:RSITY of CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA y ^wwm ^ ^ RSITY OF CALIFORNIA QjJ V£i LIBRARV OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GtLIFORIIU > ^^k iuuu4 ^ m?¥t>m <> t-w^44U JNIVERSITY OF CUiFORNiA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALiFORNiA INIVERSITY OF CALiFORNiA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA INIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA ^^>^d** because " men who do their duty with credit and ability are not proper instruments for Lord Barrington to work with 5 they cannot be brought to connive at his jobs and underhand dealings;" and, among other reasons, because *^ Lord Barrington feels himself uneasy while men with such qualifications are about him.** 42 It is unnecessary to pursue this portion of our proofs any further. Mr. Francis and Junius are by these last letters completely identified. The reader will observe, that during the whole period of the publication of the letters of Junius, Mr. Francis was a chief clerk in the War- Office ; — that for a considerable time Lord Har- rington was the constant subject of attack from the pen of Junius ; that several of his last letters are solely occupied in addresses to his Lordship; and that j^om the time of Mr. Francises quitting the War-Office^ neither Lord Barrington nor the public have heard any thing more of Junius. 43 We shall now consider such other particuiars of the character of Junius as are known to the public, and shew how exactly they apply those gentlemen who are the subject of our pre- sent investigation. One of the persons composing the character of J UNI us possessed a considerable degree of legal knowledge; and numerous phrases might be cited, to -evince his familiar acquaintance with the lan- guage of the profession. Yet Junius expressly declares, without elsewhere contradicting or qua^ lifying the assertion — " I am no lawyer hy pro- fession ; nor do I pretend to be more deeply read than every English gentleman should be, in the laws of his country. If, therefore, the principles I maintain are truly constitutional, I shall not think myself answered, though I should be con- victed of a mistake in terms, or of misapplying the language of the law." Junius^ vol. i. p. ii. Preface. Again, in a private letter to Wilkes. ** Though I use the terms of art, do not injure me so much as to suspect I am a lawyer. — I had as lief be a Scotchman." JuniuSy vol. i. p. 312. But while he declares his aversion to the pro- fession, and his contempt for the practice of the law, it is evident, from his works, that he was 44 profoundly acquainted with its principles. And in a letter to Woodfall, on the subject of his trial for publishing the Letter to the King, he expresses his opinion with an air of legal au- thority. *^ I have carefully perused the Information. It is so loose and ill drawn, that I am persuaded Mr. De Grey- could not have had a hand in it. Their inserting the whole, proves they had no strong passages to fix on. I still think it will not be tried. If it should, it is not pos- sible for a jury to find you guilty." Junius, vol. I. p. *209. We may collect from these extracts, and from the whole tenor of his writings, that though Ju- nius was certainly no lawyer by profession, he was deeply versed in the science of jurispru- dence ; and, as he himself declares, " well knew the practice of the Court, and by what rules it ought to be directed." Junius, vol. ii. p. 409. Mr. Francis was no lawyer by profession. But his abilities, as a civilian and a statesman, may be estimated from the following account. It fortunately affords a testimony of his uncom- mon talents and attainments, at the very time when the Letters of Junius were written. It was resolved by Parliament that some at- tempt should be made to reform the abuses in the government of India. 45 " Accordingly, Lord North, then in the zenith of his power, introduced a bill for this purpose, in 3773, con- taining a variety of regulations, by which the civil go- vernment of Bengal was to be vested in a governor-gene- ral and council, while the juridical administration was to be confided to a supreme court of judicature. ** In conformity to the first of these plans, it was de- termined to send out three persons of known integrity and talents, not only to enforce the act in question, but also to constitute a majority in the council ; by means of which the improvident expenditure in the revenue might be controlled, the grievances of the country powers re- dressed, the interests of the company benefited, and the honour of the English name, which was supposed, not without truth, to have been tarnished by malversation and oppression, restored to its wonted lustre. '^ For the completion of these honourable purposes, two soldiers and one civilian were selected. Sir John Clavering, the commander in chief, was a man of some military reputation, and possessed a high character for in- tegrity. — Colonel Monson, the second, who had served and distinguished himself in India, possessed an unim- peachable reputation ; — and Mr. Philip Francis, then in the bloom of manhood, had at once the merit and good fortune of being selected as the last of this respect- able triumvirate. Young, however,. as he might be, he was the man of business selected to organize the plans y dU rect the proceedings^ and regulate the conduct of the whole*:' If, on this head, further evidence were neces- sary, we might quote the words of Mr. Burke, * Pub. Char. I8O9. when he describes the situation^of Mr. Francis on his return to England in 1781- ** This man, whose deep reach of thought^ whose large legislative co7iceptions, and whose grand plans of polici/ make the most shining part of our reports, from whence we have all learned our lessons, if we have learned any good ones ; this man, from whose materials those gentle- men, who have least acknowledged it, have yet spoken, as from a brief ; this man, driven from his employment, discountenanced by the directors, has had no other re- ward, and no other distinction, but that imvard *' sun- shine of the soul, which a good conscience can always bestow upon itself." Burke's Works, vol. IV. p. 101. From these testimonies, and a multitude of others that might be adduced, it is apparent that Sir Philip Francis, even at that early period, was, in all the requisites of legal knowledge, fully competent to the production of the Letters of Junius. Junius was so universally suspected to be an Irishmany or of Irish descent, that any attempt to prove it from his writings would be unneces- sary for our present purpose. A writer, who signs himself O.voniensis, men- tions some of JuNius's Hibernicisms, and endea- 47 vours to prove, from these expressions, that Mr. Burke was the author. We shall quote one pa- ragraph of this letter, chiefly for the sake of the proof it brings, that Junius, whoever he might be, was a member of the University oi Dublin. *' Edmund received his education amongst the Irish Jesuits at St. Omer's, and finished his studies in Ireland. If any one will take the trouble of reading over the Let- ters of Junius, he will find that Edmund, notwithstanding all his ' care and pains,' sometimes falls into Hiberm- ctsmS, In one place he says, ' make common cause:' this is not English, though, to be sure, the phrase is com- mon enough in Dublin* In JuNius's Letter of the 1 3th of August, he talks of * the sophistries of a collegian :' this expression is not English ; and the word collegia?! is never used in this sense, except in the college of Dublin, and (perhaps) of St. Omer's. We say, indeed, fellow- collegian ; but at the great schools here, those of the col- lege are called collegers : and at our two Universities the members of a college are called gownsmen ; at Dublin they are called collegiansJ' Though Oxoniensis was wrong in his suspi- cions of Mr. Burke, his arguments to prove that Junius was, in his sense of the word, a collegian^ are worth our notice. Baker, in his biography of Dr. Francis, af- fords us very few particulars of his life ; but what he says is strictly consistent with the preceding inferences ; 48 " This gentleman is of Irish extraction, if not born in that kingdom. His father was a dignified clergyman, being dean of some cathedral, and also rector of St. Mary's, Dublin, from whence he was ejected by the court, on ac- count of his Tory principles, after he had enjoyed the living eighteen years. His son was also bred to the church, and had a doctor's degree conferred on him," We are further told, by the biographer of Sir Philip, that Dr. Francis " received his educa- tion <2^ the University of the Holy Trinity y Dub- lin, and obtained the degree of D.D. there*." Tiiese accounts tally so exactly with the con- clusions attempted to be drawn in the preceding letter, that we cannot but regard them as mate- rial corroborations of our general opinion. The editor of Junius, in his Preliminary Essay, at the same time that he notices the currency of the charge, inclines to the belief that Junius is not proved by internal evidence to belong to any particular country. His words are as follow : " Of those who have critically analyzed the style of his compositions, some have pretended to prove, that he must necessarily have been of Irish descent, or Irish edu- cation, from the peculiarity of his idioms; — while, to shew how little dependence is to be placed upon any such ob- servations, others have equally pretended to prove, from a similar investigation, that he could not have been a na- tive of either Scotland or Ireland, nor have studied in any * Pub. Char. iSOp. 49 university of either of those countries. The fact is, that there are a few phraseologies in his Letters peculiar to himself ; such as occur in the compositions of all original writers of great force and genius, but which are neither indicative of any particular race, nor referable to any pro- vincial dialect." Juniusy V. i. p. *88. This same conclusion may, with almost as much propriety, be drawn from an examination of the avowed works of Du. Francis, as there is scarcely one peculiar expression in the whole of his Demosthenes and Horace, of which an example cannot also be found in the last edition of the works of Junius. These expressions abound in some letters more than in others ; but this may be owing to the superior care bestowed upon the composition of those pieces wherein they are less frequent, and to the critical powers of that duplex character displayed in the osten- sible productions of Junius. But even these latter are not totally free from singular forms of expression, many of which may, with ease, be traced in the undoubted writings of the Doctor. Let us not be understood to affirm this univer- sally ; for we are persuaded that more than one person was concerned in the production of these Letters. Internal evidence supports this opinion. But whether they were the compositions of E 50 the Son, strengthened by the profound remarks, the sarcastic wit, and the happy expression of the Father: or whether the Father dictated, while the Son held the pen, enHvening and il- lustrating the work as it proceeded, with his own sprightly and pertinent suggestions, it is not for us to determine. Be this as it may, there certainly appears, throughout the work, a va- riety of style, irreconcileable with the idea, that only one person was the author. This difference is especially apparent in the use of the relative pronoun. Sometimes it is inserted as frequently as it can be : at others, it is omitted to so great a degree as to form a remarkable character in the style of this great English classic. We can- not therefore assert, that every singularity in the language of Junius is to be paralleled by pas- sages from the works of Dr. Francis. But with neryfew exceptions we may make this declara- tion. And, with still fewer, we may venture to affirm, that all the peculiarities of language in the writings of Dr. Francis, are discernible in some part or other of the works of Junius. The quotations we shall bring forward under the head of internal evidence, will tend both to illus- trate and justify this position. 51 In consequence of the extensive range of his subjects, and the boldness with which he at- tacked every kind of political dehnquency, when Junius overlooked a flagrant case of malversa- tion, it was supposed to proceed from his secret partiality for the man* His forbearance towards Lord Holland was so uniform that it could not pass unnoticed ; and inferences were accordingly drawn from the fact to prove, that the writer was in some degree connected with his Lordship. His vvas a case indeed which might naturally be expected to call forth all the " generous rage of Junius." But on this subject he was inflex- ibly silent. This reserve on the part of Junius could not proceed from his ignorance of the particulars of an affair which was so generally known to the public. Nor was he so unacquainted with his lordship and his family as not to be able to make the attack in his usual caustic manner. Sus- pecting that his lordship's son, the late Mr. Fox, was the author of some remarks which appeared under the signature of " an old Correspondent,^^ Junius concludes his answer to this gentleman in the following words. " This my pretty Black Bai/ calls a retractation of JuNius's first concession, and applies to his aged father E 2 52 for ah old woman's proverb. — Junius speaks oi softening the symptoms of a disorder. The Black Boy changes the terms again, and destroys the allusion. The rest of his letter is of a piece with these instances ; a misrepre- sentation of JuNiu§, equally pert, false, and stupid. Ex his disce omnia. •* I know nothing of Junius, but I see plainly, that he has designedh/ spared Lord Holland and his family.