eve of the battle at Point Pleasant, to send in a flag, and make overtures for peace ; but this proposal was overruled by the general voice of the chiefs. When a council was first held after the defeat of the Indians, Corn- stalk, reminding them of their late ill success, and that the Long Knives were still pressing on them, asked what should be then done. But no one answered. Rising again, he proposed that the women and children should be all killed; and that the warriors should go out and fight, until they too were slain. Still no one answered. Then, said he, striking his tomahawk into the council post, " I will go and make peace." This was done, and the war of 1774 concluded. 1 In remarking on the appearance and manner of Cornstalk while speaking, Colonel Wilson says, " When he arose, he was in no wise con- fused or daunted, but spoke in a distinct, and audible voice, without stammering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His looks while addressing Dunmore, were truly grand and majestic ; yet graceful and attractive. I have heard the first orators in Virginia, Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, but never have I heard one whose powers of delivery surpassed those of Cornstalk on that occasion." Of Border Warfare. 187 [139] CHAPTER VIII. Upon the close of the campaign of 1774, there suc- ceeded a short period of perfect quiet, and of undisturbed repose from savage invasion, along the borders of North Western Virginia. The decisive battle of the 10th of October, repressed incursion for a time, and taught those implacable enemies of her citizens, their utter inability, alone and unaided, to maintain a contest of arms, against the superior power of Virginia. They saw that in any future conflict with this colony, her belligerent operations would no longer be confined to the mere purposes of de- fence ; but that war would be waged in their own country, and their own towns become the theatre of its action. Had the leading objects of the Dunmore campaign, been fully accomplished, had the contemplated junction of the dif- ferent divisions of the army taken place ; had its com- bined forces extended their march into the Indian terri- tory, and effected the proposed reduction of the Chilicothe, and other towns on the Scioto and Sandusky, it would have been long indeed, before the frontier settlements, be- came exposed to savage inroad. A failure to effect these things however, left the Indians comparatively at liberty, and prepared to renew invasion, and revive their cruel and bloody deeds, whenever a savage thirst for vengeance should incite them to action, and the prospect of achieving them with impunity, be open before them. In the then situation of our country, this prospect was soon presented to them. The contest between Great Britain and her American colonies, which had been for some time carried on with in- creasing warmth, was ripening rapidly into war. The events of every day, more and more confirmed the belief, that the " unconditional submission " of the colonies, was the object of the parent state; and that to accomplish this, she was [140] prepared to desolate the country by a civil 188 Wit hers' s Chronicles war, and imbrue her hands in the blood of its citizens. This state of things the Indians knew, would favor the consummation of their hopes. Virginia, having to apply her physical strength to the repulsion of other enemies, could not be expected to extend her protecting aegis over the remote and isolated settlements on her borders. These would have to depend on themselves alone, for resistance to ruthless irruption, and exemption from total annihila- tion. The Indians well knew the weakness of those settle- ments, and their consequent incapacity to vie in open con- flict with the overwhelming force of their savage foes; and their heriditary resentment to the whites prompted them to take advantage of that weakness, to wreak this resent- ment, and involve them once more in hostilities. Other circumstances too, combined in their operation, to produce this result. The plan of Lord Dunmore and others, to induce the Indians to co-operate with the En- glish in reducing Virginia to subjection, and defeated by the detection and apprehension of Connoly, was soon after resumed on a more extensive scale. British agents were busily engaged from Canada to the Gulph of Mexico, in en- deavoring by immediate presents and the promise of future reward, to excite the savages to a war upon the western frontiers. To accomplish this object, no means which were likely to be of any avail, were neglected to be used. Grat- ified resentment and the certainty of plunder, were held up to view as present consequences of this measure ; and the expulsion of the whites, and the repossession, by the Na- tives, of the country from which their fathers had been ejected, as its ultimate result. Less cogent motives might have enlisted them on the side of Great Britain. These were too strong to be resisted by them, and too powerful to be counteracted by any course of conduct, which the colonies could observe towards them ; and they became en- snared by the delusive bait, and the insidious promises which accompanied it. There were in the colonies too, many persons, who from principle or fear, were still attached to the cause of Great Britain ; and who not only, did not sanction the op- position of their country to the supremacy of Parliament, Of Border Warfare. 189 but were willing in any wise to lend their aid to the royal cause. Some of those disaffected Americans, (as they were at first denominated) who resided on the frontiers, foresee- ing the [141] attachment of the Indians to the side of Britain, and apprehensive that in their inroads, the friends as well as the enemies of that country, might, from the difficulty of discriminating, be exposed to savage fury ; and at the same time, sensible that they had become obnoxious to a majority of their neighbors, who were perhaps, too much inclined to practice summary modes of punishment, sought a refuge among the Indians, from those impending evils. In some instances, these persons were under the influence of the most rancorous and vindictive passions, and when once with the savages, strove to infuse those passions into their breasts, and stimulate them to the repe- tition of those enormities, which had previously, so ter- ribly annoyed the inhabitants of the different frontiers. 1 Thus wrought upon, their inculcated enmity to the Anglo- Americans generally, roused them to action, and the dis- sonant notes of the war song, resounded in their villages. For a while indeed, they refrained from hostilities against North Western Virginia. It was however, but to observe the progress of passing events, that they might act against the mountain borders, simultaneously with the British on the Atlantic coast; as a premature movement on their part, might, while Virginia was yet at liberty to bear down upon them with concentrated forces, bring upon their towns the destruction which had so appallingly threatened them after the battle at Point Pleasant. But though the inhabitants on the Virginia frontiers, enjoyed a momentary respite from savage warfare; yet were the Indians not wholly unemployed in deeds of ag- gression. The first attempt to occupy Kentucky, had been the signal of hostilities in 1774; and the renewed endeav- ors to form establishments in it, in 1775, induced their 1 Chief among the fomenters of disorder were the renegades Simon Girty, Matthew Elliott, and Alexander McKee. The dastardly deeds of this trio are fully set forth in Butterfield's History of the Girtys, an im- portant work to all students of the annals of the West during the Revo- lutionary War. R. G. T. 190 Withers' s Chronicles continuance, and brought on those who were engaged in effecting them, all the horrors of savage warfare. Upon the close of the campaign under Lord Dun- more, Kentucky became more generally known. James Harrod, with those who had associated themselves with him in making a settlement in that country and aided in the erection of the fort at Harrodsburg, joined the army of General Lewis at Point Pleasant ; and when, after the treaty of Camp Charlotte, the army was disbanded, many of the soldiers and some of the officers, enticed by the description given of it by Harrod, returned to south West- ern Virginia, through that country. 1 The result of their 1 James Hatred's father emigrated from England to Virginia, about 1734, and was one of the first settlers on the Shenandoah, in the Valley of Virginia. One of his sons, Samuel, accompanied Michael Stoner on his famous Western hunting and exploring trip, in 1767 ; another, William, born at the new family seat, at Big Cove, in what is now Bed- ford County, Pa., served with distinction under George Rogers Clark. James, born in 1742, was twelve years old when his father died, leaving a large family on an exposed frontier, at the opening of the French and Indian War. In November, 1755, a raid was made on the Big Cove set- tlement, by the Delaware chief Shingiss (p. 45, note), but the Harrods were among the few families who escaped unharmed to Fort Littleton. When James was sixteen years of age he served with his brother Will- iam on Forbes's campaign, and very likely saw further service during that war. In 1772, when he had attained wide celebrity on the bor- der as an adept in woodcraft, he helped William settle on Ten Mile Creek, a tributary of the Monongahela; and in 1773 he and several other explored Kentucky, returning home by way of Greenbrier River. We have seen (p. 152, note) that he was surveying the site of Harrods- burg in 1774, when warned by Boone and Stoner. Retiring with his men to the Holston, he and they joined Col. Christian's regiment, but arrived at Point Pleasant a few hours after the battle of October 10. Returning to his abandoned Kentucky settlement March 18, 1775, a fortnight before Boonesborough was founded, he was chosen a delegate to the Transylvania convention, and became a man of great prominence in the Kentucky colony. In 1779 he commanded a company on Bow- man's campaign, and the year following was a captain on Clark's Indian campaign ; declining a majorehip, he served as a private on Clark's campaign of 1782. He was a member of the Kentucky convention (at Danville) of December, 1784, and at one time represented Kentucky in the Virginia legislature. In February, 1792, having made his will, he set out from Washington, Ky., with two men, in search of a silver mine reported to be at the Three Forks of the Kentucky. No more was heard of him or his companions, and it is still the belief of the family Of Border Warfare. 191 examination of it, induced many to migrate thither im- mediately ; and in 1775, families began to take up their residence in it. At that time, the only white persons residing in Ken- tucky, were those at Harrod's fort ; and for a while, emi- grants to that country [142] established themselves in its immediate vicinity, that they might derive protection from its walls, from the marauding irruptions of Indians. Two other establishments were, however, soon made, and be- came, as well as Harrod's, rallying points for land advent- urers, and for many of those, whose enterprising spirits led them, to make their home in that wilderness. The first of these was that at Boonesborongh, and which was made, under the superintendence of Daniel Boone. The prospect of amassing great wealth, by the pur- chase of a large body of land from the Indians, for a comparatively trifling consideration, induced some gentle- men in North Carolina, to form a company, and endeavor by negotiation to effect such purpose. This association was known under the title of Henderson and company ; and its object was, the acquisition of a considerable por- tion of Kentucky. 1 The first step, necessary towards the that the latter murdered him. He was survived by his wife and a daughter, and left a large landed estate. Harrod, although unlettered, was a man of fine presence and many sterling qualities, and made a strong impress on his generation. He is still remembered in Kentucky as one of the worthiest pioneers of that state. R. G. T. 1 -The company successively called The Louisa Company, Hender- son & Co., and The Transylvania Company was composed of Col. Richard Henderson, Col. John Williams, Thomas Hart, Col. David Hart, Capt. Nathaniel Hart, Col. John Luttsell, James Hogg, William Johnston, and Leonard Henley Bullock. Henderson's paternal great-grandfather was a Scottish immigrant, and one of his grandmothers was Welsh. The family settled in Han- over County, Va., where Richard, son of Samuel Henderson, was born April 20, 1735. Samuel moved with his family to North Carolina, in 1745, and became sheriff of Granville County. Richard had the educa- tion of a rural youth of good station, and became a lawyer. In 1767 he was appointed one of the two associate justices of the superior court of the colony, and served with great credit for six years, when the court was abolished. During professional visits to Salisbury, Henderson heard frequently chiefly through the brothers Hart of the exploits of Boone, and the latter's glowing reports of the beauty and fertility of Kentucky. 19'2 Withers' 's Chronicles accomplishment of this object, was, to convene a council of the Indians ; and as the territory sought to be acquired, did not belong, in individual property to any one nation Relying implicitly on Boone's statements, these four men energetically resolved to settle the country. In the autumn of 1774, Henderson and Nathaniel Hart visited the Cherokees to ascertain if they would sell their claims to Kentucky, and receiving a favorable reply agreed to meet the Indians in treaty council at the Sycamore Shoals, on Watauga River. On their return home, they were accompanied by a wise old Indian (Little Carpenter), and a young buck and his squaw, delegates to see that proper goods were purchased for the proposed barter. These goods were bought in December at Cross Creek, now Fayetteville, N. C., and forwarded by wagons to Watauga. Boone was then sent out to collect the Indians, and when the coun- cil opened (March 14, 1775) had twelve hundred assembled at the Syca- more Shoals half of them warriors. The council proceeded slowly, with much characteristic vacillating on the part of the Indians ; but on the third day (March 17) the deed of sale was signed to what came to be known as "the great grant:" The tract from the mouth of the Ken- tucky (or Louisa) River to the head spring of its most northerly fork ; thence northeasterly to the top of Powell's Mountain ; thence westerly and then northwesterly to the head spring of the most southerly branch of the Cumberland; thence down that stream, including all its waters, to the Ohio, and thence up the Ohio to the mouth of the Ken- tucky. The Indians were conscious that they had sold what did not belong to them ; and Dragging Canoe and other chiefs were outspoken in their opinion that the whites would have difficulty in settling the tract. The Indians were much dissatisfied with the division of the goods. These " filled a house " and cost 10,000 sterling, yet when distributed among so many greedy savages each had but a small share. One war- rior, who received but a shirt for his portion, said he " could have shot more game in one day on the land ceded, than would pay for so slight a garment." Governors Martin, of North Carolina, and Dunmore, of Virginia, issued proclamations against the purchase, as contrary to the royal proclamation of 1763. But those who were present at the treaty among them such prominent borderers as Daniel Boone, James Robert- son, John Sevier, Isaac Shelby, Felix Walker, the Bledsoes, Richard Callaway, William Twitty, William Cocke, and Nathaniel Henderson- were heedless of such proclamations, and eager to become settlers un- der the company's liberal offer made to them on the spot : for each man who assisted in the first settlement, and went out and raised a crop of corn that year, a grant of 500 acres for 5 sterling, clear of all charges. Boone, as the company's agent, started out at once (March 10) -with twenty men, soon reinforced to thirty ; with their hatchets they blazed a bridle path over Cumberland Gap, and across Cumberland, Laurel, and Rockcastle rivers, to the banks of the Kentucky, where, after a running fieht with the Indians, they arrived April 1, and founded Of Border Warfare. 193 of them, it was deemed advisable to convoke the chiefs of the different nations south of the Ohio river. A time was then appointed at which these were to assemble ; and it became necessary to engage an agent, possessing the re- quisite qualifications, to attend the council, on behalf of Henderson and company, and to transact the business for them. The fame of Daniel Boone which had reached them, recommended him, as one eminently qualified to discharge the duties devolving on an agent; and he was employed in that capacity. At the appointed period, the council was held, and a negotiation commenced, which re- sulted in the transfer, to Henderson and company, of the title of the southern Indians to the land lying south of the Kentucky river, and north of the Tennessee. 1 Boonesborough. Henderson, at the head of thirty men conveying the wagons and supplies, arrived at Boonesborough April 20 ; with him were Luttsell and Nathaniel Hart. May 23, there met at Boonesbor- ough the Legislature of Transylvania, in which sat eighteen delegates from the little group of four frontier forts, all established at about this time Harrodsburg, Boiling Springs, and St. Asaph's (or Logan's Sta- tion), lying some thirty or more miles southwest of Boonesborough, the capital of this little western colony. Withers does not mention this first legislative assembly held in the Mississippi Valley. It is an inter- esting and suggestive episode in American commonwealth-building, and deserves careful study. Roosevelt gives it admirable treatment, in his Winning of the West. The journal of the convention is given at length in the appendix to the second edition of Butler's Kentucky; Hall's Sketches of the West, L, pp. 264, 265; Louisville Literary News- Letter, June 6, 1840 ; and Hazard's U. S. Register, iii., pp. 25-28. Henderson's MS. Journal is in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, and has never yet been published. Virginia and North Carolina did not favor an independent gov- ernment in Kentucky, and annulled the title of the Henderson com- pany but Virginia (1795) granted the proprietors in recompense 200,- 000 acres on Powell's and Clinch rivers. We hear little more of Richard Henderson, in pioneer history. In 1779, he was one of the North Carolina commissioners to extend the western boundary between that State and Virginia. During the winter of 1789-90 he was at the French Lick on Cumberland, where he opened A land office. His last public service was in 1781, when a member of the North Carolina house of commons. He died at his country seat in Granville County, N. C., January 30, 1785, in his fiftieth year. Two of his sons, Archibald and Leonard, attained eminence at the bar of their native State. R. G. T. 1 Among Dr. Draper's manuscripts I find this succinct review of the 13 194 Withers' s Chronicles Boone was then placed at the head of a party of en- terprising men, sent to open a road from the Holstein set- tlement, through the wilderness, to the Kentucky river, aboriginal claims to Kentucky : " There is some reason to suppose that the Catawbas may once have dwelt upon the Kentucky River ; that stream, on some of the ancient maps published a hundred years ago, was called the ' Cuttawa or Cawtaba River.' But that tribe of Indians, so far as we know, never laid any claim to the territory. " It would appear from the historical evidences extant, that the Shawanoes were the earliest occupants of Kentucky of whom we have any certain knowledge. Golden, the primitive historian of the Iroquois Confederacy, informs us, that when the French commenced the first settlement of Canada in 1603, the Five Nations, who then resided near the present locality of Montreal, were at war with the powerful Adi- rondacks, who at that time lived three hundred miles above the Three Rivers, in Canada. The Iroquois found it difficult to withstand the vigorous attacks of their enemies, whose superior hardihood was to be attributed to their constant devotion to the chase, while the Iroquois had been chiefly engaged in the more peaceful occupation of planting corn. Compelled to give way before their haughty foes, the confeder- ates had recourse to the exercise of arms, in order, if possible, to re- trieve their martial character and prowess. To raise the spirits of their people, the Iroquois leaders turned their warriors against the Satanas or Shawanoes, 'who then,' says Golden, 'lived on the banks of the lakes,' or, as other historians assert, in Western New York, and south of Lake Erie, and soon subdued and drove them out of the country. The Shawanoes then retired to the Ohio, along which and its tributa- ries they planted numerous settlements. Some of them, however, when driven from Western New York, seem to have located somewhere on the Delaware, for De Laet, in 1624, speaks of Sawanoos residing on that river. " The Jesuit Relations of 1661-62, allude to their residence in the West under the name of Ontouagannha or Chaouanons ; they seem to have been the same as were called Tongorias, Erighecks, Erieehonons, Eries, or Gats, by the early missionaries and historians ; and the same, moreover, known in the traditions of the Senecas as Gah-kwahs, who resided on Eighteen Mile Creek, a few miles southwest of Buffalo, in Western New York, which the Senecas still call Gah-kwah-gig-a-ah Creek, which means the place where the Gah-kwahs lived. In 1672, the Shawanoes and their confederates in the Ohio Valley me.t with a disas- trous overthrow by the Five Nations at Sandy Island, just below the Falls of Ohio, where large numbers of human bones were still to be seen at the first settlement of the country. The surviving Shawanoes must then have retired still farther down the Ohio, and settled probably in the western part of Kentucky ; and Marquette, in 1673, speaks of their having twenty-three villages in one district, and fifteen in another, all lying quite near each other. At length the Shawanoes departed from Kentucky, and seem to have gone to the upper part of the Caro- Of Border Warfare. 195 and to take possession of the company's purchase. When within fifteen miles of the termination of their journey, they were attacked by a body of northern Indians, who killed two of Boone's comrades, and wounded two others. linas, and to the coast of Florida, and ever after proved a migratory people. They were evidently ' subdued,' as Golden, Evans, and Pow- nall inform us, and the decisive battle was fought at Sandy Island, where a vital blow was given to the balance of power on the Ohio, which de- cided finally the fall of Kentucky with its ancient inhabitants. " It was this conquest that gave to the powerful Iroquois all the title they ever acquired to Kentucky. At the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, their right to their western conquests was fully acknowledged ; and at the treaty of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, in 1744, they ceded to Virginia all their lands west of that colony. In 1752, the Shawanoes and other western tribes, at Logstown on the Ohio, confirmed the Lan- caster treaty, and sold their claim to the country south of the Ohio ; and, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1768, the Six Nations made a new cession of their claim to Kentucky as low as the Cherokee or Tennessee River. Up to this period, the Cherokees never so much as thought of contesting with the Iroquois their claim to the Kentucky country ; for some of the visiting Cherokees, while on their route to attend the Fort Stanwix treaty, killed game for their subsistence, and on their arrival at Fort Stanwix, tendered the skins to the Six Nations, saying, ' They are yours, we killed them after passing the Big River,' the name by which they had always designated the Tennessee. But probably dis- covering that other Indian nations were driving a good business by disposing of their distant land rights, the Cherokees managed to hatch up some sort of claim, which they, in part, relinquished to Virginia, at the treaty of Lochaber in 1770 ; and when Col. Donelson ran the line the following year, the boundary was fixed, at the suggestion of the Cherokee deputies, on the Kentucky River as the south-western line, as they delighted, hey said, in natural landmarks. This considerably en- larged the cession, for which they received an additional compensation. "In 1772, the Shawanoes made no claim to Kentucky; and at the treaty of Camp Charlotte, in October, 1774, they tacitly confirmed their old sale of that country in 1752, by agreeing not even to hunt south of the Ohio. Thus, then, we see that the Iroquois had twice ceded their right to Kentucky as low as the Tennessee River, and twice received their pay ; the Shawanoes had disposed of their claim, such as it was, and received for it a valuable consideration ; and the Cherokees, find- ing it profitable to lay claim to some valuable unoccupied region, sold their newly assumed right to the country south and east of Kentucky River. Their claim, if indeed it rises to the dignity of a claim, south and west of the Kentucky, was fairly purchased by Henderson and Company, and thus with the subsequent purchase by treaty, of the Chickasaws, of the strip between the Tennessee and Mississippi, the Indian title to the whole Kentucky country was fully and fairly ex- tinguished." R. G. T. 196 Withers' s Chronicles Two days after, they were again attacked by them, and had two more of their party killed and three wounded. 1 From this time they experienced no farther molestation until they had arrived within the limits of the purchase, and erected a fort, at a lick near the southern bank of the Kentucky river the site of the present town of Boones- borough. Enfeebled by the loss sustained in the attacks made on them by the Indians ; and worn down by the con- tinued labor of opening a road through an almost imper- vious wilderness, it was some time before they could so far complete the fort, so as to render it secure against antici- pated assaults of the savages, and justify a detachment be- ing sent from the garrison, to escort the family of Boone to his new situation. When it was thus far completed, an office [143] was opened for the sale of the company's land ; 2 and Boone and some others returned to Holstein, and from thence, guarded the family of Boone, through the wilderness, to the newly erected fort. Mrs. Boone and her daughter, are believed to be the first white females who ever stood on the banks of the Kentucky river. 3 1 The first attack occurred the morning of March 25, when the party were encamped near the head of Taylor's Fork of Silver Creek. Capt. Twitty and Felix Walker were severely wounded, and a negro servant killed; Twitty subsequently died from his wound. The other attack was on an outlying company, probably on Tate's Creek ; this occurred the 27th, and " Thomas McDowell and Jeremiah McFeeters were," Boone wrote to Henderson, " killed and sculped." R. G. T. [143] * The purchase of Henderson and company, was subsequently declared by the legislature of Virginia, to be null and void, so far as the purchasers were concerned ; but effectual as to the extinguishment of the Indian title, to the territory thus bought of them. To indemnify the purchasers for any advancement of money or other things which they had made to the Indians, the assembly granted to them 200,000 acres of land, lying at the mouth of Green river, and known generally as Henderson's grant. 3 Boone set out from Boonesborough, June 13, 1775. He left the set- tlement in a state approaching anarchy ; there were several good men in the district, but the majority were shiftless wanderers who would brook no exercise of authority. The buffalo were fast moving westward, and all game was now getting scarce " hunt or starve '' was the motto of the hour. A diarist (Capt. Floyd) estimated that there were then a total of 300 peo- ple in all the Kentucky settlements not reckoning ''a great many land- jobbers from towards Pittsburg, who go about on the north side of Ken- tucky, in companies, and build forty or fifty cabins a piece on lands Of Border Warfare. 197 In 1775 Benjamin Logan, who had been with Lord Dunmore at Camp Charlotte, visited Kentucky and se- lected a spot for his future residence, near to the present village of Stamford, erected thereon a fort ; and in the fol- lowing year moved his family thither. These were the only settlements then begun to be made within the limits of the now state of Kentucky. As the tide of emigration flowed into the country, those three forts afforded an asylum, from the Indian hostility to which the whites were incessantly subjected; and never perhaps lived three men better qualified by nature and habit, to resist that hostility, and preserve the settlers from cap- tivity and death, than James Harrod, Daniel Boone, and Benjamin Logan. Reared in the lap of danger, and early inured to the hardships and sufferings of a wilderness life, they were habitually acquainted with those arts which were necessary to detect and defeat the one, and to lessen and alleviate the others. Intrepid and fearless, yet cau- tious and prudent, there was united in each of them, the sly, circumventive powers of the Indian, with the bold de- fiance, and open daring of the whites. Quick, almost to intuition, in the perception of impending dangers, instant in determining, and prompt in action ; to see, to resolve, and to execute, were with them the work of the same mo- ment. Rife in expedients, the most perplexing difficulties rarely found them at a loss. Possessed of these qualities, they were placed at the head of the little colonies planted around them ; not by ambition, but by the universal voice of the people ; from a deep and thorough conviction, that they only were adequate to the exigencies of their situa- where no surveying has yet been done." Among the best of the nu- merous arrivals, were George Rogers Clark, Simon Kenton, Benjamin Logan, and Whitley, who came to be very prominent characters in Ken- tucky history. Boone, with his wife and daughters, and twenty-one men, arrived at Boonesborough September 6 or 7. " My wife and daughters,' writes Boone, " were the first women that ever stood on the banks oi Kentucky river." Mrs. McGary, Mrs. Hogan, and Mrs. Den- ton arrived at Harrodsburg the 8th of September, and were the first white women in that settlement. With the arrival of these families, and fresh fighting men, the Kentucky colony began to take on a per- manent air, aud thenceforward there was better order. R. G. T. 198 Withers's Chronicles tiori. The conviction was not ill founded. Their intel- lectual and physical resources were powerfully and con- stantly exerted for the preservation and security of the settlements ; and frequently, with astonishing success, un- der the most inauspicious circumstances. Had they in- deed, by nature, been supine and passive, their isolated situation, and the constantly repeated attempts of the In- dians, at their extermination, would have aroused them, as it did others, to activity and energy, and brought their every [144] nerve into action. For them, there were no " weak, piping times of peace," no respite from danger. The indefatigable vigilance and persevering hostility of an unrelenting foe, required countervailing exertions on their part; and kept alive the life, which they delighted to live. From the instant those establishments were made, and emigrants placed themselves in their vicinity, the Savages commenced their usual mode of warfare ; and marauding parties were ever in readiness, to seize upon, those, whose misfortune it was to become exposed to their vigilance. In the prosecution of these hostilities, incidents of the most lively and harrowing interest, though limited in their con- sequences, were constantly recurring ; before a systematic course of operations, was undertaken for the destruction of the settlers. The Indians, seeing that they had to contend with persons, as well skilled in their peculiar mode of warfare, as themselves, and as likely to detect them, while lying in wait for an opportunity to strike the deadly blow, as they were to strike it with impunity, they entirely changed their plans of annoyance. Instead of longer endeavoring to cut off the whites in detail, they brought into the coun- try a force, sufficiently numerous and powerful to act sim- ultaneously against all the settlements. The consequence of this was, much individual suffering and several horrid massacres. Husbandmen, toiling to secure the product of the summer's labor, for their sustenance another season, were frequently attacked, and murdered. Hunters, en- gaged in procuring meat for immediate and pressing use, Of Border Warfare. 