IC-NRLF j B M 517 527 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 14 , No. 4, pp. 437-488, plates 22-23, 3 figures in text March 11,1919 THE WINTUN HESI CEREMONY BY S. A. BARRETT oo CM UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY ANTHROPOLOGY f LlBttAKY ANTHROPOLOGY I , J <& UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 1 4, No. 4, pp. 437-488, plates 22-23, 3 figures in text March 11, 1919 THE WINTUN HE SI CEREMONY BY S. A. BAEEETT CONTENTS PAGE Introduction 438 The Hesi ceremony of 1906 - 441 First day 441 Poles and Moki cloak -- 441 Setting the poles - 442 Preparations for the first dance -- 445 The Tuva - 446 The Tcelitu - 447 The first Tuya dance - 447 The Moki dance 451 Oration 452 Second Tuya dance 454 Second day 454 Sweat dance 454 Eeception of visitors 455 Tuya dance 457 Clowns - 457 Allotment of dance house places 458 Singing by invited individuals 458 Visitors Tuya dance .. 460 Feast oration 460 Further Tuya, sweat, and Moki dances ~ 461 Third day - - 462 Morning dances 462 Speeches of instruction 462 Other morning dance 464 Afternoon dances 464 Orations .. 465 Final dance 472 Fourth day - 472 Farewell oration ... 472 Departure 475 Additional speeches and songs ... 475 The hand game 482 C 434002 438 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 INTRODUCTION The Wintun Indians formerly occupied a territory lying, in the main, between the Sacramento river and the crest of the Coast Range of California. 1 While the subdivisions of the stock have not been exactly determined, there appear to have been three major languages, usually called the Northern, Central, and Southern. Within the South ern speech there were at least two dialects, whose distribution on the whole conformed to the topographical differences between the open Sacramento valley and the foothill and mountain region. These two dialectic groups may be designated as the Southeastern and South western Wintun. The culture of the Southwestern Wintun seems to be more closely related to that of the Porno adjacent on the west than to that of the Maidu, who are separated from them by their own Southeastern kins men. This fact appears clearly in the arts and industries. The mortu ary customs of both the Southwestern Wintun and Porno favored cre mation but omitted the celebration of a mourning anniversary. The Maidu buried the dead but held an annual "cry" or "burning" in their memory. On the other hand, the ceremonial system of the two southern Wintun divisions, while of the general type common to the Indians of a large part of central California, appears to have had closer relation to the religious organization of the Maidu than of the Porno. This is instanced by the Wintun and Maidu both practicing a Hesi ceremony, which the Porno lacked. Among the Southwestern Wintun of Colusa and Yolo counties, there still persists, or did until recently, something of the old organiza tion of ritual dances, namely, a regular series of ceremonies extending from fall to spring. Formerly, this began and closed with perform ances of the hesi huya about the first of October and first of May. Of late years, the initial hesi hiiya has been replaced by a subsidiary rite, the toto huya, but the spring Hesi continues to be made. The object of all the ceremonies, but especially of the Toto and the Hesi, is primarily to insure plentiful wild harvests and secondarily to secure the health and general prosperity of the people. The per formance of the Toto is believed to assure an abundance of "green foods," such as "Indian potatoes," by which is meant Brodicea, Calochortus, and other bulbs, as well as the plants whose foliage is Present series, vi, 284-289, maps 1 and 2, 1906. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 439 eaten. The Hesi is thought to produce "ripe foods" in plenty: grass seeds, manzanita berries, and especially acorns. At intervals during the months between these two major cere monies, there occur six others 2 of lesser importance, which are usually celebrated simply by each village, whereas for the Toto and the Hesi the people of neighboring villages are invited. These minor ceremonies are : keni, lole, sedeu or coyote, silai or grizzly bear, kuksu, and waisaltu. The ceremonies bearing these names occur in the order given and must be carefully distinguished from dances and dancers of the same names. In general, any dance may be introduced into any ceremony. In addition to the dances bearing the same names as the ceremonies, there are other dances, which do not correspond in designation to any ceremony. These are the waima, sill, salalii, and gllak. This makes about a dozen dances and eight ceremonies. The word for dance is tono, for ceremony huya. 3 What dances shall be made during any one ceremony seems to be left largely to the volition of the participants, particularly the director, who appears to be usually also a shaman of some reputation. The par ticular dance named after a ceremony is always made some time dur ing the ceremony, but a selection of other dances is usually also given, without any set rule as to their order within the ceremony. Between the eight regular ceremonies, gatherings without especial religious significance and devoted chiefly if not wholly to pleasure, may also be held. In these assemblies any or all of the twelve named dances are made, but without association as a ceremony. Such an occasion is known by the same name as a single dance, tono, as opposed to the huya or complex of dances made with a sacred purpose. Of the two major ceremonies, the Toto and the Hesi, the latter is the more important. It lasts four days and nights, and is the one ceremony whose regulations all residents and visitors observe scru pulously. In recent years its particular form and exact date are determined annually by the spiritual visit of a shaman to the abode of the dead, ~bole wttak* where instructions are received by him from 2 There may have been a greater number before aboriginal customs were disturbed. 3 Huya means to gather or assemble. Strictly there is no Hesi dance but Tuya and Moki dances in the Hesi ceremony. * Bole is the ghost of a dead person ; saltu, a spirit. The Southwestern Win- tun distinguish their modern ceremonies, which contain a bole or ghost element (allied to the "Ghost Dance movement" prevalent about 1890 among the eastern Indians of the United States), from the older ceremonies which were free of such an element. 440 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 Katit* who controls the world at large, as well as the domain of departed human spirits. The following pages describe a Hesi ceremony celebrated by the Wintun of the village Let, in Cortina valley, Colusa County, in the western foothill region of the great Sacramento valley, from May 5 to 8, 1906 less than a month after the earthquake that preceded the fire which destroyed San Francisco. The earthquake was felt strongly in Cortina valley and was interpreted by the Indians as a sign of the great displeasure of Katit with the world and its people. This cere mony was therefore attended more widely than had been customary for some years, and thus afforded an excellent opportunity for observa tion. The author attended the ceremony to record its salient features for the University of California; and, in the summer of 1907, was enabled to obtain from the old director and shaman, Salvador, or Sasa, whose trance had preceded the performance, explanations of a number of its features, as well as phonographic records of the speeches made by him in its conduct and of the several songs used. Frank Wright, a man then of about thirty-five years, who spoke good English, served in this ceremony as Salvador s chief assistant, and on the latter s death a few years later succeeded him as principal director of the Hesi among the "Wintun of the region. He furnished the author with information during the progress of the ceremony; and he served as interpreter for Salvador when the phonograph records were secured. As many as possible of the speeches and songs were transcribed by the author and translated for him by Mr. Wright on this occasion. In 1909 Dr. A. L. Kroeber had opportunity to verify these transcriptions and to obtain translations of the remaining records. This work was done by him with Mr. Thomas Odock, a South eastern Wintun, who understands the Southwestern dialect of Cortina and is himself conversant with the Hesi through the instruction of Salvador. Since the ceremonial dance system of the Maidu Indians of Chico was very similar in its outlines and in many details to that of the Southern Wintun, and since the former has been described by Dr. Roland B. Dixon, 6 it is unnecessary to repeat here the features com mon to all the dances of the region. Such matters as the structure of the dance house, the use made of the center post, the performance of the Moki, and the like, which are practically the same for all the rituals of several ethnic groups, will therefore be assumed as familiar Katit is a species of hawk. The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat, Hist., xvn, 283-333, 1905. 1919] Barrett: TJie*-Wintun Hesi Ceremony 441 to the reader, and the account that follows is restricted to descriptions of the ceremony witnessed and explanations secured from the Indians. In short, this paper is primarily a record of information that may never again be obtainable. It is not an attempt to elucidate a part of a complex religious scheme with reference to the system as a whole. THE HESI CEREMONY OF 1906 A few r days after the earthquake, Salvador suddenly went into a trance and on his awakening announced that he had journeyed to bole wilak, "ghost world," and that Katit had directed him to announce to his village that on a certain day, which was Saturday, May 5, all must assemble for the Hesi, and to invite the Indians of the adjacent parts of the Sacramento valley, and the Porno and Wintun of Cache creek, Sulphur Bank, and Upper Stony creek. FIRST DAY Friday, May 4, and the forenoon of the first day of the ceremony, Saturday, May 5, were spent by Salvador and one of his assistants in the preparation of ceremonial poles, head dresses, rattles, and the like. Most of these paraphernalia only needed rejuvenating, since they had been kept over from the ceremonies of the year before. The work on them was done in the dance house. POLES AND MOKI CLOAK These ceremonial objects consisted of the following pieces. There was a pole about 25 feet long, with a small bunch of feathers at its apex and near this a sort of banner of pieces of colored cloth. It was also wound about its entire length with cloth of different colors. This pole was to be erected in front of the dance house entrance and was the most important of the ceremonial objects. There were three smaller poles, also decorated with variously colored cloth, for use about the feasting table. Further, there were a short cloth-wound pole, and a cylinder of black cloth twelve or fifteen inches high and eight or ten inches through ; both for the roof top of the dance house. All these objects were called bole sak, and while prepared without any special ceremony, were placed in their respective positions with singing and ritualistic observance. 442 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 The only other strictly sacred object used was the long cloak worn by the moki performer. In earlier times, this cloak was a net of eagle feathers and covered the wearer completely from head to foot, except that small openings were left through which he might see to make his way about. In the present instance the network was replaced by gunny sacking and the feathers by strips of cloth, so that the costume was but a sorry representative of the aboriginal form. SETTING THE POLES As each of the ceremonial objects was completed in the dance house, it was placed 011 the floor just south of the center post. They were then placed in position in the following manner and order : The large pole was first placed in position in its permanent hole in front of the dance house. With an ordinary digging stick, Salvador, who will hereafter be designated as the director, removed the cobble stones with which the hole had been filled to keep it from crumbling from year to year. He then took a six-foot cocoon rattle, called cokokai, and rattled four times over the hole, crying in each case a long drawn out "he." Toward the end of each call his voice gradually fell in volume. He stretched his rattle the first time toward the west, that is, the dance house, then to the south, then the east, and finally the north. 