— Whether Lord Holland be invulnerable, or whether Ju- nius should be wantonly provoked, are questions worthy the Black Boy^s consideration." Junius i vol. iii. p. 410. As Lord FloUand did- not owe his safety to our author's ignorance, of his history^ it is not very likely that it proceeded from any general esteem that he might entertain for his public character. Men whose conduct and principles were far more likely to win the regard of Ju- nius, were not without the utmost difficulty able to obtain and preserve it. As long as a doubt remained of the rectitude of their intentions, he examined their proceedings with a watchful eye ; and at the first appearance of impropriety, he interfered, and expressed his warmest resent- ment. The jealousy of Junius in all that concerned the public good, made him at one time regard 53 even Lord Chatham as a traitor to his coun- try.* As long as he was thus suspected, his Lord- ship felt the full force of our author's indigna- tion. When, at a subsequent period, Junius arrived at a better understanding of that Noble- man's character ; — ^when he saw him " gal- lantly throw away the scabbard"f and stand up in defence of the rights of the people, a decided change took place in his opinions. But the manner in which he avows this alteration in his sentiments, shews with what care and de- liberation it was made. ** I did not intend to make a public declaration of the respect I bear Lord Chatham. I well knew what unworthy conclusions would be drawn from it. But I am called upon to deliver my opinion, and surely it is not in the little censure of Mr. Home, to deter me from doing signal justice to a man, who, I confess, has grown upon my esteem. As for the common sordid views of avarice, or any purpose of vulgar ambition, I question whether the applause of Junius would be of service to Lord Chat- ham. My vote will hardly recommend him to an in- crease of his pension, or to a seat in the Cabinet. But, if his ambition be upon a level with his understanding, — if he judges of what is truly honourable for himself, with the same superior genius which animates and directs him to eloquence in debate, to wisdom in decision, even the pen * Jmiusy vol.ii. p. 458. f Vol i. p. *231. 54 of Junius shall contribute to reward him. Recorded honours shall gather round his monument and thicken over him. It is a solid fabric, and will support the lau- rels that adorn it. — I am not conversant in the language of panegyric. — These praises are extorted from me, but they will wear well, for they have been dearly earned." Junius, V. ii. p. 310. The same disposition to censure those men whose principles were in reality not at any time very different from his own, is observable in his conduct to Lord Camden. He was once *' Judge Jefferyes/' with" the Laws of England under his feet, and before his distorted vision a dagger which he calls the Law of Nature, and which marshals him the v/ay to the murder of the constitution.'* — V. ii. p. 472. After a lapse of five years, during which Lord Camden had sufficiently evinced his at- tachment to the genuine principles of the con- stitution, his public virtue drew from Junius the following acknowledgment of esteem. — "I turn, with pleasure, from that barren waste, in which no salutary plant takes root, no verdure quickens, to a character fertile, as I willingly believe, in every great and good qualification." — V. ii. p. 441. While such men as these were hardly for- given, we cannot but wonder that Lord Hoi- 55 krxd should escape. It was certainly no com- mon cause that could produce so decided a partiality. Nor was it any consideration of a public nature, for that would have operated in other instances. The reasons, whatever they were, that led to this mysterious behaviour, must have been wholly of a private kind. — Junius must have been secretly attached to Lord Holland by the closest ties. In such a cause as this it was not possible for him to be indifferent, and as he evidently was not a foe, it is fair to presume that he was a friend. But we are not left to doubt of the attach- ment of Junius to the late Lord Holland. In his private letters to Woodfall he expressly says, *' / wish Lord Holland may acquit himself with honou7\ If his cause be good, he should at once have published that account, to which he refers in his letter to the Mayor." — V. i. p.*l74. Let us then proceed to consider how far this partiality for Lord Holland and his family affects that gentleman to whom we attribute an im- portant share in the production of the Letters of Junius. — We must again refer to his biographer. Dr. Francis's Translation of Horace made his name known in England about the year 1743. Some time after its publication he ap- pears to have come over to England ; where in ^* 66 1753 he published the first vol. of his Translation of Demosthenes.* — In 1752 appeared the Tra- gedy of Eugenia. And in 1754 that of Con- stantine. — He published the 2d vol. of Demos- thenes in I755.t ** Towards the beginning of the present reign Dr. Francis entered the lists as a political writer; and, ayyiong other persons of distinction^ lived in great intimacy with Lord Hollandy the father of the late Mr. Fox, who was then a great favourite at court, and consulted by his Majesty on many trying occasions, *' How far this circumstance may have been accom- panied by any beneficial consequences, we are not pre- pared to decide. As to himself, he was promoted to the rectory of Barrow, in Suffolk, a living of considerable amount, and this he held along with the Chaplaincy of Chelsea Hospital, the latter of which he appears to have retained from 1764 to 1768." Pub. Char, 1809. Dr. Francis was also the Chaplain of Lord Holland ; and his translation of Demosthenes was dedicated to his Lordship. In expectation of a refusal, if he had applied for permission to make this dedication to his patron, he adds, " but who would bear being much obliged, if he were * The date prefixed to the work is 1 757 and 1758. f Baker's Biog, Dram, and Biog. Diet. 57 forbidden to acknowledge the obligation, or why should gratitude be the only virtue you seem unwilling to encourage ? But, Sir, I had other motives to this address ; I would inform our men of genius and learning that this was the only literary work proposed to the public during your continuance in administration, and that it was in a particular manner honoured with your protection." But Dr. Francis was not only honoured with the friendship and patronage of his Lordship, we are informed that he was also the tutor of his Son ; and, if Doctor Francis was indeed the author of the Letters of Junius, it is a singular and very satisfactory circumstance, that Mr. Fox was indebted to so firm a friend of liberty for any part of his education. The intimacy of Dr. Francis with Lord Holland, his situation in that nobleman's family, and the preferment he had received through his intervention, were circumstances clearly sufficient to produce that silence which in Junius is so remarkable. Attached to Lord Holland by gratitude and friendship, he could not, consistently with honour, arraign his pub- lic conduct. Besides, whatever remarks he might think proper to make, would be heard in private with greater prospects of advantage. These considerations appear to us powerful enough to lay restraint upon the pen of Junius. We think, at the same time, nothing short of these ties could limit his exertions in the service of his country. By means of the opportunities which were afforded him by his connection with the family of Lord Holland, Dr. Francis would un- avoidably acquire that peculiar knowledge of the affairs of the Court which is so conspicuous in Junius. We have seen that Lord Holland *^ was then a great favourite at court, and consulted by his Majesty on many trying oc- casions." With this key, we are no longer at a loss to ascertain the source whence Junius might derive his anecdotes of the King — of the Princess Dowager of Wales — of the brutal conduct of the Duke of Bedford towards his Sovereign — of the secret intelligence concern- ing Junius conveyed by Garrick to Richmond, — and of those changes in the superior depart- ments of Administration, with which he was so promptly made acquainted. But if it appears improbable that from this single channel our author should have derived a knowledge of such various particulars, let it be recollected that he was in other respects intimately con- nected with high life and the literary world. 59 He was the Chaplain and intimate friend of Lord Chesterfield, to whom he dedicates his tragedy of Constantine, in terms which shew the mutual regard which subsisted between them. '' As I may probably,** says our author, " never have another opportunity, certainly not in this kind of writing, of pubhcly professing my re- spect, my esteem, I had almost said, my affec- tion for your lordship, may I not be forgiven, if I dedicate, not the Play, but its Author; not his Poetry y but his Understanding and his Heart T' The acquaintance which Dr. Francis main- tained among eminent literary men may be in- ferred from various anecdotes which are related of him. Of his fondness for London and literary society, even as early as 17o2, Mr. Gibbon, the historian, who was at that time his pupil, accidentally affords the following testimony. — " My unexpected recovery again encouraged the hope of my education; and I was placed at Esher in Surrey, in the house of the Rev. Mr. Philip Francis, in a pleasant spot, which pro- mised to unite the various benefits of air, exer- cise, and study. The Translator of Horace might have taught me to relish the Latin poets, had not my friends discovered, in a few weeks, that he preferred the pleasures of London to the instruction of his pupils.*' 60 The circumstances connected with Garrick's interference for the purpose of discovering the author of the Letters of Junius, deserve more particular consideration. Junius writes thus to Woodfall, in a private letter, dated Nov. 8, 1771 :— " (secret). ** Beware of David Garrick — he was sent to pump you, and went directly to Richmond to tell the King I should write no more." Juniusy vol. i. p. *228. Two days after this, he sends the following letter to Woodfall, to be by him transcribed and forwarded to Garrick. ** To Mr. David Garrick, ** I am very exactly informed of your impertinent inquiries, and of the information you so busily sent to Richmond, and with what triumph and exultation it was received. I knew every particular of it the next day. Now, mark me, vagabond, keep to your pantomimes, or, be assured, you ihall hear of it ; meddle no more, thou busy informer ! It is in my power to make you curse the hour in which you dared to interfere with " Junius." 61 ** I would send the above to Garrick directly, but tliat / would avoid having this hand too com7nonh/ seen. Oblige me, then, so much as to have it copied in any hand, and sent by the penny-post ; that is, if you dislike sending it in your own writing. I must be more cautious than ever. I am sure I should not survive a discovery three days ; or if I did, they would attaint me by bill. Change to the Somerset Coffee-House^ and let no mortal know the alteration^ Junius^ vol. i. p. *2ll9i &c. From an explanation which Woodfall gave him, of the means by which Garrick obtained his intelligence, Junius desires Woodfall to " drop the note," adding, " the truth is, that in order to curry favour, he made himself a greater rascal than he was. Depend upon what I tell you, the King understood that he had found out the secret by his own cunning and activity. — As it is important to deter him from meddling, I desire you will tell him that I am aware of his practices, and will certainly be revenged if he does not desist. An appeal to the public from Junius would destroy him." At the end of the same letter he again changes his opinion, and desires Woodfall to send the note. " Upon reflection,** says he, " I think it absolutely necessary to send that note to D. G. only say practices instead of impertinent inquiries,*' For the space of three weeks after, he still continued under the greatest apprehensions of 6^2 being discovered by Garrick, occasionally ex- pressing his fears to Woodfall. If Garrick was at all likely to be acquainted with the hand-writing of Junius, or if there was any possibility that he could know the person of the messenger employed by Junius, we see at once sufficient causes for his alarm, and for the above precautions. Under no other supposition than that of Garrick's knowledge of him in his proper person, dan we account for the excessive fears that were entertained of Garrick by the writer of these Letters. Supposing Dr. Francis to be the author of Junius, he would have had sufficient cause to dread being discovered by these means/ Gar- rick and he were in the habit of meeting at the houses of Lord Holland, of Foote, and of other mutual friends. They were upon terms of intimacy, and even of friendship. Garrick had brought out, at Drury-lane, Dr. Francis'^ tragedy of Eugenia, in which he performed the principal part, that of Merc our. The acknow- ledgment which the author makes of his exer- tions upon this occasion, is a proof of the good understanding which subsisted between them. " Mr. Garrick is entitled to my sincerest grati- tude for his performance as an actor, and for his punctuality as a manager. But his assistance in a thousand alterations, his strong good sense. 63 with that spirit of theatrical criticism which is his peculiar natural genius, give him a right to a great share of that applause with which this play was received. The rest is friendship and esteem.'