199 were obliged to practise the utmost wariness to evade the ambushed Indian, and make sure their return to the fort. Springs and other watering places, and the paths leading to them, were constantly guarded by the savages ; who would lie near them day and night, until forced to leave their covert, in quest of food to satisfy their extreme hunger ; and who, when this end was attained, would re- turn to their hiding places, with renovated strength, and increased watchfulness. The cattle belonging to the gar- risons were either driven off, or killed, so that no supplies could be derived from them. This state of things con- tinued, without intermission, 'till the severity of winter forced the Indians to depart for their towns ; and then suc- ceeded, of necessity, a truce, which had become extremely desirable to the different settlements. When we reflect on the dangers, the difficulties, the complicated distresses, to which the inhabitants were then exposed, it is really matter of astonishment that they did not abandon the country, and seek elsewhere an exemp- tion from those evils. How women, with all the feminine weakness of the sex, could be prevailed upon to remain during the winter, and encounter with the returning spring, the returning horrors of savage warfare, is truly surprising. The frequent recurrence of danger, does in- deed, produce a comparative insensibility and indifference to it ; but it is difficult to conceive, [145] that familiarity with the tragic scenes which were daily exhibited there, could reconcile persons to a life of constant exposure to them. Yet such was the fact; and not only did the few, who were first to venture on them, continue in the country, but others, equally adventurous, moved to it; en- countering many hardships and braving every danger, to aid in maintaining possession of the modern Canaan, and to obtain a home in that land of milk and honey. If for a while, they flattered themselves with the hope, that the ravages which had been checked by winter, would not be repeated on the return of spring, they were sadly disap- pointed. Hostilities were resumed, as soon as the abate- ment of cold, suffered the Indians to take the field ; and 200 Withers's Chronicles were carried on with renovated ardor, and on an enlarged scale. 1 Feeling the hopelessness of extirpating the settle- ments, so long as the forts remained to afford a safe retreat to the inhabitants ; and having learned, by the experience of the preceding season, that the whites were but little, if at all, inferior to them in their own arts, and were competent to combat them, in their own mode of warfare, the In- dians resolved on bringing into the country a larger force, and to direct their united energies to the demolition of the different forts. To prevent any aid being afforded by the other garrisons, while operations were leveled against one, they resolved on detaching from their main body, such a number of men as was deemed sufficient to keep watch around the other forts, and awe their inmates from attempt- ing to leave them, on any occasion. This was a course of excellent policy. It was calculated not only to prevent the marching of any auxiliary forces from one to the other of the fortresses, but at the same time by preventing hunting parties from ranging the woods, cut off the principal source, from which their supplies were derived; and thus tended to render their fall, the more certain and easy. Accordingly in March 1777, they entered Kentucky with a force of upwards of two hundred warriors ; and sending some of their most expert and active men to watch around Boone's and Logan's forts, marched with 1 In the winter of 1776-77, McClelland's Station and Logan's Station, (indifferently styled Fort or Station) were abandoned because of Indian attacks, and the settlers huddled into Boonesborough and Harrodsburg although possibly Price's settlement, on the Cumberland, maintained a separate existence throughout the winter. There were at this time not to exceed a hundred and fifty white men in the country, available for active militia duty. As during January and February, 1777, the Indians were quiet, confidence was restored in some degree, and during the latter month, Logan, with his own and some half dozen other families, left Har- rodsburg and re-occupied Logan's Station. Thus far, each settlement had chosen its own military leader, and discipline was practically unknown. March 5, under order and commissions from Virginia, the militia of Kentucky county were assembled and organized at Boonesborough, Harrodsburg, and Logan's Station, with George Rogers Clark as major, and Daniel Boone, James Harrod, John Todd, and Benjamin Logan as captains. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 201 the chief part of their army to attack Harrodsburg. On the 14th of March three persons (who were engaged in clearing some land) not far from Harrod's fort, discovered the Indians proceeding through the woods, and sought to escape observation and convey the intelligence to the gar- rison. But they too, were discovered and pursued ; and one of them was killed, another taken prisoner, and the third (James, afterwards Gen. Ray, then a mere youth) reached Harrodsburg alone in safety. 1 Aware that the place had become alarmed, and that they had then no chance of operating on it, by surprise, they encamped near to it on that evening ; and early on the morning of the 15th commenced a furious and animated attack. Apprized of the near approach of the enemy, the gar- rison had made every preparation for defense, of which their situation admitted; and when the assailants rushed to the assault, not intimidated by their horrible and un- natural yells, nor yet dispirited by the [146] presence of a force so far superior to their own, they received them with a fire so steady and well directed, as forced them to recoil ; leaving one of their slain on the field of attack. This alone, argued a great discomfiture of the Indians; as it is well known to be their invariable custom, to remove, if practicable, those of their warriors who fall in battle. Their subsequent movements, satisfied the inmates of the fort, that there had been indeed a discomfiture ; and that they had but little to apprehend from a renewed assault on their little fortress. After reconnoitering for a while, at a prudent distance from the garrison, the Indians kin- dled their fires for the night; and in the following day, leaving a small party for the purpose of annoyance, de- camped with the main body of their army, and marched 1 This foray took place March 6 not the 14th, as in the text at Shawnee Springs, four miles north-east of Harrodsburg. The whites James Ray, William Ray, Thomas Shores, and William Coomes were sugar-making, when attacked by about seventy Shawnees, under Black Fish. William Ray was killed, and Shores taken prisoner. James Ray outran his pursuers and gave the alarm. The unsuccessful attack on the incomplete fort of Harrodsburg occurred early the following morn- ing, the 7th. Other brief attacks on Harrodsburg, were on March 18 and 28. R. G. T. 202 Withers's Chronicles towards Boonesborough. 1 In consequence however, of a severe spell of March weather, they were forced to remain inactive for a time ; and did not make their appearance there, until the middle of April. In the assault on Boone's fort, the Indians soon be- came satisfied that it was impregnable against them ; and although their repulse was not as signal here, as it had been at Harrodsburg, yet they soon withdrew from the contest, and marched towards Logan's fort, having killed one and wounded four, of the whites. 2 Several causes combined to render an attack on the fort at Logan's station, an event of most fearful conse- quence. 3 Its inmates had been but a short time in the country, and were not provided with an ample supply either of provisions or ammunition. They were few in number ; and though of determined spirit and undaunted fortitude, yet such was the disparity between thirteen and two hundred the force of the garrison and the force of the assailants, joined to their otherwise destitute situation, that hope itself, could scarcely live in so perilous a situ- ation. Had this been the first point, against which the enemy levelled their operations when they arrived in the country, it must have fallen before them. But by deferring the attack on it, 'till they had been repulsed at the two other forts, the garrison was allowed time ; and availing themselves of it, to fortify their position more strongly, the issue was truly, most fortunate, though unexpected. On the night preceding the commencement of the at- tack on the fort, the Indians had approached near to it unperceived, and secreted themselves in a cane brake, which had been suffered to remain around the cabins. 1 A small detachment from Black Fish's party made a dash on workers in the Boonesborough fields, the day after the Harrodsburg fight killing a negro, and wounding several whites. R. G. T. * This assault on Boonesborough occurred the morning of Thursday, April 24. The Indians numbered about one hundred. Boone was wounded, and very nearly lost his life, in a sortie. The story of the fight abounds with instances of heroism on the part of both women and men. R. G. T. s It occurred throughout Friday, May 30. The Indians are re- ported to have numbered fifty-seven. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 203 Early in the morning the women, went out to milk, guarded by most of the garrison ; and before they were aware of impending danger, the concealed Indians opened a general fire, which killed three of the men, and drove the others, hastily within the fort. 1 A most affecting spectacle was then presented to view, well calculated to excite the sympathies of human nature, and arouse to action a man possessed of the generous sensibility and no- ble daring, which animated the bosom of Logan. One of the men who had fallen on the first fire of the Indians and had been supposed by his comrades to be dead, was in truth though [147] badly wounded, yet still alive ; and was observed feebly struggling to crawl to- wards the fort. The fear of laceration and mangling from the horrid scalping knife, and of tortures from more bar- barous instruments, seemed to abate his exertions in drag- ing his wounded body along, lest he should be discovered and borne oft' by some infuriated and unfeeling savage. It was doubtful too, whether his strength would endure long enough to enable him to reach the gate, even if un- molested by any apprehension of danger. The magnani- mous arid intrepid Logan resolved on making an effort to save hnh. He endeavored to raise volunteers, to accom- pany him without the fort, and bring in their poor wounded companion. It seemed as if courting the quick embrace of death, and even his adventurous associates for an instant, shrunk from the danger. At length a man 1 Those who went out early in the morning to milk the cows, were Mrs. Ann Logan, Mrs. Whitley, and a negro woman. They were guarded only by William Hudson, Burr Harrison, John Kennedy, and James Craig. The women and Craig escaped into the fort unharmed ; Ken- nedy, with four balls in his body, contrived also to escape ; Hudson was killed outright, and Harrison fell wounded. He was supposed by friend and foe to have been killed. The story of his final rescue by Logan, is related by Withers below. As told to Dr. Draper, by Capt. Benjamin Biggs, and as recorded in Whitley's MS. Narrative, in pos- session of the Wisconsin Historical Society, the story in Withers is substantially correct. It is said that Logan rolled a bag of wool before him, and thus approached Harrison under cover ; then making a rush towards the latter, he picked him up in his arms and dashed success- fully into the fort. These accounts make no mention of Martin's inter- vention. Harrison died of his wounds, June 13. R. G. T. 204 Withers'* Chronicles by the name of Martin, who plumed himself on rash and daring deeds, consented to aid in the enterprise; and the two proceeded towards the gate. Here the spirit of Mar- tin forsook him, and he recoiled from the hazardous ad- venture. Logan was then alone. He beheld the feeble, but wary exertions of his unfortunate comrade, entirely subside; and he could not hesitate. He rushed quickly through the gate, caught the unhappy victim in his arms, and bore him triumphantly into the fort, amid a shower of bullets aimed at him ; and some of which buried them- selves in the pallisades close by his head. A most noble and disinterested achievement, and worthy of all com- mendation. 1 [148] The siege being maintained by the Indians, the animation of the garrison was nearly exhausted, in re- pelling the frequent assaults made on the fort; and it was apparent, that the enemy did not intend speedily to with- draw their forces. Parties of Indians were frequently detached from the main body, as well to obtain a supply of provisions by hunting, as to intercept and cut off any [147] ' Benjamin Logan was by birth a Virginian ; and at the age of fourteen was left by the death of his father, to provide for his mother and her other children, and with the other cares of a family upon his infant hands. He discharged the duties thus devolving on him, with the utmost fidelity ; and having provided amply for the support of his mother, and placed the other members of her household in eligible situations, he removed to the Holstein, married, purchased land, and commenced making improvements. From thence he went to Kentucky, where he spent the balance of his life, in the discharge of every social and relative duty, with credit to himself and advantage to the com- munity. He was a delegate to the Virginia legislature from the county of Kentucky in 1780; was soon after commissioned county Lieutenant, (then the highest military title in the militia of a county) and in the various battles, as well as in the many skirmishes, which he fought with the Indians, his conduct and bearing were such, as fully established for him the reputation of a brave, skilful, prudent and meritorious officer. In .private life, and in his intercourse with his fellow men, his whole course was distinguished by the most uncompromising honor, and ex- panded philanthrophy. The heroic adventure, by which he saved his wounded comrade, from the tomahawk, the scalping knife, and from fire, was but one of many such exploits, whereby he achieved good to others, at the most imminent hazard of his own life. Of Border Warfare. 205 aid, which might be sent to St. Asaph's 1 from the other forts. In this posture of affairs, it was impossible that the garrison could long hold out, unless its military stores could be replenished ; and to effect this, under existing circumstances, appeared to be almost impossible. Har- rodsburg and Boonesborough were not themselves amply provided with stores ; and had it been otherwise, so closely was the intermediate country between them and St. Asaph's, guarded by the savages, that no communication could be carried from one to the other of them. The settlement on the Holstein was the nearest point, from which it could be practicable to derive a supply of ammunition, and the distance to that neighborhood, was considerable. Logan knew the danger which must result to the gar- rison, from being weakened as much as it must be, by sending a portion of it on this hazardous enterprise ; but he also knew, that the fort could not be preserved from falling, unless its magazine was soon replenished. Prefer- ing the doubtful prospect of succeeding in its relief, by adopting the plan of sending to Holstein, he proposed the measure to his companions, and they eagerly embraced it. It remained then to select the party, which was to venture on this high enterprise. Important as the presence of Logan, was known to be, in the fort, yet as the lives of all within, depended on the success of the expedition and as to effect this, required the exercise of qualities rarely pos- sessed in so great degree by any other individual, he was unanimously chosen to conduct the enterprise. Accompanied by four of the garrison, Logan, as slyly as possible, slipped from the fort, and commenced his tedi- ous journey. 2 To lessen the chance of coming in contact [148] l This was the name given to the station of Logan. * Whitley's MS. Narrative and Cowan's MS. Diary, in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library, say that Logan left alone during the night of June 6. Logan returned to his fort on the 23d, having travelled almost incessantly, and brought news that relief would soon come. Soon after Logan's expedition to the Holston, other messengers were sent to the East, clamoring for help McGary and Hoggin to Fort Pitt, and Smith to the Yadkin ; and twice Harrod vainly went forth to meet expected troops. But the Continental army was hard pressed in those days, and despite the rumor on the coast that Kentucky was in a sad way, it was long before relief could be sent. R. G. T. 206 Withers' s Chronicles with straggling bands of Indians, he avoided the pack road which had been opened by Boone ; and pursuing an untrodden route, reached the settlement in safety. The requisite supplies were soon engaged ; and while they were being prepared for transportation, Logan was actively en- gaged in endeavoring to prevail on the inhabitants, to form a company as expeditiously as possible and march to their relief. With a faint promise of assistance, and with the assurance that their situation should be immediately made known to the executive authority of the state, he set off on his return. Confiding the ammunition which he had obtained, to the care of his companions, and prudently ad- vising and instructing them in the course best to be pur- sued, he left them, and hastened to make his way alone, back to St. Asaph. In ten days after his departure from the fort, he returned to it again ; and his [149] presence contributed much to revive and encourage the garrison ; 'till then in almost utter despair of obtaining relief. In a few days after, the party arrived with the ammunition, and succeeded in entering the fort unperceived ; though it was still surrounded by the Indians. With so much secrecy and caution had the enterprise been conducted, that the enemy never knew it had been undertaken, until it was happily accomplished. For some time after this the garrison continued in high expectation of seeing the besiegers depart, despairing of making any impression on the fort. But they were mistaken in this expectation. Each returning day shewed the continued investiture of the fort, and exhibited the Indians as pertinaciously intent on its reduction by assault or famine, as they were on the day of their arrival before it. Weeks elapsed, and there was no appearance of the succours which had been promised to Logan, when in the settlement on Holstein. And although the besieged were still successful in repelling every assault on the garrison, yet their stock of provisions was almost entirely exhausted ; and there was no chance of obtaining a farther supply, but from the woods around them. To depend on the success of hunting parties, to relieve their necessities and prevent their actual starvation or surrender, seemed indeed, but a Of Border Warfare. 207 slender reed on which to rely ; and the gloom of despond- ency overshadowed their hitherto sanguine countenances. But as they were resigning themselves to despair, and yield- ing up the last hope of being able to escape from savage fury and savage vengeance, Colonel Bowman arrived to their re- lief, and forced the Indians to raise the siege. It was not however, without some loss on his part. A detachment of his men, which had preceded the advance of the main army, was unfortunately unable to reach the fort, undis- covered by the besiegers ; who attacked and killed them before they could enter the garrison. On the body of one of these men, was left a proclamation, issued by the Gov- ernor of Detroit promising protection and reward to those who would renounce the cause of the American colonies, and espouse that of Great Britain ; and denouncing those who would not. When this proclamation was carried to Logan, he carefully kept secret its contents, lest it might produce an unfavorable effect on the minds of some of his men ; worn down, exhausted, and discouraged as they then were. 1 [150] After the arrival of Colonel Bowman in the country, there was for a time, a good deal of skirmishing between his forces, aided by individuals from the different forts, and those Indians. In all of them, the superiority of the whites in the use of the rifle, became apparent to the savages ; and as the feat of Captain Gibson with the sword, had previously acquired for the Virginians, the appellation of the Long Knives, 2 the fatal certainty, with which Bowman's men and the inhabitants of the various settlements in Kentucky, then aimed their shots, might have added to that title, the forcible epithet of sharp- 1 Bowman arrived at Boonesborough the first of August, with two companies from Virginia, under Capts. Henry Pauling and John Dun- kin the latter heing soon succeeded by Isaac Ruddell. The force num- bered 100 men. August 25, while six of Bowman's men were on their way to Logan's, they were attacked by Indians, two being killed and one wounded. Before escaping, the Indians left on the body of one of the men, several copies of a proclamation addressed to Clark and Logan in person, by Lieut.-Gov. Henry Hamilton, at the head of the British forces at Detroit, offering immunity to repentant rebels. R. G.T. 2 See pp. 79, 80, note, for origin of the term " Long Knives." R. G. T. 208 Withers's Chronicles shooters. They were as skilful and successful, too, in the practice of those arts, by which one is enabled to steal un- aware upon his enemy, as the Natives themselves ; and were equally as sure to execute the purposes, for which those arts were put in requisition, as these were. The consequence was, that the Indians were not only more shy in approaching the garrison, than they had been; but they likewise became, more cautious and circumspect, in their woods operations, than formerly. The frequent success of Colonel Bowman's men, in scouring the surrounding country, gave to the inhabitants of all the settlements, an opportunity of cultivating their little fields, and of laying in such a stock of provisions and military stores, as would suffice in the hour of need ; when that force should be withdrawn from the country, and the Indians consequently be again enabled to overrun it. All that the inhabitants, by reason of the paucity of their numbers, could yet do, was to shut themselves iiv forts, and preserve these from falling into the hands of the enemy. When the term of those, who had so opportunely came to their relief, expired, and they returned to their homes, there were at Boonsborough only twenty-two, at Harrodsburg sixty-five, and at St. Asaph's fifteen men. Emigrants however, flocked to the country during the en- suing season, in great numbers ; and their united strength enabled them the better to resist aggression, and conduct the various operations of husbandry and hunting then the only occupations of the men. While these things were transacting in Kentucky, North Western Virginia enjoyed a repose undisturbed, save by the conviction of the moral certainty, that it would be again involved in all the horrors of savage war- fare; and that too, at no distant period. The machina- tions of British agents, to [151] produce this result, were well known to be gaining advocates daily, among the sav- ages ; and the hereditary resentments of these, were known to be too deeply seated, for the victory of Point Pleasant to have produced their eradication, and to have created in their stead, a void, to become the future receptacle of kindlier feelings, towards their Virginia neighbors. A Of Border Warfare. 209 coalition of the many tribes north west of the Ohio river, had been some time forming, and the assent of the Shaw- anees, alone, was wanting to its perfection. The distin- guished Sachem at the head of that nation, was opposed to an alliance with the British, and anxious to preserve a friendly intercourse with the colonists. All his influence, with all his energy, was exerted, to prevent his brethren from again involving themselves, in a war with the whites. But it was likely to be in vain. Many of his warriors had fallen at the mouth of the Kenhawa, and his people had suffered severely during the continuance of that war; they were therefore, too intent on retaliation, to listen to the sage counsel of their chief. In this posture of affairs, Cornstalk, in the spring of 1777, visited the fort, which had been erected at Point Pleasant after the campaign of 1774, in company with the Red Hawk, and another In- dian. Captain Matthew Arbuckle was then commandant of the garrison ; and when Cornstalk communicated to him the hostile preparations of the Indians, that the Shawanees alone were wanting to render a confederacy 'jomplete, that, as the " current set so strongly against the colonies, even they would float with the stream in de- spite of his endeavors to stem it," and that hostilities would commence immediately, he deemed it prudent to detain him and his companions as hostages, for the peace and neutrality of the different tribes of Indians in Ohio. He at the same time acquainted the newly organized gov- ernment of Virginia, with the information which he had received from Cornstalk, and the course which he had taken with that chief, and the others who accompanied him to the garrison. Upon the receipt of this intelligence, it was resolved, if volunteers could be had for this purpose, to march an army into the Indian country and effectually accomplish the objects, which had been proposed to be achieved in the campaign of Lord Dunmore in 1774. The volunteers in Augusta and Bottetourt, were to rendezvous as early as possible, at the mouth of the Big Kenhawa, where they would be joined by [152] other troops under General 14 210 Withers' s Chronicles Hand, ' who would then assume the command of the whole expedition. In pursuance of this resolve, three or four companies only, were raised in the counties of Bottetourt and Au- gusta; and these immediately commenced their march, to the place of general rendezvous, under the command of Colonel George Skillern. In the Greenbrier country, great exertions were made by the militia officers there, to obtain volunteers, but with little effect. One company only was formed, consisting of thirty men, and the officers, laying aside all distinctions of rank, placed themselves in the line as common soldiers, and proceeded to Point Pleasant with the troops led on by Colonel Skillern. Upon their arrival at that place, nothing had been heard of General Hand, or of the forces which it was expected would accompany him from Fort Pitt ; and the volunteers halted, to await some intelligence from him. 1 Edward Hand was born in Ireland. He came to America in 1774 as a Burgeon's mate in the Eighth (Royal Irish) Regiment, and soon set- tled in Pennsylvania as a physician. When the Revolution broke out he joined a Pennsylvania regiment as lieutenant colonel, and served in the siege of Boston. In April, 1777, he was appointed brigadier-general in the Continental army, and the first of June assumed command of Fort Pitt. Lieut.-Gov. Henry Hamilton, of Detroit, under orders from London, was actively engaged in stirring up the Northwest Indians to forays on the Virginia and Pennsylvania borders, thus harrying the Americans in the rear. Hand, in whose charge was the frontier from Kittanning to the Great Kanawha, determined on an aggressive policy, and in February, 1778, undertook a campaign against the savages. An open winter, with heavy rains, prevented the force of about 500 men chiefly from Westmoreland county making satisfactory headway. Fi- nally, the expedition was abandoned when it had proceeded no farther than Mahoning Creek. From the fact that this first American movement against the savages, during the Revolution, resulted only in the capture of non-combatants, in the almost deserted villages, it was long known as " the squaw campaign." Hand was a competent offi- cer, but was much pestered, at Fort Pitt, with the machinations of tories, who were numerous among the borderers. Succeeded at Fort Pitt in 1778, by Brig.