i ON THE COINS PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. iJ -^ J -i.^ '«_o ^ 5 Sl^ j^^^ cJ^\? U>^^^ \j*J^\* iJ^^ ^*s^^ KORA.v, Sm-ah iv., ver. 62. (Coin No. 101.) EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE ; MEM. HOVAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, AND MEM. NUMISMATIC SOCIETY, LONDON. LONDON : PRINTED BY J. AVERTIIEIMER AND CO., FINSBURT CIRCDS. 1847. PREFACE. The history of Mohammedan nations is for many reasons peculiarly suitable for numismatic illustration ; not so much in reference to the artistic value of the coins them- selves, as from the fact of their usually recording in full the name of the king, the date, and the place of coinage thus affording direct evidence to three distinct points, — the existence of the sovereign as such, the time in which he reigned, and the place of which he was king. The value of this species of illustration, as applied to Indian history, is much enhanced by the consideration of the oriental feeling, that the power of coinage was held to be a proof of the attainment of kingly dignity. In the West, we require many forms to make a king, but the Eastern Mo- hammedan races seem to have held the striking of the currency, aided by an immediate recitation of public prayers in the names of the princes they had elected, as proof positive of sovereignty. Thus we find the first act of an Eastern reign was invariably the production of a coin ; without this, an all-powerful despot hardly felt himself a king. The medals of Eastern kings, unlike the money of Eu- ropean nations, were really the coins of the sovereign whose name they recorded ; they were less the money of 432J1G the country than a part of the wealth of the king hunself. The despotism which enabled the ruler to alter at will the circulating medium of his dominions, identifies the coinage itself most intimately with the monarch who issued it; hence, from these metallic records, we can often trace, not only historical facts, but even the workings of men's minds ; at least the results of their vices or virtues are frequently to be detected in the silent testimonies they have left behind them. As an instance, the history of few reigns offers such varied numismatic illustrations as that of Mohammed bin Tuglak. Amid the endless variety, and at times perfection of execution, of his medals, we discover a register of all the phases of his rule — his early wealth and profusion, his sub- sequent poverty, and his despotic endeavour to meet it : the one witnessed in the quantity and full weight of his first coinage; succeeded, on the other hand, by the currency of debased metal, ending in the issue of copper tokens which he attempted to pass in lieu of silver. Next we note his forced return to honesty and its consequent effect upon his money; the religious scruples which overtook him in 743 A.H. are also evidenced in his coins, when, after having, in imitation of his predecessors, barely recognised the exist- ence of a Khalif, he is suddenly alarmed by doubts as to his own right to the throne of Hindustan, unsupported as it was by the sanction of a Commander of the faithful. Then, not satisfied with acknowledging the spiritual supremacy of a Khalif whose name was scarcely known, he at once (en- tirely rejecting his own titles) stamps his currency with the name of Al Mustakfi billah (the supposed Khalif of Egypt). The medals of subsequent years indicate the recognition of his title to the throne of Delhi by Al Abbas Ahmed the successor of Al Mustakfi, The period which our series of modal;? illustrates, extends from A.D. 1192 to 1554, three centuries and a half. During tliis time, five dynasties, numbering in all forty kings, suc- ceeded each other on the throne of Delhi. We are fortunate in this period, following the exact point of Indian history where Professor H. 11. Wilson closes his labors in his Ariana Antiqua, he having, somewhat per saltum indeed, brought down Indian numismatics from the time of Alexander the Great to the commencement of the Patan rule in Hin- dustan. In the weight and device of the gold and silver coins of the early Patau kings, but little variation is to be observed from the commencement of the series until the reign of Mohammed bin Tuglak the nineteenth sovereign on our list. The gold coins up to this last date, judging from speci- mens of the mintage of Balban and Mohammed Shah were usually denominated ^^ Sicca, a die (a coin), a word probably used only in the generic sense. The greatest weight of the above pieces, is 172 grains; but we have a Ghias ed din Tuglak as high as 173 grains. The silver coins were termed l^\ Al-fazzat, the silver (coin), and at times merely Sicca. The weight of these ranges up to 173 grains. For both these classes of medals, allowing for wear, we may fairly assume a mint issue of 174 grains. A curious description of coin now brings itself to our notice, being a sort of medium currency between copper and silver, composed, indeed, of a mixture of these two metals. However objectionable this intermediate coinage may appear in theory, there are many advantages to be con- ceded to it in practice. In a poor country where great sub- division of the currency was found necessary, it was a manifest convenience to convert so small a mite of silver, as ^j of a Dirhem (10-8 grains) into something tangible, at the same time a pure copper representative of this sum would have been bulky and unmanageable. Under any circumstances some proof of the advantage of this admixture of metals, is to be found in the fact of its having continued in use upwards of four centuries and a half, dating from Anungpiil of Lahore, a.d. 1000, with whom this species of coin seems to have originated, through the early Delhi imitators of the Kabul coinage to the time of Behlol Lodi, A.D. 1450. These coins, like those of gold and silver of the same kings, underwent but little change from the accession of Mohammed bin Sam, to the time of Mohammed bin Tuglak. They average, as will be seen from the weights afhxed to each engraved specimen, from 52 to 56 grains : of this, the native refiners calculate from 10 to 11 grains to be silver. The simple copper coins usually weigh 55 grains up to the reign of Balban, whose copper pieces, and those of his successors, rise as high as 66 and 67 grains. Mubarik Shah adopted the square form for many of his coins, without, however, varying the weights or values. Mohammed bin Tuglak, in addition to debasing the coinage in every possible way, and attempting to pass copper tokens in lieu of silver money, seems from the first to have altered the whole system of the currency in a most unaccountable manner. On the one hand, we find his early gold coins of the year 7'26, a.h. (denominated Dinars), brought up to the weight of "200 grains, whereas his silver coins of the same type, are let down from the old standard of 174 grains, to 140 odd. His debased thick silver Dirhems of the years 727, 28, 29, and 30, average, even in nearly perfect specimens, only 139 grains. His small silver Quarter-Dirhems, again, appear to have remained unaltered, at least in point of weight ; while his brass and copper money, on the other hand, displays an endless variety of shape, weight and device. Firuz III. reverted to the old standard for his gold coinage, though the types and inscriptions vary considerably. His debased silver, or silver and copper coins, whichever we may take them to be, seem to have been imi- tated from the thick silver money of Mohammed bin Tuglak, and to have been continued by Firuz and his successors, but little changed, either in weight or purity of metal, down to Behlol Lodi, the thirty-third sultan on our list. We have specimens of the silver coinage of Mohammed bin Firiiz and Mahmud bin Mohammed, evincing, in their worn state, a probable original mint-weight of the old 174 grains. It is remarkable, considering the manifold coins of other metal, of the fifteen kings who followed Mohammed bin Tuglak, that are now extant, how very few silver medals of these princes have as yet come to light. The copper coinage of the period intervening between the reigns of Mohammed bin Tuglak and Shir Shah, does not offer any change worthy of remark. This last sovereign entirely remodelled the coinage of his dominions: his silver money, now for the first time denomi- nated rupee, is stated by James Prinsep to have weighed 11-1 mashas of 15*5 grains, i.e. 174'4 grains. This weight is, however, easily proved to be too little, as Marsden has already published rupees of this king rising from 177 to 178 grains. The coins also of Shir's immediate successors, Islam and Adil, frequently vveigh as much as 176 and 177 grains. Under these circumstances, and allowing for wear and loss from other causes, we shall be justified in rating the weight of these rupees, at the time of issue, at 178, if not at the full tolah of 180 grains. Shir Shah's larger copper coinage runs as high as 316 grains; and the smaller pieces average 150 and 40 grains respectively. The present series, it will be seen, is very complete, being wanting in the coins of four kings only out of the forty. The absence or non-existence of the money of these monarchs is perhaps easily accounted for, and will be noticed at large in its proper place. By far the major part of this collection is as yet un- published, and, with a view to avoid the imperfection which omissions would cause, some few coins which have already appeared have been re-produced : but in nearly every case the engravings have been taken from originals other than those hitherto made public. Closing this brief introductory notice, it is proposed at once to proceed to describe the medals themselves, prefixing to the whole a full list of the Sultans and their dates of accession ; introducing subse- quently in detail a transcript and translation of the Persian inscription to be found on the coins of each succeeding monarch, preceded by a short note of the most prominent occurrences of the reign. LIST OF THE PATAN, AFGHAN OR GHORI SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN (DELHI). Date of Accession. No. of King. ; 589 1193 602 1203 607 1210 — 1211 633 1236 634 , 637 1239 639 1241 644 1246 664 1266 685 1286 687 1288 695 1295 716 1316 717 1317 721 1321 725 1325 752 1351 790 1388 791 1389 793 1390 796 1394 797 1395 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 I 18 , 19 20 i 21 22 23 24 25 26 Muaz ud din, or Sbahab ud din Mohammed bin Sam (1st Dynasty). Kutb ud din Ibek. Aram Shah bin Ibek. Shums ud din Altumsh. Rucku ud din Fiiu'iz Shah (Fin'iz L). Sultan Reziah. Muaz ud din Behram Sliah. Ala ud din Masaud Shiih. Nasir ud din Mahmud. Ghias ud din Balban. Muaz ud din Kaikobad. Jellal ud din Firuz Shah (Firuz II.). (2nd Dynasty, Khilji). Rukn ud din Ibrahim. Ala ud din Mohammed Shah. Shahab ud din Umur. Kutb ud din Mubarik Shah 1. Nasir ud din Khusru. (ihias ud din Tuirlak Shah (3rd Dy"; Tuglak). Mohammed bin Tuglak. Firuz Shah bin Salar Rajab (Fiiuz HI.). Ghias ud din Tuglak Shah II. Abubekir Shah. Nasir ud din Mohammed Shah bin Firuz Shah. Ala ud din Sekunder Shah (named Humayun). Nasir ud din Mahmud Shah bin Mohammed Shah (Timur, 800). Nuserut Shah (Interregnum). Mahmud re- stored 802. COINS OF THli Dale of Accession No. of A.,.. A.... King 814 1412 27 817 1414 28 824 1421 29 839 1435 30 849 1444 31 854 1450 32 894 1488 33 923 1517 34 ! 