«Uu^«U1l««« > J » > I > J u > » jt » ; ; !. ;\\>iv%i^^\i>\\)><»«\\^t^t^^ * SXs I? UNIVERSITY OF CALtFORNIA LETTEES FROM THE CEIMEA. Loin)OH: rRWTKD BY K0B80N, LBVST, AHD FRAHKLTN, Great New Street and Fetter Lane. LETTEES FROM THE ARMY IN THE CRIMEA, WRITTEN DURING THE YEARS 1854, 1855, & 1856, BY A STAFF-OFFICER WHO WAS THERE. /or fx'mit Circulation onlii. lOAN STACK S7^ CORRIGENDA. PAGE viii line 18 from top, for "185-4 " read " 1855" Add to foot-note as follows : — xvii / "Lord Rokeby was appointed to Command) , „ * , q^.^ I 1st Division ; ^'^ ^"S- ^^^^• Colonel Ridley (a Guardsman) to 2nd Bri-> .., . -q.> gade, 1st Division, (Line Brigade) | ^^ ^^^' ^**^^' Colonel Drummond (a Guardsman) to Bri-) , , . „^ .^-^ gade of Guards _ f *^ ^"°' ^^^^• The latter was superseded in this Command) oo n f ^al^K " by General Craufurd, also a Guardsman.]" '^'' ^^^' ^^^^^ In the note /or " Crawford" read " Craufurd" 4 line 10 from top, for " waning Crescent " read " pale waning" 15 line 4 from top, for " baggage, animals " read " baggage-ani- mals" 36 line 23 from top, for " known " read " know** 81 line 14 from top, for " faits " o-ead " fait" 143 after "fired a shot" the words ''Fourth Division" should be introduced, as on the next page. 1 74 line 19 from top, for " Cossack " read " body" In the following line, /or " latter gentry " read " Cossacks" 401 in the note, /or '• Crawford " read " Craufurd" and add to note " see note at page xvii of Preface." 201 PREFACE, While in Turkey and in the Crimea my time was too much occupied to permit my attempt- ing to keep a regular register of events ; these Letters were generally written in the night, at hours stolen from sleep. There has been so much spoken and written, there have been so many " Inquiries," that the subject of the Crimean War may be considered to be rather threadbare. How- ever, the nation has been so excited on this subject, and has, after all, had so little satisfaction to its curiosity, that I decided, when I had looked over what Letters it was possible to recover, that I would put them together, and present to my friends a picture of what was passing in the mind of a work- ing Officer of that Crimean Army, the subject of so much praise and blame, for which so many tears have been shed, and on which so much national sympathy has been expended. It will appear, on perusing this work, that oc- casionally personal remarks have been made, which VI PREFACE. in truth I have endeavoured as much as possible, consistently with the matter in hand, to modify ; and where I thought the original phrases were tinged with any thing of an unjust asperity, I have expunged them. Still I am sensible that many persons will be annoyed by my remarks ; for which I am sincerely sorry. There is, how.ever, nothing set down here which I do not consider to be perfectly true ; and if the people of England wish to have that truth, — a wish which has been continually expressed by them, — here it is, in a form of minute detail not hitherto attempted, and touching on parts of our military system which have escaped the ken of Commissioners. There are two subjects to which it appears to me that the national attention should be directed in case of another war being undertaken. One of these is the manner in which our Press affects our military affairs ; and the other, the manner in which the system prevailing in the regiments of Guards has acted upon, and will act upon, the interests and efficiency of the rest of the British Army. As to the Press, in these Letters 1 found many angry passages (which have been excised), evidently brought forth by the constant stream of attacks and sarcasms directed against us, day after day, in the columns of the newspapers. PREFACE. VI 1 which reached the camp twice a week with very great regularity. The newspaper press of England was required by the nation to supply perpetual information about military movements, and perpetual gossip about the routine in the camp. The gentlemen sent for that purpose did supply all this, to the best of their ability ; but unfortunately the British people could not receive this information and this gossip without providing it also for the use of the enemy and for the amusement and astonishment of our continental neighbours. The English, as a nation, are peculi- arly insensible to ridicule ; and not being naturally a military people, they appear not to have compre- hended the feeling of many officers, whose profes- sional pride was hurt by a public exposd of all our blunders and sufferings, which was no doubt trans- lated into Russian for the benefit of the Russian Army ; these statements of course encouraged the enemy. It never seemed to strike the public as rather monstrous, that a gentleman should be per- mitted to reside in camp, and to draw rations, while his pen was employed in attacking Lord Raglan's military conduct, and in laying open the whole Army to the ridicule of the universe. As a friend of mine remarked : "If the British nation chooses to have its Army governed by Vlll PREFACE. the newspapers, the result must be, that by de- grees all the officers who reflect will, as it becomes possible, get out of the service. No army can succeed with such spies in its camp. No ge- neral can command when his character and con- duct are canvassed openly by editors, and while their remarks upon both are sown broadcast among the soldiers. I do not believe that the outcry in the papers did any good. There is no doubt in my mind that the evils complained of would have been remedied as soon as possible, whether the newspapers had taken up the question or not If the correspondents had been really competent judges, they, who were with the Army, and who had nothing else to do, ought to have discovered the defects and published their opinions long before the mischief which occurred in January jy 185^ had risen to such a pitch as to excite all Eng- ' land, and to fill the swelling heart of the people with pity and indignation." It is to be considered now what has been the result of such an outcry. Names were brought forward; but as far as I can see there has been no conviction arrived at, except that our military system was a bad one ; while it re- mains doubtful whether the fatal blots have been hit, or even noticed. It is known, however, that PREFACE. IX GortschakofF had an officer employed in doing nothing else than collating the English newspapers, and that he considered the Times equal to half a dozen good spies. Still the editors congratulate themselves on the good they have done, and honour- able gentlemen admit the same. Folly on every side. As my friend says : '^ It is really provoking that the practical English nation should be so stupid as to insist on giving the best information to their deadly enemy.'' With respect to the accuracy of the mtelli- gence so supplied, we know from the character of the gentlemen employed that it was as accu- rate as they could make it, considering that they had small access to officers of rank, and that the position of such officers as were well-informed was one which rendered it impossible, or at least exceedingly improper, for them to give informa- tion. What I mean to maintain is, that although usually the facts published in the papers were cor- rect, yet still there was a considerable exaggeration on many occasions, and also a misrepresentation, no doubt unintended, of the general tone of feeling in the Army. The most remarkable blunder made by the Government at home was in not appointing Sir Colin Campbell to command when Lord Raglan died. Long after that event the newspapers con- X PREFACE. tinued to attack and to sap Sir Colin's military reputation, assisted by letters from officers circu- lated in the London fashionable coteries. If the correspondents had been competent judges of mili- tary merit, they would have joined in turning public attention to the great qualities of this officer, and in pointing him out to the nation as the man whom they should look to. Even now it probably is not miderstood that the insult offered to the most distinguished soldier and to the most skilful general now serving in the Queen's Army, by placing over his head to command him a junior officer, who had no claims and no experience, is a ])art of our military system. In fact, that the latest improvement in that system, — viz. the warrant which established promotion by selection for merit, — vias the very measure which made it possible to accomplish such an act of ingratitude and of folly. It may be granted that the editors acted as well as they could, and that they believed conscientiously that they were performing a public duty by their writings. Military officers usually do not think it becoming to write to the newspapers accounts of the war they are engaged in. I myself was applied to by one of the most respectable of the magazines to write for it before I joined the Army ; but I declined, purely on this ground. Tliat I had the PREFACE. XI power both of writing and of observing will be seen in this collection of Letters. With respect to the regiments of her Majesty's Guards, when employed with an army in the field, it is difficult to say all that might and that ought to be said. Li the first place, it may be objected that any reflection on the existing system of that corps is improper, as touching the Queen's Majesty. In reply, I can say that any thing I have written or may Avrite on this subject is not intended to suggest any infringement of her Majesty's preroga- tive, or any diminishment of the splendour of her throne. The officers of the Guards will naturally be very much displeased with a person who brings forward this question ; but I mean nothing per- sonal to those, gentlemen : as a body they are the finest possible assembly of young gallant English- men, — the very pick and flower of the nation. But I am nevertheless bound to state my grave and deliberate opinion that their privileges are not just, and that it is unwise that they should continue to exist on their present footing. I consider that the presence of a brigade of Guards with an army in the field is a serious inconvenience, and that, from the nature of their system, and the method by which they carry on dutj, their presence with XU PREFACE. the Army tends to diminish its efficiency. If I can show this to be the case, it will then be time for the Queen and the British people to consider whe- tlicr it might not be advisable to modify the system on which the Guards are formed. The difficulty of showing this to a mihtary reader would be small ; but for the information of civilians there is rather a longer explanation to be gone into. If the Guards were always to remain in London or at Windsor, performing merely home duties, so far as the Army is immediately concerned it might appear that their existence and their privileges are equally matters of indiffi)rence. But they do not always remain in London ; on the contrary, when war breaks out any where, except in the Colonies or in India, the Guards are always sent ; and it is one of their just subjects for boasting, that wherever there are battles, there will the Guards be present. The system laid down for the government of the Army requires that the most minute details of the interior economy in a company shall be personally done by the captain and his subalterns. In the Guards all the captains are substantive Heutenant- colonels : they do no company duty, except stand- ing at the heads of their companies at the field- days in Hyde Park. They often live away in the country, and come up on drill-days. They are on PREFACE. Xlll leave about eight months in the year. All the company duty done by officers of the Guards is done by the subalterns ; and the discipline of each regiment of Guards is maintained by the com- manding officer, his adjutant, and the sergeants. From this statement it is evident that the military education of an officer of the Guards does not put him in contact with his men, and that he has not the opportmiity of acquiring a knowledge of the interior economy, which the regulations require that all captains of the Line shall have, and which they are compelled to have by a strict command- ing officer, and by the general officers who inspect them. If a lieutenant-colonel of the Line were to exchange with a captain and lieutenant-colonel of the Guards, as sometimes happens, he would be surprised to find, that though nominally command- ing a company, he woirid be allowed to have little or nothing to do with its management. The public may from this explanation perceive that from youth upwards the habits of officers of the Guards must lead them to suppose that the officers should be spared as much as possible. I therefore consider that any officer who has spent the first fourteen or fifteen years of his life in the Guards is likely to have imbibed a fixed idea that the officers should be spared; and as he has seen the com- XIV PREFACE. panics of the Guards managed without the assist- ance of the captain, so he will naturally feel that it is a hardship to call on any captains to meddle with such work. Early custom will prevent him from seeing the propriety of what is an established maxim in the opinion of the best practical soldiers, viz. that the sergeants should be made responsible for nothing, and that the whole onus should be thrown on the officers, who should never leave their men, whether on fatigue or under arms ; and that every captain should have all the particulars concerning each soldier in his company at bis fingers' ends. Where a brigade of Guards takes the field, it forms part of a division ; this division is provided with an assistant -adjutant general; and each of the two brigades composing it has a brigade-major. • In the Crimea I was brigade-major to the brigade which was in the same division with the Guards, and I was afterwards assistant-adjutant-general to the division of which the Guards formed one bri- gade. I mention this to show that I had an oppor- tunity of seeing something of the working of such a division. When an army advances to battle, in the bri- gade of Guards, as in all other brigades, each captain, although a lieutenant -colonel, marches PREFACE. XV at the head of his company ; but in the trenches, in our army, it was not so. In the Line, when a captain is a brevet-major, or a brevet-lieutenant- colonel, he receives 2s. a day extra pay. He does all his company work, and besides that is liable to do duty as a field-officer. It is not so in the Guards. All the captains are lieutenant-colonels, and they are put on the roster of field-officers. No captain of the Guards took trench duty at the head of his company — he went in as a field-officer ; in- stead of being in the trenches every third day, he only went in about once a fortnight, and then as a field-officer. The result of this was, that the lieutenants and ensigns of the Guards, who had rank respectively of captains and lieutenants, had to do all the duty done in regiments of the Line by the whole of the captains, lieutenants, and ensigns of each regi- ment; so that these officers were overworked. Tlie duty of the trenches was taken by detachments ; a certain number of men, in proportion to the strength of the division, was sent into the trenches with officers, that is, captains and subalterns, in the proportion of two officers to every hundred men. When the companies were weak, if all the officers had gone with their companies, the pro- portion would probably have been two officers to XVI PREFACE. thirty or forty men; which it would have been impossible for the Guards to furnish, as none of their captains were really captains ; they were all lieutenant-colonels. This I imagine to have been the cause of so anomalous and objectionable a manner of taking trench duty. When Sir Colin Campbell was sent up to the siege with his divi- sion, — in the middle of June 1855, — he found this system existing, and of course he had no power to alter it ; but he did make a demonstration, for at the same period the division of the French Army commanded by General Canrobert came to the siege, and took the trenches immediately on the right of our attack. In the French Army the trench duty was taken by divisions ; and General Canrobert, who had been Commander-in-Chief, took himself his turn of the trenches every third day. One of his two brigades took the advanced trench, and the other was in reserve — alternately. This was the division which afterwards stormed the MalakofF. When Sir Colin Campbell found this, he also took his turn in the trenches, instead of detailing a brigadier. He did so three times ; but the example was deemed contagious, and an order came out directing the generals of division to remain in their camps in reserve, with the cooks. I do not know the precise date of this PREFACE. XVll order ; for the printed general orders which I had were all destroyed when my hut was burned down. But I perceive that in one of my Letters it is men- tioned that, in August, there were then in the Army a commander-in-chief, a chief of the Staff, three generals of division, and three generals of brigade, all Guardsmen,* — total eight ; and only twelve of the Line. Now I think it surprising that some of these gentlemen, who had all been brought up together in the same corps, did not suggest to the Com- mander-in-Chief the propriety of imitating the French, who sent into the trenches a division complete, with its general, its brigadiers, and every staff- officer, as well as the lieutenant -colonels, majors, captains, and subalterns of each regiment. The importance of having a large number of officers present with the men in the trenches was immense ; for the soldiers were almost all young, some of them not three months from their homes ; and the example of officers was very necessary for them. When in a division one of the brigades is a brigade of Guards, detachment duty is only taken Simpson. Barnard. Bentinck. Cra^f^rd. Kokeby. Ridley. Codrington. Windham. XVlll PREFACE. by the other brigade. This was unfolded to us in Bulgaria, where the Highland Brigade furnished a detachment of two companies to head quarters ; and when Sir Colin Campbell applied to have it relieved, he heard the remarkable fact, that the Guards did not take that sort of duty. Having explained, as well as I can, how the example of the Guards is likely to act upon and to spread through the Army to the detriment of discipline, I will just touch upon the point of the tremendous privilege, that every ensign in the Guards is a lieutenant, ipso facto, in the Army, every lieutenant a captain, and every captain a lieutenant-colonel. I will here introduce a Letter on this subject, which my friend A. wrote to Lord from the Crimea, and which enters very fully into the question. ** Camp before Sebastopol, 8th April, 1856. " A printed memorandum, signed by Colonel James Lindsay, of the Grenadier Guards, has been circulating here among the commanding officers of regiments of the Line ; it is a sort of commen- tary on the Memorial lately presented by the officers of the Guards on the subject of their promotion. Colonel Lindsay does not advert to the fact, that PREFACE. XIX petitioning at all is a breach of military discipline. Had the officers of the Line petitioned, — as they might well have done, — with a view to their being put on a footing of equality with the Guards, they would have been immediately called mutinous, and would have been punished for such a combination. The prayer of the Guards Memorial having been refused. Colonel Lindsay, by this memorandum upon it, is doing worse than petitioning ; for he is agitating after a refusal, which is a most unmili- tary proceeding. Colonel Lindsay begins by ad- mitting that the former arrangement was unjust, and that the new one had for its object to repair this injustice. He only complains that it does this too effectually ; he thinks that all the captains and lieutenant-colonels of the Guards, who had served three years in that rank at the period fixed by authority for the introduction of the new system, should have been made full colonels, as were those officers of the Line who had commanded regiments for that length of time — taking no account of the different degrees of military knowledge possessed by men who had commanded battalions of the Line, compared with that of those who had only commanded companies of the Guards. He talks of the higher price of commissions in the Guards; but he does not mention what XX PREFACE. the difference of the price is ; ihatj in the rank of lieutenant -colonel, I beg to record; it is just 260Z., — no such mighty matter, considering that their pay is much larger than that of lieutenant- colonels commanding battalions of the Line, and that the officers of the Guards, on an average, which I once struck, attain that position in about fourteen years ; while the average in the Line was twenty-five years. I have no books or documents here; but the averages I quote I remember were struck from a Blue-book which contained the aver- age length of service completed by officers of the Guards and of the Line before they got command of battalions ; the average length of time before the Guards officers became captains and lieuten- ant - colonels was omitted ; but I thought it of consequence, and found it to be about fourteen years. The average, if taken now, after this active war, will, I suppose, be lower in both services; some young officers of the Guards have lately be- come captains in their regiments, and lieutenant- colonels in the Army, in seven or eight years' service. Colonel Lindsay does not take any account of the bad climate, and the banishment to the Colo- nies, which is the lot of the Line ; in fact, he calls PREFACE. XXI out that the Guards have a right to a vested in- justice. I, who have served in the Crimea and in the trenches with the Guards, have seen the con- sequences of this rank of Heutenant-colonel being held by the captains of the Guards. These officers, instead of doing captains' duty, were put on the roster of field-officers : they were senior in rank to all majors of the Line ; and I have seen a youth of eight years' service detailed to com- mand 2000 men in the trenches for twenty-four hours, and before such an enemy as the Russians. This practice became so notoriously improper, that the commanding officer of the brigade of Guards was obliged to break the roster, and put older officers on duty out of their turn ; which is quite contrary to the custom of the service. The real remedy is to take away fi'om the Guards the absurd and monstrous privilege of holding the rank of lieutenant-colonel while they are in reality only captains, and captains of companies for the discipline of which they are not responsible. Colonel Lindsay says nothing about this rank qualifying the captains in the Guards to hold certain staff-appointments, which lead, in three years, to the rank of full colonel ; while lieute- nant-colonels commanding battalions of the Line cannot hold them without going on half-pay ; and b XXll PREFACE, he overlooked the condition of this Army,* in which there are at present three battalions of the Guards, and about fifty battalions of the Line, out of which the Guards furnish the Commander- in-Chief, the Cliief of the Staff, the general offi- cers commanding two divisions and two brigades ; totalj six general officers, besides numerous other staff-appointments. They also furnished the pre- vious Commander - in - Chief. There are seven battalions of the Guards altogether, and they have about 80 officers of or above the rank of lieutenant - colonel ; while the whole 112 batta- lions of the Line have not, at the outside, more than about 190. A common rule-of-three sum will show that the proper proportion which seven battalions of the Guards ought to have would be only twelve officers of this rank. These 80 field-officers compete with the 190 of the Line for all staff-appointments, and with the greater suc- cess, because so many officers of the Guards are highly connected, and are known to the authorities from their being always in London ; besides which the Guards form a clique, — they are banded to- gether by the strongest ties of self-interest and personal friendship; and, from their wide-spread * viz. the Army in the Crimea. PREFACE. XXlll relations with the all-powerful British aristocracy and plutocracy, they compose a very formidable political body, combining as one man in defence of their privileges, and blinded by habit to the injustice of their possessing any such advantages. As to Colonel Lindsay's second point, viz. that, from the average he goes upon, the future lieutenant - colonels of the Guards will have to serv^e ten years at least as captains and lieutenant- colonels before they become fiill colonels, I am contented to hear that is the case. They will become captains and lieutenant-colonels in about fourteen years ; ten more will make them full colonels : total, twenty - four years' service ; — whereas the lieutenant-colonels of the Line will, on an average, only obtain the rank of lieutenant- colonel after twenty -five years' service, after which they must serve three years to become full colonels: total, twenty -eight years' service, all over the world; while the officers of the Guards will have spent their time, when not on leave, or on active service before the enemy, in parading at St. James's or Windsor. If I could hope to bring the case fiilly and clearly, and in a popular form, before the nation, I should consider that I had laid the axe to the root of this enormity. It will not bear looking XXIV PREFACE. into. The Guards have committed an act of folly in preferring their petition. The difficulty is the want of a soldier in the House who knows the details and the working of the system ; one who at the same time has the ear of the House, and who does not care for court favour. An attack on the Guards will be construed, however unjustly, into an attack on the Queen, as it certainly is one on the aristocracy." The sufferings of the Army were at one time very great, and it is now decided to lay them on the system ; and that, I think, is the most gener- ous and most manly view to take of the case. Let us try to do better next time. But, in order to show that sufferings are not unusual in war, I will here print some extracts from an interesting old letter in my possession, dated New York, 20th November 1780, written by Lieutenant Colin Campbell, of the 74th Highlanders, who was after- wards killed by the Red Indians. He had been engaged to my grandmother ; and his Letter has thus been preserved. "New York, 20th November 1780. * * * a J embarked about the beginning of June last at Charlestown for this place with his Excellency General Clinton, the British Light PREFACE. XXV Infantrjj the Hessian Yaggers, the British and Hessian Grenadiers, the 42d Regimentj Queen's Rangers, &c., amounting to 5000 men, In trans- ports convoyed by Admiral Arbuthnot. We had fine weather and an agreeable passage. Wlienever we landed here, I was obliged (on the 21st of June) to get a billet and retire to sick quarters in this town, where I have remained ever since. I informed Kitty in my letter above mentioned that I had a violent attack of the fever and ague about the conclusion of the siege of Charlestown. I was twice cured of it in South Carolina, once In the passage from thence hither; and I have had so many relapses since, that I have been cured no less than nine times in all of the same disorder In the course of this season ; tln'ee times of a flux, two of them bloody ; and, to conclude the catalogue of my calamities, I am now lately recovered of a smart high fever, which lasted only ten or twelve days. I was so harassed with the continual re- turns of these different ailments, that you can easily believe I had been at one particular time extremely reduced ; but neither my doctor, myself, or my friends ever despaired of my recovery ; and since the cold weather has set in, I have recruited so fast that I might already join the battalion and do duty with them, which at present Is very easy, XXVI . PREFACE. as they have gone into winter quarters at Bedford, in Long Island, about a mile and a half from the village of Brooklyn, immediately opposite to this town, which gives its name to the ferry from tlience to Long Island. I remain here only a few days longer, till my health and strength are perfectly established, which I may say is already the case. I would not consent tliat any of my friends who wrote to Isla should mention my being sick till I had it in my power to inform you of my perfect recovery : it could answer no purpose but to make you imeasy. I flatter myself that my friends still entertain so much regard for me that the know- ledge of such an event would give them a little concern. I did not wish to put any of them to the trial ; it would be an ungenerous experiment. Though I had the misfortune of being very much indisposed both last year and this for a long series of time, I cannot help congratulating myself on the uncommon good luck of its happening at times when the Light Infantry, and consequently the whole Army here, were quite unemployed and dis- engaged from field service. The campaign (1779) was short, and ended early in August. It was not till our Army was ordered within our lines at King's Bridge that I was taken iU (as I formerly wrote home). The embarkation for South Caro- PKEFACE. XXVll lina occasioned the first movement of our troops. I got well in time enough to accompany them, and not much sooner. I never was better than during that very fatiguing expedition, and till about the end of the siege of Charlestown ; but in traversing the woods of that country for six or eight weeks, without bed, tent, or any other cover than a great- coat against the cold dew and sometimes frosts of the nights, or against the excessive rains or scorch- ing heat of the days in that climate ; and for near six weeks more at the siege lying in the open air, except the last fortnight only, at which time we got tents, and then, as well as before, twenty-four hours on duty in the trenches for every forty-eight hours we were off duty, whether cold, hot, wet, or dry, all of which we frequently experienced in the extreme before we were relieved, — this was too much for most constitutions to bear unhurt ; mine, I confess, was not proof against it, as I have al- ready informed you. I may also declare that for ten weeks after landing in South Carolina the lltli February last, I had neither my clothes or side- arms off, except while shifting, or never lay down to sleep without my fuzee stretched alongside of me, or within my arms, ready to start up with it to the first sound of the bugle horn, which the Light Infantry use instead of a, drum. It re- XXVIU PREFACE. sembles a huntsman's horn, and by different notes, easily distinguished, loudly expresses the different words of command, to be heard at two miles distance ; twelve or fifteen of them together make the most lofty warlike music in the world. With these I have known the whole Light Infantry roused at one o'clock in the morning on a sudden alarm, formed, and ready for action within the short space of three minutes from the time of their being in a profound sleep aft^r a fatiguing march; and tx) the honour of these brave fellows be it told, not one man of a company in the whole battalion missing. The pleasure, the happmess of being on actual service with such delightful fel- lows is inexpressible. Toil and hardsliips alongst with them lose those names, and are soft^ened into agreeable amusements. A man's constitution may not always be equal to support a variety of such diversions oft;en repeated ; but his inclination can never fail him. Some time after our arrival from the southward in this province, it was known that a small squadron of French ships of the line, with 4000 or 5000 men, had taken possession of Rhode Island. It seemed to be the resolution both of Admiral Arbuthnot and of General Clinton, with the fleet here, and with a considerable part of the army, to make a vigorous attack upon them and PREFACE. XXIX their rebel allies in that post. Our fleet sailed directly, and are still stationed in view of that place. The troops designed for this service also embarked; the Light Infantry were a part of them ; but I was so ill of the fever and ague I could not attempt to leave my sick quarters, and for the first time had the mortification to be left behind when the battalions of Light Infantry were going upon any expedition. But kind Providence favoured me beyond my expectations. I heard in a few days that the expedition was countermanded, and that the troops had disembarked. I supposed it was for the good of the service, or it would not have happened so ; and I could not help being extremely well pleased. Now, God be praised ! I am able to accompany them wherever they go, if their first movement should take place to-morrow ; and I have had such a thorough seasoning last year and this one, both to the northward and southward of this extensive continent, that I have reason to hope that the severest service or the most intemperate climate cannot hurt me during the continuance of this war." * * * At this period (1780), there were not, I sup- pose, means of communicating so easily home as we have now, and the Press had not such a cir- XXX PREFACE. s dilation as to spread alarm and despair over the whole country. We have now arrived at a new order of things, which we cannot alter ; and I have said so much about the Press, in the hope that in future wars the correspondents will be considerate of the consequences of their communications, -and that during the military operations they will re- frain, and endeavour to restrain the curiosity of their readers, from insisting on so much publicity to our disasters, if we should unfortunately have any ; and, above all, that they will look to the danger of attacking the conduct of a general while at the head of his army, and conducting operations in the field. I have said enough to show that I myself am a military reformer. There is now a new plan, I am told, nearly ready, whereby it will be secured that all the officers of the Army shall be educated for their profession. Tliis is a step in the right direction. Many years ago — more than twenty years ago — I had occasion to wait upon Lord Fitz- roy Somerset, afterwards Lord Raglan : he was then Military Secretary. Lord Fitzroy was a very clever man, and one of the most poHte and urbane gentlemen in Europe. In the course of conversa- tion, I took the opportunity of stating to his Lord- ship that the officers of the English Army required to be educated. He differed with me altogether PREFACE. XXXI on this point, and said they were sufficiently ex- amined before they got their commissions. As I knew more than one who could not write a decent letter, I stuck to my opinion, and Lord Fitzroy got rather angry and dismissed me. Who can say how much might have been accomplished during these twenty years if I had then been listened to ? I have lived to see an order that all officers shall be examined for their commissions and for their promotions ; it has indeed been hitherto very im- perfectly carried out. I believe that his Eoyal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, the present Commander-in-Chief, is impressed with the neces- sity of educating the officers, and of forwarding many army reforms; but he will require to be backed by public opinion. Routine must ever rule in offices and among heads of departments, who cannot help feeling a disinclination to change. Besides which, there are questions wliich do not precisely come under the head of education, nor strictly under that of reform. The very existing regulations require to be more faithfully attended to. The officers, besides being instructed, must be forced to work ; and the whole tone of the Army must undergo a complete change before this ugly dull word, "work," will bo looked upon as the mainstay of the profession. It is not XXXU PREFACE. flaunting about in a red coat which makes the officer ; it is an earnest attention to very minute and tiresome details connected with the soldier's welfare. Truly there is a mighty field for reform, on which many a contest will take place before the reform itself will be attained. On a careful examination of our regiments, there will be found generally a specious outward show, but which, when thoroughly looked into, will prove to be only a mask for constant and pro- voking idleness, and disregard of the most essential portions of interior economy. Many of the officers know nothing, or next to nothing, of their profes- sion, or even of the first rudiments of drill. The provisions of the Circular Memorandum of the 4th July 1851 have been a dead letter, even as to mili- tary instruction; and no machinery has existed, till this year, for carrying out the educational parts of that memorandum. In order to induce the younger officers to pay attention to this instruction, it will be advisable that the examination previous to promotion should be made a honafide test of the officer's knowledge, which it certainly has not been hitherto, at least in all cases ; as I lately met a lieutenant who did not know the length of a pace, or the number of paces taken per minute in quick time ; who, in PREFACE. XXXlll short, knew nothing at all. Of course his exami- nation for promotion to captain, which he had passed, must have been a mere pretence; such officers should be kept at drill and instruction till they are able to pass a strict examination; and should they, after a fixed period, fail to make them- selves competent, it is to be considered that the matters upon which they are required to be thor- oughly informed are of such a nature, that they may be comprehended by any one who can com- prehend any thing ; and that being the case, a per- severing disregard of mstruction may justly, in the end, entail on the officer guilty of it the penalty of losing the commission, which he did not think it worth while to qualify himself for holding. The fact is, that her Majesty's regulations are as nearly perfect as any code we can hope to see ; the real difficulty is, to have them strictly and faith- fully attended to. For the most part our young officers do not obey the regulations with real zeal, as if they took an interest in the performance of the duty; their main endeavour seems to be to avoid trouble ; they do just enough to save their consciences, and to be able to say that they performed their task, caring not how badly, or with how little benefit to the service. These officers require to be taught that XXXIV PREFACE. they hold their commissions for the good of the service ; that they are placed in the Army to be made a convenience of, and to instruct themselves with a view to their becoming fit to be worked for the advantage of their men. Those who read these pages, if they judge aright, will perceive that the writer was writing the truth ; that his object has been to give honest information, and to assist so far as he could the amelioration of our Army, by explaining in sim- ple language many matters which must otherwise remain dark to unmilitary persons. For this ob- ject ho has ventured to make statements which may expose him to the animosity of the most powerful people in the country. His only aim has been the hope of doing some good, and of improving the profession to which he belongs, and which he loves. The people who sent so many Commissioners to the Crimea, where they were of no use whatever, should be thankful for the endeavour. With respect to the commissariat, which has been sufficiently abused, I have to say, that when- ever and wherever a really good commissariat officer was met with, he was always treated with respect, — and there were many such sent into the Ai'my; but there were others as bad as the first were good. The gentlemen who held the superior PREFACE. XXXV situations, such as Mr. Drake, Mr. Carpenter, and Mr. Young, were, I am certain, both hked and respected by every one who knew them, or who had to transact business with them. As a friend of mine remarks with great truth : " The commissariat is the stomach of the Army. Without it, or with an inefficient one, the Line and the Artillery (the limbs) are worthless. Therefore it ought to be the aim of every sensible officer to support the commissary, to claim for him aid and respect, instead of running him doAvn. With the commissariat there should be included all the non-combatant branches of the service. At present it is the fashion for fighting men to sneer at these, as if they were troublesome servants, un- endowed with the pluck on which they, the fight- ing men, build up their claims to honour and reward. Now there is no reason why a commis- sary should not have as much pluck as a lieuten- ant of the Line ; and there is very good reason why he should be better educated. In fact he ought, for the efficiency of the public service, to be the best animal of the two." So says my friend, and so say I. But it is to be remarked, that if there were sundry unprofit- able lieutenants, so there were also unprofitable commissaries ; and there did not exist equal means XXXVl PREFACE. of keeping them in order. Why, I have known a commissary accuse a regiment of being trouble- some because they objected to his unsound wares ; and I have known a commissary threaten a quar- termaster who refused his meat, that he would not show him any favour again. Favour from a com- missary ! The very idea is disgraceful. To favour one, he must rob another. What we wanted with our Army was not merely accomplished account- ants, but also a number of young, active, skilful underlings, provided with butchers and drovers not picked out of the regiments, but belonging to the commissariat corps. The commissaries invariably complained that they could procure no men of this sort on whom they could rely, except from the Army. Now our Army is not numerous enough to furnish all these civilians. It is only a question of giving pay enough : the precious estimates would appear to run up ; but the commissary never cal- culated what the soldier whom he took out of the ranks had cost, and was costing the country. In addition to this very brief introduction, I have thought that the following Letters would in some places be elucidated by a few explanatory remarks, which I have made as short and simple as I possibly could. LondoHj October 1857. CONTENTS. PAGE General statement of Author's antecedents, with some remarks as to the arrangements for his going to the Army in Turkey 1 Letter I. 29th April, 1854, Scutari. Account of the voy- age, and condition of things •. . . 