^ That our author really entertained a favour- able opinion of Garrick, and only spoke of him with severity from the extreme apprehensions of being discovered, appears from his readiness to receive as an excuse for Garrick's conduct, the declaration of Woodfall, that the information of Junius having ceased writing was obtained by Garrick from mere accident, and not in conse- quence of any inquiry made by him into the circumstance. Indeed from a man of Junius's temper, the remark which he makes, that Garrick ** in order to curry favour made himself a greater rascal than he was,'* is a proof that he held him in no light estimation. It was customary with Junius to express his displeasure in language so far different from that which he employs on this occasion, that by the comparison, a phrase which elsewhere would seem by no means a kind or a courtly one, almost conveys a compliment. 64 The next circumstance that we shall notice, is one whereon it will be unnecessary to dwell. It is well known that Junius, from the singular freedom of some of his allusions to relisrious subjects, was accused, though without founda- tion, of being an atheist or a deist. It is worth remarking, that Churchill, with as little reason, styles Dr. Francis, " The atheist chaplain of an atheist Lord." In a note on this passage we are informed, that the circumstances most likely to have occasioned the poet's enmity to Dr. Francis, were his having been employed as a writer in defence of Government, at the commencement of the present reign, and his connection with Lord Holland. Except such evidence as relates generally to the talents and principles of our respective authors, we know not of any circumstance that now remains to be considered. We hasten, therefore, to that portion of our work which regards the conformity of their style and senti- ments. Under the head of internal evidence we pro- pose to consider, first, the peculiar expressions and style of composition, and secondly, the ge- neral opinions and principles of the writers. Remarkable expressions can scarcely be ex- pected to abound in Junius. He prided him- self on the extreme care and labour which he had bestowed on his compositions. They were pruned of every unnecessary epithet, in order that its luxuriance being repressed, the language might become more vigorous and expriessive. The character of his style was exquisitely wrought and polished up to the perfection of ideal beauty. It were no wonder, therefore, if we scarcely dis- cern the lineaments of a family resemblance in the works which we purpose to compare with Junius, allowing they were all the acknowledged productions of the same mind^ There is another reason why th^ author, who- ever he were, would, as far as possible, remove all resemblance between the style of Junius and his other works. He would justly fear that the internal evidence which all compositions, by the same hand, afford of their common origin, espe- cially to those who are accustomed to regard the nicer distinctions in phraseology, would be «. «6 an obvious means of discovering that secret, on the concealment of which he thought even his Jife depended. Under this impression, if he were sensible of any peculiarities, it would be the constant object of his solicitude to remove them. And if the principal writer were himself un- able to detect the varieties of phrase which dis- tinguished his productions, he had in the present instance an able coadjutor, whose critical saga- city would no doubt be unceasingly, and in ge- neral successfully exerted to point them out. This is at least probable, according to the view we have taken of the compoitind character of Junius. Thus carefully guarded from peculiar words and phrases, the pages of Junius cannot be (ex- pected to furnish many proofs for our purpose^ Yet with the works to which we have compared them, they exhibit so striking a coincidence in some uncommon instances, that, as far as this kind of evidence can prove any thing, we think we may be allowed to claim its suffrages. We beg to observe that the examples we shall adduce are taken at random, and by no means constitute the whole of each particular class. They are intended rather to serve as specimens of the more remarkable of those peculiarities of 67 expression which are to be found in the writings of Junius. The quotations from Dr. Francis are care- fully selected from the original pieces in his edi- tions of Horace and Demosthenes. 1. To conclude: in the unusual sense of ^o infer ^ to make an inference. Junius. Dr. Francis. I would engage your fa- Thiis from the absurdity vourable attention to what of the fabulous system, he I am going to say to you ; may conclude the falsehood and I intreat you not to be of the Christian religion, too hasty in concluding ^ from Horace^ vol. i. p. 28 1*. the apparent tendency of this letter, to any possible interests or connexions of my own. Vol. i. p.*264. Besides the favourable presumption that ought to operate for possession, the whole conduct of the Trea- sury gives me a right to con* dude against them. Vol. iu. p. 55. F 2 68 ^. To pronounce : to affirm sohmnty. Junius- As far as the probability of argument extends) we may safely -pronounce^ that a conjuncture which threat- ens the very being of this country, has b6en wilfully prepared and forwarded by our own Ministry. Vol.il. p. 191. To 'pronounce fairly upon their conduct, It was neces- sary to wait until we could consider, &c. JuniuSy vol. ii. p. 135. I may safely pronounce that that man knows no- thing of the condition of the British commerce. Vol. ii. p. 510. Dr. Francis. We can easily pronounce upon the ruin of that state, in which corruption and bribery have tainted the ad- ministration. The coward may plead his natural tem- perament, in excuse for de- serting the post in which he was placed ; the man of ambition may boast a wicked greatness in enslaving his country ; but the wretch who sells her is at once wicked and contemptible.* Dem, vol. i. p. 180. You, Sir, are capable of pronouncing upon the merit of those political maxims, so frequent in his orations, and whether he was really that able statesman the world in general hath allowed. Dem» Ded. v. * "We quote occasionally more of a passage than is necessary to prove the coincidence of expression, for the sake of shewing the general opinions of the author. G9 I will not venture to de- "We only pronounce with ^ermine what may be the ce;-tainty, from the eighth real motive of this strange and fifteenth lines, that the conduct and inconsistent ode was written, &c. language -, bu: I will boldly Hor. vol. i. p. 229. pronounce that it carries with it a niost odious appearance. Vol. ii. p. 507. I too, in my turn, will venture to pronounce^ that nothing is so ardently der sired, &c. Vol. iii. p. 278, . . , 3. Equally used with or, instead of as, Junius. Dr. Francis, O polished language! and Our poet assures us, that equally fit for the noble he knew how to reconcile Lord who speaks, or for the himself equally to a frugal, footman who hears it. or a sumptuous table. Vol. ii. p. 498, Horace, vol. iv. p. 116. 70 4. Matter of, &c. A very uncommon phrase in composition. Junius. Dr. Francis. Whether it be matter of Is it not therefore matter honour or reproach, it is at of indignation, least a singular circumstance, Dem. vol. i. p. 320. &c. Vol. iii. p. 83. For the matter of a recom- As the whole is matter of pense equivalent to his Go- conjecture. vernment, he repeatedly Dem. vol. i. p. 125. told your Lordships that the name of pension was grating to his ears. Vol. iii. p. 182. For the matter of expe- It mxj he matter ofcuru diency, an advocate for the o«/y to know the meaning present Ministry seems to of the expression, me to arraign his patrons Dem* vol. ii. p. 28. when he argues against it. Vol. iii. p. 85. It is matter of debate among the critics, whether our author pronounced this crayon to the people. Vol. i. p. 173, 71 When you invade the This was always matter province of the jury, in of dispute among the philo- matter of libel, you, in ef- sophers. feet, attack the liberty of Horace, vol. iv. p. 153. the press. I should suspect my own Vol. iL p. 169. taste if I did not laugh, where Maecenas, Virgil, and Horace, could find matter of mirth, Hor^acey vol. iii. p. 92. 5» Article of, &c. A more singular expression than the former. Junius. Dr. Francis. If you propose that in the That presence of mind, article of taxation they which, with a kind of in- should hereafter be left to stinct, supports us in the the authority of their re- very article of danger he spective assemblies, I must possessed in common with own, I think you had no others, business to revive a ques- Dem, vol. i. p. 25. tion, which should, and pro- bably would have lain dor- mant for ever. Vol. i. p.* 293. His grace is wonderfully But we must not reckon bountiful in the article of too exactly with poets upon lands. the article of vanity. Vol. iii. p. 123. Horace^ vol. ii. p. 148. 72 In the article of firmness I think this young man's character is universally given up- Vol. iii. p. 233. 6* They used where those is generally employed. Junius. Dr. Francis. They who object to de- They who fancy them- tached parts of Junius*s last selves wise and happy be- l/etter, either do not mean cause they appear so to the him fairly, &c. public opinion, are here Vol. ii. p. 223. compared to persons, &c. Horace^ vol. iv. p. 123. They who are acquainted They who have taste for with the state of politics at whatever is delicate and na- that period, will judge of tural in poetry, for whatever them somewhat differently, is noble and elegant in style. Vol. ii, p. 379. or flowing and harnionious in numbers, must acknow- ledge, &c. Horace, vol. ii. p. 170. TA^^/ who are conversant in the language of poets, know that such transposi- tions are familiar to them. Horace, vol. ii. 325. 73 7. Oratorial^ for oratoricaL The word oratorial is not used by any author except Junius and Dr. Francis as far as we are able to ascertain. The word itself is not to be found in any dictionary. Junius. Dr. Francis. You will be as well able Upon this occasion we to judge of his orafotial may suppose them ihflanied powers, as if you had heard by oratorial descriptions. him a thousand times. Dern. vol. i. p. 3, Vol. iii. p. 287. It seems a sudden starting to some new matter ; or rather an oratorial breaking away from his subject, more strong] y to catch that atten- tion of his judges which he with earnestness demands. DemJ vol. u p. 166. Tiresias pleasantly means that oratorial circumlocu- tion of Ulysses. Horace f vol. iii. p. 268. 8. Wild : an unusual epithet in this sense. Junius. Dr. Francis. The author is certainly at By this conduct, he left liberty to fancy cases, and the republic at his death, to 74 make whatever comparisons he thinks proper ; his sup- positions still continue as distant from fact as his wild discourses are from solid argument. Vol. i. p. 222. One of the ablest, most virtuous, and most tempe- rate men in the kingdom, supported by a steady band of uniform patriots, has made an attempt, in a cer- tain great assembly, to se- cure the subject, at least for the future, against such wild and indefinite claims. Vol. iii. p. 12. be governed by the temerity of Cleon, the timidity of Nicias, and the wild abili- ties of Alcibiades. Denu i. p. 30. The liberty both of paint- ers and poets is by nature confined within certain bounds, and all beyond those bounds is the wildness of irregular imagination. Horace f vol. iv. p. 251. That the wildest spirit of Apprehensive of a tedious inconsistency should never uniformity, we run into a once have betrayed you wild and monstrous variety into a wise or honourable of images. ^ction. Horace, vol. iv. 254. Vol. i. p. 140. His imagination is as tiyf/fi? and licentious as his num- bers are loose and irregular. Prtf. to Hor. ^. U, 75 9. False Concords. Junius. Dr. Francis. Yet every one of the On the contrary, every judges, who went the cir- other state imagined they cuit last summer, instead of had strength enough to at- instructing the several grand tempt, and wisdom to main- Juries in the old, legal, con- tain the universal empire of stitutional way, were order- Greece. €d to sound the praises of Dewi. i. p. 34. the House of Commons. Vol. iii. p. 290. The certainty of forfeit- Every word in these lines ing their own rights, when is of weight, and as exact they sacrifice those of the as if they were written in nation, is no check to a coldness of understanding, brutal degenerate mind. not in a warmth of imagina- Vol. i. Dedication^ p. 6. tion. Hot, ii. 179. There is nothing in your The rapidity of the num- attachments that savour of bers in the original are of obstinacy. inimitable beauty. Vol. iii. p. 433. Dem. i. 128. The audience is justly af- flicted with the calamities of SI brave unhappy people. 76 and see with indignation the triumphal feast that cele- brates their ruin. Dem, ii. 88 *» *A party of his cavalry surrounded a detachment of ours, consisting of two complete companies of seapoys, some cannon, and fifty European artillery-men, everj/ man of whom were cut to pieces. Sir Philip Francis's Speeches on the Mahratta War, p. 16. 10. Unresponsible y ^c. : not customary exr pressions. Junius. Dr. Francis. The people of England It may not be unuseful have seen an administration to point out the particular formed, almost avowedly, passages in the last oration, under the direction of a Dem, ii. 157, dangerous, because private -and unresponsible influence. Vol. iii. p. 9. Our poet invites him to return to Rome, and gives him such excellent maxims, as might be useful to a per- son who, by an uncheerful cast of mind, is apt to de^ spair upon every accident or alteration of his fortune. Hor, i. 92. 77 1 1. Simple y in the Latin sense of the word. Junius. Dr. Francis. I did never question your The poet hath chosen, understanding. Far other- for an example of this ti*uth, wise. The Latin word sim- three virtues, probity, pru- plex conveys to me an ami- dence, and simplicity. By able character, and never the last he understands a denotes folly. frankness in our actions. Vol. i. p.