7 In each instance he stood on the opposite side of the hole and extended his rattle across it. Thereupon he stepped back toward the east, and setting the end of the rattle on the ground shook it in time to the tcoll muhl song, which he sang until the pole was in place. Tcoli Songs tco lule wile tco lule huyama tco lule stand up healthy stand up assemble stand up As the director began this song, his assistant commenced the cere mony of taking the pole from the dance house to place it in position. From just back of the center post of the dance house, he slowly walked completely around the recumbent pole and to the south of the butt of the pole (fig. 1, A). Here he stopped, faced west, raised his right hand over his head and slightly forward, and gave a long "he," toward the end of which he let his voice, and simultaneously his hand, 7 West, south, east, north is the invariable ceremonial circuit of the Hesi, at any rate with reference to the directions faced. s University of California Museum of Anthropology phonograph number 14-1505; words transcribed by A. L. Kroeber, translated by Thomas Odock. Said to be the composition of the singer, Salvador. Tcoli muM means l inanimate- object-standing-erect song," that is, pole or stump song. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 443 fall very slowly, and blew two short blasts upon a double bone whistle, toka. He then turned completely around, made another circuit about the pole, and repeated the same cry, motions, and whistling at the same point as before, but facing in turn south, east, and north. Next, he circled rapidly four times round the pole, continuously blowing short Figure 1 Bitualistic course of the director s assistant before removal of the long pole from the dance house. Figure 2 Second course about the pole. blasts on his whistle, stopped at the foot of the pole, made a motion to pick it up, and turned completely around. This he also did four times (fig. 2). The fifth time, he actually picked the pole up, carried it out, circled four times about the hole prepared for it, stopped on the east, held the pole up toward the west, turned himself around, and repeated, extending the pole south, east, and northward. He now walked once 444 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 around the hole and pointed the base of the pole at it four times. The fifth time, he actually inserted the butt and tamped it firmly into place. He then joined the director, and the pair, facing the now erected pole, sang the following tcupa song for several minutes : / Tcupa Song The refrain, indicated in the text by "A," is: tcenti weni tcenwe r tcenwe r down arrive down-come down-come wile leluro mi A mato wole na - A tcalal wole wole b tcalal wole na weni A wile leluro A tcalal wole wole Lami A mato wole wole Lami A wile leluro V f - mato wole Lami A tcalal wole Lami AH Crying "he," the pair sang a few more words of the song, and then called "he, he, he, he," bending themselves toward the pole four times. This entire act of setting the pole is said to be a notification to Katit and his associates among the dead that the preparations had been made and that the Hesi was about to be celebrated as directed. The director now resumed his singing in the same place, while his assistant entered the dance house for the rain fetish and the food fetish. The former was the above mentioned four-foot, wrapped pole, tufted with cloth and feathers; the latter, the cloth-covered cylinder. Feathers tied to projections at the top of this gave it somewhat the appearance of a high crown. The bringing out of these two objects was attended with much less ceremony. The assistant merely carried 9 Eecord 14-1506, Odock-Kroeber transcription. Composed by Salvador. i This refrain frequently occurs three or four times over in the song where "A" has been written only once. Many of the other phrases are repeated. 11 Glossary: wile, healthy; leluro, make, become; mi, you; mato, your; tcalal, rose, pretty, beautiful; wole, floor of dance house; weni, arrive. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 445 them on the roof of the dance house (blowing his double whistle con tinuously, while the director sang) , and circled sixteen times about the roof around a diameter of twenty or twenty-five feet, holding the fetishes up in the four usual directions once after each four revolutions. However, he extended them toward the north four times instead of once. He then set the stick in the roof a little northwest of the center, slipped the cylinder over the stick on the roof, descended, still blow ing his whistle, rejoined the director, and sang with him for a short time. The director now went into the dance house and set about prepar ing his ceremonial cloak and certain dance paraphernalia. Two assistants meanwhile set the three smaller poles at the ends of the feasting table, with the following procedure. All three poles were first leaned against the eastern end of the table and a sub-assistant, standing a short distance off, began to sing the tcupa song. He accom panied with a split stick instead of the cocoon rattle, but it is said that this substitution had no significance. The chief assistant passed contra- clockwise four times around the table and poles, turned completely round, reversed his direction, circled about four times clockwise, and turned again, all the time blowing rapidly upon his double whistle. He then took the two poles which were to be set east of the table, and carried them four times around in each of the same directions, waving them four times over the table after each set of circlings. He then passed four times around the holes dug for them, turned himself around again, motioned four times as if to set them, turned again, then put them in, passed four times around both, turned once more, and finally took a position beside the singer and accompanied him for a minute or two. They then both cried "yn," sang a few moments more, and ended with "ha, ha, ka, ha," bending toward the poles with each syllable. The pole for the western end of the table was then taken up and set with the same cycle of movements and songs. This placing of the poles ended shortly after noon of May 5. PEEPAEATIONS FOE THE FIEST DANCE About two o clock, the director went on the roof of the dance house and cried a prolonged and loud "he" successively in the four ritual directions, waiting fifteen or twenty minutes between each call. This crying is said to have notified Katit as well as the Indians present that the preparations were complete. Returned to the dance house, the 446 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Efhn. [Vol. 14 director continued his work on the dance regalia until about sundown, when he ascended again to the roof and cried as before, this time with even greater force. In the early part of the evening of May 5, the fire was lighted in the dance house and kept burning low. About nine o clock the people of the village (the visitors having not yet arrived) assembled inside, while four men dressed themselves for the dance just outside the rear or western door of the house. Three of these men wore the tuya costume or "big-head," as it is currently called in English, and the fourth the tcelitu. THE TUYA The chief feature of the tuya is a skull cap or ana* 2 of shredded tule (Lei) into which are stuck a large number of long, slender willow rods, decorated with feathers. These plumes are called tcalalj "roses," and the whole head-dress, saltu. 13 This is often three feet in diameter and half as high. The plumes mostly pointed forward, and those in front downward, hiding the face of the dancer. Frequently also, small twigs are stuck into the front of the tule cap so as to hang down directly in front of the face and complete its concealment. Among the plumes, four, called kewe, of extra length and with special feather ing, are forced down through the tule cap and into the wearer s head net or ticin, thus serving to keep the entire head-dress in place. One or more skewers (paka) also hold the cap to the net. From another skewer at the back there hang a pair of long yellowhammer quill bands (pit), almost reaching to the ground and floating out in the rapid motions of the dance. About the neck is suspended a small double whistle, t oka, usually made of wing bones of the chicken hawk. The body of the tuya dancer is bare to the waist. Formerly, only a clout was worn below. At present, some article of civilized clothing is worn about the lower part of the body, with an improvised clout, such as a bandana handkerchief, tied over it. From the waist to the knee there is a kind of skirt made of thin cloth, on which are sewed variously shaped bits of cloth of different colors. This is a degenerate substitute for the feather skirt of the old days. In ancient times, the exposed parts of the body were painted black with sika, 1 * paint of charcoal or black mud. There were no definite 12 "Head." is At least so informants stated. As saltu means spirit they were evidently naming the head-dress as the most distinctive feature of the impersonation. !4 Southeastern Wintun : silca, grizzly bear ; also the name of a ceremony among these people. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Eesi Ceremony 447 designs, whole areas such as the face or chest being colored, although narrow bands were sometimes drawn. This body decoration seems not to have had any special signification. At present very little paint ing is done. A split stick rattle, tcakatta, in each hand completes the outfit of the tuya dancer, except that in certain cases the wrists are bound together with a stout cord. Only certain individuals have their wrists tied. The Indian explanation of the practice is that it prevents cramps due to the violence of the dancing. In this first dance, two of the three tuya danced in their tule caps, the feathered rods for the head-dresses not having been completed in time. THE TCELITU The fourth of the company, the tcelitu, who was to start and stop the tuya dancers and direct their movements, wore neither the large head-dress nor the imitation feather skirt. He had on a down-filled head net (pute) and toward the back of the top of the head a tuft of magpie feathers (toiti) fastened with skewers. Across his forehead he wore a "short" yellowhammer head band (taluk) and about his neck a necklace (hiiti). His body was bare to the waist. In his left hand he carried a bow, (nun), and in his right a quiver (koltcis), con taining arrows (nuko). At least he carried them constructively. In reality, a skin folded over a stick represented the quiver full of arrows, and another stick the bow. THE FIRST TUYA DANCE At about ten o clock, everything being in readiness, the dancers blew their whistles and the director and others who were inside the dance house cried "he" and commenced a song, to which the dancers stepped in time as they circled about the point where they had dressed outside the dance house. This circle was about fifty feet in diameter, and after four revolutions, all went to the front door, where they rattled their split sticks loudly and finally entered. They then marched, without dancing, four times around the floor, going as near as possible to the side posts which divided the space reserved for dancing from that occupied by the spectators ( see fig. 3 ) . They next marched once around the center pole alone, after which the three tuya went out into the tunnel of the front door and later, upon receiving a 448 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14 signal from the tcelitu, danced back into the main part of the house, just as they would dance in during an ordinary dance, which is usually not preceded by the circling about the inside of the dance house. The music for this dance was furnished by one or more air singers, called koliu, provided with cocoon rattles, several burden or chorus singers, called tcoklwin, each provided with a split stick rattle, and one, or sometimes two drummers, called tlnel, who usually stamp with their bare feet upon the large hollowed section of a log used as a drum (tcobok). Sometimes the drummers use a large stick (tok), which they strike vertically upon the drum much as a workman uses a tamper. The positions about the drum of these three classes of musicians are shown in figure 3 ; the air singers are designated by two small triangles, the chorus singers by a number of small crosses, and the drummers by two squares upon the drum itself. The air singers carry the melody, accompanying it with the swishing sound of their cocoon rattles, while the chorus adds volume with a loud "he, he, he/ accompanied by the clack of the split sticks upon the palms of the left hands. The signal to begin is given by the tcelitu with a motion of his quiver. After the singing of what might be termed an introductory verse, he signals one of the tilya to dance. This the dancer does by suddenly whirling around from his position in the tunnel and moving very rapidly with high steps back and forth between the two side