4 Some remarks previous to Letters 11. and m. 8 „ II. 4th May, Ibid. Highland Brigade instituted . 10 „ III. 10th May, Ibid. Arrival of regiments. Ball at Pera 14 A few remarks previous to Letter IV. . . 15 „ IV. 15th May, Ibid. Baggage animals and servants. Life in camp 15 „ V. 20th May, Ibid. Sweet Waters. Prospects of the war 17 „ VL 28th May, Ibid. To Varna. Staff-officers. A job 20 „ VII. 4th June, Ibid. In tents. Mini6 rifles ; no more stocks. Privileges . . . .24 „ VIII. 10th June, Ibid. Composition of Staff . . 28 Some remarks previous to Letter IX. . . 29 „ IX. 16th June, Vai-na. Account of landing in Bul- garia, and position of camp at Varna . 31 „ X. 21st June, Ibid. Troops in camp. No trans- port. Light Division. English Officers . 33 Remarks previous to Letter XI. Ovid's exile. St. Arnaud 34 „ XI. 25th June, Ibid. Russians leave Silistria. A Parson's woes. Arabs . . . .37 C XXXVUl CONTENTS. PAOl Letter XIT. 4th July, 1854, Aladeen. A storm. Omar Pasha. Talk of an armistice. Outlying picket 45 „ Xm. 9th July, Ibid. No fighting. A tent-life . 46 „ XIV. 16th July, Ibid. Patrol to Danube. Where shall we go? Siege-train at Varna. Com- missaries. "Weather and sickness. Sebas- topol 48 „ XV. 23d July, Ibid. Last from Aladeen ; march to-morrow 54 „ XVI. 28th July, Gevrekler. New camp. Beards. A Brigade order. Rains into tent . . 55 „ XVn. 4th August, Ibid, Motionless. Disease . 57 „ XVm. 8th August, Ibid. Sickness. Gabions. Cap- tain Butler 59 „ XIX. ^5th August, Ibid. We are going some- where. Colonel Elliot. A Sonnet. Not • to carry packs. Rights of women . . 61 „ XX. 18th August, Ibid. Back to Varna. A gentleman 66 „ XXI. 24th August, Camp, Galata Bomu. Begin to embark. Climate. Guards sickly. Right in front 69 „ XXn. 28th August, Ibid. A bird of prey. Prac- tical jokes 72 Some remarks previous to Letters XXIII. and XXIV. A Proclamation . . 74 „ XXIII. 2d September, Steamer Emeu. Orders. Historical fact. Going to take the plunge 75 „ XXTV. 8th to 13th September, at Sea. Fleet at sea. Where shall we land ? Brigadiers. Prepare to land 77 „ XXV. 18th September, Camp near Lake Touzla, Crimea. Landed. A water-barrel . 81 „ *XXV. 21st September. Sir C. Campbell's despatch ofAhna 82 Some remarks previous to Letter XXVl. . 86 CONTENTS. XXXIX PAGE Lettek XXYI. 21st September, 1854, Field of Battle of the Alma. The Battle ... 87 Remarks previous to Letter XXVII., and about flank-march . . . .91 „ XXVII. 28th September, Bivouac, Balaklava. Ka- dikoi gutted. About the Battle of the Alma 92 „ XXVin. 3d October, Bivouac before Sebastopol. Tents. General statement of condition of affairs. No excuse . . . .95 XXIX. 4th October, Ibid. Losses. A difficulty. No vegetables. War's romance. A skir- mish. Send more men. Hemmed in 97 „ XXX. 12th October, Camp before Sebastopol. Working parties. A crocus. Bank and file 104 Kemarks previous to Letter XXXI. Sir C. Campbell sent to Balaklava . .107 „ XXXI. 17th October, Camp in front of Balaklava. Among the Turks. State of things in front of Balaklava: men; food; powder 108 „ XXXII. 22d October, Ibid. Threatened. The re- doubts questionable. Correspondents. Lancaster shells Ill Remarks previous to Letter XXXIII. about action of Balaklava . . . .114 „ XXXIII. 27th October, Ibid. Battle of Balaklava. " 93d, you must die there." The un- lucky charge 117 „ XXXrV. 27th October, Camp, Battery No. 4, Bala- klava. Sir Colin Campbell's despatch about the action of Balaklava . .121 „ XXXV. 2d November, Ibid. Mail-bags. LordEag- lan to Sir Colin Campbell: 93d; and generally about the battle . . . 123 Remarks about Captain Anitschkoff's book, and about the position of the allied troops and the Battle of lukermaun . 127 Xl CONTEin'S. PAOB Strength of English engaged . . . 143 Letter XXXVI. 7th November, 1854, Camp, Battery No. 4, in front of Balaklava. Battle of In- kermann. On the watch . . . 145 References to Plans .... 148 „ XXXVII. 12th November, Ibid. Lines of Balaklava. Siege arrested. Dirt .... 149 „ XXXVni. 17th November, Ibid. The hurricane. Damages. Want men. Comparison 151 „ XXXIX. 22d November, Ibid, inwards. Military surgeons 155 „ XL. 27th November, Ibid. We will not fail. Nightingale. " Gang through" . J58 „ XLI. 2d December, Ibid. In bed. Officers getting leave. New clothes. Flags of truce 161 „ XLU. 7th December, Ibid. Russians retire over Chemaya. Send carts . .165 „ XLin. 11th December, Ibid. Military establish- ments. Mistaken appointments. No transport. Misconception of orders . 167 „ XLTV. 17th December, Ibid. Stable falls down. Wood scarce 172 „ XLV. 2l8t December, Ibid. Sebastopol will be a long job. Cossack vidette. Peace Society 174 XLVI. 22d to 27th December, Ibid. Rain. X. and Y. not well received in London. C. gets a regiment. Peto*8 men come * to make railway. Guns going up to siege. Shakespeare . . . .177 „ XLVn. 31st December, Ibid. Author's watch. Snow. Nicholas will not give in, except upon compulsion . . 180 „ XLVin. 4th to 5th January, 1855, Ibid. Freez- ing. Want of transport. Wooden houses. Cavalry horses dying. Hard- ships. No starvation. Omar Pasha 182 CONTENTS. xli TAGB Letter XLIX. 7th January, 1855, Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava. Freezing. Biscuit and rum. Cutting at White's . . . .186 „ L. 10th to 11th and 12 th January, Ibid. Suf- ferings at siege ; men crying. Telling the truth. French carry up our shells. Decrease of numbers .... 188 „ LI. 15th January, Ibid. Times attacks head- quarter people. Snow two feet deep. Fuel. Turks dying, and even deserting, C. not responsible for the state of Balar klava. Age of generals . . . 194 „ LII. 18th January, Ibid. A watch-case. Eupa- toria 199 „ LIII. 22d January, Ibid. Papers attack Lord Raglan. A War-minister . . . 200 „ LIV. 23d, 25th, and 26th January, Ibid. An Anglo -Parisian. Siege of Antwerp. Staff questions. A wagon-train. Star- vation or stealing. French take our right attack. Cromwell. Chollet's vegetables. The four points. . . 202 „ LV. 29th January, Ibid. Concerning railway. Crimean Fund 210 „ LVI. 1st February, Ibid. Preserve Letters. Kep- pel. Mines. Admiral Boxer. Parcels. The main fault 213 „ LVII. 8th February, Ibid. Watch arrives. Push- ing on. Attacks on Lord Raglan. For- mer poverty of Author's family. Eau de rose 218 „ LVIII. 12th February, Ibid. Ruskin and the White Cottage. Dukes. Railway versus road 222 „ LIX. 14th February, Ibid. Lord Lucan recalled. Niel looks grave. Number of men taken as nurses by Miss Nightingale. Spec- tacles 225 xlii CONTENTS. PASB Lettee LX. 19th February, 1855, Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava. Attack on Eupatoria. Rail- way progresses. Presents for the men. Healthiness of climate . . . . 231 „ LXI. 21st February, Ibid. A recounoissance, and a bad night. The first snow-drop . 234 „ LXn. 25th February, Ibid. French repulse. Bri- gade of Guards come to Balaklava. A navvy flogged 239 „ LXIII. Ist March, Ibid. Highlanders carry shot. Relative number of lieutenant-colonels in Guards and Line. Burying the Zouaves 241 „ LXIV. 5th March, Ibid. Russian defences im- proved. Author gets a hut . . . 245 „ LXV. 8th March, Ibid. Death of the Czar. Offi- cering the army. C. placed in com- mand of Balaklava 246 „ LXVI. 9th March, Ibid. Peelites out. Indian troops. Reports in Balaklava . 250 „ LXVII. 12th March, Ibid. Russians making ad- vanced works. Canrobert. The devil. General Simpson. Plans for putting Balaklava to rights ,253 „ LXVin. 15th March, Ibid. Lord Raglan deserted. Sir John M'Neill and Colonel Tulloch. A " reverse." Cutting gabions. French and English trenches joined . . 256 „ LXIX. 17th March, Ibid. Investigation. Ante- dating rank. LordLucan, Miss Night- ingale. Purchase 260 „ LXX. 19th March, Ibid. Visit to Bosquet. Chiefs nervous. Bright and Cobden. Miss Nightingale 265 „ LXXI. 23d March, Ibid. Rifle-pits. Investigation : Lord Lucan and Lord Raglan. M. Pas- cal Poupon. Miss Nightingale . . 270 „ LXXn. 25th March, Ibid. Sortie. Mamelon. Rocky ground. Balaklava .... 274 CONTENTS. xliii Lettek LXXIII. 26th March, 1855, Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava. Kamschatka redoubt. Treachery, Health of Guards and Highlanders. Arresting a commis- sary. Porter 278 „ LXXIV. 2d April, Ibid. In French trenches. Com- missioners. A photographer puzzled 282 LXXV. 4th April, Ibid. Two old ladies; their last spoon . . . ... . 284 „ LXXVI. 9th April, Ibid. Battering. Cubitt and Peto. Just what was lacking . . 286 „ LXXVn. 13th April, Ibid. A Court of Inquiry. Indian officers sent out. Purchase . 289 „ LXXVIII. 15th April, Ibid. Hard work and suffer- ing in war. Local rank . . 292 „ LXXIX. 20th April, Ibid. Woolwich and Chat- ham. Omar Pasha makes a recon- noissance 295 „ LXXX. 23d April, Ibid. More Kussians. Koe- buck's Commission . . . .299 „ LXXXI. 26th April, Ibid. Colonel Egerton. Rus- sia one conscript. Thor's hammer. Judicial blindness. Miss Nightingale. Geographical meeting . . .301 „ LXXXII. 29th April, Ibid. Positions of the Russian army ; their numbers. Numbers of the Allies 306 „ LXXXIII. 4th May, Ibid. Expedition to Kertsch. Vexation of C. Quakers' non-resist- ance. Cossack or Republican . . 308 „ LXXXIV. 7th May, Ibid. Expedition to Kertsch Stopped. C. applies to be relieved from the charge of Balaklava . . 312 „ LXXXV. 11th May, Ibid. Piedmontese arrive; also Miss Nightingale. Sick order- lies 313 „ LXXXVI. 14th May, Ibid. Promotions by brevet. Duke of Newcastle coming .317 xliv CONTENTS. PAOB Lettek LXXXVII. 16th May, 1855, Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, Roebuck's Commit- tee. Layard, Lord Burghersh, and Arthur Hardinge. Relative pay of Guards and Line. Advantages of their rank. Colonels Cameron and Sterling. Indian officers . .319 „ LXXXVm. 21st May, Ibid. Canrobert displaced. The good things in India must now be opened to Line officers. Expedi- tion to Kertsch embarks again . 325 „ LXXXIX. 24th May, Ibid. Advance of Omar Pasha and General Delia Marmora 329 „ XC. 28th May, Ibid. News of the fall of Kertsch 331 „ XCI. 30th May, Ibid. Overthrow of the Board of Ordnance. More troops sent to Kerfcsch .... 334 „ XCU. 5th June, Ibid. More captures in the Sea of Azov 339 „ XCm. 8th June, Ibid. Quarries taken ; also the Mamelon 340 „ XCrV. 12 th June, Ibid. Anapa abandoned by the Russians. French loss. Ful- minating tubes .... 342 „ XCV. 15th June, Ibid. Highland Brigade ordered up to the siege. The Times, C, and the Commandant. Some remarks on this Letter . 346 „ XCVI. 19th June, Camp before Sebastopol. The failure of both attacks ; losses. The chaplains .... 350 „ XCVn. 22d June, Ibid. The story of the fail- ure. General Eyre. Water. Cod- rington 352 XCVIU. 26th June, Ibid. Cholera. Times and Colonel Gordon. Captain Lyons dead 357 CONTENTS. xlv PAGE Lettee XCIX, 29th June, 1855, Camp before Sebastopol. Death of Lord Kaglau. Speculations as to the new Commander-in-chief . . 360 „ C. 3d July, Ibid. Selection system . . 364 „ CI. 6th July, Ibid. The senior Officer is made Commander-in-chief. Eeflections on the Promotion List. Sapping towards the Malakoff*. " Take care of my nephew" 366 „ CII. 12th July, Ibid. A night in the trenches. Diff'erent arrangements in the French and English armies .... 370 „ cm. 17th July, Ibid. The new Adjutant-General 374 „ CIV. 20th July, Ibid. General Simpson, Bar- nard, &c 377 „ CV. 27th July, Ibid. Made a C.B. Our four Sen- iors. Koebuck and my father. The pains 379 „ CVI. 3d August, Ibid. Intrigues. Remonstrance. Trench duty ..:... 384 „ CVII. 10th August, Ibid. A Conference. Cholera. Captain Osborne 390 „ CVIII. 14th August, Ibid. 40,000 Grenadiers. Major Hugh Drummond. Hauling down First Division Flag .... 393 „ CIX. 17th August, Ibid. Battle of the Cheraaya. The field of battle. Daily losses . . 396 „ ex. 20th August, Ibid. St. Andrew's Cross. Proportion of Divisions and Brigades held by Guards and Line. Army chap- lains plundering 400 „ CXI. 27th August, Camp, Kamara. Moved down to Kamara. Position of troops. Homer or Punch 403 „ CXII. 31st August, Ibid. Tracts. Sidney Smith. Simpson and Barnard ..... 406 „ CXIII. 6th September, Ibid. My final protest. Ordered up the next day for the assault. Major Rankin ; and general remarks on the assault 408 Xlvi CONTENTS. PAOB Letter CXIV. 10th September, 1855, Camp, Kamara. The assault 419 „ CXV. 14th September, Ibid. Various after the assault. C. oflFered Malta. General Vinoy 423 „ CXVI. 18th September, Ibid. W. Mansfield. The assault. Rumley and Cameron . .427 „ CXVII. 21st September, Ibid. Reembarking siege- guns. A prediction .... 430 „ CXVni. 24th September, Ibid. Baidar. Young generals over old ones . . . 432 „ CXIX. 29th September, Ibid. Russians hutting. Who is to be the new Commander-in- chief? C. will go to Loudon . . 435 „ CXX. 2d October, Ibid. Enemy firing across the harbour 438 „ CXXI. 6th October, Ibid. General Yorke's answer to my Letter. Expedition to Kinbourn. M. Paul Ranguis 440 „ CXXII. 8th October, Jbid. Highland Division pre- paring to hut 444 „ CXXIII. 12th October, Ibid. Catching Tartars, and bringing up the huts. The chapter of accidents 445 „ CXXIV. 15th October, Ibid. On the arrangements for the assault. Colonel Wetherall . 448 „ CXXV. 19th October, Ibid. Colonel, Sterling to Editor of Times 450 „ CXXVI. 22d October, Ibid. General Windham. A traverse. A book-maker . . . 456 „ CXXVn. 27th October, Ibid. Urgent private af- fairs 458 „ CXXVm. 30th October, Ibid. Into a new camp . 459 „ CXXIX. 2d November, Ibid. Leave of absence. C. goes away. Classe dangerense . . 460 „ CXXX. 5th November, Ibid. Selling oflf . . 462 „ CXXXI. 20th November, 1855, Malta. Times on C. Molesworth 463 CONTENTS. xlvii PAGE Letter CXXXII. 29th November, 1855, Malta. Compli- mented on my Letter, C, Lords Panmure and Hardinge. Queen per- suades C. to return . . . . 464 EXTRACTS FEOM LETTERS AFTER RETURN TO CRIMEA; Commencing 17th February, ending Sth May, 1856. C. was promised the command of a Corps-d'Arm§e . . 467 C.'s Letter to Editor of Morning Chronicle .... 473 Breakfast with Marshal Pelissier 475 My hut burned down 480 Anecdote about Alexander the Great 484 Ride to Bakchi-Serai 487 Verses on the Peace ........ 489 Williams of Kars 491 C.'s intended oration to OTd Highland Brigade . . 493 Emigration of Tartars 496 Embarkation of myself 496 LIST OF PLANS. Varna Camp at Aladeen .... Chart of the Black Sea . . . Plan of the Battle of the Alma „ „ Ground around Balaklava „ „ Battle of Balaklava . „ „ Battle of Inkermann „ „ Ground around Kadikoi . Landscape Outline of the Lines of Balaklava Plan of Ground round Balaklata, Kamara, &c. Plan, with Malakofif, Mamelon, and Redan ; progress of Trenches „ New Works of French, English, and| Russians ...... j „ Progress of Trenches „ Reconnoissance of Omar Pasha „ MalakoflF, Redan ; progress of Trenches „ Advance of the Allied Armies, 25th'j May, 1855 j „ Progress of the Trenches . „ General View of the Operations an;i to face page 31 . » 41 between 80-81 86-87 „ 108-109 „ 116-117 „ 144-145 „ 148-149 „ 148-149 „ 212-213 „ 270-271 to face page 278 . . „ 282 between 296-297 . „ 302-303 330-331 354-355 396-397 LETTEES FEOM THE CEIMEA. It is to be borne in mind tbat the author of the following Letters had virtually retired from military service on the 28th November ] 843, when he resigned his staiF-appointment of Deputy-Assistant Adjutant- General in Dublin. He came to London, having pur- chased from his brother John the lease of a house in South Place, Knightsbridge. This house he expended cash upon for various improvements ; and in the garden thereof j&nally, in 1851, he built the White Cottage, which became a reception-room for hebdomadal meet- ings of his literary friends. He was thus unemployed in the military way for about ten years, viz. from 1844 to 1854, or from his thirty-ninth to his forty- ninth year. In the spring of 1 853, his relation Sir Colin Campbell, the " C." of the Letters, came back from India with a high military character ; and in February 1854 this officer, still only a colonel, with forty-five years of active service, was offered the rank of Brigadier-General, and a command in the expedi- B 2 EXPLANATORY REMARKS. tion then planning for a war in the Levant. C. and S. had become intimate by this time ; and it was pro- posed by C, and accepted by S., that, if the military authorities agreed to it, S. should go out as Aide-de- Camp or Brigade-Major. After due negotiations at the Horse Guards, it was finally settled that Captain Sterling should be Brigade-Major to Brigadier-General Sir C. Campbell. From memoranda extant in certain pocket-books, it appears that Sir C. Campbell and his staff, viz. his brigade-major and his aide-de-camp — Captain Shadwell, son of Sir Lancelot — went to Woolwich on the 3d April 1854, and embarked with their servants and horses on board the Tonning, a steamer with Morgan's feathering paddles ; the said vessel had been plying from Hull to Tonning for the conveyance of cattle ; and the cabins, which had been constructed for the cattle-dealers, were now used for general officers and their subordinates. Sir Colin and his Brigade-Major shared a very small one between them. Brigade-Generals Eyre and Pennefather had their passage in the same vessel, which started from Woolwich at 2 a.m. on the 5th of April (Wednesday). The Morgan's paddles came to grief, and the larboard one struck work altogether, on Easter Sunday, 16th April, two days before the Tonning entered Malta har- bour. It is only fair to the said Morgan that it should be remembered that his principle was good ; the failure was in the details : the points or ends of the rods EXPLANATORY REMARKS. 6 belonging to the eccentric or feathering apparatus (technically, bearings) were at first made too short. In the recently -constructed paddles these bearings have been lengthened, and such accidents as occurred to the Tonning are now, it is understood, not to be apprehended. This Letter I. notices one from Malta, which it seems was lost in the post-office. It probably gave an account of the voyage with and without paddles, and distances run, as well as the touch at Gibraltar and delay there of twenty-four hours. At Gallipoli, on the European side of the Darda- nelles, the engineers were contriving a safe retreat, in case of the Russians advancing by Adrianople on Con- stantinople, and driving back the Allies, by making a line of fortification from the Gulf of Saros (ancient Melas) to the Dardanelles. This idea was apparently soon abandoned. The immense barrack spoken of was afterwards turned into an hospital ; and it is probable that Miss Nightingale occupied the very turret in which Sir C. Campbell and his stafi* were lodged during their sojourn at Scutari. The barrack was calculated to hold comfortably 5000 men, but would have given cover, if necessary, to double the number. CYCLADES Am) TROAD. LETTER I. Barracks, Scutari, Saturday, 29th April 1854. I WROTE to you, I think from Malta, a hurried note. We were only there for a few hours, and were towed out of the harbour by the Trent at 8 o'clock p.m., out paddles being quite hors de combat. On Friday we reached Cape Matapan, and came among the Cyclades, and poor Haidee was mourned over by the poetical part of the company. The weather was perfect. At 3 a.m. on Sunday morning (23d), I found myself near Tenedos ; a waning ^ loooonfr moon, the poor remnant of the moon we left England with, hung over the Trojan shore. At daylight we were quite close to Tenedos, and Ovid's contest between Ajax and Ulysses for the arms of Achilles rose again in memory : " Est in conspectu Tenedosy'' &c. We then saw the tumuli of Homer's heroes, and Sigseum, all dear to classical scholars. Entering the Dardanelles very striking. The cas- tles of Europe and Asia, Abydos, &c., all these lying before us. Gallipoli ! Most picturesque ; Avretched houses and miserable streets, with a motley population of Turks, French, and English. Here we received our orders to drop Brigadier Eyre and his staff, and proceed, as soon as we could get out their horses, on to Stamboul. ENTRENCHING THE OHEKSONESUS. 5 It appears that the French are to make a tre- mendous fortification, I believe to be revetted with brick, across the Chersonesus, about three miles long, situated one mile west of Boulahar, from the Gulf of Saros to the Dardanelles. This will make for the allies an impregnable fortress, as we shall have the sea on both sides entirely in our possession ; and in case of retreat, it will do for the Russians what the lines of Torres Vedras did for the French. We were much amused by the commanding officer here, who is a great disciplinarian, writing to C. and mentioning that he observed that some of the staff-officers were nour- ishing mustachios, which he wished should be done away with. The only two guilty were officers of cavalry, who had a right to wear them ; one was a nice lad named : and C, who enjoys a joke, after laugh- ing heartily at the order, pretended he was going to shave the youth, who was desperately frightened, till he found it was only in fun. The English are to keep 5000 men for the present on the lines which are in process of construction at Gallipoli ; and the remainder of the army, it is be- lieved, will be employed in digging trenches about fifteen miles from Constantinople. We departed from Gallipoli at 10 A.M. on Mon- day (24th), and entered the Sea of Marmora ; on Tuesday morning, at daylight, we found ourselves Hearing the Bosphorus. The surpassing beauty of the b A TROUBLESOME " OULD OFFICER. approach to Stamboul I need not enlarge upon ; it is the proper situation for the capital of the world. Old C. found me very attentive to him on the voy- age, and the soldiers who were employed as a guard with us to keep order found Major S. very trouble- some. C. heard one of them saying to the other, " He is a wonderful ould man ; he only sleeps two hours, and smokes the other twenty- two." It was necessary to be vigilant with a vessel full of hay. We lost three horses on the passage ; all the rest are pretty welL On Wednesday morning we landed the horses and ourselves, and came into barracks, where I had scarcely arrived when I found our brigade — viz. the 1st Brigade, consisting for the present, that is, till Lord Raglan arrives, of the 7th and 23d Fusileers, and the 33d regiment — was in orders for all the duties of the camp and garrison ; and instead of being able to get my matters in any way arranged, I was forced to sit on a stone to write orders, and by night was fagged to death. Fancy being here within a mile (of water) from Stam- boul, and not having yet been able to go to see its wonders 1 The day after our horses landed, instead of allowing the poor things to rest and recover from their three weeks' standing, a field-day was ordered for the Seraskier, and we had to gallop about and leap over ditches. The army gets drunk, I am sorry to say, and has committed a few robberies. The food is good, that is PROVISIONS. 7 to say, lib. of tough beef and l^lb. of brown acid bread ; that is the diet of men and officers, with the exception of our lot ; for that provident " ould'' officer Major S. brought with him a quantity of preserved provisions from his yacht, the Viking, and has thus enabled his chief to distinguish himself by feeding the hungry. Strange to say, none of us have received our private letters or our newspapers, and we know of nothing about those who are so dear to us in our dis- tant home. The Terrible came in here yesterday from Odessa with the news of the bombarding there. I should much wish to have gone aboard, but had no time ; a ship just after an action coming to repair damages must be a curious sight. My hfe is very odd ; I am tired every day with walking and standing, so that my feet are quite sore. I am never, or scarcely ever, alone, and never safe from a demand for an order for some duty to be performed by the 1st Brigade ; day and night all come to me, so that I may be called the providence of 2500 men. In a few days it is very probable we may be moved into tents. Very soon we must know our fate, as I have just heard of Lord Raglan's arrival here. Nothing can be more picturesque than the situa- tion of our camp. An immense and beautiful bar- rack (square 230 yards to the side) crowns a hill close to the sea ; from this hill a sloping, undulated, grassy O BEAUTIES OF CAMP. descent leads down to a brook, which enters the Sea of Marmora about half a mile down the coast ; on the other side of the stream the ground again rises, and the view is closed by a green elevation, on which the Brigade of Guards is encamped, and behind their tents far off snowy Olympus of Asia Minor makes a silvery distance. On the right hand is the sea, with an island or two, and Stamboul, variegated and brilliant as the Arabian Nights. On the left, a long Turkish cemetery in a cypress grove, with its white Moslem tombstones upright, and mixed among the russet stems of the trees. The encampment stretches along the side of this space next to the sea, and all sorts of Oriental creatures go wandering and wondering at the Ferin- ghis. If perpetual worry and bodily fatigue be good for the soul, which may be doubtful, mine ought to be in prime condition ; but I do not enjoy it, and long to lie down and be at peace — a hopeless hope, alas I Bujuc Checmajee is a village at the entrance of a small bay on the south coast of Thrace, 18 miles west of Stamboul. Unkiar Skelessi is a village in Asia Minor, about half a mile north of Beicos Bay in the Bosphorus. At Unkiar Skelessi, in the spring of 1833, 16,000 Russian troops, under command of General Mouravieff, were encamped, to defend the EXPLANATORY REMARKS. y Porte from Ibrahim Pasha's attack. In May of that year Egypt was given up by the Sultan ; and on the 8th July 1833, the defensive alliance Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi was concluded between the Russians and Turks, which was considered to be a great blow to the English and French diplomatists ; for one con- dition of the treaty was, to bind the Turks to shut up the Dardanelles, in case of Russia being attacked by any European power. At the period when the 2d Letter was written every one supposed the Russians would try to advance in overwhelming numbers by Silistria, Schumla, and Adrianople, on Constantinople itself It will be observed that the author repeatedly refers to the impossibility of the army advancing for a long time. This was from want of transport mainly, which difficulty and the remedy had been very early pointed out to the Government by Mr. Layard, who had recommended purchasing animals in Asia Minor. Before the army embarked from Varna there had been collected a very fair proportion of animals, which were in charge of the brigades to which they belonged, but most of which remained in Bulgaria. The reference at the end of the letter to the French army having come provided with transport, and having baked bread within twenty-four hours after landing, is very significant. Letter III. is very short, and mentions the arrival of the 93d Highlanders, and that fifteen ofiicers were 10 THE HIGHLAND BRIGADE. sleeping in Sir C. Campbell's quarters, — it may be supposed only till they could get their tents pitched. LETTER II. Scutari, 4th May 1854. Mail after mail comes in, and no letters, nor even newspapers, which seems even more surprising than the fact of my being here. Since I wrote to you, the army has been definitively organised by Lord Raglan, who arrived on the 2d with his staff. Among other changes from Sir G. Brown's temporary arrangements, C. and Major S., his Brigade -Major, have been ap- pointed to the Highland Brigade, which is considered compUmentary to C, but is really a great disadvan- tage, as he will only be third in rank in the division, whereas in any other division he would have been second. The Highland Brigade is composed of the 42d, 79th, and 93d, the latter of which is at Gal- lipoh ; the other two not arrived from England, but expected daily. They will be the 2d Brigade of the 1st Division ; the Guards forming the 1st Brigade of the same under Prince George, — the Duke of Cam- bridge, I mean, — who no doubt will find C, from his great experience in the field, a most useful subaltern. As our brigade is not here, we shall have a day or tw^o to make our arrangements in Constantinople with regard to tents, &c. Prince Jerome is here, but no BUJUC CHECMAJEE. ] 1 French soldiers as yet. Lord Raglan has a hoUse in a small village close to the camp ; and I suppose will shortly give him a field-day. The engineer officers are hard at work surveying the ground at Bujuc Checmajee, where the lines are to be formed, about 18 miles west of Constantinople, to extend from the Sea of Marmora to the Black Sea ; the idea is, that the army, as soon as it is ready to move, will march to Unkiar Skelessi and camp there, sending a portion over into Europe by divisions, to camp on the lines and dig the entrenchments ; and I have reason to think that the Guards and Highlanders will go first. Meantime we have no news at all, except what comes round by Paris md Marseilles. We hear that Austria is about to occupy Servia ; if so, that will add much to Nicholas's difficulties, for it will disengage the Ka- lafat* troops. In fact, I do not see how it is possible, with an Austrian army on his right flank, and our fleet on his left, with an allied French and English army in his front, he can advance at all, whatever be his numbers. He will therefore have to keep on the defensive, and let us do our worst. "We cannot ad- vance for a long time yet. It is understood that a portion of the French army will move up to Constan- tinople, on the European side of the Bosphorus. • Kalafat, a fortified Turkish camp on the left bank of the Danube, opposite Widdin. 12 LETTER-BAGS A LA TURQUE. 5th May, early in the morning. Last night I got a letter, the first I have received from England. While lying awake I observed a tre- mendous fire in Stamboul, which illuminated the whole sky. To-day we shall probably hear what mischief was done, but too late for the post, which goes off at 11. I heard yesterday the probable reason why my papers do not come ; it is that the mail-bags are all opened at the Custom-house, and the poor letters maltreated in the most Turkish manner, previously to sending them to the post-office. This will be remedied in the Turkish manner by a firman giving power to an agent appointed by us to seize the bags before they go to the Custom-house, and bring them away at once to the army. We sat about for a con- siderable time yesterday at Stamboul in the bazaar; the place where we were was dedicated to saddlery, leather bags, &c. What struck me most was the cheerful contented look of the people who were in the shops, and the total absence of beggars or of any appearance of misery. I also underwent the Turkish bath, and, on the whole, consider it the sight of Stamboul. The building being constructed for the purpose, I mean that in which I was, had in addition to its conveniences, a great deal of archi- tectural beauty ; it was more like a handsome church BATHS. FRENCH BAKING. 