-Gen. Lachlan Mclntosh, Hand in turn succeeded Stark in command at Albany. We find him, in 1779, actively engaged on Sullivan's campaign against the New York Indians, and in 1780 he became adjutant general. A member of congress in 1784r-85, he was in 1790 a member of the constitutional convention of Pennsylvania, and died at Rockford, Lancaster County, Pa., September 3, 1802 R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 211 The provisions, for the support of the army in its pro- jected invasion of the Indian country, were expected to be brought down the river, from Fort Pitt ; and the troops under Colonel Skillern had only taken with them, what was deemed sufficient for their subsistence on their march to the place of rendezvous. This stock was nearly ex- haused, and the garrison was too illy supplied, to admit of their drawing on its stores. While thus situated, and anxiously awaiting the arrival of General Hand with his army and provisions, the officers held frequent conversa- tions with Cornstalk, who seemed to take pleasure in ac- quainting them with the geography of the country west of the Ohio river generally, and more particularly with that section of it lying between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers. One afternoon while he was engaged in delineat- ing on the floor a map of that territory, with the various water courses emptying into those two mighty streams, and describing the face of the country, its soil and climate, a voice was heard hallooing from the opposite shore of the Ohio, which he immediately recognised to be that of his son Ellinipsico, and who coming over at the instance of Cornstalk, embraced him most affectionately. Uneasy at the long absence of his father, and fearing that some un- forseen evil might have befallen him, he had come to learn some tidings of him here; knowing that it was the place, to go to which he had left the nation. His visit was prompted by feelings [153] which do honor to human na- ture anxious solicitude for a father, but it was closed by a most terrible catastrophe. On the day after the arrival of Ellinipsico, and while he was yet in the garrison, two men, from Captain Hall's company of Rockbridge volunteers, crossed the Kenhawa river on a hunting excursion. As they were returning to the canoe for the purpose of recrossing to the Fort, after the termination of' the hunt, Gilmore was espied by two Indians, concealed near the bank, who fired at, killed and scalped him. At that instant, Captains Arbuckle and Stuart (the latter having accompanied the Greenbrier vol- unteers as a private soldier) were standing on the point opposite to where lay the canoe in which Hamilton and 212 Withers' s Chronicles Gilraore had crossed the river; and expressed some aston- ishment that the men should be so indiscreet as to be shooting near to the encampment, contrary to commands. They had scarcely time to express their disapprobation at the supposed violation of orders, when Hamilton was seen running down the bank of the river, and heard to exclaim, that Gilmore was killed. A party of Captain Hall's men immediately sprang into a canoe and went over to relieve Hamilton from danger, and to bring the body of Gilmore to the encampment. Before they relanded with the bloody corpse of Gilmore, a cry arose, "let us go and kill the In- dians in the fort;" and pale with rage they ascended the bank, with captain Hall at their head, to execute their horrid purpose. It was vain to remonstrate. To the in- terference of Captains Arbuckle and Stuart to prevent the fulfilling of this determination, they responded, by cocking their guns, and threatening instant death to any one who should dare to oppose them. The interpreter's wife, (who had lately returned from Indian captivity, and seemed to entertain a feeling of affec- tion for Cornstalk and his companions) seeing their danger, ran to their cabin to apprise them of it, and told them that Ellinipsico was charged with having brought with him the Indians who had killed Gilmore. This however he posi tively denied, averring that he came alone, and with the sole object of learning something of his father. In this time Captain Hall and his men had arrived within hearing, and Ellinipsico appeared much agitated. Cornstalk how- ever, encouraged him to meet his fate composedly, saying, " my son, the Great Spirit has seen fit that we should die together, and has sent you here to that [154] end. It is his will and let us submit; it. is all for the best;" and turning to meet his murderers at the door, received seven bullets in his body and fell without a groan. Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, Sachem of the Shawanees, and king of the northern confederacy in 1774: A chief remarkable for many great and good qualities. He was disposed to be at all times the friend of white men ; as he ever was, the advocate of honorable peace. But when his country's wrongs " called aloud to battle," he be- Of Border Warfare. 213 came the thunderbolt of war; and made her oppressors feel the weight of his uplifted arm. He sought not to pluck the scalp from the head of the innocent, nor to war against the unprotected and defenceless; choosing rather to en- counter his enemies, girded for battle, and in open conflict. His noble bearing, his generous and disinterested attach- ment to the colonies, when the thunder of British cannon was reverberating through the land his anxiety to pre- serve the frontier of Virginia from desolation and death, (the object of his visit to Point Pleasant) all conspired to win for him the esteem and respect of others ; while the untimely, and perfidious manner of his death, caused a deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms, even of those who were enemies to his nation ; and excited the just indignation of all, towards his inhuman and barbarous murderers. When the father fell, Ellinipsico continued still and passive ; not even raising himself from the seat, which he had occupied before they received notice, that some infuri- ated whites were loudly demanding their immolation. He met death in that position, with the utmost composure and calmness. The trepidation which first seized upon him, was of but momentary duration, and was succeeded by a most dignified sedateness and stoical apathy. It was not so with the young Red Hawk. He endeavored to conceal himself up the chimney of the cabin, in which they were ; but without success. He was soon discovered and killed. The remaining Indian was murdered by piece-meal; and with almost all those circumstances of cruelty and horror, which characterize the savage, in wreaking vengeance upon an enemy. Cornstalk is said to have had a presentiment of his approaching fate. On the day preceding his death, a council of officers was convoked, in consequence of the continued absence of General Hand, and their entire ig- norance of his [155] force or movements, to consult and determine on what would be the course for them to pur- sue under existing circumstances. Cornstalk was admit- ted to the council ; and in the course of some remarks, with which he addressed.it, said, "When I was young 1 and 214 Withers' s Chronicles went to war, I often thought, each might be my last ad- venture, and I should return no more. I still lived. Now I am in the midst of you, and if you choose, may kill me. I can die but once. It is alike to me, whether now or hereafter." Little did those who were listening with de- light to the eloquence of his address, and deriving knowl- edge from his instruction, think to see him so quickly and inhumanly, driven from the theatre of life. It was a fear- ful deed ; and dearly was it expiated by others. The Shawanees were a warlike people, and became hencefor- ward the most deadly foe, to the inhabitants on the frontiers. In a few days after the perpetration of this diabolical outrage upon all propriety, General Hand arrived from Pittsburg without an army, and without provisions for those who had been awaiting his coming. It was then determined to abandon the expedition ; and the volunteers returned to their homes. 1 1 See p. 172, note 2, for sketch of life and death of Cornstalk. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 215 [156] CHAPTER IX. While Cornstalk was detained at Point Pleasant, as surety for the peace and neutrality of the Shawanees, In- dians, of the tribes already attached to the side of Great Britain, were invading the more defenceless and unpro- tected settlements. Emerging, as Virginia then was, from a state of vassalage and subjection, to independence and self-government contending in fearful inferiority of strength and the munitions of war with a mighty and warlike nation limited in resources, and wanting in means, essential for supporting the unequal conflict, she could not be expected to afibrd protection and security from savage inroad, to a frontier so extensive as hers; and still less was she able to spare from the contest which she was waging with that colossal power, a force sufficient to maintain a war in the Indian country and awe the savages into quiet. It had not entered into the policy of this state to enlist the tomahawk and scalping knife in her behalf; or to make allies of savages, in a war with Christians and civilized men. She sought by the force of reason and the conviction of propriety, to prevail on them to observe neutrality not to become her auxiliaries. "To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting for blood, against protestant brethren," was a refinement in war to which she had not attained. That the enemy, with whom she was struggling for liberty and life as a nation, with all the lights of religion and philosophy to illumine her course, should have made of them allies, and " let loose those hor- rible hell-hounds of war against their countrymen in America, endeared to them by every tie which should sanctify human nature," was a most lamentable circum- stance in its consequences, blighting and desolating the fairest portions of the country, and covering the face of [157] its border settlements, with the gloomy mantle of sorrow and woe. 216 Withers's Chronicles There is in the Indian bosom an hereditary sense of injury, which naturally enough prompts to deeds of re- vangeful cruelty towards the whites, without the aid of ad- ventitious stimulants. When these are superadded, they become indeed, the most ruthless and infuriated enemy "thirsting for blood," and causing it literally to flow, alike from the hearts of helpless infancy and hoary age from the timorous breast of weak woman, and the undaunted bosom of the stout warrior. Leagued with Great Britain, the Indians were enabled more fully and effectually, to glut their vengeance on our citizens, and gratify their en tailed resentment towards them. In the commencement of Indian depredations on North Western Virginia, during this war, the only places of refuge for the inhabitants, besides private forts and block-houses, were at Pittsburg, Redstone, Wheeling and Point Pleasant. Garrisons had been maintained at Fort Pitt and Redstone, ever after their establishment; and fortresses were erected at the two latter places in 1774. They all seemed to afford an asylum to many, when the Indians were known to be in the country ; but none of them had garrisons, strong enough to admit of detach- ments being sent, to act offensively against the invaders. All that they could effect, was the repulsion of assaults made on them, and the expulsion from their immediate neighborhoods, of small marauding parties of the savage enemy. When Captain Arbuckle communicated to the Governor the information derived from Cornstalk, that extensive preparations were making by the Indians, for war, and the probability of its early commencement, such measures were immediately adopted, to prevent its success, as the then situation of the country would justify. A proclamation was issued, advising the inhabitants of the frontier, to retire into the interior as soon as practicable ; and that they might be enabled the better to protect them- selves from savage fury, some ammunition was forwarded to settlements on the Ohio river, remote from the state forts, and more immediately exposed to danger from in- cursion. General Hand too, then stationed at Fort Pitt, sent an express to the different settlements, recommending Of Border Warfare. 217 that they should be immediately abandoned, and the indi- viduals composing them, should forthwith seek shelter in some contiguous fortress, or retire east of the [158] moun- tain. All were apprized of the impending danger, and that it was impracticable in the pressing condition of af- fairs, for the newly organized government to extend to them any effective protection. Thus situated, the greater part of those who had taken up their abode on the western waters, continued to reside in the country. Others, deeming the means of defence inadequate to security, and unwilling to encounter the horrors of an Indian war, no better provided than they were, pursued the advice of government, and withdrew from the presence of danger. Those who remained, sen- sible of dependence on their individual resources, com- menced making preparations for the approaching crisis. The positions which had been selected as places of security and defence in the war of 1774, were fortified anew, and other block-houses and forts were erected by their unaided exertion, into which they would retire on the approach of danger. Nor was it long before this state of things was brought about. In June 1777, 1 a party of Indians came to the house of Charles Grigsby on Rooting creek, a branch of the West Fork, and in the county of Harrison. Mr. Grigsby being from home, the Indians plundered the house of every thing considered valuable by them, and which they could readily carry with them ; and destroying many other articles, departed, taking with them Mrs. Grigsby and her two children as prisoners. Returning home soon after, seeing the desolation which had been done in his short absence, and unable to find his wife and children, Mr. Grigsby collected some of his neighbors and set out in pursuit of those, by whom the mischief had been ef- fected, hoping that he might overtake and reclaim from them the partner of his bosom, and the pledges of her affection. His hopes were of but momentary existence. 1 This " year of the three sevens," as it was called, was long known as "the bloody year" of border history. R. G. T. 218 Withers 1 s Chronicles Following in the trail of the fugitives, when they had ar- rived near to Loss creek, a distance of but six miles, they found the body of Mrs. Grigsby and of her younger child, where they had recently been killed and scalped. The situation of this unfortunate woman (being near the hour of confinement,) and the entire helplessness of the child, were hindrances to a rapid retreat; and fearing pursuit, the Indians thus inhumanly rid themselves of those in- cumbrances to their flight and left them to accidental dis- covery, or to become food for the beasts of the forest. [159] Stimulated to more ardent exertions by the dis- tressing scene just witnessed, the pursuers pushed forward, with increased expectation of speedily overtaking and punishing, the authors of this bloody deed ; leaving two of their party to perform the sepulture of the unfortunate mother, and her murdered infant. But before the whites were aware of their nearness to the Indians, these had be- come apprized of their approach, and separated, so as to leave no trail by which they could be farther traced. They had of course to give over the pursuit; and returned home, to provide more effectually against the perpetration of similar acts of atrocity and darkness. A short time after this, two Indians came on the West Fork, and concealed themselves near to Coon's fort, await- ing an opportunity of effecting some mischief. While thus lying in ambush, a daughter of Mr. Coon came out for the purpose of lifting some hemp in a field near to the fort, and by the side of the road. Being engaged in per- forming this business, Thomas Cunningham and Enoch James passing along, and seeing her, entered into con^- versation with her, and after a while proceeded on their road. But before they had gone far, alarmed by the re- port of a gun, they looked back and saw an Indian ran up to the girl, tomahawk and scalp her. The people of the fort were quickly apprised of what had been done, and immediately turned out in pursuit; but could not trace the course taken by the savages. It afterwards ap- peared that the Indians had been for some time waiting for the girl to come near enough for them to catch and make her prisoner, before she could alarm the fort, or get Of Border Warfare. 219 within reach of its guns ; but when one of them crossed the fence for this purpose, she espied him and ran directly towards the fort. Fearing that he would not be able to overtake her, without approaching the fort so as to in- volve himself in some danger, he shot her as she ran ; and going up to her he tomahawked and scalped her. In en- deavoring then to secure himself by flight, he was shot at by James, but at so great distance as to prevent the doing of execution. In the neighborhood of Wheeling, some mischief of this kind was done about the same time, and by Indians who acted so warily, as to avoid being discovered and punished. A man by the name of Thomas Ryan was killed in a field some distance from the house, and a negro fellow at work with him, [160] taken prisoner and carried off. No invasion however, of that country, had been as yet, of sufficient importance to induce the people to for- sake their homes and go into the forts. Scouting parties were constantly traversing the woods in every direction, and so successfully did they observe every avenue to the settlements, that the approach of Indians was generally discovered and made known, before any evil resulted from it. But in August the whole country bordering on the Ohio, from Fort Pitt to Wheeling, became justly alarmed for its fate ; and the most serious apprehensions for the safety of its inhabitants, were excited in the bosoms of all. Intelligence was conveyed to General Hand at Fort Pitt, 1 by some friendly Indians from the Moravian towns, that a large army of the north western confederacy, had come as far as those villages, and might soon be expected to strike an awful blow on some part of the Ohio settlements. The Indian force was represented as being so great, as to preclude all idea of purchasing safety, by open conflict ; 1 General Hand was commandant, and George Morgan Indian agent, at Fort Pitt. Runners from the Moravian towns on the Tuscarawas and Muskingum rivers, in Ohio, frequently came into the fort during the summer, with dispatches for either of these officials. The Delawares, as a nation, were friendly throughout the year. The hostiles were chiefly composed of Wyandots and Mingoes, but with them were a few Shawnees and Delawares. R. G. T. 220 Withers's Chronicles and the inhabitants along the river, generally retired into forts, as soon as they received information of their danger, and made every preparation to repel an assault on them. They did not however, remain long in suspense, as to the point against which the enemy would direct its operations. Wheeling Fort, although it had been erected by the proper authorities of the government, and was supplied with arms and ammunition from the public arsenal, was not at this time garrisoned, as were the other state forts on the Ohio, by a regular soldiery ; but was left to be de- fended solely by the heroism and bravery of those, who might seek shelter within its walls. 1 The settlement around it was flourishing, and had grown with a rapidity truly astonishing, when its situation, and the circumstances of the border country generally, are taken into considera- tion. A little village, of twenty-five or thirty houses, had sprung up, where but a few years before, the foot of civil- ized man had never trod ; and where the beasts of the forest had lately ranged undisturbedly, were to be seen lowing herds and bleating flocks, at once, the means of sustenance, and the promise of future wealth to their owners. In the enjoyment of this, comparatively, pros- perous condition of things, the inhabitants little dreamed, how quickly those smiling prospects were to be blighted, their future hopes blasted, and they deprived of almost every necessary of life. They [161] were not insensible to the danger which in tinie of war was ever impending over 1 The first fort at Wheeling was built in the summer of 1774. by order of Lord Dunmore, under direction of Majors William Crawford and Angus McDonald. It stood upon the Ohio bank about a quarter of a mile above the entrance of Wheeling Creek. Standing in open ground, it was a parallelogram of square pickets pointed at top, with bastions and sentry boxes at the angles, and enclosed over half an acre. It ranked in strength and importance, next to Fort Pitt. Within the fort were log barracks, an officers' house, a storehouse, a well, and cabins for families. A steep hill rises not far inland ; between the fort and the base of this hill the forest had been leveled, and a few log cabins were nestled in the open. Such was Wheeling in 1777. At first the fort had been called Fincastle, for the Ohio Valley settlements were then in Fincastle County, Va.; but upon the opening of the Revolution the post, now in Ohio County, was named Fort Henry, in honor of the first state governor of Virginia. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 221 them; but relying on the vigilance of their scouts, to as- certain and apprize them of its approach, and on the prox- imity of a fort into which they could retire upon a minute's warning, they did not shut themselves up within its walls, until advised of the immediate necessity of doing so, from the actual presence of the enemy. On the night of the first of September, Captain Ogal, who with a party of twelve men, had been for some days engaged in watching the paths to the settlement and en- deavoring to ascertain the approach of danger, 1 came into Wheeling with the assurance that the enemy were not at hand. In the course of that night, however, the Indian army, consisting of three hundred and eighty-nine war- riors, 2 came near to the village, and believing from the lights in the fort, that the inhabitants were on their guard, and that more might be effected by an ambuscade in the morning, than by an immediate and direct attack, posted themselves advantageously for that purpose. Two lines were formed, at some distance from each, extending from the river across the point to the creek, with a corn- field to afford them concealment. In the centre between these lines, near a road leading through the field to the fort, and in a situation easily exposing them to observa- tion, six Indians were stationed, for the purpose of decoy- 1 News came to Fort Pitt, early in August, that an Indian attack in force, on Wheeling, might be expected at ^ny time. Says the Shane MSS., " White Eyes came to Fort Pitt and told them the Indians were going to take Wheeling home." August 2d, Gen. Hand wrote to David Shepherd, lieutenant of Ohio County, warning him of the perilous situ- ation, and ordering him to leave his own fort, six miles from Fort Henry, and to rally at the latter all the militia between the Ohio and Monongahela, the " pan-handle." Shepherd did this, and by the close of the month Fort Henry was, as he said, "Indian proof." But the non-arrival of the foe caused a relaxation of vigilance. Nine companies were allowed to go home, and by the last day of August only two com- panies remained in the fort, those of Capts. Joseph Ogle and Samuel Mason. R. G. T. 1 Shepherd to Hand, Sept. 15, 1777: "By the best judges here it is thought their numbers must have been not less than be- tween two and three hundred." The Shepherd, Hand, Shane, and Doddridge MSS., in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society, throw much light on this episode. R. G. T. 222 Withers's Chronicles ing within the lines, any force which might discover, and come out to molest them. Early in the morning of the second, two men, going to a field for horses, passed the first line, and came near to the Indians in the centre, before they were aware of dan- ger. 1 Perceiving the six savages near them, they endeav- ored to escape by flight. A single shot brought one of them to the ground : the other was permitted to escape that he might give the alarm. Captain Mason (who, with Captain Ogal and his party, and a few other men had oc- cupied the fort the preceding night) hearing that there were but six of the enemy, marched with fourteen men, to the place where they had been seen. He had not pro- ceeded far from the fort, before he came in view of them ; and leading his men briskly towards where they were, soon found themselves enclosed by a body of Indians, who 'till then had remained concealed. Seeing the im- possibility of maintaining a conflict with them, he en- deavored to retreat with his men, to the fort ; but in [162] vain. They were intercepted by the Indians, and nearly all literally, cut to pieces. 2 Captain Mason however, and his sergeant succeeded in passing the front line, but being observed by some of the enemy, were pursued, and fired at, as they began to rise the hill. The sergeant was so wounded by the ball aimed at him, that he fell, unable again to get up ; but seeing his Captain pass near without a gun and so crippled that he moved but slowly in advance 1 The Indians made their appearance on the night of August 31st not September 1st, as in the text. The incident here related occurred at about sunrise of September 1st. Andrew Zane, young John Boyd, Samuel Tomlinson, and a negro, set out to hunt for the horses of Dr. James McMechen, because the latter wished that day to return to the older settlements, either on the Monongahela, or east of the mountains. Boyd was killed, but his companions escaped Zane, by leaping from a cliff, the height of which local tradition places at seventy feet. R. G. T. * De Hass, in his History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of West Virginia, a conscientious work, which depends, however, too closely on traditions, says (p. 225), " out of the fourteen, but two es- caped." R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 223 of his pursuers, he handed him his, and calmly surrendered himself to his fate. Captain Mason had been twice wounded, and was then so enfeebled by the loss of blood, and faint from fatigue that he almost despaired of ever reaching the fort; yet he pressed forward with all his powers. He was sensible that the Indian was near him, and expecting every instant, that the tomahawk would sever his skull, he for a while forgot that his gun was yet charged. The recollection of this, inspiring him with fresh hopes, he wheeled to fire at his pursuer, but found him so close that he could not bring his gun to bear on him. Having greatly the advantage of ground, he thrust him back with his hand. The uplifted tomahawk descended to the earth with force ; and before the Indian could so far regain his footing as to hurl the fatal weapon from his grasp, or rush forward to close in deadly struggle with his antagonist, the ball from Captain Mason's gun had done its errand, and the savage fell life- less to the earth. Captain Mason was able to proceed only a few paces farther; but concealing himself by the side of a large fallen tree, he remained unobserved while the Indians continued about the fort. The shrieks of Captain Mason's men, and the dis- charge of the guns, induced Capt. Ogal to advance with his twelve scouts, to their relief. Being some distance in the rear of his men, the Indians, in closing round them, fortunately left him without the circle, and he concealed himself amid some briers in the corner of the fence ; where he lay until the next day. The same fate awaited his men, which had befallen Capt. Mason's. Of the twenty six who were led out by these two officers, only three es- caped death, and two of these were badly wounded : a striking evidence of the fact, that the ambuscade was judiciously planned, and the expectations of its success, well founded. 1 While these things were doing, the inhabitants of the village were busily employed in removing to the fort and 1 Among the survivors was Ogle who, like Mason, hid himself in the bushes until nightfall enabled him to return to the fort. R. G. T. 224 Wit hers' s Chronicles preparing for it8 defense. A single glance at the situation of the parties led on by Mason and Ogal, convinced them of the overwhelming force of the [163] Indians, and the impossibility of maintaining an open contest with them. And so quick had been the happening of the events which have been narrated, that the gates of the fort were scarcely closed, before the Indian army appeared under its walls, with a view to its reduction by storm. 1 But before the as- sault was begun to be made, the attention of the garrison was directed to a summons for its surrender, made by that infamous renegado, Simon Girty. 2 This worse than savage wretch, appeared at the end window of a house not far from the fort, and told them, that he had come with a large s^rmy to escort to Detroit, such of the Inhabitants along the frontier, as were willing to accept the terms offered by Governor Hamilton, to those who would renounce the cause of the colonies and attach themselves to the interest of Great Britain ; calling upon them to remember their fealty to their sovereign ; assuring them of protection, if they would join his stand- ard, and denouncing upon them, all the woes which spring from the uncurbed indulgence of savage vengeance, if they dared to resist, or fire one gun to the annoyance of 1 As a matter of fact, the Indians made no attack on the fort at this time, being content with the success of their ambuscade. After throwing up some rude earth-works and blinds, scalping the dead whites, killing all the live stock within reach, and setting fire to the outlying cabins, they retired across the Ohio in the night, and dispersed. Their loss was one killed and nine wounded; the whites lost fifteen killed and five wounded. The next day (September 2), the whites buried their dead, and unavailingly scoured the CQuntry for Indians. Tradition has made sad havoc with the records, in regard to this first " siege " of Wheeling. Some of the deeds of heroism related below, by Withers, were incidents of the second siege September 11, 1782, seven years later; but most of them are purely mythical, or. belong to other localities. Perhaps no events in Western history have been so badly mutilated by tradition, as these two sieges. R. G. T. a This statement of Withers, that Simon Girty was at the siege of Wheeling, was long accepted as fact by Western historians. But it is now established beyond doubt, that neither Simon nor his brothers were present at that affair, being at the time in the employ of Indian Agent Morgan, at Fort Pitt. For details of the evidence, consult But- terfield's History of the Girtys, passim. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 225 his men. He then read to them, Gov. Hamilton's procla- mation ; and told them, he could allow only fifteen min- utes to consider of his proposition. It was enough. In love with liberty, attached to their country, and without faith in his proffered protection, they required but little time to "deliberate, which of the two to choose, slavery or death." Col. Zane replied to him, " that they had con- sulted their wives and children, and that all were resolved to perish, sooner than place themselves under the protec- tion of a savage army with him at its head, or abjure the cause of liberty and of the colonies." Girty then repre- sented to them the great force of the Indians, the impos- sibility that the fort could withstand the assault, the cer- tainty of protection if they acceded to his propositions, and the difficulty of restraining the assailants, if enraged and roused to vengeance by opposition and resistance. A shot discharged at him from the fort, caused him to with- draw from the window and the Indians commenced the assault. There were then in the fort but thirty-three men, to defend it against the attack of upwards of three hun- dred and eighty Indians ; and bravely did they maintain their situation against the superior force of the enemy, and all that art and fury could effect to accomplish their destruction. For twenty-three hours, all was life, and energy, and activity within the walls. Every individual had particular duties to perform; and promptly and faith- fully were they discharged. The more expert of the women, took stations by the side of the men ; and hand- ling their guns with soldier like readiness, aided in the re- pulse, with fearless intrepidity. 1 Some were engaged in moulding bullets; others in loading and supplying the [164] men with guns already charged ; while the less ro- 1 [163] The notes furnished the compiler, mention particularly a Mrs. Glum and Betsy Wheat, as performing all the duties of soldiers with firmness and alacrity. Comment by R. G. T. Withers derived his information from tradi- tional notes in the possession of Noah Zane, son of Ebenezer. 15 226 Withers' s Chronicles bust were employed in cooking, and in furnishing to the combatants, provisions and water, during the continuance of the attack. It seemed indeed, as if each individual were sensible, that the safety of all depended on his lone exertions; and that the slightest relaxation of these, would involve them all in one common ruin. Finding that they could make no impression on the fort, and fearing to remain longer before it, lest their re- treat might be cut oft', by reinforcements from the sur- rounding country, the assailants fired all the houses with- out the walls; killed all the stock, which could be found . 7 > and destroying every thing on which they could lay their hands, retired about day light, and left the garrison in possession of the fortress, but deprived of almost every thing else. The alarm of the presence of Indians having been given after day light, and the attack on the fort com- mencing before sun rise, but little time was afforded them, for securing their moveable property. The greater part had taken with them nothing but their clothes, while some had left their homes with their night apparel only. Few were left the enjoyment of a bed, or the humble gratification of the coarse repast of bread and milk. Their distress was consequently great; and their situation for some time, not much more enviable, than when pent within the fort, and straining every nerve to repel its sav- age assailants. Before this, the Governor had sent to Col. Andrew Swearingen, a quantity of ammunition for the defence of those who remained in the country above Wheeling. By his exertions, and under his superintendence, Boiling's and Holliday's old forts were repaired, and the latter made strong enough to serve as a magazine. In it was collected, all the inhabitants from its neighborhood; and it was generally regarded, as a strong position, and able, occa- sionally, to detach part of its garrison, for the aid of other portions of the country. Soon after the attack was begun to be made on Wheeling, the alarm reached Shepherd's fort, and a runner was despatched from thence to Holli- day's fort with the intelligence, and the apprehension that if speedy relief were not afforded, the garrison at Wheel- Of Border Warfare. 227 ing must fall. No expectation, of being able to collect a force sufficient to cope with the assailants, was entertained. All that was expected was, to throw succours into the fort, and thus enable the garrison the more successfully to repel assaults, and preserve it from the violence of the In- dian onsets. For this purpose, Col. Swearingen left Holli- day's with fourteen men, who nobly volunteered to accom- pany him in this hazardous enterprise, to the regret of those who remained, from an apprehension that thus weakened, if Holliday's fort were attacked it must fall easily into the hands of the enemy. These men got into a large continental canoe, and plied their paddles industri- ously, to arrive in time to be of service to the besieged. But the night being dark, and a dense fog hanging over the river, they toiled to great disadvantage, frequently coming in contact with the banks; until [165] at length it was thought advisable to cease rowing and float with the current, lest they might, unknowingly, pass Wheel- ing, and at the appearance of day be obliged to contend with the force of the stream, to regain that point. Float- ing slowly, they at length descried the light which pro- ceeded from the burning of the houses at Wheeling, and with all their exertion could not then attain their destina- tion before the return of day. Could they have realized their expectation of arriving before day, they might from the river bank, in the darkness of the night, have gained admission into the fort ; but being frustrated in this, they landed some of the men near above Wheeling, to recon- noiter and ascertain the situation of things: it being doubtful to them, from the smoke and fog, whether the fort and all, were not a heap of ruins. Col. Swearingen, Cap. Bilderbock and William Boshears, volunteered for this service, and proceeding cautiously soon reached the fort. When arrived there, it was still questionable whether the Indians had abandoned the attack, or were only lying concealed in the cornfield, in order to fall on any, who might come out from the fort, under the impression that danger was removed from them. Fearing that the latter was the case, it was thought prudent, not to give the pre- 228 Withers's Chronicles concerted signal for the remainder of Col. Swearingen's party to come on, lest it might excite the Indians to greater vigilance and they intercept the men on their way to the fort. To obviate the difficulty arising from this ap- prehension, Col. Swearingen, Capt. Bilderbock and William Boshears, taking a circuitous route to avoid passing near the cornfield, returned to their companions, and escorted them to Wheeling. It then remained to ascertain whether the Indians had really withdrawn, or were only lying in am- bush. A council, consisting of Col. Zane, Col. Shepherd, Doctor McMahon and Col. Swearingen, being requested to devise some expedient by which to be assured of the fact, recommended that two of their most active and vigil- ant men, should go out openly from the fort, and care- lessly, but surely, examine the cornfield near to the palisade. Upon their return, twenty others, under the guidance of Col. Zane, marched round at some distance from the field, and approaching it more nearly on their re- turn, became assured that the Indians had indeed despaired of success, and were withdrawn from the field. About this time Major M'Cullough arrived with forty-five men, and they all proceeded to view the battle ground. Here was indeed a pitiable sight. Twenty-three of the men who had accompanied Capts. Mason and Ogal in the preceding morning, were lying dead; few of them had been shot, but the greater part, most inhumanly and bar- barously butchered with the tomahawk and scalping knife. Upwards of three hundred head of cattle, horses, and hogs, wantonly killed by the savages, were seen lying about the field, and all the houses, with every thing which they contained, and which could not be conveniently taken oft' by the enemy, were but heaps of ashes. It was long indeed, before the [166] inhabitants of that neigh- borhood regained the comforts, of which that night's deso- lation had deprived them. Soon after the happening of these events a company of militia under the command of Capt. Foreman, arrived from east of the Alleghany, to afford protection to the settlements around Wheeling, and occupy the fort at this place. While stationed in it, it was known that parties of Of Border Warfare. 229 Indians were still lurking about, seeking opportunities of doing mischief, and to prevent which, detachments were frequently sent on scouting expeditions. On the 26th of September, Capt. Foreman with forty five men, went about twelve miles below Wheeling and encamped for the night. He was ignorant of the practices of the Indians, and seemed rather indisposed to take council of those, who were conversant with them. After building fires for the night, he remained with his men close around them, contrary to the advice of one of the settlers, by the name of Lynn, who had accompanied him as a spy. Lynn how- ever, would not consent to remain there himself, but tak- ing with him those of the frontiers men who were in com- pany, retired some distance from the fires, and spent the night. Before it was yet light, Lynn, being awake, thought he heard such a noise, as would be probably pro- duced by the launching of rafts on the river, above the position occupied by Capt. Foreman. In the morning he communicated his suspicion that an Indian force was near them, and advised the Captain to return to Wheeling along the hill sides and avoid the bottoms. His advice was rejected; but Lynn, with the caution of one used to such a condition of things, prudently kept on the hill side with four others, while they, who belonged to the com- mand of Capt. Foreman, continued along the level at the base of the hill. In marching along the Grave creek narrows, one of the soldiers saw a parcel of Indian ornaments lying in the path ; and picking them up, soon drew around him the greater part of the company. While thus crowded together inspecting the trinkets, a galling fire was opened on them by a party of Indians who lay in ambush, and which threw them into great confusion. The fire was continued with deadly effect, for some minutes; and must eventually have caused the loss of the whole party, but that Lynn, with his few comrades rushed from the hill discharging their guns, and shouting so boisterously, as induced the Indians to believe that a reinforcement was at hand, and they pre- cipitately retreated. In this fatal ambuscade there were twenty-one of Cap- 230 Withers's Chronicles tain Foreman's party killed, and several much wounded ; among the slain were the Captain and his two sons. It appeared that the Indians had dropped their orna- ments, purposely to attract the attention of the whites ; while they themselves were lying concealed in two parties; the one to the right of the path, in a sink-hole on the bot- tom, and the other to the left, under covert of the river hank. From these advantageous positions, they [167] fired securely on our men ; while they were altogether exempt from danger 'till the party in the sink hole was descried by Lynn. His firing was not known to have taken effect; but to his good conduct is justly attributable the saving of the remnant of the detachment. The Indian force was never ascertained. It was supposed to have been small ; not exceeding twenty warriors. On the ensuing day, the inhabitants of the neighbor- hood of Wheeling under the direction and guidance of Colonel Zane, proceeded to Grave Creek and buried those who had fallen. 1 1 After the affair at Wheeling, September 1, the Indians returned home. But soon thereafter, Half King, head chief of the Wyandots, set out with forty of that tribe to again harry the Wheeling country. On the morning of the 26th, Capts. William Foreman with twenty-four men, Ogle with ten men, and William Linn with nine, started from Fort Henry on a scout. Linn was ranking officer, although there was little discipline. Foreman was a new arrival from Hampshire County, enlisted to go on Hand's intended expedition. They intended crossing the Ohio at Grave Creek, 12 miles below, and proceeding 8 miles farther down to Captina. At Grave, however, they found that the Tomlinson settlement (nucleus of the present Mound City, W. Va.) had been abandoned, and sacked by Indians, and no canoes were to be had. They camped for the night, and the next morning (the 27th) started to return along the river bank, to Wheeling. Linn, apprehensive of In- dians, marched along the hill crest, but Ogle and Foreman kept to the trail along the bottom. At a point where the bottom narrows because of the close approach of the hills to the river a defile then known as Me- Mechen's (or McMahon's) Narrows they were set upon by Half King's party, awaiting them in ambush. Foreman and twenty others were killed, and one captured. The story about Linn's gallant attack on the Indians from his vantage point on the hilltop, is without foundation. His party helped to secrete a wounded man who escaped in the melee, and then put off in hot haste for home. It was not until four days later, when reinforcements had arrived from Fort Pitt, that Colonel Shepherd ventured from the fort to bury the dead. In 1835, an inscribed stone was set up at the Narrows, to commemorate the slain. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 231 At the time of the happening of those occurrences the belief was general, that the army which had been led to Wheeling by Girty, had been ordered on, for the pur- pose of conducting the tories from the settlements to De- troit; and that detachments from that army continued to hover about the frontiers for some time, to effect that object. There was then, unfortunately for the repose and tranquility of many neighborhoods, a considerable number of those misguided and deluded wretches, who, disaffected to the cause of the colonies, were willing to advance the interest of Britain, by the sacrifice of every social relation, and the abandonment of every consideration, save that of loyalty to the king. So far did their opposition, to those who espoused the cause of American liberty, blunt every finer and more noble feeling, that many of them were willing to imbrue their hands in the blood of their neigh- bors, in the most sly and secret manner, and in the hour of midnight darkness, for no offence but attachment to the independence of the colonies. A conspiracy for the murder of the whigs and for accepting the terms, offered by the Governor of Canada to those who would renounce their allegiance to the United States and repair to Detroit, by the relenting of one individual, was prevented being carried into effect ; and many were consequently saved from horrors, equalling, if not transcending in enormity, the outrages of the savages themselves. Scenes of licen- tiousness and fury, followed upon the discovery of the plot. Exasperated at its heinousness, and under the influ- ence of resentful feelings, the whigs retaliated upon the tories, some of the evils which these had conspired to in- flict upon them. In the then infuriated state of their minds, and the little restraint at that time imposed on the passions by the operation of the laws, it is really matter of admiration that they did not proceed farther, and requite upon those deluded wretches, the full measure of their premeditated wrongs. The head only of this fiendish league, lost his life; but many depredations were commit- ted, on the property of its members. A court, for the trial of the conspirants, was held at Redstone Fort; and many of them were arraigned at its 232 Withers's Chronicles bar. But as their object had been defeated by its discov- ery, and as no farther danger was apprehended from them, they were released, after having been required to take the oath of allegiance to the United States and to bear with the injuries which had [168] been done their property. Those who were suspected for the murder of the chief conspira- tor, were likewise arraigned for that offence, but were ac- quitted. Hitherto the inhabitants of Tygart's Valley had es- caped the ill effects of savage enmity ; Indian hostility not having prompted an incursion into that country, since its permanent settlement was effected previous to the war of 1774. This however had not the effect to lull them into confident security. Ascribing their fortunate exemption from irruptions of the enemy, to other causes than a willingness on the part of the Indians, to leave them in quiet and repose, they exercised the utmost vigilance to discover their approach, and used every precaution to en- sure them safety, if the enemy should appear among them. Spies were regularly employed in watching the warriors paths beyond the settlements, to detect their advance and to apprize the inhabitants of it. In September of this year (1777) Leonard Petro and Wm. White, being engaged in watching the path leading up the Little Kenhawa, killed an Elk late in the evening ; and taking part of it with them, withdrew a short dis- tance for the purpose of eating their suppers and spending^ the night. About midnight, White, awaking from sleep, discovered by the light of the moon, that there were sev- eral Indians near, who had been drawn in quest of them by the report of the gun in the evening. He saw at a glance, the impossibility of escaping by flight; and pre- ferring captivity to death, he whispered to Petro to lie still, lest any movement of his, might lead to this result. In a few minutes the Indians sprang on them; and White raising himself as one lay hold on him, aimed a furious blow, with his tomahawk, hoping to wound the Indian by whom he was beset, and then make his escape. Missing his aim he affected to have been ignorant of the fact that he was encountered by Indians, professed great joy at Of Border Warfare. 233 meeting with them, and declared that he was then on his way to their towns. They were not deceived by the arti- fice ; for although he assumed an air of pleasantness and gaity, calculated to win upon their confidence, yet the woful countenance and rueful expression of poor Petro, convinced them that "White's conduct was feigned, that he might lull them into inattention, and they be enabled to effect an escape. They were both tied for the night ; and in the morning White being painted red, and Petro black, they were forced to proceed to the Indian towns. When approaching a [169] village, the whoop of success brought several to meet them; and on their arrival at it, they found that every preparation was made for their running the gauntlet; in going through which ceremony both were much bruised. White did not however remain long in captivity. Eluding their vigilance, he took one of their guns and began his flight homeward. Before he had travelled far, he met an Indian on horseback, whom he succeeded in shooting; and mounting the horse from which he fell, his return to the Valley was much facili- tated. Petro was never heard of afterwards. The paint- ing of him black, had indicated their intention of killing O ' O him; and the escape of White probably hastened his doom. During this time, and after the return of White among them, the inhabitants of Tygart's Valley practiced their accustomed watchfulness 'till about the twentieth of No- vember ; when there was a considerable fall of snow. This circumstance induced them to believe, that the savages would not attempt an irruption among them until the re- turn of spring ; and they became consequently, inattentive to their safety. Generally, the settlements enjoyed perfect quiet from the first appearance of winter, until the return of spring. In this interval of time, the Indians are usually deterred from penetrating into them, as well because of their great ex- posure to discovery and observation in consequence of the nakedness of the woods and the increased facility of pur- suing their trail in the snows which then usually covered the earth, as of the suffering produced by their lying in 234 Withers's Chronicles wait and travelling, in their partially unclothed condition, in this season of intense cold. Instances of their being troublesome during the winter were rare indeed ; and never occurred, but under very peculiar circumstances : the in- habitants, were therefore, not culpably remiss, when they relaxed in their vigilance, and became exposed to savage inroad. A party of twenty Indians, designing to commit some depredations during the fall, had nearly reached the upper end of Tygart's Valley, when the snow, which had in- spired the inhabitants with confidence in their security, eommenced falling. Fearful of laying themselves open to detection, if they ventured to proceed farther at that time, and anxious to effect some mischief before they returned home, they remained concealed about ten miles from the settlements, until the snow disappeared. On the 15th of December, they came to the [170] house of Darby Connoly, at the upper extremity of the Valley, and killed him, his wife and several of the children, and took three others prisoners. Proceeding to the next house, killed John Stewart, his wife and child, and took Miss Hamilton (sis- ter-in-law to Stewart) into captivity. They then immedi- ately changed their direction, and with great dispatch, entered upon their journey home; with the captives and plunder, taken at those two places. In the course of the evening after these outrages were committed, John Hadden passing by the House of Connoly saw a tame elk belonging there, lying dead in the yard. This, and the death-like silence which reigned around, ex- cited his fears that all was not right ; and entering into the house, he saw the awful desolation which had been committed. Seeing that the work of blood had been but recently done, he hastened to alarm the neighborhood, and sent an express to Capt. Benjamin Wilson, living about twenty miles lower in the Valley, with the melancholy in- telligence. With great promptitude, Capt. Wilson went through the settlement, exerting himself to procure as many volunteers, as would justify going in pursuit of the aggressors ; and so indefatigable was he in accomplishing his purpose, that, on the day after the murders were per- Of Border Warfare. 235 petrated, lie appeared on the theatre of their exhibition with thirty men, prepared to take the trail and push for- ward in pursuit of the savages. For five days they fol- lowed through cold and wet, without perceiving that they had gained upon them. At this time many of the men expressed a determination to return. They had suffered much, travelled far, and yet saw no prospect of overtaking the enemy. It is not wonderful that they became dispir- ited. In order to expedite their progress, the numerous water courses which lay across their path, swollen to an unusual height and width, were passed without any prep- aration to avoid getting wet ; the consequence was that after wading one of them, they would have to travel with icicles hanging from their clothes the greater part of a day, before an opportunity could be allowed of drying them. They suffered much too for the want of provisions. The short time afforded for preparation, had not admitted of their taking with them as much as they expected would be required, as they had already been on the chase longer than was anticipated. Under these circumstances it was with great difficulty, Captain Wilson could prevail [171] on them to continue the pursuit one day longer ; hoping the Indians would have to halt, in order to hunt for food. Not yet being sensible that they gained upon them, the men positively refused going farther ; and they returned to their several homes. This was the last outrage committed by the savages on North Western Virginia, in this year. And although there was not as much mischief effected by them in this season, as had been in others, yet the year 1777, has be- come memorable in the annals of Border Warfare. The murder of Cornstalk and his companions, the attack on Wheeling Fort, the loss of lives and destruction of prop- erty which then took place, together with the fatal ambus- cade at Grave Creek Narrows, all conspired to render it a period of much interest, and to impress its incidents deeply on the minds of those who were actors in these scenes. 236 ' Withers Chronicles [172] CHAPTER X. After the winter became so severe as to prevent the Indians from penetrating the country and committing far- ther aggression, the inhabitants became assured of safety, and devoted much of their time to the erection of new forts, the strengthening of those which had been formerly established, and the making of other preparations, deemed necessary to prevent the repetition of those distressing oc- currences, which had spread gloom and sorrow over almost every part of North Western Virginia. That the savages would early renew their exertions to destroy the frontier settlements, and harrass their citizens, could not for au instant be doubted. Revenge for the murder of Cornstalk, and the other chiefs killed in the fort by the whites, had operated to unite the warlike nation of the Shawanees in a league with the other Indians, against them ; and every circumstance seemed to promise increased exertions on their part, to accomplish their purposes of blood and devastation. Notwithstanding all which had been suffered during- the preceding season; and all, which it was confidently anticipated, would have to be undergone after the return of spring, yet did the whole frontier increase in popula- tion, and in capacity to defend itself against the encroach- ments of a savage enemy, aided by British emissaries, and led on by American tories. The accession to its strength, caused by the number of emigrants, who came into the different settlements, was indeed considerable ; yet it was insufficient, to enable the inhabitants to purchase by offen- sive operations, exemption from [173] invasion, or security from the tomahawk and scalping knife. Assured of this, Virginia extended to them farther assistance ; and a small body of regular troops, under the command of General Mclntosh, was appropriated to their defence. Of Border Warfare. 297 In the spring of 1778, General Mclntosh, 1 with the regulars and some militiamen, attached to his command, descended the Ohio river from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Big Beaver a creek discharging itself into that river from the north-west. 2 This was a favorable position, at which to station his troops to effect the partial security of the frontier, by intercepting parties of Indians on their way to the settlements on the opposite side of the river, and by pursuing and punishing them while engaged, either in committing havoc, or in retreating to their towns, after the consummation of their horrid purposes. Fort Mcln- tosh was accordingly erected here, and garrisoned; a six pounder mounted for its defence. From Wheeling to Point Pleasant, a distance of one hundred and eighty-six miles, 3 there was then no obstacle whatever, presented to the advance of Indian war parties, into the settlements on the East and West Forks of the Monongahela, and their branches. The consequences of this exposure had been always severely felt ; and never more so than after the establishment of Fort Mclntosh. Every impediment to their invasion of one part of the country, caused more frequent irruptions into others, where no difficulties were interposed to check their prog- ress, and brought heavier woes on them. This had been already experienced, in the settlements on the upper branches of the Monongahela, and as they were the last 1 Lachlan Mclntosh was born near Inverness, Scotland, March 17, 1725. With his father, and 100 others of the Clan Mclntosh, he emi- grated to Georgia in 1736, in the train of Oglethorpe. The party founded New Inverness, in Mclntosh County. Lachlan entered the Colonial army at the opening of the Revolution, and rose to be briga- dier-general. In a duel with Button Gwinnett, a signer of the Declara- tion of Independence, he killed the latter. General Mclntosh was at the siege of Savannah in 1779, was a prisoner of war in 1780, a member congress in 1784, and in 1785 a commissioner to treat with the Southern Indians. He died at Savannah, February 20, 1806. R. G. T. 1 The distance below Pittsburg is 26 miles. See p. 45, note, for notice of Shingiss Old Town, at this point. R. G. T. 3 The distance, according to the shore meanderings of the U. S. Corps of Engineers, is 263 miles ; the mileage of the channel would be somewhat greater. R. G. T. 238 Withers's Chronicles to feel the effects of savage enmity in 1777, so were they first to become sacrificed to its fury in 1778. Anticipating the commencement of hostilities at an earlier period of the season, than usual, several families retired into Harbert's block-house, on Ten Mile (a branch of the West Fork,) in the month of February. And not- withstanding the prudent caution manifested by them in the step thus taken ; yet, the state of the weather lulling them into false security, they did not afterwards exercise the vigilance and provident care, which were necessary to ensure their future safety. On the third of March, some children, playing with a crippled crow, at a short distance from the yard, espied a number of Indians proceeding to- wards them ; and running briskly to the house, told " that a number of red men were close by." [174] John Murphey stepped to the door to see if danger had really approached, when one of the Indians, turning the corner of the house, fired at him. The ball took effect, and Murphey fell back into the house. The Indian springing directly in, was grappled by Harbert, and thrown on the floor. A shot from without, wounded Harbert, yet he continued to main- tain his advantage over the prostrate savage, striking him as effectually as he could with his tomahawk, when an- other gun was fired at him from without the house. The ball passed through his head, and he fell lifeless. His an- tagonist then slipped out at the door, sorely wounded in the encounter. Just after the first Indian had entered, an active young warrior, holding in his hand a tomahawk with a long spike at the end, also came in. Edward Cunning- ham instantly drew up his gun to shoot him ; but it flashed, and they closed in doubtful strife. Both were active and athletic ; and sensible of the high prize for which they were contending, each put forth his utmost strength, and strained his every nerve, to gain the ascend- e"ncy. For a while, the issue seemed doubtful. At length, by great exertion, Cunningham wrenched the tomahawk from the hand of the Indian, and buried the spike end to the handle, in his back. Mrs. Cunningham closed the contest. Seeing her husband struggling closely with the Of Border Warfare. 