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 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 THE TRANSVAAL 
 
 AND 
 
 BECHUANALAND. 
 
 BY 
 
 G. B. CLARK, M.D., F.R.C.S.E., 
 
 HONOEAET SECEETAEY OF THE TEANSTAAL INDEPENDENCE COiTMITTEE. 
 
 PRICE ONE SHILLING. 
 
 JUTA, HEELIS, AND CO., 
 9 AND 10, ST. BRIDE'S AVENUE, FLEET STEEET.
 
 LONDON ! 
 PRINTED BY HAKEISON AND SONS, 
 
 ST. haetin's lane.
 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Since the first edition was printed, the question has 
 again been discussed in the House of Commons, 
 when the Government proposed an amendment to 
 the effect that compensation, in money or land, in 
 British territory should be offered to Mankoroane 
 and Montsioa. 
 
 If we grant the petition of the Chiefs, and allow 
 the Transvaal Government to restore order in the dis- 
 turbed districts, the course proposed by Mr. Gladstone 
 would be quite unnecessary, as sufficient land would 
 be beaconed off^ and reserved for the Chiefs and their 
 followers as native locations. Sir William Owen 
 Lanyon, when predicting this anarchy, pointed out 
 that there was land in abundance for a fair popu- 
 lation of whites without disturbing the natives. 
 If the jurisdiction of the Transvaal Government 
 were again extended over the district, they would 
 guarantee the Chiefs the possession of their lands, 
 and prevent any more of these intertribal wars. All 
 we require to do to settle the disturbances and 
 restore peace and tranquillity in the district, is to 
 carry out the advice of Sir William Owen Lanyon, 
 Sir Theophilus Shepstone, and Sir Charles Warren. 
 These three gentlemen were all personally acquainted 
 with the Chiefs and the territory, and they have all 
 declared that it is necessary to place the territory 
 under the rule of a civilised government. Unfor-
 
 tunatelySir Michael Hicks Beach refused permission 
 to take over the district when both the native chiefs 
 and the Griqnaland Government were desirous of 
 doing so. Now, since Griqualand has been annexed 
 to the Cape, and the Cape Government refuses to 
 have anything to do with the territory, our wisest 
 course would be to modify the first Article of the 
 Pretoria Convention, and restore the old boundary 
 of the Transvaal, by this means the policy proposed 
 by the three gentlemen best acquainted with the 
 facts of the case can be carried out, and the territory 
 and the tribes be again brought under the control of 
 a civilized state. Unfortunately in 1881 we took 
 the advice of a Commission, tlie members of which 
 knew nothing about either the district or its in- 
 habitants. Now that the anarchy has occurred, 
 which our Colonial Governors had previously pre- 
 dicted, the question for Lord Derby and the 
 Government to settle is whether they intend to 
 maintain the anarchy, or allow the Transvaal 
 Government to interfere and establish peace and 
 order. In the Appendix will be found the Sand River 
 Convention, the Pretoria Convention, and the resolu- 
 tion of the Volksraad provisionally ratifying the 
 Pretoria Convention. 
 
 Flnwick, Wkst Di i.wK 11, S.E. 
 Mail -'l*'! 1^«^-
 
 THE TRANSVAAL AND BECHUANALAND. 
 
 The anarchy at present existing in that j^art of the 
 cismolopo territory of South Africa, now called 
 Bechuanaiand, and the warm and rather irritating 
 tone of some of the despatches that have lately 
 passed between the Colonial Office or its officials 
 and the Government of the South African E,epublic, 
 regarding the causes that have brought about the 
 anarchy and its proper treatment, deserve more 
 attention than they are receiving ; as upon the wise 
 and equitable settlement of the present difficulties, 
 and the fixing of the policy to be pursued should 
 conditions of a similar character again ensue, the 
 friendly relations between the English and Dutch 
 populations, and the peace and prosperity of the 
 states and colonies of South Africa, will to a large 
 extent depend. 
 
 The present condition of the territory has been 
 brought about by an inter-tribal war, between 
 Korannas, Batlapins, and Baralongs ; and the war 
 has been caused by the attempts of the different 
 chiefs to attain the paramount chieftainship of the 
 tribes, and the intrigues of white speculators and 
 adventurers. 
 
 The Government is urged to interfere to practi- 
 cally annex the territory by a curious combination 
 of Evangelicals and jingoes, and the old policy of 
 slandering and misrepresenting the Transvaal Go- 
 
 A 2
 
 vernment is being again pursuecL If we interfere 
 it means another South African war, and it also 
 means the adoption of a policy that will probably 
 result m a war between the English and Dutch 
 populations, or rather between the Africanders of 
 all nationalities and the supporters of the too often 
 meddling and muddling pohcy that has so long 
 dominated the Colonial Office in regard to South 
 African affairs. I need not point out that such a 
 war will be more costly in blood and treasure than 
 any we have already waged in that country, and that 
 a terrible responsibility rests on those who may, 
 from either disinterested or party motives, tend to 
 bring about such a calamity. 
 
 Mr. Gorst has asked the House of Commons to 
 censure the Transvaal Government for causing the 
 present state of the territory ; this motion has been 
 discussed at two sittings, and a more than usual 
 ignorance of the facts of the case has been exhi- 
 bited by most of the speakers, there were excep- 
 tions, notably Mr. John Morley on the first occasion 
 and Mr. Gladstone on the last. 
 
 In defence of the Transvaal Government from the 
 attacks of Mr. Forster and those who are at present 
 abusing it, I will now attempt to show, princijDally 
 from our own official documents, that the present 
 condition of Bechuanaland is the inevitable result of 
 the unwise policy deliberately adopted by the Koyal 
 Commission ; that the Boer leaders warned the 
 Commissioners that the policy they proposed to 
 adopt would not settle matters, but rather intensify 
 tlie anarchy that then existed; that the Boer leaders
 
 were not alone in giving this warning. The Governor 
 of the Transvaal and the Governor of Griqualand, 
 and those of our own officials who were best acquainted 
 with the facts, had previously warned us, and facts 
 had demonstrated the impolicy and injustice of the 
 system then deliberately re-adopted, notwithstanding 
 the protests of both Boers and natives. Hence we 
 are blaming the victims for the result of our own 
 folly. 
 
 The Transvaal Government have always claimed 
 this so-called Bechuanaland as a part of their state, 
 and their subjects have always resided in it. When 
 they went there, more than half a century ago, they 
 found the place almost entirely depopulated. It 
 had been overrun by Moselikatsie, the great Mata- 
 bele or Zulu chief, and its native inhabitants driven 
 away. Moselikatsie also attacked the emigrant 
 farmers, but they ultimately conquered him and 
 drove him out of the country. In 1871, in direct 
 contravention of the Sand River Convention, made 
 in 1852 with the Transvaal Bepublic, and the Bloem- 
 fontein Convention, made in 1854 with the Orange 
 Free State, we appropriated the Diamond Fields, 
 and made Bechuanaland a field for the rivalry of the 
 Dutch and English officials and adventurers of South 
 Africa. Well did Mr. Froude characterise it as 
 "' perhaps the most discreditable incident in British 
 colonial history." We have dearly paid for our 
 selfish and discreditable course of conduct. It has 
 brought about most of our South Afiican troubles, and 
 the many wars which have cost us and the Cape Colony 
 so much, and been so barren of any useful results.
 
 This cismolopo territory was until lately called the 
 " Keate Award Territory," in consequence of an 
 award made by Governor Keate of Natal, as umpire in 
 the Bloemhof ai'bitration case. It was proposed that 
 a dispute between certain native chiefs and between 
 some of these chiefs and the Transvaal Government 
 should be settled by arbitration. President 
 Pretorius consented ; one arbitrator, Mr. Campbell, 
 was appointed by us ; the other, Mr. O'Reilly, by the 
 Transvaal Government ; Mr, Keate to be umpire. 
 Messrs. Campbell and O'Peilly could not agree ;. 
 Governor Keate was called in and gave his award. 
 The Transvaal Government refused to abide by this 
 award, on the ground that it was not only manifestly 
 unjust, but that both Mr. Campbell, the arbitrator, 
 and Governor Keate, the umpire, had made them- 
 selves interested parties — Mr. Campbell having 
 received or bought for a quit rent of three pounds 
 25,000 acres of part of the disputed territory ; and 
 Governor Keate, in accepting Waterboer and his 
 territory as part of the British possessions, despite 
 the solemn treaties which Ave had voluntarily made, 
 had made himself also an interested party instead 
 of an impartial umpii^e. President Burgers pointed 
 out that some of the native chiefs had not even 
 been heard in support of the claims ; that a part 
 had been given to Mankoroane, on the ground 
 that he was paramount chief of the Batlapins ; 
 that Botlasitsie Gasibone, not Mankoroane, was 
 the paramount chief; but the land in question did 
 not belong to the Batlapins at all : the oldest native 
 inhabitants were the Korannas, of which old Massouw
 
 was the paramount chief, and this old chief's land 
 had been given away without his knowing anytliing 
 about it, or being consulted ; that the paramount 
 chief of the Baralongs, if any one had a claim to 
 that title, was Moshette, while the award gave it 
 to Montsioa ; and that the citizens of the Transvaal 
 had been settled in the country on their farms 
 before the natives came into it. It was shown 
 that some of the papers on which the award was 
 founded were clearly forgeries, as the watermark 
 proved they had been manufactured three years after 
 the date written on them ; but I need not enter into 
 the merits of tliis award, as it is now generally 
 admitted by our own officials to be in many respects 
 unjust and indefensible, and the correctness of most 
 of President Burgers's assertions has also been 
 admitted by our own officials who have had charge 
 of the district. Thus Colonel Moysey admits that 
 Botlasitsie Gasibone " was in reality of higher birth " 
 than^Mankoroane, whom we had recognised (C 3098, 
 page 105) ; and at the meeting of the Boyal Com- 
 mission, when the question was being discussed, when 
 Colonel Moysey was asked, " Who is the paramount 
 cliief (of the Baralongs) by virtue of native custom 
 and native right ? " he replied, " I go by what I see in 
 the Bloemhof Arbitration Blue Book, and there 
 Moshette is mentioned as paramount chief, and that 
 he was born so " (C 3219, page 80) ; and even young 
 Montsioa, who was sent there to represent his father, 
 admitted before the Commission that his father had 
 no right to that position, and that Moshette's tribe 
 had precedence of his father's ; bat the most weighty
 
 10 
 
 evidence in favour of President Burgers's contention 
 
 is given by Sir Theophilus Shepstone, when Governor 
 
 of the Transvaal, in his despatch of July 18th, 1878 
 
 (C2220, pages 109, 110): — 
 
 " Tlie Keate award was made under the idea that it was 
 : noting out justice to the natives, and that it would tend to 
 maintain the peace of the country ; but in fact it handed 
 them over in many cases to white land speculators and 
 adventurers, and in all to the anarchy of tribal disputes, 
 because from the nature of things it was impossible for an 
 umpire to declare or provide for the rights of each tribe. I 
 venture to express my opinion that the spirit of the Keate 
 award would be best carried out by the jurisdiction of the 
 (Transvaal) Government over the whole of the old limits of 
 the Transvaal, and by sufficient land being beaconed off for 
 each of the tribes which at present inhabit the portion cut off 
 by the Keate award." 
 
 He advised that this so-called Bechuanaland 
 should again be incorporated formally within the 
 Transvaal State, as from what he had seen of the 
 natives — 
 
 " I have come to the conclusion that for their own sakes, 
 as w^ell as for ours, they must be placed under some authority 
 superior to their own. Wlien there is no general excitement 
 such as exists now, which has the effect of more or less 
 luiiting them against the whites, quarrels break out amongst 
 themselves, frequently fomented by white men hving among 
 them ; their tribal quarrels not only prevent all progress and 
 improvement," 
 
 but are harmful to the civilised communities. 
 
 In 1878, when this despatch was written, a war 
 had occurred. Botlasitsie Gasibone and his Batlapins 
 had assisted the Griquas, who had risen in rebellion 
 agoinst our rule. They invaded our territory and 
 murdered our subjects ; our forces followed them into
 
 11 
 
 their territory and defeated them. Maiikoroane tried 
 to screen the guilty Batlapins, and connived at their 
 escape. Colonel Lanyon thus reports concerning the 
 matter (C 2220, page 162) :— 
 
 " Just as I was about to start for Taku the news arrived 
 of the province having been invaded by a mixed force of 
 Botlasitsie Gasibone's people and Colonial Kafirs from the 
 north-west. This party attacked and sacked the store of 
 Mr. Thomson, whom they murdered in the most cruel manner. 
 I also learned that Mankoroane, a friendly chief, had allowed 
 this party to afterwards pass his town (Taungs) red-handed 
 with their booty. 
 
 " On my return I had an interview with Mankoroane, and 
 I pointed out to him that through his action tlie Government 
 had been prevented securing the guilty, though he had asked 
 for our help in doing so, and was aware of our near approach ; 
 that I could not absolve him from having screened the most 
 guilty whilst he had sacrificed others ; that he had allowed 
 marauders, who had invaded the Queen's territories, and 
 murdered her subjects, to pass red-handed with their booty 
 through his town ; that in these circumstances I should look 
 to him to secure the guilty and also pay the indemnity of 
 1,000 head of cattle for the cruel wrong done." 
 
 And Colonel Warren, who was sent with another 
 force three months afterwards, to try and secure the 
 murderers, thus reports (C 2454, page 30) : — 
 
 " The troops all assembled at Taungs on the night of the 
 15th November and morning of 16th November. I had 
 previously sent Lieutenant Bethell on with letters to Man- 
 koroane informing him of our approach on our way to other 
 places, in order to reassure him, as reports had been 
 industriously circulated that an attack was to be made on 
 Taungs, in consequence of his having so pertinaciously har- 
 boured in his territories the rebels and murderers of whom we 
 are in search. Certainly, the shifty manner in which he has 
 acted during the last few months would lend colour to these
 
 12 
 
 reports, for there can be no doubt that while he has been 
 holding out one hand to us as our ally, he has also been 
 assisting the enemies of the British Government with the 
 other. 
 
 " I explained to Mankoroane that his behaviour could 
 only bear two interpretations — either that- he was unable or 
 unwilling to act towards us fairly as an ally. He replied 
 that for years past he had been too weak to exercise the con- 
 trol over other chiefs which he had assumed as paramount, 
 and that he had no power excej)t through the influence of the 
 British Government, and that now he had not control over 
 the people even of the border villages of his own tribe, there 
 being chiefs among them who claimed precedence over him! 
 That on this account he could not prevent the enemies of the 
 British Government coming among his own immediate people, 
 and that without the strong arm of the Government he could 
 not rule his people, that he Avished to be under tlie rule of 
 the British Government, and that this was the general wish 
 of the people, who found that gradually throughout the 
 Bechuana tribes all law and order had fallen into abeyance. 
 
 " The peculiar position of Mankoroane is rendered the 
 more strildng by the active measures the chief, Mathlabani, is 
 able to adopt. Mathlabani, who is only a minor chief, living 
 about six miles from Taungs, and who does not recognise 
 Mankoroane, can get wagons and oxen for the use of the 
 British Government, and offers to turn out 250 fighting men 
 to assist at two days' notice if required ; whereas Mankoroane 
 professes to be unable to obtain wagons, oxen, or horses fit 
 to ride, at this season of the year, and has been unable yet to 
 turn out any fighting men to assist, though instructed to call 
 them out more than a week ago. This is the more remaricable, 
 because our columns have passed more than 2,000 fat cattle 
 belonging to Mankoroane at the cattle posts between Takoon 
 and Taungs, and have seen many of his men well armed." 
 
 Ill Ills speech on this question, the last time it 
 was discussed in the House of Commons, Mr. Forster 
 asserted that Mankoroane had always been our faith-
 
 13 
 
 fill all}^ and that it was cowardice of tlie worst kind 
 to allow him to fall into the hands of his enemies ; 
 but these reports do not show him in that character, 
 Mr. Forster also described the Batlapins as a iiighly 
 civilised Christian people, with a large export and 
 import trade, and some of the Missionary party tell 
 us " it is a high civilisation which is being desti-oyed 
 by a lower one/' the Boer civilisation, being according 
 to them, the lower one. Again I refer to our own 
 Blue Books. In May 13th, 1S78, Sir Bartle Frere 
 sent home a report on this same tribe by a Govern- 
 ment surveyor in Griqualand West, who had been 
 sent by that Government " with a view to facilitate 
 a steady supply of free labourers for the Kimberley 
 mines." He thus reports (C 2220, pages 47, 7^) : — 
 
 " The Batlapins are a very indolent race, their lands being 
 cultivated and their flocks tended hj slaves. They have some 
 idea of a future state, but any crude religious ceremonies they 
 have are connected with witchcraft. 
 