18 with chapels off it, than what we should call baths ; and the gentleness and graceful manners of the at- tendants made the hour pass away in a very pleasing sort of dream. Strictly speaking, at a Turkish bath there is no bath ; but warm water is splashed over you out of a saucer in a very hot room : I imagine it is a legacy left them by the luxurious Romans. The people in England are, I dare say, disappointed at the army for not having already taken Nicholas, or at least for not having hit him a hard blow some- where. From what I can see, I do not think it pos- sible we can take the field for these two months ; during which interval he may advance, if he dare. The further he moves from his supports the weaker he will be ; but I do not delude myself with the idea that the contest, should it really begin, will be a short one. The artillery horses are just beginning to arrive ; they seem to lose about four or five per cent ; there are 250 landed, and gone into barracks about three miles up the Bosphorus. The cavalry seem to be very slow in cqming forward ; there is a want of de- cision somewhere, and negligence too ; in truth, our army has never been kept on a proper establishment. The French Algerine army landed here with tents and transport and corn-mills, and baked bread for them- selves within twenty-four hours. We have nothing to complain of in the conduct of our men while they 14 FRENCH BALL. are sober ; when drunk they knock the Turks about ; so we flogged a man the other day to make an ex- ample. LETTER III. Scutari Barracks, 10th May 1854. Still here, as you will perceive from the date. The troops are gradually dropping in ; some horse artillery having arrived, also one of our Highland regiments (the 93d*), and the Rifles. We have had two days' rain ; and the kilted men and Rifles are all lying about the passages, and our quarters filled by fifteen officers sleeping on the floors. We were all asked to a grand ball at Pera at the French am- bassador's last night. I could not go, having too much to do ; but C. went, and has not yet returned. The strange part of this business to me is, that I am never alone, and never have time to do any thing I want ; the wants of my army being constant day and night. We know nothing here whatever ; our papers from London give us the only authentic news, and they have all gone astray for some reasons unknown. Our military prospects remain blank ; but I cannot help hoping still that something decisive will take place before the summer is over. The army, how- The 93d landed on the 9th of May. ARMY UNFIT TO MOVE. 15 ever, is quite unfit to move at present ; and if the newspapers are attacking Lord Raglan for inactivity, they are doing him injustice. He cannot move with- out baggagei' animals, and artillery and cavalry, none (y ^ of which to any amount has he got as yet. The Turks are very civil, but we cannot say much to them. Per- haps that may account for it. The author dilates in this letter, and also in a later one, on the expense of servants. Of course those who were poor could not hire such an extravagant 'caletaille ; therefore he exaggerates when he states that it was impossible to get on without a dragoman at 95. per diem. This dragoman, in fact, was borrowed by other people very often, who were themselves either too poor or too economical to hire a man of their own. Eventually there were interpreters attached to every regiment and brigade ; one of these was very amusing, for he could not speak Turkish, and he used to jabber gibberish with plenty of action, and then explain to us what it was about. LETTER IV. Scutari, 15th May 1854. I HAD hoped ere this to have received a letter from you, as I am left in the dark about every thing in 16 BAGGAGE-ANIMALS AND SERVANTS. England ; either my letters are lost, or you did not write. If you did not, it*s a great shame. Our army is very anxious to advance ; but I do not find that the Commissariat is procuring baggage-animals very rapidly ; and without means of conveying ammunition and sick, a move inland is impossible. The officers are mostly provided with animals, which they pur- chase, and receive forage for; the price of these ponies has risen enormously, also the pay of dragomans or interpreters. I have one who acts as my valet, and receives sixty piastres a day, or about nine shillings. Euinous ; yet to get on without him is impossible in a place where I have to send hither and thither to procure requisites for marching, and where I am tied to the barrack by the duty I have undertaken. In fact, the whole of my military pay will just about pay my different servants' wages. If I had time to go about, this neighbourhood would be well worth ex- ploring ; the short distances I have gone as yet have shown me the most lovely views imaginable. If the interior of Asia Minor be like its coast, Eden ought to have been there. The climate, however, is very variable, and the spring very late. We had a storm of wind and rain yesterday, and the nights are still cool — in fact, in tents cold would be the word. I am still in the barrack ; only one regiment of our brigade ha\dng arrived. It is not probable that the Highland Brigade will be complete till the 10th of June. The LIFE IN CAMP. 17 English soldiers are behaving very well, and the camp is full of natives offering change for a sovereign ; they are quite unmolested. The life in a camp is most monotonous, especially here, where there are few re- sources by way of amusement ; walking about in Con- stantinople is miserable, from the steepness of the as- cents and the badness of the pavements. The young regimental officers, who have little to do, ride about on their ponies, and see a good deal of the country, having the advantage moreover of youth on their side. Fancy my having an opportunity of being present at the Sultan's visit to the Duke of Cambridge, and not going ; but in truth I take no interest in any thing going on here, and perform my dull duties with atten- tion, merely out of a remnant of military pride. We are all pretty well in health, this not being the season for sickness ; no doubt when that begins we shall have a fearful list. LETTER V. Scutari, 20th May 1854. After my letter of the loth went off, I received one from you. Since then, as you may guess, there has not much occurred to break the monotony of this existence. The wonderful beauty of the place re- mains as great a wonder as ever ; but of the people one 18 SWEET WATERS. knows nothing. I went yesterday, which was Friday, to the Valley of Sweet Waters ; the Golden Horn stretches up some four miles, and at last becomes a river, running through a narrow valley, closed in on both sides by two bare hills. Here the whole popu- lation, or §Lt least many thousands of Turks, Turk- esses, Greeks, Armenians, and strangers of all nations congregate ; they go some in carriages from Stam- boul, but most in caiques by water. The scene is very curious : the women have their heads wrapped in fine thin muslin, leaving only the eyes uncovered ; but their outer cloaks are of the gayest colours. No one speaks to them, so far as I could observe. They sit by the water- side in groups, with their children ; and the ladies of rank go in carriages, very much after Rotten-Row plan ; there was a sultana, too, with a number of carriages full of young girls, who, some of them, seemed very pretty. The river has two tum- bling-bays* across it, made with white marble, in broad steps, scalloped out into fanciful patterns, with the Sweet Waters running over them in a shal- * This word has given rise to many queries. A bay in one sense is a dam ; and a tumbling-bay is a phrase which I have heard applied in my youth to a dam over which the water tumbles. It may be a Hertfordshire provincialism. It is used in a parliamentary report upon the Serpentine; applied also to the rush of water in the weirs on the Thames. There are two at least near Eton. PROSPECTS OF THE WAR. 19 low stream. There were, I should guess, seven or eight hundred carriages, and two miles of crowd ; no drinking except coffee and lemonade, and scarcely any eating except ices. A quieter and apparently a more happy and contented set I never saw, although they were not Christians, and the women had no souls. With regard to public matters, I believe there is no doubt the army will go to Varna as soon as it is ready to move. Lord Raglan went there the night before last : St. Arnaud went with him, and the Ad- miral ; and they are to meet Omar Pasha, and hold council as to ulterior measures. The Russians are l3dng quiet ; but they are only five hours from Silis- tria, and their next move will be the investment of that fortress, which, if they attempt it, will cause our advance, with the French and Turks, to relieve it. The English army continues healthy ; the artillery is arriving ; I believe there are as many as twenty-four guns complete. The head -quarters of the 17th Lan- cers has come ; but our 2000 dragoons will have a poor chance against 27,000, which, it is asserted, the Russians have in the Dobrudscha. The lines in front of Stamboul are not spoken of any longer. Perhaps the intention of making them is given up. As to my own position — my dragoman receives sixty piastres a day (about 9^., which is the amount of my staif-pay) ; my English groom has 51. a month, his food and clothes ; I have besides one soldier and one native I 20 EXPENSES OF SERVANTS. muleteer ; so that it is an expensive job. I have five horses and two mules, and the forage allowance for them nearly feeds them. I live with C. After all re- quisites for marching are completed, my only expenses will be washing and servants' wages, which is not a small item : dragoman 170/. ; groom 60/. ; soldier 6/.; and muleteer 36/. =272/. My staff-pay and field-allowance is 135. per diem, or about 230/. a year ; half-pay about 120/. : total 350/. My outfit for this expedition has cost about 900/. You see officers are cheap articles when they serve as I do with no pay. How poor men manage I cannot say. My newspapers do not come, so that we know little of home. Yesterday a young officer of the 93d was drowned in the small watercourse just beyond the barracks. A sudden storm made a torrent of what was usually dry, and he was swept down into the sea. LETTER VI. Scutari, 28th May 1854. RuMOUBS of all sorts presage a start. The Light Division, consisting of seven regiments, was ordered to embark, and their horses and baggage-animals are now on board ; but a stop took place, for reasons which are not known; either a difficulty about the commissariat, or that the merchant -steamers would TO VAKNA. 21 not go without a convoy. Varna is the point, as I believe, and this division is to move about 20 miles west, to Devna, stretching a hand towards Schumla. Silistria is invested, but not closely. There I expect we shall meet the Russians, so soon as the French are up, and drive them into or over the Danube. One of our Highland regiments, the 79th, arrived yesterday. Lord Raglan has been to Schumla, and has seen Omar Pasha. The Turks are very anxious to see us in front ; but it is useless moving till our arrangements for feed- ing the troops are complete. We, belonging to bri- gades, have little means of knowing what is going on in the way of preparation. Our business is to obey orders and keep our powder dry. We are changing our firelocks for Minie rifles, which is an untried arm for large bodies of men. The prudence of the change at this moment may be doubted ; our advantage has been, and always will be, in closing rapidly with the enemy : when you are near enough, the old gun is as good as the new one. We knew yesterday, what you must have heard long ago, that the Greeks have killed 8000 Egyptian troops somewhere in Thessaly. I sup- pose Otho will be dethroned ; meantime his man- oeuvres have withdrawn a certain number of French troops from the field to occupy Athens.* Our army * Eventually there was an English regiment stationed at Athens. 22 STAFr-oincERS. is quite healthy, and in high spirits, longing to be at them. The principal weak point is a want of experi- ence on the part of the staff-officers of the Quarter- master General's department. I never heard of Lord De Ros having served any where except as Brigade Major to the cavalry in England. He is Quarter- master General; but I do not know who is respon- sible for his being selected to hold his present most important situation. They have appointed a number of young men, who learned a dose of mathematics and how to sketch ground at Sandhurst. Now that is mere cram ; a good clear understanding and metho- dical habits will do without them. The sketching is indeed useful, but it is very soon acquired, and in fact all officers ought to know how to make a rapid rough sketch of country. I am in good health, although my spirits remain as much depressed as ever ; the mainspring, youth, is gone out ; the old wheels still go round with the xis inertiw,— come here, go thither, order that. Weary life ! Faults and blunders are daily committed, which I see, but cannot prevent, on account of the routine of military matters. We, I mean C. and staff, intend to move out under canvas to-morrow or the next day. At present we live among fleas in large barrack- rooms, and our servants buy our food at Pera. We have not yet begun a regular camp life. We shall have a large marquee for the General, two Turkish tents for the A JOB. 23 Aide-de-camp and Brigade Major, and two bell-tents for the servants ; all this we have to carry on our animals on the march, besides beds and books and clothes. My horses cost 300/., my two mules 72/. : see what an expense officers are put to ! Letters come few and far between. My time is so broken up by duties that I never can call an hour my own, nor at- tempt to write any thing such as we talked of. When we meet the enemy, I augur nothing but success; such a body of men, led on by the chivalry of England, must succeed. It is impossible to fancy any thing more creditable to our country than the conduct of every one. The natives roam about the camp offering change for a sovereign more safely than they could in Hyde Park. The Turks appear to have the most per- fect reliance on our honesty. When we get into Bul- garia, I hope the Greek population may not be roused against us by Russian intrigue ; that is our only risk. With a friendly population, if the commissariat do their duty, our supplies are certain, as the country teems with grain. I will tell you a story of a job. The Rev. Heliogabalus Balm of Gilead is a poor curate, and is related to General Geoghegan Gilhooly, who at the beginning of the job is on the staff at home. The Rev. Virtuosus Speciosissimus, when he goes his round of inspection, puts up with General Gilhooly for bed and board. Gilhooly asks him to appoint Balm of Gilead a chaplain to the forces in Turkey, which is managed. 24 A JOB. TENTS. After which Speciosissimus asks Gilhooly to appoint youngDiabolus Speciosissimus to a situation on the staflf at home. " But,' says Gilhooly, " I am oif the staff; I am going to Turkey." " Then,"' says Speciosissimus, " you will appoint Diabolus as your Aide-de-camp or Brigade Major." " No, I cannot," says t'other ; " I have given away the appointments to two of my bro- ther officers." Whereupon Speciosissimus flares up ; " I only appointed your relation chaplain because I expected you would pay me back with an appointment for Diabolus." There's a man of God ! LETTER VII. Camp, Scutari, Highland-Brigade Office, 4th June 1854. We are now in camp under canvas, so that I have not so far to go to see my soldiers, and I much prefer it to the fleas in the barracks, the number and vora- city of which is inconceivable. My tents are two, viz. a round Turkish tent, red inside and green out, about twelve feet diameter, and a small tent which I brought from England, on which I have painted in large letters " Highland-Brigade Office." To-day the thermometer in the officers' bell-tents stood at 96*^, in mine at 80° ; just after ascertaining which the servant knocked down MINIE RIFLES. 25 the thermometer and broke it. We are momentarily expecting to be ordered on to Varna, nine miles west of which town Sir G. Brown is encamped with seven regiments behind the Devna Lake. I have no doubt that the moment the commissariat say they are ready with transport for ammunition, &c., we shall advance in company with the French, join the Turks, and drive the Russians over the Danube. It is not likely that they will retire without an action ; if I survive, I will write you an account of it. My health, in spite of the constant work and exposure to the sun, is very good, and I have recovered my old power of walking and enduring fatigue ; but I suppose I am much thinner. Our time is now principally spent in try- ing to get our servants to practise packing our bag- gage on the animals, and to see after their health. The English grooms cannot at present conceive that a fine mule, which perhaps cost 40/., is worth looking after ; while, in fact, very often the efiiciency of the ofiicer depends on this beast bringing up his baggage. The utter thoughtlessness and selfishness of the civil servants is beyond belief. They never look out for any thing, and talking to them is about as effective as whistling jigs to a milestone. All our division has been provided with Minie rifles. I hope it will turn out to be a wise measure. My horses, after whose health inquires, are all right, in spite of chopped straw and barley. I never 26 NO MORE STOCKS. go away from the lines of the camp, and am in fact on duty always. Our 4 2d regiment not come yet. I shall leave Constantinople without having seen one sight. I have never been in a mosque, or seen the Seraglio, or Therapia, or any one single thing in Stamboul ; and I do not care to see them. Here I am called off to write a letter complaining of the con- tract-bread supplied to the men, which is the same that I eat myself ; it is mixed rye and wheat, with a good deal of sand, and very wholesome I dare say. That is done, and the orderly despatched with it. The men of our division have been allowed to go without their stiff leather stocks to-day, and at church parade this morning many of them had coloured handkerchiefs on, which hurts the military eye. Poor soldiers ! they have many masters. To- morrow we are all, I mean our division under the Duke of Cambridge, ordered out at 5 A.M., to march on routes to be pointed out by some staff- officer. God knows how long we may be out. The Light Companies of the three battalions of Guards and those of the two Highland regiments are ordered to cover the battery of artillery under the command of the senior captain, that is to say, of the five captains of these companies. But three of the captains are Guardsmen, consequently lieutenant -colonels in the army, so that this command will not fall to the senior captain in the service, but to a young gentle- PRIVILEGES. 27 man probably years his junior in age and experience, but who is only nominally a captain, being in fact a lieutenant-colonel. If this order is given before the enemy, the commanding-officer of these Light Companies will have a fair claim to promotion. Here come the privileges of the Guards into direct collision with the rights of the Line officers. I do not know if you will understand this ; but it is a great shame. The matter is simply this, that a regiment of the Line would have the same privilege as the Guards if all the ten captains were suddenly made lieutenant-colonels, and told they had no longer any charge of their companies except appearing with them on parade. It is incomprehensible how such an arrangement can stand in these reform- ing days. Here it seems that some officers must have excited the ire of the author, those whom he thinks are not "very wise." He scrupulously re- frains from mentioning names where it is possible to avoid doing so. His remarks on the composition of the staff are worthy of consideration. This was the moment to consider, for the army had not yet begun the campaign. The next Letter (the 9th) takes the 1st Division to Varna, not more than a week's march from the Danube and from the Russians, and at this 28 WISE OFFICERS. time (16th June) nothing was ready for moving or taking the field in earnest. Now would have been the time for the newspapers to cry out for transport, and to turn the attention of the nation to our mani- fold deficiencies. LETTER VIII. Camp, Scutari, 10th June 1854. The post goes out to-day, and although I have nothing new to tell you, I cannot refrain from sending a line. We have had very strong reports of the in- tention of sending the Guards and Highlanders to Varna directly. The latter brigade is now complete ; but I imagine that the French who are marching by land are so much behind, that it is considered useless to move any more of our troops up to Varna than the seven regiments already there. When the French get up, we can be very rapidly got into line by steamers. It would never do for Lord Raglan to be with all, or nearly all, his men at Varna, and yet find himself too weak to move on and relieve Silistria. Some of our officers are not very wise ; themselves totally without experience, they yet imagine they can instruct old war-worn officers in their business. I am quite worried with perpetual returns, notes, &c. every half-hour all day. I generally rise at three, and go to bed at ten. My health is good. I never go out of camp, now that I am under canvas, unless ordered COMPOSITION OF STAFF. 29 out to a field-day. When I consider the composi- tion of our staff, the prospect looks dubious. In the Quarter- master General's department there is only one officer who ever served in that department be- fore ; he is a young man who was Deputy-assistant Quarter -master General at the Cape. How they are all to become in a moment expert at their work is a mystery. I am not in that branch now, although I served in it in Canada, under a Colonel Mackenzie Fraser, who is dead, but who gave me an idea of what a quarter-master general ought to be, certainly very unlike any I see here. The Adjutant-General is a very amiable man, a perfect gentleman and a good Christian, but as innocent of the meaning of disci- pline as a sucking -baby. Some one must be re- sponsible for the selection of the staff ; the ultimate responsibility of course must fall on the Commander- in-chief, who, however capable, as I believe him to be, cannot do every one's work and his own too. This picture of landing a party of staff-officers at Varna, with all their horses and baggage, on a lonely beach at nightfall, miles away from their troops, and with no assistance from any one, is very pregnant. Where was the hurry ? Six hours longer on board the steamer would have made all the difference. It was said the steamer was going for Lord Raglan ; but 30 NEW CAMP. his Lordship did not arrive for several days after- wards. One Navy-Captain said the party was not to land till the next morning ; then came some other authority, which ordered it ashore instanter. But two hours of daylight were lost by this misunder- standing. The place where the troops were encamped was proverbially unhealthy, with a swamp and lake close by. The village of Aladeen, where the Light Division was at this time encamped, lies at the head of the lower Devna Lake, on its northern shore ; so that there was water -communication to and from Varna, which probably was partly the reason for taking up that ground ; but the vicinity of a lake in the heat of summer is a questionable good. LETTER IX. Camp, near Varaa, Friday, 16th June 1854. After expecting the order to move for so long a time that we almost thought we should not move at all, it came suddenly ; and last Monday our horses were embarked on board a steamer in the Bosphorus, and ourselves on Tuesday loth, that is to say, the division of the army under the Duke of Cambridge, General Bentinck, and C. The two Brigadiers who command the Guards and Highlanders, with their staff-officers, servants, &c. were put on board the City of London, which vessel conveyed us to the Bay of JiedMeil^%m^(x^WarniBv/hx-Skddi. SOO 1OO0 TJ^elhercbfyin: T;2fiUSlreSC,umJ!aiZSi. ^ ^^iceJSt^^ 37. B0SPH0RU8. 31 Varna in about 24 hours, towing two transports at the same time. The passage of the Bosphorus is very pleasing ; the Turkish houses and forts on either hand being so picturesque. At the extremity of the strait or entrance to the Black Sea we saw the blue Symplegades or Cyanean Rocks, which are enshrined in classic memory. I am sorry to say they are not blue, but black and yellow. On reaching our anchor- age, we heard that the Russians were retiring from Silistria, which I do not believe. However, our ship was to sail again in three hours, to bring up Lord Raglan ; so we. Brigadiers and tail, were all shot ashore, just at dark, on the beach, about four miles from the town of Varna, horses, bag, and baggage. Our soldiers six miles off, and no one to help us but our servants. These were about ten in number. To add to the scene, it began to rain ; we had eighteen horses and mules to picket and feed, and Bentinck's lot as many. The confusion was wonderful, for they were landing out of the ship at the same time com- missariat stores, tents, &c., all of which had to go to a different side of the bay from our landing-place. The result was the loss of our two Brigadiers' tents, two most essential spa-des belonging to Major S., and a very superb large mallet for driving tent-pegs, which we had procured at Scutari. At last we got all the horses secured, one tent up, and our Brigadier's bed in it ; the rest of the baggage lay scattered over the 32 A PLEASANT DISEMBARKATION. beach in most admired disorder under a pouring rain. I was wet through, and dog-tired, so I threw myself down on the ground under the tent, and slept for three hours. As soon as daylight came, we proceeded to gather up our dispersed properties, and count up our losses ; we then loaded the animals and carts. Our road lay along a deep sandy shore round the Bay of Varna. Behind that town, on the slopes of a country something like the Brighton Downs, we found our three Highland regiments, as well as the Guards. The soil here is light and sandy ; grass and small shrubs spread over it furnish a sufficient land- scape. The Devna Lake is in our rear ; a brigade of French about two miles in our front ; and the Light Division (English) at Aladeen, about eight miles to the left. We have some cavalry and artillery up, and fully expect to advance very shortly. Yesterday af- ternoon rain set in, and my bed got wet, as the tent is not perfectly watertight in all parts ; so that during the last two days some of the hardships of war have come to my lot. It is now 5 A.M., and the ground is steaming ; a thick fog scarcely allows the sun to be seen ; and considerable discomfort prevails in my family, small as it is, viz. one ! The material sun will, however, prevail, and take away the fog and dry up the ground, and nature will look triumphant. can't get on. 33 LETTER X. Camp, Varna, 21st June 1854. You will be surprised at finding us still lingering here ; but in truth the commissariat arrangements are so incomplete that we may still be detained some days. We have now one division (the Light one) encamped nine miles off, west of Varna, at the head of the Lake, and the first and second divisions en- camped here. Two regiments of Dragoons, the 5th and 13th, are gone on about fifteen miles to Devna. We understand that there will be forty-five miles to get over without water, which we shall find to be a great obstacle ; and yet to save Silistria we must do it. Lord Raglan is expected here with the head-quarters this morning ; every thing about us shows a tendency to advance, — the inclination without the power. No- thing so helpless as an army without transport ; and our Government has either been grossly deceived, or has been very neglectful of this important matter. The French have a division encamped about three miles off, and I saw Canrobert reviewing them, — very fine troops indeed. I have also ridden to see the camp of the Light Division, which is very prettily situated, with a view of the lake, in a country more wooded than this is. We are told that the trees dis- appear a little further on ; so, with no shade and no D 34 CHARACTER OF OFFICERS. water, our advance to give battle will be any thing but a luxury. We staff-officers know nothing of the plan of campaign ; Lord Raglan, very wisely thinking that it should be a secret, does" not tell it to any one, ex- cept perhaps to St. Arnaud. The Turks are making a brilliant defence of Silistria, which is partly, and perhaps unjustly, ascribed to the presence of some English officers who have entered their service. I observe that you quote a book called , which, as I understand you, libels the character of the English officers. Among them, no doubt, as in other professions, there may exist some " unmitigated black- guards,'' as you say ; but believe me, they rarely hold their ground. The officers as a body are rather com- monplace, and many of them not a little idle ; but a body of men who are ready at any moment to lead their soldiers into fire, and die in performance of extremely irksome duties, is not to be written down by a novelist. The retreat of the Russians fix)m Silistria, and their gaining the left bank of the Danube, settled at once the question of the Allies moving up to the banks of that river, which on the 25th June must have been frightfully unhealthy, as was too soon discovered when the French went to the Dobrudscha. The author takes OVID. 35 for granted that Lord Eaglan could not help the in- activity of his army, because it had no transport. It seems probable that at this period the power of the Commander-in-chief as to controlling the Commissary was but ill defined. The chaplains were sent to the army with good pay ; but they were not entitled, like military officers, to have a soldier as a servant, and they had great difficulty in procuring any decent man to attend upon them. With respect to the name " Tomi," Bayle calls it " Tomes.'' On the maps of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge it is called Tomi, and is placed at the eastern or Black- Sea end of the Roman wall, close to Kostenjee, an- cient Constantiana. Ovid was banished thither in the year of Rome 761, and died there in 771, at about sixty years of age ; one of his verses begins, " Cur aliquid vidi ?" It has been suggested that Ovid detected Augus- tus in the commission of incest ; but it seems un- likely, if that was the case, that he would have referred to it in his verses, which he sent to Rome with pite- ous prayers for pardon. There is a similar story told of an Italian painter in the times of the Medici, who was on a scaffold painting a ceiling : he, however, prudently feigned sleep ; the prince tried him with a candle, and a dagger in his hand, but was deceived by the painter's nerve. Marshal St. Arnaud, whom the author only saw y 36 ST. ARNAUD. on this occasion, and then on horseback, was a short- ish and rather stout person, with a light complexion. He seemed immensely pleased with the applause he received. This approbation would probably have been very much modified if the soldiers had known any of his antecedents. St. Arnaud, among other ways, not so respectable, of gaining his livelihood, came to Lon- don to teach fencing ; and when he found that the English did not want to learn fencing, he became a dancing-master, and it is said a marker at a billiard- table. He was a most unscrupulous person, and this quality raised him to the top of his profession ; for when Napoleon was meditating his coup-d'etat, he looked out for a proper instrument to command the army, and he speedily heard of St. Arnaud, — a dash- ing soldier, of buccaneering nature, crihle de detteSy who would be willing to risk his head for a million of francs. At this moment he was in Algiers ; and the first step taken was to send him on an expedition against the Kabyles, from which he came back suc- cessful ; and with this feather in his cap he was brought to Paris, and there transacted his master's business, with the fortune we know|i of. Marshal St. Arnaud was born in 1 798. There has been published a collection of his letters, beginning in 1831 . In the year 1815 he became a garde du corps in the com- pany commanded by the Duke de Grammont ; and the best thing known about him, as a man, besides IL AVAIT FAIT DES FARCES. 37 his affection for his family, is a letter which he wrote to the Duchesse de Grammont, when he got the com- mand of the Eastern army, in which he said, that al- though // avaitfait des farces^ yet that he could not forget the kindness he had received from herself and from her husband, his old commanding-officer, and he hoped she would allow her son to become his aide- de-camp. None are all evil, and this touch of kind- liness ought to be taken into the account which pos- terity will hold of the dead St. Amaud. LETTER XI. Camp, Varna, 25th June 1854. This morning we heard of the Russians' retreat from Silistria, which is very fortunate for Lord Raglan, as we are not yet ready to advance, and now perhaps we shall not do so at all. The climate of the valley of the Danube is so very bad that I cannot help thinking that so soon as there is no longer any risk of a direct attack by the Russians on the line of the Balkan, we shall turn our attention towards Sebastopol. They say the Rus- sians suffered much loss in recrossing the Danube. If they are wise, they will evacuate the Principalities, which would relieve Austria from the necessity of acting. Our plain here where we are encamped is getting quite filled up with troops ; French and Eng- 38 SILISTRIA. lish arriving every day. At this moment about 5000 Turks are firing 2i.feu dejoie half a mile from my tent ; no doubt in honour of the success obtained against the Russians. I know Lord Raglan expected Silistria would fall every day, and he would have been much blamed for a loss which he could not help. I suppose the Russians suffered terribly from disease, and were also perpetually fearing our advance. Had we got them on this side of the Danube, they would have lost a great many prisoners, who could not have crossed the bridge under our fire. Thank for his letter. I read Kossuth's speech with admiration at its eloquence. I do not feel so furiously as some people about these foreigners, but I always abominated the partition of Poland. The poor Turks I think I like better than any of them, perhaps because I know less about them. I believe they are improving, but they have a fine long march to make in that direction before they can be said to be perfect. The most ri- diculous part of our position here is the way we are treated by the native servants, Armenians, Greeks, &c. They get mftney to buy clothes, and then run away. We caught one of them afterwards, tied him neck and heels, and sent him to the Pasha, who, by way of punishment, ordered him back to Constanti- nople. My English groom is in hospital with fever, and my five horses and two mules are looked after by one soldier and two savages. The Presbyterian minis- WOES OF A PARSON. 39 ter has just been relating his woes. He is paid 16s. a day and his rations, but is not entitled to a soldier- servant, and talked of being left behind, and that his position required certain appearances, &c. &c. ! I re- marked that the Apostles got on remarkably well with- out servants, so far as I knew ; and that if all my own horses died, and servants too, I should go on upon foot. In the middle of my writing, I am forced to get up to settle my tent-pegs ; a squall of wind and rain having set in, threatening the overturn and swamping of my whole establishment. There is a brevet coming out, I understand, which will make me a lieutenant-colonel from length of service. 27th June. The post goes, we hear, to-morrow. We now be- lieve the Russians have entirely abandoned this side of the Danube, and are retreating towards the Pruth. This Varna is, I believe, the ancient Tomi to which Ovid was banished, for seeing something wrong done by Augustus ; he alludes to it in his Tristia, which were written here, and are filled with rather unmanly lamentations over his hard fate. Yesterday Marshal St. Arnaud rode through the camp escorted by twenty wild Arabs of the Desert, all decorated with the Legion of Honour. The English troops turned out and treated him to a loud and hearty cheer. He passed through again this morning, and I had a good look at the 40 OUR GAME IS SEBASTOPOL. Arabs, who are dressed in their own country dress, viz. a red cloak, and a white cloth over their heads, tied round with a coloured shawl. At a little distance they look like women ; they carried their swords under their thighs, to prevent the jingling which our cavalry make from the scabbard hitting against the spur and stirrup. In spite of my opinion to the contrary, people say we are going to advance so soon as the commissariat report themselves able to feed us. I do not believe we shall advance much into the in- terior, if at all, unless they propose to let the army winter at Bukarest. The report may be spread to mislead the Russians, as our game is evidently Sebas- topol. I see Kossuth does not relish the Austrians joining us ; it upsets all his schemes, but gives far the best chance of peace. Some of the cavalry under Cardigan are gone scouring after the retreating enemy, so that we shall soon get certain intelligence of their whereabouts. LETTER XII. Camp, Aladeen, 4th July 1854. Since I wrote to you last our division has marched from Varna here, about ten miles west. Our camp is on the spur of a hill just over the narrow river which joins the two Bevna lakes : said river flows through J'lJi'dAa'S^.lSi^i^.T^liSSiifel-, OrtHaO^,^ fi? ^c^Jicoe *' TENT IN A MESS. 41 a swampy bottom, which as to its salubrity is doubt- ful. The Duke of Cambridge has gone to Constanti- nople, and left us to our own devices. We have no forage for our horses except barley — no straw or hay. I have to send our servants and mules all round the country to cut grass. The preparation for marching, viz. packing baggage on mules, striking tents, &c., is very hard work, especially with our indigenous hired servants, to whom we cannot speak. My Eng- lish groom is gone home sick with fever, and the unbreeclied gentry who form our brigade have no skill in horse -management; so that I am in a mess, as you would say, if you could see. It is now half- past three in the morning. There was a tremendous storm of hail and rain yesterday, which continued partially all day and this night, and is now going on with a truly admirable perseverance. I was absent when it began. My tent is pitched in a fine garden loam ; the floor is in consequence at this present speaking a swamp. Moreover the rain was so fierce that it came through the roof and wet all my things. I am now sitting up to my ancles in mud with a pair of sea-boots on, not having of course taken my clothes off at all, nor having any prospect of being able to take up new ground till the rain stops and the sun has shone for several hours. In these circumstances, as the post goes at half-past seven, I thought 1 would solace myself by telling you about Omar Pasha. Yes- 42 DEVNA. terday, not being on duty, I rode forward a march to Devna, where the Light Division is encamped. I took the most northern road, which runs over a sandy soil, with chalk rocks in many places, and some singular granite pins, which look like gigantic ruins, and seem to me to be like Stonehenge, only not in a plain. There is a very beautiful river at Devna, with many mills on it, and a good stone bridge, close to which there stands a wretched khan. General Airey commands the division in the absence of Sir G. Brown. I rode up to his tent to call on him, and found him in a flannel jacket and ditto trousers, only the latter were red ; a most curious-looking general indeed. He was waiting the arrival of a cavass to announce the approach of Omar Pasha, who was ^7» route to visit Lord Raglan at Varna. After smoking, drinking coffee, and feeding my horse, the cavass arrived, and was followed by the body doctor, to say the great man was near. We all mounted straight- way and galloped towards the bridge, which we reached at the same time with the Turk. He was travelling in a German calash with four horses, the postillions being dragoons, and a guard of dragoons ; his wife following in another carriage. Omar Pasha seems to be about fifty-five years old, with gray mustaches and beard. A little red fez on his head, a plain blue frock-coat and gray trousers, was his garb, without decoration or ornament of any sort. OMAR PASHA. 43 His face indicates great good sense, and he has a very pleasing smile ; but although his figure is good, I suppose he would hardly be called handsome. He had with him a French Colonel Dieu, and an Eng- lish engineer officer, Simmons. By their statements it would appear that the Russians are retiring by divisions towards Brailow, which is their nearest point for reaching their own Bessarabia. Before moving from Silistria, Paskewitsch issued an order of the day to his army, informing them that in conse- quence of a movement on the part of Austria he was compelled to alter the position of his army. The Russians lost, by Omar Pasha^s calculation, 10,000 killed and 6000 wounded ; and the outwork they failed to take was of the most contemptible kind, the ditch only twelve feet wide, so that a good horse would have jumped it. Their conduct was most barbarous : the whole garrison except two battalions was in this outwork ; the inhabitants of Silistria only numbered 11,000, so that they had no chance of overpowering the garrison ; yet the Russians shelled the town cruelly, killing numbers of poor women and children. Perhaps they injured thus their chance of taking the place, as the fire spent so brutally might, if turned on the outwork, have forced the garrison out of it. Omar Pasha was very unhappy for some days before they retired, and was of course proportionately happy when he found the attack finally abandoned. 