*237. which frequently passes over the decencies of life, rather through inattention than unpoliteness. Hor. iii. -46. "When It appeared that he Is it not more natural and had been frequently em- simple to imagine, ployed in the same services, Dem, ii. 403. and that no excuse for him could be drawn, either from the innocence of his former Yihy or th.Q simplicity oi his character. Vol. i. p. 111. Innocence, even in its I have now given my senti- crudest simplicity y has some ments with freedom ; all of advantages over the most them with perfect s?Vw/)//a*/y, dexterous and practised guilt, and without apprehension of • Vol. iii. p. 13. your displeasure. Dem. i. 77. 79 But the danger to this I have been entrusted country would cease to be with the direction of more problematical, if the crown important affairs than any should ever descend to a man of this age, and have prince, whose apparent sitn- executed every trust with plicity might throw his sub- a religious purity, with in- jects off their guard. tegrity, and simplicity. Vol. ii. p. S24. Dem. ii. 493. We verb. It ^'^ 12. The bjunct re, is constantly found in both authors. Junius. Dr. Francis. // were unworthy of me It were, perhaps, impru- to press you farther. dent to inform an English Vol. i. p. 97. reader. Dem, i. 44* If the instance were not Perhaps it were impose too important for an expe- sible that two nations, so riment, it might not be different in genius and man- amiss to confide a Httle on ners, ever should entertain their integrity. any sentiments of friendship Vol. i. p. 40. or esteem for each other. Dem. i. 30. Fact alone does not con- It were imprudent, there- stitute right. If it does, fore, to have entered farther general warrants were law- into this argument, ful. Dm. i. m» Vol. ii. p. 2U. 79 It were much to be de- This assertion were abso- sired that we had many such lutely false, and the odes o£ men. Pindar and Horace are a Vol. ii. p. 34<9. proof of the contrary. Hor. i. 232. // were to be wished that It were not possible to the parallel held good in all find a comparison more the circumstances. proper to figure to us the Vol. iii. 317. character of a poet, always great in his designs, sublime in his sentiments, pompous in his descriptions, rapid in his style, bold in his figures, and strong in his expres- sions. Mediate : to go between, Junius. Sir P. Francis. This mediating expedient Extremities are not to be will, for the present, take in governed by mediation. both opinions. Paper Currency, p. 49. Vol. i. 310. 80 l4* Last: ht utmost, hy no means a common use of the word. Junius. Dr. Francis. I would pursue him In the last excess of cor- through Hfe, and try the ruption, last exertion of my abilities Dem, i. 140. to preserve the perishable infamy of his name, and make.it immortal. Vol. ii. p. 91. His finances were in the Some years afterwards he last disorder, and it is pro- broke through all restraints, bable that his troops might and his incontinence plung- find sufficient employment ed him into the lasi dis- at home. tresses. Vol. ii. p. 190. Hor. iv. 122. The bounds of human If criticism, as a great science are still unknown ; rhetorician asserts, be the but this, assuredly, is the last effort of reflection and Z^i^^, limit of human depra- judgment, we shall equally vity. admire the critic as the poet Vol. iii. p. 1 90. in the following satire. Hor, iii. H8. This, I conceive, is the Our author ends the sa- last disorder of the state. tire with an irony of the Vol, iii. p. 176. /a^^ malignity. Hor. iii. 264. 81 The preceding are some of the most remark- able expressions in the pages before us. There are several others of less importance, in which both our writers indulge to a degree, that makes the words, though not in themselves remark- able, deserve attention. The epithets, uniform^ ridiculous^ and detesU able, and especially the latter, occur so very fre- quently in all these productions, that they form a conspicuous feature of identity in an inquiry like the present. — Whether or no is a phrase which for the same reason becomes remarkable. Hardly is in almost every instance employed in- stead o^ scarcely ; and enough constantly takes the place of sufficient. Politics is a word which abounds in both authors, and is very generally used instead of policy. Forced is uniformly pre- ferred to its synonymes: and hath,^ especially in the earlier letters, is sometimes used by Junius instead of has. In Demosthenes and Horace it continually occurs^ * " Whose folly or whose treachery hath reduced us to this state." Junius, vol. iii. p. 75. " The question is, whether we shall still submit to be guided by the hand which hath driven us to it ?" Junius y vol. iii. p. 79. G .4^5 82 The Letters of Junius, the writings of Dr. Francis, and those of Sm Philip, discover that each author was acquainted with the Latin, Greek, Italian, and French languages. They have, all of them, frequent quotations in these languages, and in no other. They all quote Shakespeare and Milton, but, with scarcely an exception, no other English poet. Metaphors and similies taken from the polite arts, the sci- ences, law, and religion, are found with equal frequency in the works of each of them. They alike excel in those profound pithy remarks or axioms which can only occur to men of strong minds, who have been a long time acquainted with the world. If Dr. Francis's notes to Horace and Demosthenes furnish but few pas- sages of this kind, strikingly similar to those of Junius, the number and excellence of his re- flections on subjects not of a political nature shew that it proceeded not from want of ability. " The honourable lead you have taken In the affairs of America, hath drawn upon you the whole attention of the public." Junius^ vol. iii. p. 105. *' By what hints it hath been possible." ' Junm^ vol. ii. p. 466. 88 but from the restraint which the confined na- ture of his undertaking imposed on the com- mentator. In the few publications we possess of Sir Philip Francis these examples, however, are much more numerous, considering the small compass in which they are contained. He abounds with metaphorical expressions and figurative allusions, delivered with that sententi- ous brevity which is observable in Junius. As examples of what has been above asserted, we have thrown together the following pas- sages, taken without order from the works of Dr. Francis and Sir Philip. '' In Juvenal the vices of his age are shewn in all their natural horrors. He commands his readers in the language of authority, and terri- fies them with images drawn in the boldness of a truly poetical spirit. He stands like a priest at an altar sacrificing to his gods : but even a priest^ in his warmest zeal of religion, might be forgiven if he confessed so much humanity, as not to take a pleasure in hearing the groans, and searching into the entrails of his victim." * Preface to Horace, * These were the wretched ministers who served at the o9 84 '* I confess I mean to praise, for honest praise is not only one of the warmest incitements to virtue, but its most honourable reward. Great minds will receive it with their natural greatness, and only little spirits have an affectation of re- fusing it. The task, I own, is not without diffi- culty j but when the original is marked with strong and pleasing lines of life, a meaner hand may preserve the likeness. The integrity of his colouring, if I may be allowed the expression, is of more consequence than the glow and richness of it. Dedications would then be like pictures in miniature, which the future historian might draw out into larger proportion, grace, and dig- nity." Preface to Constantine. altar y whilst the high-prkst himself, with more than frantic fury, offered up his bleeding country a victim to America." Junius, vol. ii. p. 510. " Mine is an inferior ministerial office in the temple of Justice— I have bound the victim and dragged him to the altar." JuniuSf vol. ii. p. 443. " When a victim is marked out by the ministry, this judge will offer himself to perform the sacrifce.^* Junius, vol. i. p. 60. B5 *' Style is genius, and justly numbered among the fountains of the sublime. Expression in poetry is that colouring in painting, which dis- tinguishes a master^s hand.** Preface to Horace. '* Tear such a poet in pieces, and every scat- tered limb is animated with the spirit of poetry. The head of Orpheus, when floating on the water, uttered sounds of music and poetry.'* Horace^ vol. iii. p. 69. " The arrangement of our thoughts is of more power in an oration than their number or va- riety. The images in a period, like figures in a painting, owe much of their effect to their harmony and keeping.** Demosthenes^ vol. i. p. 45. " With the worst speculative opinions, a man may be morally honest and virtuous.*' Horace^ vol. i. p. l68. " Davus does not absolutely mean, that a man in one constant course of vice is less miserable than he who continually changes from vice to virtue, from virtue to vice; but that he is less sensible of his misery : because the other is per- 86 petually struggling with himself, and labouring between two extremes."* Horace^ vol. iii. p. 305. ** The theology of the ancients taught, that when a man was dead, hh soul or the spiritual part ofhim^ went to heaven ; that his body con- tinued in tlie earth ; and his image or shadow went to helL^'lf Horace, vol. i. p. 116. * " It is the middle compound charcter which alone is vulnerable: the man who without lirmness enough to avoid a dishonourable action, has feeling enough to be ashamed of it." yuniuSy vol. i. p. 101. *' I still believe you to consist of that composition, which, without virtue enough to avoid prostitution, has still feeling enough to be ashamed of it." Junius, vol. iii. p. 401. " The most contemptible character in private life, and the most ruinous to private fortunes, is that which pos- sesses neither judgment nor inclination to do right, nor resolution enough to be consistent in doing wrong." Juniusy vol. iii. p. 1 84- f «^ Let him resemble the great demi-gods of antiquity, who had also two characters, and whilst one-half of them 87 " But perhaps we shall better see the variety of our poet's genius, by considering, if such an expression may he forgiven^ the various genius of lyric poetry*." Preface to Horace. '^ Yet far more important to us the reflection, what noble efforts a love of country, a jzeal for liberty, a contempt for slavery, and a just detest- Mion of tyranny, are capable of inspiring |.*' Dem, p. 24. " Strange expedient, says Plutarch, to repre- sent it honourable and valuable in public, yet expect to make it appear contemptible and worthless in private t/' Dem. p. 35. was taken up to heaven, the other half found its way to helir Junim, vol. iii, p. 25. * " The first uniform principle, or, if I may call it, the germs of your life." Junius, vol. i. p. 140. f Instances of imperfect sentences are found also in JvMius. ss " Liberty is the greatest of all blessings : it gives a relish to all other enjoyments. Mankind are prepossessed in favour of these sentiments, and tell us that they are born for freedom, and consider it as the most glorious privilege of their nature. Yet there is nothing which they so carelessly resign. Among all the slaves in life, they who have engaged themselves in the service of the great, are most to be lamented. Their whole being is one continual servitude; and he whom they call their patron is properly their tyrant.*' Horace^ vol. iv. p, 62. " In this general servitude, the great, properly speaking, are only master slaves; and in pro- portion to their fortunes and honours, pay a larger tribute to their own ambition and vanity. " Lord Granby himself has some emoluments besides his power, and Sir Edward Hawke has his pension. Nobly earned, J confess, but not better deserved than by the labours which conquered America'^ Junius, vol. iii. p. 107. '^ The same charges had been made by JuNias and Others several times before. Jlways the same reply, ^"^ Junius, vol. iii. p. 212. 89 as well as to the pride and insolence of their superiors. They are only different from the rest of mankind, as their servitude is of larger ex tent ^ and disguised under more specious names*.** Horace, vol. iii. p. 313. " It is filled with maxims of such political wisdom; with sentiments of liberty so truly honourable to human kind, that it must appear to every free people one of the noblest, most valuable remains of antiquity f.'* Dem, vol. i. p. 246, " The vicious and corrupted passions of his heart are of sacred, religious authority to this man of wealth f.*' Horace, vol. iv. p. 17. * *' Falsehood is a servile vice, and to the imputation of that vice, people in a slavish condition, whether low or high (for servitude, as well as hell, has its ranks and dignities) will always be subject." Junius, vol. iii. p. f The stringing together of two or three adjectives without a conjunction, is very common in Junius as well as in Dr. Francis. " Though urged, insulted, braved to it, by every stimulus that could touch the feelings of a man." Junius, vol. iii. p. 285. 90 " As if we had converted our whole inherit- ance into an annuity, and had nothing but a life interest in the salvation of the country */' Sir Philip Francis on Paper Money. ^' With a callous heart, there can be no genius in the imaginatiQn, or wisdom in the " There is one general, easy way of answering Junius, which his opponents have constantly had recourse to, &c," Junius, vol. iii. p. 427. ** These are your words, given under your hand, as the solemn, deliberate opinion of his Majesty's Secretary at War." Junius, vol. iii. p. 447. , ♦ ** The minister, perhaps, may have reason to be satisfied with the success of the present hour, and with the profits of his employment. He is the tenant of the day, and has no interest in the inheritance.