 " As I anticipated, there is hardly any probability of 
 obtaining labour from this tribe, unless some means could be 
 devised of putting this slave labour into the market. From 
 careful inquiries I estimate that there are roughly 20,000 
 slaves belonging to Mankoroane's tribe. The male slaves 
 would, I think, be willing to work if free. At present they 
 are not allowed to work without their masters' permission 
 and even then whatever earned is the property of the master 
 
 " According to Batlapin law, the slave has no wife, no 
 children, and no property of any kind. The slaves cohabit 
 with each other, and any children they have belong to the 
 man's master. If a slave leaves the country for a time, and 
 returns with a wife from some other tribe, or one of the 
 neighbouring states, on his return the wife becomes the 
 property of the husband's master. I know of one case of 
 this sort, though I believe it is a very rare one.
 
 14 
 
 " The Batlapin men nearly all wear clothes, in many cases 
 of European make, but in most their clothing consists of a 
 skin jacket and trousers. The slaves are not allowed to wear 
 clothes unless by special permission of the master, and then 
 they are liable to forfeit them whenever the master chooses, 
 
 " The population of Taungs is probably about 5,000 or 
 6,000, and the probable number of Mankoroane's free subjects 
 is perhaps about 10,000 or 12,000, and allowing two slaves 
 for every one free-born (a very low estimate) "would give us 
 about 20,000 slaves. 
 
 " Mankoroane's people are the dirtiest, most lazy, and 
 generally the most degraded and useless tribe I have 
 visited, and yet they cultivate enormous quantities of grain 
 in good seasons. This season has been an exceptionally bad 
 one, and I anticipate that very large numbers of the Batlapins 
 will this winter be forced to the diamond fields for work. 
 Among the Batlapins the power of life and death is vested in 
 the chief and council. They bury their dead in a sitting 
 position facing the north-east, because their tradition is that 
 originally they came from that direction, and that the spirit's 
 home is in that direction." 
 
 This report of Mr. Bailies differs very much from 
 Mr, Forster's description of their condition, and the 
 savage murders and mutilations that occurred last 
 year, and during the war, show that any little civilisa- 
 tion they may have acquired lately is not very deep, 
 l^hat the natives are as bad in their treatment of each 
 other as the Boers are asserted to be to them, I 
 quote the evidence oftheBev. John Mackenzie, whose 
 pamphlet inspired Mr. Forster's speech. When writing 
 to Colonel Lanyon, the Governor of Griqualand West, 
 regarding the condition of his district, and recom- 
 mending then, as he does now, that we should take 
 the management of the district, he said, when de- 
 .scribing the laws necessary for its Government —
 
 15 
 
 " It ought also to be enacted that not more than six or 
 eight huts should be built on one farm. The inveterate 
 desire of all natives to collect poorer or weaker people than 
 themselves, and make them vassals, must be made imprac- 
 ticable and unlawful." 
 
 If this is necessary where they have had two gene- 
 rations of mission work and training bestowed upon 
 them, what must be the condition of those who have 
 not had those advantages, whose highest ideals are 
 war and plunder, and who are constantly fighting 
 with each other ? 
 
 I have already given the testimony of the Gover- 
 nor of the Transvaal, and his advice to again incorpo- 
 rate this Keate Award Territory, or Bechuanaland, 
 into the Transvaal State. On February 19th, 1879, 
 Sir Bartle Frere forwarded a despatch from Colonel 
 Lanyon (Sir William Owen Lanyon), the Governor 
 of Griqualand West, also advising the incorporation 
 of the territory into the Transvaal or annexing it to 
 his colony. He states (C 2454, page 27) : — ■ 
 
 " Mankoroane is powerless either for good or evil, and is, 
 like all the other Batlapin chiefs, a mere puppet in the hands 
 of the mischief-makers of his tribe." 
 He continues : — 
 
 " Unhappily deeds of aggression and murder have forced us 
 to invade these Batlapin territories, and those who have 
 committed these acts have been conquered. The others, who 
 maintained, from their inherent weakness, a very questionable 
 neutrality, have again petitioned to be brought under the 
 peaceful sway of Her Majesty. To withdraw now would be 
 regarded by them as weakness on our part. The chiefs, weak 
 as they were before, would now be powerless for good, and 
 the result would be that a state of anarchy would prevail 
 which would be fatal to civilisation, and dangerous to the 
 interests of surrounding territories.
 
 IG 
 
 111 writing this I do not wish your Excellency to suppose 
 that I advocate the taking of the country by a strong hand, 
 so as to displace the native for the advancement of the 
 European. On the contrary, I would not wish to see one man 
 ousted or one acre alienated. There is land in abundance 
 for a fair population of wliites without disturbing the abori- 
 gines." 
 
 In consequence of these reports the question of 
 the future position of the country was placed in 
 the hands of Sir George CoUey, the then High Com- 
 missioner, who appointed Colonel Moysey to report 
 as to the relative position of the white and native 
 inhabitants of the territory, and before Sir George 
 Colley could decide the Boers rose in arms to regain 
 their independence, and very unfortunately he was 
 shot on Amajuba Hill. 
 
 During the Transvaal War some of the native 
 chiefs in the territory wished to take part in the 
 struofffle, and the Transvaal Government assert that 
 they were incited to do so by the British native 
 agents, and the action of these same agents since 
 has shown that there were probably good grounds for 
 the assertion. Sir Evelyn Wood reported (C 3098, 
 page 3), " that during the war, Montsioa had been 
 willing to take up arms and co-operate with the 
 English garrison at Potchefstroom, but was deterred 
 according to instructions given to all our Government 
 officials." Mankoroane was also willing to fight if 
 we wanted him on our side. The reason is 
 obvious. We had endeavoured to place these two 
 chiefs in a position to which they had no legitimate 
 claim, and they knew that the Boers supported 
 the claims of their rivals, Moshette and Botlasitsie
 
 17 
 
 Gasibone, and they naturally thought the victory 
 of the Boers would not have the effect of estab- 
 lishing them in the position they desired to occupy ; 
 but, although we declined their aid, Montsioa 
 determined to go to war on his own account, and 
 he ordered all the Boers to leave their farms on 
 the district as it w^as Baralong land, and he was 
 the chief of the Baralongs. 
 
 A. meeting of the Baralong chiefs, Moshette, Mont- 
 sioa, and Machabi, was held to consider what course 
 they should take. Montsioa advocated supporting the 
 English, Moshette and Machabi w^ere more in favour 
 of the Boers ; but Moshette proposed they should 
 wait and see which side was successful, and supj)ort 
 the victors. As Machabi supported Moshette, and 
 also was in favour of his claims for the paramountcy, 
 Montsioa ordered him to leave the territory also, wdth 
 his friends the Boers. Machabi had been located in 
 Polfontein by President Burgers, in return for services 
 rendered by himself and his father; — the place was in 
 the possession of certain Boers at the time when the 
 President bought them out and installed Machabi. 
 Montsioa declared war against Machabi, made a night 
 attack, surprised him and captured his place, killing 
 72 of Machabi's men, 12 of his women, burning some, 
 skinning others, and cutting the heart out of 
 Machabi's brother Stoffel (C 3098, page 36). 
 
 Moshette came to the support of Machabi, and the 
 inter-tribal war began. When Sir Evelyn Wood was 
 informed of this state of things he sent Major Buller 
 to order " Montsioa to abstain from any further 
 hostilities." Major Buller was accompanied by Mr,
 
 18 
 
 P. J. Joubert on behalf of the Triumvirate. The two 
 delegates persuaded the belligerents to agree to a 
 truce, and allow the dispute to be settled by the 
 Royal Commissioners. Unfortunately the Commis- 
 sioners neglected to do so, and the promise made on 
 their behalf by Major Buller was never carried out. 
 
 "When the Royal Commission of which Sir 
 Hercules Robinson was President met, Mr. Kruger 
 gave them a history of the country, explaining how 
 they had acquired the land, and how the native 
 chiefs and their tribes emigrated into the territory 
 after the Boers had conquered Moselikatsie. He said 
 (C 3219, page 41) :— 
 
 " I should like to give the Commission the whole history 
 of the country here. Moselikatsie belongs to the Zulu tribe. 
 Manekos is also a Zulu, and so is Swazi's father, as well as 
 Dingaan. These were four brothers. When Dingaan 
 murdered their common father, Cliaka, the four brothers 
 separated. Moselikatsie came down in this direction {'pointing 
 to via]}), and in invading the territory he attacked the Batla- 
 pins and Earalongs, conquered them and took in the whole 
 country. This happened in 1823, and before 1 was born ; but 
 we have all the documents to show you. All the Earalongs 
 then lied to Blesburg in the Free State. The emigrant Boers, 
 as is well known, came trekking up in 1835, and in 1836 they 
 reached tlie Valsch liivcr in the Free State. There were 
 lesser chiefs living there then (I do not remember their names), 
 and Potgieter went and bartered the ground from tliese lesser 
 chiefs. Then Moselikatsie came unexpectedly and murdered 
 the people there and took away all their cattle. He also took 
 with him four white children. Then Montsioa, who was then 
 living at the Blesburg, and Massouw and Machabi, these three 
 being one tribe, came up from Blesburg; we were there 
 without oxen, and they assisted us to take our wagons on. 
 Then a commando went against Moselikatsie to recover our
 
 19 
 
 property, and Machabi went to show the road. Moatsica 
 was also asked to go with Potgieter, but refused ; he was afraid 
 of Moselikatsie. We then went with a small commando to 
 Moselikatse, who lived in Marico, his chief town being on the 
 Marico Eiver, but he had kraals all round. We defeated him 
 and drove him from Marico in a northerly direction {'pointin(j 
 to the map). We went back and returned with a second 
 commando and attacked him a second time, Machabi accom- 
 panying us this time. Then we got our goods back again, 
 and drove to the place where he is now, on this side of the 
 Zambesi, far north. Massouw was chief of the Korannas at 
 the time. His chief town is Mamusa ; they had not left the 
 country, but IMoselikatsie was hunting them down in all 
 directions, and they fled to the bush for protection. That was 
 the only nation which Moselikatsie had not utterly destroyed ; 
 they were still left in the country when in the year 1840 the 
 whites came to Potchefstroom to the Mooi Ptiver. Potgieter 
 was our head at the time, and Machabi came with him. Pot- 
 gieter promised Machabi some ground, seeing that he had 
 helped us so faithfully. Owing to some neglect the land 
 granted to Machabi was not surveyed. About the year 1842, 
 when he was in Zoutpansberg, he took the line which the 
 Kafirs pointed out to him as the country of Moselikatsie as 
 the boundary. Then Montsioa sent a message in 1842, I 
 believe, and asked Potgieter whether he would not give him 
 a block of ground here {jpointing to the map). Potgieter sent 
 to fetch Montsioa, who had waited at Schoon spruit till the 
 Government could show him the land he was to have. When 
 old Mr. Pretorius became President he pointed out the land 
 promised them by Potgieter. He showed the land to Montsioa 
 first. Machabi was still at Mooi Ptiver as there was a question 
 about his ground, which had been taken possession of by the 
 white people. All the ground on the west side was conquered 
 by the whites from Moselikatsie. 
 
 " (aSw- K Wood.) Was no line beaconed off ? 
 
 " (Mr. Kruger) The beacons were not actually set up, but 
 they were mentioned. The chief Massouw had remained 
 there and had not fled altogether. Potgieter also promised 
 him ground, and afterwards Burgers had land surveyed and 
 
 B
 
 20 
 
 gave him land in that neighbourhood {pointing to the map). 
 Everything relating to the matter Avill be found in the 
 documents I mentioned. From that time, 1840, Massouw 
 never made any dispute, remaining a faithful subject of the 
 State. Gasibone's father lived lower down, and part of his 
 taibe lived on one side of the river and part on the other, but 
 after the white people had driven Moselikatsie out they 
 trekked in. They came from below the Orange Kiver, 
 Gasibone and the whole tribe of the Mahouras. AVhen 
 Gasibone came, he also asked Potgieter for permission to live 
 on that ground. I mean old Gasibone. You will find 
 statements and declarations proving the rights of the 
 Eepublic, since 1840, to this ground. And then the arbitra- 
 tors in the Keate award sat at Bloemhof, and made that line 
 {pointing to map). Our Government entered a protest, but 
 not to have any further trouble the Government itself arranged 
 all these questions with the tribes living on each side of the 
 line for the sake of peace. 
 
 ^ ^ Id ^ ^ 
 
 " The Commission will understand that we lay claim to 
 this territory from Moselikatsie's time, having driven Moseli- 
 katsie out of it." 
 
 In reply to Sir Henry de Villiers, as to the basis 
 of his claim, Mr. Kruger replied : " My claims com- 
 mence in 1.838, but I am satisfied with the settle- 
 ment that has been come to with Burgers and the 
 tribes there ; I do not insist on all my rights." 
 
 In reference to the war between Montsioa and 
 Machabi, the Triumvirate seriously complained about 
 the course pursued by Colonel Moysey and liis agents, 
 and they produced letters they had intercepted, in 
 which Colonel Moysey had advised p)laying one tribe 
 against another ; and they also produced a letter 
 they had intercepted of Bethel's, showing that he 
 was inciting Montsioa to attack Machabi, and they
 
 21 
 
 accused the Colonel himself of sending a message to 
 Montsioa to bold himself ready with 2,000 men. 
 The Hoyal Commission never came to any decision 
 regarding the native war in the district ; they were 
 time after time pressed by the Boer authorities, and 
 two days before the Convention was signed, the State 
 Secretary, Mr. Bok, wrote on 1st August, 1881 : — 
 
 " I am directed to respectfully bring to the notice of the 
 Eoyal Commission that we have not yet received a reply 
 respecting the case of Montsioa, and now beg to be informed 
 if the Eoyal Commission have arrived at any decision in 
 reference to our complaints, or whether they will leave it to 
 the British Eesident and the future Government." 
 
 Nothing was done by the Commission ; they 
 were more concerned in arranging satisfactory terms 
 with the new Boer authorities than in settling 
 native matters ; they settled the question by making 
 all the Baralong and Batlapin chiefs independent, 
 and practically told them to fight out their quarrels 
 amongst themselves. 
 
 The boundary line fixed by the Commission and 
 inserted in the Convention was made upon the advice 
 of Colonel Moysey : that gentleman was prepared 
 with a number of boundary lines. He was prepared 
 to advise one line if the country was to be under 
 British government; another line, if made into a 
 separate province — one line gave 90 square miles 
 more to Montsioa than another. In his evidence 
 Colonel Moysey supported the claims of the so-called 
 loyal natives, and on his evidence the present line 
 was adopted by the Commission. The following 
 
 B 2
 
 22 
 
 extract will show the nature of his evidence (C 3219, 
 page 80) : — 
 
 " With regard to the 14th paragraph of your memorandum, 
 what further information do you require from' the Commission ? 
 Do you express your conviction that taking everything into 
 consideration the 1st of July line is really the best to adopt ? 
 — I have already said that I think there will be trouble up 
 there if there is no agent to prevent the natives quarrelling 
 They will quarrel, and the Boers will assist them, I think. 
 
 " (Sir H. de Villi&rs.) You say that Montsioa is the Chief 
 of the Baralongs ? — I say that he is looked up to as chief by 
 most. 
 
 " Who is the paramount chief by virtue of native custom 
 and native right ? — I go by what I see in the Bloemhof 
 Arbitration Blue Book, and there Moshette is mentioned as 
 paramount chief, and that he was born so. 
 
 " So that if any one has a right to Coetsee's farms by virtue 
 of the Baralong occupation, it is Moshette and not Montsioa ? 
 — I do not recognise the rights of any chief to them ; I only 
 recognise the right of the Baralongs. 
 
 " Montsioa has no rights then ? — Not in his own person. 
 
 " Montsioa has no right to be where he is at all in any 
 part, where he is at present? — The attitude taken by 
 i\Iontsioa is, that the country is Baralong country, and the 
 business has to be settled between him and Moshette, and 
 not between him and the Eepublic. 
 
 " Montsioa was originally located far to the west of the 
 place where he is at present, was he not ? — He denies that he 
 was ever located. 
 
 " Where did he first settle ? — The Baralong chiefs trek all 
 over the country. So far as I can understand, his contention 
 is that the country is theirs, and he settles where he likes. 
 
 "When you first drew the plan of what you thought 
 Montsioa's people were fairly entitled to, you came from 
 liamatlilabama to Leganka, and then to the north-west corner 
 of the farm ' Wagen Drift ' ? — No; I first drew the line 
 above the corner of the farm to the actual drift.
 
 23 
 
 " Just so ; and now your line comes to the east of your 
 original line along the wagon road ? — Yes. 
 
 " By this change of line, therefore, you give a considerable 
 territory to Montsioa's people, which they would not have 
 had if your original line had been adopted ? — Quite so. 
 
 " How many acres would that be in extent ? — About 90 
 square miles, I think. 
 