937 1530 35 1 947 1540 36 ; 9o2 1545 37 j 960 1553 38 1 961 962 39 40 1554 Dauhit Khan Lodi. Kliizr Khdn (4th Dvnastv, Svuds). Miiaz ud din Miik'irik ShVih (11.). Mohamniod Shah bui Ferid Slulh. Alci ud din bin Mohammed. Bfh'.ol Lodi (oth Dynasty, Lodi). S^kimder bin Behlol. Ii)rahini bin Sekunder (Baber, 930 ii.). .Mohammed Humayun f Moghul). Ferid ud din Shir Shah. Islam Shah. Mohammed Adil Shall. Ibrahim Sur. Sekunder Shah (lluniayiui, 962, then Akber). Preliminary Note. The sliorlit historical notices at the head of the medals Ferishtah, have been inserted in the desire ol" avoiding con- tinual references to histories of the time. In acknowledging the use made of the works of Briggs and Elphinstone, we cannot do better than refer to them for fuller details than our space admits of. The list of kings, somewhat modified, has been taken from the tables published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The Ilijra dates have been retained as being in themselves more appropriate to the subject, and as affording a more direct correspondence with the dates to be found on tlie coins. It is to be noticed, in referring to the plates, that in the present series of medals, in which the legends read from right to left, the obverse face has been made to take the place usually assigned to the reverse in engravings of European coins. The verv limited number of collections of the class of PATAN SLTLTANS OF IIIN DUSTA N. coins here described does not admit of any attoinpt at refinement in expressing the rarity of tlie ditrcrtMit spe- cimens. The most common marks of C, R., V. R., and Unique, have alone therefore been made use of, and these only in reference to the more important medals. Where an inscription has been restored in full, as in the case of the legend on the outer circle of the obverse of No. 1, the lines above serve to show the words which are to be -found in the specimen engraved. As an English translation of the titles of the kings woidd interfere with the facility of identification of the individual, who is often better known by his titular designation than by his specific name, and as the strict English rendering of these epithets themselves usually sounds inflated, and, in many instances, absurd, it has been thought desirable to avoid doing more than anglicising the original denomina- tions. It may be sufficient to indicate generally that the titles usually have reference to the religious and temporal celebrity each king at the time of his accession hoped to attain. First King (a.h. 589— 602 ; a.d. 1193 — liOB). Shahab ud din, or Muaz ud din Mohammed bin Sam, known also by the title of Mohammed Ghori, the founder of the Patau dynasty of Delhi, is first noticed in history on the occasion of his appointment, in conjunction with his brother, Ghias ud din, to the government of a province of Ghor, by his uncle, the notorious Ala ud din, the destroyer of Guzni. After the accession of Ghias ud din to the throne of Ghor in 554 ii., Muaz ud din, acting as his general, subdued Khorassan ; and, on the conquest of Guzni from Khusru Malik, in 567, he was nominated to the govern- ment of that country. From tliis time his incursions into 4 COINS or THE India comuicnced : in bl'l, he conquers Multan ; in 574, he meets with a sanguinary defeat in an expedition against the prince of Guzrat ; in 575, and in 580, Khusru, the last of the Guznivedes, now king of Lahore, is assailed; and, at length, in 58"2, subdued by stratagem. In 587, in a more extended expedition into Hindustiin, Mohammed Ghori is totally routed on the memorable field of Thanesur, by the Chohan hero, Prithvi, rajah of Ajmir and Delhi. After two years' repose, the disgrace of his defeat still burning within him, he, on the self-satne battle ground, again encounters his former conqueror, who is now supported by the whole force of the country, the confederated armies of 150 princes. This time victory favours the Ghoiians, and a hard-fought field ends in the total discomfiture of the Indian host. By this single victory the Mohammedans may be said to have be- come the virtual masters of Hindustan. The ulterior measures for the subjugation of the rest of the country were of speedy accomplishment, and most of the later ad- ditions to the Indian empire of INIohammed Ghori were perfected by his quondam slave, subsequent representative in Hindustan, and eventual successor on the throne of Delhi, Kutb ud din Ibek. Ghias ud din, who had long retained little beyond the title of a king, died in 600, h. ; and, shortly afterwards, Muaz ud din was crowned in form. An unsuccessful attempt at conquest in the north, in itself attended by most disastrous consequences, was succeeded by the revolt of the governors of Guzni and Multan : this outbreak, however, was soon suppressed. In 602, Mohammed Ghori was slain in his tent, in the centre of his own camp, by a band of his Indian subjects, who thus avenged the loss they had sustained in the wars he had inflicted upon their country. At the death of Mohammed Ghori, the Mohammedan empire in India PATAN SULTANS OF HIXDUSTAN. 5 extended generally over nearly the whole of Hindustan Proper, Sindh, and Bengal. The sovereignty was, how- ever, held by various tenures, and was most uncertain in its internal geographical limits. 1. -Silver. 74 grs. V.R. a.ii. 596. {Prinsep Collection.) Olv.— ^I^ ^r^_s\\ Js. ij^\ J^W ^,,0^ ^--V^b c^y^j ^^J\ ci^^^ y» R.~ Translation. Ohv. — It is he that sendeth his messenger, with guidance and true faith, that he might exalt the (true) religion above all, though the infidels be averse thereto. — There is no god but God. Mohammed is the prophet of God ! The most mighty sovereign, — Ghias ud dunia wa ud din, Abiilfateh. — Mohammed bin Sam. R.— This Dirhem (was) struck in the city of Ghazneh, in the year Five hundred and ninety-six. — Al Nasir ledin illah.i The mighty sovereign, Muaz — ud dunia wa ud din Abi'il Muzafar. — Mohammed bin Sam. 2.— Silver. 68 grs. R. Ohv.— y\ ^.^^^\j IjjJljx^ ^^Jix^\ ^lUJl c^\ ^y^j .\^-c .d!l The name of the khalif. 6 coix.s OF Tirn Margin. — Margin. — .,4^ ^^1^11 i^ J * &c., same as No. 1, ohv. margin. Translation. Oir. — God. Mohammed is the prophet, of God. The mig-hly Sultan, Muaz ud dmiia wa ud din, the victorious xMoham- med bin Sam. Margin. — This Dirhera (was) struck .... year . . and four R. — God. There is no g-od but God. Al nasir billah. The most mighty Sultan, Ghias ud dunia wa ud din, the victorious Mohammed bin Sam. Margin. — Same as No. I . N.B. There is a gold coin in the Masson collection, weighing 99 grs., similar in size and shape to this silver Dirhem. It is in bad preservation, and the inscriptions are scarcely legible. The above coins in the joint names of Ghias and Muaz ud din, bear testimony to the associated regal powers of the two brothers. It is to be noticed, however, that the superlative Jix 1] " The greatest," is applied to the one king, while ^,Ux-< " Great," is all that is extended to the conqueror of India. It will be observed from the coins which follow, that, on the death of his brother, Muaz ud din took to himself the superlative ^lii 1'^ A more intricate question is, however, suggested by the legends on these coins, in regard to the identity of Moham- med bin Sam himself. It will be seen from the transcript above given, that in one place is to be found the tifK> of I'ATAN SUI.TANS OF HINDUSTAN. / Ghii'is u(l din, and in another the epithet of Muaz ud din, each in conjunction with the name of Mohammed bin Sam. Up to the present time, Muaz ud din, otherwise in all written history styled Shahab ud din, has invariably been identified as Mohammed bin Sam, or Mohammed Ghori ; but the inscriptions on our coins would indicate that if Muaz ud din is Mohammed bin Sdin, so also is Ghius ud din. The coins of Mahmud, the son of Ghias ud din, the nephew and Afghan successor of Muaz ud din, distinctly proclaim the king who issued them the son of Mohammed bin Sam (vide foot of page 99). The necessary inference from this evidence is that Ghias ud din owned the name of Mohammed ; and as all are prepared to admit Muaz ud din's claim to that designation, there is nothing left but to conclude that both brothers bore or assumed the generally favourite appellation of Mohammed. Should the legends of the medals themselves be con- sidered as insufficient proof of the strength of the position now assumed, it may be as well to advert to any readily accessible u-ritten evidence which may serve to throw a light on the question. Price, in his Mohammedan History,^ on the authority of the " Khalasut ul Akhbar," calls Ghias ud din, Mohammed Lin Sam; leaving Shahab ud din undesignated beyond this title, and an allusion to his parentage as derived from Sam. The accuracy of the translation of the passage referred to is fully confirmed by a reference to an original MS. of the Khalasut ul Akhbar in the Library of the Royal Asiatic - \'ol. ii. p 405. 8 COINS OF THE Society;'' and llie correctness of the purport, of the text of the work in question is directly ui)held and more fully explained by the following passage from the llozsut us Safa.-' " And with the approbation of the nobles of that country (he) placed Sultan Ghias ud din on the throne, l^rior to his accession, Mohammed bin Sam was called Shunis ud din, and his brother was designated Shahab ud din ; (but) when he became king, he became eniiiled Ghias ud din, and his brother was surnamed Aluaz ud d'lu.^' The conclusion above suggested, if not entirely borne out, is very strongly supported by the application of the designa- tions of Mohammed to both brothers, in an earlier part of the last mentioned work, on the first introductory notice of their names on the occasion of their imprisonment by Ala ud din. 3. — Silver. 71 grs. Ji. Ob v.— Margin. — ,»^ ^,_v!^ Ijjb <— ^^-i ••* No. 101, MS. Catalogue. See also, Min'it al Alem, No. 55, idem. ** Mil- Kluiwand, known as Mirkhond. MS. Catalogue, No. 4S, Library of the Asiatic Society. PA TAN SILT. VNS or ] II i: R.- _ CT* -r!'. ,^^^ c^\ ^,_s^^\.\\.^\ J. Marr/in. — ^^ .:^^o k4^ .-'.. .' J j.^c /-^ A second specimen (Lord Auckland's) has the same ob- verse, but a different reverse, and the inscriptions on both sides are in squares within circles. R. — Area - - ^^j^<:y^\ ,-Lcl ^^.^aL^u^H aU 1] J*^ tJ In the time of Al Mustansir, the Commander of the Faithful. Marff. — tt'UJL; ~ - - 'Ld>\\ ij)^ ^-^-^ 14._Silver. 53 grs. V.R. 06..-^ ^[?^f f^frffHi^f^ ^ l^tB Sri Sultan Lititimisi sun, 1283 (Sumvut, 1283; A.ii. 623). R — In circle, ^^^O.ji ^'kLull Sultan Aeltumsh. 15. — Silver and Copper. 48 grs. C. 06..-3T^nTrt Ti" ^wK^^ttrf^ ^^''^ ^"^ ^''^- wuri sri SSmasoruldivi. R-— ^ "Ml^iR^ Sri Chahar div. Horseman. The clear cutting of the die of the above coin, and the number of specimens of a similar character it is possible to refer to,9 leave no doubt as to the correct reading of the inscription on the obverse, Asawuri sri Srunasoraldivi. The legend on the reverse however presents a slight difficulty, incident to the transition state of the Devantigri alphabet, in the initial letter of the name. It has been proposed to read this as R or V; but the occurrence of both these con- which, Col. Briggs has shown, was derived from the Tiirki word i,l^\\ Sixty, at which number of Tomans our slave king was heretofore purchased. '•^ Ariana Antiqua, pi. xix., figs. 16, 31, 34,37. 