^'* Junius, vol. ii. p. 133. " When you leave the unijnpaired, hereditary freehold to your children, you do but half your duty, &c. — The power of King, Lords, and Commons, is not an arbitrary power. They are the trustees, not the owners of the estate. The fee-simple is in US. They cannot alienate, they cannot waste." Junius, vol. i. pp. 2—5, Dedication. 91 mind ; and therefore the prayer, with equal truth and sublimity, says, ' Incline our hearts unto wisdom *.' '* Sir P. Francis on Paper Money ^ p. 53. " A brave man with truth of his side, need not wish to be eloquent. Resolute thoughts find words for themselves, and make their own vehicle. Impression and expression are relative ideas. He who feels deeply will express strongly. The language of slight sensations is naturally feeble and superficial t.'* Ibid. p. 54. " The crimes of individuals, however enor- mous, are not necessarily mortal to great com- munities. The death of nations is impunity. Still we are lulled with fine promises and flatter- ing prospects. Hope is a dangerous narcotic, and not only sets the mind asleep, but, like opium to the Turk, furnishes the brain with many delightful visions. Thus it is that a * ** if I were not satisfied, that really to inform the understanding corrects and enlarges the heart." Junius, vol. ii. p. 448. f ** Whenever he changes his servants he is sure to have the people, in that instance, of his side'* Junius , vol. iii. p; 316. 92 nation may walk in its sleep, until it reaches the edge of a precipice without the power of turning back. These treacherous delusions arc deadly symptoms. When nothing but a drastic resohition can save the animaJ, false hope sup- plies him with palliatives, and bars the last extremity of its last resource, by the exclusion of despair*." Sir P. Francis on Paper Money^ p. 47. ** His principle, if he be in earnest, which I should very much doubt of any person in pos-^ session of his senses, would oblige him, in many other cases, to maintain that the shadow of a good thing is just as good as the substance; or that water, forced into the system, performs the functions of blood, with equal effect, and greater * ** After all, Sir, will you not endeavour to remove or alleviate the most dangerous symptoms, because you can- not eradicate the disease ?" Junius, vol. ii. p. 224. *^ It does not follow that the symptoms may not be softened, although the distemper cannot be cured." Junius^ vol. ii. p. 354. " He advertises for patients, collects all the diseases of the heart, and turns the royal palace into an hospital for incurables.'* Junius, vol. ii. p. 439. 93 facility. With the help of tapping it might do so, as long as the stamina lasted : but, in rhese cases, the patient is apt to give the lie or the slip to the physician, and to die of a dropsy with the panacea in his bowels/* Sir P. Francis on Paper Money ^ p. 4. " But granted 3 war is no longer a calamity 3 or at worst a necessary evil, incident to the system : it is the physic and phlebotomy that clears the intestines and opens the veins, and saves the body politic from bursting of a ple- thora/* lb. p. 27. '* After all, Mr. Printer, these are feverish symp- toms, and look as if the disorder were coming to a crisis. Even this last effort is the fore-runner of their speedy dissolution ; like the false strength of a delirium, which exerts itself by fits, and dies in convulsions." Junius, vol. ii. p. 66. " The disorder must have quitted his head, and fixed itself in his heart.'' Junius^ p. 109, ** This, I conceive, is the last disorder of the State. The consultation meets but to disagree. Opposite medi- cines are prescribed, and the last fixed on is changed by the hand that gives it." Junius, p. 176. t4 '^ The sensation of pain is the providential warning against clanger, the sentry or out- post, that gives notice of the approach of an enemy. The being who feels none, or who is suddenly relieved from it, or who by intoxication has deadened his senses, knows nothing of his own case, and dies of a mortification below, with a languid flush in his face that looks Hke a return of health." Sii^ P. Francis on Paper Money ^ p. 45. " When all your instruments of amputation are pre- pared, when the unhappy patient lies at your feet, without the possibility of resistance, by what infallible rule will you direct the operation ? When you propose to cut away the rotten parts, can you tell us what parts are perfectly sound? Are there any certain limits, in fact or theory, to inform you at what point you must stop, at what point the mortification ends ?*' Junius, vol. ii. p. 448. *' A sick man might as well expect to be cured by a consultation of doctors. They talk, and debate, and wrangle, and the patient expires." Junius, vol. ii. p. 491. " When the poison of their doctrines has tainted the natural benevolence of his disposition ; when their insidi- ous counsels have corrupted the stamina of his govern- ment, what antidote can restore him to his political health and honour, but the firm security of his English subjects ?'* Junius y vol. ii. p. 125. 95 " Most men are ready to admit that plainness and simplicity are good moral qualities, and not at all unwilling to encourage them in others. But it is not so generally known or admitted, that these qualities, instructed by experience or enlighted by reflection, are the surest evidence of a sound understanding. A cunning rogue may cheat a wiser man of his money ; but in an ab- stract question to be determined by judgment, it is not possible that skill and artifice can finally prevail over plain reason, which, in the ordinary transactions of life, is called common sense*.'* Sir P. Francis on Paper Money ^ p, 2. *' If my voice could contribute to his honour, he should have it without reserve, for the spirit that prompts him to undertake such a task as I know it to be, and at such a time^ and if it were pos- * " Mr. Home, it seems, is very unable to comprehend how an extreme want of conduct and discretion can con- sist with the abilities I have allowed him ; nor can he con- ceive that a very honest man with a very good understand- ing may be deceived by a knave. — Distinguished talents are not necessarily connected with discretion," Junius, v. ii. p. 304-. 96 sible to give him support in the execution of it by any effort of mine, he might be sure of it *.'* Sir P. F.'s Speeches on Mahratta War, p. 19. ^* When a purpose is to be served, it is not very difficult to find a principle to answer it.'* Sir P. F.'s Speeches, p. 46*. " In the perpetual revolutions of human af- fairs, it often happens that the forms of power survive the fact f." Speeches, p. 64. * " I should have hoped that even 7ny name might carry some authority with it, if I had not seen how very lit- tle weight, &c." Junius, V. i. p. 71. "i/y vote will hardly recommend him to an increase of his pension, or to a seat in the cabinet. But if his ambi- tion be upon a level with his understanding ; — if he judges of what is truly honourable for himself with the same su- perior genius, which animates and directs him, to elo- quence in debate, to wisdom in decision, even the pen of Junius shall contribute to reward him," Junius, v.ii. p. 311. f " How long, and to what extent the King of England may be protected by the forms, when he violates the spirit of the constitution, deserves to be considered." Junius, vol. p. 42. 97 f a similar address in the preface to the Letters. See Junius^ v. ii. p. 62, and v. i. p. 42, 99 dignity from distress^ and make calamity ridicu- lous'':' Paper Money, p. 46. The political principles of Sir Philip Francis appear to agree exactly with those of Junius, and his whole life has been a practical exposi- tion of the sincerity of his professions. During his residence in India, his wisdom, his zeal, his spirit, and integrity, were amply mani- fested. He received such encomiums on his con- duct from Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Wind- ham, Mr. Burke, and the whole of the committee for the impeachment of Mr. Hastings, as have seldom fallen to the lot of any man. But with the exception of au empty title, — the commenda- tion of the wise and good, and the mens sibi con- scia recti are all the rewards this virtuous man has received. The behaviour of Sir Philip throughout the whole of his opposition to that system of ambi- * " I cannot express my opinion of the present ministry more exactly than in the words of Sir Richard Steele — • that we are governed by a set of drivellers, wJiose folly takes away all dignity from distress ^ and makes even cala^ 7mty ridiculous J " Philo Junius y v, i. p. 23L n 2 100 tion, perfidy, and cruelty, which at one time characterized the government of India, is pre- cisely that which Junius himseJf would have adopted, had he been placed in a similar situa- tion, ** Engaged in the defence of an honourable cause, I would take a decisive part.-— I should scorn to provide for a future retreat, or to keep terms with a man, who preserves no measures with the public, I would pursue him through life, and try the last exertion of my abilities to preserve the perishable infamy of his name, and make it immortal." Junius, vol. ii. p. 9, With unwearied pains Sir Philip Francis endeavoured to rectify those abuses which were connived at and encouraged by the Governor- General of India, For seven years he was en- gaged in a constant personal opposition to a man whose actions were, in the estimation of many persons, injurious to the real interests and honour of this country, and dreadfully oppressive to the miserable natives whom he governed. What Sir Philip performed in the sacred cause of liberty and humanity is uni" versally known, and has received the approba- 101 tion it deserved. What he endured from the uniform failure of his beneficent plans, and from being compelled to witness the proceedings that his nature shrunk from, is of far more value in the estimation of Him zvho knozveih the hearty though it enters but little into the calculations of mankind, and is follovt^ed by no testimonies of public gratitude. In the impeachment of Mn Hastings Sir Philip Francis made a conspi- cuous figure, and with the purest of all possible motives, took a " decisive part'* against him* The following letter from the gentlemen of the committee appointed to conduct the impeach- ment, will shew in what estimation they held the conduct of Sir Philip Francis. « Sir, *' There is nothing in the orders of the House which prevents us from resorting to your assist- ance ; and we should shew very little regard to our honour, to our duty, or to the effectual exe- cution of our trusf, if we omitted any means that are left in our power to obtain the most be- iieficial use of it. " An exact local knowledge of the affairs of Bengal is requisite in every step of our proceed- ings ; and it is necessary that our information should come from sources not only gompetent 102 'I but unsuspected. We have perused, as our duty often led us to do, with great attention, the records of the Company, during the time in which you executed the important office com- mitted to you by Parliament ; and our good opinion of you has grown in exact proportion to the minuteness and accuracy of our re- searches. We have found that as far as in you lay, you fully answered the ends of your arduous delegation. An exact obedience to the authori- ty placed over you by the laws of your country, wise and steady principles of government, an inflexible integrity in yourself, and a firm re- sistance to all corrupt practices in others, crowned by an uniform benevolent attention to the rights, properties, and welfare of the natives (the grand leading object in your appointment) appear eminently throughout those records. Such a conduct, so tried, acknowledged, and re- corded, demands our fullest confidence. " Tliese, Sir, are the qualities, and this is the conduct on your part, on which we ground our wishes for your assistance. On what we are to groujnd our right to make any demand upon you, we are more at a loss to suggest. Our sole titles> we are sensible, are to be found in the public exigencies, and in your public spirit.. Permit us. Sir, to call for this further service in 103 the name of the people of India, for whom your parental care has been so long distinguished, and in support of whose cause you have en- countered so many difificulties, vexations^ and dangers.' " We have expressed sentiments in which we are unanimous, and which, with pride and plea- sure, we attest under all our signatures, entreat- ing you to favour us as frequently as you can with your assistance in the committee • and you shall have due notice of the days on which your advice and instructions may be more particu- larly necessary. We have the honour to be, ** With the most perfect respect. Sir, " Your most faithful and obliged humble servants,- « EDMUND BURKE, Chairmari. Then follow the naimes of the rest of the com- fnit^ee. ■104 Let us now consider in what other respects the political opinions and principles of Sih Philip Francis correspond with those of Jcr- NIUS. In a letter to Mr. Wilkes Junius speaks with approbation of the " Society of the Bill of Rights." " I think/' says he, '' the plan was admirable : that it has already been of signal service to the public, and may be of much greater ; and I do most earnestly wish that yoti would consider of and promote a plan for form- ing constitutional clubs all through the king- dom. A measure of this kind would alarm go- vernment more, and be of more essential service to the cause, than any thing that can be done re- lative to new-modelling the House of Commons.'