 " Did the Boer leaders, when you saw them, express any 
 desire to hear the native chiefs, Moshette, Machabi, and 
 Montsioa ? — They said if they could not get the line they 
 were willing to agree to now, they would wish to hear the 
 chiefs, and they would like those chiefs to be summoned who 
 wished for the line to embrace them. 
 
 " What time would it take, do you think, to get all these 
 chiefs here to be examined ? — I do not think you could get 
 them here under one month, at the earliest. Of course if you 
 provided carts for them to come in, they might reach here 
 much sooner ; but if you send for a chief, he sets out with a 
 number of wagons and a long cavalcade, so as to make an 
 impression and show his position, and consequently he treks 
 slowly. 
 
 " If we are to arrive at an immediate decision without 
 hearing the witnesses whom the Boers wish to produce, would 
 this new line proposed on the 1st of July be preferable, or 
 your original proposal, the Hart's River line ? Say we can- 
 not hear the witnesses proposed by the Boers, which would 
 be preferable under all the circumstances of the case, taking 
 everything into consideration, the occupation, compensation, 
 native claims, Boer claims, and everything else ? —I have 
 already said that I do not see my way to give a certain and 
 decided answer. I do not know under what conditions native 
 affairs on the border will be hereafter. I have already 
 expressed that in my last memorandum. 
 
 " But as between the two courses ; would it be better to 
 hear all these chiefs whom the Boers wish to produce, or 
 would it be better to adopt this compromise suggested in 
 your memorandum of the 1st of July ? — I am afraid I cannot 
 answer that better than I have already in writing. I have 
 mentioned my difficidty, and I cannot say any more.
 
 24 
 
 *' {President.) If you were in tlie iDosition of the Com- 
 mission, would you pin your faith to that line in preference to 
 this (pointinr/ to the riuqS), and take the consequences ? — If I 
 was in the position of the Commission I should know how 
 native affairs would be supervised on this border. I do not 
 know now. 
 
 " Xothing has been decided about what is to be done out- 
 side the frontier ; there may or may not be a Eesident, we 
 have not considered that yet ; but in the Transvaal State the 
 Commission has recommended, one member dissenting, that 
 there be no sub-agents or Eesidents anywhere within the 
 Transvaal, so now you know just as much as the Commission ? 
 — I would stick to the line I first recommended to the Com- 
 mission on the 14th of May ; but I would make a slight 
 alteration in regard to these farms touching Molopo river 
 {pointing to the maj)). I would cut all these into the Trans- 
 vaal. 
 
 '•■ (Sir H. de Villicrs.) Suppose you had to choose between 
 the two alternatives ? — I think that very likely a more satis- 
 factory result would be arrived at by hearing the natives. I 
 think they would be more contented with any settlement that 
 was come to. 
 
 " Would your opinion be changed in any way if a British 
 Eesident were stationed outside the Transvaal ? — Yes, that 
 would assist a good deal. If he was in communication with 
 the Eesident in the Transvaal, and had certain powers over 
 the natives outside, and any remonstrances to the Govern- 
 ment of the Transvaal as to what occurred on the border were 
 attended to, then I think an official just outside the line 
 might be as effectual as an assistant just inside the line. 
 
 " {President) Unless for the purpose of going into the 
 merits of the question as it appeared before Governor Keate, 
 that is, the original rights of the Boers and the original rights 
 of the natives, if we simply want to look at the present posi- 
 tion as it exists, what could we gain by getting the natives to 
 see us ? Your map and your going over the country can tell 
 us where they live, and what they now claim, and what 
 would now satisfy them, if we are not going to reopen tlie 
 question from the very beginning, before the Keate award.
 
 25 
 
 and hear the case as it was presented by ten Bechuana chiefs 
 who put their case before Governor Keate, and by the Trans- 
 vaal arbitrator, — what do we gain by getting all this before 
 us ? — All you gain is that you hear from the Boers and their 
 witnesses the different sides on which to base your decision, 
 whereas now the Boers will say that I am doing them an 
 injury by recommending a certain line, and the natives will 
 say exactly the same. Montsioa will think I have done him 
 an injury if the red line shown is adopted. 
 
 " (aS^V H. de Villiers.) Although you give him 90 square 
 miles more than you at first proposed to give ? — Yes ; but 
 although on paper there is more square mileage it is not so 
 good a line." 
 
 The Commission, on Colonel Moysey's ex parte 
 evidence, without hearing those most interested, 
 adopted the present boundary line, although even 
 Colonel Moysey stated : — 
 
 " (President Sir Hercides Robinson.) If Machabi wishes to 
 be inside the Transvaal, would that make any difference 1 — I 
 would not let him go into the Transvaal and so injure the 
 other natives. 
 
 "How would it injure the other natives? — If we put all 
 his people inside the Transvaal, a great number of Montsioa's 
 people would have to go in too, or else leave their ground. 
 They are mixed up together in a certain measure. There are 
 no boundaries between these people ; it is a mere custom 
 occupying a certain spot." 
 
 In the hne adopted Machabi is taken into the 
 Transvaal, and his own acknowledged paramount chief, 
 Moshette, is left out, the same thing occurred with the 
 lesser chiefs of the Korannas. On the decision being 
 rejDorted to the Boer authorities. Dr. Jorissen said : — 
 
 " We much regret a great breach is here committed of the 
 rights of our country, inasmuch as the territory to be cutoff 
 is inhabited by natives and by burghers of the country, and
 
 26 
 
 guaranteed to these people by tne State, and as far as we 
 know they do not desire to be separated from the State and 
 removed from its protection. If the Eoyal Commission 
 determines upon carrying out its line to the westward, they 
 will ignore the ^vishes both of natives and burghers, and in 
 any case we cannot be burdened with the responsibility for 
 ny troubles which may take place then among the Kafirs 
 who are cut off from the protection of the State." 
 
 When Colonel Moysey went, in September, to lay 
 dov;n the beacons marking the boundary between 
 the Transvaal and the natives, both Moshette and 
 Massouw refused to allow him to make any line, and 
 Massouw. by force, compelled him to leave the district. 
 Colonel Moysey informed the Royal Commission of 
 this fact, yet they did nothing to aid him in his 
 work, and the boundary line was never beaconed off. In 
 his attempt to beacon off the line througb Mosbette's 
 territory be was accompanied and assisted by a force 
 of Montsioa's men. Moshette asserts that he was 
 never informed of the new line till Colonel Moysey 
 came to beacon it off, and he ordered them away, as 
 they were coming to take more of his land away from 
 him ; and two days after this unsuccessful attempt 
 of Colonel Moysey 's Moshette declared war against 
 Montsioa, in order to recover the land and cattle that 
 Montsioa had cakenfrom him in May. He toldjGeneral 
 Joubert, when he went to try and arrange matters, 
 that he was not responsible, "that he was not the 
 cause or beginner of the war. He and his people had 
 been attacked and murdered, their town burned, and 
 everything robbed away. A commission had been 
 sent some time since. Major Buller and Joubert. He 
 had been forbidden to avenge himself on Montsioa,
 
 27 
 
 and was told his case would come before the Royal 
 Commission. He went to the Commission at Pretoria, 
 but never got a hearing ; no notice was taken of his 
 reasonable complaints ; land occupied by him and his 
 people was, without his knowledge, cut off from the 
 Eepublic (according to the Convention), under the 
 protection of which he was always safe, and no war 
 occurred." He had not commenced any war. Mont- 
 sioa was the o.ttacking party. When at length no 
 other course was open to him, and he obtained no 
 justice, he took up arms in self-defence. 
 
 When the news of this renewed outbreak reached 
 Mr. Hudson, the British Besident in the Transvaal, 
 he sent Captain Nourse as a Special Commissioner, 
 instructing him to '^endeavour to ascertain from 
 each chief the causes which have created the existing 
 ill-feeling between them, and you will use your best 
 endeavours to preserve peace." " Pending the con- 
 sideration of the report" he might send. Captain 
 Nourse reported (C 3098, page 130) that he had 
 interviewed both the chiefs. Moshette was willing 
 to arrange matters, and to meet Montsioa for that 
 purpose ; Montsioa was not. Captain Nourse says, 
 " I then asked the chief (Montsioa) if he would be 
 willing; to make another armistice until the matter 
 could be referred to Pretoria. The chiefs reply was, 
 * I am not agreeable unless Moshette goes into the 
 Transvaal with everything, and so long as Moshette 
 lives at Kanana there Avill be no peace.' I then 
 asked the chief if he would be willing to meet 
 Moshette if I could arrange it. He said he would 
 not unless Moshette moved the whole of his people
 
 28 
 
 into the Transvaal. ... I told Montsioa that 
 when Colonel BuUer and Mr. Joubert came here to 
 make peace the Boer and English Governments were 
 very unsettled, and were fully occupied in making 
 peace between themselves, and could not pay much 
 attention to this border ; but that now the peace 
 was concluded between them the Government 
 will be able to pay more attention to this case." 
 Captain Nourse explained to Montsioa that he was 
 making a great mistake in refusing to either arrange 
 for an armistice or meet Moshette, and gave him time 
 to reconsider the matter. Captain Nourse again saw 
 Moshette, who agreed to sign an armistice and allow 
 the matter to be settled by arbitration, on condition 
 that each party returned the property he had 
 captured, but Montsioa refused, although Captam 
 Nourse told him "that I thought the terms 
 Moshette was still willing to agree to were fair." 
 He also told him that the conditions he, Montsioa, 
 desired were not fair, and that he (Captain Nourse) 
 had come to arrange matters fairly. During the 
 first interview Captain Nourse had with Moshette, 
 he asked what line of frontier would satisfy him 
 (page 127), and Moshette "expressed his strong 
 desire to become a Transvaal subject, as he had 
 formerly been, and that the ground over which he 
 claimed chieftainship should be brought within the 
 line. The present position of the line l>etween 
 Machabi and Moshette, as defined by the Conven- 
 tion, appears to be very inconvenient, rendering 
 Machabi subject to a divided allegiance on the one 
 side to his head chief Moshette, and on the other to
 
 29 
 
 the Transvaal Government under which he lives." 
 Moshette also stated he would like the boundary to 
 be made "just as it used to be under Burgers, so 
 that we should be under the Boer Government." 
 As Montsioa refused to come to terms the war 
 continued, both sides having white volunteers to 
 aid them. Moshette and his white allies have 
 been successful, and the greatest part of Montsioa's 
 territory has been given out in farms by Moshette 
 to the white volunteers who assisted him. We are 
 now asked to interfere and save Montsioa from the 
 results of his own folly, and replace him in the position 
 he was in before the war began. 
 
 The other war, one between Mankoroane and 
 Massouw, in which, now that Mankoroane has been 
 defeated, we are also asked to interfere, began by an 
 unprovoked attack which he made on Massouw, 
 paramount chief of the Korannas. The Korannas 
 had been in the country long before the Batlapins, 
 and Mankoroane had admitted the claim of old 
 Massouw, the father of the present chief, but unfor- 
 tunately, at the Bloemhof arbitration, the country 
 was given to the Batlapins, or rather to Mankoroane as 
 the paramount chief: hence he claimed Massouw 
 and the Korannas as his subjects. Notwithstanding 
 the assertion of Mr. Forster and the Be v. John 
 Mackenzie, the official evidence clearly proves that 
 Mankoroane was the aggressor, and that he has 
 himself to blame for all his troubles ; and the evidence 
 also shows that not only in this war has he been the 
 aggressor on the Korannas, but that he has also been 
 threatenino^ the Batloras, and other tribes ; thus, on
 
 30 
 
 19tli February, 1882, the Rev. John Mackenzie 
 himself sent a letter to Major Lowe, on behalf of 
 Toto and Bareki, the Batlora chiefs, complaining of 
 his conduct ; it states (C 3381, page 90) : — 
 
 " We speak aljout tlie various wars, and say we Batloras 
 have no liking for them ; last year Mankoroane sent to me 
 Bareki, calling me, but I refused, saying to him I did not 
 like war. He further wrote to me to say that if we did 
 not help him he would attack us at Batloras, at Langberg, at 
 Tsening, and at Tshoe; notwithstanding this we are not going 
 into the war." 
 
 And the Bev. Henry R. Bevan also wrote to Major 
 Lowe, on 9th February, 1882, stating (C 3381, 
 page 66) : — 
 
 " I am requested ])y Botlasitsie (Gasibone), the chief here, 
 to tell you that Mankoroane, the chief at Taungs, threatens to 
 attack him immediately, and that he is quite unprepared to 
 meet such an attack. In this great emergency he ventures 
 to ask whether it is in your power so far to assist him as to 
 send a remonstrance to Mankoroane. Mankoroane has 
 persistently tried to force Botlasitsie to war for a long time 
 past, and in this he has been urged on by the agents and 
 other white people, who, as you well know, are the bane of 
 native chiefs, and also indeed are in a great degree responsible 
 for the wars which are going on in this country. Botlasitsie 
 has done his utmost to maintain neutrality, and has allowed 
 me to advise and influence him in this direction. . . . The 
 British Government probably has still a considerable moral 
 influence over Mankoroane, and a representation from you 
 might possibly still prevent him from falling upon the people 
 here, who have done nothing at all to provoke him. I 
 venture, therefore, to add my own entreaty to Botlasitsie that 
 you will without delay do whatever you can to protect us." 
 
 When the Resident heard of this war he sent 
 Captain Nourse to interview the chiefs, and see if
 
 31 
 
 he could settle the quarrel. On arriving at the scene 
 of hostilities, Captain Nourse thus reports : — 
 
 "On the morning of the 4th I interviewed Mankoroane, 
 minutes of whicli I append, together with his statement. 
 Witli regard to this statement, I am of opinion tliat not 
 much reliance can be placed on it, and, from information 
 gathered, I am convinced that the chief Mankoroane com- 
 menced the war with Massouw without sufficient reason, 
 relying on assistance from the British Government should he 
 be defeated, and wishing to help Montsioa. As far as 1 
 could learn, Mankoroane's intention was to disarm Massou.w 
 on account of the assistance rendered by him to Moshette. 
 and then to attack Kanana, ' Moshette's station,' on the 
 south side, thereby assisting Montsioa, who is lighting with 
 him on the north side. However, Massouw, together with 
 other petty chiefs who would not bear allegiance to 
 Mankoroane, and took refuge under Massouw, repulsed all 
 attacks upon him by Mankoroane, and has since collected 
 more strength and attacked Mankoroane, causing him to 
 retreat and act on the defensive. Up to the time of my depar- 
 ture Mankoroane had nineteen white volunteers, ' Englishmen,' 
 but nmnbers were expected dady from the Diamond Fields. 
 On my arrival at Kimberley I heard of a good many having 
 left to join Mankoroane, and, in my opinion, unless stringent 
 measures are used by both Governments to prevent the 
 whites from taking part in the hostilities, it will eventually 
 become a war between Englishmen on behalf of Mankoroane, 
 and Boers on behalf of Massouw, and the more whites shot 
 on both sides the greater the animosity will become." 
 
 When the Resident went hunself to the seat of 
 war in July, he told Mankoroane "that he w^as 
 reaping the fruits of his own acts." "I told him 
 plainly . . . that the British Government 
 had information sufficient to justify it in believing 
 that he, Mankoroane, had first attacked Massouw, 
 and used white men as allies."
 
 32 
 
 And my last quotation on this point is from the 
 High Commissioner. In a despatch to the Earl of 
 Kimberley, on April 1st, 1882, Sir Hercules Robinson 
 says that Mankoroane " has only himself to blame for 
 his present trouble, because, while living in peace and 
 security at Taungs, he interposed unnecessarily in 
 the quarrel between Moshette and Massouw on one 
 side, and Montsioa on the other, by attacking 
 Massouw." 
 
 Yet with all these facts before them, with the 
 evidence of missionaries, a Special Commissioner, 
 the British Resident, and the High Commissioner, 
 Members of Parliament of high position assert that 
 this war was begun by the Boers wantonly 
 attacking the peaceful natives in order to rob them 
 of their territory. 
 
 When Captain Nourse saw Massouw, that chief 
 also complained that the new boundary line ran 
 through his territory, cutting off a number of his 
 subjects, and placing them under the Transvaal 
 Government, and so dividing their allegiance. He also 
 desired to be again taken into the Transvaal State, 
 and he has asserted that he protested against being 
 cut away from the Transvaal. Massouw also told 
 General Joubert that it was his wish to live in peace 
 and friendship with the South African Republic ; he 
 continues (C 3381, page 78):— 
 
 " It gives me sorrow to here bring to your notice that I 
 and my people are cut off from the protection of the Eepublic 
 by the new Hne, and that since then Mankoroane wishes by 
 force to show his paramountcy, which does not belong to him, 
 and for that purpose, and with the helj3 of Enghsh volunteers
 
 33 
 
 under him, has Lurnecl down my out-stations, has taken 
 away my cattle, and has already attacked me four times here 
 at Mamusa, and killed some of my people." 
 