44 TALK OF AN ARMISTICE. The chief Russian engineer, General Schilders, lost his leg, and they had three or four generals killed, which shows that the officers must have exposed themselves very much in driving the men to attack. A treaty was signed at Constantinople on the 12th ult. between Austria and Turkey, by which the former is bound, in case Russia should not retire on the Austrians entreating them to do so, to join the Allies. I do not believe the Austrian troops have as yet moved forward; but their intention to do so is best proved by the retreat of the Russians, whose army would have been cut off and lost had they per- severed in besieging Silistria. Except from the chance of some most unfortunate disagreement among the Allies, this Austrian advance ought to finish the war. If our Government can now make a treaty with Russia of a proper kind, they will deserve much credit ; meantime it is for us soldiers to be regretted that we have had no opportunity to give Nicholas a touch of our quality. Yesterday we received a re- port from Varna of an armistice. I do not think that can be granted until the Russians shall have crossed the Pruth. There will be much time con- sumed in the arrangements, and an army of occupa- tion will doubtless be left. After some talk between our generals and Omar Pasha, the troops, seven battalions, were ordered out to show him the army : in twenty minutes they were all under arms, and we OUTLYING PICKET. 45 had a short review ; the cavalry then came up and marched about and charged. Omar Pasha asked to be allowed to head the charge by himself, in order that he might judge of our pace, with which he was well pleased. We then rode back to Aladeen, and, strange to say, had no rain till we got there, when we found the devastation of our camp ; officers and men running about naked, having left their clothes under the doubtful shelter of the tents while they were making trenches round them to let off the water. I have just been inspecting the picket, the men com- posing which are going to march off all wet through to a spot in the bush about a mile and a half distant, where they will spend twenty- four hours without tents ; this is called being on outlying picket, with the duty of watching our left flank from any pos- sible advance of the retreating Russians ! Any thing more thoroughly miserable than the appearance of the camp at dawn it would be hard to conceive ; and there are some wretched women with us, poor soldiers' wives, who have to suffer all this. The hardships that seamen bear are a joke in comparison, for they are dry under hatches. A fine sunshiny day would be of monstrous consequence, but the sky looks for rain. Now I must call up the servants and send them off for water and forage and wood, and all the numerous things which you good people find at your doors. 46 NO FIGHTING. LETTER XIII. Camp, Aladeen, 9th July 1854. I WROTE to you the other day when we heard of the retreat of the Russians, since which the English papers show me that you knew of their discomfiture before we did ; rumour flies slow in this Bulgaria. You observe that I anticipated on the 4th* a collision, while Lord Raglan wrote on the same date that there would be no fighting. The event shows he was right : but I could only judge from what I could see ; he had other sources. It is very unfortunate for the army that we could not give Nicholas one good kick. The report here is growing that he has abdicated ; which step will, I conclude, enable the diplomatists to begin their ridiculous manoeuvres again. Our division seems rooted here ; it is not a very good place : the water is about two miles off ; we send mules with leather bottles for it, and the men have to walk with their little canteens and cooking-pots. Yesterday a snake walked, or rather glided, into my tent, and we had to bring all my boxes, &c. out to get at him. The nuis- ance of a tent-life consists principally in the neces- sity of keeping all one's clothes, books, &c. shut up in the boxes they travel in ; to get out a pocket-hand- * Letter of 4th June (No. 7), from Scutari. It is strange to see how convinced Lord Raglan was that we should have no fighting. BREVET. 47 kerchief, a whole portmanteau must be unpacked and repacked : barring that, the life in a tent during fine weather is more endurable than life elsewhere. It is something like being in a ship, except that when you go overboard you are not obliged to swim. Your horses are all picketted round you, and yoii see at one glance your whole possessions. Per contra^ the servants are very tiresome, as usual : the natives, whom we hire at exorbitant rates, are continually running away, and the soldiers getting drunk ; all which is very confusing, especially if there is any thing in the way of business to be done. The brevet promotion which reached here by this mail has pro- duced a great fuss. Some men go home who want to stay, and others stay who would gladly have got back to England. I am to be called Lieutenant - Colonel for the future. I do not intend to return home, how- ever ; my face is not set to that airt of the compass. The diplomatists cannot work without having an army here at present. Where shall we pass the winter ? Schumla ? Bukarest ? Scutari ? or shall we, after all, go to Crim-Tartary ? There's wale of places besides Circassia, and our own will has nothing to do in it. Three or four penmen will arrange it all. One thing is certain ;* we shall not live in tents in the * Not quite certain, as it turned out. Our friend is reckoning without somebody whom the Commissioners have discovered and exposed. 48 NOT IN TENTS IN THE WINTER. winter, but either in houses or in mud-huts which we shall construct for ourselves. The next two months must settle that ; for the weather sets in bad very early in autumn, and the roads become impassable. The post will still go, however, and affectionate thoughts will find their way. Even if the letters are lost, they will still be believed in. LETTER XIV. Camp, Aladeen, Sunday, 16th July 1854. I RODE over on Thursday to Devna, to inquire after , and found him in his tent. He had re- turned two days before from an extensive, patrol on the banks of the Danube. He saw Cossacks across the river at Rassova, and a large force of Russians opposite Silistria. He described his excursion as very interesting, though he had to sleep on the ground without a tent all the time. They had a great many sore backs.* As- to our campaign, we have reason to think from conversations with navy officers that there is a probability we may again be embarked. There are three places possible, viz. Kostengi, — which is only thirty miles from the Danube, at the east end of Trajan's wall, — Anapa, or Sebastopol. We have • This was the cavalry-patrol under Lord Cardigan. WHERE SHALL WE GO ? 49 no means of knowing what force the Russians have in the Crimea; hut Lord Eaglan has probably some information. Without a large force, — that is, all the Frenchmen as well as the English, — we dare not venture there.^ The risk of a catastrophe to Eng- land's only army would be too great. At the same time, it is the only way to bring Russia effectually to reason ; and if the English Minister is in earnest, he must do it sooner or later. My own idea is, that the Government are afraid of the enterprise, and still hope to negotiate. With that belief, I guess we shall be landed at Kostengi, threatening Brailow, and win- tering at the mouth of the Danube ; which river, if we could clear it of Russian gunboats, and deepen the entrance, would be of wondrous use to us in conveying supplies.-|- The siege-train is arrived at Varna. We in camp here lead the most monotonous life imagin- able, varied sometimes by scenes with the commissary. You, I suppose, know that the commissary makes contracts with natives, bakers and butchers, for the supply of the troops : these commissaries often labour under the suspicion of being too friendly with the * It turned out that we had not enough in mere numbers. The common rule is three times the enemy's force for a siege: three times 40,000 = 120,000, — that is the number we ought to have taken. t This was of course with the idea of remaining in Bul- garia. E 50 BREA.D ! A BOARD ! contractor ; sometimes they are suspected of being bribed to pass indifferent provisions — sometimes do- ing so out of laziness. A commissary here has been taking hberties lately. I will tell you the story. The bread is inspected by a regimental Quartermaster before it is issued ; and if he should object to the quality, the regulation is that the commissary should apply for a board of officers to decide. On a late occasion, the bread being objected to, this commissary, instead of calling for a board, posted off with a loaP in his hand, and got the General to taste, and declare the bread capital, and the complaint unfounded. (N.B. the soldier pays for it ; and the duty of all officers is to protect the soldiers' interest.) Shortly after, the bread was again objected to ; and a staff-officer as- sembled a board, armed with the proceedings of which he attacked the commissary, and forced him to make a new issue. The commissary, being ryled at this, went off to the General, and got a new board to sit and condemn the proceedings of the first one, so as to compel the troops to take the bad bread. One of our brigade-majors heard of the new board, and sKpped down accidentally to the commissary's tent, and dropped into his august presence while he was enter- taining the board and getting their palates into order. * We afterwards discovered that there were two sorts of bread, made by different bakers ! Probably it was the good bread which the General tasted. WEATHER AND SICKNESS. 51 previous to the inspection, by exhibiting cheese and brandy. The field-officer who was president of the board will not soon hear the end of his taste for brandy and cheese. Since writing the above, I have had some reason to think that we shall attempt Anapa, — an enter- prise for which I believe the English themselves are strong enough. Fairly landed in Circassia, Schamyl will, I suppose, join us. I see the Government at home is very shaky, and most likely by this time is out. I hope the war will be prosecuted vigorously, let who will be the Minister. This is England's opportunity ; we shall not easily get another army to Turkey. Being here, however, this one may be strengthened ; and indeed we expect immediately an addition of 600 men to this division. There is as yet but small sickness in the army ; the bad season has scarcely begun, and we have not moved near enough to the Danube to feel the full force of the malaria. The heat has not been very in- tense except on a few occasions, and the nights are always cool. It is now 11 o'clock a.m., and the thermometer is 77° in my tent ; but, per contra, two of my servants are ill of fever. One of C.'s mules drowned himself two or three days ago ; I believe from ennui. The newspapers come rather irregularly, but the letters seem now safe. We have two London post-office clerks, — one at Stamboul, the other at 52 BEARDS. Varna, — and they have already organised what was very disorganised. If we go east, you will get earlier news by letters than " our own correspondents*' can send, for I do not believe they will be allowed to embark ; at least they should not do so if I had power to stop them. From the Danube you will hear every tiling almost as soon as ourselves, and probably with greater accuracy. Some of the French who marched by Adrianople to this neighbourhood describe the country as most beautiful ; they say that they marched for days under the shade of large trees. Here there are scarcely any; only dwarf acacia-bushes, which I think must make the ground damp and un- healthy. If we can only bring our men sound into line opposite the Russians, I have no doubt of the result, although who may live to tell the tale is very questionable. The beard-movement is making pro- gress in this army. Lord Raglan has made up his mind to take no notice of hair, and so I have put by my razors for the present. There does not seem any chance of the militia being called on to volunteer ; to the regret, I dare say, of the young officers, who, having tasted the idleness and excitement of soldiering, would like to try the real article. The striking character of our proceedings hitherto has been dulness ; we have not even had any marching ; only ten miles have we marched as yet ; and the Highlanders did that much better than the Guards, that is to say, fewer men SEBASTOPOL AGAIN. 53 fell out ; only eighteen or twenty out of 2500 did not come in together ; of the Guards, 180 dropped to the rear. The poor women are most to be pitied ; they have no carriage allotted to them ; and if they get on a baggage-wagon, it is only on sufferance and by winking ; miserable wretches, and a most depraved set too. The soldiers are behaving very well, except in the article of drink, which they cannot resist, and I must say they do not carry their liquor like gentle- men. Drink is the only Christian vice we have much chance of indulging in here ; gluttony is out of the question ; and there is not a woman visible, I suppose, nearer than at Bucharest. If we should winter in Circassia, there will, however, most likely be some transactions of which I shall keep you informed. 17th July. Papers of the 3d are in camp. Lord Aberdeen seems to have put himself right, and more army is coming ; so I suppose we shall certainly try to do some- thing. I believe that all the fleet and all the trans- ports now in the Bosphorus are to rendezvous here on the 28th, to carry us somewhere. When I took leave of Lord Hardinge, I told him that I hoped he would let us have a try at Sebastopol. If we can but hit a blow before the winter sets in, our dear Bull will be pleased. The animal has no notion of waiting till we are ready. 54 MAKING FASCINES. This is the last letter from Aladeen. The march really took place on the 27th and 28th ; the Guards on the first day. There had been some cases of cho- lera ; the swamp between the lakes began to tell, and the surgeons wished to have a change for their men. Gevrekler was the name of the new camp ; and the situation was much more healthy than Aladeen, but the seeds of disease were laid there, which broke out at the new camp. Devna also had proved very un- healthy. LETTER XV. Camp Aladeen, 2Sd July 1854. A VERY few words, for my time is much taken up. We march to-morrow ; apparently a move towards the Danube. But it is only a blind ; I think you may depend upon it that we are to embark very shortly, and to be landed somewhere close to Odessa. They have been making fascines at Varna, and preparations for entrenching. You know that in landing we shall have to do so in the face of an enemy ; and as we can- not all land at first, there will be some sharp fighting till we can get ourselves entrenched. This operation will efiectually compel the Russians to clear out of the Principalities and come down on us, and we shall have a great battle, that will be told of in history. It is now, I believe, certain that the news of our NEW CAMP. 55 arrival at Varna was the cause of the raising of the siege of Silistria. LETTER XVI. Gevrekler, Bulgaria, 28th July 1854. The place I date from is only five miles from Ala- deen, from whence we marched this morning ; some cases of cholera in the camp, as well as feverish attacks, led the doctors to wish for a move. It is a flat place on the top of a hill, with nothing remarkable about it except the absence of inhabitants, and want of cultiva- tion. A camp is a camp, place it where you will. No events have occurred to speak of; the badness, or " badderness," of our dinner seems generally what is of most consequence. If we can judge by signs, our leaders are planning some enterprise ; if we believe what we hear, nothing whatever will be done this autumn, and we shall have to look out immediately for winter quarters. I am inclined to think they will try something ; but that is a mere opinion. It requires first that St. Arnaud should agree on a plan with Lord Raglan ; and it is quite likely the Frenchman is in no hurry, as his pay and allowances are large, and he would be a loser by concluding the war too soon, or in- deed at all ; doubtless he wishes it to last for the term of his natural life, I see some Evening Mails occa- sionally, and the Leader. We are all growing beards, 5() A BRIGADE ORDER. and looking very wild and ragged ; tattered and torn with riding through the bushes ; but the army cannot be called unhealthy as yet, though we have several deaths daily in our division — out of 7000 men, that is to say. The worst season is, however, now approaching, and we have no right to expect we shall escape what has been every one's lot hitherto who has campaigned in these parts. I send you my last composition. "BRIGADE ORDERS. Highland Brigade Office, Camp Ge?rgkler, 28th July. No. 1. — No wood is to be cut near any of the springs, as the want of shade will dry them up. This order is to be read to the men at the two next pa- rades. No persons are to wash themselves or their clothes in the springs to the rear of the camp ; neither are horses to be watered there. There is water suit- able for this latter purpose in front, near some large trees. Commanding-Officers are requested to take steps to cause these orders to be strictly attended to. The 79 th and 93d Highlanders will furnish a bayonet sentry each during daylight over the two springs in the rear to prevent washing or watering horses there. A bower* will be made for these two sentries by the * These bowers were made by cutting down bushes and green boughs, which were stuck in the ground: the sun was thus kept off, while the breeze came through, and made a much cooler place than a tent STILL MOTIONLESS. 57 above-mentioned regiments, one near each spring ; and a fatigue-party from the 4 2d Highlanders will clear the troughs early to-morrow morning. This duty will be performed daily by the regiments in rotation. Commanding-Officers will order a bower over each of the regimental cooking-places, as well as one near each of their hospital- tents, &c. &c." Such is soldiering ; striving to keep the mere re- quisites for living in a decent condition. The men have to cut their own firewood for themselves with blunt bill - hooks, besides pitching tents, making ditches round them, cooking, washing their clothes, turning out clean for parade, and doing fatigue-duties continually for commissaries, engineers, staff-officers, &c. Here comes a storm of thunder and rain ! Quick ! drive in more tent-pegs, and shut up the tent ; see all the tackle in good order for a blow ; put water-decks on the horses, and do not let the rain put out the kitchen-fire. It is dripping in on my pillow ; so I will put a water-deck over that. LETTER XVn. Camp, Gevrekler, 4th August 1854. Still motionless. It is very like a calm at sea ; sweeping up the decks, and keeping the ship clean, 58 SICKNESS. and the men in health. I am sorry to say we have already begun to have disease, — cholera, fever, and dysentery ; not as yet very fierce, but of the cholera- cases few recover. The preparations for an embarka- tion still go on ; and my belief is still that we shall go to Odessa, or that neighbourhood : an army landed there would compel the Russians to retire from the Principalities, for it would be on their rear. There has been a fight between Bashi-Bazooks and Cossacks in the Dobrudscha, in which the latter were victorious, and a French colonel has been killed. The mail came in last night, bringing English papers of l7th July. We expect to have to sell or shoot our baggage-ani- mals, and burn most of our baggage, when we embark. Perhaps the commissariat may offer 10^. a piece for mules* which I paid near 40/. each for. You see we go to war at our own charges, contrary to the ortho- dox maxims. I have been unwell ; a devil of a walk on duty, which I had in the wet one night lately, set my bile all wrong ; but it is past away, and I hope that sickness will spare me to strike a blow for old England before I quit the scene. Here there is no- thing and none to interest me. It is more- solitary than being alone. None of my quondam acquaint- ances in England ever write to me ; but I see the papers, and occasionally read of your doings, — the * The author's two mules were afterwards sold to the Rus- sians in the Crimea for 4/. each. PREPARATION. 59 ministerial ones, I mean, — said ministry very shaky. They are waiting for my note ; so I close. We shall not embark for some days ; and if I hear any thing, or indeed if I hear nothing, I shall probably write a line to show I am still on this side of the cholera. LETTER XVIII. Camp, Gevrekler, 8th August 1854. We have had a good deal of sickness in camp ; so much that our strength in this division would be diminished for battle by 800 men, which is not far from a sixth — a serious consideration. The diseases are cholera, fever, diarrhoea, and dysentery. The days are not so very hot, but the nights are cold out of proportion ; and I imagine the sudden changes of the temperature must be the proximate cause of dis- ease ; then we must remember that the men lie on the ground ; and of course the recoveries are retarded by want of comfort. The note of preparation sounds all round us. I hear the gabions we are making, at the rate of 3000 a day, are sent to Varna, and em- barked, which looks like a siege. We all wait in an apathetic manner for orders to move, which will come no doubt the moment the necessary preparations can be made. A number of the Edinburgh liemew has wandered out here, containing a masterly account of 60 ATTACKS ON OFFICERS. the diplomatic part of the war. This is the first book I have read since I left England ; my only other one is Shakespeare, which comes to hand at all odd mo- ments. I see some severe attacks on officers in the papers, which give me pain. Those in question seem to have been behaving like schoolboys, and I suppose are very young. We have just received an order to take mustaches into wear, with particular explana- tions how the beard is to be shaved, — a regular topi- ary work ; with a special proviso that we in this army are to do as we like ; that is, not shave at all. It is very probable we may be embarked before I can write again. I hope we may do something for the honour of old England and the detriment of old Nick. I will not give up the cooperation of Austria as hopeless ; on the contrary, I believe she will advance as soon as we do. There is an article in the Times about Captain Butler, who died of his wounds, rather mak- iug out that he, who was on half- pay by his own wish and in search of adventures, deserves more credit than we who stick to the dull prosy work of looking after our men's health and comfort in a tiresome camp. If leave could have been had, there would have been dozens of officers at Silistria ; but they were wanted at their posts, where some of them have already died by disease, — who will get no paragraph of praise, although cool waiting for an attack of cholera shows much more true courage than behaving well before the WHO SAVED SILISTRIA ? 61 enemy. No one says a word about the Turkish go- vernor who was killed, or his successor, the responsible person, who really saved the place, or poor Omar Pasha, who had nerve enough not to advance, and risk his army in a battle with the Russians. I be- lieve that is all I have to say, unless I were to enter into an account of our domestic fights with the com- missary, when he tries any thing we do not approve of on our men. These scenes are often ludicrous enough, although sand in the bread and the sugar is any thing but a subject for laughter. I have invari- ably found the commissary disposed to defend his contractor. LETTER XIX. Camp, Gevrekler, 15th August 1854. You say we are to take Sebastopol.* It may be so ; but I do not yet feel sure that will be our point of attack. Unless our leaders are performing a gigantic sham, we certainly are going somewhere, but not instantly, because people get leave now for ten days ahead. We know that the Turks are in Bucharest ; ergo the Russians have continued their retreat ; ergo the Austrians mean to advance ; if so, * The decision of the Government to attack Sebastopol seems from this to have been known in England at least on the 1st August. 62 DOBRUDSCHA. the Anglo-French at Odessa would be in a more attacking position than at Sebastopol. The French have made a most disastrous advance into the Do- brudscha, and have returned witlk. a loss by disease of 7000 men.* General was obliged to have a guard with fixed bayonets to save him from his own men, and it is said he "has attempted suicide. Varna has been half burned, and many stores de- stroyed ; 300,000 lbs. of barley and 168,000 rations of biscuit gone. Our sick increases gradually as the season goes on, and we lose men daily by cholera and fever ; we have also lost officers, the two seniors of the 79th Highlanders. Elliot I was rather intimate with ; he was only married a short time before he embarked, and his poor wife, now twenty-two years old, will be confined in December. All his money lost with his commission, and the most she can hope for is a pension of 80/. a year. We buried him on the 13th on a woody hill looking over the lake and the Black Sea ; and I sat on a stone and made A Sonnet. On far Bulgarian hills I hear the solemn strain : From the sad Highland pipes to eastern skies * The accounts of this movement were most deplorable. The very men who were digging graves for their comrades often fell dead in the midst of the work — in fact, dug their own graves, like monks of La Trappe, although not from the same motive. COLONEL ELLIOT. 63 His native dirges mournfully arise, Lending an echo to the distant main, Beyond whose bounds the young bride looks in vain, And longs and hopes, with watching tearful eyes, Till hope be drowned in unavailing sighs, For many a weary day of widowed pain. Dig deep his grave in this wild woody bank. And gather flowers to make a fragrant bed ; Stoop, kilted warriors, in a sorrowing rank The while we scatter ashes on his head, Bidding farewell. Comrades, his task is o'er ; While we must work till fate shall say, " No more." I was quite touched when I looked into the grave, and saw that the poor soldiers had of their own tenderness filled it with wild flowers. We are ffoino; away from here in two or three days ; the Guards march to-morrow, and we are to camp after three days' march on the south side of Varna Bay. I be- lieve it is merely a move to divert the men's minds. Lord Westmoreland writes that Count Buol had given up hopes of peace, and declared that the soldiers must settle it ; which fiat, however, docs not necessarily involve any very vigorous action this autumn. The French are much dilapidated, and I can quite imagine it possible that nothing may be done till spring. The commissariat is very bad. To carry on this affair you must discard economy, especially when transport or food for the troops is in question. At this moment I see lying before me a 64 NOT TO CARRY PACKS. complaint that the commissary has no straw for the sick. There are too many forms, too much time lost in obtaining any object, however important. The Guards are very much more unhealthy than we are, and do not march as well. When we marched from Varna to Aladeen, only twenty of the Highlanders who started with the column did not march in with it ; of the Guards one hundred and fifty at least were behind. Now I hear on this new march the Guards are to have their packs carried for them, — a most fatal blunder, and the beginning of blunders. We shall refuse for our men, as they are perfectly fit to carry their packs, and do not wish to be separated from their property. I am afraid we shall have to leave some sick behind in this camp — only seven or eight. The French pillaged cruelly during the fire at Varna, as did some English who were drunk, but others behaved very well, and stuck to the powder- magazine and saved it.* So many officers, staff and others, are going home sick, that it is not unlikely I may be ofiered some other situation ; but I cannot leave C. It is very strange how the English public * Mr. M'Bean, now Adjutant of the 93d, behaved so well, and saved so much Turkish property from plunder, that the Turkish Government sent him the order of the Medjidie, which he was not allowed to accept, as it was not gained before the enem}% that being the condition upon which British officers are allowed to wear foreign orders. RIGHTS OF WOMEN. 65 persuaded themselves we were on the Danube ; I never thought we should go there from the moment the Russians abandoned this bank, which I believe they did from the dread of fighting us with the river behind them ; they would have all been taken prisoners had we won the day. Strategically speaking, the cap- ture of Sebastopol would not affect the campaign ; the troops in the Crimea cannot go any where by sea, nor march by land, to assist the rest of the Russian army. If the Austrians attack in front, and we roll up their left wing, we should do them much more mischief; and Sebastopol can always be taken when the time can be spared for the operation. No doubt it would affront the Czar and give us a good port ; but I shall not believe we are to try it this autumn till I find myself landed there. It looks more as if we were waiting here till the Austrians have advanced so far that the two attacks shall be simultaneous. If they are so, the movement will be irresistible, and we shall winter in Odessa, with the Russians behind the Pruth, and the Austrians in Moldavia. You seem occupied by Mrs. and the rights of women. I do not think those rights practically so little respected as she maintains. It is true that drunken brutes beat their wives, and sometimes sober scoundrels use them ill ; but they are drunk, and are scoundrels, and are acknowledged to be so. The young men had not much to do who drew me ; they will be diverted now 66 TO VARNA AGAIN. by a new uniform, which, I hear, has been contrived for them. Poor boys, they have not much amuse- ment here, and are really very well-behaved. August 16th. I do begin to think that, after all, we shall go to Sebastopol. The French losses are exaggerated, 1700 dead and 3000 in hospital. The expedition to embark, as I hear, will be 45,000 French and 25,000 English. The first batch that lands any where will have a tight battle to hold their ground ; but if we get 20,000 Englishmen ashore, they will not be easily chawed up. Part of our division marched this morning towards Varna. LETTER XX. Camp, GevrCkler, 18th August 1854. Part of our division marched yesterday, and with it one of our regiments which ought not to have gone, as Lord Raglan said when he heard of it. There has been a great difficulty about transport, and now more so, as the officers commanding the Guards persuaded Lord Raglan to let them have their packs carried ; and Lord Raglan, having agreed to that, was compelled to order all the others to have theirs carried likewise. Our Highlanders (42d), particularly indignant, ap- PACKS OFF. 67 peared on parade with their packs on their shoulders. This dreadful fact was immediately reported to the Assistant- Adjutant -General, Colonel Gordon, who galloped up to the 4 2d, and ordered the foaming Cameron to take off his men's packs.* The regiment was delayed two hours in the sun, while stowing the packs on mules and ponies. I often think of the se- cret confided to me by an old brother officer of mine, Johnny Marsh, who had served in the Peninsula, and whose experience was given to me in the concrete : " Never, if you can help it, be brigaded with the Guards/' The cholera has been very bad in the fleet, especially in the French one. Admiral Bruat's ship lost 153 men in sixty hours. Lord Raglan keeps his * Colonel Cameron received the order to be on the appointed ground at a certain hour, and also to have the men's knapsacks packed upon mules ; but he found that if he attempted to com- ply with the latter order, he would be too late for the time at which he was ordered to be on the ground from whence the column was to march. He therefore decided on letting the soldiers carry their packs, not being aware of the importance attached to this scheme of employing mules. After the three battalions of Guards and the 42d marched, taking all the trans- port with them, which was on the 16th, Sir Colin Campbell was obliged, by his own activity and that of his interpreter, to collect native arabas, which could not be got in sufficient numbers till the 21st. Not a single cart was sent to us from "Varna. Each mule could only carry six packs, or about 100 mules for a bat- talion of additional transport, or carts in proportion, to execute this unsoldierlike plan. 68 A GEITTLEMAN. secret well, I am happy to say ; somewhere we are surely going as soon as every thing is ready. The idea is, that the Russians are 60,000 strong in the Crimea. If we go there with 70,000, the operation is pretty serious ; for the Russians will be strongly entrenched, and the storming their works will be murderous, but certain to succeed with such soldiers as we have here. We have now 300 sick in our bri- gade, but we have only lost thirty-five men dead since we came to Turkey, without counting the officers. I see there is an amusing article in the Times, laughing at our Adjutant-General's order about dress, white collars, &c. ; he does not write well, it must be con- fessed. The fact is, that almost every one wears a flannel shirt, red, blue, or gray, and those who dislike shaving, do not shave at all. General Bentinck of the Guards, who shaves, professes that he does it to look like a gentleman. I suggested that Philip Sidney and Raleigh, Shakespeare and Co. were very pretty gentlemen, and yet wagged their beards. I suppose, however, he would not call Shakespeare a gentleman, even if shaved. The business is horrible, and, I believe, in the worst intention that could be imputed. Some fifty years ago, among the farming people of Ireland, abduction was thought rather a joke ; I sup- pose the poor women were used to it. I am going to ride into Varna, where I have not been for a month, just to look at the fire, or rather at its effects. If BEGIN TO EMBARK. 69 this war continues, as seems likely, I shall very pos- sibly receive a higher appointment, when all the men of interest are provided for. The only difficulty is se- parating from C, unless he gets promoted also, which may occur. LETTER XXL Camp, Galata, on the south side of Varna Bay, 24th August 1854. We have been marching for three days, arid are now camped in a very beautiful spot close to the sea, but very high, with many trees. It is near, and a little to the south of, the place where we were landed on the 14th (same as described in Letter IX.). Wal- nuts, wild pears, and cherry-trees. There are so many troops camped about us, and so many horses, that water is hard to come by, and there is literally no- thing to be bought ; my breakfast is dry ration -bread made of rye and sand, with tea, but no milk. They have begun embarking the artillery guns ; the men and horses bring them to the wharf, and go back to their camp, where they can get water. We cannot find out when the infantry is to embark ; but that we are to embark and go somewhere is certain. It is as- serted that the Russians have not more than 50,000 men in the Crimea ; so that with our 60 or 70,000 French and English, and some thousand Turks, we 70 CLIMATE. ought to lick them handsomely, if they give battle ; but should they retire behind their entrenchments, there will be some sharp fighting. The common idea is, that we shall land on the north side of Sebastopol, and get possession of a fort which is situated there, from whence we should be able to bombard the fleet and town. If we succeed in destroying the ships, even should we fail in taking the town, we should effect a good deal for Turkey ; but the thing will not be com- plete unless we take the town, and winter there. I cannot myself feel sure that we are going to Sebas- topol at all ; a short time must decide it. There is a strong north wind blowing at present, which would hinder a disembarkation on the west side of the Crimea. We have had a good many deaths among the officers, and many have gone home sick ; all are tired of this inactivity. The weather has become cooler, and they say the sickly season is nearly over ; but I see the men pulling the wild pears and cherries all round them, which will certainly make some of them sick, and that will be laid to the climate. Pro- perly speaking, I do not believe there is any thing the matter with the climate ; if we all lived in houses, and had good food, I will be bound to say there would not be more sick than in England. Meantime the regiment has been quite disorganised by the death and sickness of officers ; there is not one re- maining with the regiment who has been more than RIGHT IN FRONT. 7l six years in the service ; a tenth of the men dead, and the rest got so frightened, that they gave up cleaning their horses. The Highland Brigade is con- sidered healthy in the army ; but the Guards are sickly and dispirited, and accordingly have lost three times as many as we have, and very likely will go on losing in that proportion, should the sickness con- tinue. I think I told you about their marching with- out packs, and the Commander-in-Chief forcing us to do the same, to the disgust of men and officers. It is a bad speculation to be in the same division with the Guards ; they are always on the right by virtue of their seniority ; they do not take detachment-duty, which falls on the left brigade. Then the march is usually right in front. On the march, those who come last have to sweep up baggage and sick and ammunition, and have a good deal of dirty work to do ; so that, in fairness, the brigades should be or- dered to march day about, left and right in front. We have the resource, the native Englishman's privi- lege, of grumbling. If there is another post before we go, I shall write ; after that event, we shall be landed in forty- eight hours, and who can tell what our lot may be ? Victorious as an army,, I feel convinced ; but who will be able to write, is another matter, on which it is bootless to speculate. 