* Vol. i. p. 280*. We may infer from the above, that Junius cither was, or would have been, a member of one of these societies. In this respect Sir Philip Francis followed the conduct which Junius approved. — He was a very active and a principal member of the So- ciety of the Friends of the People. But his ardent love of liberty did not betray him inta 105 the promotion of any plans inconsistent witTt the established government of the nation. He was a friend to reform j but it was such a reform as Junius recommended, — a reform that should not endanger the venerable fabric it was meant to repair. In a spirited letter to Mr. Burke, who had charged him with a bias to the indivi- dual representation of the people. Sir Philip says, " of me, in particular, he must have known, and in candour he ought to have acknowledged, that it is not possible for any man to go further than I have done, to reject, to resist, and to explode every project of that nature^ and every principle and argument set up to support it; a project, however, so chimerical, and so utterly imprac- ticable, that it is superfluous to load it with charges of danger and malignity." That Sir Philip, though his ardour is abated, and his hopes are fled, entertains the same senti- ments at the present day, is evident from his last publication. "As to parliamentary reform, I have tried it enough to be convinced that it never can be adopted on any sound principle, that would at once be safe in its operation, and effective to its purpose. *^ The people are well enough represented. The milk throws up the cream. No change iu io6 the form will mend the materials. I am sure you will find it, as I have done, a vain attempt to build Grecian temples with brickbats and rubbish.*' — " I am as little sanguine as ever about the success of a reform in the construction of the House of Commons. But, knowing of no other remedy, I cannot answer those who say, that when the exigency leaves you no choice, the last chance is to be taken. The opinions of wise and thoughtful men on this great question are changing exesy day. For myself, I can only say that / did not abandon my principles with my hopes; and that, whenever the nation shall be generally disposed to adopt the measure, I shall be found where I was left^ and ready to take part ill the execution of itT Sir P. Francis on Paper Money, p. 49. The sentiments of Junius on this subject are fully developed in his letters to Mr. Wilkes. It is well known that they were not levelling enough for many of those who styled themselves the Friends of the People. ^' That the people are not equally and fully represented is unquestionabk. But let us take care what we attempt. We may demolish the ve- 107 ner able fabric we intend to repair ; and where is the strength and virtue to erect a better in its steads 1 should not, for my own part, be so much moved at the corrupt and odious practices by which inconsiderable men get into Parlia- ment, nor even at the want of a perfect repre- sentation, (and certainly nothing can be less reconcileable to the theory, than the present practice of the constitution,) if means could be found to compel such men to do their duty, in essentials at least, when they are in Parliament. Now, Sir, I am convinced, that if shortening the duration of Parliaments (which in effect is keep- ing the representative under the rod of the con- stituent,) be not made the basis of our new parliamentary jurisprudence, other checks or improvements signify nothing. On the con- trary, if this be made the foundation, other mea- sures may come in aid, and, as au.viliaries, be of considerable advantage,*' Junius, vol. i. p. 286*. The conduct of Sir Philip Francis in advo- cating the abolition of the Slave Trade, is not the least glorious trait in the history of this dis- tinguished patriot and philanthropist. " Every motive by which the conduct of men is usually 108 determined was united on one side, and powef- iully pressed upon him to engage him to take part against his opinion. Connections of every sort, friends who were dear to him^^ and who thought their fortunes were at stake, solicitations the most urgent, from persons to whom he was bound by many ties, and possibly the prospect of advantage to himself or to his family at a future day to be forfeited or preserved ;-*a]l these were in one scale, and nothing in the other but the justice of the cause and the protection of creatures, who would never know that he had endeavoured to serve them, or whose gratitude could never reach him." But no personal con- siderations could weigh with Sir Philip while the cause of liberty and humanity stood in need of his assistance. He persevered in the discharge of his duty, and had at length the satisfaction of seeing his efforts crowned with success, though zvlth the loss to himself of a considerable estate in the West Indies. Whether Sir Philip Francis be identified with Junius, or not, the purity of his principles, the disinterestedness of his con- duct, and the goodness of his heart, claim for him as high a character as it is possible for truth to confer on any man. We remark, with much concern, that tone of despondence which occasionally pervades the 109 language of Sir Philip Francis. A good man may express his regret when villany or folly is triumphant; but while he laments his want of success, he should be careful not to seem to re- pent of his exertions. The example is disheart- ening when a man whose whole life has been spent in endeavours to benefit mankind pub- licly expresses his dissatisfaction at what is past, as if he were sorry for the course he had pur- sued ; it is too apt to check the kindling of that patriotism and philanthropy in the breasts of younger men, which would animate them to the performance of all great and good actions. Lest we be suspected of complaining without cause, we subjoin some specimens of this apparent dis- contentedness from the recorded speeches of Sir Philip. " By endeavouring through all that portion of his life (thirty years) to maintain right against wrong, he had sacrificed his repose, and forfeited all hopes of reward or personal advantage ; but he had taken his resolutions, and would do so no more. He would never more take an active pari, much less a lead, in any discussions of Indian questions." " With regard to personal proceedings against any man, he xvas resolved to take no part in them^ 110 .The impeachment of Mr, Hastings had cured him of that folly. It was he, in fact, who had been tried, and Mr. Hastings acquitted." " His spirits were exhausted^ and his mind was siibduedy by a long, unthankful, and most invi- dious application to one pursuit, zw which he had never been able to do any good.** Pari Debates, lOth March, 1806. In the last publication by Sir Philip Francis, we find examples of the same melancholy tone. " Not long ago an opportunity came of itself, of stating some new opinions of my own on the subject of a reform of the House of Commons, to a member of Parliament, of whose integrity no man can be better satisfied than I am. I took the liberty of saying to him, * Sir, do whatever you think right, for its own sake, and never look to popularity for support or reward. Honest fame will follow you if you deserve it. The very people whom you serve may be turned at any moment against you, by a cry or a signal, and run you down for your pains. Your own hounds had as lief hunt the huntsman as the hare.' " On Paper Curreyicy, p. 47. Hi Not that his principles were changed. He will be found where he was left. But he was dis^ pirited with the vain endeavours to do good to a world that vs^as determined not to be a friend to itself. Dr. Johnson observes, that the misan- thrope is usually a man of a warm heart, who in his early years thought too favourably of human iiature. This cause ej^isted in its highest degree in the present instance, and an unbounded goodness of disposition has alone prevented it from leading to the same conclusion. In noticing this querulousness, at different periods, and the language in which it is ex- pressed, it is impossible to avoid being struck with its conformity to that feeling which appears to have dictated the last letter of Junius to his publisher, " I have seen the signals thrown out for your old friend and correspondent. Be assured that I have had good reason for not complying with them. In the present state of things, if I were to write again, I must be as silly as any of the horned cattle that run mad through the city, or as any of your wise aldermen. I meant the cause and the public. Both are given up. I feel for the honour of this country, when I see that there are not ten men iu it who will unite and 112 stand together upon any one question. But if is all alike^ vile and contemptible, " You have never flinched, that I know of; and I shall always rejoice to hear of your prosperity.*' Junius, vol. i. p. *255, This was not a casual expression of disgust : it arose from a feeling natural to the warm and irritable heart of Junius. — In the course of his correspondence with Woodfall he displays fre- quent instances of a similar dissatisfactions. " What an abandoned, prostituted ideot is your Lord Mayor. The shameful mismanage- ment which brought him into office, gave me the first and an unconquerable disgust." Junius, vol. i. p. *250. " Surely you have misjudged it very much about the book. I could not have conceived it possible that you could protract the publica- tion so long. At this time, particularly before Mr. Sawbridge*s motion, it would have been of singular use. You have trifled too long with the public expectation. At a certain point of time the appetite palls. I fear you have already lost the season. The book, I am sure, will lose 113 the greater part of the effect I expected from it. — But I have done." Junius, vol. i. p. *249. *' I really doubt whether I shall write any- more under this signature. I am weary of at- tacking a set of brutes whose writings are too dull to furnish me even with the materials of contention, and whose measures are too gross and direct to be the subject of argument, or to require illustration/' Junius y vol. i. p. * 1 74. It is the character of feelings that are so quick and delicate, to subside as suddenly as they are excited. Though Junius complains so freely of the delay in the publishing of a com- plete edition of his letters, yet what he says in another letter is applicable on this occasion. " Make yourself easy about me, I believe you are an honest man, and I never am angry.*" Junius, vol. i. p. 212. His inclination to relinquish writing under the signature of Junius, was only the ebullition of the moment; and was perhaps entertained without any seriousness. But his disgust at the conduct of the citizens was much more deeply • Ji72ixus, vol i. p. 212, I 114 rooted. Yet even this impression, unconquer- able as he thought it, vanished away in some degree, for in the course of a few days he writes thus to Woodfall : " If I saw any prospect of uniting the city once more, / would readily continue to labour in the vineyard. Whenever Mr. Wilkes can tell me that such an union is in prospect^ he shall hear of me.** Junius, vol. i. p. 253. This declaration is in the very spirit of that with which Sir Philip Francis concludes his opinion of a reform. " For myself, I can only say that I did not abandon my principles with my hopes ; and that whenever the nation shall be generally dispos- ed to adopt the measure^ I shall be found where I was left^ and ready to take part in the execution ofit'^ On Paper Currency^ p. 49. We cannot close this part of our subject with- out expressing our concern that we are so little able to do justice to the character of this most consistent patriot of our time. We feel a respect and a regard for him which not even 115 the certainty that he were Junius eould heighten, much as we wish that the circumstance were proved beyond the possibility of doubt, by the addition of that direct evidence which it is not at present in our power to produce. We shall terminate this part of our work with a quotation from the speech of Lord Minto on the character of Sir Philip Francis. When our readers peruse it, let them reflect on that personification of Junius which the study of his letters has created in their minds, and observe with what peculiar propriety the description here given would apply to that exalted cha- racter. *^ In delivering my opinion of my honour- able friend, I am not so madly vain as to think it can add any thing to his honours ; it is to do myself honour that I say here, what I have often said elsewhere, that of all the great and consider- able men whom this country possesses, there is not one in the empire who has a claim so much beyond all question, who can shew a title so thoroughly authenticated, as this gentleman, to the admiration, the thanks, the reward, the love of his country and of the world. If I am asked for proof, I say, the book of his life is open before you ^ it has been read, it has been l2 116 examined in every line by the diligent inquisi- tion, the searching eye, of malice and envy. Has a single blot been found? Is there one page which has not been traced by virtue and by wisdom ?— Virtue, Sir, not of the cold and neutral quality, which is contented to avoid reproach by shrinking from action, and is the best ally of vice — ^but virtue fervent, full of ardour, of energy, of effect : wisdom. Sir, not the mere flash of genius and of talents, though these are not wanting ^ but wisdom informed, deliberate, and profound. I know. Sir, the warmth imputed to, nay possessed by that character ; it is a warmth which does but bur- nish all his other virtues. His heart is warm, his judgment is cool, and the latter of these virtues none will deny, except those who have not examined, or wish to disbelieve it." Speech of Sir Gilbert Elliot (now Lord Minto), Dec. \% 1787. 