 Massouw also sent the following statement to 
 General Joubert, signed by himself and his chiefs, 
 acknowledging the new boundary line, and giving 
 his reasons for opposing it. He says : — 
 
 " I, David Massouw Eeit Taaibosch, lawful great chief of 
 the Korannas and their territory, with the consent of the 
 great council as representing the said nation and ruling over 
 their territory, quite voluntarily, and without any reservation 
 in the world, declare hereby fully to acknowledge and respect 
 the right and title of the South African Eepublic on and over 
 the lands situate to the eastward of the line made and fixed 
 by the Convention which was signed on the 3rd August, 
 1881; . . . and I declare further to have protested and 
 to continue to protest against the said and herein above 
 described line ; oidy and simply because by the said line the 
 territory of the Koranna nation is cut off, or rather removed from 
 the rights assured to them by the concessions made between 
 the now deceased great chief Massouw Kelt Taaibosch and 
 the President and Government of the South African Eepublic, 
 by which protection and help were assured. 
 
 " The more so because by this line and separation our 
 territory and natives are exposed to the political projects of 
 false and low adventurers, who employ and allow their 
 influence to be used with the restless Batlapins, the foremost 
 of whom, Mankoroane, is now busy to carry out their de- 
 spicable designs, . . . and by force of arms seeking to 
 subdue us, burn our stations, steal our cattle, and kill our 
 people. We declare never to have been subjects of the 
 Batlapins, and will never submit as such ; that the lands 
 inhabited and possessed by us never belonged to the Batla- 
 pins, but are our lawful inheritance and possession ; that we 
 will never leave them but defend them ; . . . and we 
 hereby call for the help of all who love law and justice, in
 
 34 
 
 the name of truth and right, to help us to protect our lawfu 
 property against all our deceitful and covetous enemies." 
 
 We have seen that the Boers and Massouw 
 and Moshette protested against Colonel Moysey's 
 boundary line, the one adopted by the Eoyal Com- 
 mission ; that the war began again because the Eoyal 
 Commission neglected to carry out the promise, made 
 by Major BuUer on their behalf, to arbitrate in the 
 quarrel between Montsioa and Moshette ; and the 
 minutes of the Royal Commission show that the chair- 
 man, Sir Hercules E-obinson, was principally to blame 
 for this breach of faith with the native chiefs, and 
 now, to defend his conduct, this same gentleman 
 has misrepresented all the efforts of the Transvaal 
 Government to remedy his blunders and omissions, 
 and persistently maligned them. This is a very 
 serious charge, but I will bring the evidence on 
 which it is based. 
 
 When these native wars first began the Transvaal 
 Government issued a neutrality proclamation warning 
 then- citizens to take no part on either side. As 
 the war extended in its scope, the Transvaal State 
 Secretary, on March 3rd, 1882, wrote to the British 
 Resident, telling him the troubles on their south- 
 western border were extending (C 3381, page 65) : — 
 
 " The sole cause of these much-to-be-lamented troubles is 
 the unfortunate boundary line made by order of the Eoyal 
 Commission. 
 
 " In vain did we in good time give warning against it. 
 
 "The only measure possible to prevent bloodshed is a 
 better division of the lands among the Kafirs. 
 
 " We entertain a good hope that we should be able to 
 bring about a satisfactory division of the lands, and thereby
 
 35 
 
 pacify the great majority of the Kafirs, and, if necessary, to 
 enforce peace. 
 
 " We, therefore, pray you to come to the help of the Com- 
 mandant-General, who is just now on the western borders, and 
 propose to you to authorise, conjointly with him, the taking 
 of the necessary steps to restore order and to put a stop to 
 the shedding of blood, by an equitable division of the land. 
 
 " Seeing that every day blood is shed, a speedy answer is 
 desirable." 
 
 The Resident's Secretary, in reply on the same date 
 (page 65), informed the State Secretary : — 
 
 " The representation made by your letter, and the desire 
 expressed for some joint action in the matter, on the part 
 of the British Eesident, in the direction of a modification of 
 the territorial lines settled by the Koyal Commission . . . 
 Deeply as the British Eesident must and does feel the diffi- 
 culty of the position, and desirous as he is to render any aid 
 in his power, ... it is not possible for him to interfere 
 at once, and directly in the way and to the extent desired by 
 your letter ; all that can be done at the moment is to lay the 
 matter as quickly as possible before his Excellency the High 
 Commissioner, and to ask for prompt instructions." 
 
 On March 9th, 1882, the Resident's Secretary asked 
 the State Secretary to send him a clear statement of 
 the changes the Transvaal Government desired, and 
 the reasons they had for making them. On the ICth 
 the State Secretary replied stating that General 
 Joubert had reported that : — 
 
 " These fightings, this murdering, bloodshed, and robbery 
 of cattle which are going on, have no other origin than the 
 border line] as now fixed by the Convention, by which Kafir 
 tribes, which during many years were protected by our 
 Government, and which, contrary to their expressed desire, 
 will have been cut off from it, and in some instances liave 
 
 C
 
 36 
 
 even been subdivided, so that one portion has fallen within, . 
 and another beyond, the Eepublic. 
 
 " That wars would necessarily arise as a result, no one 
 who has any knowledge of the natives, or local experience, 
 has ever doubted. 
 
 "During the sitting of the Hon. the Eoyal Commission at 
 Pretoria, the members of the Transvaal Commission there 
 repeatedly pointed this out ; but other advice given by persons 
 animated by nothing else than the lowest self-interest has 
 triumphed. 
 
 " We saw at the time clearly that these persons had no 
 other object or intention before their eyes than that by for- 
 bidding our intervention among the antagonistic natives, by 
 which an entirely depopulated region would be brought about, 
 — and as a result of their intrigues, Her Britannic Majesty 
 would, in all probability, find herself compelled to declare the 
 depopulated region British territory, and deprive the lawful 
 owner thereof. 
 
 " We therefore propose to alter and extend the boundaries, 
 so that those tribes who wish to continue to enjoy the pro- 
 tection of the South African Eepublic may again be brought 
 within our borders." 
 
 On March 13th the Resident asked "the particular 
 Kafir tribes or captains proposed to be included." On 
 March 15th the Transvaal Secretary replied (page 
 80) :— 
 
 " I am instructed to reply that the line, as contemplated 
 by this Government, and which is the only one that can 
 give satisfaction to all the natives concerned, is that made by 
 President Burgers, with consent and approbation of all the 
 chief captains who were the lawful occupants of the land. 
 According to this line, Moshettc and Massouiv fall vntliin our 
 Republic, and woidcl enjoy our protection, as they hare ahoays 
 vnshed. Montsioa and others tvho do not desire this 2^^'otection 
 'would- Jail outside this line." 
 
 Tliis proposal of the Transvaal Government is
 
 37 
 
 clear and explicit. Yet Sir Hercnles Eobinson con- 
 trived to misunderstand it, and in a despatch dated 
 March 20th, 1882, page 04, informed Lord Kimberley 
 that he had received a letter from the Transvaal 
 State Secretary expressing the opinion that the 
 sole cause of the troubles upon the western border 
 is the boundary line made by the Koyal Commission, 
 and that the only remedy is a better division ol the 
 land among the Kafirs : — 
 
 " I apprehend, from the explanations contained in a 
 telegram of later date than the (Transvaal) State Secretary's 
 letter of the 3rd, that the opinion which he means to convey 
 is that if the Eoyal Commission had included in the Trans- 
 vaal State the whole of the Keate Award territory, the 
 Government would have been able to prevent or suppress the 
 native troubles that have arisen there. By the remedy which 
 he proposes, namely, " an equitable and better division of the 
 lands among the Kafirs," I understand him to mean the 
 annexation of the whole territory of the Keate Award. 
 
 " It appears to me that it would have been unjust for the 
 Eoyal Commission to have included in the Transvaal the 
 territories of independent native chiefs, such as Montsioa, 
 MankoTOane, and others, who have always been faithful 
 British allies, and who were not willing to come under the 
 Government of the new State." 
 
 The Transvaal Government are not alone in 
 thinking that the High Commissioner had wilfully 
 misrepresented them. This charge is made very 
 distinctly by Mr. Statham, the editor of the " Natal 
 Witness," in his issue of November 11th, 1882. He 
 says : — 
 
 " Sir Hercules Eobinson, we will venture to affirm, never 
 for a single instant understood the proposals of the Trans- 
 vaal Government to mean ' the annexation of the whole 
 
 433357 c 2
 
 38 
 
 territory of the Keate Award.' This language was used by 
 him for the purpose of deliberately misrepresenting the 
 Transvaal Government, while, as we shall see directly, be 
 probably knew well enough that the Transvaal Government 
 expressly disclaimed wishing to exercise authority over 
 'Montsioa, Mankoroane, and others who had always been 
 faithful British allies, and who were not willing to come under 
 the Government of the new State.' But did Sir Hercules 
 Eobinson know that this was what was meant when he 
 wrote that despatch ? We assert fearlessly that he did 
 know, and that the ' telegram of a later date ' referred to in 
 his despatch of the 20th March was a telegram from the 
 British Resident conveying the substance of the letter from 
 the Transvaal Government of the 15th. That ' telegram of 
 later date,' however, is not published. 
 
 " But grant that Sir Hercules Robinson did not know on 
 the 20th March quite what the Transvaal Government meant, 
 did he ever correct the statement he sent home ? The letter 
 written by Mr. Bok, the Transvaal State Secretary, on the 
 15th March, was in the hands of Sir Hercules Robinson 
 before the 4tli April, for on that day he sent home a despatch 
 enclosing it to Lord Kimberley. Did Sir Hercules Robinson 
 say a single word to correct the misrepresentation of his 
 despatch of the 20th March ? 'No, not one single word ! 
 But what will be said when it is known that this reply of 
 the High Commissioner's, wearing the appearance of a reply 
 on the whole question, was written on the 31st March, /o?ir 
 days before Sir Hercules Robinson had posted to Lord 
 Kimlierley Mr. Bok's letter explaining, in a manner which 
 cannot but seem satisfactory and reasonable to all impartial 
 minds, the real nature of the request of the Transvaal 
 Government ? 
 
 " There can be no question that both the High Commis- 
 sioner and the British Resident have been guilty of gross 
 and wilful misrepresentation — misrepresentation indulged in 
 for the express object of injuring the Transvaal Government 
 and bringing about diplomatic difficulties, in the hope of 
 discrediting the policy that led to the restoration of inde-
 
 39 
 
 pendence to the Transvaal, and bringing about a renewal of 
 British interference." 
 
 It is time, for the sake of all concerned, that the 
 suppressed despatches should be published, because, 
 judging from the extracts incidently given in Lord 
 Kimber ley's reply, the High Commissioner has very 
 much misrepresented and slandered the Transvaal 
 Government. Lord Kimberley says in his reply : — 
 
 " In your first telegram of the 9th instant you informed 
 me that you could not recommend assent to the Transvaal 
 proposal, which, although it might perhaps afford temporary 
 relief to Mankoroane and Montsioa, would be full of danger 
 for the future. You said that Moshette and Massouw's 
 territories would at once be given out in farms and the 
 natives subject to taxation, and that they probably did not 
 realise this." 
 
 Sir Hercules Robinson knows very well that this 
 statement of his is a pure calumny, that the native 
 property and locations are secured to them by the 
 laws of the Transvaal as much as they are by the 
 laws of Natal. 
 
 As to Moshette and Massouw not realising the 
 position they would be placed in under the Trans- 
 vaal law, these chiefs knew much more about it than 
 Sir Hercules Robinson ; they had been subjects of 
 the Transvaal before, and they had been cut away 
 from the Republic against their wish. Mosiiette 
 had even been an apprentice in the Transvaal in his 
 younger days, and served his term with a Boer 
 master. When Sir Hercules Robinson was chairman 
 of the Royal Commission, President Kruger, Ex- 
 Presidents Joubert and Pretorius, and Dr. Jorissen
 
 40 
 
 all explained tlie law of the Transvaal in reference to 
 native property, and tlieir position in the country ; 
 but of course Sir Hercules Robinson vrould rather 
 accept the statements of creatures like King, 
 Daumas, and Co., than the gentlemen I have named. 
 
 I now come to the report of the Commission 
 appointed by the Yolksraad. I print the greatest 
 part of it, and the reply of Sir Hercules Hobinson. 
 The Commission thus reports : — 
 
 "Your Commission must distinctly speak out. The 
 blame of all the atrocities perpetrated on the western borders 
 lies with the political system, which from 1873 up to 1880 
 has led the policy of the English Government on an erroneous 
 course, and led it to injustice and to the violation of secured 
 rights. 
 
 " It is our solemn conviction that warnings have not been 
 wanting. During the proceedings of the lioyal Commission 
 the following solemn declaration was made :— That we would 
 submit ourselves generally to the cutting off of territory, only 
 after we came to see that it was useless for us to speak about 
 our rights. 
 
 ***** 
 
 " That the line proposed by Colonel Moysey made aggres- 
 sions on the rights of the country ; that dwellers withm our 
 land were cut off against their wish ; that these tribes had 
 lived for many years in friendship with the Eepublic, and 
 tlja.t the Eepublic had accorded them her protection by 
 solpmn treaty; that the change of boundary, which cast them 
 out of the State, gave them over, helpless, powerless, to 
 their enemies ; that, if they should in vain look to her for 
 protection, they would accuse us of breach of faith ; that we 
 must be restrained beholders of the endless bloody disputes 
 among the Kafir tribes ; and that we as distinctly as j)ossible 
 disavowed all responsibility for possible troubles, and left 
 them to the account of that power which compelled us 
 passively and submittingly to look on at the injustice. 
 
 " This earnest declaration should have prevented the
 
 41 
 
 ■ Secretaiy of State for the Colonies from in any Avay ]ioldiuf>- 
 the Republic responsible for troubles beyond our borders. 
 
 "These troubles were foreseen by us. The representa- 
 tives of the people v/arned against them, and predicted them. 
 
 " The causes of these troubles were Ijriefly these : — 
 
 "1. The land now cut off from our country belongs 
 lawfully to the Republic. 
 
 " 2. These lands have been cut off without tlie slightest 
 care ; the result being that now no one of the Kafir tribes 
 knows what line it nuist adhere to. The Royal Connnission 
 has deprived the Kafir tribes of the protection which they 
 had from the Republic, and has settled nothing, as among 
 the tribes themselves. Thus, without leaving to this country 
 the right of intervention, the Royal Commission has jjurdened 
 it with all the difficulties of barbarous strife on its borders, 
 which it is powerless to restrain ; and, besides, has exposed it 
 to being blamed in Europe as oppressing the Kafirs. 
 
 " The tactic employed during late years has been this : 
 the violation of the old rights of the lawful great chiefs, and 
 the putting in their place of new persons or candidates who 
 had no clear claims. Thus Montsioa has been put above his 
 lawful superior chief, Moshette, and Mankoroane above 
 Gasibone. All the arguments employed since 1872 had 
 availed nothing. 
 
 " Montsioa made an attack on Moshette in May, 1881. 
 On the first report thereabout there arose serious discussions 
 between the members of the Royal Commission and the 
 members of the Transvaal Commission. 
 
 "The inroad made by Montsioa excited great disquiet 
 among our people, and the Commandants Cronje and Gref 
 felt themselves obliged to call up a burgher guard for the 
 protection of the borders. 
 
 " At first the Royal Commission seemed inclined to accuse 
 and blame these commandants; but, becoming better informed 
 as to the true position of affairs, it was agreed by the 
 members of the Royal Commission and the members of the 
 Triumvirate to send Colonel Buller and the Commandant- 
 General P. J. Joubert to the disturbed region to make an 
 investisfation.
 
 42 
 
 "'The investigation took place. What the nature of 
 Colonel Buller's report was your Commission is not aware ; 
 but the report of the Commandant-General was sent to the 
 Eoyal Commission, with a host of proofs of Montsioa's guilt, 
 and insisting upon his being righteously punished for his 
 many murders. 
 
 "This the Commission again urged by another letter, 
 dated 24th June, but all in vain. The Eoyal Commission 
 did not concern itself further in this case, and left everything 
 in nn unsettled condition. 
 
 " It must be presumed that their view was, that if they 
 followed the report of Colonel Moysey as to a new boundary 
 line all difficulties and troubles would disappear of themselves. 
 The new line was fixed by the Convention, and forced upon 
 us, to act at once as a magical charm in putting an end to all 
 difficulties. 
 
 " But it is easier to make a boundary line on paper than 
 to put an end to disturbances and dissatisfaction. 
 
 " Experience, alas ! has taught this. Colonel Moysey in 
 his report declares in the clearest manner that he was unable 
 to set up beacons for whole lengths of country, because the 
 Kafirs would not allow him to do it. 
 
 " Thereupon he went quietly away to Europe, made his 
 written report, and left behind him an open source of 
 atrocities. 
 
 "There was not long to wait; Moshette, fruitlessly relying 
 upon the decision of the Royal Commission, promised to him 
 by Colonel Buller and General Joubert, and not obtaining 
 justice, resolved to be his own judge and to avenge himself. 
 