posts nearest the door (fig. 3, MN). He dances in a bent posture with his stick rattles extended before him and crossed lightly near their free ends. Thus, the lower half of the upper and the upper half of the lower rattle form the bases upon which the other halves of the rattles strike in their vibrations. They are shaken at frequent intervals, the dancer usually squatting very low as he rattles. As he reaches either end of his short course, he squats low and whirls suddenly about and dances rapidly to the opposite end. His long yellowhammer streamers are thus thrown out and float and flutter behind him as he moves from end to end. At the same time he shakes his head from side to side in time with the music to keep the long plumes of his head-dress trembling, especially when he rattles. The tcelitu meanwhile stands at the back of the dance house, near the singers, arid, when he deems it proper, gives the signal for the change in the dance. This he does by running up to the singers with his " quiver" high in the air and bringing it suddenly down with a loud and long "hlyo," the chorus singers bowing and shouting in unison with him. The air singers, however, continue their melody uninterruptedly, and the chorus is immediately taken up again. The 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 449 tcelitu then dances, with the high rapid step already mentioned, back and forth directly in front of the singers space (fig. 3, XY) for a few minutes, after which he runs rapidly to the singers and shouts "Myo" one or more times, bringing his quiver down and bending his body as before. Most frequently he gives this signal as "hiyo, lilyo, My 6, hiyo," the last utterances being longest and most emphatic. Again the chorus singers shout in unison with him, all facing the air singers. The latter still continue their air and are again rejoined by the chorus as the tcelitu resumes his dance, which he does for some minutes over the same course as before. After this he moves out along the north side of the dance house (fig. 3, xz), beckoning with his quiver toward the tuya, who all this time has been dancing rapidly back and forth over his course between the two front side posts of the house. Figure 3 I Wintun visitors from Indian creek and Little Stony creek. II Porno visitors from Sulphur Bank. III Wintun visitors from Long valley and Cache Creek. IV Wintun visitors from the Sacramento river region. V Host villagers. D Drummers. A Air singers. x Burden singers. B Fire tender. C Moki delivering ceremonial speeches. Now the tuya moves out along the north side of the dance house (fig. 3, MZ), until he meets the tcelitu at z nearly opposite the fire. Here the two turn to face the fire and dance in place for a considerable time, this dance consisting simply of a rapid and forceful stamping of first one foot and then the other, the bodies being held erect. The chorus increases the volume of its shouts, and the drummer beats 450 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 harder. This loud music continues until suddenly the tcelitu wheels about and runs to the singers with the same motion and cry of hlyo as before, the tuya also wheeling about, running to his place between the two front posts, and resuming his former dance. From this point on the same cycle is performed, except that upon this occasion the director finally dances to the south side and is met by the tuya, the two dancing there as before on the north side. Finally the tcelitu again wheels suddenly, and runs to the singers with his usual cry of "hlyo," and calls "ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha," letting his voice fall gradually. This marks the end of this particular set of the dance. The tuya immediately resumes his stooping posture in the entrance tunnel, from which presently he, or one of his fellows, may be called forth to dance the same set over again, or from which, if the dance is to be ended, he may be summoned, either by the tcelitu s voice or by a tap on his back by the quiver, to return into the main part of the dance house. In the case of the dance ending, he backs, in his stooping posture, into the house until he reaches a point between the first two side posts, when he straightens up and walks at a medium pace to a point north of the center post. Here he whirls, rattling, walks to the correspond ing position south of the center pole, whirls and shakes his rattles again. Then he walks out the front door and, once outside, runs to the dressing place, which at night is near by, but in the day is in the brush far enough from the dance house to be out of sight. In pass ing out, he lays his rattles over his head to press down the long plumes, so that they may not catch on the sides of the tunnel and break off. In entering he also backs in, since the plumes project forward. Only one of the tuya dances at a time, and usually each performs but once in any one dance, going through the above described set or cycle completely. This requires from fifteen to twenty minutes. If there are several fuya, the second is usually called by the tcelitu im mediately after the first has returned to the tunnel, and so on until each of them has completed his set. When touched by the tcelitu s quiver, they leave the dance house as described above, but the song is kept up. As soon as the tuya have passed out, the chorus singers and the tcelitu dance out, with a short, high, sidewise step, in two lines, one along the north and one along the south side of the house. The step consists in simply lifting the feet very high and bringing them down with force, and in no case does such a step move a dancer more than 1919] Barrett: Tlie Wintun Hesi Ceremony 451 six or eight inches. Having finally reached a point opposite the fire and center post, the two lines, facing each other, dance in place for perhaps a minute or two, using the same step but without the side- wise progression. Suddenly, the tcelitu runs rapidly to the air singers, who are still singing in front of the drum, raises his quiver, and brings it down violently with his usual cry of "hiyo," to mark the ending. Throughout this dance, the air singers are accompanied only by a low "he, lie, he," of the dancing chorus. The tcelitu immediately runs back to his position in one or the other of the lines of dancing chorus singers and the dance continues. In fact, the chorus has not ceased dancing during the time he has been running back and forth. After another minute or two, they all start, at a signal from the tcelitu, to dance back sidewise toward the drum. When about half way, they suddenly break and run to a position in front of the air singers, where they all shout "hlyo," bending their bodies almost double. This marks the end of the dance and the music ceases. The tcelitu walks out leisurely. At frequent intervals during all this dancing, the spectators cry a prolonged "o!" to signify their approval of the dance. At the very end they all call "o!" loudly at least once, and some repeat the cry several times, proportionate to their satisfaction. One of these dances lasts usually from twenty minutes to half an hour or considerably more, its duration depending chiefly on the num ber of tuya participating. The motions are violent, and a dancer is usually more or less exhausted at the end of his set, and cannot con tinue throughout the night. At the present time, when the population is reduced, and dancers few, a considerable intermission between one dance and the next is therefore necessary. Anciently, however, several sets of tuya, each with its tcelitu, are said to have been available, so that as one set finished, another was ready to take its place. Thus the dance was kept up almost continuously throughout night and day, intermissions for feasts being ordinarily the only breaks in the con tinuity of the dances. The first tuya dance, on May 5, having three tuya and a tcelitu, lasted about an hour. THE MOKI DANCE At the conclusion of the tuya, the director put on his long cloak, thus becoming mokl and, as the dancers left, commenced the first of his ceremonial orations. He danced four times around the inside of the house, constantly blowing his double whistle, and finally halted 452 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 near the rear of the dance house opposite the koimeru or fire tender. The positions of the two are shown in figure 3, c, B. Here he delivered a long speech in a high-keyed, squeaky voice, occasionally bowing for ward or to the sides or settling slightly downward under his cloak, these motions being for emphasis and apparently in lieu of gestures with the hands, which are the ordinary Wintun means of emphasizing speech. This oration was intended for all, but was addressed to the fire tender, who frequently cried "6!" in approval. On completing his oration, the mokl circled around the inside of the dance house once and finally went to a place near the drum and removed his long cloak. Moki, as the director is called when covered by his long cloak and speaking in his high voice, is the same term as is used to designate a class of clowns, who in certain parts of the ceremony amuse themselves and the spectators by mimicking dancers, singers, drummers, and spectators. The mokl, in modern times, represents a messenger from the keeper of the abode of the dead, delivering his messages and instructing the people in order that they may be provided with an abundance of food, the supply of which depends upon their conduct. He also addresses himself to the keeper of the dead and pleads, as it were, the cause of his people. It could not be found that he represented a mythical being. After the moki s first speech, an intermission of about an hour followed. The spectators engaged in conversation most of the time. ORATION Then, a number of visitors having arrived, the director rose and, this time without his mokl cloak, delivered another oration a speech of welcome. This he subsequently spoke into a phonograph, as follows : Tabat te wi, Speech of Welcome^ 6 o piuru 16 boti Yes, yes. All stay. plum All piuru all bote stay, colec listen milet you lomule glad, apatcu my uncles, bum maiin chief s wives or sisters, bum sektd chiefs, ma ilaiinma my children. piuru All bote eu stay thus, pi bo tcu I eu pi thus, is Record 14-1518. Transcribed by the author and translated by Salvador and Frank Wright. is Piuru, said to be an esoteric term signifying "all," awe in ordinary speech. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 453 bo ete one milet You nat me dihuse wake up, bote stay, tcu I eu thus, tewe word lomuro glad bo bum apatcuba my uncles. him ma tcu I dihuse wake up, tcu I O yes pitara bote stay, huya feast piuru all tewe words. eu this bote stay keweLa house-in, colec listen eu this tcu I pampa two eu thus, tewe words. bo si nat Me pitara hun tara oii yes loiba girls dihuse Wake up, pitara eu this waleLa floor-on bu piLa there in wei Thanks 1 piuru all colec listen eu This bote stay manu my poi Who eleLao none eleLao none po who sektun chiefs, pomi let eleLad none maino chief s wives, piuti will do that put! urbe 17 Nothing win people liptura dying, win people hatara going, piLa there we things euLa then pe upiretfi everybody, O yes pele north ina piutara thus bote remain lomura 19 glad, main chief s wives no go tibo bo eu this ibo piLa there upiretfi everybody, wilak world euLa there boti be, piLa here pele we bo stay, ewiLa there nomel 18 west piutara Thus pele we elecii nothing east tibo boti be piu thus upura (I) tell milet you cektu chiefs ma we things O yes wilak world tibo euLa there upiris everybody, Labe villages, euLa there won s south we things boti remain, lomura glad, milet you milet you, lomura glad, seribama boys eu this milet you milet you lomura glad, ^ 17 Urle means "nothing" in the Central Wintun dialect. Southwestern Wintun says elec. is Pui be, waibe, nombe, woribe, east, north, west, south. glad"; oupiri boli "glad" in ceremonial speech. 454 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 we upireti 20 5 "thanks" tell one another, "Yes" upireti tell one another o upiri "Yes" tell one another sa pele We, pele ou we "Yes" piresa say uputo upura tell you, tell momupireta 21 upura cok 22 everybody, tell pilit a hetcama pele how many we eiisai pmsa do that, do that, pele we pmsa do that piuLa pelepo we ourselves loitano eleLau girls themselves none po seri tana who boys dance, eleLau pi none these temano eleLau dancers themselves none Pi this yohos 2 3 announcer, ne eleLau none pi Lupi this tuya tono dancers eleLau 2 4 none piusa pele do that, we piusa 6u do that, yes sa pele we OU pe^ara we "thanks" upitara Lan call one another, "brothers, upitara te sisters" call one another, "sons" upitara o call one another, yes tai o "nephews, nieces," yes tai "nephews, nieces" upireti call one another, upireti call one another. SECOND TUYA DANCE About midnight, came another tuya with his director, and a second dance was held in exactly the same manner as that previously de scribed. This ended about half past twelve. The people remained to talk and amuse themselves in the dance house during the remainder of the night or, as they chose, went to their houses to rest before the ceremonies of the following day. SECOND DAY SWEAT DANCE A little before sunrise, several men, particularly those who had participated in the dances of the night before, gathered in the dance house for the "fire" or "sweat" dance, called t cuppa. A very hot fire was built and the doors and smoke hole tightly closed. The 2 <> Upireti, upirita, and tipirita are said to be esoteric terms meaning tell one another, pirti signifying l each other in common speech. 