117 To illustrate the political character of Dr. Francis, we shall have recourse to the sentiments he has avowed in his editions of Horace and Demosthenes. There are some parts of each of those works, but more especially of the latter, wherein he displays his own sentiments in some fme original disquisitions. It is unnecessary to lay our extracts before the reader in any parti- cular order : separately taken, they will exhibit the conformity of his opinion with that of Ju- nius, on some particular subjects; and alto- gether they will furnish a complete view of the political principles of the author. " The true morality of politics^ in the subject^ is the preservation of liberty ; and the safety of the people^ whom Providence hath committed to their care^ is the first duty of princes. They cannot know any better, they should not acknowledge any other morals." Bern, vol. i. p. 304. \^ *'In her political constitution, Lacedemon very nearly resembled that of Britain, "while Britain could Jiave boasted her constitution was unviolated. \U Her kings, although entrusted, as generals, with that absolute command in war, which is necessary to a prompt and vigorous execution, yet held a very Hmited authority in peace. Her senate preserved a kind of balance between any apprehensions of tyranny from their mo- narchs, and of anarchy in the people; while the people themselves maintained their rights of li- berty, and had a proper share in the administra- tion, without that confusion to which pure demo- cracies are liable, for they acted by their repre- sentatives. To give the senate due influence, all employments and magistracies were exercised by them only : they were the great council of the nation, nor were the kings permitted to un- dertake any expedition without their consent. They held their station for life, but with a con- sciousness of being indebted for it to the people, by whom they were elected, and for whose inte- fests they were therefore supposed to have a pe- culiar concern." Pref. to Dem. xvi. " But Sboh, according perhaf)^ to thfe lot of our humanity, wealth and happiness begot ^X« cifess ^hd luxury; di^feipatioh and expence f)r5- duced venality and corruption; a total dege- neracy of manners ensued, an indolence and in- attention to all public affairs. Poverty and pro- bity became equal objects of contempt; while public virtue and love of country were consi- dered as the language of a party, or v^hat we call opposition. They were only not treated with the levity and insignificance of laughing, or as subjects of ridicule. That hardiness was reserved Jo f^ another people.*' Pfef. to Dem. xliv, *' They marched under the conduct of Hip- pias, who, to recover the unjust domination which his father, Pisistratus, had usurped over the Athenians, was not ashamed to debase the honour of the Grecian name in doing homage to a barbarian monarch, but even implored his as- sistance to lay waste his native country, and en- slave his fellow- citizens. Execrable ambition ! Detestable and pernicious tyrant ! Spite of himself, however, he served the cause of liberty at the battle of Marathon. The Athenians be- held him with indignation among the Persian troops, and his presence very probably inspired them with that impetuosity with which they rushed forward, and ran upon the enemy. This manner of attack was till then unknown to the 120 Grecian military ; and we may therefore believe this first instance of it proceeded even more from the presence of their tyrant, than from the common ardours of liberty, and the horrors of slavery. They had the pleasure of sacrificing him not only as a victim to their own vengeance, but to the rights of human kind, which he had boldly and impiously violated. Pref. to Dem, xxii. '* These revolutions happened in the compass of a fewyears. Their periods are not exactly marked. They are brought under one view for the sake of tlie following reflections. That different sets of men, born in the bosom of hberty, educated in principles of republican equality, and inspired from their infancy with a detestation of arbitrary power, should uniformly pursue the same plan of tyranny and domination, is ma ter of astonish- ment. But when we consider that many of them were men of probity, honour, and virtue, before they were chosen by their fellow-citizens to execute the sacred trust of gov rnment, and that instantly they threw off all regard to jus- tice, religion, and even to common humanity, we must be tempted to think that nature hah im- planted in the heart of man an appetite to en- 121 slave and oppress his fellow creatures. But of greater importance is the conclusion from these and numberless other examples, that we should never intrust a human creature^ even in times of the uttermost distress^ with any powers unknown to the constitution, in hopes of a precarious, un- certain relief. By this kind of confidence, the liberties of Greece and Rome were totally lost ; and what nation now upon earth will presume to say they may not be enslaved in the same manner V^ Ibid. p. xxxii. " When a nation is inclined to slavery, at what a little price will it sell its liberty." Dem, vol. i. p. l66* The Character of Philip. ** Equally a politician, as a general, he was temperate in forming his plans, and rapid in the execution ; — Impenetrable in his own coun- sels, and master of those of his enemies; — Sa- gacious to foresee, and bold to seize the most favourable conjunctures ; — Perpetually varying his conduct, without ever varying the principles upon which he acted :— Embassies, negociations. 122 treaties, peace, hostilities, compliances, menaces, promises and money, were all employed to the purposes of his ambition. We shall mention only one particular artifice which he invented, and which hath since been often practised uith success. Under pretence that the treasury of Macedonia was exhausted, he borrowed consi- derable sums from all the wealthiest citizens of Greece, who from thence became interested in his future fortune; and with an appearance only of receiving interest for their mone}'-, were really pensioners of Philip." Pref. to Dem, p. xxxviii. " Our orator now appears upon the scene in a character well worthy of his own great abilities ; indeed, of all the powers of eloquence. We behold him in personal opposition to, perhaps, the great- est prince that ever sat upon a throne ; yet neither awed by his power, imposed upon by his artifices, or corrupted by his gold. Animated by the love of liberty, that noblest of all human passions, he stands forth the guardian and defender of his country. An equal terror to the tyrant, who would enslave her, as to the traitors who would betray. Whatever sentiments, that passion can 125 iftSpire ; whatever arguments good sense can dictate ; whatever ideas of highest sublimity, his own great genius could conceive, the reader will find in the following orations, philippics, and olynthiacs. After such a character of them, what modest excuse can be made for the trans- lator ? He professes, and surely without suspi- cion of affectation, his apprehension of sinking tinder the attempt. Yet while he feels the in* fiuence of the same passions that animate the ori- ginal, he will not wholly despair of the trans- lation." Dem, i. 47. " Our orator again reproves the indolence, irresolution, inactivity, the fatal procrastination of his audience. How sincerely does the trans- lator wish that the following proverb could onli/ be applied to the Greeks and Romans ! Dum Rbni€e consulitur, Saguntum ea:pugnatur. While the senate consults at Rome, Saguntum is be- l^ieged and taken." Dem. i. 135. " An evil, most pernicious to a free state, had long raged in Athens. The people^ to whorn^ in the last resort^ all administrations must appeal. 124 and in whom resides the power ^ and strength^ and majesty vfa nation^, were treated with contempt. Advantage was taken of their poverty, to cor- rupt their honesty, in giving their votes for places and employments. They were intimi- dated by menaces, or deceived by promises, or seduced by adulation. For they were flattered, even while they were despised. In the last ex- cess of corruption, they w^ere debauched in their sobriety and temperance, by drunken riots and luxurious entertainments. From hence, as from a first principle of ruin and dissolution, pro- ceeded the destruction of Athens and Rome. From the same principle will invariably and for ever proceed the destruction of all future states J* Dem, i. 40. " The wealth brought into Rome, by ravaging and plundering the world, was employed with a wantonness almost incredible, in the last ex- cesses of extravagance and luxury. These ex- cesses vitiated the minds, corrupted the under- standings, and broke the resolution of a people. * '^ The collective body of the people form that jury, and from their decision there is but one appeal." Junius^ vol. i. 165. H6 not less glorious for their spirit of liberty, than for their conquest of the world. Thus at length they were debased to a vileness of slavery un- known to the nations whom they had conquered, and infamous to all posterity." Hor. i. 254. " Let the horrors of this execrable story alarm every free people to an attention to the first attempts against their liberty. For what nation now upon earth can presume to say, they would submit only to any certain degree of slavery, when the Roman people could be thus enslaved to the cruelty of Tiberius, the madness of Caligula, the stupidity of Claudius, or the impiety of Nero ?" * Dem, i. p. l6S. * '* If an honest and, I may truly affirm, a laborious zeal for the public service has given me any weight in your esteem, let me exhort and conjure you never to suffer an invasion of your political constitution, however minute the instance may appear, to pass by without a determined and persevering resistance. One precedent creates an- other. They soon accumulate and constitute a law. What yesterday was fact, to-day is doctrine ; examples are sup- posed to justify the most dangerous measures, and where they do not suit exactly, the defect is supplied by analogy.*' Junius^ vol. i. p. 3. 126 " The patriot nobly sacrifices the reputation and interests of the orator to the glory and the welfare of his audience. The dignity of his lan- guage, the resistless spirit of conviction, the pathetic, the sublime, seem unpremeditated ef- fects of genius, animated by love of liberty and of country." Dem, vol. i. p. xlv. " His efforts to recover the freedom of his country after the death of Philip and Alexander may appear, as we are now influenced in our judgment by the event, too precipitate and im- mature: their strength too disproportioned to an enterprize of such importance. Yet if not prudent, they were glorious efforts. They sus- tain the integrity of his character ; they shew that a detestation of tyranny was the actuating principle of his life, and love of liberty the pas- sion that supported him in death, when he nobly *' The woman who adi^piits of one familiarity seldom knows where to stop, or what to refuse ; and when the counsels of a great country give way in a single instance — ^when once they are inclined to submission^ every step accelerates the rapidity of the descent." Junius y voL ii. p« 186. 127 refused to survive the ruin of his country, or accept an obligation from its tyrant.'* Dem, vol. i. p.xl . " The first intention of this essay was to inquire into the principles of political wisdom, upon which the various forms of government in Greece were founded, and to mark the error from which their dissolution proceeded; that, possibly, some hints might arise for the preser- vation or improvement of our own most excellent constitution. Let the writer therefore be for- given one reflection here, not wholly foreign to his intention, perhaps not unapplicable to the present conjuncture of public affairs: that, al- though a republican government be greatly- capable of maintaining its liberty, either against the attempts of foreign conquests or domestic tyranny, while it preserves the principles of vir- tue and equality upon which it is founded, yet when its citizens are enervated by luxury and pleasure, their morals vitiated by avarice and profusion, it is alnost impossible ever to recover them to their original severity of discipline and manners. If a citizen should arise of courage enough to attempt their reformation, the people would consider him a^ their equal. He could 128 assume no other power over them, than that of persuasion ; and the laws he proposed must be passed by their own consent, in opposition to their prejudices, their passions, and their vices. On the contrary, there is a regular subordina- tion of powers and influences in a monarchy, of mighty effect to preserve it in times of immi- nent danger and distress. The prince impresses his virtues on his nobility. Their example dif- fuses those virtues among the people, who are generally taught to admire, and who feel almost a natural tendency to imitate the manners of their superiors.'* Dem, vol. i. p. xxxvii. Our author, in this last extract, introduces a reflection, which he says is *'not unapplicable to the present conjuncture of public affairs.'