 " That is the attack in October last, which the evil-minded 
 press of the peace disturbers in Kimberley and Natal put to 
 the account of the ' Boers ' they so hate I Since that time 
 heaven and earth have been moved to bring about a new 
 intervention by the British Government. This, of course, 
 means the gold which the troops bring with them for the 
 hungry adventurers. They well know how to set as many 
 wires as possible in motion to excite the self-love of the 
 English nation. To this end serve the lying statements that 
 great commanders of Boers have trespassed beyond the
 
 43 
 
 borders. The accounts fabricated by them of murders and 
 homicides cannot fail to wake up the Christian people of 
 England. If only official sensitiveness about violation of 
 boundaries fixed by the Convention unites with the sincere 
 but blind missionary zeal of tlie so-called ' Exeter Hall ' 
 party, tlien it becomes almost mathematically certain [sic. 
 'wiskundig zeker'] that new expeditions will be sent out 
 from England. 
 
 " In this way Kafir wars are made, and how often have not 
 their plans already succeeded? What do these speculators 
 in the supplies for the troops care for such a disaster as 
 Isandiilana ? A thousand killed signifies a thousand men 
 too few who must be sent out from England at heavy expense, 
 which chiefly comes into their pockets. 
 
 " Your Commission is becoming severe in its judgment, 
 it will be said perhaps. But how can it be otherwise, when it 
 is seen that their lying representations, and the untruths 
 which, with such craftiness, are sent to England, in direct 
 opposition to the facts, are published, as may be seen as 
 clearly as the sun from the official reports of English officials 
 in the Blue Books ? 
 
 " One of the chief causes of misunderstanding is the notion 
 that the barbarous Kafir tribes may be divided, in a certain 
 political sense, into British-affected ' loyal ' and Boer-affected 
 ' disloyal ' Kafirs. Even if there w^ere any pretence for this 
 notion, still sound policy would dictate not to attach much 
 weight to it, in view of interminable disastrous consequences 
 which such a policy involves for the future of South Africa. 
 While reconciliation between Africanders and Englishmen is 
 desired, shall the firebrand of nationality be thrown among 
 the Kafirs ? One shudders to contemplate the horrors which 
 the introduction of such a controversy among the millions of 
 blacks in South Africa will produce. 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 " Your Commission thinks that the origin of these troubles 
 is to be found therein, just as the renewed outbreak thereof 
 in last October and the continuance thereof is the consequence 
 of the passive attitude of the Eoyal Commission.
 
 44 
 
 " The Government does what it can to prevent the burgliers 
 taking part in the strife, but it cannot prevent them, just as 
 little as the Government of Her Majesty the Queen of England 
 can prevent it. 
 
 * ^ * * * 
 
 "Powder and ammunition are regularly supplied from 
 Kimberley, and English volunteers take part in the wars 
 without being interfered with. 
 
 " But just for these reasons must a conclusive step be 
 taken. A condition of robbery, freebooting, murder, and 
 homicide must cease. The influence of the Eepublic is great 
 enough to enforce peace, if only the chiefs come to know that 
 the old farce of * loyal ' and ' Boer-affected ' Kafirs is no 
 longer countenanced by the English Government. In other 
 words, when they see that they can no longer take advantage 
 of the disunion between England and the Republic, because 
 such disunion no longer exists, there is peace. 
 
 " Let the old border lines established by solemn cession be 
 restored. Between the Kafir races, Batlapins and Korannas, 
 let internal arrangements be made, and let the British 
 Eesident and the President of the Eepublic be appointed as 
 witnesses and perpetual arbitrators in regard to all border 
 matters. 
 
 " Your Commission has thus recorded, in general terms, 
 the impression which a cursory perusal of the documents has 
 produced. 
 
 " The proof of all they have stated is at hand, although 
 they have not in each instance made a specific reference. 
 
 "There is too much danger in delay. They cannot 
 longer witness the progress of robbery and murder, and, 
 therefore, suggest to the Volksraad to give the Government 
 the following instruction : — 
 
 " Considering that the existing border line, as established 
 by the Convention on the south-west boundary of the country, 
 is the inducing cause of the incessant disturbances and 
 atrocities on our borders; 
 
 "Considering that the absence of beaconing-off lines 
 between the various Kafir tribes beyond our borders is the 
 occasion of continual wars ;
 
 45 
 
 '' Considoring that it is impossible for our Eepublic to 
 tolerate any longer the present condition of things, the 
 Volksraad resolves: That the Government hnmediately 
 propose to the British Eesident that they should send a 
 Commission to put an end to the aforesaid troubles ; that 
 this Commission should regulate the boundary in accordance 
 with the still existing treaties between the Eepublic, Moshette, 
 Massouw, Gasibone, &c., namely, between the Eepublic and 
 the natives, and between the native tribes among tliem- 
 selves." 
 
 Sir Hercules Robinson, in sending the report to 
 Lord Kimberley, states : — 
 
 " The resolution affirms that tlie boundary on the south- 
 Avestern border, as laid down in the Convention, is the 
 ' inducing cause ' of the present disturbances, and that the 
 absence of clearly defined boundaries between the Kafir tribes 
 beyond it is the occasion of continual wars. The Volksraad 
 accordingly recommends that the Transvaal Government and 
 the British Eesident should send a Commission to regulate the 
 boundary of the State in accordance with the treaties entered 
 into between the Eepublic and Moshette, Massouw, and Gasi- 
 bone, and to define the boundaries between the Eepublic and 
 the natives, as well as betvv'een the native tribes among them- 
 selves. 
 
 " I am unable to concur in the view taken by the Volksraad 
 as to the cause of the present troubles, or as to the fairness of 
 the course recommended for putting an end to them. As far 
 as I can see, there are no facts stated in the report of the 
 Commission of the Volksraad, which support the opinion 
 expressed by it as to the origin of the disturbances, or which 
 tend to justify the remedy suggested for their removal. 
 
 " It appears to me that tribal feuds and differences of old 
 standing have existed between the various native chiefs in the 
 country known as the Keate Award territory, long before the 
 Convention line was laid down. These disputes were not 
 generally traceable to the absence of beaconed boundary lines 
 between one chief and another, this being a state of things
 
 46 
 
 wliicli has existed from time immemorial, but tliey were 
 mainly attributable to rival claims for paramountcy, the 
 British Government and the South African Eepublic having 
 supported difterent claimants, whilst the South African 
 Ptepublic had accepted from the chiefs, whose pretentions 
 they upheld, the cession of their respective territories. 
 
 "The parties to these feuds had for some time been 
 restrained from breaking out into open warfare by the annexa- 
 tion of the Transvaal, and by the belief which was enter- 
 tained by the various chiefs that they were in some indirect 
 way amenable to British jurisdiction and control. When, 
 however, the retrocession of the Transvaal took place, and the 
 British troops were withdrawn from that province, this feeling 
 of restraint was removed, the chiefs having been informed 
 that it was not the intention of Her Majesty's Government 
 to exercise any jurisdiction over the chiefs and tribes inhabit- 
 ing the territory beyond the new Transvaal boundary line, 
 and that their independence was fully recognised. 
 
 " Hostilities thereupon soon commenced between the 
 Baralono- cliiefs, Moshette and Montsioa, and between the 
 Koranna and Batlapin chiefs, Massouw and Gasibone, on one 
 side, and Mankoroane and ]\Iathlabani on the other. All 
 these chiefs were left by the Convention in independence 
 outside the boundary of the Transvaal, and if they had been 
 allowed to settle their disputes and rival claims amongst 
 themselves, their differences would probably before long have 
 been adjusted. But, unfortunately, a number of Transvaal 
 burghers, influenced by a desire for the plunder of cattle, and 
 for the acquisition of land, took the part of INIoshette against 
 Montsioa, and of Massouw and Gasibone against Mankoroane 
 and Mathlabani, in open violation of the proclamation of 
 neutrality issued by the Transvaal State. 
 
 "During these hostilities, Montsioa, Mankoroane, and 
 Mathlabani have scrupulously respected the Transvaal 
 boundary line as laid down l)y the Convention. Not so their 
 opponents, Moshette, Massouw, and Gasibone, who, aided by 
 Boer freebooters, have had the advantaoe of the Transvaal 
 territory as a place for organizing marauding expeditions, for 
 procuring ammunition, and for disposing of captured stock.
 
 47 
 
 " It is therefore, I maintain, altogether a mistake to allege 
 that the border line, as established by the Convention, on the 
 south-western boundary of the Transvaal, is the 'inducing 
 cause' of the existing disturbances and atrocities on the 
 border. The contending chiefs and tribes are, as I have 
 observed, all outside the Transvaal boundary, and that line 
 does not in any sense, or in the slightest degree, constitute an 
 ingredient in their quarrels amongst themselves. 
 
 " The remedy proposed by the Volksraad is in effect that 
 
 the whole of the country now in the possession of the Bara- 
 
 longs, Batlapins, and Korannas should be included in the 
 
 Transvaal State, and locations assigned within it to the various 
 
 chiefs and tribes. This is simply a repetition of the claim 
 
 advanced by the Triumvirate, to which the Royal Commission, 
 
 after the fullest consideration, felt it could not in justice 
 
 agree. 
 *■ * * * * * 
 
 " If whilst firmly adhering to the present border line of 
 the Transvaal, as laid down by the Convention, it should be 
 found that the various Bechuana tribes outside really desire 
 that their boundaries between each other should be defined, 
 I could, as High Commissioner, select an impartial and in- 
 dependent Commission to undertake such a work. But it 
 certainly appears to me that the Transvaal Government which 
 claims the whole territory, and maintains the right of Moshette, 
 Massouw, and Gasibone, to dispose of it without reference to 
 the other chiefs, could scarcely with fairness be alloM'ed to 
 have a voice in the adjudication of such a matter." 
 
 There are several inaccuracies in this reply of the 
 High Commissioner. He insinuates that the war 
 was caused by the desire of the Transvaal burghers 
 to plunder the natives of their cattle and their land ; 
 but Sir Hercules Robinson is well aware of the fact 
 that it was not the Transvaal citizens, but English 
 subjects, and our own paid agents, men like Messrs. 
 Daumas and Kino- and Mr. Bethel, who were the real
 
 48 
 
 instigators of the war. It was established by the 
 correspondence given in evidence before the Royal 
 Commission that Bethel, Montsioa's agent, had 
 instigated Montsioa to begin the war by attacking 
 Machabi, and the following extracts show what King 
 and Daumas have done in reference to the second 
 war — a war for which the High Commissioner him- 
 self admits Mankoroane is to blame. The evidence 
 shows that Sir Hercules Robinson knew what his 
 agents were doing. On 9th February, 1882, Captain 
 Nourse telegraphed to him (C 3381, page 34) : — 
 
 " Witli regard to the war now going on between the chiefs 
 David Massouw and Mankoroane, the latter is entirely to 
 blame for its commencement. Massouw^ is acting exactly in 
 the same way as Moshette, and derives great assistance from 
 the Transvaal State. Both chiefs are actively employing 
 white men to fight for them. Massouw is raising 300 Boers, 
 to receive half booty and a farm each in Mankoroane's 
 territory, should they drive him off it. 
 
 "I cannot too strongly condemn the actions of Messrs. A. 
 Daumas and C. King. Both, I believe, are receiving Govern- 
 ment pay, and are employed as Government agents in 
 Mankoroane's country, by not only personally fighting for 
 him, but allowing themselves to be employed as recruiting 
 agents, and making every endeavour to obtain ammunition 
 for him to carry on the war." 
 
 On 21st February, 1882, the Civil Commissioner 
 at Barkly informed the Secretary for Native Aftairs : — 
 
 "I have explained to Mr. Daumas, Mankoroane, and 
 Kantlapan, that the Cape Government intend assuming the 
 attitude of strict neutrality in the present disturbance beyond 
 our borders ; but I cannot help thinking there is a good deal 
 of truth in Mr. Bevan's letter, where he states that the
 
 49 
 
 agents are to a great degree responsiljle for tlie present 
 disturbance. Mr. King and Daumas took uiJon themsches to 
 go out with Mankoroanc to attach David Massouio, instead of 
 remaining at their stations, and, as far as I can tcndcrstand, both 
 these agents are assisting Manhoroanc in the field. Under all 
 circumstances I do not consider thcdthc agents are of any assist- 
 ance to the Government, hut appear only useful in egging on the 
 several chiefs into hostilities, ivhieh may result in very seriotis 
 consequences." 
 
 On 10 til February. ] 882, the Secretary for Native 
 Affairs, Cape Colony, wired to Civil Commissioner, 
 Kimberley : — 
 
 "Please send the following message without delay to 
 Daumas and King, who are with Mankoroane, viz. : It has 
 come to the knowledge of Government, that both of you, who 
 are Government agents in Mankoroane's country, are not only 
 personally fighting for him, but allowing yourselves to be 
 employed as recruiting agents, and making every endeavour 
 to obtain ammunition for him to carry on the w^ar. This is 
 such a glaring violation of your duty as officers of Government 
 that it can hardly be credited. If, however, the statement is 
 correct, I am to direct you at once to desist and to abstain 
 from talcing any part, directly or indirectly, in the war in 
 which Mankoroane is engaged, and to call upon you for an 
 immediate and full explanation of such reprehensible 
 conduct." 
 
 And these gentlemen have been dismissed with a 
 month's notice and " a gratuity each of three 
 months' pay," and a hint that their services may 
 again be required ; these agents of Sir Hercules 
 Robinson's Government in the Cape fought during 
 the entire war, and they are still there looking 
 after their own interests. I give, without comment, 
 their defence : —
 
 50 
 
 " Should we be recalled by Government now that j\Ian- 
 koroane is in such jeopardy through Boer assistance, in the 
 shape of ammunition and volunteers, all the native tribes will 
 consider that the British Government is deserting, and has 
 handed over Mankoroane, who has always been its loyal 
 friend, to the Transvaal to be crushed. Tliis will be very 
 detrimental to Britisli prestige in South Africa. 
 
 " Our private reason is that the natives and all who have 
 known us here would look upon us as cowards if we left this 
 place now that Mankoroane is short of ammunition, and the 
 rebel chiefs have been so far successful on account of the 
 assistance they have received from the Boers, thereby being 
 camped close to Taung and threatening to attack it again 
 notwithstanding they have been twice repulsed with lieaiT" 
 loss." 
 
 Messrs. King and Daumas now appear in a new 
 character : they have signed some of the ofhcial 
 documents as Bechuana chiefs, and Mr. Hudson tells 
 us that Daumas has adopted native habits '' and, 
 though an European, is reputed to be as much a 
 Kafir as Mankoroane." 
 
 The assertion of the High Commissioner that 
 Mankoroane has always respected the Transvaal 
 boundary line, while his opponents have not done 
 so, is also inaccurate. In Captain Nourse's report 
 (C 3381, page 49) I find that when Mankoroane 
 besfan the war he moved with a force across the 
 boundary line into the Transvaal, that he bribed the 
 Commandant of the Christiana district, Antony Kok, 
 to aid him, and promised Kok a thousand head of 
 cattle for his assistance during the attack. Kok, 
 with about fifty Boers, assisted Mankoroane and 
 drove Massouw's cattle across the river. Manko- 
 roane's force then retired with the cattle, but Mas-
 
 51 
 
 souw's men followed them and re-captured the cattle. 
 General Joubert suspended Kok for this transaction, 
 and appointed Piet Uys Commandant in his stead. 
 Major Lowe also reported that Mankoroane's people 
 were using part of Griqualaud for their raids on Gasi- 
 bone, and the Major ordered their huts to be burned. 
 
 The war was carried on by the contending chiefs, 
 with the aid of white volunteers, who were hired on 
 the condition that they would be repaid for their 
 services with farms in the territory of the conquered 
 chiefs. Several hundred of these v(^lunteers from 
 the Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and the Cape 
 Colony, assisted Moshette and Massouw, and they 
 have conquered Montsioa and Mankoroane, and the 
 largest and best part of the land of the last-named 
 chiefs have been divided amongst the volunteers. Mr, 
 Hudson tells us there are about 500 or GOO of these 
 volunteers settled in the territory. About 120 are 
 deserters from the English army and English colo- 
 nists, and the remainder, I believe, are Boers, about 
 equally divided in number from the Transvaal and 
 Orange Free State. Mankoroane and Montsioa began 
 the war, first used white volunteers, and now, when 
 they have been beaten with their own weapons, the 
 pupils surpassing the masters, we are asked to 
 interfere and restore them to their former position. 
 
 The volunteers who were serving with Mankoroane 
 and Montsioa have coalesced with those of Moshette 
 and Massouw, and the combined volunteers have 
 organised themselves into two RejDublics, the one in 
 the Batlapin district called Stellaland, and the other 
 in the Baralong district called Goshen. 
 