16 COINS OF THE sonants in the latter part of the name itself, where they are found differing in shape from the letter in question, makes this rendering inadmissible. In regard to the coin itself, there is reason to suppose that it derives its origin from the mint of some Hindu prince, as a reference to the Hindu creed seems to be signified in the use of the word Asiiwuri, as well as by the fact that coins having the same reverse are extant, bearing the old Brahmanical name of Sri Samanta dev, in the place here taken possession of by the title of Sri Shums ud din. It may therefore be taken to be the sample of the money of some Hindu ruler, who, ofice independent, became sub- sequently subject to the arms or policy of Altumsh; the emperor, in upholding the local sovereignty of his new vassal, probably obliged him to acknowledge the supremacy of his lord paramount, by inscribing the imperial titles on the currency he was still allowed to issue. The name of Chdhur dev is a known one in the family of the last Hindu king of Delhi, and was borne by a brother of Prithvi Rajah himself, as well as (if Abul Fazl is to be trusted) by an immediate predecessor of this prince on the throne of the Chohans at Ajniir. 16. — Silver and Copper. 48 grs. C. Oii,._^HrlU| tfr ^^Ht Sultan. R,, — ,lv^N ^^^> ^^^ (Stnck) at. the c.ipita!, Del 21.— Copper. '28 grs. R. Oho. — ^u^.^J:^ Shunis. 17 22. — Copper. 2.5 1 grs. R. The Just, i Shums. Ohv. — , \,xz The Just. 23. — Copper. 25i grs. Obv.—J^jL^ Sultan. 1^.— ^'uJO^ Altumsh. There is a silver coin in the Prinsep Cabinet, weighing 163 grs., inscribed: Ohv.— ^\ J^^, „w^., ^^]\ ^\ .•]] 'i Rev.—^,^.,y.]\ ^^J ^^-x.^^ .1.1^, S^ d ^vhich will ]n-obably be found to be a medal of Altumsh, struck on the arrival of the diploma of the khalif, recognising the inde- pendent Mohammedan empire of Delhi. In the absence of aiiy name except that of the khalif, and in the total loss of the marginal legends, it is of course impossible to decide with certainty to whom this coin belongs. However, the style, the shape of the letters, the khalif's title, and par- ticidariy those titles standing alone, all justify the sup[)osition regarding its origin which is now advanced. I) 18 ( »;1NS OF IHE Fifth King (a.m. 0:53—0.34; a.d. 1237— 123s). lluckn U(l din Firuz's iiniinpoitaiit rei^Mi ofsevcMi nioiiflis' duration was tenninatod by the elevation of his sister, the celebrated Re/iah. 24, 25, 26.— Copper. 55 and 42 yrs. V.It. Obv.~J]^\ ^^ ^,l.^\ Jj ^ J'^J^ T1h> s;n-a! King, Rukn ud din, son of tlic Sultan. R. — Horseman. For some time after their first discovery these coins were attributed to Rezi'aii, and even now, assitrned as they are to lluckn ud din, there is much doubt as to their due appro- priation : the best specimens, however, favor the reading now adopted, and show tiie ^j of Rukn pretty distinctly. There is a difficulty in the shape of the ^^. (bin), which looks more like c^^j (binut); but the form of the coins and the tenor of the inscription dilTer so much from those of i Reziah, the only woman of our series, that these reasons alone would lead to a rejection of her claim to the money i:i dispute. Sixth Reign (a.ii. 034— 037; a.d. 1236— 1-239). Sultan Reziah. This princess presents the remarkable incident in Mohanmiedan history of a reigning queen ! Ferishtah, speaking of her, says, "there was no fault to be found with her but that she was a woman!" a most orthodox Mohammedan sneer, and one unfortunately too well justified in the present instance. Her capacity for business, and her sufficiency to fill and adorn a throne, had already been shown during the reign of her father, who, when absent from Delhi, had left her in charge of his PATAN SULTAXS Ol' IIINDfST A N. 19 govcriiniont in preference to his sons. Nor did her early conduct after her elevation disappoint the fair expectations raised in her favor. The ability with which she dissolved the army of an opposing faction, even after its victory over her own forces, evinced aptitude in diplomacy of no mean order : her civil and judicial administration was equally admirably conducted : and, in short, she displayed all the qualities of an able and just sovereign. All her high endowments, all her achieved successes, were however destined to be sacri- ficed to a woman's weakness, which seems to have been reprobated more from the fact of the object of her attach- ment being of low degree (an Abyssinian slave) than from any supposed iiiq)ropriety in the mere act of an empress loving. The objections taken by the nobles to her manifest partiality to this person were brought to a crisis by her elevating him to the dignity of Amir ul Amrah (chief of the nobles). Open revolt ensued, which resulted in the dethronement of the queen, who was made over for safe custody to Altunia, one of the leaders of the insurrection, and her brother, Behram, raised to the musnud in her stead. Here again Reziah displayed her subtilty in per- suading Altunia to marry her, and then readily induced him to support her claims against his former confederates ; which was so effectually done that it was not until after two severe battles that she was finally made prisoner and put to death. '. — Silver. 165 grs. Unique. {Pr/nsep Collection.) ,^.c ^W ^.cl i",-.c ,.,'kLuS^ The most mighty Sultan, JelUilatud dunia wa ud din (the glory of the world and the faith), the Quet-n, the daughter of the Sultan Altumsh, the beloved of the connnander of the faithful. 20 CUINfe (-F i illi R. — Area - - ^-^^ y^W ^.<\ ^,:£u:,j^a\\ a\,<1\ ^.v^^ u> In the time of the Imam Al Mustunsir, the commander of the faithful. Marg.— aJUJLj - - "Li^l^ 28 and 29.— Copper. 47 and 49 gis. V.R. Obv.—^^\^ U All d.J, ^V\ J'^^\ The most mighty Sultan, Reziah ud dunia wa ud din. R. — Horseman and Sri Ilrimirali. Up to the present time the term Reziuli has been looked upon as implying a name and not a title ; the coins above appear to demonstrate the contrary to be the fact: the silver medal negatively, inasmuch as it does not give Reziah as a name ; and the copper coins positively, in displaying the Reziah joined to the ud dunia, &c. In a Persian MS. in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, denominated "Tarikhi Hind" (No. 123 of MS. Catalogue), she is also adverted to under the title of ^^t.^^S^\ ^^j llezi ud din, without any further attempt at designation. The meaning assigned to ^^j is, satisfying. Her name may, therefore, be rendered, The approved. It will be remarked that the coins retain the Sultan in the masculine gender, whereas all the rest of the Persian inscription is duly preserved in the feminine: this curious affectation of the superior sex in regard to her regal position, strongly supports the account of Ferishtah, that " changing her apparel" she "assumed the imperial robes." Seventh King (a.h. 637—639 ; a.d. 1239 -1241). The reign of Muaz ud din Behram Shaii, in duration little more than two years, was marked during its con- tinuance by the usual amount of intrigues, assassinaiions, and mutinies common to an Eastern court under a weak PATAN SlTLTAiNS OF HINDUSTAN. 21 monarchy, and was finally brought to a close by the siege of the capital by the vizir, and the subsequent imprison- ment and murder of the sovereign. A partial invasion of the north of India, by the Moghuls of Zengiz Khan, took place during 639 ; they, however, penetrated no further than Lahore. 30 and 31. — Silver and Copper mixed. 54 and 56 grs. V.R. Ohv.—^^^_j,\\^ l\j]\^<,.^ .li^^^ J^iJi\ The most mighty Sultan, Muaz ud dunia vva ud din. R. — Horseman, and .Uri^Jl the Sultan. 32. — Silver and Copper mixed. Unique. Oil'.— ^FT^JUT ^J JRT^fZ^* Bull and Sultan Sa( Shah) Muvazadi'n. R.— 5ft ^^X: Horseman and Sri Hamirah. Eighth King (a. h. 639— 644; a.d. 1241— 1246). The uncertainty of succession to Eastern thrones is pro- minently displayed in the present instance, in the accession of two kings in one day. Eiz ud din Ralbuni, a son-in-law of Altumsh, supported by a faction, assumed the sovereignty immediately on the decease of Behram; but, before night, he was supplanted by Ala ud din Masaud, a son of Ilukn ud din Firuz, upon whom the choice of the more influential nobles had fallen. The reign of this prince was marked by the occurrence of two invasions of India by the Moghuls: in the one case, they penetrated through Thibet into Bengal, where they were met and defeated by the troops on the spot; in the other instance, their approach from the West was checked by the advance of the sidtan in person. A two years' rule, otherwise remarkable only for the evil conduct of the sovereign, closed with his imprisonment and death. Z'l C<;li\S OF TIM:: A coin similar to No. 33, with the exception of the name of the khalif, which indicates an earlier date. ". — Co])per. 169 grs. V.R. 1^.— .^j.c ^\ ^<\ ^■:^\\ *U1 S^ si I" the time of the Iniarn Al Mustansir, the coinmandi'r of the faithful. N.B. Al .Mustansir died in 640 A.ii. 33.— Silver. 1G8 grs. V.R. j^tlD-uJ^ .^' The mighty King, AUi ud dunia vva ud din. The victorious Masaud Shall, the son of the King. Manj. — - _ _ iAs>-Uu-J i^'^^^ ^^\ iS^ ^-rv-*^ Aj\a-:^ » i^-^-^^^ c;^-* '^•^ li '^ '-'^ ^''^■"" (^""^"^ ^''^^) struck at the capital, Delhi, in the year 658. R. — Area - - ^,^yt]\ ^^\ **^jJ.„J.^ *Ul'l s^ J, In the time of the Imam Al Mostassem, the commander of the faithful. 40. — Silver and Copper. 61 grs. Obv.—^^^sWj L:S\\ ^\^ ^\ J^l^\ The most mighty Sovereign Nasir ud dunia wa ud din. R. 5r|" ■^SfjT": J«^.^.>; Mahmud. Sri Hamirah. 04 COINS OF TFIR 41. — Copper. ;'>4 grs. 0/.r.-^^.jJ^ ^ \^S\\ ^l- fi:^'i\ Jl^^\ The most mighty Sovereign Nasir ud dunia wa ud din. Tenth King (a.h. 664— 685; a.d. 12G6— 1>!8o). Mahmud, leaving no male issue, the facile succession of liis powerful vizir followed almost of necessity. Balban's conduct after his elevation was not altogether in accordai:ce with the promise of his behaviour while a minister. Once a slave, now a king, the first endeavou) of his reign was to destroy the very race of Turki bondmen among whom he himself had lately been numbered. In his own altered position, legitimacy was to become paramount. The in- p.lienable succession of his own heirs was now to be secured. The contingency under which he had risen was, for the future, to be rendered impossible. To this end blood was not spared ; and in this spirit the lives of his own near relations were sacrificed with but little compunction. 'Ilie severity also which led to the wholesale depopulation of a province, albeit of bandits, attended by the slaughter of 100,000 human beings, was scarcely to be justified by a plea of far more urgent expediency than can be advanced in the instance in question. About this period, the disorder of the neighbouring kingdoms consequent upon the invasion of the Moghuls, drove the most illustrious n>en from all quarters to seek refuge in India. There, were assembled all the brightest ornaments of the Asiatic world ; and, at their head, no less than fifteen sovereign princes. For a time, the old Hindu capital became, as it were, the centre of Mohammedanism ; and Delhi shone with a splendour but little anticipated for it by its Muslim occupiers of a few short years before. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 25 The unsparing rigour of the emperor secured his su- premacy almost unquestioned throughout his long reign, with the exception of the one serious revolt of Tugrul, the governor of Bengal, who assumed the style and titles of an independent king, and was successful in defeating two several armies sent to subdue him. At length, the sultan proceeded against him in person, and coming upon the whole force of the rebels somewhat unexpectedly, he in a dashing spirit of chivalry, though at the head of only forty troopers, entered their camp at headlong speed, and struck panic into his adversaries by his very rashness. In the pre- cipitate flight which ensued, Tugrul was captured and slain. Balban's loss of his eldest son, who fell in the hour of victory, fighting against the enemies of his race, the Moghuls, hastened the end for which, at the age of eighty, nature must already have prepared the way ; and the em- peror, in the language of his people, took the road to another world. b,_Gold. R. 169 grs. Date 678 h. (Marsden.) Same type and legends as No. 42, with the exception of the word ^1 in place of ii^W 42.— Silver. 168 grs. R. ^^kUl The most mighty Sovereign, Gliias ud dunia wa ud din. The victorious Balban, the SuUan. ^.-~^,^..j^\^^\ ^,^<:,^\ ^U:il The Imam Al Mustasscm, commander of the faithful. Margin. — ^_^«---i ^ ^Ul' A;.^ d J-^^^ '^y'^=^- ^^^'^ -''-^■* ^y^ d.'Ux<: . This silver (coin was) struck at the capital, Delhi, in the year 678 H. A change is to be noticed in the coins of Balban, in the rejection of the words //' 2ihud, " in the time of," " under E 26 COINS OF THE the auspices of," usually prefixed to the name of the khalif on the medals of his predecessors. The last Abbasside khalif, Mustassem, was put to death in 656 a.h., by the Moghul conqueror of Baghdad, Hulaku Khan. It has been the subject of remark, as an apparent inconsistency, that Balban and other monarchs should have continued to em- ploy the name of this martyr of their faith long subsequent to his decease; its retention, however, may be considered as appropriate, as it was clearly intentional ; pending the appearance of an acknowledged successor to the throne of I\Iohammed, no course could have been less open to objection than a continuation of this simple record of the last who had borne the mantle of the Prophet. 43. — Copper. 47^ grs. C. ^^^'•— tJ:!^^J W'^' ^\^^ (^'^^ ^MJI The most mighty Sovereign, Ghias ud dunia wa ud din. R.—CeH/re^, Balban. Manj.-^l W^ '^^U^ ^ Sri Sultan Ghius ud din. 44. — Copper. 67 grs. C. Obv. — Jic "i] ,.^[]A*Ji\ The most mighty Sovereign. R. — ^.t;;J^l^ « LjjJl ci_jLi Ghias ud dunia wa ud din. 45. — Copper. 26 grs. V.R. Obv. — ^Li J J^ (The) just (coin of) Ghi;is. II.— Jjij i-i .^'^ At the capital, Delhi. Elevknth King (a.h. 685—687; a.d. 1286—1288). Prior to the decease of his father, Bakarra Khan, then governor of Bengal, had been disinherited from the suc- cession to the throne of Delhi, and Kaikhusru, the sou of his elder brother, Mohammed, had been nomiuatod in his- PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 27 Stead ; but the nobles present in the capital at the time of the death of Balban superseded this last arrangenaent by elevating Kaikobad, another grandson of the emperor, and the son of Bakarra Khan himself. The governor of Bengal, on receiving information of the state of matters at Delhi, marched towards that metropolis for the purpose of asserting his own right to the crown ; but being met on the way by the army of his son, be returned to Bengal without any further effort, leaving Kaikobad the now undisputed monarch of Hindustan. The early part of this reign, conspicuous for the dissipation of the king, and the influence and oppressive conduct of the vizir, was marked by the foul and needless massacre of the Moghul mercenaries in the service of the state. The emperor's father, who had retained the king- dom of Bengal, hearing of the position of thraldom to which his son was reduced, by the domination of his vizir, endeavoured to remedy the evil by warnings. Seeing tUese of no effect, he moved an army towards the capital. The son was not slow to meet him, and the two forces encamped nearly in sight of each other. But Bakarra Khan, or, as he had been called since the death of Balban, Nasir ud din, finding himself inferior to the troops opposed to him, and being unwilling to leave his son, as of old, in the power of his minister, desired an interview, with the object of endeavouring, by personal persuasion, to effect what written remonstrances had failed to accomplish. Under the advice of the vizir an audience was conceded, but only on terms of the most abject humiliation possible for the father. When, however, these came to be carried out, and the meeting between father and son actually took place, in the presence of the whole court, the supremacy of nature had its way, and the son would now have humbled himself even as he had been taught to humiliate his sire. 28 COIN'S OF THE The meeting ended in a recognition of the independence of the kingdom of Bengal, but was useless for the purpose for which it had been sought. The murder of the minister, in 688, but little improved the now paralytic king's position; he was only surrounded by new intriguers for power, the competition for which ended in favour of Firiiz Khilji, whose last step to the foot of the throne was over the corpse of his predecessor; the small remains of whose life left little to be done by his assassins. 46. — Silver. 168 grs. R. ^lU-Jl Date, 687. The most mighty Sovereign, Muaz ud dunia wa ud din. The victorious Kaikobad, the Sultan. R. — .^;^ca^!^ ^,<:\ j,.,jzx-:,jj^\\ iol<'l\ The Im;im AlMustassem, commander of the faithful. ^l/«Cwj . This silver (coin was) struck at the capital, Delhi, in the year 687. 47. — Silver and Copper. 54 grs. Obv.—^,:_^y]\ ^ W'^^J-^ (^^^ ^IkU^ The most mighty Sovereign, Muaz ud dunia wa ud din. ^^■— jU.^ Kaikobad. 5ft ^F{?rt 3T:i3T^* Sri Sultiin Mu-ujudin. This word presents a curious instance of the difficulty of expressing the sounds of certain letters of the Arabic alpha- bet in the written Hindi language. There being no con- sonant corresponding with the Arabic .-^ as used in J^c the die-cutter, not satisfied with the J{"Z|~3T^5~t °^ ^^^^ P'"*^" decessors, has apparently invented a letter for the occasioi), composed of the final visarga (j) placed horizontally ; to PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 29 which has been attached the vowel o u; making the whole something like Mu-o/aijudin. 48. — Copper. 51 grs. Ohv.—^'i\ ^^}AJi\ The most mighty Sovereign, 1^' — iVJ>^^ J W*-^^ 7*-*= Mu'iz; ud diinia wa ud din. 49. — Copper. 39 grs. ^^^^'^^y^^ J^^^ The just (coin of) Mnaz. R.— ^Uj Cl^,.cd^. The capital, Delhi. Twelfth King (a.h. 687—695; a.d. 1288—1295). Firuz's accession does not appear to have been immediate on the death of the late king, as native historians mention the succession of Shums ud din Kai Kaus, a son of Kaikc- bdd,s who is said to have reigned for three months and some days, Ferishtah also, though he does not allow him a separate reign, indirectly countenances the fact, in his notice of the murder of this prince by Firuz, as an early act towards the consolidation of his own power. The seven years' domination over the destinies of Hin- dustan of this, the first of the race of Khilji, notable, in as far as the sovereign was concerned, only for his unwise clemency, has been rendered remarkable by the extensive campaigns of his nephew, Ala ud din; whose expedition into the Dekhin — as successful as it was daring — was the means of securing for this leader the enormous wealth which enabled him first to rebel, and eventually to possess him- self of the crown of Delhi. Intrigue, however, was found more suitable than overt insuiTcction ; and, in a moment of unwise confidence, Firuz ventured with but a slight ^ See Aieu i Akhbcri and Miriil al Alem, &c. 30 COINS OF THE escort into the camp of liis deceiver, where he was assas- sinated u'.der circumstances of more than usual atrocity. 50._Silver. 168grs. R. Obv.-,\j,j,^'y^\y\ ^,^\j Uo^^ JV ^ J^^^ . IkJl The most mighty Sovereign, Jclal url dunia wa ud din. The victorious Firiiz Shah, the Sultan. R. — Area ^^.^ y^\ ^^^.^ j^3C.^\ j*U^J^ The Imim Al Mustassem, commander of the faithful. ^^l*•x^ . This silver (coin was) struck at the capital, Delhi, in the year 695. 51.— Silver. 52 grs. Obv.—^,^\j LijJl ^l^ ^"i] ^lOJ^ The most mighty Sovereign, Jelal ud dunia wa ud din. R. — Centre ili j.^j Firi'iz Shuh, Marg.-^: W^i -SlH |H(0* Sri Sullan J.ilaludin. 52. — Copper. 67 grs. Oh,,.— V.r)]\ ^ILLJ\ The most mighty Sovereign, R._ .ji^ J ^^^ iS^pr "^^^^^ "^ ^""'^ ^''^ "*^ ^'"• 53. — Copper. 29 grs. Oiz;.— ili j.^'s Jj^ Just (coin of) Fin'iz Shrdi. R. — \jsj ci^^iacr At the capital, Delhi. There are certain coins similar in character to Nos. 16, 32, and 41, bearing the legend ^ ^M M (^ which pro- bably should be attributed to this sultan ; but in the absence of any means of identification beyond the mere title, and adverting to the apparent discontinuance of the use of this PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 31 species of coin at tliis period, there may be some doubt as to the possibility of the specimens in question belonging either to Reziah or Jeliil ud din Khdrizm Shiih ; who, it is to be remarked, held sovereignty in the Punjab, for a short time, during the reign of Altumsh. Thirteenth King (a.h. 695; a.d. 1295). On the murder of his father, in the camp of Ala ud din, Rukn ud din Ibrahim was elevated to the throne of Hin- dustan. His party being in possession of the capital, gave him a temporary existence as a king — a dignity which other- wise, as a younger son and a minor, he was neither entitled nor fitted to hold. Ala ud din, having already at his com- mand a powerful army, and the booty of the Duckhun supplying him with means of increasing his force to an almost unlimited extent, had merely to advance to Delhi to put an end to the rule of the boy king, whose safety was for a time secured by a precipitate flight to Multiin. 54. — Silver. 167 grs. Unique. {Lord AucUand's Cabinet.) . .' ^iy,^l\ The most mighty Sovereign, Rukn ud dunia wa ud din. The victorious Ibrahim Shah, the SuUan, son of — R.-^J^^l ^j^^ ^,^vl^J y^sW Ji^ ^'^1\ JAJ^\ ,,*u^y%^\ The most mighty Sultan, Jelal fud dunia wa ud din, Firuz Shah, supporter of the commander of the faithful. Marc/. — ^_'f^' J ij^*'*^ ^^-^ 15^"^ '•"V*"^^^ ^i-^' ^AJb S-"*^ c'oUu-; * This silver (coin was) -struck in the capital, Delhi, in the year 695. 32 COINS OF THE 55. — Copper. 52 grs. R. Obv.- -^,.j3^ . UJl Jj ^1'^ ^IkJi The most mighty Sovereign, Rukn ud dunia wa ud din. R. — ^{j;^ ; ; , ^\j^ i, j\ Ibrahim Shah, son of Firuz Shah. ' 56. — Copper. 38 grs. R. Oif.— ili ^i,y\ Jj^ Just (coin of) Ibrahim Shah, R. — ili ;. -.i ^) son of Firiiz Shah. Fourteenth King (a.h. 695 — 716; a. d. 1295 — 1316). Ala ud din Mohammed Shah, the most energetic and powerful of the Moslim monarchs who had yet swayed the destinies of Hindustan, consolidated his authority after his accession by means as little scrupulous as those which he had used in its attainment. His own individual efforts to this end were aided by the successes of his generals against the last remaining stronghold of the family of Firuz in Multdn, the repulse of a Moghul invasion in the Punjab, and the reduction of the kingdom of Guzrat. In 698 a.h., Northern India was desolated by another invasion of the Moghuls : this time, the expedition being conducted with skill, and supported by an overwhelming force, the assailants met with but little effectual opposition till they reached the gates of Delhi. Here, under the walls of his capital, the sultan was forced to give them battle: "two such mighty hosts had not before been arrayed against each other since the day when the spears of Islam were first exalted in Hindustan.' The conflict was not of long duration, and victory declared itself in favor of the arms of Ala ud din. The activity of the pursuit gave a lesson to the invaders which sufliced for the time to carry them well out of the country they had looked upon a? already concjuered. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. .'J3 " In the third year of Ala ud din, when prosperity shone upon his arms, he began to form some extraordinary pro- jects. One of these was the formation of a new system of rehgion, that, like Mohammed, he might be held in venera- tion by posterity. His other design was equally romantic. He proposed to leave a viceroy in India, and, like the great ^ Alexander, to undertake the conquest of the world. In consequence of this project, he assumed the title of j^-.C; ij\^\ Sekundcr al Scini, Alexander the Second, which was struck upon the currency of the empire." ^ Fortunately for the sultan, these crude schemes were submitted for approval to one of his subjects, who was bold enough to point out their absurdity even in the presence of the despot who had originated them. Thus the monarch's eccentricities resulted in no worse consequences than the assumption of certain ridiculous titles still to be seen on his coinage ;'o indeed, the opportune truths told on this occasion, as to what he had yet to accomplish in the immediate circle of his own do- minions, led to the confirmation and extension of his already immense power. A conspiracy, attended by an attempt at assassination, from which the sultan escaped almost by a miracle, was followed by an insurrection as singular in many of its cir- cumstances. During his absence from his capital, a revo- lution was accomplished, which actually placed a new sovereign on the throne. A seven days' reign was, however, all that was accorded to the new monarch, and his life and the lives of not a few who had aided his temporary eleva- tion, paid the penalty of their rashness. Again, a third time, an inroad of the Moghuls threatened the most serious results. The sultan, unable to meet his ^ r3ow's Ferishtah, vol. i., page 234. >o Vide Nos. 57 and 58. 34 COINS OF THE adversaries in the open field, allowed himself to be besieged in his own capital ; once more, however, fortune favoured him, and the Moghuls returned as they came. Towards the latter part of this reign, the conquests of the eunuch Kdfur, who commanded the army of the Du- khun, enabled him to bring to Delhi the plunder acquired during his various expeditions, to the almost unheard-of extent of 96,000 maunds of gold alone, independent of spoil of other descriptions to a proportionate amount. Of Ala ud din's riches, generally, it is related that his wealth surpassed the accumulations of the ten campaigns of Mahniud of Ghazni. The closing scene of this monarch's life was now approaching, and his last moments of pain and debasement were rendered utterly unendurable to his proud spirit by the repeated reports of insurrections which began to rise up on all sides. The 16th of Shaval, 716 A.H., witnessed the last moments of this mighty king. It is remarkable, that the existing money of this prince should so directly bear out the relation of historians as to his enormous wealth. Both his silver and gold coins are found to this day in the greatest abundance; but the amount of his gold coinage which is extant, is peculiarly noticeable as regarding its relative proportion to the same species of money of his predecessors, whose gold coins are so rare as to be, with one exception, almost unknown. «.— Gold. 170 grs. C. Type and legend identical with No. 57 silver coin, with the exception of the word t'wCu!' taking- the place of <,uii]\ 57.— Silver. 170 grs. C. ^\1:LkA\ The most mighty sovereign, Ala ud dunia wa ud din, Abiil Muzafar, Mohammed Shdh, the Sultan. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 35 R. — Area ^,<^^\ ^^\ ^\] 'i^\^\ ^j-^j ^jUll jJ^A^^j Sekunder the second, right hand of the khalifat, supporter of the commander of the faithful. (OUjOwj • This silver (was) struck at the capital, Delhi, in the year 712. 58, — Copper and Silver. R. — Horseman, similar to No. 32. 59. — Silver and Copper. 55 grs. Date 702. R- — v»r i^lLLJ^ i\ji j.^^«^i:lii4]l y_\ 60. — Copper. 55 grs. Date 710. R. — Area iU j^^^ The coins, Nos. 59 and 60, are remarkable as offering the first instance in the present series of the general use of numerals in recording dates ; it having been hitherto the custom to vi'rite the numbers in the full length of their respective Arabic denominations. 61. — Copper. 67 grs. 62.— Copper. 23 grs. Obv. — iUj Jk^.^-« Jj^ R- Jjfej ^^^. In concluding this reference to the coins of Aid ud din, 36 COINS OF THE it may not be inappropriate to append the following note from Ferishtah, on the currency of this particular period. " In order to comprehend the true value of the money of that day, it is proper to state that a tunka was equal to a tola in weight (180 grs.), whether of gold or silver ; and a tunka of silver was tiqual to 50 jetuls. The jetul was a small copper coin, the weight of which is not now known : some conceive it was a tola, while others are of opinion that the jetul, like the pice of the present day, weighed | tola. The maund of the time of Jellal ud din (Firuz) weighed 40 seers, and each seer weighed 24 tolas." — Ferishtah. See Briggs, vol. i., page 361. The following coin, in its date and near approximation in type to those of the Delhi series, claims notice in this place. Owing, however, to the absence of distinct his- torical information regarding any individual, who, about this period, obtained the title of Shums ud din Firuz, as well as from the erasure of the place of mintage of the coin itself, no satisfactory attribution can well be attempted; at the same time, it may be suggested as possibly the pro- duction of the temporary king of the city of Delhi, who for seven days occupied the throne of his master, whose name was Alawi, or Shah Nunni, but whose regal titles are un- known ; or, it may belong to a Bengal mint, as the tenor of the inscription on the reverse is unlike that employed by Ala ud din himself, and assimilates closely to the form found in use, immediately subsequent to this epoch, on the coins of Ghicis ud din Bahadur Shah, of Bengal." 11 The subjoined extract from the " Travels of Ibn Batuta," though in itself insufficient to justify a final conclusion on the subject, gives weight to the sescond conjecture now advanced, in affording in part a name similar to that recorded on the unattri- buted piece, in immediate connexion with the country to which the coin itself seems referable. This is not the place to attempt to reconcile the conflicting statements of the various authors whoso evidence is available, nor is the subject matter of the enquiry PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 37 Silver. 165 grs. .jlLLJ^ il-i The most mighty sovereign, Shums ud duuia wa ud din.Abul Muzafar Firuz Shtih, the Sultan. lk.-^u,2 66. — Copper and Silver. 55 grs. Date 716. R.— vM ^IkU^ ^ ^IkU^ iliijL* The date on this coin of 716 a.h., would seem to show that the time fixed by Ferishtah for Mubarik's accession, viz. the 7th Miihurum, or the first Arabic month of 717, is incorrect.i3 It is probable, however, that the author in question may have adopted the day of the incarceration of Umur, and the public avowal of his supercession by the new sovereign, as the proper date of the commencement of the reign, in preference to, or in ignorance of, the exact period when supreme power was first assumed by Mubarik. 67. — Copper and Silver. 55 grs. Date 717. R.— ^lUJ^ ^ ^UJl ^^j\^<^i^\\ ^\ 68. — Copper and Silver. 55 grs. ^:J1^^^ 12 The following inscription, taken from a leaden cast of a coin in the Prinsep collection, shows that this mutation took place in the year 717. Silver. Round. 717 h. Obv.—^\]\ di-U^li^l y\ ^^^^\^\,:^\ *-J^ (Jic^J^ (♦U^l '3 Dow's Ferishtah, vol. i., page 265. G 42 COINS OF THE 69. — Silver. 55 grs. Square. Date 718. Obv.'— Margin J]h.4!i\ y\ tdlUi,A>- Square area ^.^\ • LjjJ^ ^^^-^kii 70. — Copper and Silver. 56 grs. Square. Date 7'20. Ohv. — Same legend as No. 67. 71. — Copper. Square. 66 grs. R— ^.jJ\j L3jJ^ ^^• 72. — Copper. Square. 33 grs. In terminating this notice of the money of Mubarik, it is requisite to make a passing allusion to certain coins of Behadur Shah, both in reference to the temporary sever- ance of the eastern portion of the kingdom of Bengal from the empire of Hindustan, as well as in the hope of elucidat- ing the enquiry into the due identification of a piece but little dissimilar in its general style and reverse legend, a description of which is given in the note appended to the detail of the coins of Ala ud din. The following extract from Stewart's History of Bengal sufficiently explains the circumstances under which this governor first began to coin money : — " The emperor (Ala ud din) at the same time appointed a chief, named Behadur Khan, to the government of the eastern districts of Bengal ; hoping, by thus dividing that province into two govern- ments, to render it more subservient to the court of Delhi than it PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 43 had hitherto proved. The capital of the new government was fixed at Sunergong,^^ " But, in the year 717 h., when the dissolute prince, Mubarik Shc4h, succeeded to the throne of Delhi, Behadur, despising the weakness of the imperial councils, arrogated to himself inde- pendence ; assuming the white umbrella, and ordering the coin to be stamped with his own name, changing the title of Behadur Khan to Behadur Shah." — Stewart's Bengal, page 79. The newly erected kingdom thus created did not exist for any considerable period, but was re-attached to Delhi in the reign of Ghias ud din Tuglak. These coins are by no means uncommon, but are of inferior workmanship, and generally in imperfect preservation ; so much so, that of the five or six specimens at present avail- able for reference, the following legend is the most com- plete attainable. Silver. 169 grs. - - ^ ^ ^IkUl ili R. — Area ^:^y^\ ^.<\ A-<2*:i*u/»j' aU^i Marg, ^^^J^ 4^^^^ ^-j 4 " '-"■^"'^^ ^^^ ^'^ ^^ Seventeenth King (a.h. 721, IIubbi ul Awul ; A.D. 1321). Having succeeded in ridding himself of the single obstacle to his own advance to supremacy, Khusru proclaimed him- self sultan under the title of Nasir ud din, and endeavoured to strengthen his hold on the rank he had assumed by the massacre of all the survivors of the family of Ala ud din. ^''^ Thirteen miles south-east from Dacca. 44 COINS OF THE He, at the same time, attempted to attach the nobles of the court to his person by loading them with the titles and dignities at his command. This system availed only for a time; and the governor of the Punjab, advancing with the forces of that province, put an end to the usurpation which had endured somewhat less than five months. 73. — Silver. Unique. {Original in possession of Col. Stacy.) The most mighty Sultan, Nasir ud dunia wa ud din Abul Muzafar. ^-.x^ yt.