21 Momupireta is an esoteric term for tcaTcet, everybody. 2 2 Upura is a ceremonial term, while cok or cdko has the same signification in common speech. 23 The yohos is the announcer who delivers an oration from the roof of the dance house as visitors approach the village. 24 I.e., the yohos is not here, nor are the tuya. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 455 dancers stripped themselves of all clothing except an improvised clout and danced slowly about the fire in time to the song and rattle of a single singer. Their motions were very slow and the feet raised but little off the ground. The body was swung from side to side con siderably, so that at each step a different part of the body was pre sented to the heat. The dancers also bent over the fire first forward and then sidewise in such manner as to expose themselves to the heat, while each rubbed his body rapidly. At the end of perhaps twenty minutes, during which the temperature had grown intense, the dancers, now in profuse perspiration, rushed out and plunged into the creek. In plate 2, figure 1, two of these dancers are shown returning after their plunge. RECEPTION OF VISITORS Nothing else took place until the entry of the guests. These were Wintun from the Sacramento river, largely or wholly from Grimes; from three villages along North Cache creek and Long Valley creek; and from three villages along Indian and Little Stony creeks to the north. The only people other than Wintun who came, were a few Porno from Sulphur Bank or East Lake, one of the arms of Clear Lake, who are more or less in touch with the Wintun living along North Cache creek. All the visitors had arrived the evening before and made their camps at short distances from the village. Those from the west and north camped a short distance northwest of the village, while those coming from the Sacramento river, camped to the east. About half past eight, the director went on the roof of the dance house and gave his long cry "he" to the four cardinal points, to call in the visitors. It is doubtful whether this cry could have been heard, but at any rate in a short time those camped to the northwest came in sight. Meanwhile the "captain," as he is called, that is, the chief of the host village, the one who exercises whatever there are of gubernatorial functions, joined the director on the roof of the dance house. He took his station just below the smoke hole and sang for a considerable time, accompanying with two cocoon rattles. When the visitors from the northwest appeared, the director gave several of his long-drawn cries of "he" toward them. The "captain" continued his song. On arriving at the outer edge of the settlement, the visitors halted, left their horses and traveling equipage, and advanced toward the dance house, the inhabitants of each visiting village forming in 456 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 single file, each group led by its captain who carried a present from them to the people of Let, the host village. These lines coming one after another formed a long continuous file of people with only slight breaks between the successive groups. The captain of the host village continued to sing on top of the dance house (pi. 2, fig. 2) until the head of the column neared the entrance, when he descended and led the way, still singing, into the dance house. He led the column contra- clockwise around the fire and center pole, and finally took up his station near the drum, the visitors going directly to the particular portion of the spectators areas allotted them at the side of the dance house. As each column filed past the singing captain, its leader stopped and presented him with the gift brought by his people for those of the village giving the ceremony. These gifts the host captain placed near the wall behind the drum where most of the dancing paraphernalia were kept. The presents consisted usually of strings of beads, though sometimes ropes of native milkweed fiber or other objects were brought. The last of the column was a very old shaman or dance leader from the village of Toktl on North Cache creek. He came at some little distance from the rest and instead of going directly with his people to the side of the dance house, he moved, singing and rattling with cocoons, four times contra-clockwise around the inside of the house and then once in the same direction about the center pole alone, before seating himself with his companions. At last, all visitors being seated, the host captain brought in a large basket full of acorn soup, ylwit, and a large cake of black meal, hule, made from the seeds of one of the wild plants of the region. These he presented to the leader of the visitors, who saw to it that each one received his share. The host captain then rejoined the director on the roof of the dance house, there to await the arrival of the people from the Sacramento river. Presently shouting was heard from behind a hill to the south east, which was a signal that the visitors were on their way from that quarter, and also that they were dancing into the village instead of filing in like their predecessors. Upon hearing the shouts the director gave his usual long "he," and the captain began to sing again. Pre sently a tuya dancer, followed at a little distance by his tcelitu, came over the brow of the hill toward the village, followed at some distance by their captain and the remainder of the people walking slowly in single file. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 457 TUYA DANCE On arriving at the door, the two dancers conducted themselves as is customary. The tuya stopped before the door and shook his rattle several times. The tcelltu, however, did not immediately enter, as is the custom in an ordinary dance, but also waited without until the last of the visitors from his region had been led in and properly placed and provided with food by the captain of the host village. The singers then assembled before the drum, the tcelltu entered, and the dancing proceeded as on the evening before. CLOWNS With this dance was introduced a new feature. As the dance progressed, several men, apparently without any special dress or preparations, went about in the dance house speaking in a very high- keyed voice, similar to that of the director when he becomes moki. They made all manner of fun of the dancers, the singers, the drum mers, and any of the spectators that they might single out. These clowns are also called mokl. As above stated, however, it is main tained by the Indians that the office of these clowns is purely that of amusing the people. The antics which these clowns perform are sometimes genuinely ludicrous. For instance, at one time later in the day, when the captain of the host village was singing as he marched slowly about the inside of the dance house, one of the clowns stationed himself before the captain and marched slowly backwards in step with him, while deliver ing joking remarks concerning the latter s ability to sing and the particular song he was voicing, and in general endeavoring to give a comical turn to what otherwise would have been a most solemn cere mony. This did not seem in the least to disconcert the singer, who continued to sing in his gravest manner ; but his song was not received with the usual seriousness. These clowns enter into ceremonies among the Porno to the west, where they are called (by the Eastern Porno), katsa tala 24:a and act much as here described, although the Hesi ceremony is not known. The Maidu clown is called peheipe. 2 * The dance having been completed, the captain caused to be brought in several baskets of acorn soup and an abundance of other food, and all feasted in the dance house. 24 Sergeants-at-arms, fine collectors, and clowns. Present series xn, 417-421, 1917. 25 E. B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvn, 286, 310, 315, 318, 1905. 458 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 ALLOTMENT OF DANCE HOUSE PLACES The parts of the dance house (Lut) used for special purposes were in this ceremony as follows. The portion of the floor (wole) within the line of side posts was reserved for the dancers and singers, the singers occupying the space in the rear and immediately in front of the drum. Different dances were held in several parts of the floor as described previously and below. The space back of the side posts (dorl) was divided into five sections of varying sizes, each allotted to the spectators from a certain place. In figure 3 are shown these five divisions. SINGING BY INVITED INDIVIDUALS After the feast held in the dance house, the people gave themselves over to conversation and visiting for some time, while the clowns con tinued their business to the amusement of all. Finally the individual singing began, partly, at any rate, as a result of the clowns actions. They are privileged to levy a fine on one who does anything contrary to custom, and especially upon those who show displeasure at their ridicule or refuse to do their bidding. When, therefore, they ask some one to sing, he must accede or pay a fine. It is said that nearly all individual singing is due to the commands of the clowns. A singer provides himself with two short cocoon rattles which he uses one in each hand. They are grasped firmly between the thumb and first finger and are shaken by means of a movement of the wrist. Another movement is given them by means of the second, third and fourth fingers, which tap upon the handle as it projects down into the hand. The invited performer sings for some minutes wherever he happens to be sitting, then rises and walks to a position on the south side of the dancing area and a little back of the center pole (fig. 3, Y). Here he sings for some minutes, pacing back and forth in one direction or another over a short course. He then walks rapidly over to the point marked N in figure 3, where he again sings for some time ; then goes to M and sings for some minutes; then to X, and finally to Y again, singing at each of these stations as described. He then either goes directly to his seat, or repeats the cycle. In any case, when he arrives at his seat he turns completely around before sitting down, after which he continues singing for some minutes. While this is the commonest method, some singers go round and round the dancing area counter-clockwise, moving continually with a slow step and not stopping at the four points above mentioned. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 459 When a singer begins, a loud shout goes up, each person in the house shouting "6." When he arises, a still louder chorus of the same indication of approval is heard ; and at frequent intervals during the song similar shouts from one or more people in different parts of the house are audible. On taking his seat, he is greeted again, and on the ending of his song, he receives the loudest applause of all. Any one may be asked by the clowns to sing and is expected to respond. But in practice only men known to be proficient singers are called upon. Their songs are said to be private and more or less hereditary from father to son. It is asserted that such songs are not and were not formerly learned from the inhabitants of the ghost world or the keeper Katit, though the latter teaches other songs. The individual or private songs show some variety. Three examples fol low. The words of these were written down during the ceremony, but it proved impossible to obtain phonographic records. Individual Song 1 holuu du hwee holulu du hwii (4 times) watohoona wilak mee holo wee walei heme (4 times) haluu du hwei haluu du heha (4 times) (Eepeat) Individual Song 2 nam n he" hila hihye nani n he n hila hihye (4 times) winii hila hehye winTI hila hehye (4 times) wilee hila hehye wilee hila hehye (4 times) wai wai hila wewe wai wai hila wewe (4 times) (Eepeat) Individual Song 3 haiie waleiho haiie waleiho (twice) wihwala waleiho haiie waleiho haiie waleih5 (twice) (Eepeat) It will be seen that these songs are simple. Some consist merely of a phrase or two repeated a definite number of times, usually four. Often this set is repeated over and over again throughout the song. In more elaborate songs the first set or "stanza" of a four-times re peated phrase is followed by another with more or less different words, and so through perhaps three or four stanzas, after which the whole group of stanzas is indefinitely reiterated, sometimes for half an hour or longer. It is maintained that the words have no meaning, though now and then a word, such as wilaU, "world," is recognizable. It is possible that more of these words may at one time have had meanings, but that, like parts of the speeches of the mokl, they are esoteric or archaic. In the speeches, however, only some of the terms are of this 460 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 nature, and the bulk of the orations is intelligible to the "Wintun public. However, it is certain that in both songs and speeches some at least of the terms used are esoteric and have meanings definitely known to the initiated. VISITORS TUYA DANCE About half past eleven, two of the visitors from the Sacramento river, a tuya and a tcelitu, performed the second dance of the day, which lasted some twenty minutes. FEAST ORATION After this, the midday feast was served at the long table under the trees near the dance house (pi. 1, fig. 4). When the meal was ready, the director made a long speech of welcome exhorting the visitors to eat heartily and enjoy themselves. Ba Tcema, Food Speech 2 o u, yes we reti (3), come on! we reti, come on! lo iba we reti (2), girls come on! se riba we reti, youths come on! i lain we reti, children come on! ba La huya lis (2), at eating assembled e u ba La, at this eating e u ba La huya lis, at this eating assembled e u kori La huya lis, at this pinole assembled e u yiwi La huya lis, at this acorn-soup assembled e u tipa La huya lis, at this acorn-bread assembled mile o upi ni, you say yes to one another o upini (2), say yes to one another pi La piu roti, will be doing that ta i upi reti, will (call one another) sister s child (or grandchild) pi ba La, at eating that wile ba La huya ro, at healthy eating assemble pi ba La huya ro e u ba La huya ro, at eating that assemble, at eating this assemble e u tca lal ba La huya ro, at this pleasant eating assemble e u wile ba La huya ro, at this healthy eating assemble pi La o u u pitaro ba ti, at that say yes to one another s eating o u pitaro ba ti (2), say yes to one another s eating we yu pini, rejoice at one another we a patcu u ro, rejoice: "my mother s brother" 26 Eecord 14-1498, Odock-Kroeber transcription. Each line of the text repre sents a phrase or separate ejaculation. A number indicates that the phrase is repeated so many times. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 461 we ta tcu u ro, rejoice: "my father" we La ntcu u ro, rejoice: "my younger brother" upu taro ba ti, say thus to one another s eating weyu ti, rejoice mile t ba mahem, (at) him who causes you to eat milet do ihem, (at) him who gives to you ba do ihem, (at) him who gives food e kori do ihem, who gives this pinole e tipa do ihem, who gives this acorn-bread pi La lomu ti, at that be glad pi La lomu ti pi, at that be glad piu weyu ro, so rejoice mile t weyu ro, rejoice for you ta itcu ba uro, my sister s children (eat?) La ntcu ba uro, my younger brothers (eat?) pi uro ba ti (3), doing so eat tap mile ila in, you children mile lo iba, mile seri ba, you girls, you youths mile ila in, you children pi uro ba ti, so eat ^pi uro katu les, so satisfied katu ro weyu les, satisfied rejoice katu ro weyu les, satisfied say yes u no te we, his word u no te we u no so ko, his word, his teaching u i mile t sokohem, he who teaches you pi uro ba ti (4), so eat! The feasting was in the following order. First were served the visitors who arrived earliest at the village, that is, as many as could be seated at the table, the remainder eating at the second table. Third came the visitors who had arrived later, and finally, at the fourth and last table, the people of the home village ate. The food was all pre pared by the women of the village in their houses and was brought to the table by three or four men. In general, this serving of food was under the direction of the fire tender of the dance house. FURTHER TUYA, SWEAT, AND MOKI DANCES Immediately after this meal, which ended about two o clock, a third tuya was held in the dance house, along the same lines as those previously described. Later, at half past five, a fourth dance was made. An evening feast with attendant speeches began at six. After this meal, a hot fire was again built in the dance house and three men, who had participated in the dancing during the day, danced another fire or sweat dance to the music of the two singers. Toward the last of their dance, the mokl danced once around the floor, then 462 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etnn. [Vol. 14 outdoors, and several times around the high pole in front of the dance house, the while blowing his whistle constantly. Soon after he left the dance house for his dance about the pole, the three dancers ran out to the creek, swam for a few minutes, and returned to the house. About ten o clock, the first tuya dance of the night was held, being followed before morning by several others, all about the same as those described. THIRD DAY MORNING DANCES About five in the morning another sweat dance was held, imme diately after which the mokl danced, as before, slowly about the danc ing floor and out the front door, and then performed a ceremony about the high pole (see pi. 1, fig. 3). He danced about the pole several times in a sort of shambling trot, finally coming to a halt on its east, that is, on the side away from the dance house, facing this. Here he settled slowly down, waving his cloak with his hands, until he had come to a squatting position, where he remained for some seconds blowing his whistle. He then slowly arose with the same fluttering of his cloak, circled the pole, and again settled down, this time facing toward the south, he being on the north side of the pole. This circling and facing were repeated in the usual sequence, that is, east and finally north. He next danced over to the table, around which he danced four times (pi. 1, fig. 4), after which he danced about the poles at the east end of the table. Finally, coming to a stop to the east of the poles, and facing them and the table, he settled down as he had done about the high pole in front of the dance house. He then danced around to the west end of the table and once around the high pole there, stopping to face it from the west. Here he again settled, after which he danced back into the dance house, passing on the north side, or contra-clock wise along the dancing floor, to the drum where, as usual, he removed his cloak. About half past six, breakfast was served at the long table in the usual manner after another speech by the director. SPEECHES OF INSTRUCTION About half past nine, the director took up a position in front of the dance house and near the high pole and here delivered a long oration. This oration, as also those that followed during the afternoon, exhorted the people to live properly and in accordance with the instructions 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 463 recently received by the director from Katit. These instructions were to recount to them the history of the world and outline the reasons why it was in its present condition ; and also to tell its future and the ultimate destiny of mankind. From a summary of the ideas expressed in these speeches, as ren dered at the time by one of the Indian auditors, it appears that the conceptions of the Wintun in respect to the world are as follows. 27 The world originally had a different form, but in those days there were comparatively few people. Later, as its population increased, the earth was stretched to accommodate the people and for a time all things went satisfactorily. Again the population grew, the world be came crowded, and the earth was stretched ; thus it has up to the pre sent time been enlarged four times. The last time its form was mate rially changed and the present mountains were created. There is to be a fifth and final upheaval and stretching, which will bring these moun tains down and render the world a level plain as is the Wintun abode of the dead. To be sure, the Wintun population has, since the coming of the whites, greatly decreased, but the influx of Americans has greatly increased the population of the region, so that the country is very crowded at present, and it is expected that this final great world change may come at any time. When the earthquake of April 18, 1906, was felt, it was considered part of this final upheaval, and especially was the belief confirmed when the Wintun saw the effect on upper Cache creek, which drains Clear lake. Here a body of earth, large enough to block the passage of the stream, slid into the canyon, back ing the water up into the lake itself. After a time the pressure broke through the dam and carried the debris down in a great flood through Capay and the other valleys along the lower course of Cache creek. The stream lies but a few miles to the south of the Cortina valley village and the flood had occurred only three days before, so that considerable excitement was still running among the Indians at the time the director was preaching to them. Another feature which had recently inspired the Wintun of the region with awe was the immense mass of smoke which was visible to them from the San Francisco fire. Some said that at night even the glare of the fire could be seen. By many it was feared that this was the final great world fire, which, in common with the other Indians of this part of California, they anticipated. 27 A short note in the Journal of American Folk-lore, xix, 324-325, 1906, gives the substance of the following account. 464 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlw. [Vol. 14 OTHER MORNING DANCE About eleven o clock, four of the Sacramento valley men danced again. As before stated, such dancers always put on their costumes out of sight of the spectators. They usually approach dancing in single file (see pi. 2, figs. 3 and 4). Each tuya, upon reaching the door squats in front of it and shakes his two split stick rattles. The tcelltu goes in immediately on his arrival, and when all is ready calls in the tuya. AFTERNOON DANCES The midday feast began a little after noon, as usual preceded by a speech from the director. The next dance was made by four men about three o clock in the afternoon. This being the last time that the particular dancers participating were to appear, a purification ceremony immediately followed the dance of each. As each dancer took up his position in the tunnel of the dance house after completing his set of the dance, the fire tender went to him and, seizing his wrists, lifted his hands and his rattles high above his head. He then looked the dancer carefully over from head to foot and finally, letting go his hands, allowed the dancer s arms and rattles to fall to his sides, after which the dancer replaced his rattles in their former crossed position. The fire tender then, commencing at the dancer s feet, blew several times with much force on various parts of the dancer s body, waving his hand upward with each blast, and end ing with a long blast directed so as to spread his breath over the whole body of the dancer. He then passed around to his back and again blew in the same manner. Before performing this ceremony, the fire tender chewed mitcil, a parasitic plant found on oaks, probably mistle toe as nearly as can be judged from its description. His breath being laden with the sweet-scented mitcil, served to expel from the dancer s body any spirit or evil effect of a spirit, tcoyl, which if unremoved would cause illness. Having blown upon a dancer in this manner, the fire tender stepped back to a position directly in front of the fire, that is, between the fire and the front door, and there raised his right hand high above his head and gave a long cry of "he," dropping his hand and lowering his voice slowly toward the last. This completed the purification ceremony and the dancer was at liberty to depart. Immediately after this dance and the purification of each of the 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 465 dancers, the director again delivered an oration, the latter part of which was cut short by the arrival of another set of dancers about four o clock. Their dance was the same as the preceding, and was followed by the same purification ceremony. After they had departed, the director proceeded with his oration for perhaps half an hour longer. ORATIONS Several of the formal speeches delivered by the director on this afternoon as well as at other times during the Hesi were subsequently recorded as follows : Bole Ho, "Ghost Yes" Oration** ho yes, ho yes, urabote believe ho yes, urabote ho believe, yes, urabote ho believe, yes, urabote believe uyorihem what taught uyorihem what taught piuLa here pele we 6u yes piribum piu La pele tell, here we ou yes piribum tell wilak wilak Lapa tfewe doibum world world all-over speech giving tcama win mutu kabec tcama win white people to hear waiting, white people mutu kabec to hear waiting tdpi ma paLeta topi bole 29 ma all save all ghosts topi pile winibum topi pile winibum all they seeing, all they seeing pile! they manan pile just like they tonobum pile! dance, they manan just like pile tonobum they dance ou La pile imanatibum 6u La pile yes they will be the same, yes they imanatibum will be the same pe him bapa (they will not assist) oubum 28Eecord 14-1495. 