 D
 
 52: 
 
 The problem now is, what should be done in the 
 disturbed district 1 We are told by the High Com- 
 missioner and the Eesident, that there are four 
 courses open to us : — First, the annexation of the 
 district by the Imperial Government ; second, its 
 annexation by the Cape Colony, or its division 
 between the Cape Colony and the Transvaal ; third, 
 the annexation of the whole territory by the Trans- 
 vaal Government ; fourth, do nothing and allow 
 matters to settle down as chance may allow. If we 
 attempt to carry out the first plan we will require, 
 according to the report of the Resident, a force of at 
 least 2,000 men, and that this force, after conquering 
 the territory, must remain for a long time in it, in 
 order to protect it afterwards. In his despatch of 
 January 6th, 1883, the Resident says (C 3486, 
 page 53) :— 
 
 " What can be done by way of remedy to a state of things 
 so politically difficult and embarrassing, so lamentable in 
 itself, and so repulsive to every just and humane principle 
 and feeling, and to diminish, and as soon as possil )le to remove, 
 a danger which appears to be highly critical and to threaten 
 the peace, and indefinitely retard the progress, of this part of 
 South Africa ? 
 
 " The decided intervention of Her Majesty's Government 
 is a suggestion largely advocated ; but this, to be effectual, 
 must be forcible and sufficiently strong ; a weak military 
 force could not cope quickly and conclusively with the stan}p 
 of men who now hold lawless and defiant possession of the 
 country; no Imperial military expedition would receive 
 assistance from the other Governments of South Africa. 
 These men, numbering now between five and six hundred, 
 consider themselves to have an absolute and indefeasible
 
 53 
 
 title to tlie land they have conquurud. Upon any show 
 of force, not manifestly and absolutely sufficient to overawe 
 and compel submission, this nund)er would, undoubtedly, be 
 considerably increased by sympathisers and adventurers from 
 the Transvaal, Free State, and probaldy also from the 
 Colonial borders. The expense would be very great, and a 
 fresh settlement after all be necessary. There could hardly 
 l)e a simple return to and enforcement of the status quo ante. 
 [ can hardly anticipate that Her Majesty's Government ' 
 would undertake the task in this form, and for such purpose 
 only. There are, besides, other and very grave considerations 
 affecting South African feelings and interests involved in the 
 adoption of such a policy. 
 
 -*• jK- ■%■ -;^ -H? 
 
 '' 1 cannot conceal that I have, however, reluctantly come 
 to the conclusion, notwithstanding my condemnation of the 
 unlawful, uncompromising, defiant, and dishonest means by 
 which the large number of white men have accpiired such 
 rights as they have done and determinedly exercise in land 
 which certainly does not belong to them, it is now not 
 possible to regard or set aside the de facto possessions they 
 hold ; but I believe that means might be found, as the result 
 of inquiry, to reduce and, to a great extent, abrogate, a good 
 deal of the forcible seizures of native lands which have taken 
 ])1hcc under colour of ' Treaties of Peace,' and to secure to 
 the unfortunate Natives some clear respite from the fate 
 which, in the absence of some intervention of a definite kind, 
 very approximately waits them. 
 
 * * * *- * 
 
 " Can things ho. left just as they are ? — hold the Cape 
 jind Transvaal Governments bound to the present Convention 
 line, and refuse to concur in any extension of frontier and 
 still leave the unfortunate Natives, so many of wliom have 
 confided iii and trusted all their fortunes to the English 
 .authority, name, and support to the results of a miserable 
 teclniical 'independence,' for the maintenance of which they 
 obtain no assistance ? The result of such a policy of absten- 
 tion must, I think, be disastrous to them." 
 
 D 2
 
 54 
 
 The course advised by the Resident is to appoint 
 a Commission composed of one representative for the 
 Cape Colony and one for the Transvaal Government, 
 with himself as Resident, to divide the territory 
 between the Cape Colony and the Transvaal. This 
 is a very wise suggestion, but unfortunately the 
 Cape Government will not accept it, and on several 
 occasions have refused to take any part of the terri- 
 tory. Some of their minutes on the question are 
 almost as curt and undiplomatic as those of the 
 Transvaal Government. Sir Hercules Robinson 
 thus reports the result of his negotiations with the 
 Cape Premier : — 
 
 " I have spoken to Mr. Scanleu, the Premier of the Colony, 
 as to the second course, and he assures me that any idea of 
 the Cape accepting such a responsibility . . . may at once 
 be abandoned, as lie would be no party to submitting any 
 such proposal to Parliament. He considers that there will 
 probably always be trouble outside any northern colonial 
 border that could be jSxed upon, . . . and that, looking 
 to the result of the intervention undertaken in the case of 
 the Basutos to save them from extinction, the Colony is 
 certainly not prepared to incur the trouble, expense, and risk 
 of taking the Batlapin tribes under its rule, with the con- 
 tingent obligations of having to fight the Boer freebooters in 
 the first instance, and possibly the Batlapins later on when 
 the present danger to them shall be over, and the pressure 
 of colonial control alone be left." 
 
 As to the third course, permitting it to be again 
 incorporated into the Transvaal State, Sir Hercules 
 Robinson is strongly opposed to such a course, and, 
 as usual when writing on the subject, places the worst 
 possible constr action on all the Transvaal Govern-
 
 55 
 
 ment have done in the past, and what he supposes 
 they will do in the future. It is a matter of no 
 consequence to the High Commissioner that what he 
 is so confidently predicting as the future intentions 
 of the Transvaal Government is a course contrary to 
 the fundamental law of the country, and has been 
 indignantly repudiated by them. Sir Hercules 
 Bobinson's advice is, that if we do not carry out 
 the first proposal and annex the territory ourselves, 
 we ought to let things alone. The absurd and 
 unjust Keate Award is to him the perfection of 
 equity and sound policy. So, likewise, is the equally 
 unjustifiable boundary line laid down by the Com- 
 mission, of which he was the Chairman, in 1881, 
 notwithstanding the protests of both the Boers and 
 the Natives. When Chairman of the Boyal Commis- 
 sion he entirely ignored the fact that the Keate Award 
 had, as Sir Theophilus Shepstone said, handed the 
 territory over to land speculators and adventurers, 
 and the anarchy of tribal disputes and disturbances. 
 Without hearing some of the parties principally 
 interested, he adopted a boundary fine that Colonel 
 Moysey, who proposed it, was not even able to 
 beacon off; and when, in consequence of his im- 
 patience, 8,nd his want of good faith in refusing to 
 carry out the arbitration between Montsioa and 
 Moshette, which Major Buller guaranteed should 
 be done, the condition of things has occurred that 
 the Boer leaders fore bold, and of which our own 
 Governors and our officials who best knew the 
 district had also previously warned us of, this 
 statesman still defends his discredited policy, mis-
 
 56 
 
 represents and abuses the Transvaal Government to, 
 if possible, prevent a mser one being adopted, and 
 actually recommends us to allow the present condi- 
 tion of bloodshed and anarchy to continue, that 
 Bechuanaland should still remain a field where all 
 the rowdies and adventurers of South Africa, the 
 deserters and outlaws of both races, can indulge 
 unchecked in plunder and rapine. The latest tele- 
 grams tell us he is returning to England. I trust 
 he will remain at home, and that a new High 
 Commissioner will be sent out to inaugurate a totally 
 different policy. If we refuse to interfere ourselves 
 or allow the Transvaal Government to do so, the 
 responsibility of prolonging the bloodshed and 
 anarchy will lie upon us, and we will again destroy 
 those we desired to protect. Sir Hercules Robinson 
 is not only responsible for the policy that originated 
 the disorders ; he is also, to a large extent, responsible 
 for their continuance. He has met all the offers of 
 the Transvaal Government with insulting incredulity, 
 more or less misrepresenting them, and advising their 
 rejection. When peace was arranged between 
 Montsioa and Moshette, and between Mankoroane 
 and Massouw, and they wished the Transvaal Govern- 
 ment to take over the territory and arbitrate 
 between the oj)posing parties, he refused to permit 
 this course to be adopted, as it was contrary to his 
 Convention, — that this Convention had been accepted 
 by the Triumvirate, and ratified by the Volksraad. 
 But here he again misrepresents facts ; it was 
 accepted by the Triumvirate under protest, and only 
 ratified provisionally by the Volksraad in order to
 
 57 
 
 give it a trial, tliey having been requested to give it 
 a trial by Lord Kimberley in his telegrams. 
 
 By the course he has pursued Sir Hercules 
 Bobinson has made things very much worse for 
 Mankoroane and Montsioa than they would other- 
 wise have been, and these unfortunate chiefs may 
 well pray to be saved from theii- friends. They 
 signed treaties of peace agreeing to surrender the 
 largest portion of their land to make farms for the 
 white volunteers, and they wished the Transvaal 
 Government to act as arbiter and define the new 
 border ; but the High Commissioner tried to prevent 
 any interference, and the result is that the adven- 
 turers and freebooters have simply taken whatever 
 pleased them, and unless they are checked, if the 
 territory should remain a field for all the vagabondage 
 of South Africa to run riot in, the tenitory of the 
 Batloras and other tribes will probably be attacked 
 and still greater evils may occm\ Moshette, Mont- 
 sioa, Massouw, Mankoroane, all the chiefs who 
 have been engaged in the struggle, have asked the 
 Transvaal Government to take them under its Dro- 
 
 JL 
 
 tection : they have signed formal documents asking 
 to be incorporated again in the Transvaal Kepublic. 
 We have prevented this being done because, accord- 
 ing to the Convention, such an act requires our 
 consent. On what grounds can we refuse if both 
 the native chiefs and the Transvaal Government 
 are willing ? Lord Derby has made one of his usual 
 able and statesmanlike speeches during the debate 
 on the question in the House of Lords, and I have 
 no doubt when Dr. Jorissen, the Attorney- General
 
 58 
 
 of the South African Eepubhc, who is at present in 
 London, brings the evidence of his Government 
 before Lord Derby, our new Secretary for the 
 Colonies will exhibit that spirit of fair play and good 
 common-sense which has so long characterised him, 
 and settle this question in a wise and equitable 
 manner. 
 
 It is time we defined the position we intend to 
 occupy in South Africa in the future, and the ques- 
 tion will arise on the amendment of Sir George 
 Campbell. We have granted self-government to the 
 Cape Colony, and Natal has asked for the same 
 privilege. If we grant this boon to Natal, and make 
 her clearly understand that in future she must pay 
 for all her wars, that she can have our troops only on 
 condition that she pays the entire cost, — if we adopt 
 such a policy there will probably be peace on her 
 borders. Since we granted self-government to New 
 Zealand, and compelled the New Zealanders to pay 
 for their own native wars, the native troubles there 
 have practically ceased. 
 
 In Africa, America, and AustraUa we have 
 founded, at great expense in blood and treasure, 
 our flourishing colonies. We have given them the 
 magnificent crown lands as a free inheritance ; we 
 have treated them with a generosity unparalleled in 
 the history of the world, and how have we been 
 repaid ? They have enacted laws to shut us out 
 of their markets ; they treat us like any other foreign 
 country, — nay, some of them are even prepared to 
 offer better terms to a foreign country than to our- 
 eelves. We cannot afford to continue this pohcy, and
 
 59 
 
 in future all our colonies should understand that the 
 mother country is not prepared to do any more for 
 them than she has done, and that the Colonial Office, 
 like the Indian Office, must be self-supporting. 
 
 In South Africa we have the descendants of the 
 early Dutch and French Colonists, the Africanders : 
 to them and to the English Colonists who have 
 made South Africa their home the future belongs, 
 and I trust Lord Derby and the present Government 
 will seriously consider our present strained relations 
 with the South African Republic, and try to bring- 
 about a different condition of things. The citizens 
 of the Transvaal and the Free State consider we 
 have grievously wronged them : we have deliberately 
 violated the solemn treaties that we made with 
 them. They left our territory and wandered into 
 the unexplored wilds of the continent to found new 
 communities, where they could be free and self- 
 ofoverned. In Natal and in the Free State we 
 followed them ; we fought and conquered them ; 
 Natal we have retained, but we were glad to give 
 up the Free State. After the battle of Boomplatz 
 we offered a treaty to the emigrants who had crossed 
 the Vail River, and at our wish Pretorius and his 
 followers met us at Sand River. A Convention was 
 signed that was satisfactory to both parties ; I 
 append that Treaty. The Boers have faithfully 
 fulfilled all the obligations they incurred ; we have 
 shamefully violated ours. In 1868, in 1871, and 
 in 1877 we dishonourably broke our engage- 
 ments, and seriously injured two nations weaker 
 than ourselves ; we did to the Republics of the
 
 60 
 
 Orange Kiver and the Vaal Kiver what we dare not 
 do to the E-epublics of France and America, and to 
 the present hour we still refuse to undo the wrongs, 
 far less offer restitution. Mr. Gladstone, in hi& 
 Midlothian speeches, said the annexation of the 
 Transvaal was impolitic and unjust, — nay, he went 
 further and characterised it as insane. He repudiated 
 the transaction, and denounced the dishonourable 
 means by which it had been brought about. All 
 now admit that the destruction of the South African 
 Republic was brought about by misrepresentations 
 and false pretences ; for three years, by protests and 
 appeals to our sense of justice and fairness, they 
 tried to get the wrong undone ; they were unsuccess- 
 ful, and had to appeal to arms. In the midst of the 
 war we offered terms, and appointed a Royal Com- 
 mission to arrange our differences. This Royal 
 Commission compelled the Boer leaders to accept 
 a treaty in which they did not even get the terms 
 we proposed during the hostilities. 
 
 Rather than again appeal to arms they protested 
 and signed it. The Parliament they called were as 
 much dissatisfied as themselves ; they again appealed 
 to our sense of justice, complained of this further 
 wrong that was being done to them, and finally the 
 Volksraad consented to provisionally ratify the Con- 
 vention their leaders had signed, and give it the trial 
 we requested. They have done so. Bechuanaland, 
 an old part of the territory, was cut away from 
 them : it was given to native chiefs who had 
 emigrated into it after they had settled there, just 
 as they have done in our own colony of Natal. We
 
 61 
 
 told tliem to compensate their citizens whose land 
 had been thus cut away, and we left them smarting 
 under a sense of further injustice : our Colonial 
 officials have treated them in a fashion wliich has 
 intensified that feeling, and the slightest cause, witli 
 the present tension of feeling, will bring about a war 
 which will either end with the independence of 
 South Africa or the annihilation of the Africanders. 
 
 It is time to offer simple justice to the Boers. 
 The Government admit that all the pretexts for 
 interference in 1877 were false and dishonest; the 
 Sikukuni correspondence before and after annexa- 
 tion is a blot on Lord Carnarvon's good name, and a 
 scandal to ourselves. There were more native wars 
 and troubles during the three years we held the 
 country than during the thirty . years the Boers 
 governed it. Our native policy was disgraceful ; we 
 appointed as magistrate in Zoutspansberg a man 
 who had been degraded from his post by the Boer 
 Government for dealing in slaves. This man, a 
 Portuguese, named Albasini, was discovered by the 
 Government of the Republic to be prostituting his 
 position and dealing in slaves ; they prosecuted him, 
 but did not secure a conviction because there was a 
 flaw in the indictment, but they ignominiously dis- 
 missed him from his office ; yet when Sir Theophilus 
 Shepstone annexed the country, he reappointed this 
 scoundrel as a magistrate in his old district. When 
 we took over the country there were no wrongs of the 
 natives to right, no slaves to liberate. Sir Wilfred 
 Lawson offered a reward of ten pounds for every one 
 that was found, and no one attempted to claim it. But
 
 62 
 
 what lias occurred since the country has been handed 
 back to the Boers ? They have ordered the release 
 of hundreds of natives who had been apprenticed con- 
 trary to the law. Some of these natives had been 
 apprenticed for a period that would expire in 1891, 
 and this wrong done to natives by British magis- 
 trates, when the country was governed by us as 
 despotically as we govern India, or as Bussia is 
 governed, has had to be undone by the present Volks- 
 raad, which has ordered their liberation. In the 
 last Blue Books we have the humiliating admissions 
 made by our ex-officials that the charge made by the 
 Boer Government is true — that eight hundred were 
 apprenticed at Potchefstroom, and hundreds more 
 at Pretoria, — and all they can plead in extenuation is 
 that the natives apprenticed nearly all ran away, and 
 that there cannot be many to liberate. By solemn 
 treaty we agreed to recognise the full and complete 
 freedom of the Bepublic. By an almost unprecedented 
 breach of international law we annexed it, notwith- 
 standing the protests of the Government and the 
 people. This policy of force, fraud, and folly has 
 been discredited. It began in dishonour and ended in 
 disaster ; but we have not fully undone the wrong — 
 we have not entirely reversed the unjustifiable act of 
 annexation — we have placed new bonds on them 
 which they refuse any longer to bear. They ask, 
 Why should we be placed in a different position from 
 our brethren in the Free State ? and what they have 
 done that the full and complete measure of indepen- 
 dence guaranteed to them by the Sand Biver Conven- 
 tion shall still be withheld ? and they will never rest
 
 63 
 
 satisfied till a treaty on the lines of that Convention 
 is again granted. The present Convention has caused 
 serious difficulties and undesirable complications, and 
 I trust Lord Derby will still further add to his high 
 reputation for statesmanship by following the course 
 that justice and policy alike demand, — that he will 
 modify the Pretoria Convention, and return to the 
 conditions adopted in 1852, as such a course only 
 will restore that goodwill and friendly feeling be- 
 tween the Dutch and English populations which is so 
 necessary for the peace and prosperity of South 
 Africa.
 