\\ Khusru Shah, the Sultan Al Wasik Khair al Rehman (relying upon the goodness of the All-merciful), successor to the commander of the faithful. Marc/. — ^oUjc»~j J (ji.y'^ - - - s^\ ij^ '-r^^ 74. — Copper. {Lord Auckland.) R. — Centre iLi . ^u^d- Marff.^^^j^^_y^\ ^ J J J]=LJ\ The only numeral visible on this coin is that which must of necessity be taken to be the final figure of the annual date.; This particular figure, looking to the then uncertain method of formation, as noticeable on the coins of the Patau kings immediately antecedent to the reign to which this piece refers, may either be taken to represent a naught or a five.'-* Accepting then the nearest proximate date, concluding with either one or the other of these numerals, it will be necessary to refer the issue of this coin to either the year 720 or 725: as the sultan whose name it bears is stated by historians to have attained power on the 25th '•* Ex. gr. see coins 59 and 79. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 45 of the third month of 721 h. The former is naturally the preferable date: in adopting it, but slight violence is done to the probably accumulated errors of successive MS. copyists, who have each in their day transcribed the history of Hindustan from the 14th to the 19th century. Eighteenth King (a.h. 721—725; a.d. 1321—1325). On the 1st of Shaban, 721, Ghc4zi Beg Tuglak, the governor of Lahore, who had relieved Delhi from the rule of Khusru, entered the capital in triumph, and, appealing to the people to choose their own sovereign, he was himself elected by acclamation, receiving from the populace the title of Shah Jehun (king of the world); which epithet, however, he replaced by the more modest denomination of Ghids uddin (defender of the faith). The early arrange- ments for the peace and security of his dominions adopted by the monarch thus elevated, fully justified the selection of the citizens of the metropolis. The second year of this reign was marked by the failure of the army under Fukur ud din Junah, the heir apparent, in an attempt to take Wurangol: to this succeeded a somewhat calamitous retreat, which ended in the prince's reaching Delhi with but a small remnant of the host by whom he had once been supported. Little time, however, was allowed to elapse before a more determined and better organised effort against this place met with full success. In 724, the emperor proceeded in person into Bengal: here he received the allegiance of Nasir ud din, the son of the sultan Balban ; who, from the date of his first appoint- ment in 630 H., had, under various terms and with varied boundaries, held the dependencies of this government, and who had already outlived no less than eight of the sultans 46 COINS OF THE who had in turn attained the throne of Delhi. He was now again confirmed in the charge of Western Bengal, Tatar Khan, the sultan's adopted son, being entrusted with the direction of die eastern portion of that king- dom, where he succeeded in defeating and capturing the rebel governor, Buhadur Shah. Ghias ud din, on his return to Hindustan, was met by his son Junah, who had been left as his representative in Delhi. During the course of an entertainment, given in honor of the occasion, the emperor was killed by the fall of a portion of a temporary building, which had been hastily erected to receive him. 75.— Gold. 171 grs. V.R. Obv.—^sW J UaII L^Ui cijUi^ ^i^\ ^^^ ^ILLJl The sultan, the fortunate, the testifier, the Ghiizi, Ghias ud dunia wa ud din. R.—Area vrt .OliyJ AW j\j\ i\jlAk'J y-^W y} Abul Mu- zafarTughlak Shah. May God illumine his testimony. 721. Marg. — Jsj_U*-w«j _j ^.,A^ ~ ~ ^^^\ ^'-^^ '^y'^ This coin was struck - - (in) seven hundred and twenty- . 76,_Gold. 173 grs. R. Obv.— }^\ jj\ ^_jJljLjjJ\ Ci;Ui i_fj\^\ ^lkJ\ The sultan, the Ghazi, Ghias ud dunia wa ud din Abiil Mu- zafar. R. — Area ^:^^yt}i\ ^^\ ^Jj ^h^W ^r^, ^'\t]\ ^,xS^ Alexander the Second, right hand of the khalifat, sup- porter of the commander of the faithful. Marg. — - - W iA> '-r^j^ 77.— Silver. 170 grs. R. Obv.-y]h^\\ y\ ^isW J lJSi\ ^U ojUll JiALw \k. — Area ^^.^y^W ^•c\ y^\^' ^^^lAJJ^\ iLi jd*l' PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 47 Marg. — ^vi^ ^^^■^^ ''^^ ^ y^^."^ '^^^- ^'^^'^ ^'^ ^y^ djU-v-J This dinar, at the capital, Delhi, in the year 7'27. 84.— Gold. 171 grs. R. Ohv.— \ ^\ ^U ^\ c'i^j God is the rich, and ye (are) the poor. R.— Centre jU3 ^j J.-*- cV,4>r:-^ (j^V-^^ yi} '^\ Illal" A^"^ Abbas Ahmud. may his reign endure. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 51 The subjoined extract gives the details of Mohammed Tuglak's doubts and difficulties, arising out of the want of due sacerdotal confinnation of the title by which he held his throne. A.H. 743. " The king, at this time, took it into his head that i all the calamities of his reign proceeded from his not having been ', confirmed on his throne by the Abassy Caliph. He, therefore, ', despatched presents and ambassadors to Arabia [Egypt, Afarsden], and caused the caliph's name, in place of his own, to be struck on all the current coin, and prohibited his own name from being in- cluded at public worship in the mosques till the caUph's confirma- tion arrived. In the year 744, a holy person, of the race of the prophet, named Hajy Sayeed Hoormozy [Sirsirri, Dow and Mars- deii], returned with the ambassador, and brought a letter from the caliph and a royal dress. The caliph's envoy was met twelve miles outside the city by the king in person, who advanced to receive him on foot, put the letter of the caliph upon his head, and opened it with great solemnity and respect. When he returned into the city, he ordered a grand festival to be made, and caused the public prayers to be said in all the mosques, striking out every king's name from the Khootba who had not been confirmed. Among the number of those degraded monarchs was the king's own fatheft He even carried his fancy so far as to cause the caliph's j name to appear on all his robes and furniture." '•* The accuracy of the general tenor of this episode in the annals of the reign of Mohammed Tuglak, is sufficiently ^•1 This quotation is taken from Brigg's Translation of Ferishtah. It is here adopted in preference to the version given by Marsden, which is undoubtedly more satisfactory, as it appears in its English form, in respect to its explanations of the geographical part of the subject to which it refers, than either the rejected interpretation of Dow or the more trustworthy version of Briggs ; but as the object, in these cases, is to reproduce accurately the literal ex- pressions of any author quoted, and not in any vvay to accept an amended MS., or to bend the original text to suit present know- ledge, the appended passage is quoted as offering the most exact counterpart of the Persian original now available ; the simple point at issue being to select the translator to whose MS. text the greatest confidence is due. 52 COINS OF THE attested by coins Nos. 85, 95, 100, and Nos 86, 110, 111 ; the former of which bear the simple record of the name of the supposed Egyptian khalif, Al Mostakfi Billah, and the dates, 742, 743, accompanied, in one instance, by a notifi- cation of issue from the Delhi mini. The remaining three coins are in like manner superscribed by the sole denomina- tion of AI Abbds Ahmed, the actual recognised khalif of Egypt, and (in two out of the three specimens) are dated 748. The following is a list of the Egyptian khalifs : — ^aii.,^y^^>dUb^.^;-;..^n i nauguratcd 1 639 j.^\^\^\y\ diii^b jiiLt „ 660 ^uu ^;\ .A dUb j^z^\ „ 701 " ^\^\ .djG J^J>\ ,j 740 ,c(-.,nO ^ X*^\ u-Ul y\ ^l^b j^lLl 1 proclaimed 741 Jjy\ cdJb ,v.-;^\ „ 753 J.^\ Abubckr Umur, Usnuiii. UH. "^ ' ^ Area—i".!:, jU3 ^.' J^^,c di!^ ^.^ J -''■^U'<>J^ The la- bourer in the road of God, Mohammed bin Tughlak Slu'ih. 91. — Silver, small coin. 56 grs. C. 92. — Silver, small coin. 52 grs. H. — vr il^lJiLt." ,." »\^.5;.« PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 55 93. — Silver, small coin. 55 grs. C. Obv. — yt^-< j\»S^r-c\ ^^^i J^j}j j'^ '^'^\ '^ ^-^yi^ (This piece) was struck (as) a current coin, in the time of the servant, hopeful (of divine mercy), Mohammed Tuglak. He who obeys the king, truly he obeys the Merciful (God). Marg. — ^ x.:::isJb - ? - JLj jIj1l::--1jl> il/L::--:sr jJ At the "royal residence (capital), Doulutabad, year . . . Seven hundred (and) thirty. Had Mohammed Tuglak been at all conversant with the modern history of his day, he would probably have hesitated in attempting so radical a change as the introduction of a representative currency, when a similar experiment had but a short time previously (693, h.) been the subject of signal failure in a kingdom not far removed from his own boundaries. Kai Khatou Khan, the Moghul emperor of Persia, had in like manner adopted ideas on the subject from the Chinese, and endeavoured, by the aid of a carefully organised system, and a simultaneous issue of the 56 COINS OF THE new notes in the various provinces of his dominions, to enforce the circulation of paper money- The dissatisfac- tion arising from the measure soon became general, and the inhabitants of the capital (Tabriz) rising as one man, somewhat summarily secured the abrogation of the "Tchao" edict : moreover, the ill-feeling engendered by its temporary experience went far towards the subsequent overthrow of the monarch himself. The following translation of the account of the transaction, which forms the immediate subject of reference, given from the Tubkat Akhberi, is adopted as entering into a more comprehensive detail of the circumstances attendant on this singular episode in the history of Indian finance, than the relation to be found in Ferishtah, which is somewhat unconnected in itself, and appears to confound into one act the separate features of debasing the coinage on the one hand, and the issue of an avowed copper representative of the more precious metals on the other. Ferishtah's narration may be consulted in the translations of Dow and Briggs, vol.i , pp. 282 and 414 respectively. " The sultan's means did not suffice to satisfy his desires : to gain his ends, therefore, he created a copper currency, ordering coins of that metal to be struck in his mint, after the manner of gold and silver ; he then ordained that this copper money should pass current as gold and silver, and so should be used in all com- mercial transactions. The Hindus brought large quantities of copper to the mint and had it coined, and so made for themselves enormous profits ; and purchasing goods, and exporting them to other countries, received in exchange gold and silver money. Goldsmiths also manufactured coins in their own houses, and passed them in the bazaars. After some time, things came to such a pass, that, at distant places, the sultan's edict was not ob- served, and the people took the king's coins only at their intrinsic value in copper, and speculators brought them thence to those PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 57 parts of the country wlicre the order remained in force, and there exchanged them for gold and silver. In this way the copper currency became by degrees so redundant, that, all at once, it utterly lost credit and was regarded as mere rubbish, while gold and silver became even more precious than before, and commerce was entirely deranged. When the sultan saw that his measure had failed, and that he could not, even by punishment, bring the whole population to obedience, he issued a decree, ordaining that every one who had a royal coin might bring it to the treasury and receive in exchange a gold or silver coin of the old stamp. ^■'' He thought by this means to restore his copper currency to credit, so that it might be again accepted in exchanges; but the copper money which had been accumulated in people's houses and thrown on one side as worthless, was immediately collected and brought to the treasury to be exchanged for gold and silver coin ; and the copper tokens still remained as little current as before, while all the royal treasuries were emptied, and general financial ruin fell upon the whole kingdom." — Fide Persian 318., TubMf, Akhheri, East India House. Many circumstances concur, in demonstrating that the class of coins of which Nos. 96, 97, 98 and 99, are speci- mens, formed part of the money issued on this peculiar occasion. The causes which lead to this conclusion may be briefly enumerated as follows : — 1st. The similarity in weight observable between these coins and the impure silver pieces (Nos. 88, 89) whose place they were seemingly intended to supply : an approximation, it is to be remarked, which does not occur in the previous examples of the silver and copper coinage of this series. 