239 savage, she struck at him with an axe. The edge wound- ing his face severely, he loosened his hold, and made his way out of the house. The third Indian, which had entered before the door was closed, presented an appearance almost as frightful as the object which he had in view. He wore a cap made of the unshorn front of a buffalo, with the ears and horns still attached to it, and which hanging loosely about his head, gave to him a most hideous aspect. On entering the room, this infernal monster, aimed a blow with his tomahawk at a Miss lieece, which alighting on her head, wounded her severely. The mother of this girl, seeing the uplifted arm about to descend on her daughter, seized the monster by the horns ; but his false head coming read- ily off, she did not succeed in changing the direction of the weapon. The father then caught hold of him ; but far inferior in strength and agility, he was soon thrown on the floor, and must have been killed, but for the timely interference of Cunningham. Having [175] succeeded in ridding the room of one Indian, he wheeled, and sunk a tomahawk into the head of the other. During all this time the door was kept by the women, tho' not without great exertion. The Indians from with- out endeavored several times to force it open and gain admittance ; and would at one time have succeeded, but that, as it was yielding to their effort to open it, the In- dian, who had been wounded by Cunningham and his wife, squeezing out at the aperture which had been made, caused a momentary relaxation of the exertions of those without, and enabled the women again to close it, and prevent the entrance of others. These were not however, unemployed. They were engaged in securing such of the children in the yard, as were capable of being carried away as prisoners, and in killing and scalping the others ; and when they had effected this, despairing of being able to do farther mischief, they retreated to their towns. Of the whites in the house, one only was killed and four were wounded ; and seven or eight children in the yard, were killed or taken prisoners. One Indian was killed, and two badly wounded. Had Reece engaged 240 Wit hers' s Chronicles sooner in the conflict, the other two who had entered the house, would no doubt have been likewise killed ; but be- ing a quaker, he looked on, without participating in the conflict, until his daughter was wounded. Having then to contend singly, with superior prowess, he was indebted for the preservation of his life, to the assistance of those whom he refused to aid in pressing need. On the eleventh of April, some Indians visited the house of Wm. Morgan, at the Dunkard bottom of Cheat river. They there killed a young man by the name of Brain, Mrs. Morgan, (the mother of William) and her grand daughter, and Mrs. Dillon and her two children ; and took Mrs. Morgan (the wife) and her child prisoners. When, on their way home, they came near to Pricket's fort, they bound Mrs. Morgan to a bush, and went in quest of a horse for her to ride, leaving her child with her. She succeeded in untying with her teeth, the bands which confined her, and wandered the balance of that day and part of the next before she came in sight of the fort. Here she was kindly treated and in a few days sent home. Some men going out from Pricket's fort some short time after, found at the spot where Mrs. Morgan had [176] been left by the Indians, a fine mare stabbed to the heart. Ex- asperated at the escape of Mrs. Morgan, they had no doubt vented their rage on the animal which they had destined to bear her weight. In the last of April, a party of about twenty Indians came to the neighborhoods of Hacker's creek and the West Fork. At this time the inhabitants of those neigh- borhoods had removed to West's fort, on the creek, and to Richards' fort on the river ; and leaving the women and children in them during the day, under the protection of a few men, the others were in the habit of performing the usual labors of their farms in companies, so as to preserve them from attacks of the Indians. A company of men, being thus engaged, the first week of May, in a field, now owned by Minter Bailey, on Hacker's creek, and being a good deal dispersed in various occupations, some fencing, others clearing, and a few ploughing, they were unexpect- edly fired upon by the Indians, and Thomas Hughes and Of Border Warfare. 241 Jonathan Lowther shot down : the others being incau- tiously without arms fled for safety. Two of the company, having the Indians rather between them and West's fort, ran directly to Richards', as well for their own security as to give the alarm there. But they had been already ap- prized that the enemy was at hand. Isaac Washburn, who had been to mill on Hacker's creek the day before, on his return to Richards' fort and near to where Clement's mill now stands, was shot from his horse, tomahawked and scalped. The Ending of his body, thus cruelly mangled, had given them the alarm, and they were already on their guard, before the two men from Hacker's creek arrived with the intelligence of what had been done there. The Indians then left the neighborhood without effecting more havoc; and the whites were too weak to go in pursuit, and molest them. The determination of the Shawanees to revenge the death of their Sachem, had hitherto been productive of no very serious consequences. A while after his murder, a small band of them made their appearance near the fort at Point Pleasant ; and Lieutenant Moore was dispatched from the garrison, with some men, to drive them off. Upon his advance, they commenced retreating; and" the officer commanding the detachment, fearing they would escape, ordered a quick pursuit. He did not proceed far before he fell into an ambuscade. He and three of his men were killed at the first [177] fire ; the rest of the party saved themselves by a precipitate flight to the fort. In the May following this transaction, a few Indians again came in sight of the fort. But as the garrison had been very much reduced by the removal of Captain Ar- buckle's company, and the experience of the last season had taught them prudence, Captain McKee forbore to detach any of his men in pursuit of them. Disappointed, in their expectations of enticing others to destruction, as they had Lieutenant Moore in the winter, the Indians sud- denly rose from their covert, and presented an unbroken line, extending from the Ohio to the Kanawha river in front of the fort. A demand for the surrender of the gar- 16 242 Withers's Chronicles rison, was then made ; and Captain McKee asked 'till the next morning to consider of it. In the course of the night, the men were busily employed in bringing water from the river, expecting that the Indians would continue before the fort for some time. In the morning, Captain McKee sent his answer by the grenadier squaw, (sister to Cornstalk, and who, not- withstanding the murder of her brother and nephew, was still attached to the whites, and was remaining at the fort in the capacity of interpreter) 1 that he could not comply with their demand. The Indians immediately began the attack, and for one week kept the garrison closely besieged. Finding however, that they made no impression on the fort, they collected the cattle about it and instead of re- turning towards their own country with the plunder, pro- ceeded up the Kanawha river towards the Greenbrier settlement. Believing their object to be the destruction of that settlement, and knowing from their great force that they would certainly accomplish it, if the inhabitants were un- advised of their approach, Captain McKee despatched two men to Col. Andrew Donnelly's, (then the frontier house,) with the intelligence. These men soon came in view of the Indians ; but finding that they were advancing in detached groups, and dispersed in hunting parties, through the woods, they despaired of being able to pass them, and returned to the fort. Captain McKee then made an appeal to the chivalry of the garrison, and asked, " who would risk his life to save the people of Greenbrier." John Pryor and Philip Hammond, at once stepped for- ward, and replied "WE WILL." They were then habited after the Indian manner, and painted in Indian style by the Grenadier Squaw, and departed on their hazardous, but noble and generous undertaking. Travelling, night and day, with great rapidity, they [178] passed the Indians at Meadow river, and arrived, about sunset of that day at Donnelly's fort, twenty miles farther on. 1 See p. 176, note, for notice of Grenadier Squaw's Town, near Chilli- cothe. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 242 As soon as the intelligence of the approach of the In- dians, was communicated by these men, Col. Donnelly had the neighbors all advised of it ; and in the course of the night, they collected at his house. He also dispatched a messenger to Capt. John Stuart, to acquaint him with the fact; and made every preparation to resist attack and en- sure their safety, of which his situation admitted. Pryor and Hammond told them how, by the precaution of Cap- tain McKee, the garrison at Point Pleasant had been saved from suffering by the want of water ; and advised them to lay in a plentiful supply, of that necessary article. A hogs- head was accordingly filled and rolled behind the door of the kitchen, which adjoined the dwelling house. Early next morning, John Pritchet (a servant to Col. Donnelly) went out for some firewood, and while thus en- gaged, was fired at and killed. The Indians then ran into the yard, and endeavored to force open the kitchen door ; but Hammond and Dick Pointer (a negro belonging to Col. Donnelly) who were the only persons within, aided by the hogshead of water, prevented their accomplishing this ob- ject. They next proceeded to cut it in pieces, with their tomahawks. Hammond seeing that they would soon suc- ceed in this way, with the assistance of Dick, rolled the hogshead to one side, and letting the door suddenly fly open, killed the Indian at the threshold, and the others who were near gave way. Dick then fired among them, with a musket heavily charged with swan shot, and no doubt with eiFect, as the yard was crowded with the en- emy ; a war club with a swan shot in it, was afterwards picked up near the door. The men in the house, who were asleep at the com- mencement of the attack, being awakened at the firing of Hammond and Dick, now opened a galling fire upon the Indians. Being chiefly up stairs they were enabled to do greater execution, and fired with such effect that, about one o'clock, the enemy retired a small distance from the house. Before they retired however, some of them suc- ceeded in getting under the floor, when they were aided by the whites below in raising some of the puncheons of which it was made. It was to their advantage to do this; 244 Withers's Chronicles arid well did they profit by it. Several of the Indians were killed in this attempt to gain admittance, while only one of the whites received a wound, which but slightly in- jured his hand. When intelligence was conveyed to Capt. Stuart of the approach of so large a body of savages, Col. Samuel Lewis was with him ; and they both exerted themselves to save the settlement from destruction, by collecting the in- habitants at a fort where Lewisburg now stands. Having succeeded in this, they sent two men to Donnelly's to learn whether the Indians had advanced that far. As they ap- proached, the firing became distinctly audible, and they returned [179] with the tidings. Capt. Stuart and Col. Lewis proposed marching to the relief of Donnelly's fort, with as many men as were willing to accompany them; and in a brief space of time, commenced their march at the head of sixty-six men. Pursuing the most direct route without regarding the road, they approached the house on the back side; and thus escaped an ambuscade of Indians placed near the road to intercept and cut off" any assist- ance which might be sent from the upper settlements. Adjoining the yard, there was a field of well grown rye, into which the relief from Lewisburg, entered about two o'clock ; but as the Indians had withdrawn to a dis- tance from the house, there was no firing heard. They soon however, discovered the savages in the field, looking intently towards Donnoly's ; and it was resolved to pass them. Capt. Stuart and Charles Gatliff fired at them, and the whole party rushed forward into the yard, amid a heavy discharge of balls from the savage forces. The peo- ple in the fort hearing the firing in the rear of the house, ' soon presented themselves at the port holes, to resist, what they supposed, was a fresh attack on them ; but quickly discovering the real cause, they opened the gates, and all the party led on by Stuart and Lewis, safely entered. The Indians then resumed the attack, and maintained a constant fire at the house, until near dark, when one of them approached, and in broken English called out, " we want peace." He was told to come in and he should have it; but he declined the invitation to enter, and they all re- Of Border Warfare. 245 treated, dragging off those of their slain, who lay not too near the fort. Of the whites, four only were killed by the enemy. Pritchet, before the attack commenced, James Burns and Alexander Ochiltree, as they were coming to the house .early in the morning, and James Graham while in the fort. It was impossible to ascertain the entire loss of the Indians. Seventeen lay dead in the yard ; and they were known to carry off others of their slain. Perhaps the dis- parity of the killed, equalled, if it did not exceed the dis- parity of the number engaged. There were twenty-one men at Donnoly's fort, before the arrival of the reinforce- ment under Stuart and Lewis ; and the brunt of the bat- tle was over before they came. The Indian force exceeded two hundred men. It was believed, that the invasion of the Greenbrier country had been projected, some time before it actually was made. During the preceding season, an Indian call- ing himself John Hollis, had been very much through the settlement ; and was known to take particular notice of the different forts, which he entered under the garb of friendship. He was with the Indians in the attack on Donnoly's fort; and was recognized as one of those who were left dead in the yard. On the morning after the Indians departed, Capt. Hamilton went in pursuit of them with seventy men ; but following two days, without [180] perceiving that he gained on them, he abandoned the chase and returned. About the middle of June, three women went out from West's fort, to gather greens in a field adjoining; and while thus engaged were attacked by four Indians, lying in wait. One gun only was fired, and the ball from it, passed through the bonnet of Mrs. Hackor, who screamed aloud and ran with the others towards the fort. An In- dian, having in his hand a long staff, with a spear in one end, pursuing closely after them, thrust it at Mrs. Free- man with such violence that, entering her back just below the shoulder, it came out at her left breast. With his tomahawk, he cleft the upper part of her head, and carried it off to save the scalp. 246 Withers's Chronicles The screams of the women alarmed the men in the fort; and seizing their guns, they ran out, just as Mrs. Freeman fell. Several guns were fired at the Indian while he was getting her scalp, but with no effect. They served however, to warn the men who went out, that danger was at hand; and they quickly came in. Jesse Hughs' and John Schoolcraft (who were out) in making their way to the fort, came very near two In- dians standing by the fence looking towards the men at West's, so intently, that they did not perceive any one near them. They however, were observed by Hughs and Schoolcraft, who, avoiding them, made their way in, safely, Hughs immediately took up his gun, and learning the fate of Mrs. Freeman, went with some others to bring in the corpse. While there, he proposed to go and shew them, how near he had approached the Indians after the alarm had been given, before he saw them. Charles and Alex- ander West, Chas. Hughs, James Brown and John Steeth, went with him. Before they had arrived at the place, one of the Indians was heard to howl like a wolf; and the men with Hughs moved on in the direction from which the sound proceeded. Supposing that they were then near the spot, Jesse Hughs howled in like manner, and being instantly answered, they ran to a point of the hill and looking over it, saw two Indians coming towards them. Hughs fired and one of them fell. The other took to flight. Being pursued by the whites, he sought shelter in a thicket of brush ; and while they were proceeding to in- tercept him at his coming out, he returned by the way he had entered, and made his escape. The wounded Indian likewise got off. When the whites were in pursuit of the one who took to flight, they passed near to him who had fallen, and one of the men was for stopping and finishing him ; but Hughs called to him, " he is safe let us have the other," and they all pressed forward. On their return, however, he was gone; and although his free bleeding en- abled them to pursue his track readily for a while, yet a 1 See p. 137, note, for notice of Jesse Hughes ; also, Peyton's History Of Augusta County, p. 353. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 247 heavy shower of rain soon falling, all trace of him was quickly lost and could not be afterwards regained. On the 16th of June as Capt. James Booth and Nathaniel Cochran, were at work in a field on Booth's creek, they were fired at by [181] the Indians. Booth fell, but Cochran, being very slightly wounded, took to flight. He was however, overtaken, and carried into captivity to their towus. From thence he was taken to Detroit, where he remained some time ; and endeavoring to escape from that place, unfortunately took a path which led him im- mediately to the Maumee old towns. Here he was de- tained a while, & then sent back to Detroit, where he was exchanged, and from whence he made his way home, after having had to endure much suffering and many hardships. The loss of Booth was severely felt by the inhabitants in that settlement. He was not only an active and enter- prising man, but was endowed with superior talents, and a better education than most of those who had settled in the country ; and on these accounts was very much missed. In a few days after this transaction, Benjamin Shinn, Wm. Grundy, and Benjamin Washburn, returning from a lick on the head of Booth's creek, were fired on by the Indians, when near to Baxter's run. Washburn and Shinn escaped unhurt, but Grundy was killed : he was brother to Felix Grundy of Tennessee, whose father was then re- siding at Simpson's creek, at a farm afterwards owned by Colonel Benjamin Wilson, senior. This party of Indians continued for some days, to prowl about the neighborhood, seeking opportunities of committing murder on the inhabitants ; fortunately how- ever, with but little success. James Owens, a youth of six- teen years of age, was the only one whom they succeeded in killing after the murder of Grundy. Going from Pow- ers' fort on Simpson's creek, to Booth's creek, his saddle girth gave way, and while he was down mending it, a ball was discharged at him, which killed both him and the horse. Seeing that the whites, in that neighborhood, had all retired to the fort; and being too weak, openly to attack 248 Withers's Chronicles it, they crossed over to Bartlett's run, and came to the house of Gilbert Hustead, who was then alone, and en- gaged in fixing his gun lock. Hearing a noise in the yard, for which he was unable to account, he slipped to the door, to ascertain from whence it proceeded. The Indians were immediately round it, and there was no chance for his escape. Walking out with an air of the utmost pleas- antry, he held forth his hand to the one nearest him, and asked them all to walk in. While in the house he affected great cheerfulness, and by his tale [182] won their confi- dence and friendship. He told them that he was a King's man and unwilling to live among the rebels ; for which reason, when others retired into the fort, he preferred staying at his own house, anxiously hoping for the arrival of some of the British Indians, to afford him an opportu- nity of getting among English friends. Learning upon enquiry, that they would be glad to have something to eat, he asked one of them to shoot a fat hog which was in the yard, that they might regale on it that night, and have some on which to subsist while travelling to their towns. In the morning, still farther to maintain the deception he was practising, he broke his furniture to pieces, saying "the rebels shall never have the good of you." He then accompanied them to their towns, acting in the same, ap- parently, contented and cheerful manner, 'till his sincerity was believed by all, and he obtained leave to return for his family. He succeeded in making his way home, where he remained, sore at the destruction of his property, but exulting in the success of his artifice. While this party of Indians were thus engaged, on Booth's creek and in the circumjacent country, a more numerous body had invaded the settlements lower down, and were employed in the work of destruction there. They penetrated to Coburn's creek unperceived, and were making their way (as was generally supposed) to a fort not far from Morgantown, when they fell in with a party of whites, returning from the labors of the cornfield, and then about a mile from Coburn's fort. The Indians had placed themselves on each side of the road leading to the fort, and from their covert fired on the whites, before they Of Border Warfare. 249 were aware of danger. John Woodfin being on horse- back, had his thigh broken by a ball ; which killed his horse and enabled them to catch him easily. Jacob Mil- ler was shot through the abdomen, and soon overtaken, tomahawked and scalped. The others escaped to the fort. Woodfin was afterwards found on a considerable emi- nence overlooking the fort, tomahawked and scalped. The Indians had, most probably, taken him there, that he might point out to them the least impregnable part of the fortress, and in other respects give them such informa- tion, as would tend to ensure success to their meditated attack on it ; but when they heard its strength and the force with which it was garrisoned, despairing of being able to reduce it, in a fit of disappointed fury, they mur- dered him on the spot. [183] They next made their appearance on Dunkard creek, and near to Stradler's fort. Here, as on Coburn's creek, they lay in ambush on the road side, awaiting the return of the men who were engaged at work, in some of the neighboring fields. Towards evening the men came on, carrying with them some hogs which they had killed for the use of the fort people, and on approaching where the Indians lay concealed, were fired on and several fell. Those who escaped injury from the first fire, returned the shot, and a severe action ensued. But so many of the whites had been killed before the savages exposed them- selves to view, that the remainder were unable long to sustain the unequal contest. Overpowered by numbers, the few, who were still unhurt, fled precipitately to the fort, leaving eighteen of their companions dead in the road. These were scalped and mangled by the Indians in a most shocking manner, and lay some time, before the men in the fort, assured of the departure of the enemy, went out and buried them. Weakened by the severe loss sustained in this bloody skirmish, had the Indians pushed forward to attack the fort, in all human probability, it would have fallen before them. There were at that day very few settlements which could have maintained possession of a garrison for any length of time, after having suffered so great a diminu- 250 Withers' s Chronicles tion of the number of their inhabitants, against the on- sets of one hundred savages, exercising their wonted energy: and still less would they be able to leave their strong holds, and cope with such superior force, in open battle. Nor were the settlements, as yet, sufficiently con- tiguous to each other, to admit of their acting in concert, and combining their strength, to operate effectively against their invaders. When alarmed by the approach of the foe, all that they could generally do, was, retire to a fort, and endeavor to defend it from assault. If the savages, coming in numbers, succeeded in committing any outrage, it usually went unpunished. Sensible of their want of strength, the inhabitants rarely ventured in pursuit, to harrass or molest the retiring foe. When, however, they would hazard to hang on their retreat, the many precau- tions which they were compelled to exercise, to prevent falling into ambuscades and to escape the entangling arti- fices of their wily enemies, frequently rendered their en- terprises abortive, and their exertions inefficient. [184] The frequent visits paid by the Indians to the country on the West Fork, and the mischief which they would effect at these times, led several of the inhabitants to resolve on leaving a place so full of dangers, as soon as they could make the necessary preparations. A family of Washburns particularly, having several times very nar- rowly escaped destruction, commenced making arrange- ments and fitting up for their departure. But while two of them were engaged in procuring pine knots, from which to make wax for shoemaking, they were discovered, and shot at by the Indians. Stephen fell dead, and James was taken prisoner and carried to their towns. He was there forced to undergo repeated and intense suffering before death closed the scene of his miseries. According to the account given by Nathaniel Cochran on his return from captivity, Washburn was most severely beaten, on the first evening of his arrival at their village, while running the gauntlet; and although he succeeded in getting into the council house, where Cochran was, yet he was so disfigured and mutilated, that he could not be recognised by his old acquaintance; and so stunned and Of Border Warfare. 251 stupified, that he remained nearly all night in a state of insensibility. Being somewhat revived in the morning, he walked to where Cochran sat by the fire, and being asked if he were not James Washburn, replied with a smile as if a period had been put to his sufferings by the sympathetic tone in which the question was proposed that he was. The gleam of hope which flashed over his countenance, was transient and momentary. In a few minutes he was again led forth, that the barbarities which had been suspended by the interposition of night, might be revived ; and he made to endure a repetition of their cruelties. He was now feeble and too much exhausted to save himself from the clubs and sticks, even of the aged of both sexes. The old men and the old women, who fol- lowed him, had strength and activity enough to keep pace with his fleetest .progress, and inflict on him their severest blows. Frequently he was beaten to the ground, and as frequently, as if invigorated by the extremity of anguish, he rose to his feet. Hobbling before his tormentors, with no hope but in death, an old savage passed a knife across his ham, which cutting the tendons, disabled him from proceeding farther. Still they repeated their unmerciful blows with all their energy. He was next scalped, though alive, and struggling to regain his feet. [185] Even this did not operate to suppress their cruelty. They continued to beat him, until in the height of suffering he again ex- hibited symptoms of life and exerted himself to move. His head was then severed from his shoulders, attached to a pole, and placed in the most public situation in the village. After the attack on the Washburns, there were but two other outrages committed in the upper country dur- ing that season. The cessation on the part of the savages, of hostile incursions, induced an abandonment of the forts, and the people returned to their several homes, and respective occupations. But aggression was only sus- pended for a time. In October, two Indians appeared near the house of Conrad Richards, and finding in the yard a little girl at play, with an infant in her arms, they scalped her and rushed to the door. For some time they 252 Withers's Chronicles endeavored to force it open ; but it was BO securely fast- ened within, that Richards was at liberty to use his gun for its defence. A fortunate aim wounded one of the as- sailants severely, and the other retreated, helping off his companion. The girl who had been scalped in the yard, as soon as she observed the Indians going away, ran, with the infant still in her arms and uninjured, and en- tered the house a spectacle of most heart-rending wretch- edness. Soon after, David Edwards, returning from Winches- ter with salt, was shot near the Valley river, tomahawked and scalped; in which situation he lay for some time be- fore he was discovered. He was the last person who fell a victim to savage vengeance, in North Western Virginia in the year 1778. The repeated irruptions of the Indians during the summer of the year; ' and the frequent murders and great devastation committed by them, induced Government to undertake two expeditions into the Indian country. One thousand men were placed under the command of General Mclntosh, some time in the fall, and he received orders to proceed forthwith against the Sandusky towns. Between two and three hundred soldiers were likewise placed un- der Colonel Clarke, to operate against the Canadian settle- ments in Illinois. It was well known that the Governor of those settlements was an indefatigable agent of British cruelty, stimulating the savages to aggression, and paying them well for scalps, torn alike from the heads of the aged matron and the helpless infant. 2 [186] The settle- ments in Kentucky, were constantly the theatre of outrage and murder ; and to preserve these from entire destruc- tion, it was necessary that a blow should be aimed, at the 1 These war parties largely emanated from the Detroit region. Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, the British commander at Detroit, writing to his superior, General Haldimand, September 16, 1778, men- tions incidentally that he sent out small parties of Miamis and Chippe- was, August 5, and September 5 and 9 ; these were but three of dozens of such forays which he incited against the Virginia and Pennsylvania borders, during that year. R. G. T. 1 This reference is to Lieut.-Governor Hamilton, whom George Rogers Clark called " the hair-buying general." R^G. T. Of Border Warfare. 