 64 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 N'o. 1. 
 
 THE SAN-D RIVER CONVENTION. 
 
 Minutes of a Meeting held in the place of Mr. P. A, Venter, 
 Sand River, on Eriday, the 18th day of January, 1852, 
 between Major W. Hogge and C. M. Owen, Esq., Her 
 Majesty's Assistant Commissioners, for the Settling and 
 Adjusting of the Affairs of the Eastern and North-Eastern 
 Boundaries of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, on 
 the one part, and the following Deputation from the Emi- 
 grant Farmers residing north of the Vaal River : — 
 
 A. W. J. Pretorius, Commandant-General. 
 
 H. S. Lombard, Landdrost. 
 
 W. F. Joubert, Commandant- General. 
 
 G. J. Kruger, Commandant, 
 
 J. N. Grobbelaar, Raadslid. 
 
 P. E. Schlotz. 
 
 P. J. Wolmarans, Ouderling. 
 
 J. A. van Aswegen, Veldcoruet. 
 
 P. J. J. Botes, ditto. 
 
 N. J. S. Basson, ditto. 
 
 J. P. Fostenberg, ditto. 
 
 J. P. Pretorius. 
 
 J. H. Grobbelaar. 
 
 J. M. Lehman. 
 
 P. Schutte. 
 
 J. C. Kloppers. 
 
 On the other part. 
 
 The Assistant Commissioners guarantee in the fullest manner, 
 on the pai't of the British Government, to the emigrant farmers 
 beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage their own affairs,
 
 G5 
 
 tind to govern themselves accordiBg to their own laws, without 
 any interference on the part of tlie British Government; and 
 that no encroachment shall be made by the said Government on 
 the territory beyond, to the north of the Vaal River ; with the 
 further assurance that the warmest wish of the British Govern- 
 ment is to promote peace, free trade, and friendly intercourse 
 Avith the emigrant farmers now inhabiting, or who may hereafter 
 inhabit that country; it being' understood that this system of 
 non-interference is binding upon both parties. 
 
 Should any misunderstanding hereinafter arise as to the true 
 meaning of the words " The Vaal River," this question, in so far 
 as regards the line from the source of that river over the Draakcn- 
 
 o 
 
 berg, shall be settled and adjusted by Commissioners chosen by 
 both parties. 
 
 Her Majesty's Assistant Commissioners hereby disclaim all 
 alliances whatever and with whomsoever of the coloured nations 
 to the north of the Vaal River. 
 
 It is agreed that no slavery is or shall be permitted or 
 practised in the country to the north of the Vaal River, by the 
 emigrant farmers. 
 
 Mutual facilities and liberty shall be aiiorded to traders and 
 travellers on both sides of the Vaal River ; it being understood 
 that every wagon containing ammunition and fire-arms, coming 
 from the south side of the Vaal River, shall produce a certificate 
 signed by a British Magistrate or other functionary duly autho- 
 rised to grant such : and which shall state the quantities of such 
 articles contained in said wagon, to the nearest magistrate north 
 of the Vaal River, who shall act in the case as the regulations of 
 the emigrant farmers direct. It is agreed, that no objection shall 
 be made by any British authority against the emigrant Boers 
 purchasing their supplies of ammunition in any of the British 
 colonies and possessions in South Africa ; it being mutually 
 understood that all trade in ammunition with the native tribes 
 is prohibited both by the British Government and the emigrant 
 farmers, on both sides of the Vaal River. 
 
 It is agreed, that so far as possible, all criminals and other 
 guilty parties who may fly from justice, either way across the 
 Vaal River, shall be mutually delivered up, if such should bo 
 required, and that the British Courts, as well as those of the 
 emigrant farmers, shall be mutually open to each other for all 
 legitimate processes, and that summonses for witnesses sent 
 either way across tlie Vaal River shall be backed by the magis-
 
 6Q 
 
 trates on each side of the same respectively, to compel the 
 attendance of such witnesses when required. 
 
 It is agreed, that certificates of marriage issued by the 
 proper authorities of the emigi*ant farmers, shall be held valid 
 and sufficient to entitle children of such marriages to receive 
 portions accruing to them in any British colony or possession in 
 South Africa. 
 
 It is agreed, that any and every person now in possession of 
 land and residing in British territory shall have free right and 
 power to sell his said property and remove unmolested across 
 the Vaal River, and vice versa : it being distinctly understood 
 that this arrangement does not comprehend criminals or debtors, 
 without providing for the payment of their just and lawful 
 debts. 
 
 This done and signed at Sand River aforesaid, this 18th day 
 of January, 1852. 
 
 (Signed) A. W. J. Pketoeius, Cormnandant-General. 
 H. S. Lombard, Landdrost. 
 W. F. JOUBERT, G.G. 
 G. J. Krugee, Commandant. 
 W. I. HoGGE, Assistant Commissioner. 
 C. MosTYN Owen, Assistant Commissiojier. 
 J. jST. Grobbelaar, U.L. 
 
 P. E, SCHOLTZ. 
 
 P. J. WOLMARANS, Ouderling. 
 
 J. A. VAN ASWEGEN, V.C. 
 
 p. J. J. Botes. 
 
 N. J. S. Basson, V. Cornet. 
 
 J. P. FosTENBERG, VsMcovnet. 
 
 J. P. Pretorius. 
 
 J. H. Grobbelaar. 
 
 J. M. Lehman. 
 
 P. SCHUTTE. 
 
 J. C. Kloppers. 
 
 In presence of — 
 
 (Signed) John Burnet, 
 Clerk to the Civil Commissioner of Winbii,rg. 
 
 (Signed) J. A,. Visagie, Secretary.
 
 67 
 
 No. II, 
 
 THE PRETORIA CONVENTION. 
 
 Her Majesty's Commissioners for the settlement of the Trans- 
 vaal Territory, duly appointed as such by a Commission passed 
 under the Royal Sign Manual and Signet, bearing date the 5th 
 of April, 1881, do hereby undertake and guarantee on behalf of 
 Her Majesty that from and after the 8th day of August, 1881, 
 complete self-government, subject to the suzerainty of Her 
 Majesty, her Heirs and Successors, will be accorded to the 
 inhabitants of the Transvaal Territory, upon the following terms 
 and conditions, and subject to the following reservations and 
 limitations : — 
 
 Article 1. — The said Territory, to be hereinafter called the 
 Transvaal State, will embrace the land lying between the follow- 
 ing boundaries : — 
 
 Article 2. — Her Majesty reserves to herself, her Heirs and 
 Successors, (a) the right from time to time to appoint a British 
 Resident in and for the said State, Avith such duties and func- 
 tions as are hereinafter defined ; (b) the right to move troops 
 through the said State in time of war, or in case of the appre- 
 hension of immediate war between the Suzerain Power and any 
 foreign State, or Native tribe in South Africa ; and (c) the con- 
 trol of the external relations of the said State, including the 
 conclusion of treaties, and the conduct of diplomatic intercourse 
 with Foreign Powers, such intercourse to be carried on through 
 Her Majesty's diplomatic and consular officers abroad. 
 
 Article 3. — Until altered by the Volksraad or other com- 
 petent authority, all laws, whether passed before or after the 
 annexation of the Transvaal Territory to Her Majesty's 
 dominions, shall, except in so far as they are consistent with, 
 or repugnant to, the provisions of this Convention, be and 
 remain in force in the said State, in so far as they shall be 
 applicable thereto : Provided that no future enactment specially 
 affecting the interests of Natives shall have any force or 
 effect in the said State without the consent of Her Majesty, her 
 Heirs and Successors, first had and obtained and signified to the 
 Government of the said State through the British Resident: 
 Provided further, that in no case will the repeal or amendment 
 
 K
 
 68 
 
 of any laws whicli have been enacted since the annexation have 
 a retrospective efiect so as to invalidate any acts done or liabili- 
 ties incurred by virtue of such laws. 
 
 Article 4. — On the 8th day of August, 1881, the Govern- 
 ment of the said State, together with all rights and obligations 
 thereto appertaining, and all State property taken over at the 
 time of annexation, save and except munitions of war, will be 
 handed over to 
 
 Messrs. Stephanus Johannes Paulus Krugee, 
 
 Martinus Wessel Pretorius, and 
 
 Petrus Jacobus Jodbert, 
 or the survivor or survivors of them, who will forthwith cause a 
 Volksraad to be elected and convened ; and the Volksraad thus 
 elected and convened will decide as to the further administration 
 of the Government of the said State. 
 
 Article 5. — All sentences passed upon persons who may be 
 convicted of offences contrary to the rules of civilised warfare, 
 committed during the recent hostilities, will be duly carried 
 out, and no alteration or mitigation of such sentences will be 
 made or allowed by the Government of the Transvaal State 
 without Her Majesty's consent, conveyed through the British 
 Resident. In case there shall be any prisoners in any of the 
 gaols of the Transvaal State, whose respective sentences of 
 imprisonment have been remitted in part by Her Majesty's 
 -Administrator or other officer administering the Government, 
 such remission will be recognised and acted upon by the future 
 Government of the said State. 
 
 Article 6. — Her Majesty's Government will make due com- 
 pensation for all losses or damage sustained by reason of such 
 acts as are in the 8th Article hereinafter specified, which may 
 have been committed by Her Majesty's forces during the recent 
 hostilities, except for such losses or damage as may already have 
 been compensated for, and the Government of the Transvaal 
 State will make due compensation for all losses or damage 
 sustained by reason of such acts as are in the 8th Article herein- 
 after specified, which may have been committed by the people 
 who were in arms against Her Majesty during the recent hos- 
 tilities, except for such losses or damages as may have been 
 already compensated for. 
 
 Article 7. — The decision of all claims for compensation, as
 
 G9 
 
 in the last preceding article mentioned, will be'referred to a Sub- 
 Commission, consisting of tlie Honourable George Hudson, the 
 Honourable Jacobus Petrus de Wet, and the Honourable John 
 Gilbert Kotzc. 
 
 In case one or more of such Sub- Commissioners shall be unable 
 or unwilling to act, the remaining Sub-Commissioner or Sub- 
 Commissioners will, after consultation with the Government of 
 the Transvaal State, submit for the approval of Her Majesty's 
 High Commissioner, the names of one or more persons to be 
 appointed by him, to fill the place or places thus vacated. 
 
 The decision of the said Sub-Commissioners, or of a majority 
 of them, will be final. 
 
 The said Sub-Commissioners will enter upon and perform their 
 duties with all convenient speed. They will, before taking 
 evidence, or ordering evidence to be taken, in respect of any 
 claim, decide whether such claim can be entertained at all under 
 the rules laid down in the next succeeding Article. 
 
 In regard to claims which can be so entertained, the Sub- 
 Commissioners will, in the first instance, afford every facility for 
 an amicable arrangement as to the amount payable in respect of 
 any claim, and only in cases in which there is no reasonable 
 ground for believing that an immediate amicable arrangement 
 can be arrived at, will they take evidence, or order evidence to 
 be taken. 
 
 For the purpose of taking evidence and reporting thereon, the 
 Sub-Commissioners may appoint deputies, who will without 
 delay submit records of the evidence and their reports to the Sub- 
 Commissioners . 
 
 The Sub-Commissioners will arrange their sittings, and the 
 sittings of their deputies, in such a manner as to afford the 
 greatest convenience to the parties concerned and their witnesses. 
 In no case will costs be allowed on either side, other than the 
 actual and reasonable expenses of witnesses whose evidence is 
 certified by the Sub- Commissioners to have been necessary. 
 Interest will not run on the amount of any claim except as 
 hereinafter provided for. 
 
 The said Sub-Commissioners will forthwith, after deciding 
 upon any claim, announce their decision to the Government 
 against which the award is made, and to the claimant. 
 
 Theamountof remuneration payable to the Sub-Commissioners 
 and their deputies will be determined by the High Commissioner 
 after all the claims have been decided upon. The British 
 
 E 2
 
 70 
 
 Government and the Government of the Transvaal State will 
 pay proportionate shares of the said remuneration, and of the 
 expenses of the Sub- Commissioners and their deputies, according 
 to the amounts awarded against them respectively. 
 
 Aeticle 8. — For the purpose of distinguishing claims to be 
 accepted from those to be rejected the Sub-Commissioners will 
 be guided by the following rules, viz. : — Compensatio]i will be 
 allowed for losses or damage sustained by reason of the following 
 acts committed during the recent hostilities, viz. : — (a) com- 
 mandeering, seizure, confiscation, or destruction of property, or 
 damage done to property ; (p) violence done or threats used by 
 persons in arms. 
 
 In regard to acts under (a), compensation will be allowed for 
 direct losses only. 
 
 In regard to acts falling under (b), compensation will be 
 allowed for actual losses of property, or actual injuiy to the same, 
 proved to have been caused by its enforced abandonment. 
 
 No claims for indirect losses, except such as are in this Article 
 specially provided for, will be entertained. 
 
 No claims which have been" handed into the Secretary of the 
 Royal Commission after the 1st day of July, 1881, will be enter- 
 tained, unless the Sub-Commissioners shall be satisfied that the 
 delay was reasonable. 
 
 When claims for loss of property are considered, the Sub- 
 Commissioners will require distinct proof of the existence of the 
 property, and that it neither has reverted, nor will revert, to the 
 claimant. 
 
 Article 9. — The Government of the Transvaal State will pay 
 and satisfy the amount of every claim awarded against it within 
 one month after the Sub-Commissioners shall have notified their 
 decision to the said Government, and in default of such payment 
 the said Government will pay interest at the rate of six per cent, 
 per annum from the date of such default ; but Her Majestv's 
 Government may, at any time before such payment, pay the 
 amount, with interest, if any, to the claimant in satisfaction of 
 his claim, and may add the sum thus paid to any debt which 
 may be due by the Transvaal State to Her Majesty's Govei^n- 
 ment, as hereinafter provided for, 
 
 Article 10. — The Transvaal State will be liable for the 
 bilance of the debts for which the South African Republic was 
 
 liable at the date of annexation, to wit: the sum of 48,000/. in
 
 71 
 
 rospcct of the Cape Commercial Bank Loan, and S5,GG7Z. in 
 respect of tlie Railway Loan, together with the amount due on 
 the 8th August, 1881, on account of the Orphan Chamber 
 debt, which now stands at 27,226Z. 15s., which debts will be a 
 first charge upon the revenues of the State. The Transvaal 
 State will moreover be liable for the lawful expenditure law- 
 fully incurred for the necessary expenses of the Province since 
 annexation, to wit : the sum of 265,000Z., which debt, together 
 with such debts as may be incurred by virtue of the 9th 
 Article, will be a second charge upon the revenues of the State. 
 
 Article 11. — The debts due as aforesaid by the Transvaal 
 State to Her Majesty's Government will bear interest at the 
 rate of three and a half per cent., and any portion of sucb 
 debt as may remain unpaid on the 8tli August, 1882, shall be 
 repayable by a payment for interest and sinking fund of six 
 pounds and ninepence per 100/. per annum, which will extinguish. 
 the debt in 25 years. The said payment of six pounds and 
 ninepence per 100/., shall be payable half-yearly, in British 
 currency, on the 8th February and 8th August in each year. 
 Provided always that the Transvaal State shall pay, in reduc- 
 tion of the said debt the sum of 100,000Z. before the 8th August, 
 1882, and shall be at liberty at the close of any half-year to pay 
 off the whole or any portion of the outstanding debt. 
 
 Aeticlb 12. — All persons holding property in the said State 
 on the 8th day of August, 1881, will continue to enjoy the 
 rights of property which they have enjoyed since the annexa- 
 tion. N"o person who has remained loyal to Her Majesty 
 during the recent hostilities shall suffer any molestation by 
 reason of his loyalty ; or be liable to any criminal prosecution 
 or civil action for any pai^t taken in connection with such 
 hostilities ; and all such persons will have full liberty to reside 
 in the country, with enjoyment of all civil rights, and protec- 
 tion for their persons and property. 
 
 Article 13. — Natives will be allowed to acquire land, but 
 the grant or transfer of such land will in every case be made to 
 and registered in the name of the Native Location Commission 
 hereinafter-mentioned, in trust for such Natives. 
 