2nd. The shape, which is in a degree assimilated to the assumed prototype ; and — 3rd. The intrinsic novelty, likewise now for the first time noticeable in the use of brass as a material for coinage. But beyond these minor reasons, there remains the con- chisive one of the internal evidence borne by the legends IS Mirat al Alem has ,; ^Cj I id COINS OF THE Oil the coins themselves, as seen in tlie use, in the one case, of the term, " struck as current money," and, in the other, of an inscription fixing the relative value of the piece im- pressed : intimations unsanctioned by custom, and, which it is needless to say, a full intrinsic metallic value would have rendered superfluous. It is probable that many other coins, composed of a j similar admixture of metals, and bearing legends in a i measure appropriate to the occasion, constituted a portion lof the forced currency of Mohammed Tuglak ; it may be advisable to advert concisely to each in detail. As regards No. 100, the identity of date and metal, accompanied by the retention of a portion of the same legend as No. 96, sufficiently indicates that a similar object attended the mintage of both. In the case of No. 101, the two first of these points of similarity equally exist, and the inscriptions in themselves counsel due obedience to the sovereign, who, in the issue of the money, thus heavily tried the sub-- servience of his subjects. The signs of agreement with the adopted sample of this representative coinage, to be detected in Nos. 102 and 103 are less prominent, and are confined to a coincidence in date and metal : however, on the supposition that in a comprehensive scheme, such as the present is shown to have been, it would have been necessary to provide proportionate substitutes for the smaller silver pieces ; the specimens now cited, may fairly claim admittance into the series under review. Nos. 104 and 105, under different forms of inscription to those em- ployed on other coins of the class, bear full signs of their definite purpose, and in their respective record of J-'^- " current," " lawful," and ^y^ " legal," amply manifest the design with which they were produced. The dates on these coins arc sufTioientlv in unison with PATAN SULTANS Ol' HINDUSTAN. 59 the information to be gathered from written history, not to militate in any way against the validity of the opinion now advanced, as to the occasion to which the money in question owes its origin. The evidence of Indian authors, however, as to the exact time at which the first issue of brass tokens took place, or as to the period during which this Substitute system remained in force, is greatly deficient ; and the several narratives of the Tubkat Akhberi, the Mirat al Alem, and the chronicles of Ferishtah, all fail in this respect: from the coins themselves, therefore, must be sought an elucidation of these doubtful points. It will be seen that the brass coins already classed under the head of Mohammed Tuglak's forced currency, uniformly bear one of three dates, either 730, 731, or 732: the first of these is to be found on full six-tenths of the whole of the very numerous specimens available for reference; next in order of abundance is to be seen the annual date of 731; and, lastly, the number 732 is but rarely met with: imply- ing, if such testimony is trustworthy, a very extensive fabrication during the first, and, apparently commencing year, sufficiently supported during the second, and followed by a remarkable diminution in the issue of the third year. It may be assumed, therefore, that 730 a.m., witnessed the first vigorous effort at the introduction of the new currency, well sustained during 731, and failing entirely in 732. The limitation here assigned to the survival of this Indian adaptation of the Chinese Tchao system, is curiously sup- ported both in the negative as well as direct evidence, deducible from the real money of Mohammed Tuglak. The ample materials at command, admit of the abundant and unbroken numismatic illustration of each of the first thirteen years of the reign of this prince, of the dated coins thus capable of being cited, scarcely a solitary instance of either 00 COINS OF THE gold or silver money occurs bearing the dates 730 or 731.'^ It has been already shown that the brass money was manu- factured only during 730, 731, and part of 732 ; and, to com- plete the chain and fill up the years both initiative and con- clusive of this financial change, the silver coins, Nos. 89 and 93, may be quoted as bearing respectively the annual dates of 730 and 732. Hence, as far as may be judged from pre- sent proofs, it would appear that, during the continuance of the decree giving effect to the forced currency, but few, if any, gold or silver coins were fabricated at either the Delhi or Doulattibad mints ; and that as its introduction had been attended by a discontinuance of the use of precious metals, so the withdrawal of the ordinance is simultaneously marked, by a reappearance of a due proportionate amount the usual circulating medium. 97.— Brass. 139 grs. V.C. Delhi, 731 a.h, Obv. — Similar legend to No. 96. R. — Area, legend as above, No. 90. Marff. — (JjC> ^ w\.».2:xij^ - - JU ^b>J .^1/l:^.>^jJ 98.— Brass. K. Delhi, 732 a.h.'" Similar to No. 97, with ^j .^- Ju3:iii> ^^ There is one silver coin, and one only, in the present collec- tion, similar in type to No. 94, but of very debased metal ; the date on which may possibly be read 731. The inscription is im- perfectly executed, and the word j^-^1 if such it be, is so peculiarly formed that it can scarcely be relied on as representing that number. '^ Many specimens of the coins described under Nos. 90, 97, 98, bear very distinct signs of being the ))roduction of dies other than those in use at the royal mints, and are probably some of the for- geries alluded to in llie extract from the Tubkiit Akhberl. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 61 99.— Brass. 138 grs. V.Ii. Doulutabad, 732 a.h. B.M.'^ iLti Struck as a piece of fifty kanis,'^ in the time of the servant, hopeful fof divine mercy), Mohammed Tughlak. R. — Area, as No. 96. Marg.—j - - JL jU Cul^J il/ CI-^^J 100.— Brass. 112 grs. V.C. Obv.—.r. j^^^^ J\^U\ ^\^, He who obeys the king, Mohammed, 730 — Truly he obeys the Merciful, Tughlak. 101. — Brass. 112 grs. C. Date 730. Obey God, and obey the Prophet, and those (who are) in authority among you (4th chap. Koran), Mohammed, 730. R— jl^ U^ ^ ^wUl J^ J]^\ ^^ Sovereignty is not conferred upon every man, (but) some (are placed over) others, Tughlak. 102. — Brass, 66 grs. C. 103. — Brass. 55 srrs. 1^ The value of the pretended exactitude of Ferishtah's dates is somewhat shaken by the coins Nos. 96 and 99. The former of which proves most obviously that Dcogir had become the roi/cil city of DonliUabad in the year 730, whereas Ferishtah expressly assigns this intitulation to the year 739. See Briggs and Dow, A. 11. 739. '" Kani, probably the "jetul" of Ferishtah, see ante, page 36, 62 COINS OF TFIF. 104.— Brass. 74 grs. U. R. — Centre jjjtj J^^^c 105.— Brass. 84 grs. V.R. Struck (as) a legal dirhem, in the time of the servant Mo- hammed bin Tughlak. At the seat of Islamism, in the year 730. 106.— Brass. 82 grs. R. Obv. as No. 106. R.— AjU-v-' » ^^'j^ cU>-; 4 J^"^ l'"^^ ^* *^^ capital, Delhi, in the year 730. 107.— Copper. 33 grs. V.K. Obv. — dU 'i\x{\ . ujXiJl Dominion and glory are of God. R. — Centre ^^Uj Sa^^ Marg.—^Jt ^ X^i^si^ - - JL ?32. -0 The second letter of ,; has been restored. The word • assuming it to be such, seems to have been used in this instance in its generic sense of money, rather than in its distinguishing meaning of gold : the brass representatives of the gold dinars have vet to be brought to light. ^' The in Mohamad is expressed in what is now known as the Bengali form of that vowel. ^=^ The i. in ^J:l\ is assumed from other and clearer spe- cimens of the coin than that which appears in the plate, which has been selected for the engraver, from its aifording a more general outline of the whole legend than other pieces of the same class. PATAN SULTANS OT HINDUSTAN. 63 108.— Copper. 68 gn. Ol,v.—.^\ J]if ^y^C2\ The sultan, shadow of God. R.— ii.liU; ^' A^s^c Mohammed bin Tuglak Shah. 109. — Silver and copper mixed. 132 grs. U. obv.-^ii\ ^u A:z^'i\ ^v<:i\ R. — Centre ^..:.,c^i^^^ ailb ^^yi^jw.^]^ Mar(j. illegible. 110.— Copper. 1-28 grs. R. 748 A. h. R. — ■ x*^s>-\ ^'^^■^\ y} 111.— Brass. 55 grs. V.R. Legend and date similar to No. 109. TwKNTiETH King (a. h. 752— 790; a.d. 1351—1388). On the 27ih of Muhuiruin, 752, Hindustan was relieved from the capricious rule of Mohammed bin Tuglak, and the vacant throne was filled by his cousin, Firuz. In 754, the new monarch attempted to i-educe Haji Ilias, who had thrown off his allegiance to the house of Delhi, and assumed regal honors as sovereign of Bengal and Behar : the em- peror was, however, able to accon)plish little or nothing towai'ds the subjection of his revolted subject; and, not long afterwards, the kingdom of Bengal became effectively independent, in 755, Firuz commenced the first of those magnificent public works which have perpetuated his name, while those of far mightier kings have been forgotten: the remains of many of these undertakings are still to be seen. 64 COINS OF THi: scattered, in no scant proportion, over the face of northern Hindustan : indeed, in the original bed of a canal, first ex- cavated by this monarch, at this day flow the waters of the Jumna, which irrigate the surrounding country, from the foot of the Sewalik, to Hissar; and a more modern branch from which supplies the present denizens of the once imperial city of Delhi. Fruitful in solid benefits to his subjects and succeeding generations, the long and prosperous reign of Firuz has afforded but slight materials for the historian : hence Fe- rishtah's narrative of his rule is almost confined to the enumeration of the roads, wells, canals, etc., which, to this time, in bearing the name of Firuz, have, as yet, scarce needed a chronicler. In the year 789, the sultan, suffering from the increasing infirmities incident to his advanced age, associated his son, Nasir ud din, in the government of the empire ; and, from this time, the public prayers were recited in the joint names of father and son. The arrangement thus completed was but of brief duration : a revolt in the capital resulted in the flight of the prince and the reassumption of regal power by the father; who, however, again as quickly resigned it to a grandson, Ghiiis ud din, son of Futteh Khan, who finally succeeded to the empire on the decease of Firuz, which event took place in 790. 