29 So literally, but translated as "dreamer," doctor, " or " dance director. 466 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 pe pele we elel believe us this pele our piuLa sometimes piuLa sometimes yapai dance tcama white him ba (they will not do it) lie winihem seers nanta not pelet . to us, tan father, pele we pele we mo win people ou yes elel not laiukahem goodness hem (people) mmte believe harabum will go, bum elel believe nanta not us this pele our pelet to us uleLa them uleLa them doitlbum will give, ma oubum yes, tan father ka peibum (what is the matter) ka peibum (what is the mattter) yapai dance doitlbum will give harabum will go ou yes hem (people) mo laiukaru good oubum yes doitlbum will give wilak world nanteweie my speech, iis this pelet to us nanteweie my speech US this pelet to us plum all tewe speech pm what wilak world wilak world toyu stopped wilak world La on dldl villages La wilak world La on dldl villages La in werebem coming, tewe speech toyu stopped Lab a doing ma pel show ulet them bole29 ghost doitlbum 30 will give ; manan just like dolura give tcama white pei show yapai dance bebempu there win people manan just like mato your, ton dance P 1 that pm what Laba doing? piuru all werebem coming yapai dance mato your, ma 29 So literally, but translated as "dreamer," " doctor," or "dance director." 30 The speaker was asking a colleague or rival, Bulkas by name, from the Clear Lake region, what he intended to do, whether he intended to give another dance as the white people do. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 467. tcanaman titcabum Chinaman will know, wilakno Luturu world s trouble tcanaman titcabum Chinaman will know werit coming pila titcatlbum tcanaman titcatlbum tcama They will know, Chinaman will know, white win Leksum titcatibum tcama win people later will know, white people titcatlbum will know pal pile tewe titca-mata doibum tono now we speech, let them know will give dance doibum yalumas paruru win win antara will give leave crowded people people many piuru tcu Lahis for that I look wilak tcu Lahis wilak tcu Lahis wilak world I look, world I look, world tcu Lahis I look. tcu mit pmLa tcu mit mutmaton I you sometimes I you will tell, comara mit heLa tfepiti olel pitc wilak let know you somewhere go out above, world henpa La olel tepiti piLa heLa find in above go, there somewhere henpa La henpa La waiyel henpa find in find in north find La nowina henpa ti piunpi tcu in west find, thus I Lahibo pmn tcu Lahie un piuLai look, thus I look, there pinai wilak botcitisi do this world break down nai henpa La un nai henpa La un I find in I find in wilak botclti world break down unica so said Free Paraphrase You must believe what he has taught you. Here we should be glad. Give this speech to all the people, to the white people also for they are awaiting it. Every one is to be saved. All the dreamers see that. Just like them (the ghosts) we dance. When I do this the world will end. 468 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 Some people will not assist, some will not do as they are instructed. Though our father (i. e., ruler of the ghost world) told us this, we see that some people do not believe it. Sometimes we ask what the reason is. We must give a dance. We will give it for the white people also. It is for the betterment of the world and for the improvement of the people. Yes, some people do not believe my speech, but this is for us, for all the world and for all the villages. What are you going to do? Do you intend to give another dance as the white people do? The Chinese know that the world is coming to an end, and the white people will realize this after a while. Now let us speak that all may know. Let us dance. The world is crowded with people. That is the reason for my search. I call you all to let you know that I am going away in search of the future world. I do not know just where it is, but know I shall find it somewhere above, either in the north or in the west. That is the way I shall look about and, when I do, the world will come to an end. That is what I (the seer) said. o u yes so les listen pele t us mo mhurobe telling us Another Bole Ho Oration^ bo ti stay, ti ptarobe telling so les listen bo ti stay, so les listen bo ti stay ete ma one pele t us te we word. ete ma one te we word tiple teach na t me mile t you, yo rihem who tells tiple teach mile t you na t me tipi hem who teaches pi ma that pa l now mile t you pele t we mo mhule (I) shall tell pisi n with that li ptitobe shall die pi sin with that pisi n with that pale i we pele i we hara tobe shall go tepi tobe shall come out pi ubem thus piu La when eu bem being so upu thus pele 52 Record 14-1510. A. L. Kroeber transcriber, Tom Odock translator. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 469 wila k world upu thus pele \ve toiio Le dance wi lak world noitono La when dance upu thus pele we piun thus tce ltaro continue, piun thus tce ltaro continue piun thus tce ltaro continue, piun thus tce ltaro continue lipti tibom all will die, lipti tibom all will die u-ni sa that told, u -nisa that told ii a t me na t me upu -nisa thus told mo meLa (tell) na t upu -nisa thus told, pi La there pm msa thus told thus e unputa n jumping, e unputa n jumping: e unputa n jumping, tce ltaro contimie e unputa n jumping PI this pele pi ura thus ha wir quick peliptu nica die said pi that pi mana that tcupa ro (we) finished, pi mana that tcupa ro (we) finished e that wilak world e that wilak world e that wilak world pisi nupu that is what pele we li ptiboin die li ptibom die eun that putu rutcu I jumped tcu I nati me piLa there emus four times tcanda kumanisa make step told emus four times n a me tcandakumanisa make step told, piura thus nat me tcanda ku step u nisa told. tcanda ku step u nisa told pius that pal tcu I tcanda k step pi uLa when wi nisa saw pi uLa when tcu I lu mnisa died pi uLa when tcu I upuLa (he) said lu mnisa died pi uLa when piu ra thus tcibo piu ra thus tcibo was piu ra thus tcibo was 470 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 tepu nisa (I) came out wei 33 Thanks, piu that winit pi ui get up thus uni sa told nat me ba kuma nisa made (me) count (it), pi ut that nai I emus nai four times I ma o u yes piu -nisa thus it was, nat me hetca s often wi nit get up yuku robe awaken ba kuma nisa made (me) count (it) lu mitaro should die be nisa told piu -nisa thus it was, uro that piu -nisa thus it was be nisa told A Third Bole Ho Oration^ o, 6! co lec bo ti 35 (3). nai nai wini 36 (2), nat yori 37 (2), pima milet momhule, 38 pima milet tlple, piuLa mlleupu. Wilakss wilakLa (2), oubum 4 (2). pila pelet laiukon 41 tiabum, 42 6 pima ten ou nisa, laiuk tepi, soro 43 laiuk mo ml, soro ou nisa, pm manat, ewisin mile (2), piu weresun.** ewisin mit pi umato eu ti hitamato 45 (2). tci tcu mara poiima mile nisa. pima nat momi sa tci tci 46 (2), pi ma tcu (2), pima dukamaru, 47 pima Lutumara, 47 bunica iirteu mu te u, mu tcu bonica pi u Lanai. pi la iuk ic. pi la iuk ic un, picin pi mile wereti. picen pi mile piuti piu La (3), poima mile nica. 48 ui tcitciimuru 4 ^ (2), (pi) pi la iuk ic fin (2), piuLa tcur Lo tumara^o bunica, tcu teuma bonica (2), pimana tco finica on mile (2). were ta be ic eu fniica, aihikiisai-" 11 fmica. piuLa tcfi toil 33 An exclamation of pleasure. 34 Phonograph record 14-1513. Numbers in parentheses in the text indicate the number of times that the immediately preceding phrase that is the group of words following the last mark of punctuation is repeated. ss Listen ! ss What I see. 37 Teach me. 3 I shall tell you that. 3 World *o Believe. 4 1 Good 4 2 Call. 43 Tell good thought. 44 Come, arrive. 45 "When you do this, let him ask him." 4(5 He that told me choked. 47 < That wrong. ; 48 "Would not let me mark (or write)." All choked. so Bad. si "How is that?" 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 471 mulenica 52 (2). nai nai piu, piu nai ou nica (2), piumas ur ounica. pi pi tewihem 53 piu matcoun laiukara bes unisa mile pi cin wereLa wetura 5 * bee unica, picin mile were laiukara bee piuLa bonica teu muur. piuLa piu mas ur nat win tara (2). el nai piura dukamara^s bo ou Latumas mi pimami poros unica pi piura yopnanica. 56 piuLa kaL Lamana 57 uitipi hem 58 (2), kaL Lamana 57 upur- benica. A Fourth Bole Ho Oration 6, 6! mile pi (2), mile pi tepiboso (2), mile pi heLe bar mile be (2). wilak wilak Labon,6i didi 62 Labon, sun pi meli tepibo, sun pi meli werebo, sun pi mile henebon, piuLa mile mile, elelebosa 63 (2), mile pima mile, tepi yapai 64 win 65 Iiimu66 L a pin (2), heLa hara 67 pe? lum tar pele bobatin termur.es tcelmuso ur ubasa mile, pi mile yoma 70 les mile pelelnan males topi mile henec e wilak La eu dihi 02 La tcun pi mile hene bo tcun pi mile tepibo youmelebe, 70 hena puina 71 harmelebe, worna 72 harmelebe (2), tcun (ic) mele hene 73 cok (ic) (2), pi pi eura hene bo, eule pile ic un, eule pi pile un pabe 74 tewe 75 dura un. eule piii La tewe, mutfuhem 76 e e pabe tewe. nai tewe tcaihun 77 behem 7 s (2). pi eu henes, uru tepu maneca, tcu momun La melet eu matoun. sun laiukara tepu matoun (2). tcu piu boun piLa mile piu bosaun upun mile tewe bo sa elele, bo sa mile, pi pi tewe, hene bosa. male piuhem un 5impi 7 o (2), henebo un sunpi (2), werebo un sunpi, mile tepibo un, wilak wilak La bo un, didi La bo un, piu La mile mile upubosa male tewe. pi ma borne bosa. mile upubosa nai mutu La un. mile nai mutu La (2). nai sorio La tepi pabo, win lumu La harabo, hetiika harabo, bobo pele eii kir 81 La un, pi La mile bobo unisa, uni mile teuteubosa 75 un, uni mile tewibosa. 75 52 Then I said nothing, he said. 58 Spoke. s* Is right. 55 Inside me thus is bad. 56 Took it off. 57 Made a cracking noise. 58 That is what he learned. so Record 14-1514. eo Emerge, leave. fil Everywhere. ea Villages. 3 Doubt, disbelieve. 64 Dance. 65 People. 66 Dead. 07 Go. 68 "We are all dead." 69 Travel. 7 f>Lost; melebe, never. 7 1 East. 72 South. 73 Come. 75 Word, speak, talk. 7 6 Listeners, listening, hearing. 77 Sorry. 78 Being, who are. 79 Here. 80 Listen. si Earth. 472 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 These speeches are to a certain extent traditional, but partly made up on the spur of the moment by the director. They are therefore subject to a greater or lesser variation from year to year and cannot be considered as strictly ritualistic and fixed in their terminology. The speeches here recorded must therefore be considered to evince some personal element, although the various orations of the successive cere monies are without doubt in a fair measure the same verbatim, and certainly contain similar substance and sentiment. While they include certain esoteric elements, they consist more largely of words which are of the common speech, so that the people are able to understand their general tenor. FINAL DANCE The last dance of the ceremony was made about ten o clock in the evening by four of the men from the host village. Toward the end of this dance, the mokl appeared and participated in the same manner as in the initial dance on the opening night. At the end of this dance all three of the tuya or big-head dancers were purified by the fire tender in the same manner as in the after noon. This dance and the mokl ceremony connected with it marked the end of the Hesi proper. Early in the evening a grass game, kosi, was started outside the dance house and this continued throughout the night, not even being stopped during the above mentioned final dance. FOURTH DAY At about the usual eating time on the morning of the fourth day, a final feast was served at the long table near the dance house, after which the people all assembled in the dance house, each group taking its particular allotted place in the space for spectators. The host captain again brought in baskets of acorn soup and cakes of black meal and all were served in the same manner as on their arrival four days before. FAREWELL ORATION During this feast the director delivered a farewell oration, includ ing a song, as follows: 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 473 Bole Ho and Song 82 hamse tcu nat ku tiyamti 83 (3). mutmatu 84 tewi (2), comatu 8 * nat iyamti, 85 nat ku tiyamti. piuLa tea hanicai, 86 piiiLa bonica, t almu 87 pilitatara 88 hamtara 89 bonica. pi La 6u tcu mit tiyasa 90 (2). mutmata 84 sorumata 01 nai pmn Lakalasok 92 (2). eu wilak Cm, eu toL, 93 piro, 94 matapan, 95 matapan, olel 9 ^ bobon, pantiaLa 97 bobon, ponoLta 98 ic un, ponoLta ic matapan, matapan, tcun eteta" bos olelbe 96 bi ponoLta bebe un wilak tcu tcu Lahiticioo Cm Lahic 1( >o tcu wilak heLa heiipato, 101 heLapa tcenpati, 101 eim tceltara 102 win 103 paros, 104 piura win paros, na nanu dihi^os nanu dihi nat. woaini woaini (9) eu wilakioe woaini (2) woaini woaini (2) eu memem 107 woaini (2) woaini woaini (2) eu toLios woaini (2) woaini woaini (3) eu buliioo woaini (2) woaini woaini (1) eu memem woaini (2) woaini w 7 oaini (2) el kapai 110 w^oaini (2) 82 Eecords 14-1515 to 1517; numbers have the same meaning as in the two last speeches. 