 Article 14. — Natives will be allowed to move a freely 
 within the country as may be consistent with the requirements 
 of public order, and to leave it for the purpose of seeking em-
 
 72 
 
 plojment elsewhere, or for other lawful purposes, subject 
 always to the Pass Laws of the said State, as amended by the 
 Lei^islature of the Province, or as may hereafter be enacted, 
 under the provisions of the 3rd Article of this Convention. 
 
 Article 15. — The pi-ovisions of the 4th Article of the Sand 
 River Convention are hereby re-affirmed, and no slavery or 
 apprenticeship partaking of slavery will be tolerated by the 
 Government of the said State. 
 
 Article 16. — There will continue to be complete freedom of 
 religion and protection from molestation for all denominations, 
 provided the same be not inconsistent with morality and good 
 order; and no disability shall attach to any person in regard to 
 rights of property by reason of the religious opinions which he 
 holds. 
 
 Article 17. — The British Resident will receive from the 
 Government of the Transvaal State such assistance and support 
 as can by law be given to him for the due discharge of his func- 
 tions. He will also receive every assistance for the proper care 
 and preservation of the graves of such of Her Majesty's forces as 
 have died in the Transvaal ; and, if need be, for the expropriation 
 of land for the purpose. 
 
 Article 18. — The following will be the duties and functions 
 of the British Resident : — 
 
 (1) He will perform duties and functions analogous to those 
 
 discharged by a Charge d' Affaires and Consul- General. 
 
 (2) In regard to IS^atives within the Transvaal State he will, 
 
 (a) report to the High Commissioner, as representative 
 of the Suzerain, as to the working and observance of 
 the provisions of this Convention ; (6) report to the 
 Transvaal authorities any cases of ill-treatment of 
 Natives, or attempts to incite Natives to rebellion, that 
 may come to his knowledge ; (c) use his influence with 
 the Natives in favour of law and order ; and (d) 
 generally perform such other duties as are by this 
 Convention entrusted to him, and take such steps for 
 the protection of the persons and property of Natives as 
 are consistent with the laws of the land. 
 
 (3) In regard to Natives not residing in the Transvaal, (a) 
 
 he w^ill report to the High Commissioner and the 
 Transvaal Government any encroachments reported to 
 him as having been made by Transvaal residents upon
 
 73 
 
 the land of such Natives, and in case of disagreement 
 between the Transvaal Government and the British 
 Resident, as to whether an encroachment had been 
 made, the decision of the Suzerain will be final, (i) 
 The British Resident will be the medium of communi- 
 cation with Native Chiefs outside the Transvaal, and, 
 subject to the approval of the High Commissioner, as 
 representing the Suzerain, he will control the con- 
 clusion of treaties with them ; and (c) he will ai^bitrate 
 upon every dispute between Transvaal residents and 
 Natives outside the Transvaal (as to acts committed 
 beyond the boundaries of the Transvaal) which may be 
 referred to him by the parties interested. 
 (4) In I'egard to communications with Foreign Powers, the 
 Transvaal Government will correspond with Her 
 Majesty's Government through the British Resident 
 and the High Commissioner. 
 
 Article 19. — The Government of the Transvaal State will 
 strictly adhei'e to the boundaries defined in the first article of 
 this Convention, and will do its utmost to prevent any of its 
 inhabitants from making any encroacliment upon lands beyond 
 the said State. The Royal Commission will forthwith appoint 
 a person who will beacon off the boundary line between Ramath- 
 labama and the point where such line first touches the Griqua- 
 land West boundary, midway between the Vaal and Hart Rivers. 
 The person so appointed will be instructed to make an arrange- 
 ment between the owners of the farms " Grootfontein " and 
 " Valleifontein " on the one hand and the Baralong authorities 
 on the other, by which a fair share of the water supply of tho 
 said farms shall be allowed to flow u.ndisturbed to the said 
 Baralongs. 
 
 Abticle 20. — All grants or titles issued at any time by the 
 Transvaal Government in respect of land outside the boundary of 
 the Transvaal State, as defined in Article 1, shall be considered 
 invalid and of no effect, except in so far as any such grant or 
 title relates to land that falls within the boundary of the Trans- 
 vaal State ; and all persons holding any such grant so considered 
 invalid and of no effect will receive from the Government of the 
 Transvaal State such compensation, either in land or in money, 
 as the Volksraad shall determine. In all cases in which any 
 Native Chiefs or other authorities outside the said boundaries
 
 74 
 
 liave received any inadequate consideration from the Govern- 
 ment of the former South African Republic for land excluded 
 from the Transvaal by the first Article of this Convention, 
 or where permanent improvements have been made on the land, 
 the British Resident will, subject to the approval of the High 
 Commissioner, use his influence to recover from the Native 
 authorities fair compensation for the loss of the land thus ex- 
 el ndod, or of the permanent improvements thereon. 
 
 Article 21. — Forthwith, after the taking effect of this Con- 
 vention, a Native Location Commission will be constituted, con- 
 sisting of the President (or in his absence the Vice-President) 
 of the State, or some one deputed by him, the Resident, or some 
 one deputed by him, and a third person to be agreed upon by 
 the President (or the Vice-President as the case may be) and 
 the Resident; and such Commission will be a standing body for 
 the performance of the duties hereinafter mentioned. 
 
 Article 22. — The Native Location Commission will reserve 
 to the Native tribes of the State such locations as they may be 
 fairly and equitably entitled to, due regard being had to the 
 actual occupation of such tribes. The Native Location Com- 
 mission will clearly define the boundaries of such locations, and 
 for that purpose will, in every instance, first of all ascertain the 
 wishes of the parties interested in such land. In case land 
 ah-eady granted in individual titles shall be required for the 
 purpose of any location, the owners will receive such compensa- 
 tion, either in other land or in money, as the Volksraad shall 
 determine. After the boundaries of any location have been 
 fixed, no fresh grant of land within such location will be made, 
 nor will the boundaries be altered without the consent of the 
 Location Commission. No fresh grants of land will be made in 
 the districts of Waterberg, Zoutpansberg, and Lydenburg, until 
 the locations in the said districts respectively shall have been 
 defined by the said Commission. 
 
 Article 2S. — If not released before the taking effect of this 
 Convention, Sikukuni, and those of his followers who have been 
 imprisoned with him, will be forthwith released, and the boun- 
 daries of his location will be defined by the Native Location 
 Commission in the manner indicated in the last preceding 
 Article. 
 
 Article 24. — The independence of the Swazis, within the
 
 75 
 
 boiindary line of Swaziland, as indicated in the first Article of 
 tliis Convention, will be fully recognised. 
 
 Article 25. — No other or higher duties will be imposed on 
 the importation into the Transvaal State of any article, the 
 produce or manufacture of the dominions and possessions of 
 Her Majesty, from whatever place arriving, than are or may be 
 payable on the like article, the produce or manufacture of any 
 other country, nor will any prohibition be maintained or im- 
 posed on the importation of any article, the produce or manu- 
 facture of the dominions and possessions of Her Majesty, which 
 shall not equally extend to the importation of the like articles, 
 being the produce or manufacture of any other country. 
 
 Article 26. — ^All persons other than Natives conforming 
 themselves to the laws of the Transvaal State (a) will have full 
 liberty, with their families, to enter, travel, or reside in any part 
 of the Transvaal State ; (b) they will be entitled to hire or possess . 
 houses, manufactories, warehoiises, shojDS, and. premises ; (c) 
 they may carry on their commerce either in person or by any 
 agents whom they may think fit to emply ; (d) they will not be 
 subject, in respect to their persons or property, or in respect of 
 their commerce or industry, to any taxes, whether general or 
 local, other than those which are or may be imposed upon 
 Transvaal citizens. 
 
 Article 27. — All inhabitants of the Transvaal shall have free 
 access to the Courts of Justice for the prosecution and defence 
 of their rights. 
 
 Article 28. — All persons, other than Natives, who established 
 their domicile in the Transvaal between the 12th day of April, 
 1877, and the date when this Convention comes into effect, and 
 who shall within 12 months after such last-mentioned date have 
 their names registered by the Bi-itish Resident, shall be exempt 
 from all compulsory military service whatever. The Resident 
 shall notify such registration to the Government of the Trans- 
 vaal State. 
 
 Article 29. — Provision shall hereafter be made by a separate 
 instrument for the mutual extradition of criminals, and also for 
 the surrender of deserters from Her Majesty's forces. 
 
 Article 30. — All debts contracted since the annexation will 
 be payable in the same currency in which they may have been 
 contracted.
 
 76 
 
 All uncancelled postage and other revenue stamps issued by 
 the Government since the annexation will remain valid, and will 
 be accepted at their present value by the future Government of 
 the State. All licenses duly issued since the annexation will 
 remain in force during the period for which they may have been 
 issued. 
 
 Article 31. — No grants of land which may have been made, 
 and no transfers or mortgages which may have been passed, 
 since the date of annexation, will be invalidated by reason merely 
 of their having been made or passed after such date. 
 
 All transfers to the British Secretary for Native Affairs in 
 trust for Natives will remain in force, the Native Location 
 Commission taking the place of such Secretary for Native 
 Affairs. 
 
 Article 32. — This Convention will be ratified by a newly- 
 elected Volksraad within the period of three months after its 
 execution, and in default of such ratification this Convention 
 shall be null and void. 
 
 Article 38. — Forthwith after the ratification of this Con- 
 vention, as in the last preceding Article mentioned, all British 
 troops in Transvaal territory will leave the same, and the mutual 
 delivery of munitions of war will be carried out. 
 
 Signed at Pretoria, this 3rd day of August, 1881. 
 
 HERCULES ROBINSON, ^ , . 
 
 President and High Covimissioner. j § oj 
 
 EVELYN WOOD, 3Iajor- General, ^ S .§ 
 
 Officer Administering the Government. I ^.S 
 
 J. H. deViLLIERS. J P^ ^ 
 
 We, the undersigned, Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, 
 Martiuus Wessel Pretorius, and Petrus Jacobus Joubert, as 
 representatives of the Transvaal Burghers, do hereby agree to 
 all the above conditions, reservations, and limitations, under 
 which self-government has been restored to the inhabitants 
 of the Transvaal territory, subject to the suzerainty of Her 
 Majesty, her Heirs and Successors, and we agree to accept the 
 Government of the said territory, with all rights and obligations 
 thereto appertaining, on the 8th day of August, 1881, and we
 
 11 
 
 promise and undertake that this Convention shall be ratified by 
 a newly-elected Volksraad of the Transvaal State within 
 three months from this date. 
 
 Signed at Pretoria, this 3rd day of August, 1881. 
 
 S. J. P. KRUGER. 
 M. W. PRETORIUS. 
 P. J. JOUBERT. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 RESOLUTION OF VOLKSRAAD, PROVISIONALLY 
 RATIFYING THE PRETORIA CONVENTION. 
 
 The Volksraad, in its sitting on this, the 25th October, pro- 
 ceeds to close all further discussions on the Convention between 
 the Members of the Royal Commissioners as representatives of 
 Her Majesty the Queen of England, and the members of the 
 Triumvirate as representing the Government of the people of 
 the South African Republic, signed on the 3rd August, 1881. 
 Rightly did His Honour the Vice-President, on the opening of 
 the Volksraad, declare, " We cannot flatter ourselves with the 
 hope that the Convention will satisfy you in its various pro- 
 visions : it has not satisfied ourselves ; but we venture to give 
 you this assurance that we signed it with the conviction that 
 under the circumstances sincere love for our fatherland and 
 solicitude for the welfare of South Africa demanded from us 
 not to withhold our signatures from the Convention. We pub- 
 lish in our Staafs Courant verbally as far as possible everything 
 that has been altered and that has happened between the Mem- 
 bers of the Royal Commission and the Hon. Triumvirate and 
 Members of the Transvaal Commission, from which you will see 
 that we left nothing untried on our side to obtain those modifi- 
 cations in the Convention which appeared desirable to us. We 
 are, however, convinced that many, if not all, the remarks ad- 
 vanced by us will appear later on to have been well founded, and 
 that the British Government itself will have to propose modifi- 
 cation and changes in the Convention." 
 
 The Volksraad is not satisfied with the Convention, and con- 
 siders that the members of the Triumvirate performed an onerous
 
 78 
 
 deed of patriotism wlien tlioy undei'took the responsibility of 
 sio"nLno- so unsatisfactory a State document. The Volksraad sees 
 that it is forced by the same motives to ratify, which compelled 
 the Triumvirate to sign. These motives it dares to publish to 
 the whole world without any reservation. They may be stated 
 in two words : fear of renewed bloodshed between two races who 
 are called to bear with and esteem each other, and fear of renewed 
 dissension between the chief representatives of the white races in 
 South Africa, which undermines the common welfare of all the 
 States and Colonies in Soutli Africa. The Volksraad desire 
 again to show an example of endurance and patience. Since 
 1834 the pioneers of the emigrant farmers liave always exer- 
 cised patience ; and, notwithstanding the occurrences in Natal 
 and Boomplaats, they gave a peaceable settlement the prefer- 
 ence to one that might cause bloodshed. Thirty years ago the 
 great blessing of such a peace-loving policy was shown by the 
 representatives of the English Government with the represen- 
 tatives of our emigrant farmers, having in 1852 at Sand River 
 signed a Convention which terminated the embarrassment and 
 became the basis of our liberty and independence. When, in 
 April, 1877, by the direful annexation the Convention was vio- 
 lated, they pursued the same policy : they did not avail them- 
 selves of their right to resist by force, and only in 1880, after 
 every other means had been exhausted, did they have recourse 
 to arms. Even then the war was prosecuted defensively. 
 
 In discussing the terms of peace the right of the jjeople to 
 complete self-government was acknowledged, while to the 
 Suzerain was alone conceded the right of supervising foreign 
 relations. Nothing was said of the debts ; the compensation for 
 losses during the war was limited to losses suffered in matters 
 not justified by the necessities of war. In the Convention this 
 is almost entirely overlooked, and the representatives of the 
 people were compelled to accept conditions which placed a heavy 
 burden on the people. The Volksraad has in its deliberations 
 commented upon the chief points in which the Transvaal Com- 
 mission opposed the Royal Commission. It is undeniable that 
 the people, by their representatives at the peace negotiations, 
 agreed to something far different. The people had a right to 
 expect they would not receive less than was agreed to with 
 Iheir representatives. The Volksraad therefore commissioned 
 the Government to communicate its objections to the English 
 Government, and state that the Volksraad desired the following
 
 79 
 
 alterations : — A. Instead of direction of foreign relations, super- 
 vision thereof. B. No interference with the legislature of the 
 country. C. The Resident to be representative of Suzerain no 
 more. D. The territory taken east and west to be compensated 
 for by England, wiiich country takes the lands to dispose of at 
 her discretion. E. The debts of the country only to be paid by 
 us if duly and lawfully proved to exist, and for lawful and 
 necessary expenditure of the country. Compensation for 
 damages sustained in the war to be paid only for losses not 
 justified by the necessities of war. 
 
 From the English Government an answer was received that, 
 as to the main point, proves the Volksraad to be correct ; it was 
 as follows : — " The Convention having being signed by the leaders 
 who entered into the Peace Treaty, and they having undertaken 
 that the Convention should be ratified within three months, Her 
 Majesty's G-overnment cannot consider any propositions to amend 
 the Convention before the same has been ratified and its practical 
 working has been properly tested." The English Government 
 practically acknowledges by this answer that the objections of 
 the Volksraad are not merely idle or imaginary ones. It, however, 
 deserves a concession from us, that we, the Volksraad, shall 
 submit to a practical test. When the Volksraad again intimated 
 that it was not satisfied with this answer, because in any case it 
 could not be applied to the monetary question, inasmuch as this 
 could not be the subject of a practical test, the last answer of the 
 British Government was that it was not disposed to make any 
 further concessions. The answer was, " The Volksraad resolution 
 having been forwarded to Earl Kimberley, I have received 
 instructions to authorise you to repeat to the Triumvirate that 
 Her Majesty's Government cannot entertain any proposition for 
 the amendment of the Convention before it has been ratified, and 
 the neeegsity for further concession has been proved by ex- 
 perience." This answer is clear, and leaves no reason to doubt. 
 
 In consequence, therefore, the Volksraad resolves, as it hereby 
 does, not further to discuss the Convention, as all objections were 
 represented at the sitting of the Royal Commission, or were 
 summarised by the Volksraad, and to prove to each and every one 
 that they are animated by a love of peace and unanimity, and 
 pi'ovisionally submitting the Articles of the Convention to a 
 i:)ractical test, hereby complies with the request of the English 
 Government of the 18th October, 1881, and now proceed to ratify 
 this Convention, signed, as hereinbefore mentioned, on ord
 
 80 
 
 August, 1881. In effecting which the members of the Volksraad 
 severally sign the I'esolution, and commission the Chairman and 
 Secretary, in the name of the Volksraad, to notify this ratifica- 
 tion ; and, lastly, to request the Government to notify this rati- 
 fication, and to communicate this Yolksraad's resolution, in its 
 entirety, to all friendly Governments. 
 
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