* He appears to have been considering at the time he made this remark, in what way our own con- stitution might be improved or preserved ; and by what means, one of the people would be best able to recover his fellow-subjects from that state of debasement, into which luxury and avarice had sunk them. From his application of the reflection to the present conjuncture of affairs^ it would appear that he believed such was the de- 129 graded state of this country at the time he wrote 3 — " that its citizens were enervated by luxury and pleasure, their morals vitiat^ by avarice and profusion/' Then comes the reflec- tion — that, in a democracy where all the people are equal it would be impossible to reclaim them from their vicious propensities. For, *' if a citi- zen should arise of courage enough to attempt their reformation, the people would consider him as their equal,'* and this would defeat all his good intentions, since they would not listen to him with respect, nor obey, against their inclina- tions, one man, whose influence was tantamount only to their own. " He could assume no other power over them, than that of persuasion ; and the laws he proposed must be passed by their own consent, in opposition to their prejudices, their passions, and their vices." It is impossi- ble, therefore, that he could attain his ends. Under a republican form of government the people would be safer, and more happy, as long as public virtue and the severe simplicity of their pri- mitive manners were preserved ; but the moment the great mass of the people was tainted with corruption, the decline of that state would be swift and irremediable. This reflection was very naturally accompa- ISO nied by another : that under an opposite form of government, the people might possibly be re- stored to something like their original purity of morals and behaviour. For, ^' there is a regular subordination of powers and influences in a mo- narchy, of mighty effect to preserve it in times of imminent danger and distress.'* But the be- nefit, even then, could only be effected by the prince himself setting the example. He is the first cause of reformation. ** The prince im- presses his virtues on his nobility. Their exam- ple diffuses those virtues among the people^ who are generally taught to admire, and who feel a natural tendency to imitatCy the manners of their superiors.** The man who sits down to examine the forms of other constitutions, vi^ith a view to the im- provement or preservation of that under which he lives, — and who endeavours ^' to mark the error from whence the dissolution" of other go- vernments has proceeded, — does it not with a light mind, but is probably influenced in his in- quiry by the most perfect love for his own coun- try. He sees that whenever the vices have taken root in a land, they have gradually mul- tiplied until they overran the whole country. ISI and destroyed every thing that was wholesome or lovely ; — that under a democracy it was im* possible to eradicate the evil, and under a monarchy it was difficult, requiring a chain of favourable circumstances, which rarely, if ever, met together at the time when they were want* ed. He looks at his native soil, and sees it abound with those vices which will speedily re- duce it to a state of utter worthlessness. It is the first wish of his heart to be of service to his country. In what way can he proceed ? — He is a member of that rank in society which has no influence over the public mind : * as far there- fore as his opinion goes, it will have no conse- quence attached to it. He would possess even more power under a democratic form of govern- ment, than he does in his present circumstances. For in that case he might have some chance of success from the advantages which public ora- tory affords, and from the opportunity he would possess of arriving without difficulty at the high- est offices in the republic. But, in England he must make his appeal to the public eye through * " I dedicate to you a collection of letters, written by one of yourselves for the common benefit of us all." Junius^ vol, i. p. 1. rs2 the medium of the press. He must address him- self to the reason. His countrymen can neither hear his voice, nor see his action or expression. The passions, which are of the first importance in a cause like his, are either beyond the power of his excitement, or the reach of his control. But as the country is governed by a King, there would still be one hope left. And as the land is filled with noblemen of great influence, some little good might surely be expected to proceed from them. If the person we are now considering coulc^ be satisfied that his Prince was active and sincere in promoting the practice of virtue, or that the nobility were uniformly zealous in their attempts to amend the morals of the people by the force of good example ; it is probable that these con- siderations would calm his fears. But it is more likely that he who has to complain of the de- pravity of the age is convinced that no benefit is to be expected from these sources. On the contrary, he may think that the immorality and profligacy of the great are the chief causes of that laxity of morals which has taken place iii. all the other classes of the community. With the conviction on his mind that we are- hastening to a state of moral and political de~ gradation, from which no hand that is able is also wiUing to save us ; he looks around, and finds, in the midst of his despair, one course still is open to him, whereby he may possibly avert the approaching danger. The press furnishes an easy mode of appeal- ing to the people, without being personally known to them. He accordingly addresses them on subjects necessary to be well under- stood by all *. He sets before them the origin of their liber- ties i he explains the nature of their invalu- able constitution ; he shews them the folly of their credulity, the danger of their indifference, the madness of their venality ; he tells them what course they must pursue to retrieve their errors, and points out the path which they must take to avoid them for the future ; he places before them the glory of their ancestoi'S, the misery and slavery of their posterity j by every argument in nature that can influence the heart ** I do not place the little pleasures of life in competi- tion with the glprious business of instructing and directing the people." Letter to Wilkes ^ vol. i. p. 314. 1S4 of man, he endeavours to win them to vh'tue, to wisdom, to freedom, and to happiness.* Aware of the fruitlessness of all his efforts, unless he can impress upon their minds a sense of his importance,! he assumes that character in his writings, which is denied to his real situa- tion. He speaks as a man of high rank and the first consequence. J As the people are " generally taught to admire the great," he engages by his dignity their reverance for his person. As they * «< This is not the cause of faction or of party, or of any individual, but the common interest of every man in Britain." JuniuSy Dedication, vol. i. p. i. f " In my opinion you should not wish to decline the appearance of being particularly addressed in that letter. It is calculated to give you dignity with the public. There is more in it than perhaps you are aware of. De- pend upon it, the perpetual union of Wilkes and mob does you no service. Not but that I love and esteem the mob. It is your interest to keep up dignity and gravity besides. I would not make myself cheap by walking the streets so much as you do. Verbum sat,** Letter to Wilkes ^ vol. i. p. 317. X ** Besides every personal consideration, if I were known, / could no longer be an useful servant to the public. At present there is something oracular in the delivery of my opinions. I speak from a recess which no 135 ** feel a natural tendency to imitate" their supe- riors, he stamps on their minds an impression of his character. Though fortune has denied him the nobility of birth, she has given him an elevation of soul to look down on titles ; and though she has deprived him of the influence which attends on wealth, she makes those whom wealth ennobles render homage to his talents, and respect to his au- thority. He strives to improve the great by exhorta- tion and praise, by reproof and ridicule, not so much for their own sakes as for the value of their example. He addresses those especially, whose influence in the state* affords them an opportunity of secretly undermining the foun- dations of our liberty; and when he cannot de- ter them from attempting to do wrong, he en- deavours to deprive them of that power which makes them dangerous. Lastly, as kings are the chief authors of good and evil to their subjects — the main spring of a human curiosity can penetrate, and darkness, we are told, is one source of the sublime. The mystery of J UN JUS increases his importance J* Junius, Letter to Wilkes, vol. i. p. 314; ♦ ^* To preserve the whole system, you must correct your legislature.'* Ibid, vol. i. p. €; 136 machine that is either a blessing or a curse to the nation, he summons all his strength for his last, best work; and since he cannot, as a prince, communicate the impress of his virtues from the highest to the lowest, through all the gradations of rank within the kingdom, he goes directly to the King himself, and by virtue of his invisibihty, addresses him in the unexpected lan- guage of truth. All that wisdom can dictate, and eloquence express, is urged with irresistible force upon the heart and understanding of the monarch : for he remembers that the improve- ment of a whole people is the object to be at- tained, and that " clearing the fountain is the best and shortest way to purify the stream."* We do not mean to say that such conduct as this we have described would necessarily result from that reflection which gave birth to our theory. But we appeal to the Letters of Junius for proofs, that a similar conduct has been pursued by a character, in every minute par- * Junius, vol, i. p. 293. ** If it were my misfortune to live under the inauspi- cious reign of a prince, whose whole life was employed in one base contemptible struggle with the free spirit of the people, or in the detestable endeavour to corrupt their moral principles, I would not scruple to declare to him — * Sir, you alone are the author of the greatest wrong to your subjects, and to yourself.' " JuniuSy vol. i. 42. and vol. ii. 64. 137 ticular resembling that which has been drawn ; and we think that such conduct was more likely to proceed from the author of the foregoing reflection than from any other person. If we are correct in our opinion, that the ideal character of Junius was suggested by the last of our quotations from Dr. Francis j and if the theory we have laid down be applicable to the whole of the conduct pursued by Junius j it will necessarily follow, that the real author of those letters, to be consistent with his first inten- tion, must for ever remain unknown to the public. — Owing his influence among the people to the impression he has left on their minds, that he was a man of high rank, who had no other opportunity of speaking his real sentiments without danger to himself or his connections; possessing his ascendancy over the Court and the Officers of State only so long as it was suspected that he was himself a great personage in disguise, he must have resolved that his secret should die with himy'ii he sincerely desired that his country should derive benefit from his la- bours. All his power of doing good would cease, according to his own mpst excellent observation, as soon as it was discovered that he was' only one oj' the people. He must, there- fore, resign all hopes 6f advantage during his L 138 life, and of honour after death. AH the vanity of authorship must be suppressed ; and the glorious hopes of immortal fame, which have animated other great minds to perform splendid actions, and accomplish laborious undertakinojs, must be sacrificed at the shrine of public utility. — Tn the lan^ua^e of Dr. Francis, the man vi^ho wrote these Letters has dedicated to the nation, not his work, hut its author; not his eloquence, hut his understanding and his heart! Other men have offered up their lives for the welfare of their country, but they have felt at the time an inexpressible delight in the reflection, that they should survive for ever in the memory of a grateful posterity. It remained for the present age to produce a patriot who devoted his fame, as well as his life, to the service of his fellow creatures. It may naturally be asked, why we so highly commend the endeavour of the author to remain undiscovered, and yet do our utmost to reveal him to the world. We think, and in our own hearts are satisfied, that this noble attempt to leap unseen into the gulph of oblivion, for tHfe preservation of his country, will elevate him in the estimation of the people, far more than the knowledge of his real situation can depress him; and instead of our disclosure tending to detract 139 from the weight of his authority, we do not know that any act or accident in life can add such value to the sentiments of any man, as a sincere endeavour to die in support of his principles. The reader is now in possession of all the circumstances which have impressed us with a conviction that Dr. Francis and his son Sir. Philip were the authors of the Letters of Junius. If he entertains a doubt of the validity of our discovery, we request him to take a re- view of the whole of the evidence we have of- fered; and since he has formed his judgment of the weight of each individual circumstance in succession, let him now consider and estimate the aggregate value of the mass. Should he still hesitate to admit of our conclusion, we must request his attention to some further evidence which we shall speedily have the pleasure to submit to his inspection. r~" KOTE. The edition of Horace, quoted in the preceding pajos, is that of 1753, in 4 vols. We request the reader's attention to the following Enutn. Page 34. « Least" should be " last," in line 13. ^ 69. « Equally used with or, instead of a>," sliould be *= EiuaUy used with or, instead of and J' *^— .112. ^'Dissatisfactions" should be " dissatisfaction," in line M. -p— 127. " Alnost" should bo " almost," in line 21. 134. " Reverance" should be « reverence;" in last Hue. %lh May, 1813. T. 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