253 hives from which the savages swarmed, and if possible, that those holds, into which they would retire to reap the rewards of their cruelties and receive the price of blood, should be utterly broken up. The success of those two expeditions could not fail to check savage encroachments, and give quiet and security to the frontier ; and although the armies destined to achieve it, were not altogether ade- quate to the service required, yet the known activity and enterprize of the commanding officers, joined to their prudence and good conduct, and the bravery and indefat- igable perseverance and hardiness of the troops, gave promise of a happy result. The success of the expedition under Colonel Clarke, 1 1 Gen. George Rogers Clark was born November 19, 1752, near Monticello, Albemarle County, Va. At the age of twenty he was prac- ticing his profession as a surveyor on the upper Ohio, and took up a claim at the mouth of Fish Creek. In 1 774, he participated as a captain in Dunmore's campaign against the Shawnees and Mingoes. Early in 1775, Clark went as a surveyor to Kentucky, where he acquired marked popularity, and in 1776 was elected as " a delegate to the Virginia con- vention, to urge upon the state authorities the claims of the colony for government and defense." He secured the formation of the new county of Kentucky, and a supply of ammunition for the defense of the border. In 1777, Clark, now a major of militia, repelled the Indian attacks on Harrodsburg, and proceeded on foot to Virginia to lay before the state authorities his plan for capturing the Illinois country and re- pressing the Indian forays from that quarter. His scheme being ap- proved, he was made a lieutenant-colonel, and at once set out to raise for the expedition a small force of hardy frontiersmen. He rendez- voused and drilled his little army of a hundred and fifty on Corn Island in the Ohio river, at the head of the Falls (or rapids), opposite the present city of Louisville. June 24, 1778, he started in boats down the Ohio, and landed near the deserted Fort Massac, which was on the north bank, ten miles below the mouth of the Tennessee; thence marching across country, much pressed for food, he reached Kaskaskia in six days. The inhabitants there were surprised and coerced during the night of July 4-5, without the firing of a gun. Cahokia and Vin- cennes soon quietly succumbed to his influence. Lieut.-Governor Ham- ilton, on hearing of this loss of the Illinois country and the partial defection to the Americans of the tribes west and southwest of Lake Michigan, at once set out to organize an army, chiefly composed of In- dians, to retake the Illinois. He proceeded via the Wabash and Maumee, with eight hundred men, and recaptured Vincennes, Decem- ber 17. The intelligence of this movement of Hamilton was not long in reaching Clark at Kaskaskia, and he at once set out for Vincennes to 254 Withers'* Chronicles fully realized the most sanguine expectations of those, who were acquainted with the adventurous and enterpris- ing spirit of its commander; and was productive of essen- tial benefit to the state, as well as of comparative security to the border settlements. Descending the Ohio river, from Fort Pitt to the Falls, he there landed his troops, and con- cealing his boats, marched directly towards Kaskaskias. Their provisions, which were carried on their backs, were soon exhausted ; and for two days, the army subsisted en- tirely on roots. This was the only circumstance, which recapture it. The march thither was one of the most heroic in Ameri- can military annals. Hamilton surrendered to him, February 25, and was forwarded to Virginia as a prisoner. Early in 1780 he established Fort Jefferson, just below the mouth of the Ohio, and later in the sea- son aided in repelling a body of British and Indians who had come to regain the Illinois country and attack the Spaniards at St. Louis. Leav- ing Colonel Montgomery to pursue the enemy up the Mississippi, Clark, with what force could be spared, hastened to Kentucky, where he quickly raised a thousand men, and invaded and laid waste the Shawnee villages, in retaliation for Capt. Henry Bird's invasion (see p. 262, note). Later, he was engaged in some minor forays, and was appointed a brigadier-general; but his favorite scheme of an expedition to conquer Detroit miscarried, owing to the poverty of Virginia and the activity of the enemy under Brant, McKee, Girty, and other border leaders. In 1782 Clark led a thousand men in a successful campaign against the In- dians on the Great Miami. This was his last important service, his subsequent expeditions proving failures. His later years were spent in poverty and seclusion, and his social habits became none of the best. In 1793 he imprudently accepted a commission as major-general from Genet, the French diplomatic agent, and essayed to raise a French revo- lutionary legion in the West to overcome the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi; upon Genet's recall, Clark's commission was canceled. Later, he sought to secure employment under the Spanish (see p. 130, note.) He died February 18, 1818, at Locust Grove, near Louisville, and lies buried at Cave Hill, in the Louisville suburbs. In his article on Clark, in Appleton's Cyclop, of Amer. Biog., i., pp. 626, 627, Dr. Draper says: "Clark was tall and commanding, brave and full of resources, possessing the affection and confidence of his men. All that rich domain northwest of the Ohio was secured to the republic, at the peace of 1783, in consequence of his prowess." Cf. William F. Poole, in Winsor's Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., vi., pp. 710-742. While due credit should be given to Clark for his daring and successful undertaking, we must not forget that England's jealousy of Spain, and shrewd diplomacy on the part of America's peace plenipotentiaries, were factors even more potent in winning the Northwest for the United States. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 255 occurred during their march, calculated to damp the ardor of the troops. No band of savage warriors, had interposed to check their progress, no straggling Indian, had discovered their approach. These fortunate omens inspired them with flattering hopes; and they pushed for- ward, with augmented energy. Arriving before Kaskaskias in the night, they entered it, unseen and unheard, and took possession of the town and fort, without opposition. Relying on the thick and wide extended forests which in- terposed between them and the American settlements, the inhabitants had been lulled to repose by fancied security, and were unconscious of danger until it had become too late to be avoided. Not a single individual escaped, to spread the alarm in the adjacent settlements. But there still remained other towns, higher up the Mississippi, which, if unconquered, would still afford shelter to the savages and furnish them the means of an- noyance and of ravage. Against these, Colonel Clarke immediately directed [187] operations. Mounting a de- tachment of men, on horses found at Kaskaskias, and sending them forward, three other towns were reduced with equal success. The obnoxious governor at Kaskas- kias was sent directly to Virginia, with the written in- structions which he had received from Quebec, Detroit and Michillimacinac, for exciting the Indians to war, and remunerating them for the blood which they might shed. Although the country within which Colonel Clarke had so successfully carried on operations, was considered to be within the limits of Virginia; yet as it was occupied by savages and those who were but little, if any, less hos- tile than they; and being so remote from her settlements, Virginia had as yet exercised no act of jurisdiction over it. But as it now belonged to her, by conquest as well as charter, the General Assembly created it into a distinct county, to be called Illinois; a temporary government was likewise established in it, and a regiment of infantry and a troop of cavalry, ordered to be enlisted for its defence, and placed under the command of its intrepid and enter- prising conqueror. The expedition directed under General Mclntosh, was 256 Withers's Chronicles not equally successful. The difficulty of raising, equip- ping, and organizing, so large a force as was placed under his command, at so great a distance from the populous district of the state, caused the consumption of so much time, that the season for carrying on effective operations had well nigh passed before he was prepared to commence his march. Anxious however, to achieve as much as could then be effected for the security of the frontier, he pene- trated the enemy's country, as far as Tuscarawa, when it was resolved to build and garrison a fort, and delay farther operations 'till the ensuing spring. Fort Laurens was ac- cordingly erected on the banks of the Tuscarawa, a garri- son of one hundred and fifty men, under the command of ColonelJohn Gibson, left for its preservation, and the main army returned to Fort Pitt. Of Border Warfare. 257 [188] CHAPTER XI. No sooner had the adventurous advance of Col. Clarke, and the success with which it was crowned, become known at Detroit, than preparations were made to expel him from Kaskaskias, or capture his little army, and thus rid the country of this obstacle to the unmolested passage of the savages, to the frontier of Virginia. An army of six hundred men, principally Indians, led on by Hamilton, the governor of Detroit a man at once bold and active, yet blood-thirsty and cruel, and well known as a chief insti- gator of the savages to war, and as a stay and prop of to- ries left Detroit and proceeded towards the theatre of Clarke's renown. With this force, he calculated on being able to effect his purpose as regarded Col. Clarke and his little band of bold and daring adventurers, and to spread devastation and death along the frontier, from Kentucky to Pennsylvania. Arriving at Fort St. Vincent, 1 on the Wabash, about the middle of December, and deeming it too late to advance towards Kaskaskias, he repaired its battlements and converting it into a repository for war- like implements of every description, he detached the greater part of his force in marauding parties to operate against .the settlements on the Ohio river, reserving for the security of his head quarters only one company of men. "While these alarming preparations were being made, Col. Clarke was actively engaged in acquiring an ascend- ency over the neighboring tribes of Indians; and in en- deavors to attach them to the cause of the United States, from principle or fear. The aid which had been voted him, fell far short of [189] the contemplated assistance, and had not yet arrived ; but his genius and activity am- ply compensated for the deficiency. In the heart of an 1 Called by the English, Fort Sackville. R. G. T. 17 258 Withers's Chronicles Indian country, remote from every succour, and in the vicinity of powerful and hostile tribes, he yet not only maintained his conquest and averted injury, but carried terror and dismay into the very strongholds of the sav- ages. Intelligence of the movement of Hamilton at length reached him, and hostile parties of Indians soon hovered around Kaskaskias. Undismayed by the tempest which was gathering over him, he concentrated his forces, with- drawing garrisons from the other towns to strengthen this, and made every preparation to enable him to endure a siege, and withstand the assault of a powerful army. The idea of abandoning the country never occurred to him. He did not despair of being able to maintain his position, and he and his gallant band resolved that they would do it, or perish in the attempt. In this fearful juncture, all was activity and industry, when the arrival of a Spanish merchant who had been at St. Vincents brought information of the reduced state of Hamilton's army. 1 Convinced that a crisis had now arrived, Clarke resolved by one bold stroke to change the aspect of affairs, and instead of farther preparing to resist attack, himself to become the assailant. For this purpose, a galley, mounting two four pounders and four swivels, and having on board a company of men, was despatched, with orders to the commanding officer, to ascend the Wabash and sta- tion himself a few miles below St. Vincents, allowing no one to pass him until the arrival of the main army. Gar- risoning Kaskaskias, with militia, and embodying the in- habitants for the protection of the other towns, Colonel Clarke set forward on his march across the country, on the 7th of February, 1779, at the head of one hundred and thirty brave and intrepid men. 2 1 From Clark's Journal: "January 29. M. Vigo, a Spanish sub- ject who had been at Post St. Vincents on his lawful business, arrived and gave us intelligence that Governor Hamilton, with thirty regulars and fifty volunteers and about 400 Indians, had arrived in November and taken that post with Capt. Helms and such other Americans who were there with arms, and disarmed the settlers and inhabitants."- R. G. T. 1 Forty-six men, under Lieut. John Rogers, went with the artillery Of Border Warfare. 259 Such was the inclemency of the weather, and so many and great the obstacles which interposed, that in despite of the ardor, perseverance and energy of the troops, they could yet advance very slowly towards the point of desti- nation. They were five days in crossing the drowned lands of the Wabash, and for five miles had to wade through water and ice, frequently up to their breasts. They overcame every difficulty and arrived before St. Vin- cents on the evening of the twenty-third of February and almost simultaneously with the galley. Thus far fortune seemed to favor the expedition. The army had not been discovered on its march, and the gar- rison was totally ignorant of its approach. Much how- ever yet remained to be done. They had arrived within view of the enemy, but the battle was yet to be fought. Sensible of the advantage to be derived from com- mencing the attack, while the enemy was ignorant of his approach, at seven o'clock he marched to the assault. The inhabitants instead of offering opposition, received the troops with gladness, and surrendering [190] the town, en- gaged with alacrity in the siege of the fort. For eight- een hours the garrison resisted the repeated onsets of the assailants; but during the night succeeding the com- mencement of the attack, Colonel Clarke had an entrench- ment thrown up within rifle shot of the enemy's strongest battery, and in the morning, from this position, poured upon it such a well-directed shower of balls, that in fifteen minutes he silenced two pieces of cannon without sustain- ing any loss whatever. The advantages thus gained, in- duced Hamilton to demand a parley, intimating an inten- tion of surrendering. The terms were soon arranged. The governor and garrison became prisoners of war, and a considerable quantity of military stores fell into the hands of the conqueror. 1 and stores, in a large galley or batteau, called the " Willing." The dis- tance to Vincennes by land, was a hundred and fifty miles. R. G. T. 1 The originals of the correspondence between Clark and Hamilton are, with much other MS. material relative to the movements of Clark, 111 possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society. Hamilton's letter, in a neat, scholarly hand, ran : " Lieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a Truce 260 Withers's Chronicles During the continuance of the siege, Colonel Clarke received information that a party of Indians which had been detached by Hamilton to harrass the frontiers, was returning and then near to St. Vincents with two prison- ers. He immediately ordered a detachment of his men to march out and give them battle nine Indians were taken and the two prisoners released. History records but few enterprises, which display as strikingly the prominent features of military greatness, and evince so much of the genius and daring which are necessary to their successful termination, as this; while the motives which led to its delineation, were such, as must excite universal admiration. Bold and daring, yet generous and disinterested, Colonel Clarke sought not his individual advancement in the projection or execution of this campaign. It was not to gratify the longings of am- bition, or an inordinate love of fame, that prompted him to penetrate the Indian country to the Kaskaskias, nor that tempted him forth from thence, to war with the gar- rison at St. Vincent. He was not one of for three days, during which time he promises, there shall not be any defensive work carried on in the Garrison, on Condition Colo! Clark shall observe on his part a like cessation from any offensive Work " He further proposes that whatever may pass between them two and any persons (mutually agreed upon to be) present, shall remain se- cret, till matters be finally concluded " As he wishes that whatever the result of their conference may be the honor and credit of each party may be considered, so he wishes to confer with Colo! Clark as soon as may be " As Colo! Clark makes a difficulty of coming into the Garrison, U. G. Hamilton will speak with him before the Gate HENRY HAMILTON. " FebT 24* 1779 Fort Sackville ' Clark's gruff reply, in rugged, but not unclerical chirography, was as follows : "Colonel Clark's Compliments to MF Hamilton and begs leave to inform him that Co! Clark will not agree to any Other Terms than that of M! Hamilton's Surrendering himself and Garrison, Prisoners at Discretion "If Mf Hamilton is Desirous of a Conferance with Co! Clark he will meet him at the Church with Capt? Helms " Feb? 24*, 1779. G. R. CLARK." R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 261 " Those worshippers of glory, Who bathe the earth in blood, And launch proud names for an after age, Upon the crimson flood." The distress and sufferings of the frontier of Vir- ginia required that a period should speedily be put to them, to preserve the country from ravage and its inhabitants from butchery. Clarke had seen and participated in that distress and those sufferings, and put in requisition every faculty of his mind and all the energies of his body, to al- leviate and prevent them. Providence smiled on his un- dertaking, and his exertions were crowned with complete success. The plan which had been concerted for the en- suing campaign against the frontier of Virginia, threat- ening to involve the whole country west of the Alleghany mountains in destruction and death, was thus happily frustrated; and he, who had been mainly instrumental in impelling the savages to war, and in permitting, if not in- stigating them to the commission of the most atrocious barbarities, was a prisoner in the hands of the enemy. So justly obnoxious had he [191] rendered himself by his conduct, that a more than ordinary rigor was practised upon him; and by the orders of the governor of Virginia, the governor of Detroit was manacled with irons, and con- fined in jail. 1 Far different was the termination of the enterprise entrusted to the conduct of General Mclntosh. It has been already seen that the approach of winter forced the main army to retire to the settlements into winter quar- ters, before they were able to accomplish any thing, but the erection of Fort Laurens. 2 Colonel Gibson, the com- mandant of the garrison, though a brave and enterprising officer, was so situated, that the preservation of the fort, 1 Hamilton, in a letter of July 6, 1781, contained in the Haldimand Papers, in the British Museum, gives what he calls " a brief account" of his ill-starred expedition. See Roosevelt's Winning of the West, passim. R. G. T. * On the Tuscarawas River, about ten miles north of the present New Philadelphia, O., and a mile south of what is now Bolivar, Tus- carawas County. At the time Withers alludes to, it was garrisoned by 150 men under Col. John Gibson. R. G. T, 262 Withers' s Chronicles was all which he could accomplish ; and this was no little hazard of failure, from the very superior force of the enemy, and the scarcity of provisions for the subsistance of the garrison. So soon as the Indians became acquainted with the existence of a fort so far in their country, they put in practice those arts which enable them, so successfully to annoy their enemies. Early in January, a considerable body of savages ap- proached Fort Laurens unperceived and before the garri- son was apprised that an Indian knew of its erection. 1 In the course of the night they succeeded in catching the horses outside of the fort; and taking off their bells, car- ried them into the woods, some distance off. They then concealed themselves in the prairie grass, along a path leading from the fort, and in the morning commenced rattling the bells, at the farther extremity of the line of ambushment, so as to induce the belief that the horses was there to be found. The stratagem succeeded. Sixteen men were sent out to bring in the horses. Allured by the sound of the bells, they kept the path, along which the Indians lay concealed, until they found themselves unex- pectedly in the presence of an enemy, who opened upon them a destructive fire from front and rear. Fourteen were killed on the spot, and the remaining two were taken prisoners. 1 Simon Girty and seventeen Indians, mostly Mingoes. Withers confounds this raid with the more formidable siege in February and March. In the January assault, Girty's band ambushed Capt. John Clark, a sergeant, and fourteen men, returning to Fort Pitt from con- voying provisions to Fort Laurens. Two whites were killed, four wounded, and one taken prisoner. In February, came an attacking party of a hundred and twenty Indians (mostly Wyandots and Min- goes), led by Capt. Henry Bird, of the Eighth (or King's) Regiment; with him were Simon Girty and ten soldiers. The enemy arrived Feb- ruary 22, but remained in hiding. The next day Gibson sent out a guard of eighteen men, despite warnings of the enemy's presence, to assist the wagoner in collecting the horses of the fort. All the party were killed and scalped, within sight of the fort, save two, who were made prisoners. The fort was then openly invested until March L'O, when the besiegers withdrew, torn with dissensions and short of sup- plies. See Butterfield's Washington- Irvine Correspondence for further de- tails. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 263 On the evening of the day on which this unfortunate surprise took place, the Indian arm}", consisting of eight hundred and forty-seven warriors, painted and equipped for war, marched in single file through a prairie near the fort and in full view of the garrison, and encamped on an adjacent elevation on the opposite side of the river. From this situation, frequent conversations were held by them with the whites, in which they deprecated the longer con- tinuance of hostilities, but yet protested against the en- croachment made upon their territory by the whites, the erection of a fort and the garrisoning soldiers within their country, not only unpermitted by them, but for some time before they knew anything of it. For these infringements on their rights, they were determined on prosecuting the war, and continued the investure of the fort, for six weeks. In this time they became straitened for provisions, and aware that without a fresh supply of them, they would be forced to abandon the siege, they sent word to the com- mander of the garrison, by a Delaware [192] Indian, calling himself John Thompson, (who, though with the whites in the fort, was permitted by both parties to go in and out, as he choose) that they were desirous of peace, and were willing to enter into a negotiation, if he would send them a bar- rel of flour and some tobacco. Scarce as these articles had actually become in the garrison, yet Col. Gibson complied with their request, hoping that they might be induced to make peace, or withdraw from the fort, and hopeless of timely succours from the settlements. Upon the receipt of those presents, the Indians raised the siege and marched their army off, much to the relief of the garrison, although they did not fulfil their promise of entering into a treaty. During the time the Indians remained about the fort, there was much sickness in the garrison ; and when they were believed to have retired, the commandant detached Col. Clarke, of the Pennsylvania line, 1 with a party of fifteen men, to escort the invalids to Fort Mclutosh. They proceeded but a small distance from the gate, where they 1 Not to be confounded with George Rogers Clark, of Kentucky. R. G. T. 264 Withers' s Chronicles were attacked by some Indians, who had been left con- cealed near the fort, for the purpose of effecting farther mischief. A skirmish ensued ; but overpowered by num- bers and much galled by the first fire, Col. Clarke could not maintain the conflict. With much difficulty, he and three others reached the fort in safety: the rest of the party were all killed. Col. Gibson immediately marched out at the head of the greater part of the garrison, but the Indians had re- treated as soon as they succeeded in cutting off the de- tachment under Col. Clarke, and prudence forbade to pro- ceed in pursuit of them, as the main army was believed to be yet in the neighborhood. The dead were however brought in, and buried with the honors of war, in front of the fort gate. In a few days after this, Gen. Mclntosh arrived with a considerable body of troops and a supply of provisions for the garrison. "While the savages were continuing the siege, a friendly Indian, had been despatched by Col. Gib- son to acquaint Gen. Mclntosh with the situation at Fort Laurens, and that without the speedy arrival of a rein- forcement of men and an accession to their stock of pro- visions, the garrison would have to surrender; or seek a doubtful safety, by evacuating the fort and endeavoring to regain the Ohio river, in the presence of an overwhelming body of the enemy. With great promptitude the settlers flocked to the standard of Gen. Mclntosh, and loading pack horses, with abundance of provisions for the supply of the garrison at Fort Laurens, commenced a rapid march to their relief. Before their arrival, they had been re- lieved from the most pressing danger, by the withdrawal of the Indian army ; and were only suffering from the want of flour and meat. A manifestation of the great joy felt upon the arrival of Gen. Mclntosh, had well nigh de- prived them of the benefit to be derived from the pro- visions brought for them. "When the relief army ap- proached the fort, a salute was fired by the garrison, which, alarming the pack horses, caused them [193] to break loose and scatter the greater part of the flour in Of Border Warfare. 265 every direction through the woods, so that it was impos- sible to be again collected. The remains of those, who had unfortunately fallen into the ambuscade in January, and which had lain out until then, were gathered together and buried; 1 and a fresh detachment, under Major Vernon, being left to gar- rison the fort, in the room of that which had been sta- tioned there during winter, Gen. Mclntosh, withdrew from the country and returned to Fort Mclntosh. In the ensu- ing fall, Fort Laurens was entirely evacuated ; the garrison having been almost reduced to starvation, and it being found very difficult to supply them with provisions at so great a distance from the settlements and in the heart of the Indian country. During the year 1778, Kentucky was the theatre of many outrages. In January, a party of thirty men, among whom was Daniel Booue, repaired to the " Lower Blue Licks " for the purpose of making salt ; and on the 7th of February, while Boone was alone in the woods, on a hunt to supply the salt makers with meat, he was encountered by a party of one hundred and two Indians and two Can- adians, and made prisoner. The savages advanced to the Licks, and made prisoners of twenty-seven of those en- gaged in making salt. 2 Their object in this incursion, was [193] l The bodies of these men were found to have been much de- voured by the wolves, and bearing the appearance of having been recently torn by them. With a view of taking revenge on these animals for devouring their companions, the fatigue party sent to bury their re- mains, after digging a grave sufficiently capacious to contain all, and having deposited them in it, they covered the pit with slender sticks, bark and rotten wood, too weak to bear the weight of a wolf, and placed a piece of meat on the top and near the center of this covering, as a bait. In the morning seven wolves were found in the pit, and killed and the grave then filled up. J Boone had left Boonesborough January 8, in charge of thirty men, to make salt at the Lower Blue Licks, on Licking River. They carried with them, on horses, several large boiling pans, given to the settlement by the government of Virginia. So weak was the water there, that 840 gallons were necessary to make a bushel of salt, against ninety at the Kanawha salines, and forty at Onondaga. While the salt-makers were at work, two or three others of the party served as scouts and hunters; generally, Boone was one of these. This day (Saturday, February 7) Boone started out alone with his pack-horse for a supply of game, which 266 Withers's Chronicles the destruction of Boonesborough ; and had they con- tinued their march thither, there is no doubt but that place, weakened as it was by the loss of so many of its men and not expecting an attack at that inclement season, would have fallen into their hands; but elated with their success, the Indians marched directly back with their prisoners to Chillicothe. The extreme suffering of the usually was plenty in the neighborhood of the salt licks ; Thomas Brooks and Flanders Callaway, his fellow scouts, were taking another circuit. Having killed a buffalo, Boone was on his way home in the afternoon, with the choicest of the meat packed upon his horse. Snow was falling fast, and he was ten miles from camp, when discovered by four Indians, outlying members of a large party of Shawnees under Munseka and Black Fish, who had taken the war-path to avenge the mur- der of Cornstalk (see p. 172, note. 2). Benumbed by cold, and unabK* easily to untie or cut the frozen thongs which bound on the pack, Boone could not unload and mount the horse, and after a sharp skirmish was captured, and led to the main Indian encampment, a few miles away. Boone induced his fellow salt-makers to surrender peaceably the following day (February 8); the number of prisoners was, including Boone, twenty-seven two scouts and two salt-packers being absent. After a ten days' "uncomfortable journey, in very severe weather," says Boone, in which they " received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages," the party arrived at Little Chillicothe, on Little Miami so called in contradistinction to Old Chillicothe, on the Scioto. Boone's strong, compact build caused the Indians to call him Big Turtle, and under that name he was adopted as the son of Black Fish, who took a fancy to him ; sixteen of his companions were also adopted by other warriors. The ten who were not adopted were, with Boone, taken on a trip to Detroit (starting March 10), guarded by forty Indians under Black Fish. The ten were sold to Lieut. Governor Ham- ilton and citizens of Detroit, for 20 each, the usual price for American prisoners. Boone remained in Detroit until April 10, during which he was treated with great courtesy by Hamilton, who offered Black Fish 100 for him, but the latter declined and took the great pioneer home with him ; but Boone himself was given by Hamilton a horse and trap- pings, with silver trinkets to give to the Indians. At Little Chillicothe, Boone was kindly treated by Black Fish, and little by little hfs liberty was extended. June 16, while the family were making salt on the Scioto, preparatory to another expedition against Boonesborough, Boone escaped on the horse given him by Hamilton. After many curious adventures, in the course of which he swam the Ohio, he safely reached Boonesborough, June 20, having traveled, he estimated, a hundred and sixty miles in four days. Boone's wife and family, supposing him dead, had returned to their old home in North Carolina, but Boone himself remained to assist in the defense of Boonesborough against the impend- ing attack, of which he had brought intelligence. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 267 prisoners, during this march, inspired the savages with pity, and induced them to exercise an unusual lenity towards their captives. In March, Boone was carried to Detroit, where the Indians refused to liberate him, though an hundred pounds were offered for his ransom, and from which place he accompanied them back to Chillicothe in the latter part of April. In the first of June, he went with them to the Scioto salt springs, and on his return found one hundred and fifty choice warriors of the Shawanee nation, painting, arming, and otherwise equipping them- selves to proceed again to the attack of Boonesborough. [194] Hitherto Boone had enjoyed as much satisfac- tion, as was consistent with his situation, and more than would have been experienced by the most of men, in captivity to the Indians ; but when he found such great preparations making for an attack on the place which contained all that he held most dear, his love of family, his attachment to the village reared under his superin- tending hand, and to its inhabitants protected by his fos- tering care, determined him to attempt an immediate escape. Early on the morning of the 16th of June, he went forth as usual to hunt. He had secreted as much food as would serve him for one meal, and with this scanty supply, he resolved on finding his way home. On the 20th, having travelled a distance of one hundred and sixty miles, crossed the Ohio and other rivers, and with no sustenance, save what he had taken with him from Chillicothe, he arrived at Boonesborough. The fort was quickly repaired, and every preparation made to enable it to withstand a siege. In a few days after, another, of those who had been taken prisoners at the Blue Licks, escaped, and brought intelligence that in consequence of the flight of Boone, the Indians had agreed to postpone their meditated irrup- tion, for three weeks. 1 This intelligence determined Boone 1 This was William Hancock, who had, like Boone, been adopted into an Indian family. Not so expert a woodsman as Boone, he had consumed twelve days in the journey from Chillicothe to Boonesbor- ough, and suffered great hardships. He arrived at the fort July 17. In consequence of Boone's escape, he reported, the Indians had postponed 268 Withers 's Chronicles to invade the Indian country, and at the head of only ten men he went forth on an expedition against Paint creek town. Near to this place, he met with a party of Indians going to join the main array, then on its march to Boones- borough, whom he attacked and dispersed without sus- taining any loss on his part. The enemy had one killed and two severely wounded in this skirmish ; and lost their horses and baggage. On their return, they passed the In- dian army on the 6th of August, and on the next day entered Boonesborough. 1 On the 8th of August, the Indian army, consisting of four hundred and fifty men, and commanded by Capt. Du Quesne, eleven other Frenchmen, and their own chiefs, appeared before the Fort and demanded its surrender. 2 In order to gain time, Boone requested two days' consid- eration, and at the expiration of that period, returned for answer, that the garrison had resolved on defending it, while one individual remained alive within its walls. Capt. Du Quesne then made known, that he was charged by Gov. Hamilton, to make prisoners of the gar- their intended attack for three weeks. The next day (July 18), Boone wrote to Arthur Campbell, lieutenant of Washington County, Va. (the Holston settlements, 200 miles away), that he expected the enemy in twelve days, and that the fort was prepared for a siege of three or four weeks ; but relief would then be of infinite service. R. G. T. 1 At the close of six weeks after Hancock's arrival, Boone had be- come weary of waiting for the enemy, hence his expedition with nine- teen men not ten, as in the text against the Shawnee town on Paint Creek, during the last week of August. It was the 5th of September when, undiscovered, he passed the Indian force encamped at Lower Blue Licks, and the next day arrived at Boonesborough. R. G. T. 2 About 10 A. M. of Monday, September 7, Withers places it a month, less a day, too early, the hostiles crossed the Kentucky a mile and a half above Boonesborough, at a point since known as Black Fish's Ford, and soon made their appearance marching single file, some of them mounted, along the ridge south of the fort. They numbered about 400, and displayed English and French flags. The strength of the force has been variously estimated, from 330 Indians and 8 Frenchmen (Col. John Bowman), to 444 Indians and 12 Frenchmen (Boone's Narrative, by Filson). The English Indian department was represented' by Capt. Isidore Chene, who had with him several other French-Canadians; there was also a negro named Pompey, who had long lived with the In- dians, and served them as interpreter ; the principal chiefs were, Black Fish, Moluntha, Black Hoof, and Black Beard. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 269 rison, but not to treat them harshly ; and that if nine of their principal men would come out, and negotiate a treaty, based on a renunciation of allegiance to the United States, and on a renewal of their fealty to the king, the Indian army should be instantly withdrawn. Boone did not confide in the sincerity of the Frenchman, but he de- termined to gain the advantage of farther preparation for resistance, by delaying the attack. He consented to nego- tiate on the terms proposed ; but suspecting treachery, in- sisted that the conference should be held near the fort walls. The garrison were on the alert, while the negoti- ation continued, and did not fail to remark that many of the Indians, not [195] concerned in making the treaty, were stalking about, under very suspicious circumstances. The terms on which the savage army was to retire were at length agreed upon, and the articles signed, when the whites were told that it was an Indian custom, in ratifi- cation of compacts, that two of their chiefs should shake hands with one white man. Boone and his associates, consenting to conform to this custom, not without suspi- cion of a sinister design, were endeavored to be dragged off as prisoners by the savages; but strong and active, they bounded from their grasp, and entered the gate, amid a heavy shower of balls one only of the nine, was slightly wounded. The Indians then commenced a furious assault on the fort, but were repulsed with some loss on their part; and every renewed attempt to carry it by storm, was in like manner, frustrated by the intrepidity and gal- lantry of its inmates. 1 Disappointed in their expectation of succeeding in this way, the savages next attempted to undermine the fort, commencing at the water mark of the Kentucky river, only sixty yards from the walls. This course was no doubt dictated to them by their French commanders, as they are ignorant of the practice of war, farther than 'The garrison numbered, old and young, white and black, sixty persons capable of bearing arms ; only forty, however, were really ef- fective. Women and children, dressed and armed as men, frequently ap- peared upon the walls, to give an appearance of greater strength. R. G. T. 270 Wit hers' s Chronicles depends on the use of the gun, and tomahawk, and th exercise of stratagem and cunning. The vigilance of the besieged however, soon led to a discovery of the attempt the water below, was colored by the clay thrown out from the excavation, while above it retained its usual transparency ; and here again they were foiled by the act- ive exertion of the garrison. A countermine was begun by them, the earth from which being thrown over the wall, manifested the nature of their operations, and led the enemy to raise the siege, and retire from the country. 1 In the various assaults made on the fort by this sav- age army, two only, of the garrison, were killed, and four wounded. The loss of the enemy, as usual, could not be properly ascertained : thirty-seven were left dead on the field, and many, were no doubt wounded. 2 So signally was the savage army repulsed, in their re- peated attacks on Boonesborough, that they never after- wards made any great effort to effect its reduction. The heroism and intrepidity of Boone and his assistants ren- dered it impregnable to their combined exertions to de- molish it ; while the vigilance and caution of the inhabit- ants, convinced them, that it would be fruitless and una- vailing to devise plans for gaining admission into the fort, by stratagem or wile. Still however, they kept up a wai of ravage and murder, against such as were unfortunately found defenceless and unprotected ; and levelled combined operations against other and weaker positions. [196] The success of the expedition under Col. Clarke, though productive of many and great advantages to the 'This ruse of the Indians was discovered on Friday, the llth. The garrison commenced its countermine immediately, and prosecuted the work for several days. The rival parties could hear each other at work underground. When the Indians had proceeded about forty yards, two-thirds of the distance from the river bank, successive rainstorms had so saturated the earth that sections of their tunnel caved in, and this it was that frustrated their scheme. R. G. T. [195] 2 When the Indians retired from before Boonesboro, one hun- dred and twenty-five pounds weight of bullets were picked up by the garrison, besides many that stuck in the logs of the fort. A conclu- sive proof that the Indians were not idle, during the continuance of the siege. Of Border Warfare. 271 frontier inhabitants, did not achieve for them, an unmo- lested security. Their property was still liable to plunder, and families newly arrived among them, to be murdered or taken prisoners. Combined efforts were required, to put a period to savage aggression ; and a meeting of the settlers was held at Harrodsburg, to concert measures to effect that object. Their consultation resulted in a deter- mination, to carry the war into the enemy's country ; and as the Shawanees had been most efficient in waging hos- tilities, it was resolved to commence operations, against their most considerable town. Two hundred volunteers were accordingly raised, and when rendezvoused at Har- rodsburg, were placed under the command of Col. Bow- man, and proceeded against Chillicothe. 1 The expedition thus fitted out, arrived, by forced marches, near to Chillicothe in the evening towards the latter end of July, 1779 ; and on deliberation, it was agreed to defer the attack 'till next morning. Before dawn the army was drawn up and arranged in order of battle. The right wing led on by Col. Bowman, was to assume a posi- 1 John Bowman, of Harrodsburgh, was lieutenant of Kentucky County, and colonel of its militia. During the spring of 1779, there was a general desire to raid the unsuspecting Sbawnees, in retaliation for their invasions of Kentucky, and Bowman decided to command in person this " first regular enterprise to attack, in force, the Indians be- yond the Ohio, ever planned in Kentucky." The company of volun- teers of the interior rendezvoused in May at Harrodsburgh, and under Capts. Benjamin Logan and Silas Harlan marched to Lexington, where they met the Boonesborough company under Capt. John Holder, and another party under Capt. Levi Todd. At the mouth of the Licking (site of Covington, Ky.), the general rendezvous agreed on, they found a company from the Falls of the Ohio (site of Louisville), under Capt. William Harrod. Also in the little army, which finally mustered 297 men, including officers, were frontiersmen from Redstone Old Fort, and other settlements in the valleys of the Ohio and Monongahela. The Redstone men were on their way home, when they heard of the expe- dition, and joined it at the Licking; they had been on a visit to Big Bone Lick, and had a canoe-load of relics therefrom, which they were transporting up river. The force crossed the Ohio, May 28, just below the mouth of the Licking ; 32 men remained behind in charge of the boats, leaving 265 to set out for the Shawnee town of Little Chillicothe, on the Little Miami, distant about sixty-five miles northeast. George Clark and William Whitley were pilots, and George M. Bedinger adjutant and quartermaster. R. G. T. 272 Withers's Chronicles tion on one side of the town, and the left, under Capt. Logan, was to occupy the ground on the opposite side; and at a given signal, both were to develope to the right and left, so as to encircle and attack it in concert. 1 The party, led on by Logan, repaired to the point assigned, and was waiting in anxious, but vain expectation for the sig- nal of attack to be given, when the attention of the Indians was directed towards him by the barking of their dogs. At this instant a gun was discharged by one of Bowman's men, and the whole village alarmed. The squaws and children were hurried into the woods, along a path not yet occupied by the assailants, and the warriors collected in a strong cabin. 2 Logan, being near enough to perceive every movement of the enemy, ordered his men quietly to occupy the deserted huts, as a momentary shelter from the Indian fires, until Col. Bowman should march forward. It was now light ; and the savages began a regular dis- charge of shot at his men, as they advanced to the deserted cabins. This determined him to move directly to the at- tack of the cabin, in which the warriors were assembled ; and ordering his men to tear off the doors and hold them in front, as a shield, while advancing to the assault, he was already marching on the foe, when he was overtaken by an order from Col. Bowman, to retreat. Confounded by this command, Capt. Logan was for a time reluctant to obey it ; a retreat was however, directed ; and each individual, sensible of his great exposure while retiring from the towns, sought to escape from danger, in the manner directed by his own judgment ; and fled to the woods at his utmost speed. There they rallied, and resumed 1 Without having seen an Indian, the expedition arrived in eight of Little Chillicothe, at dusk of May 29 Withers places the date two months ahead of the actual time. Capt. Logan had charge of the left wing, Harrod of the right, and Holder of the center. The white force now numbered 263 two men having returned to the boats, disabled ; the Indians numbered about 100 warriors and 200 squaws and children. Black Fish was the principal village chief, and subordinate to him were Black Hoof and Black Beard. R. G. T. 1 This was the council house, which was so stoutly defended that the white assailants were glad to take refuge in a neighboring hut, from which they escaped with difficulty. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 273 more of order, though still too much terrified to stand a contest, when the Indians sallied out to give battle. In- timidated by the apprehension of danger, which they had not seen, [197] but supposed to be great from the retreat- ing order of Col. Bowman, they continued to fly before the savages, led on by their chief, the Black Fish. At length they were brought to a halt, and opened a brisk, though inefficient fire, upon their pursuers. Protected by bushes, the Indians maintained their ground, 'till Capts. Logan and Harrod, with some of the men under their immediate command, mounted on pack horses, charged them with great spirit, and dislodged them from their covert. Exposed in turn to the fire of the whites, and see- ing their chief fall, the savages took to flight, and Col. Bowman continued his retreat homeward, free from farther interruption. 1 In this illy conducted expedition, Col. Bowman had nine of his men killed and one wounded. The Indian loss was no doubt less: only two or three were known to be killed. Had the commanding officer, instead of ordering a retreat when Logan's men were rushing bravely to the conflict, marched with the right wing of the army to their aid, far different would have been the result. The enemy, only thirty strong, could not long have held out, against 1 The chief cause of alarm, and the consequent disorder, was a false report started among the whites, that Simon Girty and a hundred Shaw- nees from the Indian village of Piqua, twelve miles distant, were march- ing to the relief of Black Fish. Order was soon restored, and when, fourteen miles out upon the homeward trail, Indians were discovered upon their rear, the enemy were met with vigor, and thereafter the re- treat was unhampered. The force reached the Ohio, just ahove the mouth of the Little Miami, early on June 1. The "pack-horses " alluded to by Withers, were 163 Indian ponies captured in the Chillicothe woods ; the other plunder was considerable, being chiefly silver orna- ments and clothing. After crossing the Ohio in boats the horses swim- ming there was an auction of the booty, which was appraised at 32,000, continental money, each man getting goods or horses to the value of about 110. The Indian loss was five killed at the town, and many wounded; the whites had seven men killed. Little Chillicothe had been for the most part destroyed by fire, and its crops destroyed. The newspapers of the day regarded the expedition as an undoubted suc- cess. E. G. T. 18 274 Wit hers' s Chronicles the bravery and impetuosity of two hundred backwoods- men, stimulated to exertion by repeated suffering, and nerved by the reflection, that they were requiting it upon its principal authors, Col. Bowman doubtless believed that he was pursuing a proper course. The gallantry and intrepidity, displayed by him on many occasions, forbid the supposition that he was under the influence of any un- military feeling, and prompted to that course by a disposi- tion to shrink from ordinary dangers. His motives were certainly pure, and his subsequent exertions to rally his men and bring them to face the foe, were as great as could have been made by any one ; but disheartened by the fear of unreal danger, and in the trepidation of a flight, deemed to be absolutely necessary for their safety, they could not be readily brought to bear the brunt of battle. The efforts of a few cool and collected individuals, drove back the pursuers, and thus prevented an harrassed retreat. Notwithstanding the frequent irruptions of the In- dians, and the constant exposure of the settlers to suffer- ing and danger, Kentucky increased rapidly in population. From the influx of emigrants during the fall and winter months, the number of its inhabitants were annually doubled for some years; and new establishments were made in various parts of the country. In April 1779, a block house was erected on the present site of Lexington, 1 and several stations were selected in its vicinity, and in the neighborhood of the present town of Danville. Settle- ments were also made, in that year, on the waters of Bear Grass, Green and Licking rivers, and parts of the country began to be distinguished by their interior and frontier situation. 1 George W. Ranck : "April 1. Robert Patterson, at the head of twenty-five men, commenced a block house where Lexington now stands. " R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 275 [198] CHAPTER XII. In North Western Virginia, the frequent inroads of small parties of savages in 1778, led to greater prepara- tions for security, from renewed hostilities after the winter should have passed away ; and many settlements received a considerable accession to their strength, from the num- ber of persons emigrating to them. In some neighbor- hoods, the sufferings of the preceding season and the inability of the inhabitants, from the paucity of their numbers, to protect themselves from invasion, led to a total abandonment of their homes. The settlement on Hacker's creek was entirely broken up in the spring of 1779, some of its inhabitants forsaking the country and retiring east of the mountains ; while the others went to the fort on Buchannon, and to Nutter's fort, near Clarks- burg, to aid in resisting the foe and in maintaining pos- session of the country. When the campaign of that year opened, the whole frontier was better prepared to protect itself from invasion and to shield its occupants from the wrath of the savage enemy, than it had ever been, since it became the abode of white men. There were forts in every settlement, into which the people could retire when danger threatened, and which were capable of withstand- ing the assaults of savages, however furious they might be, if having to depend for success, on the use of small arms only. It was fortunate for the country, that this was their dependence. A few well directed shots even from small cannon, would have demolished [199] their strong- est fortress, and left them no hope from death, but cap- tivity. In the neighborhood of Pricket's fort, the inhabitants were early alarmed, by circumstances which induced a be- lief that the Indians were near, and they accordingly en- tered that garrison. It was soon evident that their fears were groundless, but as the season was fast approaching, when the savages might be expected to commence depre- 276 Wit hers 1 s Chronicles dations, they determined on remaining in the fort, of a night, and yet prosecute the business of their farms as usual during the day. Among those who were at this time in the fort, was David Morgan, (a relation of General Daniel Morgan,) then upwards of sixty years of age. Early in April, being himself unwell, he sent his two children Stephen, a youth of sixteen, and Sarah, a girl of fourteen to feed the cattle at his farm, about a mile off.' The children, thinking to remain all day and spend the time in preparing ground for water melons, unknown to their father took with them some bread and meat. Having fed the stock, Stephen set himself to work, and while he was engaged in grubbing, his sister would re- move the brush, and otherwise aid him in the labor of clearing the ground; occasionally going to the house to wet some linen which she had spread out to bleach. Mor- gan, after the children had been gone some time, betook himself to bed, and soon falling asleep, dreamed that he saw Stephen and Sarah walking about the fort yard, scalped. Aroused from slumber by the harrowing specta- cle presented to his sleeping view, he enquired if the children had returned, and upon learning they had not, he set out to see what detained them, taking with him his gun. As he approached the house, still impressed with the horrible fear that he should find his dream realized, he ascended an eminence, from which he could distinctly see over his plantation, and descrying from thence the objects of his anxious solicitude, he proceeded directly to them, and seated himself on an. old log, near at hand. He had been here but a few minutes, before he saw two Indians come out from the house and make toward the children. Fearing to alarm them too much, and thus deprive them of the powe"r of exerting themselves ably to make an escape, he apprized them in a careless manner, of their danger, and told them to run towards the fort him- self still maintaining his seat on the log. The Indians then raised a hideous yell and ran in pursuit ; but the old [200] gentleman shewing himself at that instant, caused them to forbear the chase, and shelter themselves behind trees. He then endeavored to effect an escape, l>y flight, Of Border Warfare. 'Ill and the Indians followed after him. Age and consequent infirmity, rendered him unable long to continue out of their reach ; and aware that they were gaining considera- bly on him, he wheeled to shoot. Both instantly sprang behind trees, and Morgan seeking shelter in the same manner, got behind a sugar, which was so small as to leave part of his body exposed. Looking round, he saw a large oak about twenty yards farther, and he made to it. Just as he reached it, the foremost Indian sought security behind the sugar sapling, which he had found insufficient for his protection. The Indian, sensible that it would not shelter him, threw himself down by the side of a log which lay at the root of the sapling. But this did not af- ford him sufficient cover, and Morgan, seeing him exposed to a shot, fired at him. The ball took effect, and the sav- age, rolling over on his back, stabbed himself twice in the breast. Having thus succeeded in killing one of his pursuers, Morgan again took to flight, and the remaining Indian after him. It was now that trees could afford him no security His gun was unloaded, and his pursuer could approach him safely. The unequal race was continued about sixty yards, when looking over his shoulder, he saw the savage within a few paces of him, and with his gun raised. Morgan sprang to one side, and the ball whizzed harmlessly by him. The odds was now not great, and both advanced to closer combat, sensible of the prize for which they had to contend, and each determined, to deal death to his adversary. Morgan aimed a blow with his gun ; but the Indian hurled a tomahawk at him, which cutting the little finger of his left hand entirely off, and injuring the one next it very much, knocked the gun out of his grasp, and they closed. Being a good wrestler, Morgan succeeded in throwing the Indian; but soon found himself overturned, and the savage upon him,lfeeling for his knife and sending forth a most horrifick yell, as is their custom when they consider victory as secure. A woman's apron, which he had taken from the house and fastened round him above his knife, so hindered him in getting at it quickly, that Morgan, getting one of his fingers in his 278 Withers' s Chronicles mouth, deprived him of the use of that hand, and discon- certed him very much by continuing to grind it between his teeth. At length the [201] Indian got hold of his knife, but so far towards the blade, that Morgan too got a small hold on the extremity of the handle; and as the In- dian drew it from the scabbard, Morgan, biting his finger with all his might, and thus causing him somewhat to re- lax his grasp, drew it through his hand, gashing it most severely. By this time both had gained their feet, and the In- dian, sensible of the great advantage gained over him, endeavored to disengage himself; but Morgan held fast to the finger, until he succeeded in giving him a fatal stab, and felt the almost lifeless body sinking in his arms. He then loosened his hold and departed for the fort. On his way he met with his daughter, who not being able to keep pace with her brother, had followed his foot- steps to the river bank where he had plunged in, and was then making her way to the canoe. Assured thus far of the safety of his children, he accompanied his daughter to the fort, and then, in company with a party of the men, returned to his farm, to see if there were any appearance of other Indians being about there. On arriving at the spot where the desperate struggle had been, the wounded Indian was not to be seen ; but trailing him by the blood which flowed profusely from his side, they found him con- cealed in the branches of a fallen tree. He had taken the knife from his body, bound up the wound with the apron, and on their approaching him, accosted them familiarly, with the salutation " How do do broder, how do broder." Alas ! poor fellow ! their brotherhood extended no farther than to the gratification of a vengeful feeling. He was tomahawked and scalped; and, as if this would not fill the measure of their vindictive passions, both he and his companion were flayed, their skins tanned and converted into saddle seats, shot pouches and belts A striking in- stance of the barbarities, which a revengeful spirit will lead its possessors to perpetrate. 1 1 L. V. McWhorter, of Berlin, W. Va., writes me: "A few years ago, the descendants of David Morgan erected a monument on the spot Of Border Warfare. 