72 A BIRD OF PREY. LETTER XXII. Camp, Galata Burnu, 28th August 1854. I GIVE now the proper name; which is indeed that of the cape which makes the south corner of Varna Bay. Preparation goes on fast and furi- ous ; embarking artillery, gabions, fascines, horses. Those who are only waiting to embark have not much to amuse them, except reading the papers. Sometimes in the same paper we find we are in the Crimea and on the Danube. Lord Raglan says nothing, and I do not believe it is absolutely fixed where we are to land ; we shall sweep along the Russian coast like a mighty bird of prey, and swoop where we find a quiet place for landing. Once landed, and the French and English in line, I have no doubt ; but I consider we are going to begin a winter cam- paign, including the siege, and that, even if victorious in a short time and more easily than now seems likely, we shall winter there. Possibly I may write once more from on board ship, as I suppose there will be a floating post-office. After landing I can think that it will not be easy to write or send letters. All the cavalry is to go, I now hear ; so I hope will have the opportunity of seeing some service and of distinguishing himself; and that all the army may, by its carriage, wipe out the memory of the disgraces come to light in their barrack-life. Practical jokes I PRACTICAL JOKES. 73 have myself always objected to. When I was young I was in a regiment where some such absurdities as we hear of took place, and I announced my intention of stopping it on the first opportunity ; this soon occurred from an officer in joke pulling off my spec- tacles. I immediately called him out ; and he was obliged to apologise before the whole mess ; which transaction cured the disease completely. The peace- people have made some absurd rule, interdicting this rough practical method, and I trace to that order much of the irregularity now occurring. However, the order would come to nothing if such indignities were attempted on the right man ; for he would call his in- sulter out, and take the chance of what might be done to him afterwards ; moreover, all the sensible people in the regiment would back him. The young officers are like schoolboys, and I do not much care about their freaks ; the ugly part of the matter is, that the older officers do not give straightforward evidence. Mr. — , I have no doubt, was a person whom they all wished to get rid of ; he was at any rate a goose ; for if he chose to take refuge in a complaint to his com- manding-officer, he should have done so officially ; then the colonel must have attended to him, or have left him the option of sending his complaint direct to the general officer commanding the district. The regiment ought to be broken up, and new officers ap- pointed to it. I never had a quarrel in my life ; and 74 A PROCLAMATION. in the affair I alluded to was not in the least angry : the man meant nothing ; I acted on principle. The poor fellow was killed at Chillianwallah, at the head of the regiment. The 23d and 24th Letters were written on board the Emeu steam -transport, commanded by Captain Small, a most intelligent and agreeable gentleman. The space of time embraced is from the evening of the 29th, when the 1st Division was embarked, till the 13th September, on which day the orders to dis- embark in the Crimea were issued. Before leaving Varna, there appeared a sort of proclamation or gene- ral order, stating that it was decided to invade the Crimea ; a most unnecessary publication, which in all probability was despatched forthwith by boat to Odessa and to Sebastopol by Russian spies. The author was summoned at 9 p.m., on Thursday the 28th August, to take orders for embarking his brigade the following morning. It would have been just as easy to give two days' notice. The place where the orders were taken was at General Bentinck's tent, about a mile and a half from that of Sir Colin Campbell. General Bentinck was the senior, and the Duke was on board ; so there was a mile and a half to ride, a very long and minute order to be taken down ; then a mile and ORDERS. 75 a half back, after which the order had to be read to Sir Colin, and the adjutants to be summoned, who had then to copy the orders, to communicate them to the commanding-officers of their respective battalions, occupying them half the night, for no assignable reason. Nothing could surpass the kindness and activity of the navy officers whose duty it was to embark the troops. The author, in Letter XXIIL, supposes that the troops would be disembarked and entrenched, and that the transports would immedi- ately return for all the animals left behind. Why this was not done, has never been explained in a satisfactory manner. In the 24th Letter, the author makes his first remark upon the number of brigadiers found by the Guards, which evil was afterwards in- creased ; a matter very fully entered into in this work. It is so difficult to explain this question to civilians, that the repetition must be pardoned, supposing the complaint to be well founded. LETTER XXIIL Steam-transport Emeu, Varna Bay, 2d September 1854. In my last I told you we were very near our time for embarking. The order came very suddenly, in the middle of the night, and a precious job they made of 76 HISTORICAL FACT. it. However, the whole army may be said to be on board, with the exception of some thousand horses and mules, which are left on the hill-side to take their chance, and that but a poor one. I have left, of my own property, horses and mules to the value of 235^. The order to the army to invade the Ciimea is out, and is now an historical fact. The fleet and transports rendezvous at Balchick Bay, some fifteen miles north of Varna, from whence 900 sail of ships, great and small, will start in a body for an unknown point of disembarkation. Among these there will be more than 100 large English steamers. The in- fantry will land by divisions ; first the Light Division, and then the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th. I make out 24,000 rank and file, besides sergeants, bands, offi- cers, &c., and sixty guns, with five regiments of Light Cavalry. It is evident from the orders given that our leaders expect to land without any opposi- tion. We are to carry nothing on shore with us ex- cept ammunition and three days' provisions ; and I suppose it is intended to throw up entrenchments until the ships can return and bring the remainder of the baggage, horses, mules, &c. The French army in Turkey, nominally 80,000 strong, is sadly reduced. Canrobert's division of Zouaves and Chasseurs de Vin- cennes amounted to 13,000 men ; it is doubted whe- ther he can bring 4000 men into the field. The dif- ference in the health of the two armies is very credit- AT SEA. 77 able to the English officers, and shows that they have attended with much care and judgment to the com- fort and discipline of their men. We are now on the crest of the wave, just going to take the plunge ; there has not been sent such an expedition from England since that unfortunate one under Lord Chatham. Considering the distance from home, it is very well done, and the troops are full of heart. Prosit ! I do not think writing will be pos- sible ; if we fight, it will be all in the papers. The story of England's prowess will make a page in his- tory, which tells all but the important part, viz. the millions of thoughts, hopes, desires, and despairs, liv- ing till the last moment in the human units making up an army. In the cold bivouac, or when the bul- lets are whistling round me, I shall have my share of these. LETTER XXIV. Emeu steam-transport at sea, ninety miles west of Cape Tarkan, in the Crimea, 8th September 1854. We are now very near our landing-place, they say; but, indeed, no one knows. We set out from Balchick Bay yesterday, and made a very imposing spectacle. So many ships, perhaps, never sailed together in one organised body before. Last night there was a bright 78 WHERE SHALL WE LAND ? full moon, and we saw the ships almost as plain as by day. The look-out man on Cape Chersonese will lift up his hands with astonishment when he sees us. Sunday, 10th September. At anchor about sixty miles west of Cape Tarkan, and 110 from Cape Chersonese, that is, Sebastopol. The whole fleet, French and English, anchored last night, of course out of sight of land, but nearer Odessa than any other place. The report is, that we sail again this afternoon, and make land somewhere to-morrow morning ; who knows in what part of Rus- sia ? Cholera is on board ; we have lost six men by it since we embarked, and one fell overboard in his sleep. No one seems to be much alarmed. We are to land without tents ; in fact, men and officers with no more than each can carry ; sleep on the ground al fresco. It sounds uncomfortable, especially if we are under fire all the time, as is likely ; for I cannot be- lieve that the Russians will not make a vigorous de- fence. However, I do not wish to be any where else than where I am. With regard to the regi- ment, about which you write, I can assure you that the whole military society with which I am acquainted condemns the habits prevailing in that ill-regulated corps as much as you could do. The cowardly pre- varication of the officers when examined is the real blot ; all the rest is a trifle, I think. Mr. , I dare BRIGADIERS. 79 say, was a muff of a disagreeable sort, who fell among a vulgar set of people, who took vulgar means to rid themselves of him. The result must be, that those of the officers who have committed themselves will have to retire, or stand a court-martial ; and probably most of the officers will be moved into other corps, and the whole clique will be broken up. We are now going on serious business, where such fooleries would not be thought of ; but no such scenes can ever occur with- out detection and prevention in any good regiment, like this 4 2d now in the Emeu with us. I am not going to proceed on the hopeless task of persuading you that all is sound in the army. Jobs of all sorts are perpetrated perpetually. There are ten brigades, three of them commanded by Guardsmen, — that is, seven battalions of Guards supply three brigadiers, and ninety-nine battalions of the Line only supply seven. That speaks volumes ; and these men got their rank while walking about St. James's Street. They command companies for the discipline of which they are not responsible ; and they remain posted over us, a standing provocation. Very likely, when once on shore, I shall not be able to write to you. We are to carry three days' cooked provisions with us — that is, cold pork and biscuit, and a canteen of water ; and make good our ground against all comers. It is a remarkable expedition, and will have many historians to record our exploits, and recount our success or our 80 EUPATORIA. failure. The latter I think scarcely possible ; but there is always a chance of it ; and if that chance should turn against us, the memory of the defeat will be stamped in such characters of blood as will put half England in mourning. My share will be no ignoble one. My place is at the head of the column, and the front of the line ; where danger is rifest, there must the brigade-major be. The Highlanders' plumes will wave round my path ; their wild shouts and wilder pipes will sound my triumph or my coro- nach ; and the glittering bayonets will flash terror and defiance wherever I go. Monday, 11th September. Just getting under way. We do not yet know in what direction we are to steer ; but it must be de- cided soon, as the whole fleet is getting ready. We waited yesterday for the French sailing-liners, which were all behind. Many dead of cholera in various transports. Emeu, 13th September. We have been anchoring and keeping the fleet together until now. This morning we started down the coast from near Eupatoria, and are aiming for a point very near Sebastopol ; the signal is flying, " Make every preparation for landing the troops." I do not, however, think this can be accomplished until to-morrow. OASSY Kherson \ -^^ismsal^ \ ^ K%^ rRIANOPLE BESIKA BAV '^Srn NT I ko<*^ -seA Of ^'^'^'^^'^ iJzmzd lTe£'3/iShml^liab:r7Ma^e&,CmdaAA. CHART OFTHE BLACK SEA and suiToimclmg Countnes . \ Bdhim Kars-^ Trehiztm^wee>iJiures ^San^i^. T.ir&ier(^leA:2^MdlSirea-' um^&ai^. ALMA ! 87 which the Light Division had been repulsed. The Russians are placed where they were on the Russian plan, but the Grand-Duke Michael's troops were not where they are shown when the 42d crossed the river ; those whom the Highlanders encountered were further from the river. BuUer's brigade came up behind the Highlanders, and formed in their rear. The ground on the right bank of the Alma was flatter than it is shown in the Plan, and decidedly lower than the Rus- sian position. The left bank, where the 42d forded the river, appears correct, and the regiment formed under the bank before advancing. LETTER XXVL Field of battle, 21st September 1854. Yesterday we fought the battle which will be called the Passage of the Alma. We advanced for some hours across a beautiful grassy plain, in great columns flanked by skirmishers, mth the cavalry and guns in the centre. About noon we got sight of the Russian army, in position on the heights above the Alma, with entrenched batteries and every prepara- tion. Our united numbers were, including English, French, and Turks, about 50,000 infantry; and we estimated the enemy's force opposite to us at 40,000 of the same arm ; but they had heavy guns in position, 88 42d, advance I and were very strongly posted. The French began by attacking the left of the Russians, near the sea, and our army attacked in front. Some of our troops were by no means well handled, and, after taking the centre battery, were driven back. We, who were following them, soon got to the river, after struggling through some vineyards. When C. got into the bed of the river, and could see along the left bank, he perceived that the Light Division was in a mess. " By God !" said he, " those regiments are not moving like English soldiers.'' He immediately ordered the 42d to form as rapidly as possible on the south, or enemy's bank, and sent orders to the 93d and 79th to do the same as soon as they could. The Duke at this time came up to him, and C. energetically recommended an im- mediate advance, saying, that "he foresaw a disaster unless we did so." The 4 2d were pushed on at once by him, marching over the 77th regiment, which was lying down. The soldiers of this regiment called out to us, " You are madmen, and will be all killed !'' The 42d by this advance necessarily turned the Russians out of the centre battery, and enabled the Guards, in their second attempt, to get into it without any re- sistance. The effect of his manoeuvre was foretold by C. before the 42d moved, showing the advantage of a general with a true tactical eye. We made a deli- berate parade-movement of regiments in echelon, right A DECISIVE MANCEUVRE. 89 in front, up tlie highest hill. I was sent to the left to form the 79th in column, to be safe from the Rus- sian cavalry. The 79th afterwards deployed. The 42d was the right regiment, and was the first formed. I got back from the left in time to go up the hill with it. The men never looked back, and took no notice of the wounded. They ascended in perfect silence, and without firing a shot. On crowning the hill, we found a large body of Russians, who vainly tried to stand before us. Our manoeuvre was perfectly deci- sive, as we got on the flank of the Russians in the centre battery, into which we looked from the top of the hill, and I saw the Guards rush in as the Russians abandoned it. The Guards were not moved on quite so soon as our brigade, and sufi'ered far more, poor fellows. The end was, killing and wounding a many innocent Russians and a many innocent English, and making the Russians leave that ; but it was very glorious ; and we have to do the same thing on new ground to-morrow, and perhaps once more before we reach the port of Sebastopol. The feeling of a battle is not very exciting to me, and the sight afterwards is very horrid. I hope we shall soon be able to take the place, and finish for the autumn ; for no change of clothes, and sleeping on the ground, is very dis- agreeable. C. had his horse shot under him, and we all had plenty of bullets flying about us. I saw a Russian skirmisher, a great big fellow, come within 90 THE butcher's BILL. forty yards, and take a deliberate shot at Colonel S. He made two or three men on the right of the 4<2d turn to their right and fire at him; but the fellows missed him. Our brigade lost one officer, and about one hundred men, which was very fortunate, as some regiments lost as many as ten officers. Our getting off so easily was mainly owing to the admirable lead- ing of C, and the pace we went, which got us to the top of the hill before the Russians. The dead Russians were well fed and clothed, with very clean linen and capital kits. Meantime they are burning the villages, and all the horrors of war go on. J. B. has now got the beginning of his butcher's bill ; be- fore we take Sebastopol it will make a pretty amount. I do not know when there will be an opportunity for sending letters, so I shall keep this one ready in my pocket. If it does not go to day, there will be another battle to-morrow, and perhaps it will not go at all. I shall keep it open. 2l8t, in the evening. The Fleet reports that the beaten Russians have gone right into Sebastopol, so we shall advance to the siege without further impediment. Our army has lost about 2000 in killed and wounded, and we are busy in burying the dead. I have nothing to add, except that the Russians thought we should be three weeks in forcing this position, and we did it in less than three hours ! Effectual people are the English. FLANK MARCH. 91 The last letter ends on the evening of the 21st (Thursday). On Saturday the army marched to the Katscha River, and passed it without any opposition. On Sunday the 24th they crossed the Belbek, and camped there ; and on Monday struck off by compass, through the wild brushwood, direct for Mackenzie's Farm, steering a course about south-east. They de- scended by the Mackenzie-Farm road, crossed the Chemaya at Traktir, and very late in the night, after a long march, finally encamped on the Feduchine heights. During this march, it is probable that many men were lost in the coppices, having knocked up. These men were probably afterwards picked up by the Cossacks. At Mackenzie's Farm the advanced troops fell in with the baggage of a Russian column, which had marched the same morning out of Sebastopol, going to Bakchi Serai. If the British army had moved off two hours sooner, there would have been another engagement. The policy of this flank-march to gain a new base will always remain a subject for debate. The original plan had been, there is no doubt, to make a coup-de-main against Sebastopol; and it may be surmised that if St. Arnaud had not been dying, this would have been attempted. The only thing really to impede its success would have been the fire from the Russian fleet in the harbour. Fort Sever- naya was a poor work, very much dilapidated. The 92 BALAKLAVA. attack upon it would have fallen to the French ; the English army would have swept round the head of the harhour, bringing up its left shoulder, and would have attacked the Malakoff, at that time a simple round tower, with two guns on the top and casemates. As they had with them no battering guns, their only plan would have been to get so close that the Russian gunners would have been unable to depress their guns so as to reach the beleaguring foe ; and a miner would have been attached to the wall on the first night. There is every probability that this rush would have succeeded ; and whatever the loss might have been, it would have been infinitely less than what was in- curred by the plan adopted. No instructed military mind can approve of an attempt to besiege without investing. At the same time it seems extremely likely that the long siege was the proximate cause of peace, as without it Russia would not have been so much exhausted. However, on Tuesday morning, the 26th, the army moved on, and got possession of Balaklava without difficulty. LETTER XXVII. Bivouack, Balaklava, 28th September 1854. I WROTE you a hurried note after the battle of the Alma, which I could not even look over. We have KADIKOI GUTTED. 93 since seen nothing of the Russians, except the tail of a column which marched out of Balaklava to meet their reinforcements from Anapa. We have now marched completely round Sebastopol, and have gained possession of the harbour of Balaklava, where the Agamemnon is now moored. This becomes our new base. They are landing the siege-train ; and we shall no doubt advance immediately to break ground and begin. It is probable they will make an obsti- nate resistance ; but all sieges come to an end in a time which can be calculated. War is a horrid thing ; not merely the field of battle itself is hideous, but the ruin of the poor helpless inhabitants. We came down here unexpectedly ; the men were not drunk, and were quite obedient to their officers. The orders were distinct as to not injuring property ; yet the village (Kadikoi) close to the camp of this division, where the Duke has his quarters, was completely gutted in half an hour. The inhabitants had run away. The men seemed to do it out of fun ; they broke boxes and drawers that were open, and threw the fragments into the street. The battle of the Alma must, during its progress, have been a grand sight to spectators who had time to admire. The cool advance of the English under fire surprised our French allies. It is acknowledged by them that we had much the worst part of the position to take. Our brigade was very lucky in not losing many officers or men. Some 94 PRETTY CRITICAL. other regiments suffered frightfully. The 2Sd lost thirteen officers, of whom nine were killed. This regiment, and the 19th and 33d, bore the brunt of the enemy's first fire from the centre battery. After passing the river, they were not allowed to form, but attacked in confusion, and were driven back ; then our division, which was behind them, after some hesita- tion, was advanced. I believe C.'s advice, and his war-experience, were found very useful. In the Bri- gade of Guards, the Fusilier regiment, which was the centre one, was broken, and driven back with great loss. They got mixed with the beaten regiments of the Light Division, which retreated through them, and put them into confusion. The moment our bonnets topped the hill, on the left of the Guards, the Rus- sians gave way. But it was pretty critical : if we had waited ten minutes, or even five minutes more, the Russians would have been on the crest of the hill first, and God knows what would have been the loss of the Highland Brigade, even if we had succeeded in pushing them back. When we got half way up the hill, I saw it was all right. We killed an awful lot of Russians ; the whole ground in our front, for hun- dreds of yards, was strewed with dead and wounded. TENTS. 95 LETTER XXVIII * Bivouack, before Sebastopol, 3d October 1854. I HAVE at last got a substitute for a table, and can by means of that luxury write a little more at ease. They say that a mail will go out to-day ; so I must try and tell you something about us. We live a very strange life, never taking our clothes off; that is, since the 14th September, when we landed. Yes- terday the ofl&cers were provided with tents ; but the men still lie down on the ground without cover, but couched in such appliances of hay and straw as they can pick up. I have had a small tent all the time> except one or two nights. The difficulty about tents is the want of means to carry them ; but now that we are fairly set down for a siege, I hope the soldiers will get this comfort sent up from Balaklava. I have had a good look from the heights into Sebastopol. The town is not very large, but the defences look stiff, and are increasing. We may easily be kept here some weeks. The heavy battering-guns must be all landed, and brought seven or eight miles, and batteries must be made to hold them. The ground is very unfavour- able for digging ; so much so, that I apprehend we shall * The 1st Division, consisting of the Guards and High- landers, with the exception of the 93d, which was left behind at Kadikoi, moved up to their camp before Sebastopol on Monday the 3d October, the day on which this letter was written. 96 PROSPECTS. have to use sandbags. It is said Menschikoff means to try and relieve the place, which he ought to at- tempt; but he will scarcely get a sufficient force up in time. We are now, you understand, on the south side of Sebastopol harbour, where the town is ; but the Russians have got free ingress and egress north and east, as our army is not large enough to surround the whole place. We are just out of shot. The Russian batteries very often fire both round shot and shells at the out-picquets ; doing no harm, however. Cho- lera continues carrying off officers and men ; but our party continues healthy. The Turkish part of the population here will join us, and bring in supplies, as soon as we take Sebastopol ; but they are afraid of committing themselves at present, as the Cossacks are continually roaming about, and our cavalry are not very clever at outpost duty. I am writing in the open air at half-past o a.m. ; there has been a heavy dew in the night, and it is very sharp for the fingers ; but the sun soon gets power, and then it is, if any thing, too hot. Certainly the climate is charming, that is to say, for those who dwell in houses. As to us, the common decencies, not to say comforts, of life are denied, and many of the officers grumble openly. They have no transport, and have to march loaded with heavy cloaks, besides provisions, and till yester- day had no tents. Now an officer's duty begins when the march is over ; for he has then to look after his NO EXCUSE. 97 men, and he cannot do it efficiently if he is fagged. However, the excuse is the impossibility of finding transport, or food for the animals if we had them. I do not admit the excuse on the part of the commis- sary, for there must be lots of empty ships to send for mules and forage. We wait anxiously to hear what you think of our victory in England, and whether we had enough killed and wounded to please you. You will have another butcher's bill at the storm- ing of the works ; and perhaps a general action when Lliders and Liprandi come up, which will make the autumn newspapers very cheerful for those who have friends out here. The sun is just rising, and shooting straight into my eyes, not a cloud any where. Peace profound ! Yet advance a mile, and you will cer- tainly be fired at. LETTER XXIX. V Bivouack, before Sebastopol, 4th October 1854. I WROTE to you by yesterday's post, and just after- wards I heard of ~ , who was quite well, and took an acquaintance of mine round his troop to show the miserable state of the horses, which are worn down with fatigue and want of food. We hope daily for the arrival of the French Dragoons, who will lighten H 98 LOSSES. the work of the outposts. They are getting up siege- artillery and ship-guns as fast as they can ; we hourly expect orders to begin making trenches and batteries. Meantime the only thing warlike around us is an occasional shell thrown at the infantry outlying picquets. But cholera, I am sorry to say, is in- creasing among officers and men. Hitherto we have not been able to get up tents for our poor fellows, who lie on the bare ground with their greatcoats and blankets ; but some few tents have been distributed to-day, and I hope for more. I understand we shall have 199 heavy guns in position to batter the de- fences ; and most likely, when once we open, the affair will soon be over. What our course will be after- wards must depend upon orders from home. I see the Times is inclined to make us destroy every thing, and go away. That is not my policy. I would send more troops, and keep Crim Tartary as a material guarantee and a stepping-stone next year to Georgia. Nick will not give in till he is more beaten. Our force is diminishing daily by disease, and we lost 2000 at the Alma. The Russians, it is supposed, lost from 6000 to 8000. They have an army now hanging on our flank, and talk of 40,000 more coming ; so that another general action is quite likely to finish this campaign ; but when they have not a strong position fortified mth heavy guns, I believe we could beat double our numbers. At the Alma, so far as I could A DIFFICULTY. 99 see,* our artillery did no good at all in the way oif beating the enemy ; they only pounded them a little when they were retreating. It was the British In- fantry, the invincibles, who won the battle. I have had a great deal of trouble with the Guards ; they do not relieve our sentries in time. I spoke to their Brigade-Major, and General heard me. I pointed out to the Brigade-Major one of our sentries close by who ought to have been relieved. General felt the reproach was just, got into a rage, and turned upon me in the most insolent manner. When I went back to our camp, I asked C. to pro- tect me. He called on General , who would say nothing in the way of apology — "he would be damned if he would \' so I have only to cut him. It is very provoking; for, away from duty, I like these Guardsmen very much ; but our division marriage is, like some other marriages, an unhappy one. My Highland bonnet is ready, and I shall wear it the first time we go into fire. It will make us a very distinguished staff, as all the others wear cocked-hats. The existence just now is miserable ; with my habits, not to have a book at all, and to have a young fellow, quite a stranger, living in the same tent with me. * Lord Raglan brought up some guns on the British right, which took the Russians in reverse; but this could not be seen from the ground where the Highlanders stood. 100 NO VEGETABLES. We get little to eat here but salt pork and biscuit, — no vegetables, — and spirits and water, tea without milk ; our baggage on board ship ; most of our horses and animals left behind, and probably lost to us for ever. However, it is part of the war, and without these sacrifices I suppose we could not have made this invasion, which is a blow that will disconcert Nicho- las wonderfully, especially if we succeed in beating his army in the field once more. One beating may be explained away, but a second will satisfy him that we are too much for him and his vaunted army. The place where we are bivouacked is bare and desolate. By riding a little forward, we can see into the town, and watch the Russian soldiers strengthening their works and preparing the batteries. It is supposed we shall not fire a gun till the whole 199 are ready to open with a grand crash, smashing ships, and works, and town, into one everlasting ruin. The inhabitants of Sebastopol, if the Russian generals permit it, have free egress to the north. Now I hope the poor women and children will be spared the horrible scene ; the men, I suppose, they will keep to work and fight for their town. At the Alma I rode my chestnut horse, and he behaved wonderfully, taking no sort of notice of shot, shell, nor musketry ; neither did he shy at the dead bodies with which the ground was covered ; for though we lost few men (100), yet we killed a tremendous number : the hill opposite, over which war's romance. 101 the Eussians fled, was quite thickly strewed with dead and wounded, abandoned packs, and broken arms, the work of the Highland Brigade : their Minie's seem to shoot very strong. Lord Raglan's eyes filled with tears when he shook hands with G. ; and he could not speak when the brave old veteran said to him, pointing to the killed, " Sir, it was they who did it." And then the cheer when he asked to wear a bonnet ! With its horrors, war has its ro- mance. 6th October. We are always under arms, and ready to move an hour before daylight. This morning there was a lively skirmish with a patrol of Cossacks just in front of us ; the bullets came whizzing past us, and the line of flashes from the muskets in the pale light of the morning moon was very picturesque. We may ex- pect something of this sort every morning till our batteries are ready, when the attacks will be more serious. I have now reason to believe that it is the intention to abandon this place, and embark the army, after destroying Sebastopol. The army has dwindled down sadly from wounds and disease. Without large reinforcements, I think we could not keep the field against the enemy, who probably has much exagger- ated our numbers. We have just got tents to cover our men, so that I hope the cholera may be arrested. What is our course to be if we go into winter-quar- 102 SEND MORE MEN. ters, having done nothing except taking Sebastopol ? Nicholas will not make peace, I feel convinced ; and where can we pinch him again ? To make this army- fit to take the field next spring with success, we must have our regiments completed, and an addition to the force of 15,000 or 20,000 men. Will England, or can England, do that ? The expense will be the least part. This morning mourning has been diffused through thousands of families ; for on this morning, by my calculation, the Times must have published the despatches with all the names of killed and wounded. An appeal must be made to the Militia. Boys will not do, they cannot stand the fatigue ; bone and sinew must come, men of twenty-four or twenty- five years old ; and one campaign will age many of them by a dozen years. That is war, horrible war. The fighting is nothing to the wear and tear of spirits and mind and body. In this country our soldiers can get notliing to drink, and they behave admirably. In winter-quarters they will make up for this, and we shall have to punish these splendid fellows who have this main vice. Meantime, speed engineers, get up the heavy guns. The Russian troops are no doubt streaming down from the Danube, where the Austrians have set them free ; and it is on the cards that our prey may still be rescued from us. Liiders has come with a considerable force, and I daily expect to find our communications with Balaklava threatened ; ano- HEMMED IN. A SKIRMISH. ] 03 ther action and another list of deaths is impending. Should we. however, take the place and then embark, I imagine they will not molest us, having had a lesson how we fight. If I was England, I would send out another 50,000 men, conquer the Crimea, and go to Georgia, smiting hip and thigh. But they will not do it ; half measures and hopes of peace will undo us. Layard is here, also Kinglake, who was in the battle, and Cayley. The Retribution has just returned from the Isthmus of Perekop, and reports very large bodies of Russian troops on their march here. Rumour makes them 80,000 or 90,000 ; we know of 80,000 having left Odessa. Our little army is already hemmed round, and we just keep our communications open with Balaklava. This morning, at daybreak, I went to post the outlying picquets on our right flank, with Cameron and Shadwell. We found the officer in com- mand in bed in a tent fast asleep. Conceive, on out- lying picquet ! While there I saw a considerable body of Russian cavalry in the valley below. They advanced, with their skirmishers in front, to within two miles of Balaklava. There they drove in a small picquet of our Dragoons ; after which three regiments of British cavalry showed themselves, which checked the enemy, and they were finally forced to retire by some guns which were brought up escorted by the I7th Lancers. All this went on like a scene in a play, just under my nose. We must be quick in our 1 04 A NERVOUS MOMENT. attack on Sebastopol, or we may be forced to embark, the thing undone, which would be very sad. The works of the place are armed with a very formidable artillery, and they have the seamen for gunners. Unless we can silence this artillery, we dare not storm ; the loss would be too frightful, besides the risk, in case of failure, of not being able to make good our retreat to the ships. It is a nervous moment for the French and English generals, and more of a toss- up than I like for the sake of my country. Large as our force was, it was not large enough. We want an army here to take the place, and another larger to beat the enemy again in the field. The post goes to-morrow, and I must keep my letter ready ; any moment may bring us into action. LETTER XXX. Camp, before Sebastopol, 12th October 1854. Our preparations still go on, but we have not yet replied by a single shot or shell to many hundreds which the Russians have favoured us with. It is in- tended that we shall wait till all the batteries are armed. We have great working parties every night, digging approaches and making batteries ; and al- though the fire on the parties has been very heavy, A CROCUS. 105 we have been so fortunate as to escape with very few casualties, as they call dead and wounded men. Whether the name softens the thing, I leave you to judge. We are all on the alert day and night. Be- sides being under arms always an hour before daylight, we are constantly turned out by alarms, real or false. I send you a crocus which I have just gathered in the middle of all this turmoil, mocking with its peaceful beauty the stern and bloody aspect of war. The roar of cannon is now unceasing, and we get but little sleep. We are, however, all well; and the weakly soldiers being now weeded out by disease and over- fatigue, our men are pretty healthy. I cannot make up my mind on the question as to our abiding here for the winter. The baggage of some of the regiments is come, which looks like staying ; but, on the other hand, if it did not come, or if it went elsewhere, that would announce our intended departure after destroy- ing Sebastopol, which it would not be wise to confide to the enemy. The position the allied armies now oc- cupy is immensely strong, and reinforcements, French and Turkish, are coming, besides our own sick, as they recover, who are sent from Scutari or Varna. I believe the united force is nigh 80,000 men, who in this position, Sebastopol being taken, might bid de- fiance to double their number, supposing them supplied with clothing, food, and gunpowder. We are all in rags — you never saw such figures ; but the arms are 106 RANK AND FILE WONDERFUL. bright and the courage high. We are now told that our guns will open in two days ; but I do not think that certain : there are so many details which must be attended to and verified before we can be sure that every thing is ready. This delay saves life ; for what the guns do not perform for us, must eventually be brought about by storming with our glorious infantry, at a frightful loss, which will read very well in the Gazette no doubt, but will to the well-informed be an index of the incapacity of our Engineers and Artillery, and their subordinate departments. When the Duke of Wellington in Spain made his sieges, he was not provided with such siege-trains as we have, and he was threatened by a French relieving army, under French Marshals, who could not be waited for nor trifled with. For such an attack the Russians are very inferior stuff to the French. is, I believe, near Balaklava ; but I can never get away, my time being entirely taken up with issuing orders and seeing to their execution. I feel little excitement with all that is going on round me, but do my duty like a horse in a mill. The poor rank and file are wonderful : with nothing to gain and all to lose, they submit to the hardest manual labour, and confront the highest perils, without a murmur, and even cheerfully; and as they cannot get drink beyond the daily gill of rum, there is no crime. I am called away on duty. GOES DOWN TO BALAKLAVA. 