83 < < Went I me called. 84 Hear. ss Called. so Went. 87 Naked. 88 Toward the east. 89 Toward the sitting. no "Was glad I called you." 91 Listen. 92 Play, dance. 93 Mountain. 94 "All." 95 Your mother s brother (or grandfather). 96 Above. 97 High up. 98 Three 99 One. 100 Seek. 101 Find. 102 Travel toward. 103 People. 104 Crowded. 105 My villages, settlements. 100 This world. 107 These waters. 108 These mountains, loo These foothills. no These streams. 474 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14 woainl woaini (1) ei memem woaini (2) woaini woaini (2) ei tukim woaini (2) woaini woaini (1) ei memem woaini (2) woaini woaini (2) ei kodoi 112 woaini (2) ei memem woaini (2) woaini woaini (4) eu pi bo tcu tens (2), muhima Le taraii* (2), eu pi bo tcu te (2), teumupiiis tcu eu bo eu pi bo tcu nai Lakala La, 116 e nai toL Lakala La, e nai wilak Lakala La, e nai tuki Lakala La, e kodoi Lakala La. eun pi tcu te (2). Lakala bon eun pi tcu, Lakala bon. eura polopura 117 (2), polopura (2), e tcolic 118 bo tcolic bo, eura pi tcu were bo. tuniis ut poltura 117 eunisa, tun ut poltura. eurii be ut piLa piLao ut kaLaptonisa.iso piLao hataraisi hatara hatara hatara. mobtara 122 nat boni 12 3 tcu teu, pinisa. 124 eu pi bo tcu unisai 2 5 (2), nai Lakala La.ns toL pi tcu Lakala bo (2), cu mem Lakala bo, eu mem in pi tcu Lakala bo, unisa. Free Paraphrase My father called me and spoke to me. He called me to hear his counsel. I went above and found him naked and seated facing the east. He was glad to see me, and said: "I called you that you might hear what I have to say. This world and these mountains are your maternal uncles. There are three worlds above. There are three there, three of your uncles. There are already three worlds above, but I shall somewhere find a place where people may be sent. The world is crowded enough." The song follows. "My father s" speech to the dreamer then continues: "I do thus (i.e., sing this) when I look for another place (i.e., world). I never talk bad. I do this when I play, when I play on these mountains, when I play on this world, when I play on these trees, when I play on these rocks. I do this, my son. I swell up thus (illustrating) and swell and swell and swell. I shall show this way to you. This is the way I come. His body was wholly swelled. He was like that for a while there. Then he became normal in the 111 These woods, trees. 11 2 These rocks. us Son. 114 "Song stop." us Not speak, say nothing. us Play up on, when play. 117 Swelled. us Stay. no Body. 120 Said, it is well. 1 2 1 Gone. 1 22 Good. 123 Stay. 1 24 Said this. i 2 s Said that. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 475 same place. The swelling was gone. He told me, "Remain to talk. I do thus," he said, "When I play on those mountains, when I play in the water, I play thus, he said. DEPARTURE The guests then prepared to depart, and by half past ten or eleven o clock, the village was left with only its usual population. The director and the captain, together with one or two assistants, rolled up and laid away the dancing paraphernalia and in general took care of whatever it was desired to save for a future ceremony. The village then resumed its usual quietude and the people recuperated from the long vigil of the ceremony, for during these four days and nights most of them had scarcely slept. ADDITIONAL SPEECHES AND SONGS The following additional speeches and songs belong in the cere mony but have no fixed place in it. Various other songs and speeches were also delivered but time did not permit their recording. Bole Ho Speech^ 2 pi roboiti, remain thus gu tcima mile t ti ple, a little (I) you inform ete ma t e we pa mpama tVwe, one word, two words milet ti ple, inform you o uraboiti (2), (and ye) say yes pi ro wi lakupo (2), thus in the world mo ktaro were bem (2), make will come pele tuka, to us to pimma pele t paLe to (2), they us will drive out pi ura were bem, so will come he u wila k (2), this world pi ura were bem, so will come pi sun mile didi La didi La, here you in the settlements, in the settlements nanu t e we o ura mi le were (2), my words approving you come pi tci derobes, that was straight pi la iokarobes, that was good male ipiu, what you do nana t Vwe o u, my words approve pi uLaupu tcama win, when on those white persons tcama winupa (2), on white persons pi lei i ma natibom (2), us will resemble mui tibom, will sing 126 Record 14-1509, Thomas Odock translator, A. L. Kroeber transcriber. The lines indicate the phrasing, which is marked by considerable pauses, which are rhetorical rather than grammatical. Numbers denote repetitions of phrases. 476 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 mu hun tono tibom, sing will dance o ura o uLa pile piu tibom, approving, when approve we shall do so o ura were hem, approving who come pi uLa upu were bem, thus will come pi uLa wile tuka, thus they wile tuka we rebem, they will come wile i o uuLa o uuLa we rebem, they when approve, when approve, will come la iokato were bem (2), being good will come eu tcama winoi pele no t Vwe, these white people our words pale uli tcu do is ule tcu do is, we (only) I give, (only) I give ule tcu tipis, (only) I inform male yimanan (2), like yourselves eu n Laka lmato (2), thus playing (dancing) tcu do is pimma, I give them nanu t e we, my words na i tcayu nbobem (2), I who remain ashamed pi mma tcu ti pis, them I inform pi umato, doing thus to pi mma mele t paLe mato, they you (putting out?) to pi mma mele t ebu mato, they you (getting out?) sun sun tcu mele t pi us, here, here I for you do so sun sun te pito, here, here emerge mile e uLa ha rmiles, you when go (nowhere?) pe mi le le luna nmu eles (2), you become otherwise (at death) pi uLa mi le sun he nes, so when you here come sun mi le he nes, here you come sun mi le te pis, here you emerge sun pi he nebo wilakwila ksel, here will come from all over the world di disel pi sun hene bo, from the settlements here will come eu ke weLa, to this dance house eu wo leLa, to this dance floor sun hene bo sun pi hene bo, here will come, here will come urabes, so (I) say First Mold wuu u wuu u tate (3), father wile cekte i (3), healthy chief wiles euLa , healthy pima tcu euLa , that I pida euLa , (bring?) pima tcu euLa , that I pida t eweda euLa , that word wile t eweda euLa, healthy word (record indistinct) wileda (5), healthy 127 Eecord 14-1508, Odock-Kroeber transcription. The phrases are very marked and accented on the last syllables. The translation of the eternal "euLa" ! has not been attempted. It seems to mean "at this" or "when so." This speech is in much more rigid ritualistic form than the last, and may be more representative of the pre-ghost-dance Hesi manner. It is perhaps a prayer as much as a speech. It is not a report of a recent vision of the "father," like several of the preceding. 1919] Barrett: Tlie Wintun Eesi Ceremony 477 Second MoM \virn u wuu u piLa tcu euLa naminda tcu euLa nan wileda euLa naiiu *Lupuru euLa pima helairu euLa (=B) (indistinct phrase) (indistinct phrase) pima tcu were *boti *boai euLa nanuda euLa nanu takada euLa wile takada euLa pima *Lupuru euLa (= A) pima helairu euLa (= B) humli takada euLa pida helaira euLa A sai takada euLa A B tekis takada euLa wile takada euLa A B nanu humtu takada euLa A B hima euLa nanu yulakda euLa A B nanu *Lupuru euLa B nanu Loda euLa A B A pisin *hobloro euLa (indistinct phrase) namin *Lekicda euLa nanu *Leida euLa nanu *pelel euLa nanu piLa euLa hima euLa wile *Lupura euLa pima *holumpuluru euLa 128 Same source as the preceding, and the same remarks apply. "A" and B ; in the text stand respectively for ( pima Lupura euLa and pima helairu euLa . Helairu means to hold something in the hands and move it alternately to the right and left. Starred words are said to have an esoteric meaning. 478 University of California Publications in Am,. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 nanu *pototoi takada euLa A B A pida euLa hima euLa pida tcu (4) *Lupuru tcu pima tcu helairu tcu *wesai taka tcu e wile taka tcu e LO taka tcu e pima *hobloro euLa (2) pida tcu (2) pida tcu wetaru (2) hene boti *boai Glossary of principal words in order of occurrence. piLa, at that, there, when; tcu, I; namin, mine; -da, translated "and" (sic) ; nan, nanu, my; wile, healthy; pima, that, they (-ma is a causative suffix of verbs and a plural of nouns de noting persons); were, arrive; ta~ka, crop of acorns or wild growths; humli, a species of oak; sai, a species of oak; tekis, a species of oak; humtu, fat, grease, probably referring to the oily acorn called hamsu; hima, indeed, surely; yuldk, acorns of Quercus wizlizeni; LO, a kind of long acorn; pisin, with that; wetaru, arrive with; hene, come. Four Speeches by the I wuu u (4) piLa tcu euLa (2) nanu tcalalLa euLa wile tcalalLa euLa pira helayuru euLa pima *Lupuru euLa pima *cekaru euLa piLa euLa (indistinct phrase) wile t ewe euLa (indistinct phrase) nanu t ewe tcu wile t ewe tcu tcalal t ewe tcu tcalal t ewe tcu nanu bole t ewe tcu piLa tcu wiaru *Lupuru tcu pima helairu tcu (indistinct phrase: piLa tcu . . . kayire tcu) piLa *pulaki *boti *boai 129 Eecord 14-1494, Odock-Kroeber transcription. Spoken by Salvador in a high-keyed voice, w r hile walking about the dance house in his Moki cloak. Starred words are esoteric; the principal others will be found in the preceding or following glossary. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 479 II wuu u (2) wi/le sekte i (2) wi leda tcu nanu wi leda tcu nanu wile tcu wi leda tcu hela iru tcu lila inma wile le loru tcu lo ibama wile le loru tcu se ribama wile le loru tcu pida tcu nanu wi leda tcu tca lal wile da tcu bo le wile da tcu pi da tcu *pula ki *boti *boa i in wuu u (3) wile sekte i wi leda tcu nanu wile da tcu na nu wi le tca lalda wile *Lupi da wile helai da (indistinct phrase) pi ma tcu hela iru pima *Lu puru pima tcu (indistinct word) ila inma tcu lo ibama wile le loru se ribama wile le loru se ktubama pi ra tcu w r eta ru he ne *boti *boa i IV wuu u (2) wile sekte i (2) wile *be sai wi leda tcu na nu wi leda tcu bo le wi leda tcu pima *Lupuru tcu pima tcu hela iru tcu pi da wile da tcu pi da *pulaki *boti *boa i Supplementary Glossary. tcalal, pretty, literally, rose blossom, probably a ghost-dance word; helairu, helayuru, lielai-da, sway, swing sidewise repeatedly; t ewe, word, speak; ~bole, ghost, spirit of a dead person; wiaru, gather; seMei, selctu, chief; lilain-ma, ilain-ma, children; leloru, are made, become; loiba-ma, girls, maidens; seriba-ma, youths. 480 University of California Publications in Am. Arcli. and Ethn. [Vol. 14 Farewell Speech to Visitors* o u pi ra hene ti (4) pe le hene sa hene sa pe le hene sa se ktu ma tin ma in ma tin ma ino t e we o uura o uura ut piu ti o ura ut e ubu e ubu e ubu pi La lomu ru piLa we yuru e ura pele huya La e ura pele piu La piura pele huya sa u no wo leLa (2) u no te wekLa u La pele huya sa piLa pele huya sa piu La (2) pima lomu ru ewet lomu ru (2) weyu ti o Vti o u sapi pele t piu La tci dupasa pele t pi ra pele t witi lupasa pi ura pele u no ke weLa piu sa u no wo leLa piu sa pi La pele o uparo ut lomu ru ut we yuru weyu ru pele piu sa (2) eu to eu to eu n pele piu to u no wo leLa ha mtaro. u no ou La ha mtaro pi ra pele piu to weyu to oVto (h) eu sa pele eu sa (h)eu sa pe le (Pause) o u ra o u ra (2) o u ti ut o u ti ut weyu ti ewe ti sektuma ewe t mainma 130 Eecord 14-1499, Odock-Kroeber transcription. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 481 o Vti o u ti u no t Vwe u no so ko u i mile t piu hem piu ra tci dupara mile t piu ra witi lupahem pi La o uti u no t e we u no t e we u no so ko pi ma *koto ro pi ra lomu ti lomu ti ut lomu ti e ura mile t huya"ma e ura mile t we yuma e ura mile t tiya sa o u ti u no t e we u no o uti o u ti oVti o ura pele were (2) se ktuno t e we ma ino t e we pi ma pele lomu ru pi ma pele we yuru pi ma pele piu sa o u sa pele o u sa Glossary: Endings. sa, -nisa, past; -ti, -Us, future, exhortative, imperative; -to, future; -ma, causative; -hem, he who; -pa, -paro, for; -bem, -tibom, future; -t, objective; -no, possessive; -La, on, in, at, when; -sel, from; -sin, with; -upo, -upu(?}, at, on (?); -tara, -taro, toward, on to. Stems. hene, come; pele, pile, we; main, "queen," "chief s sister," woman of princely family; ou, yes, say yes, approve; piu, do that; lomu, glad, rejoice; weyu, glad, rejoice; huya, gather, assemble; (u, he), ut, him, uno, his; wole, floor or area of dance house; teweTc, cleared space in front of dance house; tcidu, straight, come straight; witilu, run; Tcewe, dance house; ham, sit; mile, ye; solco, teach. Three Toto Dance Songs***- 1. ne pe sume huya sane 2. he hiyo yoho were ltina were ltina he hiyo yoho 3. ho pil hopi l ho pil hopi l ne pil nepi l ne pil nepi l Nepe, nepil is the first person inclusive dual, "I and thou"; huyasane was translated "rocking," but huya also means to gather or assemble; wereltina was said to mean south. Eecords 14-1492, 14-1496. 482 University of California Publications in Am. Arcli. and Ethn. [Vol. 14 Moki s Speech of Welcome in the Toto Dance^^- piru boti piru boti piru laiakuru boti laiakuru boti laiakuru pima weyuru pima lomuru (h)e t ewe lomuru e lomuru e tcalal lomuru wile tcalal lomuru milet iLa o ura boti (2) o uto pele were (2) eura pele piuto o uto weyuto we tatcu uto we apatcu uto we labatcu uto (h) eura pele huyaLa (2) piLa pele lomuto peleno t ewe (2) pira weyuru weyusa tcu weyusa ten lomusa lomuru oparu lomuru weyuru pima o uru pima lomuru Except for laba, older brother, this speech contains no words not found in the preceding ones : we uto in lines 17-19 is evidently equi valent to we(ij)u-to. This identity of phraseological material is signi ficant for Wintun oratory. The speaker s freedom lies chiefly in mak ing a different random arrangement of the same words. That a Toto speech should so closely parallel the Hesi speeches, need not surprise, in view of the Toto being only a modern substitute for one of the two annual Hesi performances. THE HAND GAME The "hand" or "grass" game, 133 often played by the Wintun as an adjunct to the Hesi, runs as follows. 132 Phonograph record 14-1496, Odock-Kroeber transcription. 133 Mr. Stewart Culin mentions this Wintun game, giving its native name as dam, in his Games of the North American Indians, Eep. Bur. Am. Ethn., xxiv, 283, 1907. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 483 Two pairs of cylindrical bones from two to two and a half inches in length and half an inch in diameter are used. One of each pair is wound about its middle with string or sinew in order to mark it. With these bones is required a considerable quantity of finely chopped grass or, if this is not available, straw. The tally of the game is kept by means of twelve sticks about eight or ten inches in length. These at the start are held by what may be called a tally keeper or overseer of the game, called koimeru. His name is the same as that of the fire tender of the dance house, and ordinarily the same individual serves both offices. His fee for this service is a portion, usually about ten per cent, of the stakes. A large mat or blanket is ordinarily spread on each side of a middle ground which is perhaps five to eight feet across, and on each of these mats two players kneel, sitting on their heels. Each is pro vided with a quantity of the chopped grass, and each usually has with him one or more charm stones which he inserts under his mat for good luck. The tally keeper kneels or sits at a point midway between the two sets of players and at a little distance back, where he can see both sides as the game progresses. He at first holds the twelve counters and the four bones with which the game is to be played. In case it is a game between residents on one side and visitors on the other, the visitors are always given the bones first. If it is played between two sets of visitors, or two sets of resi dents, priority is arranged by lot. The players of the holding side take each a marked and an unmarked bone and roll them between their palms for a minute or two, singing meanwhile their gambling song and usually spitting upon the bones as they roll them. They then take up in each hand a quantity of the chopped grass and hide each of the bones in a small bundle of it. The hands are now passed back of the body and the two bundles of grass rolled back and forth rapidly from one hand to another. Often the bundles are brought to the front again and shuffled there as rapidly as possible. The purpose is to con fuse the opposing side, whose object it is to guess in which hand the marked bone of each player remains. All this time the shufflers sing their individual gambling songs kosl mull) ; although frequently only one of a pair of players actu ally sings an air, the other accompanying him with a more monotonous burden. Some players start with an air when they first take the bones, but upon burying these in the rolls of grass their song is reduced to a sort of low chant or hum, which is kept up until the guess 484 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 of the opposite side is finally made. If the guess is correct and the player loses, he sings again in a low voice; or in case the guess is incorrect and he wins, he breaks out wildly into the same air. During all this rolling and preparing for the guess, the body is kept swinging and swaying. These are the words of a gambling song, which calls on the stakes to come to the player : hima mi weni-hiya hima you come kay-uro mi weni-hiyo walking you come Lube mi weni-hiya net you come 134 Finally, when the player holding the bones is fully prepared, he places his right hand in front of him, and his left at the small of his back. The guesser meanwhile, for only one person of the opposing side guesses at a time, has struck his chest with his left fist several times, and swung his right arm at full length in front of him, point ing his right forefinger four times at the opposing side. Finally, when the rollers of the bones signify their readiness for the guess by placing their hands in the proper position, he points or snaps his fingers toward them and cries out his guess. If, however, he is not satisfied with the rolling and unprepared to guess, he gives a different call and the rollers must then shuffle the bones again before he is obliged to guess. The positions may be as follows, x indicating the marked and o the unmarked bones. Right Left Right Left X O X O X O X O X X X O O X Another position is now and then used : both bones in one hand. Since only the position of the marked bone counts, this device does not alter the effect of the guess. As the guesser finally points and calls his guess, the two players open their hands. If he has guessed both of them correctly, the bones pass to his side, and one of the former shufflers now becomes the guesser. If he has guessed incorrectly on both bones, the tally keeper pays two counters to the shufflers and they retain the bones and resume hiding them. If the guesser is correct on only one of the bones, the i34Kecord 14-1500. 1919] Barrett: The Wintun Hesi Ceremony 485 shuffler whom he has guessed stops playing, but no counters are passed, since the correct guess offsets the incorrect one. The surviving shuffler rolls the bones again and a new guess is made on his hands. If this second guess is incorrect, the tally keeper pays out one counter. The guessing is continued for the one outstanding bone, at the cost of a counter for each miss, until it is found. Both players of the original shuffling side having now been eliminated, the bones pass to the guessers, and the game proceeds as before. The tally keeper pays out for all incorrect guesses until all twelve of his counters are gone, after which payment for misses is made directly by the guessers to the hiding side. The bones and counters may go back and forth from one side to the other for a considerable time. The game is won when one side possesses all twelve counters. The winners then divide the stakes, after the tally keeper s deduction. Anyone except the tally keeper may bet. A large number frequently join, each piece of property or coin laid down being matched by the opposing side. Custom rather expects any proffered bet to be met, although part is sometimes with drawn if the opponents have difficulty in accumulating a like stake. The guessing in this game is usually done by one or the other of the players themselves, but sometimes a side-better, reported to be skilful or lucky, acts as guesser. EXPLANATION OF PLATES PLATE 22 Fig. 1. The Wintun village of Let in Cortina Valley, Colusa County, Cali fornia. Fig. 2. Director s assistant- placing the rain and food fetishes (recent type) of the Hesi ceremony on the roof of the dance house. Fig. 3. Moki performing dance about the high pole in front of the dance house. This pole with its banner seems to be a recent innovation under Itole or ghost dance influence. Fig. 4. Moki performing ceremonial dance about the feasting table and poles used in the Hesi. [486] UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. ETHN. VOL, 14 [BARRETT] PLATE 22 Fig. 1 K Fig. 3 Fig. 4 PLATE 23 Fig. 1. Fire dancers returning to the dance house after the plunge in the creek which follows the fire or sweat dance. Fig. 2. Visitors from the Sacramento river region entering the dance house on their arrival. Fig. 3. Tuya ("big head") dancers approaching the dance house. Fig. 4. Tuya dancers, with their tcelitu, standing in front of the dance house. [ 488 J UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. ETHN. VOL. 14 [BARRETT] PLATE 23 riff, i Fig. 3 Fig. 4 THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $I.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. -^ r -r* <* ~ itL, j Q tfl4<f mm j ut, i _ i/yftCj mUf ^ ^ OF CAUF.. B.9;- UBRAW U-^ JUM 14 1949 x A . ^& |^r630t HHC O i_ij) 13Aue S4JC REC D LC AUG7 64-ll, " LD 21-100m-7, 40 (6936s) VD 12189 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS- (CONTINUED) Vol. 12. 1. Composition of California Shellmounds, by Edward Winslow Gifford. P . 1-29. February, 1916 30 2. California Place Names of Indian Origin, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 31-60. June, 1916 40 3. Arapaho Dialects, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 71-138. June, 1916 70 4. Miwok Moieties, by Edward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 139-194. June, 1916 55 5. On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice, by Cornelius B. Bradley. Pp. 195- 218, plates 1-5. October, 1916 . .25 6. Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms, by Edward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 219-248. February, 1917 30 7. Bandelier s Contribution to the Study of Ancient Mexican Social Organir - tion, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 249-282. February, 1917 35 8. Miwok Myths, by Edwarc 1 Winslow Gifford. Pp. 283-338, plate 6. M y, 1917 55 9. California Kinship Systems, A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 339-396. May, 1917 60 10. Ceremonies of the Porno Indians, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 397-441, 8 text- figures. July, 1917 45 11. Porno Bear Doctors, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 443-465, plate 7. July, 1917 25 Index, pp. 467-473. Vol. 13. 1. The Position of Yana in the Hokan Stock, by E. Sapir. Pp. 1-34. July, 1917 35 2. The Yana Indians, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 35-102, plates 1-20. February, 1918 75 3. Yahi Archery, by Saxton T. Pope. Pp. 103-152, plates 21-37. March, 1918 .75 4. Yana Terms of Relationship, by Edward Sapir. Pp. 153-173. March, 1918 .25 Vol.14. 1. The Language of the Salinan Indians, by J. Alden Mason. Pp. 1-154. January, 1918 1.75 2. Clans and Moieties in Southern California, by Edward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 155-219, 1 figure in text. March, 1918 75 3. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the* Wiyot Territory, by Llewellyn L. Loud. Pp. 221-436, plates 1-21, 15 text-figures. December, 1918 2.50 4. The Wintun Hesi Ceremony, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 437-488, plates 22-23, 3 figures in text. March, 1919 75 Vol.15. 1. Ifugao Law, by R. F. Barton. Pp. 1-186, plates 1-33. February, 1919 2.00 Volumes now completed: Volume 1. 1903-1904. -378 pages and 30 plates , $4.25 Volume 2. 1904-1907. 393 pages and 21 plates 3.50 Volume 3. 1905. 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