279 The alarm which had caused the people in the neigh- borhood of Pricket's fort, to move into it for safety, in- duced two or three families on Dunkard creek to collect at the house of Mr. Bozarth, thinking they would be more exempt from danger when together, than if remaining at their several homes. About the first of April, when only Mr. Bozarth and two men were in the house, the children, who had been out at play, came running into the yard, ex- claiming that there were [202] " ugly red men coming" Upon hearing this, one of the two men in the house, going to the door to see if Indians really were approaching, re- ceived a glancing shot on his breast, which caused him to fall back. The Indian who had shot him, sprang in imme- diately after, and grappling with the other white man, was quickly thrown on the bed. His antagonist having no weapon with which to do him any injury called to Mrs. Bozarth for a knife. Not finding one at hand, she siezed an axe, and at one blow, let out the brains of the prostrate savage. At that instant a second Indian entering the door, shot dead the man engaged with his companion on the bed. Mrs. Bozarth turned on him, and with a well directed blow, let out his entrails and caused him to bawl out for help. Upon this, others of his party, who had been engaged with the children in the yard, came to his relief. The first who thrust his head in at the door, had it cleft by the axe of Mrs. Bozarth and fell lifeless on the ground. Another, catching hold of his wounded, bawling companion, drew him out of the house, when Mrs. Bozarth, with the aid of the white man who had been first shot and was then somewhat recovered, succeeded in closing and making fast the door. The children in the yard were all killed, but the heroism and exertions of Mrs. Bozarth and the wounded white man, enabled them to resist the re- where fell one of the Indians. On the day of the unveiling of the monument, there was on exhibition at the spot, a shot-pouch and sad- dle skirt made from the skins of the Indians. Greenwood S. Morgan, a great-grandson of the Indian slayer, informs me that the shot-pouch is now in the possession of a distant relative, living in Wetzel County, W. Va. The knife with which the Indian was killed, is owned by Morgan's descendants in Marion County, W. Va." R. G. T. 280 Withers' s Chronicles peated attempts of the Indians, to force open the door, and to maintain possession of the house, until they were relieved by a party from the neighboring settlement. The time occupied in this bloody affair, from the first alarm by the children to the shutting of the door, did not exceed three minutes. And in this brief space, Mrs. Bo- zarth, with infinite self possession, coolness and intrepidity, succeeded in killing three Indians. On the eleventh of the same month, five Indians came to a house on Snowy creek, (in the, now, county of Pres- ton,) in which lived James Brain and Richard Powell, and remained in ambush during the night, close around it. In the morning early, the appearance of some ten or twelve men, issuing from the house with guns, for the purpose of amusing themselves in shooting at a mark, deterred the In- dians from making their meditated attack. The men seen by them, were travellers, who had associated for mutual security, and who, after partaking of a morning's repast, resumed their journey, unknown to the savages ; when Mr. Brain and the sons of Mr. Powell [203] went to their day's work. Being engaged in carrying clap-boards for covering a cabin, at some distance from the house, they were soon heard by the Indians, who, despairing of suc- ceeding in an attack on the house, changed their position, & concealed themselves by the side of the path, along which those engaged at work had to go. Mr. Brain and one of his sons being at a little distance in front of them, they fired and Brain fell. He was then tomahawked and scalped, while another of the party followed and caught the son as he was attempting to escape by flight. Three other boys were then some distance behind and out of sight, and hearing the report of the gun which killed Brain, for an instant supposed that it proceeded from the rifle of some hunter in quest of deer. They were soon satisfied that this supposition was unfounded. Three Indians came running towards them, bearing their guns in one hand, and tomahawks in the other. One of the boys stupefied by terror, and unable to stir from the spot, was immediately made prisoner. Another, the son of Powell, was also soon caught; but the third, finding himself out Of Border Warfare. 281 of sight of his pursuer, ran to one side and concealed him- self in a bunch of alders, where he remained until the In- dian passed the spot where he lay, when he arose, and taking a different direction, ran with all his speed, and ef- fected an escape. The little prisoners were then brought together; and one of Mr. Powell's sons, being discovered to have but one eye, was stripped naked, had a tomahawk sunk into his head, a spear ran through his body, and the scalp then removed from from his bleeding head. The little Powell who had escaped from the savages, being forced to go a direction opposite to the house, pro- ceeded to a station about eight miles off, & communicated intelligence of what had been done at Brain's. A party of men equipped themselves and went immediately to the scene of action ; but the Indians had hastened homeward, as soon as they perpetrated their horrid cruelties. One of their little captives, (Benjamin Brain) being asked by them, " how many men were at the house," replied " twelve." To the question, " how far from thence was the nearest fort," he answered "two miles." Yet he well knew that there was no fort, nearer than eight miles, and that there was not a man at the house, Mr. Powell being from home, and the twelve travellers having departed, be- fore his father and he had gone out to [204] work. His object was to save his mother and the other women and children, from captivity or death, by inducing them to believe that it would be extremely dangerous to venture near the house. He succeeded in the attainment of his object. Deterred by the prospect of being discovered, and perhaps defeated by the superior force of the white men, represented to be at Mr. Brain's, they departed in the greatest hurry, taking with them their two little prisoners, Benjamin and Isaac Brain. So stilly had the whole affair been conducted (the re- port of a gun being too commonly heard to excite any sus- picion of what was doing,) and so expeditiously had the little boy who escaped, and the men who accompanied him back, moved in their course, that the first intimation given Mrs. Brain of the fate of her husband, was given by the men who came in pursuit. 282 Withers's Chronicles Soon after the happening of this affair, a party of In- dians came into the Buchannon settlement, and made prisoner Leonard Schoolcraft, a youth of about sixteen, who had been sent from the fort on sonde business. When arrived at their towns and arrangements being made for his running the gauntlet, he was told that he might defend himself against the blows of the young Indians who were to pursue him to the council house. Being active and athletic, he availed himself of this privilege, so as to save himself from the beating which he would otherwise have received, arid laying about him with well timed blows, fre- quently knocked down those who came near to him much to the amusement of the warriors, according to the account given by others, who were then prisoners and present. This was the last certain information which was ever had concerning him. He was believed however, to have been afterwards in his old neighborhood in the ca- pacity of guide to the Indians, and aiding them, by his knowledge of the country, in making successful incursions into it. In the month of June, at Martin's fort on Crooked Run, another murderous scene was exhibited by the sav- ages. The greater part of the men having gone forth early to their farms, and those who remained, being unap- prehensive of immediate danger, and consequently supine and careless, the fort was necessarily, easily accessible, and the vigilance of the savages who were lying hid around it, discovering its exposed and [205] weakened situation, seized the favorable moment to attack those who were without. The women were engaged in milking the cows outside the gate, and the men who had been left behind were loitering around. The Indians rushed forward, and killed and made prisoners of ten of them. James Stuart, James Smally and Peter Grouse, were the only persons who fell, and John Shiver and his wife, two sons of Stu- art, two sons of Smally and a son of Grouse, were carried into captivity. According to their statement upon their return, there were thirteen Indians in the party which surprised them, and emboldened by success, instead of re- treating with their prisoners, remained at a little distance Of Border Warfare. 283 from the fort 'till night, when they put the captives .in a waste house near, under custody of two of the savages, while the remaining eleven, went to see if they could not succeed in forcing an entrance at the gate. But the dis- aster of the morning had taught the inhabitants the ne- cessity of greater watchfulness. The dogs were shut out at night, and the approach of the Indians exciting them to bark freely, gave notice of impending danger, in time for them to avert it. The attempt to take the fort being thus frustrated, the savages returned to the house in which the prisoners were confined, and moved off with them to their towns. In August, two daughters of Captain David Scott living at the mouth of Pike run, going to the meadow with dinner for the mowers, were taken by some Indians who were watching the path. The younger was killed on the spot ; but the latter being taken some distance farther, and every search for her proving unavailing, her father fondly hoped that she had been carried into captivity, and that he might redeem her. For this purpose he visited Pitts- burg and engaged the service of a friendly Indian to as- certain where she was and endeavour to prevail on them to ransom her. Before his return from Fort Pitt, some of his neighbors directed to the spot by the buzzards hov- ering over it, found her half eaten and mutilated body. In September, Nathaniel Davisson and his brother, being on a hunting expedition up Ten Mile, left their camp early on the morning of the day on which they intended to return home ; and naming an hour at which they would be back, proceeded through the woods in different direc- tions. At the appointed time, Josiah went to the camp, and after waiting there in vain for the arrival of his brother, and becoming uneasy lest [206] some unlucky accident had befallen him, he set out in search of him. Unable to see or hear anything of him he returned home, and prevailed on several of his neighbors to aid in en- deavouring to ascertain his fate. Their search was like- wise unavailing ; but in the following March, he was found by John Read, while hunting in that neighborhood. He had been shot and scalped; and notwithstanding he had 284 Wit hers' s Chronicles lain out nearly six months, yet he was but little torn by wild beasts, and was easily recognized. During this year too, Tygarts Valley, which had es- caped being visited by the Indians in 1778 again heard their harrowing yells ; and although but little mischief was done by them while there, yet its inhabitants were awhile, kept in fearful apprehension that greater ills would betide them. In October of this year, a party of them lying in ambush near the road, fired several shots at Lieut. John White, riding by, but with no other effect than by wound- ing the horse to cause him to throw his rider. This was fatal to White. Being left on foot and on open ground, he was soon shot, tomahawked and scalped. As soon as this event was made known, Capt. Benja- min "Wilson, with his wonted promptitude and energy, raised a company of volunteers, and proceeding by forced marches to the Indian crossing at the mouth of the Sandy fork of Little Kenhawa, he remained there nearly three days with a view to intercept the retreat of the savages. They however, returned by another way and his scheme, of cutting them off while crossing the river, consequently failed. Some time after this several families in the Buchan- non settlement, left the fort and returned to their homes, under the belief that the season had advanced too far, for the Indians again to come among them. But they were sorely disappointed. The men being all assembled at the fort for the purpose of electing a Captain, some Indians fell upon the family of John Schoolcraft, and killed the women and eight children, two little boys only were taken prisoners. A small girl, who had been scalped and tomahawked 'till a portion of her brains was forced from her head, was found the next day yet alive, and continued to live for several days, the brains still oozing from the fracture of her skull. The last mischief that was done this fall, was perpe trated at the house of Samuel Cottrail near to the present town of Clarksburg. During the night considerable fear was excited, both at Cottrial's and at Sotha Hickman's on the opposite side of Elk creek, by the continued barking Of Border Warfare. 285 of the dogs, that Indians were lurking near, and in conse- quence of this apprehension Cottrial, on going to bed, se- cured well the doors and directed that no one should stir out in the morning until it was ascertained that there was no danger threatening. A while before day, Cottrial be- ing fast asleep, Moses Coleman, who lived with him, got up, shelled some corn, and giving a few ears to Cottrial's nephew with directions to feed the pigs around [207] the yard, went to the hand mill in an out house, and com- menced grinding. The little boy, being squatted down shelling the corn to the pigs, found himself suddenly drawn on his back and an Indian standing over him, order- ing him to lie there. The savage then turned toward the house in which Coleman was, fired, and as Coleman fell ran up to scalp him. Thinking this a favorable time for him to reach the dwelling house, the little boy sprang to his feet, and running to the door, it was opened and he admitted. Scarcely was it closed after him, when one of the Indians with his tomahawk endeavored to break it open. Cottrail fired through the door at him, and he went off. In order to see if others were about, and to have a better opportunity of shooting with effect, Cottrail as- cended the loft, and looking through a crevice saw them hastening away through the field and at too great distance for him to shoot with the expectation of injuring them. Yet he continued to fire and halloo ; to give notice of danger to those who lived near him. The severity of the following winter put a momentary stop to savage inroad, and gave to the inhabitants on the frontier an interval of quiet and repose extremely desir- able to them, after the dangers and confinement of the preceding season. Hostilities were however, resumed upon the first appearance of spring, and acts of murder and de- vastation, which had, of necessity, been suspended for a time, were begun to be committed, with a firm determina- tion on the part of the savages, utterly to exterminate the inhabitants of the western country. To effect this object, an expedition was concerted between the British com- mandant at Detroit and the Indian Chiefs north west of the Ohio to be carried on by their united forces against Withers's Chronicles . Kentucky, while an Indian army alone, was to penetrate North Western Virginia, and spread desolation over its surface. No means which could avail to ensure success and which lay within their reach, were left unemployed. The army destined to operate against Kentucky, was to consist of six hundred Indians and Canadians, to be com- manded by Gol. Byrd (a British officer) and furnished with every implement of destruction, from the war club of the savages, to the cannon of their allies. 1 Happily for North Western Virginia, its situation exempted its inhabitants from having to contend against these instruments of war; the want of roads prevented the transportation of cannon through the intermediate forests, and the difficulty and labor of propelling them up the Ohio river, forbade the attempt in that way. While the troops were collecting for these expeditions, and other preparations were making for carrying them on, the settlements of North Western Virginia were not free from invasion. Small parties of Indians would enter them at unguarded moments, and kill and plunder, whenever opportunities occurred of their being done with impunity, and then retreat to their villages. Early in March (1780) Thomas Lackey discovered some mocason tracks near the upper extremity of Tygarts Valley, and thought he heard a voice saying in [208] an under tone, " let him alone, he will go and bring more." Alarmed by these circumstances, he proceeded to Hadden's fort and told there what he had seen, and what he believed, he had heard. Being so early in the season and the weather yet far from mild, none heeded his tale, and but few believed it. On the next day however, as Jacob Warwick, William Warwick and some others from Greenbrier were about leaving the fort on theii return home, it was agreed that a company of men should accompany them some distance on the road. Un- apprehensive of danger, in spite of the warning of Lackey, they were proceeding carelessly on their vvay, when they were suddenly attacked by some Indians lying in ambush, 1 See p. 262, note, for account of Capt. Henry Bird's attack on Fort Laurens. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 287 near to the place, where the mocasou tracks had beeii seen on the preceding day. The men on horse back, all got safely off; but those on foot were less fortunate. The In- dians having occupied the pass both above and below, the footmen had no chance of escape but in crossing the river and ascending a steep bluff, on its opposite side. In at- tempting this several lost their lives. John McLain was killed about thirty yards from the brow of the hill. James Ralston, when a little farther up it, and James Crouch was wounded after having nearly reached its sum- mit, yet he got safely off and returned to the fort on the next day. John Nelson, after crossing over, endeavored to escape down the river; but being there met by a stout warrior, he too was killed, after a severe struggle. His shattered gun breech, the uptorn earth, and the locks of Indian hair in his yet clenched hands, showed that the victory over him had not been easily won. Soon after this, the family of John Gibson were sur- prised at their sugar camp, on a branch of the Valley river, and made prisoners. Mrs. Gibson, being incapable of supporting the fatigue of walking so far and fast, was tomahawked and scalped in the presence of her children. West's fort on Hacker's creek, was also visited by the savages, early in this year. 1 The frequent incursions of 1 Mr. McWhorter says that this fort stood on an eminence, where is now the residence of Minor C. Hall. Upon the fort being abandoned by the settlers, the Indians burned it. When the whites again returned to their clearings, a new fort was erected, locally called Beech Fort, " be- cause built entirely of beech logs beech trees standing very thick in this locality." Beech Fort was not over 500 yards from the old West Fort; it was " in a marshy flat, some 75 yards east of the house built by the pioneer Henry McWhorter, and still extant as the residence of Ned J. Jackson." In the same field where Beech Fort was, "Alexander West discovered an Indian one evening ; he fired and wounded him in the shoulder. The Indian made off, and fearing an ambuscade West would not venture in pursuit. Two weeks later, he ventured to hunt for the red man. Two miles distant, on what is now known as Life's Run, a branch of Hacker's Creek, the dead savage was found in a cleft of rocks, into which he had crawled and miserably perished. His shoulder was badly crushed by West's bullet." Henry McWhorter, born in Orange County, N. Y., November 13, 1760, was a soldier in the Revolution, from 1777 to the close. In 1784, he settled about two miles from West's Fort; three years later, he 288 Withers' s Chronicles the Indians into this settlement, in the year 1778, had caused the inhabitants to desert their homes the next year, and shelter themselves in places of greater security ; but being unwilling to give up the improvements which they had already made and commence anew in the woods, some few families returned to it during the winter, & on the approach of spring, moved into the fort. They had not been long here, before the savages made their appear- ance, and continued to invest the fort for some time. Too weak to sally out and give them battle, and not knowing when to expect relief, the inhabitants were almost reducer! to despair, when Jesse Hughs resolved at his own hazard, to try to obtain assistance to drive off the enemy. Leav- ing the fort at night, he broke by their sentinels and ran with speed to the Buchannon fort. Here he prevailed on a party of the men to accompany him to West's, and relieve those who had been so long confined there. They arrived before day, and it was thought advisable to abandon the place once more, and remove to Buchannon. On their way, the [209] Indians used every artifice to separate the party, so as to gain an advantageous opportunity of attack- ing them ; but in vain. They exercised so much caution, and kept so well together, that every stratagem was frus- trated, arid they all reached the fort in safety. Two days after this, as Jeremiah Curl, Henry Fink and Edmund West, who were old men, and Alexan- der West, 1 Peter Outright, and Simon Schoolcraft, were returning to the fort with some of their neighbor's property, they were fired at by the Indians who were moved nearer to the fort, and there built the house of hewn logs, men- tioned above, which " is to-day in a good state of preservation." Mc- Whorter died February 4, 1848. R. G. T. 1 Alexander West was prominent as a frontier scout. Rev. J. M. McWhorter, who saw him frequently, gives this description of him : "A tall, spare-built man, very erect, strong, lithe, and active ; dark-skinned, prominent Roman nose, black hair, very keen eyes; not handsome, rather raw-boned, but with an air and mien that commanded the atten- tion and respect of those with whom he associated. Never aggressive, he lifted his arm against the Indians only in time of war." West died in 1834. His house of hewed logs is, with its large barn, still standing and occupied by his relatives, about a mile east of the site of West's Fort. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 289 lying concealed along a run bank. Curl was slightly wounded under the chin, but disdaining to fly without making a stand he called to his companions, "stand your ground, for we are able to whip them" At this instant a lusty warrior drew a tomahawk from his belt and rushed towards him. Nothing daunted by the danger which seemed to threaten him, Curl raised his gun ; but the pow- der being damped by the blood from his wound, it did not fire. He instantly picked up West's gun (which he had been carrying to relieve "West of part of his burden) and discharging it at his assailant, brought him to the ground. The whites being by this time rid of their encum- brances, the Indians retreated in two parties and pursued different routes, not however without being pursued. Alexander "West being swift of foot, soon came near enough to fire, and brought down a second, but having only wounded him, and seeing the Indians spring be- hind trees, he could not advance to finish him ; nor could he again shoot at him, the flint having fallen out when he first fired. Jackson (who was hunting sheep not far off) hearing the report of the guns, ran towards the spot, and being in sight of the Indian when West shot, saw him fall and afterwards recover and hobble off. Simon School- craft, following after "West, came to him just after Jack- son, with his gun cocked; and asking where the Indians were, was advised by Jackson to get behind a tree, or they would soon let him know where they were. In- stantly the report of a gun was heard, and Schoolcraft let fall his arm. The ball had passed through it, and striking a steel tobacco box in his waistcoat pocket, did him no farther injury. Cutright, when West fired at one of the Indians, saw another of them drop behind a log, and changing his position, espied him, where the log was a little raised from the earth. With steady nerves, he drew upon him. The moaning cry of the savage, as he sprang from the ground and moved haltingly away, convinced them that the shot had taken effect. The rest of the In- dians continued behind trees, until they observed a rein- forcement coming up to the aid of the whites, and they 19 290 Withers's Chronicles fled with the utmost precipitancy. Night soon coming on, those who followed them, had to give over the pursuit. A company of fifteen men went early next morning to the battle ground, and taking the trail of the Indians and pursuing it some distance, came to where they had some horses (which they had stolen after the skirmish) hobbled out on a fork of Hacker's creek. They [210] then found the plunder which the savages had taken from neighbor- ing houses, and supposing that their wounded warriors were near, the whites commenced looking for them, when a gun was fired at them by an Indian concealed in a laurel thicket, which wounded John Outright. 1 The whites then caught the stolen horses and returned with them and the plunder to the fort. For some time after this, there was nothing occurring to indicate the presence of Indians in the Buchannon set- tlement, and some of those who were in the fort, hoping that they should not be again visited by them this season, determined on returning to their homes. Austin School- craft was one of these, and being engaged in removing some of his property from the fort, as he and his niece were passing through a swamp in their way to his house, they were shot at by some Indians. Mr. Schoolcraft was killed and his niece taken prisoner. In June, John Owens, John Juggins and Owen Owens, were attacked by some Indians, as they were going to their cornfield on Booth's creek ; and the two former were killed and scalped. Owen Owens being some distance behind them, made his escape to the fort. John Owens the younger, who had been to the pasture field for the plough horses, heard the guns, but not suspecting any danger to be near, rode forward towards the cornfield. As he was proceeding along the path by a fence side, riding one and leading another horse, he was fired at by several Indians, some of whom afterwards rushed forward and caught at the bridle reins; yet he escaped unhurt from them all. 1 L. V. McWhorter says: " The branch of Hacker's creek on which John Outright was wounded, is now known as Laurel Lick, near Berlin, W. Va." For notice of Outright, see p. 137, note. R. G. T. Of Border Warfare. 291 The savages likewise visited Cheat river, during the spring, and coming to the house of John Sims, were dis- covered by a negro woman, who ran immediately to the door and alarmed the family. Bernard Sims (just recov- ering from the small pox) taking down his gun, and going to the door, was shot. The Indians, perceiving that he was affected with a disease, of all others the most terrify- ing to them, not only did not perform the accustomed operation of scalping, but retreated with as much rapidity, as if they had been pursued by an overwhelming force of armed men, exclaiming as they ran "small pox, small pox" After the attack on Donnelly's fort in May 1778, the Indians made no attempt to effect farther mischiefs in the Greenbrier country, until this year. The fort at Point Pleasant guarded the principal pass to the settlements on the Kenhawa, in the Levels, and on Greenbrier river, and the reception with which they had met at Col. Donnelly's, convinced them that not much was to be gained by incur- sions into that section of the frontiers. But as they were now making great preparations for effectual operations against the whole border country, a party of them was despatched to this portion of it, at once for the purpose of rapine and murder, and to ascertain the state of the country and its capacity to resist invasion. The party then sent into Greenbrier consisted of twenty-two [211] warriors, and committed their first act of atrocity near the house of Lawrence Drinnan, a few miles above the Little Levels. Henry Baker and Richard Hill, who were then staying there, going early in the morning to the river to wash, were shot at by them: Baker was killed, but Hill escaped back to the house. When the Indians fired at Baker, he was near a fence be- tween the river and Drinnan's and within gunshot of the latter place. Fearing to cross the fence for the purpose of scalping him, they prized it up, and with a pole fastening a noose around his neck, drew him down the river bank & scalped and left him there. Apprehensive of an attack on the house, Mr. Drinnan made such preparations as were in his power to repel 292 Withers'* Chronicles them, and despatched a servant to the Little Levels, with the intelligence and to procure assistance. He presently returned with twenty men, who remained there during the night, but in the morning, seeing nothing to contradict the belief that the Indians had departed, they buried Baker, and set out on their return to the Levels, taking with them all who were at Drinnan's and the most of his property. Arrived at the fork of the road, a question arose whether they should take the main route, leading through a gap which was deemed a favorable situation for an ambuscade, or continue on the farther but more open and secure way. A majority preferred the latter; but two young men, by the name of Bridger, separated from the others, and travelling on the nearer path, were both killed at the place, where it was feared danger might be lurking. The Indians next proceeded to the house of Hugh Mclver, where they succeeded in killing its owner, and in making prisoner his wife ; and in going from thence, met with John Prior, who with his wife and infant were on their way to the country on the south side of the Big Kenawha. Prior was shot through the breast, but anxious for the fate of his wife and child, stood still, 'till one of the Indians came up and laid hold on him. Notwith- standing the severe wound which he had received, Prior proved too strong for his opponent, and the other Indians not interfering, forced him at length to disengage himself from the struggle. Prior, then seeing that no violence was offered to Mrs. Prior or the infant, walked off without any attempt being made to stop, or otherwise molest him : the Indians no doubt suffering him to depart under the expectation that he would obtain assistance and endeavor to regain his wife and child, and that an opportunity of waylaying any party coming with this view, would be [212] then afforded them. Prior returned to the settle- ment, related the above incidents and died that night. His wife and child were never after heard of, and it is highly probable they were murdered on their way, as being unable to travel as expeditiously as the Indians wished. They next went to a house, occupied by Thomas Of Border Warfare. 293 Drinnon and a Mr. Smith with their families, where they made prisoners of Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Drinnon and a child ; and going then towards their towns, killed, on their way, an old gentleman hy the name of Monday and his wife. This was the last outrage committed by the Indians in the Greenbrier settlements. And although the war was car- ried on by them against the frontier settlements, with en- ergy for years after, yet did they not again attempt an incursion into it. Its earlier days had been days of tribu- lation and wo, and those who were foremost in occupying and forming settlements in it, had to endure all that sav- age fury could inflict. Their term of probation, was in- deed of comparatively short duration, but their sufferings for a time, were many and great. The scenes of murder and blood, exhibited on Muddy creek and the Big Levels in 1776, will not soon be effaced from the memory ; and the lively interest excited in the bosoms of many, for the fate of those who there treacherously perished, unabated by time, still gleams in the countenance, when tradition recounts the tale of their unhappy lot. 294 Withers's Chronicles [213] CHAPTER XIII. Early in June 1780, every necessary preparation hav- ing been previously made, the Indian and Canadian forces destined to invade Kentucky, moved from their pla