107 Here comes a change of scene. The cavalry skir- mish mentioned in Letter XXIX. as having taken place on the 4th October, during the relief of the outlying picquets, was only the forerunner of the. ap- proach of Liprandi with his corps towards Balaklava. On the 14th October, Col. Steele, the military secre- tary, rode up to Sir Colin Campbeirs tent about eight o'clock in the morning, while he was at breakfast, and told him Lord Raglan wished him to go and take command of the troops at Balaklava, consisting at that time of the 93d Highlanders at Kadikoi, a weak battalion of invalids, picked from all the army, sta- tioned in Balaklava, two battalions of Marines, some Marine Artillery, and several thousand Turks. When Sir Colin got down to Kadikoi, he found the redoubts on the hills along the Woronzow Road already begun, and also Battery No. 4, in rear of the 93d, already existing. He pushed on the works with all possible vigour. The author went down to join his chief on the ] 6th October ; and here they both remained until the 18th June 1855, just eight months. The an- nexed Plan gives a view of the position ; the same Plan will be introduced with the additional defences as they are added, and will also show the part of the hills opposite Kadikoi, and the lines of Balaklava, which were held by the Russians for several weeks after the battle of Balaklava. 108 AMONG THE TURKS. LETTER XXXI. Camp, in front of Balaklava, 17th Octtiber 1854. You will be amused at the turn of events. Here I am among the Turks. You know I was very busy- carrying on the siege of Sebastopol. On the 14th they became alarmed about a force said to be coming along the south coast of the Crimea to attack our rear, and drive us from Balaklava harbour ; upon which C. was suddenly ordered down here, six miles to the rear, to take charge of the defences of this place. One of our regiments (the 93d) had been left here. C, and his Aide-de-camp Shadwell, went off immediately, and left me with the 42d and 79th, under command of the senior officer (Cameron), I belonging to the Brigade. Lord E,o.glan afterwards wrote to C, saying that if he wished, I might join him. C. left it to me, and I de- cided that I could not be wrong in following such a famous soldier as C, besides loving him so much as I do. So here I am ad interim Assistant Adjutant- General to an Anglo-Turkish division, the Turks under command of Rustem Pasha, who speaks German, which is very convenient for me. We have two battalions of Marines, the 9od Highlanders, and eight battalions of Turkish infantry, with some artillery Turks, whom we have provided with guns to put in the redoubts which we have been ordered to make for them. We TJ'Jdherdi^, ui^J-^rMziSiztOy. Omduii: St. STATE OF THINGS IN FRONT OF BALAKLAVA. 109 have also a battery of English artillery, and a troop of horse artillery. There are here, moreover, two brigades of English cavalry under Lord Lucan. The enemy, our own particular enemy, is on the right, about 23,000 Russians, against whom we have be- tween 5000 and 6000. I hope we shall not be long before we shall return to our kilted. Meantime the English batteries opened this morning, and are pound- ing away hammer and tongs. So, after all the worry of trench-making and battery-making, I shall not perhaps have the honour of entering the place at the head of the Highlanders. However, we may have a battle of our own. I can well feel for the suspense you must be in about . I fear this letter will go before I can know any positive results as to the effects of our fire on Sebastopol. Time is most important to us, as we have Russians coming from Odessa, besides those threatening us in the rear; and we ought if possible to beat them in detail. At the present mo- ment we are all standing by our arms, with the artillery horses harnessed ; the men lie down with their belts on at night, ready to start up and fight at any moment. You probably saw in the papers that a young man named Nasmyth, of the Indian army, hap- pened to be present at the siege of Silistria. Well, this accident has been a motive sufficiently powerful to induce the English government to transfer him as Captain into our army, and then to make him a 110 MEN. FOOD. POWDER. Brevet- Major, and he is now ad interim Assistant Quartermaster-General to this Anglo-Turkish division. There is also a German engineer. These fellows take away the hard-earned rewards of our own officers, who are tied to their regiments, and worked day and night. Captain Shadwell, C.'s Aide-de-camp, was with him in three general actions in India, one of them the dread- ful Chillianwallah, where C. turned the battle ; and he has been since at the Alma, where C. again turned the battle ; yet his Aide-de-camp has not been made a Major or an Assistant Quartermaster-General. I have just heard that Fort Pauloffsky, opposite the English right, is nearly demolished, and that four bat- talions of French have got behind a slight elevation, only 300 yards from Fort Nicholas, which is on the Russian right. 1 think it is very possible they may make a rush and get in before night. Our infantry hitherto has not moved. Depend upon it, there will be a sad account of loss both of English and French. It is now noon, and my informant himself saw eleven wounded French officers. We hear nothing of our own enemy down here. I shall not close this letter, as I shall have something more to say. The opinion is growing, that we are to stay here and keep the Crimea, which is the true policy, if we can do it. Send us more men and plenty of supplies, especially potatoes, as we eat so much salt meat. With men, food, and powder, we can do any thing. HEAD-QUARTERS IN HIGH SPIRITS. 1 1 1 4 P.M. I hear the Russian fire is slackened, and Captain Peel, of the Navy, wounded. I must close. You will have a somewhat later account by the papers ; but the Correspondents have time and ways to get things off till the last moment, which are not open to me. I am tied by the leg, and dare not move away from this camp for fear of the enemy coming ; however, such is my duty. LETTER XXXII. Camp, in front of Balaklava, 22d October 1854. The battering against Sebastopol still continues without intermission, and I do not think the British Artillery have effected quite so much as they hoped for. Sebastopol is a great arsenal, filled with guns and stores ; no sooner is a gun dismounted than they bring up another. However, I hear that Lord Raglan and his entourage are in high spirits about the pro- gress, and he knows more than I do. When the ammunition brought for the siege comes near an end, they will perforce have to launch the infantry against the place and storm it, which will probably cause a great loss of life ; take it we must. Meanwhile, we of the Balaklava party are threatened continually with an attack from a very large force. It is of vital 112 THE REDOUBTS QUESTIONABLE. consequence to the army that we should maintain ourselves here. In about three days we expect 3000 more Turks, which will give us perhaps 6500 fighting men, — Turks, I mean, altogether, — and about 2000 British infantry, besides a battery of artillery and a troop of horse artillery. We have made lots of re- doubts, but C. does not like them ; and we are making batteries of position, and improving our defences daily. I feel satisfied that if we take Sebastopol, we shall remain here for the winter, with the allied armies in an immense intrenched camp. This will be a great disappointment to many of the officers who have fami- lies, and to others who only look to their own comfort, without considering their duty to England. Patriotism with the masses is but a word. When called upon to suffer fatigue and hunger, dirt and ennui, the brilliant phrase becomes dulled of its lustre, and the flesh-pots of Egypt are thought of with a sigh. The orders of Government are incomprehensible : every correspondent of a newspaper is allowed rations, without which no one can live here ; and thus, by its own arrangement, every particular of numbers of men, guns, material, ships' stores, &c. is conveyed to Nicholas in the most concise and exact manner. It is madness. The foolish officers would still do mischief enough. I have been busied making a plan of this position with our defences, and can quite imagine that if it got into the corres- pondents' hands, it would go straight to the Illustrated CORRESPONDENTS . 113 London News ; from thence, by Russian agents in London, back direct to our enemy, who is watching every opportunity to force the position and burn our ships and stores in the harbour of Balaklava. So much for our condition. About the 10th of November last year the winter set in with a cold north-east wind. We cannot inhabit tents, and shall have to construct huts, for which purpose timber must be sent over from Varna in immense quantities, and stoves and coals. Money, money ! Profusion is now economy. We must also have troops. Next spring, Nicholas, if not attacked by Austria, will send every man he has to try and drive us into the sea. His numbers will only be limited by his means of feeding his men ; all must be carried with them, and this is our advantage, as our ships will convey all stores to us without any dif- ficulty. The Turkish soldiers are capital fellows, and dig better even than our own men ; but we cannot speak to them further than ''Buono Johnny'' and " Buono Ingles." You will have racehorses called " Buono Johnny.'' 23d. Some Russian officers have deserted. We hear from them that KornilofF, the governor, was killed the second day of the bombardment, and that the hero of Sinope now commands ; that the inhabitants are suffering, and complaining that we burned their hospital, and have set the town on fire often, and that I 114 LANCASTER SHELLS. the Lancaster shells have produced enormous damage wherever they have fallen. Our artillery officers had also discovered the merits of the Lancaster shells yes- terday ; they did not understand them at first, and had their prejudices. The approaches are getting nearer, and there is every prospect of an early pos- session. If we are so fortunate, I hope you will hear that the army has turned on the Russian forces out- side, who are now tormenting the Balaklava troops, and given them a good thrashing ; nothing but mak- ing Nicholas eat plenty of stick will bring him to rea- son. Menschikoff, the origo mali, is now commanding the army opposite to us ; and if he knows his business, and dares enough, he will certainly attack us to try and save the place. But I trust we shall beat him back by the defences we have constructed here, where we are in a manner besieged. In the end of this letter I see that I give a better account of our pro- gress than in the beginning, that is because I have had twenty-four hours' later news. They are obliged to make the galley-slaves work at the guns, and the women carry earth. The battle of Balaklava would be called by the Germans a " Treffen,'' or meeting. The Plan shows the position of the redoubts. The garrison of only one EEMARKS ON THE ACTION OE BALAKLAVA. 115 of them, viz. that on Caiirobert's Hill at No. 1, made any resistance at all. As long as it was prudent to do so, Lord Lucan made a show of supporting them with his cavalry, but of course was obliged to with- draw his men as soon as they became exposed to cannon-fire. In fact, the distance of this redoubt from any real support rendered a lengthened defence very problematical ; the ditch and parapet, although as deep and thick as time allowed them to be made, were very poor defences ; the Cossacks rode over both. The impossibility of holding these works, which it is probable was the reason for not trying to retake them, ought to have been a good reason for not attempting to fortify them. A strong picquet posted behind Canrobert's Hill, with some cavalry videttes, would have answered every purpose, and no guns would have been taken ; while the Turks would have been available to man the strong position to the east of Balaklava, by which the Russians were eflfectually stopped while flushed with their partial success.* Captain AnitschkofF, of the Eussian staff, has written an account of the campaign in the Crimea, in which he completely omits the mention of General Scarlett's • Der Feldzug in der Krim hearheitet von Anitschkoff, Haupt- mann im Kaiserlich Russischen General Stahe, aus dem Russischen iibersetzt von G. Baumgarten, Oherlieutenant der Konigl. Sachs. Infanterie; Berlin, 1857, Mittler und Sohn. 116 93d HIGHLANDERS. charge with the heavy cavalry. He pretends that the Russian cavalry was withdrawn, and retired in good order. As the author saw this charge, he begs to set the Russian officer right. The red cavalry dashed into the middle of a far superior number of Russians, and completely broke them ; and the enemy galloped back to the heights from whence they came, during which flight several of our shells fell among them. The light-cavalry charge took place on the north side of the redoubts, betwixt them and the Feduchine heights, and consequently the author could not see that sad affair. To the good conduct of the 93d Highlanders, under the immediate command of Sir Colin Campbell, the safety of Balaklava is owing. Had the 93d been broken, there was literally nothing to hinder the cavalry which came down on the 93d from galloping through the flying Turks, and destroy- ing all the stores in Balaklava. There was, indeed, a frigate in the harbour ; but the cavalry would have swept past her in a moment, and, once in the village, the frigate must have fired through our own shipping, if she could have got a spring on her cable in time to fire at all.' Captain Anitschkoff also speaks of a "Wagen- burg," which he has placed in his plan on the left of the 93d. " Wagenburg" is a German word meaning a fortification, or bulwark, formed by the wagons and carriages of an army. It must be recorded that there I'.JJ^hjerclzf^, Zat^JTldillSizrA, Conduat St. hA^ieruIaxr^^ BATTLE OF BALAKLAVA. 117 was nothing of the kind ; the only bulwark was com- posed of the stout hearts of 400 Highland soldiers and their indomitable leader. This imaginary wagon fortification is a salve for the Russian cavalry, but it is a pure invention. At the close of the day the 42d and 79th were added to Sir C. Campbell's force ; and a brigade of the French, under General Vinoy, were placed, as shown in the Plan, behind Battery No. 5. LETTER XXXIII. Camp, in front of Balaklava, 27th October 1854. In case no one else should write, I do so to say — is safe, and not hurt in the action of the 25th. I have not been able to go to see him, but I have seen those who have done so. We are beleaguered here by the force which was expected from Anapa. We are in a predicament, our English force to hold this place being very small, and the courage of the Turks being mild. The defence of Silistria becomes to me more and more a mystery. On Wednesday the 25th, the Russians attacked the redoubts which we had been ordered to construct along our front, and which were armed with two guns each, and filled with Turks. C. never liked these redoubts. The Turkish gentlemen were beaten out as soon as the enemy's 118 THE UNLUCKY CHARGE. skirmishers came at the works, in which we under- stood they would fight till they all perished ; in run- ning away they lost a good many men from the ene- my's guns, which played upon them across the valley. As soon as the redoubts were taken, a large body of cavalry (40Q0 or 5000 strong) came on, some of them facing towards our cavalry, and some against our small body of infantry — six companies of the 93d, and Turks in line with them. Two boys of the Guards, Hamilton and Verschoyle by name, who were quar- tered in Balaklava with thirty or forty of their men, came of their own accord, without any order, and formed up with the 93d, showing themselves thorough-bred, and the right men in the right place. The English heavy brigade charged their opponents, five times their number, and beat them in splendid style. The lot advancing against us was also driven back by our fire ; but the Turks in line with us ran away. A good deal of cannonading was going on the while ; but some regiments from the plateau opposite Sebastopol came down, and showed sufficient front to deter the Russian infantry from coming on. The British cavalry, having been successful, should have been let alone ; but some unlucky man had the unlucky idea of making the light-cavalry brigade charge a battery of eight guns which was firing at them. Lord Lucan, who com- mands the cavalry, objected ; Lord Cardigan, who commands the Light Brigade, objected : but the staff- 93d, you must die there ! 119 officer who brought the order, which I hear was a written one, was positive, and, they say, insolent. Lord Lucan, instead of putting him in arrest, sent on the poor Lights. They galloped right into the bat- tery, and killed the gunners, but they could not take the guns away ; and they found themselves under a cross fire of artillery, and surrounded by a very supe- rior number of cavalry, through which they had to cut their way back. Their loss was frightful, I know not what, probably half their number. Here the affair ceased for the day. We are now left to keep this position with Turks who are worse than useless, 1200 Marines, the three Highland regiments, and the assist- ance on our left of a body of French, about 4000. C. and his staff remain in the centre battery. No. 4, with the 93d ; and if it be decided to maintain Balaklava, here we shall stand and die. We have put the Turks in the rear, feeling sure that if we did not so place them, their natural modesty would soon take them there. The abandonment of Balaklava is mooted. Against the force of Russians now before us, who have possession of the redoubts where the Turks were, and who number at least 20,000 infantry, with more very likely coming up, I doubt the possibihty (always sup- posing said Russians attack with vigour) of our hold- ing on. If they force our centre, we shall kill many of them, and we shall be all killed on the spot where we stand. C. told the 93d they must die there ; and 120 POUR ET CONTRE. he looked as if he meant it. Should that happen, the Marines, 42d, and 79th, would be cut off, they being on our right, with Balaklava harbour behind them. You may believe this is an anxious moment for all of us who care for the credit of England. We may, in- deed, abandon the harbour, and occupy the heights on its west side, nearer the besieging armies, but that would be a great triumph to Russia ; or we may leave a few men to guard the trenches before Sebastopol, and turn upon the enemy and beat him, which we should certainly do. Once Sebastopol taken, our difficulties would be over, for our whole army would be free ; but the siege is drawing out, the defence is obstinate, and nobody knows how soon we may be able to storm. Meanwhile the Odessa force is coming. Our numbers are too small for the enterprise ; there are no more expected at present, 1 believe. I post this letter now because I know not if it will be possi- ble to write up to the moment of post, as we may be attacked in an hour for what I know. DESPATCH OF BALAKLAVA. 121 LETTER XXXIV. Sir Colin Campbell's Despatch of the Battle of Balaklava. To Major-General Estcourt, Adjutant- General Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 27tli October 1854. Sir, — I have the honour to inform you that in the morning of the 25th inst., about seven o'clock, the Russian force, which has been, as I already re- ported, for some time among the hills on our right front, debouched into the open ground in front of the redoubts, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, which were occupied by Turkish infantry and artillery, and armed with some twelve-pounders (iron). The enemy's force consisted of eighteen or nineteen battalions of infantry, from thirty to forty guns, and a large body of cavalry. The attack was made' against No. 1 redoubt by a cloud of skirmishers, supported by eight battalions of in- fantry and sixteen guns. The Turkish troops in No. 1 resisted as long as they could, and then retired ; and they suffered considerable loss in their retreat. This attack was followed by the successive abandonment of Nos. 2, 3, and 4 redoubts by the Turks, as well as of the other posts held by them in our front. The guns, however, in Nos. 2, 3, and 4 were spiked. The garri- son of these redoubts retired, and some of them formed 122 DESPATCH OF BALAKLAVA. on the right and some on the left flank of the 93d Highlanders, which was posted in front of No. 4 bat- tery, in the village of Kadikoi. When the enemy had taken possession of these redoubts, their artillery advanced with a large mass of cavalry, and their guns ranged to the 93d Highlanders, which, with 100 in- vaUds, under Lieutenant-Colonel Daveney, in sup- port, occupied very insufficiently, from the smallness of their numbers, the slightly rising ground in front of No. 4 battery. As I found that round shot and shell began to cause some casualties"'^ among the 93d Highlanders and the Turkish battalions, in their right and left flank, I made them retire a few paces behind the crest of the hilL During this period our batteries on the heights, manned by the Royal Marine Artil- lery and the Royal Marines, made excellent practice on the enemy's cavalry, which came over the hill in our front. One body of them, amounting to about 400, turned to their left, separating themselves from those who attacked Lord Lucan's division, and charged the 93d Highlanders, who immediately advanced to the crest of the hill, on which they stood and opened their fire, which forced the Russian cavalry to give * The author has heard this doubted, because there were no casualties retunied; but he saw the men himself struck down by cannon-shot, both Turks and Highlanders, about a quarter of an hour before the cavalry charge. MAIL-BAGS. 123 way, and turn to their left ; after which they made an attempt to turn the right flank of the 93d, having observed the flight of the Turks, who were placed there. Upon which the Grenadiers of the 93d, under Captain Koss, were wheeled up to their right, and fired on the enemy, which manoeuvre completely dis- comfited them. (Signed) C. Campbell, Major- General. LETTER XXXV. Camp, Battery No. 4,* in front of Balaklava, 2d November 1 854. I FIND you often get two of my letters together. It seems that Lord Raglan keeps the mail-boat to the last minute, so that sometimes there is only time to put his own bag on board the steamer for Constantinople ; and the common people's letters are left for the next occasion, which is a great shame. I enclose the Orders on the action of the 25th, from which you see our Highlanders got some credit. • The 93d remained in the position they held until dark on the 25th October, and then retired into Battery No. 4, just five hundred yards in their rear. The 42d and 79th were posted on the heights, to the right of the 93d. I 24 LORD RAGLAN TO C. " Head-Quarters, before Sebastopol, 28th October 1854. No. 1 . The Commander of the Forces feels deeply indebted to Major-General Sir Colin Campbell for his able and persevering exertions in the action in front of Balaklava on the 25th inst. ; and he has great plea- sure in publishing to the army the brilliant manner in which the 93d Highlanders, under his able direc- tions, repulsed the enemy's cavalry. The Major- General had such confidence in this distinguished regi- ment that he was satisfied that it should receive the charge in line, and the result proved that his confi- dence was not misplaced." After the redoubts in front were taken from the Turks, who ran away across the plain, the Russians pushed on their cavalry and guns, hoping to cut them up. One portion of the cavalry left the main body, and charged us, i.e. the 93d Highlanders, a weak bat- talion, which was formed in line, with a Turkish bat- talion on each flank. We had previously lost^ a few men by round shot, and the line had been moved back a few paces to get shelter under the crest of the slight * This has been disputed, because, from some mistake, there was no return made of casualties. Private Charles M'Kay lost his leg by a round shot ; private Kenneth Mackenzie was wounded above the knee by a splinter of a shell. Test. Dr. Monro, surgeon of the regiment, whose letter I have. THE 93d STOOD FAST. 125 hill. As soon as the cavalry began to charge, C. ad- vanced his men to the crest again, and opened fire. The Turks ran away to the rear, into the village of Balaklava, crying, " Ship, ship !" However, the com- mandant, an old officer of the Koyals (Lieutenant- Colonel Daveney), put a sentry to stop the vagabonds- One of my native servants (all trembling) went off with two of my horses, and was not found for hours afterwards. The little 93d stood fast, and fired away. The cavalry could not bear the fire, and swept off to their left, trying to get round our right flank, and cut in on the Turks. But C. wheeled up the Grenadier com- pany to its right, and peppered them again, and sent them back with a flea in their ears. You see what Lord Raglan says. After this the main body of Rus- sian cavalry advanced against ours, and was com- pletely routed by the Heavy Brigade. The poor Light Brigade made their charge afterwards on the other side of the redoubts, so I could not see them ; but they suffered dreadfully : must have had a wonderful escape. I have not seen him, -as I cannot stir from here. We are making trenches, forts, and batteries all round us, to try and render the position secure against a large Russian force which is camped about two miles from us. The defence of the lines of Balaklava bids fair to form a large feature in the history of the siege. 126 BEGINS TO FREEZE. The French have got very near the wall on the Russian right of the town, and intend, as we hear, to assault to-night. That attempt, however, is put off. We expect, whenever they do so, to be ourselves attacked here, and we are continually under arms and looking out, — a perpetual picquet ; very wearing ; and now it freezes at night, which makes the tent pretty cooL I continue in good health. If we take the place, I opine we shall immediately turn on our friends in front and drub them, which will give me much satisfaction, as they are always tormenting, espe- cially at night, and should be made to know that their place is as far as they can get from the Highland Bri- gade. All this war-stuff is very sad, and you must make the best of it. The Ufe is hard for the poor men, who have perhaps not the same feeling that I have about the necessity, for the sake of our country, of beating these Tartars into reason. I must now stop, for I hear a shot. The author has seen no English account of the battle of Inkermann wldch gives a clear description of the state of affairs before and during that battle. He has therefore thought it might not be unaccept- able to introduce here the plan taken, but corrected, from Captain Anitschkoff's work, and a compilation, with some corrections added, from that and some other sources. Captain Anitschkoff seems generally to LORD RAGLAN's FALSEHOOD. 1 27 be pretty accurate, with the exception that he charges Lord Eaglan with falsehood as to the numbers of his men who were engaged, and with a misstatement as to the number of Russians killed. When an officer brings such charges, he should not be surprised at being suspected of understating his own numbers. As it is to us quite certain that Lord Raglan was incapable of setting his name to a falsehood, it may- be taken for granted that his Lordship's statement of the numbers engaged was perfectly accurate. This he puts at 8000 English and 6000 French. It may be well here to mention how the allied troops were posted. And to begin from the left : from Cape Chersonesus, the ground to the most western or left- hand ravine, leading down to the harbour, was occu- pied by the French. This ravine was called by the Russians Sardanakina ground. This post near the walls of Sebastopol was held by two French divisions, viz. the 3d, under Prince Napoleon, and the 4th, or Forey's, both under command of General Forey. On their right was the camp of the English divisions : the 3d, England's ; the 4th, Cathcart's ; the Light Division, Brown ; the 1st Brigade (Guards) of the 1st Division, under the Duke of Cambridge ; and on the right of the whole the 2d Division, under De Lacy Evans, or rather of General Pennefather, as General Evans was sick on board ship. The 1st and 2d French Divisions, under Bosquet, composed a corps 128 GENERAL POSITION AND NUMBERS. of observation, and were posted on the edge of the plateau, called by the Russians Mount Sapoune, look- ing towards Chorguna. The Turks and the 2d Brigade of the 1st Division (Highlanders), under command of Colin Campbell, as well as all the English cavalry, under Lord Lucan, were in position in front of Bala- klava, and on their extreme right two battalions of Marines held the heights to the east of Balaklava har- bour. D'AUonville's cavalry was in reserve behind the besieging army. Bosquet had covered his front with intrenchments ; but the English, who held the north- east corner of the plateau of Mount Sapoune, looking towards the ruins of Inkermann, had not found time to spare from the labours of the siege to make any sufficient defences. They had, in fact, much fewer men than the French, as the latter had received a rein- forcement of about 10,000 men on the 30th of Octo- ber. The Russians had also received very large rein- forcements in the beginning of November. In fact, by the Russian accounts, the allied army at the period of the battle of Inkermann consisted of 35,000 French, 23,000 English, and 12,000 Turks— total, 69,000 to 70,000 ; while the Russians acknowledge to 82,000 men, and they had the advantage of being all of one nation and under one general-in-chief. Prince Men- schikoff lost no time in making an offensive move- ment, although the allies were in possession of all the heights. Properly speaking, the allied position was ATTACK AT INKERMANN. 129 impregnable. The position towards the town of Se- bastopol was defended by numerous batteries, armed with ship and siege guns. That part of Mount Sa- poune held by Bosquet was scarcely attackable, on account of the French works thrown up there ; and since the combat of Balaklava extensive lines had been thrown up, which were defended by strong de- tachments ; so that an attack there was likely to be attended with great risk of failure, and could only succeed by making enormous sacrifices of life. Thus there only remained one point that was really practi- cable, namely, the narrow defile from the Inkermann bridge, where the old post-road climbed the heights, and which the English had protected by a few slight field-works. A success on this English right wing would have given the Russians an immense advan- tage. If they could occupy the heights on both sides of the Kilen ground, or ravine of the careening creek, they would have brought their ofiensive army into immediate contact with the garrison of Sebastopol. They could, if once fairly established there, have em- ployed their cavalry against the allies, in which arm the Russians were far superior; and the allies would have been forced to abandon the siege of the eastern part of the town, that is, of the Malakofi" and Redan, the docks, and the Karabelnaya suburb. Prince Men- schikoff, seeing all this, determined to make the attack with two columns, one to issue from bastion No. 2, or 130 LEFT BANK OF THE KILEN GROUND. the Little Redan, and the other to cross the Cheraaya by the Inkermann bridge. In order to divert the attention of the allies, Prince Gortschakoff was ordered to advance at the same time against Bosquet ; and a sortie of the garrison was ordered from bastion No. 6, or the Quarantine Bastion, against the French left. With these views, the right column, which was to issue from the Little Redan, was placed under com- mand of General Soimonoff, and was composed of 29 battalions and 38 guns; total, 17,500 men. The left column, under command of Lieutenant-General Pawloff, was to attack over the Inkermann bridge, and amounted to 20 J battalions and 96 guns ; total, 13,500 men. These two columns, therefore, accord- ing to the Russian statements, amounted to 31,000 men and 134 guns. The troops from Chorguna, under General Prince Gortschakoff, numbered 30 J battalions and 16 guns ; total, 20,000 men. At Mackenzie's Farm 6 more battalions and 36 guns were posted. The columns under Soimonoflf received orders to take up the ground on the left bank of the ravine of the . careening creek {ravin du carenage), for the purpose of attacking the centre and left wing of the English. Instead of doing which, this column advanced along the right bank of the ravine, and attacked the English right, for which purpose Pawloff's column had been destined. It is hard to explain how such a mistake was made : it may be said, that the order of march soimonoff's mistake. 131 was not clearly explained ; yet a ravine is usually treated like a river. At any rate, if General SoimonofF had a doubtj he ought to have asked for explanation on the evening before the attack. The direction of Soi- monoff's column was distinctly shown in an instruction (No. 1521) which General Dannenberg sent to Soi- monoff on the evening of the 4th November. This instruction stated, " I desire that your main reserve should march behind your right wing, as your left is perfectly secured by the ravine of the Kilen ground." Whereas General Soimonoff brought his right wing to rest on this ravine. General Schabokritski com- manded the reserve in question. It was a most for- tunate mistake for the Enghsh, as the Guards would have been attacked in their own front by Soimonoff, and could not have gone off to the right to assist the 2d Division ; besides which, the troops of the two columns, commanded respectively by Soimonoff and Pawloff, came into action behind one another ; and the ground was so narrow that they could make no use of their superior numbers, as they could not deploy, but were forced to attack in columns of companies, which the English Minie balls penetrated from front to rear. The English battalions, formed in line two deep, had thus, with inferior numbers, the superiority of fire. The morning broke with rain and fOg; and the gray coats of the Russians enabled them to come very near before they were seen. The English at first thought 132 RUSSIAN ADVANCE. it was only a strong sortie ; but hearing cannon and musketry on every side, knew not which way to turn : on their left the town-batteries thundered, and were assisted by Soimonoff's artillery ; from Inkermann, the regiments of Borodino and Tarutin, of Pawloff's column, were ascending the heights, and Gortschakoff was threatening the rear of the position ; while the lines of Balaklava had a large force opposite to them. Nothing could be done but to resist to the uttermost wherever they were attacked. Soimonoff's column, at 5 A.M., was formed outside the Little Redan, or bastion No. 2. It marched at six. Major -General Wilboa, with four battalions of the Koliwanski Regiment, and four battalions of the Tomski Regiment, and two field- batteries, was in advance, with the Uglitz, Butirsk, Susdal, and Wladimir Regiments on his right. These troops formed on their own left of the Careening-Creek Ravine, with two light batteries in reserve. They made the first attack, and Pawlofi'^s column did not reach the scene till they had been forced to retreat. The left column, under Pawloff, began their movement from the Inkermann bridge at 5 A.M. ; but the bridge had been partially destroyed by the English, and had to be repaired. First came the regiment of Ochotz, then the Borodino and Tarutin Regiments, with a light battery ; then the regiment of Jakutzsch, a field- battery, the regiment of Selensk, and the artillery reserve- After crossing the Chernaya, the regiment FIRST SHOTS. 1 33 of Ochotz turned to the right, and moved along the Sappers' Road ; the Borodino Regiment, with two companies of riflemen in front, ascended the heights through the ravines opposite to the bridge, and the Tarutin Regiment marched to their left along the old post-road. When the two columns, Soimonoff and Pawloff, had ascended the heights, they both fell under command of General Dannenberg, and acted according to circumstances. General Timofjef com- manded the regiments of Minsk and Tobolsk, which were to make the attack on the French trenches from the Quarantine Bastion. The corps from Chorguna was to move at 6 a.m. along the Woronzow Road, to occupy Bosquet's troops. Brigadier-General Codring- ton visited his outposts at 5 a.m. As he was return- ing, some shots were suddenly fired at the left of the outposts of the Light Division, and immediately after- wards a heavy fire was heard towards Inkermann. On the one side the heads of Soimonofi^s column were approaching, on the other Pawloff's skirmishers began to open on the English. General Pennefather, who had command of the 2d Division, in consequence of the sickness of Sir De Lacy Evans, placed Adams's Brigade, consisting of the 41st, 47th, and 49th Regi- ments, near the unfinished redoubt No. 1, which is situated just where the old post-road arrives on the top of the plateau. In its rear, but in front of the camp of the 2d Division, there was the insignificant ] 34 POSTING OF BRITISH. redoubt No. 2, not armed with any guns, although Captain Anitschkoff says there were two Lancasters there ; and on its right, or east of it, redoubt No. 3 ; which three redoubts were intended to protect the right of the English position, against which the main attack was directed. On the left of Adams, Penne- father placed his 2d Brigade, composed of the 30th, 55th, and 95th, on the ground along which SoimonofiTs troops were advancing. Behind these two brigades, which received the first onset of the Russians, the rest of the English army took up in all haste the fol- lowing position : Cathcart's 1 st Brigade, under Goldie, between Pennefather and Buller ; his 2d Brigade, under Torrens, in rear of his 1st Brigade ; the Brigade of Guards, under the Duke of Cambridge and Bentinck, behind Adams's right wing ; the other Brigade of the 1st Division (Highlanders) was with Colin Campbell at Balaklava ; the 1st Brigade, 3d Division, under John Campbell, in reserve behind Brown's Light Divi- sion ; the 2d Brigade, 3d Division, was in the trenches. In this manner, all the British army, except the Bri- gades of Colin Campbell 'and Eyre, were very shortly on the battle-ground ; and leaving out these two brigades, the remainder, according to English statements, only amounted to 13,000 men; — so says Captain Anitsch- koff, with a remark that their numbers far exceeded that amount. The English camp was at the head of the Kilen ground, or ravine of the careening creek. REDOUBT NO. II. 135 on both sides of which they could manceuvre ; while the Russians were confined to the ground east of that ravine. The first attack of the Russians was very successful ; not so much on account of their superior numbers, which, in that confined space, could not be made use of, but from the surprise and the violence of their attack. In this first fight only three regi- ments of Soimonoff's, viz. the Tomsk, the Kolivansk, and the Katharinenburg, and two regiments of Paw- loff's, viz. the Borodino and Tarutin, took part. These, according to Captain Anitschkofi", made twenty bat- talions, or 13,000 men ; and he pretends that the whole 13,000 English were engaged with them, which, if true, would be curious, considering the surprise. The Borodino and Tarutin Regiments drove in the English outposts, and ascended the heights with great rapidity; the first by the hollow way, the second by the old post-road. The brigades of Adams and Penne- father were forced back, and the Russians passed the redoubt No. 1 . At the same time the regiments Tomsk and Kolivansk, supported by the Katharinenburg, de- spite the withering fire from Codrington, BuUer, and Goldie, attacked Adams and Pennefather with the bay- onet, and a bloody hand-to-hand encounter ensued. The 2d battalion Tomsk, and 1st and 2d battalions Kolivansk, succeeded in storming No. 2 redoubt, and spiked, it is asserted, two Lancaster guns, and they even got so far as the camp of the 2d Division. As to 136 SOIMONOFF KILLED. the spiking of two Lancaster guns, Captain Anitsch- koff is mistaken : there were no guns in position on the Inkermann heights. The five-gun battery, in front of what became the Victoria Redoubt, had one Lancaster gun and four others ; but they were never spiked, though the Russians at one time came very near this battery, and by going along the ravine had got actually into its rear ; but there were no guns in No. 2 redoubt. The 2d and 4th battaUons Katharin- enburg went round the upper end of the Kilen ground, got on its left bank, and spiked four field-guns in the English camp. Not being supported, they could not hold their ground, and were driven back. The Eng- lish right, however, were gradually obliged to give way ; but they defended themselves step by step with the greatest obstinacy, and their Minies told with fearful effect. The Russian officers, the gunners, and the draft-horses, served as targets. In a short time there were either killed or wounded Soimonoff, Wilboa, the commanding officer of the artillery of the right column. Colonel Saghos, and nearly all the officers of the three foremost regiments. Having lost their valiant leaders, and having suffered most fearfully from the English fire, the Russians were at last forced to retire into the hollow way, where the stone-quarries exist, as shown in the Plan ; and here they formed again, under the protection of their batteries, which had been posted in a judicious manner by General END OF ACT I. 187 Schabokritski. Immediately behind the batteries the Uglitz and Butirsk Regiments were drawn up, with the Susdal and Wladimir Regiments in reserve. Thus at ten o'clock the battle seemed to have turned into a cannonade. At the same time, the Borodino and Tarutin Regiments, which had thrown themselves on the 2d Division, were driven back by the sudden ap- pearance of the English Guards, and two and a half battalions of French, sent by Bosquet to support the hard-pressed 2d Division. Their attack had, how- ever, materially assisted Soimonoff. So ended the first act of this bloody contest, which a second one soon followed of a far more desperate na- ture. At seven o'clock Lord Raglan and his staff had appeared on the field. In order the better to observe the course of the action, he rode into the front line, where General Strangways, the commanding officer of Artillery, was killed at his side. General Dannen- berg, who commanded the Russian troops engaged, stood on the height behind the batteries of his first line, and directed the march of his columns. Death reaped a rich harvest around him ; staff-officers, aides- de-camp, and orderlies, fell close to him, and he had two horses shot under him. At the beginning of the fight. General Bosquet came into the English camp with four companies of rifles, two battalions of the line, and two batteries of horse artillery, and offered assistance to Cathcart and Brown; but the proud 138 CANROBERT. Englishmen declined his aid, saying they had still troops in reserve, and would only ask for it in case that the redoubt No. 1 should be taken by the enemy. Without further parley, Bosquet sent off his men in this direction ; and the assistance they gave to Penne- father and Adams has been mentioned. Bosquet him- self returned to his camp, to see \vith his own eyes the nature of the attack which was threatening him from Chorguna. He soon satisfied himself that it was only a feint ; in consequence of which he immediately made every preparation to have the greatest part of his force ready for the first request for support, know- ing that a strong reserve would very probably decide the battle. He soon received from English officers the information that their right was sore pressed. The Brigades Bourbaki and d'Autemarre of the 2d Divi- sion were quickly despatched to the threatened point ; only one brigade remained on that part of Mount Sapoune to oppose Grortschakoff. The French Com- mander-in-Chief, Canrobert, had also betaken himself to the English camp ; and he remained close to Lord Raglan during the whole battle, although wounded in the hand. By this time the bloody struggle on the Inkermann heights had recommenced. The three rear regiments of Pawloff's column, which had marched along the Sappers' Road, arrived at eight o'clock on the battle-field, just as the foremost of Soimonoff's troops had retired into the stone-quarries. First came the ACT 11. 139 Ochotzk Regiment, and after it those of Jakutsk and Selensk. General Dannenberg immediately pushed on these gallant troops against the English. The regiment of Ochotzk threw itself on the flank of re- doubt No. 1, which was defended by the Coldstream Guards. Surrounded by the enemy, these valiant Englishmen fought with the greatest gallantry, paying no attention to the shots which the Russian batteries beyond the hollow way were showering into the re- doubt, causing infinite loss. Several times the Rus- sians got into the embrasures ; but their efforts to enter the redoubt itself were in vain. At last, after the Guards had lost 200 men, they gave up hope of being able to hold the redoubt, and, with a frightful loss, they cut their way through the surrounding Rus- sians. But the Ochotzk Regiment bought their suc- cess very dearly ; their commandant, Bibikoff, fell mortally wounded, and nearly all the staff and supe- rior officers lay. on the field of battle. The regiments Jakutsk and Selensk, under General Octerlone, now crossed the hollow way, through which the post-road rises to the heights, and attacked with fresh strength ; while the English had been reinforced by Cathcart's division. The Coldstream Guards, with the two other battalions of the Guards, advanced again, and drove the Ochotzk Regiment out of the redoubt ; but only for a time, for the Jakutsk Regiment retook it. Ben- tinck was wounded, and twelve other officers of the 140 CATHCA.RT. Guards were killed. The 4th Division suffered no less, being attacked in flank by the Selensk Regiment. Here Cathcart fell dead in his vain attempt to cut off the retreat of the Selensk and Jakutsk Redments ; for while retiring before the Selensk Regiment, that of Jakutsk poured in a hail of bullets, killing Cathcart, and wounding Goldie and Torrens, his two Brigadiers. The thick smoke of the musketry concealed the ground. The Guards, the 2d Division, the 4th Division, and the French battalions which had first arrived, began to give way before Pawloff's troops. After an obstin- ate defence, redoubt No. 2 was taken by the Russians, who for the second time got into Pennefather's camp, in the front of which there had been placed an Eng- lish battery of six guns. The Russian riflemen con- cealed in the copses killed nearly all the gunners and horses, and took two of the guns. Upon both sides, up to this moment, the fight had been continued with the extremest fury. The scale was now beginning to turn in favour of the Rus- sians, who had still four regiments which had not been engaged, while nearly all the English reserves had been brought up : there were still three battalions behind the slight rising ground on which the Victoria Redoubt was afterwards constructed. In every battle there is always a moment when the physical force of the contending troops is materially reduced by their prolonged and extreme efforts; while the moral force ACT III. 14)1 has reached its minimum from the continual strain on the nerves ; at such a moment the arrival of a fresh re- serve often turns the fate of the day. It was now 11 o'clock A.M. The third and last act of this murderous conflict approaches. Bosquet arrives ; amidst the roar of the guns, the trumpets of the Zouaves are heard, with the Chasseurs de Vincennes and the Indigenes advancing at a run. The English shouted for joy ; inevitable necessity had compelled them to ask for assistance. Close behind their skirmishers came all three French brigades, and, passing to the right of the English, attacked the Russian left, who had now to fight for their artillery ; and Pawloff's three regiments did this with surpassing bravery, and with perfect success. The retreat of the Russians was covered by the regiments Susdal and Wladimir, which regiments defended themselves against the French with the greatest obstinacy. When the artillery had gained the Inkermann bridge, the Russian infantry made their retreat, pursued by the allies, till the latter got under the fire of the steamers Wladimir and Cher- sonesus. The loss of the English was 2622 men ; that of the French 1726, in which it is probable there was included the loss incurred by Timofjef s sortie on the left. Captain Anitschkoff" makes that of the Rus- sians 8769 ; but it is known that the English buried 5000 Russians, and it is probable their loss may be reckoned at full 12,000 men. The remarks of this Russian staff-officer about Lord Raglan's returns and 142 OFFENSIVE REMARKS. statements are very offensive. It is evident that Captain Anitschkoff has no knowledge of English gentlemen's habits, nor of the way in which the re- turns of the British army are made out. Although all the officers of our army are perfectly aware that these returns were sent correct to the Ad- jutant-General of the army, countersigned by Lord Raglan, and that no person belonging to the English army would believe for one moment that his Lordship would put his name to a falsehood, still, as foreigners have made such a statement, — for I remember hearing the same thing confidently asserted at Berlin, — I have thought it well to consult with some of the Brigade- Majors ; and I now present our estimate of the forces actually engaged, and the numbers which we believe to have been killed, wounded, and missing, in each regiment ; from which it appears that, according to the estimate of three intelligent Brigade- Majors who were engaged, the actual number of English infantry under fire was 7938, and the killed, wounded, and missing, 2443 ; the additional number to make up the 2622, given by Lord Raglan, were artillerymen and a few cavalry. Divisions and Brigades engaged at Inkermann, 5ih Nov. 1854. First Division. 3d Batt. Gren. Gds."j Strength. 1st Batt. Coldstr. V 1st Brig 1300 1st Batt. S. F. Gds. J Highland or 2d Brigade absent at Balaklava. Carry forward 1300 THREE BRIGADE-MAJORS. 143 Divisions and Brigades engaged at Inkermann, 5th JSov. 1854 (continued). Strength. Brought forward . , 1300 Second Division. 1st Brigade. All these ,30th, 41st, 47th 49th, 55th, 95th, 2d Brigade. regiments \ were under 500, and the 95th very weak, r2500 probably 300, say j total Third Division. Only one wing of the 50th was" engaged. The 1st and 38th liegiments were behind the rising ground on which the j say Victoria Redoubt was after- wards constructed, and never fired a shot. <" ifter- never 250 -L> /y/U^/^^^ 'tf^S/^ 20th, 21st, 57th, 1st Brigade. 63d. 68th, 1st Battalion Rifles, 2d Brigade. Two companies 46th Regiment. Two companies 68th "^ Regiment were at head- quarters. All the regiments were I nr^r^n. under 500, and there ' "^"^ were of this division about 900 men in the trenches. Light Division. 7th, 23d, 33d, 2d Batt. Rifles, 1st Brigade. 19 th, 77 th, 88th, 2d Brigade. The 1st Brigade had in the battle . The 2d Brigade ditto Deduct 19th Reg. iin 1 . . 1219 \ . III9J 2338 450 1888 It is to be remembered that our regiments mean only one bat- talion ; from each of these a certain number of men were taken away to form the pro- visional battalion at Bala- klava. The Russian regi- ments had four battalions. 1888 Four companies of the Rifles were detached at Balaklava. The 19th Regiment was in reserve behind the rising ground on ' which the Victoria Redoubt was after- wards constructed. This regiment never fired a shot. The division gave 900 men to the trenches. Total strength engaged 7938 144 KILLED AND WOUNDED. Returns of Killed and Wounded at Inkermann. 5 «) T3 J i 1 3 c4 go; ll Total. First Division. 3d Batt. Gren. Gds. o ^ £ K« 5 ^§ 3 4 T 71 K 79 1 232 6 6 1 140 W 153 Ist Batt Coldstr. . 8 3 59 K 70 I 191 5 6 2 108 W 121 l8t Batt. S.F. Gds.. 1 2 .. 47 K 50 ,, 1 173 8 8 2 105 W •• 123 Second Division. 30th, 2 25 K 27 }- 5 5 1 89 W ,, 100 4l8t, Ist Brigade. 5 6 2 4 2 32 86 K W 39 98 I 137 47th, 1 2 3 •• 20 45 K W 20 50 } ™ 49th, ] 2 3 1 37 K 43 I 150 8 1 98 W 107 ^^'^' Ud Brigade. 5 5 •• 14 67 K W 14 7*7 I 91 95th, 2 .. 25 K 27 1 142 4 2 •• 109 W •• 1*1*5 Third Division. One wing of the 50th 1 , , ,. 12 K 13 • 31 only engaged. 1 •• 1 16 W 18 Fourth Division. 20th, 1 2 1 27 K 31 1 174 8 9 1 125 W . , 143 21st, 1 14 K 15 1 118 J IstBri- ' gade. 6 12 85 W 103 57th, 1 3 1 12 K 17 . . I - 3 6 1 64 W 74 2 companies .. .. .. 11 K 11 I 40 46th, J 29 W 29 63d, 3 .. 13 K 16 . , 1 112 7 9 2 78 W ,, 96 68th, 2dBri 2 11 K 13 1 56 gade. 2 3 1 37 \f 43 IstBattalion 1 6 16 K 23 . 112 Rifles, 3 6 1 79 W 89 Carry forwa rd . . •• •• •• •• 2047 T.Jiahtr^IaK:r/mi^ea,, Cmc^tai>Sl. 'befweenSti^lj^^. &M»<. KILLED AND WOUNDED. 145 Returns of Killed and Wounded at Inkermann (continued). bo « ^ -a i S OJ -d II Total. Brought forward o CO 3 — 5 11 .- .. .. •• .. .. 2047 Light Division. 7th, 5 2 1 8 52 K W 8 60 I 68 23d, IstBri- 2 3 7 31 K W 7 36 • 43 33d, / gade. 1 2 1 2 •• 9 52 K W 11 56 1 " 2d Battalion 1 8 K 9 1 as Rifles, 1 26 W 27 19th, ] In reserve 77th, 1 2 18 K 21 I " > 2d Brigade. 2 1 37 W 40 88th, 3 4 9 1 34 70 K W 38 83 1 121 Total •• •• •• •• •• 2443 Besides tlie Artillery loss, Lord Raglan says his loss was .... 2622 Deduct 2443 179 LETTER XXXVI. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 7th November 1854. Another terrible battle on the 5th. Our Bala- klava party were not in it. They say that the two Grand-Dukes have arrived with large reinforcements ; at any rate, on the morning of the 5th they came on, L 146 DUEL A MORT. some 40,000* Russians, against Sir De Lacy Evans's Division, with seventy gnns. Although our numbers were very small, they never gained much ground, and were finally beaten back into Sebastopol, after many hours of fighting. Their loss has been tremendous as well as ours ; and we cannot afford it. Our Govern- ment must send us some men, and they must do it without stint. It is even now a question in my mind whether we can hold our own here till succour arrives. We are besieging an enemy equal to our own in num- bers, with another superior one outside and threaten- ing us continually. They will have to offer a large bounty to the militia, and give us 20,000 or 30,000 men, besides lots of French. Nicholas will bring every soldier he has to drive us into the sea. In every battle we shall lose a large number of men, without taking into account disease, which still continues to thin us. The matter looks graver every day : a duel d> mort with despotism requires numbers as well as bravery, for which quality the French give us most flattering certificates. In Canrobert's Order yester- day he speaks of our inehranlahle solidite. The Cold- stream Guards buried nine officers yesterday. All the Guards behaved magnificently. But they were not brought up in order ; they rushed to the fire in companies, urged on by the natural valour of officers * By the Russian account 34,000 and 134 guns. ON THE WATCH. 147 and men. My friend Bentinck has got a shot in the arm ; Sir G. Cathcart, Goldie, Torrens, Strangways, killed, — Torrens not dead yet, but shot through the lungs ; Brown wounded, and a host of others whose names I have not got yet ; Lord St. Germans' son is one. Our loss altogether, 1 700 wounded, 444 killed ; 38 officers killed, more than 90 wounded. How many such battles can we fight ? Ah me, I am very tired ; we are on the watch constantly night and day. Half of the men constantly behind the parapets, all sleep- ing with loaded muskets under their blankets, to be ready in a moment. The strain is tremendous — not on the men (for they do not think), but on the offi- cers, who are responsible. Before next spring there will be an army (French and English) in the Crimea of 200,000 men ; they cannot do it properly with less. Let us only hope we shall be able to hold on here till they come. I have little more to say. My health is good, and I feel equal to any exertion. You may expect to hear any day that Balaklava has been attacked. We have fortified it as much as we can. I will give you a characteristic trait of the 42d and 79th Highlanders. They are posted on some hills a mile to our right, and were ordered to dig breast- works in their front, to cover the men from the enemy's fire, so as to fight with the advantage of showing less of their persons. On being reproached with not making the ditch deep enough, nor the para- 148 REFERENCES TO PLANS. pet high enough, the excuse was, " If we made it so, we could not get over it to attack the Russians \" The Plan annexed to Letter XXX., showing the attack on the lines of Balaklava, is here repeated, mu- tatis mutandis, together with a sketch to show the position held by the allied forces in the lines of Balaklava, and also that held by the Russians in and behind the Turkish redoubts, and at Kamara, from the 26th October till the 6th December ; when Liprandi s troops retired over the Chernaya, keeping their outposts at Chorguna and Karlovka. During the six weeks of very bad weather, the troops under Sir Colin Campbell were in continual expectation of being attacked, and had as hard trench-duty to perform as any others in the army. Half of the men spent every night in the trenches, and the rest lay in their tents fully accoutred, with their loaded muskets by their sides. A continual watch was kept with good spy-glasses from battery No. 4, from the camp of the 4 2d, and from the Marine heights, which latter position afforded a better view from its height. Every movement of the enemy was observed and noted down, and a daily report sent up to head-quarters. After the 6th Dec. 1854 nothing remained of the Russians on the left bank of the ^ ^ I.JkBi^^,l»^iaiStnit.Cmub^^ hliMefM-A^ iJiftmndZUS. a ^^Iarvi6 Seuj^itif 1)1)- b ZaiesofJBcJakloMx/ c :Baiie7y J\r?3. a. Loophaled ?iouse uv Outn^^St.EHas e JBaS^ry JV'' ^. £ ^haSis g Cenoese Tower i. ^BaZaMava^jBardava- N ^ ieAve^ri^JiiujesJ^ecjyi^. LINES OF BALAKLAVA. 149 Chernaya except a few Cossacks in Kamara, which furnished videttes on the redoubts along the Woron- zow Road. This state of things continued till the 25th May 1855, when the French and Sardinians were moved out, as described in Letter XC, and re- lieved the Highlanders from outpost duty. Sir Colin's troops, however, were not moved up to the siege till the 18th June, from which period tliey assisted in the trench-work till the 18th August, when they were sent to Kamara to support the Piedmontese, and only returned to the siege for the assault on the 8th Sep- tember. LETTER XXXVII. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 12th November 1854. My last word was, " I hear a shot ;''* we are always hearing something which makes us get under arms, and prepare for an attack upon us. It has not been made ; perhaps they are waiting for reinforce- ments, perhaps they do not like the look of us. We are promised more soldiers to defend our position, the importance of which is acknowledged by all. The war has now come to a state out of which I cannot * This was in Letter XXXV. ; the Author has skii^ped a Letter. 150 SIEGE ARRESTED. see my way. The weather will soon be so bad that active operations must be impracticable. During the whole winter, unless Austria should move, Nicholas will be pouring down his troops from the north and east. He will have collected an immense army ; and as the Russians are very good soldiers, they cannot be beaten without having something like their own num- bers to meet them. Will England and France send 200,000 men to take Sebastopol? I know that the decision come to by the allied generals was, that the siege must stop in its present state until we shall have men enough thoroughly to invest both sides of the harbour, and to beat the enemy in the field. We could, I dare say, do that now by raising the siege ; but what is to become of us afterwards ? Meantime the officers are all tired of it ; many want to sell out, losing ever so much on their commissions ; and these men are the more to be pitied, because, after they have acknowledged their want of endurance, of patriotism, &c., they cannot go. The soldiers must have officers, and the officers must just stay and do their duty, eating their leek. By all accounts the Russians have suffered most awfully on the 5th ; and they will suffer still more in health from the bad weather which has now set in. The roads will break up, and their supplies will be impeded in moving, while ours will come by sea. So long as we can hold Balaklava, all is well : only I do not know what transport the commissary THE HUREICANE. 151 has to carry things up to the camp before Sebastopol. The roughest, rudest side of war is now presented to us ; all pretensions to finery, or even decency, are gone. We eat dirt, sleep in dirt, and live dirty ; but our hearts are high, and it will take a deal of Ruskis to chaw us up. Nevertheless, send us 30,000 English- men; for if the enemy were of my mind, we should be hard enough pressed now, and we may be so any day. LETTER XXXVIIL Camp, Battery No. 4, in front of Balaklava, 17 th November 1854. Here we are in winter, and I still in a tent. There has been a frightful hurricane on the 14th. The wea- ther had been rainy and windy for two or three days previously, so that the ground where we encamped was quite a swamp, i. e. deep mud. We had just got our morning dose of cocoa, and the soldiers their rum, when, about seven o'clock, the squall came down on us. I was dressed in waterproof clothes and a sou'-wester, and was standing outside ; most of the others were in the tents. All the tents fell in about three minutes ; in some the poles broke, in others the pegs drew. As to mine, the wind rushed in at the door, and split it right up ; so my servant and I spent an hour lying on the wet canvas, to keep it compactly 152 DAMAGES. down, and prevent the household goods from being blown away. Just at the first destruction of the tents, the air was loaded with all sorts of articles — Highland bonnets, shoes, chairs, bits of wood, and all the papers, news or official, in the camp. My box or trunk, which I pillaged, or rather bought from a pil- lager, to hold my documents, was blown open for a moment, and the wind had just time enough to whip off one document, and pour in a shower of water. The paper was found afterwards, some 300 yards off, in a vineyard. The army before Sebastopol, I hear, suffered more than we did, because it is colder up there ; they have also less wood, and the rocky ground objects to holding tent-pegs. While this wind was pulling us to pieces, the poor shipping outside the harbour was undergoing a harder fate. They had not been able to get into harbour for some days, on account of the wind that blew right in, and they were anchored in deep water, with terrible cliffs close to them. Many are lost, and they say 400 seamen, besides stores to an immense amount. It is to be hoped that such storms are not common here. I ob- serve that the houses are all roofed with loose tiles, and that no precautions seem to have been taken to load the roofs to keep the tiles on, which makes me hope that the Crimea is not generally very windy. It is wonderful how the men bear it ; and there are not a great many sick. We are still digging our de- WANT MEN. 153 fences, and we are now going to begin building huts ; looking out anxiously at the same time towards the enemy's position on the one hand, and on the other towards England and France, wishing for men and war- like appliances. You have thought fit to invade Russia, and must send armies of Russian dimensions to cope with the Czar's troops. These Ruskis are capital soldiers as to knowledge of war as a profession ; but, in the longrun, they will not stand before Enghsh and French. Our national misfortune is, the want of an army of reserve. Supposing the men obtained, how can we train them in time ? Had the Govern- ment been alive to the difficulty of their undertaking, they would, so soon as they decided on war, have called out every militiaman in England, which should have been done last April. These men would all now be trained soldiers ; and a handsome bounty of 10/. or 20/. a man would have given us as many as we could wish for. The same principle applies to the artillery, in which force the Russians are very strong, and first-rate as to quality. Infantry, — I mean Eng- lish infantry, — can take guns, and guns cannot take infantry ; but the loss they inflict is very great. The French have plenty of trained soldiers ; but even the trained soldier is not complete till he has had the fire-baptism. We do not much expect the Russians to attack us again till their next reinforcements come up. The troops who were beaten on the 5th at the 1 54 COMPARISON. battle of Inkermann suifered so much that their morale must have been shaken. The calculation is ^ 5,000 killed and wounded. This loss was inflicted on them by less than half the number of English and French, that is, 14,000 beat off 40,000, and killed and wounded 15,000 of them. On this occasion we were in position, and the Russians made the attack with the advantage of a surprise. At the Alma the Russians were in position, and prepared. From that you may judge the difference between the two nations. We now hear that 8000 English and 20,000 French are actually on their way. When they arrive, if the weather be tolerable, I judge we shall attack the enemy, and driVe them further off, which will relieve such of us as survive from this perpetual picquet duty. At any moment the Russians might come down on the Balaklava position in half an hour from our first perceiving their movement, and they might before daylight come so near without being noticed that our musketry would reach them. Our principal want now is firewood ; for the present we have enough, but very soon it will be consumed ; and un- less the Government has already taken active steps, our situation will be deplorable. With fire and food, I think our men will keep up well enough. All this may interest some of your friends, if not yourself. I never go 100 yards away from my tent, unless I am sent on duty to some other part of the line ; so that GLORY. ]55 I know nothing of what goes on elsewhere. I am sorry to say a great many of the officers are quite disgusted with the hardships we suffer, and want to go, selling their commissions for the regulation ; but they cannot be spared. I wonder they are not ashamed. I would not be any where but here, where I hope I am of some use. To glory and all that stuff I am rather indifferent : glory, when looked at close, and while it is being earned, is rather an ugly thing. No military glory can be acquired without causing the misery, mind and body, of thousands. However, my head works unceasingly to drive this machine, and keep it ready for action. LETTER XXXIX. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 2 2d November 1854. We have papers to the 3d. No change here ; cold, and wet, and discomfort reign over us and around us. Sickness among the men from exposure is increasing ; but some more troops have arrived, which will give us near 19,000 infantry. We are promised a good many French. The siege does not progress. The Russians watch us, but seem afraid to attack ; and we cannot do so either, for want of men. No doubt, as soon as they arrive in sufficient numbers, we 156 REWARDS. shall have another battle, and then the siege again ; a pleasant prospect for the winter. The papers talk of a winter campaign preparing between Austria and Russia. In these gloomy dark nights, up to our ankles in mud, we rise and go round the sentries, for fear of a surprise, and watch the enemy's fires. It is really a very hard hfe, yet I never was in better health. We eat enormously of coarse food, having the worst cook in the world — a very dirty Glasgow sol- dier. The Turks are a despair ; they are very lazy, too, at their work, unless the Pasha stands over them. Our Highlanders, under direction of the engineer- officer, or rather of a sapper, are digging a deep exca- vation, over which they mean to put a roof to cover themselves, if possible, before the snow comes. I shall probably weather it out in a tent. As soon as the defences of this place are completed and tolerably secure, I hope C. and the Highlanders may get clear of the Turks. They ought to make him a Lieutenant- General, considering his great services, which would double his pay ; but he has no interest. The French rewards to officers and men for the battle of the Alma have arrived, and have been distributed. None of us have got any thing as yet, which I think a mistake ; nothing acts on the young and ambitious so well as prompt recognition. To get, after all, what? Per- haps a step in rank, or the right to receive letters with " C.B." after one's name. Probably the rewards will MILITARY SURGEONS. 157 cost the country 5000Z. ; possibly they will wait till the campaign is over, so that some more may be killed without receiving the rewards, such as they are. The ladies seem to be upon a new scheme, bless their hearts ! I do not wish to see, nor do I approve of, ladies doing the drudgery of nursing. Perhaps they may be of some use to keep the poor soldiers' wives and the nurses in order. I hear that already the hos- pital at Scutari is much improved. All we want is, to give the military surgeons leave to spend money, without the risk of being blamed for it afterwards. A more devoted set of men than the regimental sur- geons I never saw ; but they have been brought up all their lives under the tyranny of the Inspector- General, whose object it is to please the Government by keeping down the estimates. I have written a very stupid letter ; but my fingers are cold, and my heart is sad. Stupid as it is, I will add, that when a soldier goes into hospital, the Go- vernment stops lOd. a day out of his pay, to pay for his physic and food ; the diiference between that expense and lOd. goes to the Government. So that the doctors are encouraged to keep the men on a low diet, in order to gain credit for economy, i. e. expend- ing men instead of pennies. 158 WE WILL NOT FAIL. LETTER XL. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 27th November 1854. Yours of the 8th came to me two days ago. A very short time after it was written, you must, by the papers, have received full particulars of our battle of Balaklava; and now, at this time of writing, you must have heard the accounts of the battle of Inkermann, when so many Russians were killed and wounded. I suppose they are waiting for reinforcements like our- selves, for they seem quite quiet. 's regiment is quartered miles away from me ; and, as I am tied here, I can give you no account of him. Our cavalry is now quite inside the fortified lines, and in perfect safety; and no doubt the officers take off their clothes at night, and are pretty comfortable, which is a great element towards being in health. It is doubtless very sad to have one's friends in peril; but remember, that we are now fighting for our country, to which we all owe a life. Should we fail in this contest with Russia, the power of England will be broken ; and freedom will receive a blow from which it may not recover for centuries. But we will not fail ; with our good swords in our hands, and our women in our hearts, we are not to be conquered. Send us men and munitions ; we are longing to attack the enemy, whose outposts are before us. Meanwhile the works NIGHTINGALE. 159 are progressing, and gradually surrounding more and more of Sebastopol. But the roads are so bad, and our arrangements of transport so behindhand, that we cannot get the guns up to the new batteries, which are intended to clear the Inkermann valley. I hope you have a plan of the place, which is more than I have. I made a small map of this position ; but I have never had time to copy it, or, indeed, a place to do it in. Soon I expect to be in a house close to this ; and as our defences are improved, I shall also have a little more time and rest. We hear of the arrival yesterday of fourteen large mortars, with which, when we can get them up to the front, we may perhaps destroy the Russian line-of-battle ships in the harbour, whose guns have been a great annoy- ance. For some days past there has been incessant rain and storms of wind. The soil we are on is mud and marl, and we are all muddied over, and most wonderful figures ; but the men are cheerful, and our Highlanders tolerably healthy. They are very thought- less. We are driving them to complete their huts, which will be quite necessary to enable them to bear the winter. You have made no reflection on the Nightingale movement, which to me is a very amus- ing experiment. It is useless to exhort you good peo- ple not to be in a fright about all of us here,, nor to be troubled about our death, if death is to be our lot. At least we hope to give you the consolation that we 160 " GANG THROUGH." shall not die in vain. " Gang through" is my motto ; let us not look to the right hand nor to the left, but straight on to our great object. The survivors who return to their country will be hailed with national acclamation, and those who perish will have their tear and silent memory where their living affection was placed. We have a new Pasha just landed, Osman Pasha ; he is of higher rank than Rust^m Pasha; but I have not yet seen him. He has brought 1400 more Turks with him. I hope they will not run away like the others ; it is a miserable thing to see a rabble of men with arms in their hands runn- ing away from an enemy, who is pounding them with round shot and shells : they say it is for want of dis- cipline. I know not ; but think our men would fight any how ; and the Russians must think so, for we at Balaklava are at bay ; yet they do not venture on us. One more great battle won will perhaps enable us to invest Sebastopol on both sides, and then the place must fall. The war may last many a day afterwards. I look forward to nothing "else. The Russians are obstinate soldiers, and are defending their own soil. Ignorance and bravery make them formidable foes. IN BED. 161 LETTER XLL Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 2d December 1854. There is a rumour that from some blunder of the postmaster all the army letters which should have gone by the last post were left behind ; that was a fast mail, this a slow one ; Lord Raglan's bag went all right. You will perhaps find in this accident some dark design on the part of Government. I shall reserve my judgment, professing at the same time more faith in blunder than in any thing else. All life is a blunder, as we may see and feel. All mat- ters, weather included, look sad and murky. French and English reinforcements are come in. The change in my lot has been that yesterday we took possession of a house with a large figure 8 on it, — a mere hovel, which has hitherto been the 4 2d hospital. By way of a joke, I undressed and went to bed with sheets, &c., and found it very uncomfortable. I cannot do so regularly ; but I risked it ; I mean the chance of not being on my horse within five minutes, as soon as needful, in case of an attack. I shall sleep as usual to-night, and am inclined to think that bed is a fool- ish invention. Asiatics never do go to bed in our sense ; they loosen their strings, which is not neces- sary, as I can testify. has applied for a medi- cal board ; in other words, he is going home. The M 162 OFFICERS GETTING LEAVE. discomfort is what the comfortable fellows cannot stand. We who do stand it will get no credit ; not that I want any ; but you see the privates cannot go home, so why should the officers? To be sure, the privates neter do go home except when really sick, or when their regiment goes, while officers who choose to pay their' passage do usually get leave ; still it seems to me that on this peculiar occasion the officers should stick in the mud and weather it out with their men, as they would physical danger, which may also be nearer than people suppose. Our cavalry disaster was all a mistake — temper, impertinence, want of judgment, and want of a proper disregard for the opinion of an imprudent stafiF-officer, who was killed, led our Light Dragoons into the sad catastro- phe. We are all making huts for ourselves, or for our horses, which animals will be wanting by and by, and must be looked to. The four horses I brought from England are all well, and stand the work like their master. Our occupation — I mean stafif-officers — is looking out for the enemy, thinking of eating and drinking and sleep, — tame cats, with a touch of the wolf and other savage creatures. Writing official let- ters, by the way, is that an occupation ? I have just written eight, more or less important, which will be sent off at daylight. Sometimes a humaner moment arrives, and we write to our friends, and become men again. I have looked in a looking-glass to-day for NEW CLOTHES. 163 the first time since landing in the Crimea ; my beard is getting long and grizzled, my face brown and healthy, my body thin, and my expression reckless and cynical. That is only a mask : it is always off in these Letters, and the poor devil is seen as he is. So far as I can learn, the French and English are going to begin the siege again ; they are getting up more guns, and, I suppose, will take the place when- ever they choose to slip the invincibles at it. But the invincibles are not immortal, and cost a good deal of money — not, however, beyond their worth. If ever men did a fair turn of work, these soldiers have done one. The real wonder is, that any of them are alive. The Government at home are giving them a new suit of clothing and many extras gratis. This is wise ; a small unexpected gratification acts powerfully on these poor fellows. We hear the French soldiers are begin- ning to murmur at the length of inaction under which they suffer. Canrobert shoots out an order every now and then to console them. By the by, talking of orders, I did not expect that our despatch of the battle of Balaklava would be pub- lished. I suppose Lord Raglan found he must pub- lish Lord Lucan's, and so put C.'s in with it. When I was writing it, C. said, you had better say some- thing about the staff; but I suggested that we were sure of plenty of fighting, and should have a better opportunity. In Lord Raglan's own despatch he says 164 A FLAG OF TRUCE. very little about C. The truth is, that by his judi- cious management of the 93(1 he saved the whole batch of Turks from being cut to pieces. I am his Adjutant-General ; and if I only had a bit of interest, or was Lord Tom Trumpeter, the opportunity would have been seized to promote such a promising and gallant young fellow. The next news we expect will be the despatch of the battle of Inkermann, and the consequent arrangements for reinforcing this army. Occasionally I have to go out from the redoubt to receive flags of truce. It is a very odd sort of feel- ing. You see three or four horsemen about a mile ofif ; one carrying a lance with a white flag, and ano- ther trumpeting. You mount and ride out to meet them, and find a gentleman-like young officer, speak- ing good French or English ; a few words of extreme politeness pass, and each party returns to his own place. The last time they gave me a purse with fifty gold pieces, a bundle of clothes, and letters, for pri- soners of war whom we have got at Scutari. I am afraid you will find this a dull letter ; but I am dullness personified ; a leaden mantle hangs over us all at present ; besides which I think I am getting up a cold, brought on probably by too much comfort, or perhaps by the hole in the wall just by my head. RUSSIANS RETIRE. 165 LETTER XLIL Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 7th December 1854. We now hear that our letters for the last three or four posts have been late from some stupidity of arrangement on the part of the directing powers. The brigade of Light Cavalry has been removed down from Sebastopol to our neighbourhood. We have been going on strengthening our position ; but yesterday were surprised to find that during the pre- vious night the Russians in our front had decamped with all their guns, infantry, &c., leaving only a few Cossack picquets to burn their huts. What the next scheme may be, who can tell ? It seems likely that they found our position too strong and too well de- fended to be attacked ; perhaps they may be concen- trating their force for a general attack on the front; perhaps preparing to resist a new French army, which some people think will be landed on the north side of Sebastopol. We shall for a while not be so much on the stretch here ; the weather has also cleared, and to-day is as fine a sunshiny day as one could wish to see. I am busy making stables for our horses and mules, and preparing to be snug for the winter. Now that the Russians have retired, I should not be surprised if C. were to be moved off to some division near Sebastopol; and all our 166 SEND CARTS. labours in the defences and in making huts and stables will have been for other people's use. It will be a great change, after having got into a house, to be called upon to turn out in the dead of the winter and go to the front ; but I expect it. I think they will hardly try the assault without C, who has more experience in his little finger than the whole set up there. But there is all the artillery to get up first, and then to batter. The first siege-guns are quite worn out with firing ; and, in fact, the second siege is about to commence, as soon as we are ready. I sec by the tone of the English papers that they have taken the alarm at home, and that we shall have all the available soldiers and plenty of French. If we could have some of the departments a little better organised, the affairs of this army would soon come to rights. An army of this size in India would have with it 30,000 camels for transport ; I believe we have here in this place about 150 mules. The con- sequence is, that there is the most shameful difficulty in giving the soldiers their rations. We shall not be able to take the field till we are provided with this transport ; and we might have had it long before this, if the Grovemment, or some one whose duty it is, had chosen to spend money in Turkey in the purchase of horses. The easiest way now would be to send carts and horses, with their forage, out from England. In France the transport for the army is an organised MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS. 167 permanent body ; but Parliament never would allow this expense during peace, and we now suffer for their parsimony. The French have a regular baking establishment, and eat bread almost always ; we never. They have fresh meat much oftener than ourselves ; and their situation in every respect has been improv- ing, while we have retrograded. LETTER XLIIL Camp, Battery No, 4, Balaklava, 11th December 18.54. I DO not want to make any particular secret of my opinions, although any man who dares to think, and still more to speak, risks injuring his prospects. Even if he cannot be punished directly, there is a mark set against him. My view of the state of mat- ters here is open to any one. The mistake that has been made has been a very common one in our country, viz. not keeping up certain military estab- lishments in peace, because people took it into their heads that war could never come. In France there is a permanent wagon-train always organised, a per- manent commissariat, and also a permanent ambul- ance ; these three departments hang very much upon one another, and the defects of one cause a mischie- vous drain upon the others. For instance, the few 1 68 MISTAKES. mules our commissariat possess to carry provisions for the troops eight miles off on the Plateau will be borrowed to assist in forwarding ammunition ; the regimental hat horses are taken from the regiments to assist the c-ommissariat ; and so it goes on in a vicious circle. The English people having destroyed these above-named departments, which existed dur- ing the Spanish war, or which rather were then formed, its Government, on deciding upon war, should have instantly begim to organise them again. This is a matter of time as well as money ; there has now been time enough allowed to slip away ; but nothing is feally organised yet. The few mules still alive are without shoes, which ought to have been brought by the commissariat. A ship sent by the authorities here to Constantinople for mules is put into dock there for some trifling defect ; the want of the mules prevents the troops sometimes from gett- ing the whole of their rations up, although the stores here are abundant. Who appointed the Quartermaster-General, — a man in feeble health and totally without experience? He fell sick and went home, and just when we were going to embark. Airey is appointed in his place. Airey is a clever man ; but if they had appointed Sir George Murray, Wellington's quartermaster- general, he could not have rectified in a month the mistakes and omissions of the whole previous eight NO TRANSPORT. 1 69 months. Airey, when I knew him, commanded the 34th Regiment, which was in very good order ; and he had served as military secretary to Lord Aylmer in Canada, and in one or two departments afterwards at the Horse Guards ; but he had no experience in the field. If he had been made Quartermaster-Gene- ral last February, he would have learned much, and matters, I have no doubt, would now have been bet- ter. Our army was shot on shore in tlie Crimea without baggage or transport. This might have been tolerated if our sojourn here was intended to be for a week ; but as soon as it was palpable the affair would be a long one, the first necessity to be pro- vided for ought to have been transport. Lord Raglan should have forced the commissary to have it ready. Thousands of public and private animals were left behind at Varna, many of them to die from neglect. This was under the pretence of conveying more sol- diers ; but soldiers unprovided with the requisites to keep them efiicient are sacrificed in a very foolish, not to say reckless, manner. The French,* with very inferior shipping to ours, came, as I believe, all com- plete. They have been daily improving their organi- * The French used their men-of-war for transports; ours were kept in fighting condition to be ready to meet the Rus- sians had they offered battle. When the Russians sunk their ships, the English men of- war might have carried any thing which was wanted. 1 70 APPOINTMENTS. sation ever since ; and, in fact, the French soldier has never been so well off as at this moment here in the Crimea, where we are suffering so much. We have now before Sebastopol 3,300 sick, who will have to be brought down to Balaklava to embark on French ambulance mules ! And this when our army belongs not only to the richest country in the world, but to the country richest in horses and ships. Many of the staff and general officers were appointed from inter- est. It seemed either that Lord Raglan did not ex- pect war, and so gave places to any one who had influence, or, if he did expect war, he intended to do all the work himself. Tlie Adjutant-General served in the 43d ; I doubt if he ever commanded it ; he was appointed Judge- Advocate. And when the Go- vernment decided on that office being held by a civi- lian, Estcourt was pitch -forked into the important office of Adjutant-General, with high pay and powers ; but his business is discipline, which he endeavours to combine with amiability ; a most charming man in private life, but quite out of his place here. I know not who was the planner of the Turkish redoubts, standing on ground which we never ought to have occupied at all, because we were too far from it to support the troops placed there. As soon as I came down, while working at these redoubts, C. told me he did not like them. Some one from head-quarters insisted on guns being put there : these the Turks MISCONCEPTION OF ORDERS. 171 abandoned to the Russians. Had the 400 High- landers been Turks, or even had they not been com- manded by such an officer as C, Balaklava would have been entered by the Russian cavalry ; and the success of their attack would have given the infantry columns (30,000 men, remember) so much confidence, that no one can say what the result might have been. Reinforcements of troops are comparatively useless unless they reform and reorganise the departments I have spoken of ; that is my last word, " Radical Reform/' 12th December 1854. Yours of the 23d has just reached me. What you say about Lord Hardinge having stopped the re- inforcements is very possible ; he nearly lost British India by stopping the troops who were moving up before the battle of Feroseshah. There is a grand row getting up between Lords Raglan and Lucan. The words "misconception of orders'' have roused Lord Lucan's ire. Long before the catastrophe, C. foretold that the cavalry would have disaster from the way he heard them taunted by young gentlemen who were called staff-officers. We hear of plenty of troops coming for the French ; and I suppose an assault will be tried as soon as the guns have battered a bit. Murderous it will be, and frightful to think of. They say that when troops storm, they become like demons, and kill their officers 1 72 STABLE FALLS DOWN. if they tiy to stop their barbarity. It is very likely, I may say certain, that C. will get a division ; but unless he is promoted to Lieutenant-General, the pay is not increased. What will become of me I cannot guess. If I am not killed, I suppose I shall be em- ployed somehow ; there will be so few who have stuck to it all through. LETTER XLIV. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 17th December 1854. We have nothing new here for you. They continue getting the great guns up slowly towards the front to begin the second siege ; and we have a strong rumour that Austria has at last been forced to move and attack the Pruth, which, if true, will prevent Russia from sending any more troops here. We have just been building up a stable for our poor horses and mules ; but last night we had an alarm, and found the wall had given way ; it was only of loose stones, and the roof had fallen in. However, neither man, horse, nor mule was hurt. The French soldiers are becoming very impatient. The other day, as Canro- bert was going along the trenches, he was followed by cries, "L*assaut !" Our poor men are more com- posed, and remain very quiet ; but they will assault quite as vigorously as the French. The French su- WOOD SCARCE. 173 perior officers appear to think it necessary to let their men hear a great deal more of their plans than is the custom with us ; and I have little doubt that every French soldier has been discussing the report of the Austrian alliance, with a full understanding of its importance. Our men never hear of such things in orders, which probably in this case the French will. Christmas is near, and no frost yet ; a little snow and sleet yesterday, but no cold to speak of, although one would find a fire agreeable. We cannot afford wood for that, as we have had to collect this material comfort with much labour and time, and we reserve it for cooking. Now we are in hopes that there will be rations of coal given to us. Every thing is said to be coming except peace, of which I hear no rumour, and shall be sorry to hear of one, if it is to be a peace dictated by Austria as the price of her assistance. Nothing will satisfy me except the complete humi- liation of Russia ; and I would rather march to Mos- cow than not succeed in bringing down Nick's high stomach. What is to be made of his discomfiture at Silistria ? That is a puzzle. Our interpreter, a Polish gentleman and a very sensible man, who was with the Turkish army on the Danube, gives two reasons for the place not having been taken : one was, because the garrison could not run away ; the other, that the Russians were not in earnest in wishing to take it. Sure I am that the Turks here have not the smallest 174 THE SHORTEST DAY. chance, if left to themselves, against the Russians. We cannot trust the Turkish officers with the work- ing-pay for their fatigue -men ; so I have a mighty bag of shillings, and pay them myself when they re- turn from work, — 1^. among four Turks.* They all drink rum when they can get it ; but although the doctors wish they should receive it as a ration, their Government is afraid of shocking public opinion by ordering it. LETTER XLV. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 2 Ist December 1854. The shortest day ! A balmy feeling, warm east- erly breeze, dry ground, and bright sunshine. Such is this climate— even more variable than our own! Yes- terday was equally fine ; and we took the occasion to make a little promenade militaire ; the French ca- valry along the plain, and the 42d, a wing of the Rifles, and the Zouaves along the mountains on our ^.^^Jy// right. We saw no soul or 4 ' i ocaok \ but came to the ^^^J^/»'l^^deserted picquet-house of the laUor gontfy^ w here we captured two cooking-pots and a lance. The cavalry in the plain had a slight skirmish with the Russians ; and this over, we all retired within our entrenchments. * When the Turkish officers reported this, the Pasha forbid his soldiers having any working-pay at all. WATCH BROKEN. 175 We hear that Austria has positively made a triple alliance, offensive and defensive, with France and England, which will more equalise the forces. The arrangements in the army will, I dare say, soon be made. ' Arrangement' is a delicate word. The Duke does not return. Major-General Bentinck, command- ing the brigade of Guards, got a wound in his arm ; — he is rewarded with the command at Portsmouth !* C. will have the 1st Division ; and I suppose it will happen somehow or other that 1 shall go with him. The weather has become so much finer that our men s health is improved ; and gradually they will receive additional comforts and treats and fuel. But Sebas- topol will be a long job, depend upon it. Certain, however, as the greatness and power of England is the ultimate fall of the place, and the complete humilia- tion of Nicholas. We have just got papers to the 1st, which is not so late as we expected to receive them. Kossuth's long speech is great bosh ; I dare say very eloquent, especially where he informs the nation that we shall be beaten. In reply, I say, he lies in his throat ; we shall not be beaten. You saw in the beginning of this Letter the account of the lovely weather. It is now some unknown hour in the night of the 21st or morning of the 22d, and rain has been coming down at a great rate. My watch is broken, and gone to Constantinople ; while another one is * lie did not, however, hold it for some reason, but returned to the army. 176 what's o'clock ? supposed to be on its way from England by post ; meantime I, who am the most punctual man in the world, never know what o'clock it is. Our Admiral is gone ; which seems to please the sailors very much ; they think Lyons is likely to do better with- out him. It is at least certain that did not approve of this expedition ; and experience has shown that he was right, — that we were not prepared nor organised for such an undertaking. However, he will not get much credit for his clair- voyance. I think I wrote to you before we left Varna to send us 30,000 more men. Of course I had not the means of knowing how very deficient we were in organisation. A small bit of the great machine, I revolve on my own pivot, and cannot see very far from it. The people about head-quarters alone have unlimited powers of inspecting. I cannot go to see what is doing in the front, nor where the French are ; all is hearsay. The guns, however, go on booming occasionally, telling me that the roar will begin again some day. Our life is one of perfect peace. The lonely Cossack vidette looks like a bird ; and we cannot see the llussians, who are casting up entrenchments* in our front, without a glass ; with that aid, they are * These entrenchments were very extensive. Opposite the Tractir Bridge, that is, on the right bank of the river, about three-quarters of a mile from the bridge, they made a redoubt and zig-zags and lines, which were all taken by the French on the 25th of May 1855, with scarcely any resistance. SECOND BATTALIONS. 177 plainly visible, working like bees to hem iis in. A detachment of 200 Turks has been ordered from here to make stables for the cavalry ; so it is evident that arm is going to be kept quiet. There is great talk here of raising second battalions to the regiments. This would promote many officers. We are now laying up a stock for debating. War will come to an end. The Peace Society will urge that an army should not be kept up where there is no appearance of its being wanted. The half-pay list will be loaded ; the dead-weight grumbled at ; and we shall begin the next war as bravely and as badly prepared as when we beofan this one. LETTER XLVL Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 2 2d December 18.54. Now that my letter is gone, and that I have got off a load of official business, it seems as if I had a thousand things to say. Here is rain ; rain coming down without mercy ! Oh, dear, the poor men ! How wretched those before Sebastopol ! a portion of them remain in their turn day and night in the trenches, where they cannot move ; for if they show themselves, the enemy fire on them immediately. Here our people have rather a better time ; we are N 178 C. GETS A REGIMENT. out of shot, and we do not keep so many in the trenches. And then their life is very monotonous ; there is nothing to amuse them. Poor fellows, they behave themselves wonderfully. As for me, I some- times repine ; at my age, and with my small rank, doing the duty which is fit for a man of thirty. 27th December. I am edified at your rescinding your fixed idea about us officers, always excepting Captain . I really do not see why he is not to run off with women, provided they like him well enough to go ; but it seems strange they should choose such a compagnon d£ voyage. We hear that X. and Y., two unknown quantities, were so ill received, that they will have to return to the army here. ITiey are both men of interest ; but it is very wrong to screen them, and very hopeless, moreover. C. has got a regiment, which means more pay. He cannot have too much for his merit : there is no one here who can hold a candle to him. I am made a substantive Major, which gives me 25. a day more half-pay. I do not see why I should not have been promoted in rank like other people. We also hear of the Crimean medal for men and officers, with clasps for the battles. The list of promotions I have not yet seen. Here, opposite our lines, the Russian force has diminished. From our highest point of view we GUNS GOING UP. 179 can see very few men, but immense works, which they may occupy at any moment. Possibly the Turks at Eupatoria may be drawing them away. If we find they are really gone, we shall most likely be sent up to the siege. The French have got their guns and ammunition into the batteries before Sebastopol, and they are now assisting in getting up ours ; so that very soon fire will be again opened. This time, I be- lieve, we shall assault, and, I suppose, get in, paying dearly for the entry. I know that Gladstone does not build much on the Austrian alliance. The people about Lord Raglan have strange rumours of peace, which I cannot believe. " Can the Ethiop change his skin, or the leopard his spots ?" Nicholas cannot make peace on any terms France and England would agree to ; and so our poor Government will be compelled to threaten Austria with revolution unless she fights, and fights in earnest. We hear of huts, flannels, navvies, and potted meats, in yachts, all coming. But Christ- mas is come and gone, and our men are nearly all without cover, except the tents. Our artillery horses are dying of cold and hunger. We have had two sharp frosts, with fine sunshiny days. In fact, the climate would not be bad if we all lived in houses and slept in our beds a-night. Mr. Peto's man is come to make a railway. I wish Mr. Peto would contract to do the siege, and send away all the people whom he did not think worth preserving ; I mean 1 80 A WAGON-TRAIN. not worth their salt. The fighting men would be de- lighted, and would know who should bear the blame of deficiencies. Our Commissary-General was a com- missary in the Peninsular War, and refers every thing to that period. The principal want of our army is a regularly -organised wagon -train, which would have enabled Mr. Somebody to convey forage and food to every part of our army in any weather. Our little infantry is full of courage and cheerfulness, and you may be proud of speaking their tongue. The archers of England are like their sires 500 years back ; and in my perambulation among them I am constantly reminded of private Williams and Fluellen, Harry the king, &c. ; all which is so true to the life, that it makes one wonder more and more at the universal knowledge of Shakespeare. LETTER XLVII. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, Slat December 1854. Here is the end of the year. On the 2d January I shall be fifty, and still a boy in some things. The papers have not yet reached me, so that I do not know what Ministers are doing. They will be pushed, doubtless, to do all they can by public opinion. Yes- terday we went out with the French to make a re- A WATCH. 181 connaissance towards Baidar. The French exchanged a few cannon-shot and took a few Cossacks, besides burning the barracks and the forage of some Russian Hussars at a village called Varnutka. The enemy in our front is in small numbers ; our real enemy is the want of transport to carry up houses and food to the front, that is, to the soldiers before Sebastopol. It is no use sending soldiers till we have the means of protecting them from the weather; they will die faster than 30U can send them. Snow is over all now, — not very deep ; but the sky looks as if more were coming : a sad prospect for our poor men still in tents. I am expecting a watch, which will not come. I hope it will go. Perhaps it has been addressed " Constantinople." Nothing with that address which is worth having ever reaches the army. Without a watch, the dreary night seems drearier and longer than ever. I go out and ask the sentry, who is often an hour or more wrong. C. is to have the 1st Di- vision, unless the Duke returns. What I shall do is unknown. My holding the situation of Assistant Adjutant-General ought to give me my promotion ; but I have no interest. Peace may be made. The war, however, is still very unfinished, and a peace now would be fatal for our country. Nicholas never will give up Sebastopol except upon compulsion ; and we shall not, in my opinion, be able to take it without an assault, unless by a long operation of sapping and 182 A DEPOT. starving them out, for which a large army, well found, will be requisite. New-year's morning. The snow is gone again, and the papers are lost ; so I shall not see the debate. LETTER XLVIIL Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 4th January 1855. Thermometer at freezing-point; snow eighteen inches deep ; no wooden houses, and great difficulty in getting up provisions to the troops before Sebas- topol. The men of our command are to carry bags of biscuits, weighing 112 lbs., on sticks between two, with a relief of two more men, for a distance of four miles, in snow and mud. This is for the purpose of form- ing, if possible, a depot of fourteen days' food for the troops in front, lest the snow should entirely stop the communication, and expose our poor men to starva- tion. This measure ought to have been adopted much sooner. Now the weather is so bad that we cannot send the biscuit, because it gets wet and spoiled. All arises from want of transport, on which subject I have written at large to . Our own men are still most of them in tents ; they began SALT MEAT. 183 making huts, and are still striving to continue that work. Why the wooden houses, which have arrived, are not at once distributed, I cannot tell. It is very hard to be part of a machine, to see it working ill, and not to be able to move a hand to set it right. Inexorable officialities forbid. When the people in England find that their efforts and expenditure have been in vain, and that the men are not in wooden houses, but in tents at this time, there will be a storm of indignation. Sidney Herbert is told this and that and the other, and asserts it in the House. It is not true that the men have fresh meat regularly. Here I know that our men have salt meat, and scarcely ever any vegetables. He states that the regiments which have come out lately are armed with Minie rifles.* That is not the fact. If the departments had been up to their work, we should by this time have been provided with transport, and a proper train of men to work it, instead of miserable Bulgarians and Maltese. We are in the thick of the winter. If it should freeze hard after this snow, as it very likely may, the carts and horses we have will not be able to go without being roughed, which it will take a con- siderable time to effect. I believe we shall not have a cavalry-horse alive in a month. Meantime we hear • The rifles were distributed to them after arrival at Bala- klava. 184* HARDSHIPS. from deserters that the Russians are becoming short of ammunition, and that water is scarce with them. They have been digging fresh wells, in which the water turned out to be salt. So the siege is telling on them. The guns are fought by Finland seamen, who at first were numerous enough to afford a relief Now they only stand to their guns by day, and retire to rest at night, which amounts to half the Russian gunners hors de combat. We shall take the place, I have no doubt, unless all our men are destroyed by the severity of the winter before we have our batteries armed and ready to open. The number of sick from the Guards in the trenches is very great ; the men never have dry feet ; the tents are become very thin, and let the rain drip through them ; and our prospects in this respect are terrible. But the men are heroes, and the survivors cannot be too highly rewarded. The families of those who sink should be all pensioned by the nation ; those who go through should be formed into a Legion of Immortals. One who has not seen this place cannot conceive the sufferings of men and officers ; and they are so cheerful under it all, poor fellows ! These ought to be the Queen's Guards. There are officers in the regiments of Guards here, who, in consequence of the war, and the privi- leges of their corps, are obtaining their promotion to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in about six years' ser- vice. It is no answer to say they are brave. All the NO STARVATION. 185 army is brave. The Government is promoting sergeants in their own corps, — those of the Guards into the Line ; their own regiment is too good for them. This is not very flattering to the Line. The wooden houses weigh two and a half tons ; how shall we move them ? 5th January. There is such confusion at Balaklava that no one ever reckons on getting any thing that is his. I am quite in distress for a watch, and calculated on having it per post, instead of which it is to come by long sea in a parcel. Telle est la me ! You ask about star- vation. There has not been that ; but some of the divisions have been occasionally on quarter -rations for want of transport to take it up to them. We individually are so near the ships that we can carry it up on our backs. As to Austria, I only speak in a military point of view. If she advances on the Russian armies, they must lose the Crimea, and very likely would have to make peace. If you could see war, you would enter into the views of the Peace So- ciety ; the sufferings are so terrible, even of the poor horses. Omar Pasha arrived at Balaklava last night ; he is come to arrange about the feeding his army, which is on its way to Eupatoria ; where, I suppose, he will form a strong entrenched camp, and where any number of French and English soldiers may be landed afterwards to take the north side of Sebastopol. 186 BISCUIT AND RUM. LETTER XLIX. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 7th January 1855. Freezing hard for the last three days, with a good deal of snow on the ground. The poor men ! Ours are comparatively well off ; for, being near Bala- klava, they can get fuel ; but in front ! there is no carrying charcoal in any quantity there ; the brush- wood is all exhausted ; and I fear they seldom get a warm meal. Biscuit and rum, that they do get. A private soldier of the Light Division, to whom I spoke yesterday in Balaklava, told me very quietly that on the previous night (thermometer 20°) he had been twelve hours in the trenches. He started for Bala- klava at daylight without breakfast — a good seven miles — leading horses to load with rations for his com- pany, and had to return with them, and would reach his company about dark, to go into a cold tent, and a turn in the trenches in the morning. The man did not look ill ; in fact, none but people of the hardiest constitution can stand it ; all the others are dead or dying. There have been accidents, too, with the charcoal — suffocation. This is terrible work; and the winter may, and sometimes does, last till May. Thirteen Turks frozen to death in the trenches here three nights ago. We (our lot I mean) are waiting for the result of the Duke's medical board ; if he is CUTTING. 1 87 put into orders to go home sick, C. will be appointed to command the 1st Division ; if there is no vacancy of either Assistant Adjutant or Quartermaster-General in that Division, I shall resign my staff appointment, which would place me in the 4th Division, and be- come Aide-de-camp to C. This will be a great descent in the scale of staff-officers. We shall have a beau- tiful division ; and the Highlanders are very strong, about eighteen hundred bayonets. They will, of course, bring us up for the assault ; and if we carry the place, we shall have plenty of laurels or tears ; both, I dare say. It must be taken ; and I hear that our women are showing their minds very plainly on the point of gentlemen going home who are not sick. The people at White's cut ; and found also he could not stand it. They are coming out ; but they are both damaged. You know we all ex- pected the Russians would come on again, as we could not tell at first how hard we had hit them. I have been writing answers since four o'clock this morning to letters of people of all ranks, who have sent presents for the men of warm clothing. C. has been promised three fur coats already; they are not here, however. Some of the letters are very good, and most of them national. I am sure we shall get plenty of English recruits, far better than a Foreign Legion. 188 WANT OF FUEL. LETTER L. Camp, Battery No. 4, Balaklava, 10th January 1855. I AM too sure that my poor watch has gone the way the thousands of parcels which are despatched from England have the habit of going, viz. the wrong way. I have sent a friend of mine another cheque, and begged him to send me out a watch by post. Should the first one make its appearance by mis- take, I shall easily sell it. You cannot imagine the inconvenience it is to me to be without a watch. I have to regulate every one else's time about duties ; and it is pitiful to see me hunting about for some one whose watch is still going, to find out an approxi- mation to the time. Yesterday I was obliged to go on duty to the Light Division, which is before Sebastopol. The ground was covered with melting snow, regular slush, with hard frozen ground underneath ; so that riding was a ticklish matter. I found sad misery among the men ; they have next to no fuel, almost all the roots even of the brushwood being exhausted. They are entitled to rations of charcoal ; but they have no means of drawing it, and their numbers are so reduced, that they cannot spare men enough to bring it six or seven miles from Balaklava. The con- sequence is, they cannot dry their stockings or shoes ; they come in from the trenches with frost-bitten toes, MEN CRYING. 189 swelled feet, chilblains, &c. ; their shoes freeze, and they cannot put them on. Those who still, in spite of this misery, continue to do their duty, often go into the trenches without shoes by preference, or they cut away the heels to get them on. None of the fine warm clothes have reached them yet. I heard of one com- pany going into the trenches fourteen men strong ; all the rest dead, sick, broken. One night lately forty-five men went into the trenches, of whom nine- teen were sent out during the night ; nine died. If this goes on, the trenches must be abandoned, or oc- cupied by the French, lest we should be annihilated. I heard of men on their knees crying with pain. Of course there are men, and plenty of them, who will never give in, but rather die on the spot for England and duty ; but these cases of weakness are evil, and contagious symptoms of the morale being shaken. Transport ! wila tout. Every thing should be carried to the men's tents for them ; but I see no signs yet of an organisation of transport. There is a rumour of some such attempt in England. I expect every day that, from sheer want of numbers, we shall have to take our Highlanders to the siege, and try if that splendid brigade is made of tougher materials. But then how is Balaklava to be guarded ? The officers, of course, are not suffering actually quite so much as the men, though quite as much in proportion to their previous habits. They manage to get larger boots, 190 TELLING THE TRUTH. and their feet usually are smaller. The ammunition- boots sent from England are capital, but too small ; the largest size sent ought to have been the small- est. It is now quite mild, every thing thawing, and threatening rain. I do not know which weather is worst for the poor fellows ; and I can do nothing to help. Alas ! it makes me very sad to see such men lost in such a way. Our numbers for duty at this moment are just about what they were before the reinforcements came. I have heard of a whole regi- ment not being able to turn out seven men for duty. Many of the frost-bitten men will lose their fe^ ; many will recover ; but the army, meantime, is cruelly weakened. The French suffer little of all this ; for they have plenty of organised transport. There is some one wanting to lick matters into shape at Balaklava. They have sent down Major Mackenzie and Captain Ross, both excellent officers, recently appointed to the Quartermaster General's department ; but they are under the Commandant, who is their senior officer. Lord Raglan rode into the village yesterday to investigate into the state of affairs, and the admireveen "Sf ^5m WHfcH BORKOWED LOAN DEPT. LD 62A-50m-7,'65 (F5756sl0)94l2A General Library . University of Cahfornia Berkeley U "' \ M :;il ;■: SW s US' \ Vw! Us' \ V* 1 ' Ui . Vv" •- ^\^ : uU A- V ^\' \ \ ^ ; \ ^> ■'J y ' , 1 -^ \"^ ; i \ w /■ \ \ \ -. ^ V \ s