112.— Gold. lG7gTs. U. (B. M.) Oil'.— ^.iy,^< i\J:,j»^^ ^^>^j, J^'^' j^\j Confiding in the benignity of God, the royal Firuz Shah. clCc Cl^jd^i. This coin was struck in the time of the Imam .\l)i'il Abhas Almiod. May his sovereignty endure PATAN SULTANS OT HINDUSTAN. 65 113.— Gold. 170 gis. (B. M.) d^c CLJJo.>- ..jLLJ^ The most mighty sultan, sword of the commander of the faithful, Abul Muzafar Fin'iz Shah, the sultan. May his reign be prolonged, K. — cuilld- c:_;w\lrL ^■s.kW ^A ^^:..J^ '-^^y-»^ The assumption by Firuz, at this particular juncture, of the title of Seif Amir Al Mominin, as connected with the simultaneous recognition of the new Egyptian khalif, Abul Fateh Abubekir, who had only lately attained pontifical honors, seems to indicate that the title in question was the one conferred upon the former on the occasion of his in- vestiture with the dress of honor, which was received at the court of Delhi in 757. 114.— Gold. 167 grs. Small coin. Date 788. Obv. — iLi j^^3 ^IkLj R. — VAA .^:,^».4,)' ^,ol 1 ^y 115. — Silver and copper mixed. 141 grs. Date 77.'?. R._vvr ^c^l^ jj^ ^rrH?'^^ ^^^^ ^^U^ 116. — Copper and silver. 136 grs. Date 791. R.— vv cuiU- ci?j.i^ ^\ ^^^\ ^i.yi 117.— Silver and copper. 54 grs. Obv.— ^\,^ jvL>- JILL il-ij^^i 66 COINS OF THE 118. — Silver and copper. 140 grs. Date 784. Obv. as No. 114. 119.— Copper. 68 grs. Obv. AS No. 118. 120. — Copper. 36 grs. 121. — Copper. 55 grs. Obv.—^\}Ai: ^^J:> jjj^: 122 and 123. — Coins similar in types and legends to No. 1 15, bear respectively the dates aii 816, and aiv 817. The appearance of two coins, dated severally twenty-six and twenty-seven years subsequent to the decease of the mo- narch whose name they bear, is not a little remarkable. Adverting to the previous history of Moslem Asiatic nations, the simple fact of the fabrication of money, displaying the titles of any given sovereign, continuing for a brief period immediately following his death, occasions no surprise : hence No. 116 is readily accepted as a posthumous coin of this class ; but the lapse of more than a quarter of a century observable in the instances of Nos. 122 and 123, in placing these pieces so nmch beyond the limit usually ad- missible in parallel cases, leads to an enquiry whether unusual causes may not have led to their production. It is known that the issue of this species of coinage, though probably not completely serial, was renewed at divers times between the fixed periods of 790 and 816, as evidenced by PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTN. 67 specimens extant in the possession of Captain Cunningham, bearing dates 801 and 804. The facts available, together with the unassailable evi- dence of the coins themselves, seem to necessitate a con- clusion that, during the whole, or a portion of each of the years 801, 804, 816, and 817, if not during many of the intermediate ones, the dominant possessor of the city of Delhi issued money in the name of a previous king; en- suring, by this means, at the very least, a ready and un- questioned circulation of the coinage thus put forth, the counterpart of which must, at the time, have formed the bulk of the circulating medium of the Delhi empire. As, however, this inference involves the deduction that either these parties coined no money in their own names, or, striking money of their own, were careless of this usually highly-prized right, it becomes necessary to examine whe- ther it is possible that the individuals who, at each of these several marked periods held sway in the metropolis of Hin- dustan, should have submitted to the use of the titles of other kings on money issuing from the mint over which they maintained control. As regards the epochs of 801 and 804, it is to be remarked, that after the departure of Timur, and the subsequent speedy expulsion of Nusserut Shah, the city of Delhi passed into the hands of Mullu Yekbal Khan, who I'etained possession of the town till his death, in 807. Though this chief acted entirely on his own account, and, as will be shown hereafter, considerably augmented his territories, it is nowhere asserted that he either coined money in his own name, or assumed any of the usual in- signia of royalty. A difficulty might suggest itself in this place, in the fact of the continued existence of Mahmud, a monarch duly inaugurated on the throne of Hindustan, who had fled to Guzrat on the capture of the metropolis by the 68 COINS OF THE Moghuls. Yekbal Khati does not, however, appear at any period after the departure of the Moghul host, to have, either directly or indirectly, acknowledged Mahmud as sultan; indeed, it is by no means unlikely, that during the early part of his own independent rule, he should actually have dis- couraged any such recognition. It may, therefore, be assumed as highly probable, that to supply the currency requisite for the ordinary monetary transactions of his peo- ple, Yekbal Khan, having no pretence to strike coin in his own name, and no predilection to perpetuate the name of a king he was in effect supplanting, may have adopted the expedient of issuing pieces similar to those of Fi'ruz, and still emblazoned with his titles; the like of which, to judge by the present comparative abundance of the specimens extant, must have formed a very considerable proportion of the total currency of the day. Referring to the period comprised in the two years 816 and 817, it is singular that during the first fifteen months of this time, it is also, at the least, doubtful whether any king reigned in Delhi. Mahmud dying in 815, left no successor to the throne: the chief power in the state shortly afterwards fell to the lot of Dau- lat Khiin Lodi: his actual assumption of regal honors, how- ever, despite the directly expressed assertion of Ferishtah to that effect, is at the best highly problematical. This point, also, will be more fully noticed in its proper place; in the meantime, it may be adverted to as possibly bearing directly upon the present enquiry, in respect to the hitherto inexplicable non-discovery of any money displaying the name of the ruler in question. Daulat Khan surrendered to Khizr Khsln in the third month of 817 a.m. Here, again, it is perhaps doing no violence to probabilities, re- marking both the absence of any extant coin of Daulat Khiin conjoined with the doubt of his kingship, and the PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 69 clear testimony of the dates on coins Nos. 122, 123, to sup- pose that this chief, in imitation of the practice of a pre- decessor, issued coin in the name of Firuz. Coins bearing the joint names of Firuz and his SON ZiFFER. 124. — Copper and silver. 78 grs. 125. — Silver and copper. 78 grs. Coin bearing similar legends to the above, but the produce of different dies. The above coins are, it will be seen, struck in the joint names of Firiiz and his son Ziffer : as it is known that Firuz, in 760 a.h., conferred "the ensigns of royalty on his son, Futteh Khan," and that Mohammed, the second son, was, in 789 a.h., raised to the throne during the life-time of his father, it is by no means improbable that, in the like spirit, the third son should have been allowed to adopt so much of kingly rank as was implied in the exhibition of his name on the coinage, in the government over which he pre- sided. There is much obscurity prevailing in Ferishtah, consequent upon an apparent confusion of two different persons bearing the title of Ziffer Khan. It is not perhaps requisite to enter into a detailed enquiry on the subject, as, notwithstanding the uncertainty which of necessity re- mains, there seems to be but little question, that the prince now sought to be identified, was the Ziffer Khan, governor of Mahobah (Bundelkund), who was so hastily despatched by the vizir on the occasion of the attack upon the latter's house by the Prince Mohammed, in 789 a.h. 70 coins of the Twenty-First King (a.h. 790—791; a.d. 1388—1389). The rule of Ghitis iid din Tuglak II. demands but brief notice, its events being told in the record, on the one hand, of the lax indulgence of the monarch, and, on the other, of his unavailing pursuit of the late joint-king Nasir ud din. The sultan, having alarmed the nobles of his own court, a conspiracy was formed which put a period to his life and sway, little more than five months after his first attain- ment of the latter. 126. — Silver and copper. 136 grs. a.h. 790. Obv. — jjbw> lU^.,^^- <-^^y^ S^^^^ ^^ J^' 127. — Silver and copper. 80 grs. 128. — Copper. 68 gr.s. R.— J^j u_ Twenty-Second King (a.h. 791— 793; a.d. 1389—1^90). Abubekir, the son of Ziffer, and grandson of Firiiz, was raised to the throne on the death of Tuglak II. The history of this reign is also comprised in but few words, being marked almost solely by the successful counteraction by the king, of the treasonable designs of his vizir, followed by the advance of Ntisir ud din; who, after various inter- mediate turns of fortune, once again sat on the throne of his father. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 71 129. — Silver and copper. 134 grs. A.n.79l. R.— vv &::SL^ c:Ju\L>>. ^ 4'oJ^Jo^ c:i,'aL>- 136. — Silver and copper. 140 grs. Date 793. (Otliers are dated 794 and 795.) 137.— Copper. 140 grs. Date 793 ii. Ohv. — Centre jLi, A^^s-v R.— v^r ,.,.J^^ ^.^\ i .,13 c;' ■...y^\^^J ^.A 38. — Copper. G8 grs. Small coin. 793. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 73 139.— Copper. 52 grs. R.— - din j^ ^\ i^\^\ Twenty-fourth King (a.h. 796; a.d. 1394). Humdyun, the son of Nasir ud din, assumed, on his accession, the designation of Sek under Shah. The his- torical record of the rule of this sovereign is confined to the announcement, that he attained regal honors and en- joyed them for the brief space of forty-five days. 140. — Silver and copper mixed. 142 grs. Date 795. '-^^ R.— v=ic A:iiirU cijaI^ d^\ J^^l c^iJ.^^ 141.— Copper. 134 grs. Date 795. Obv. — Centre iLi) jcJLj Mai^g. - - cj ~i=£r: R.— Vic ^-^.^y^W ^^<\ U^jU 2^ The unit numeral on coin No. 140, displays a singular form of the figure i Jive : it is somewhat strange to find this novel style of the figure in use almost simultaneously with the old five, to be observed on coin No. 135, which has, up to this time, been in no way distinguishable from a naught, as disclosed on No. 126. It is certainly possible that, in this particular instance, the employment of the unit numeral on the second coin may refer to the naught of 790, during part of which year Nasir ud din Mohammed was the efi"ective sultan, in nominal conjunction with his father Firiiz ; but there are many reasons for doubting the probability that the coin in question should have been produced under the joint auspices of Firtiz and Mohammed. Be this as it may, there can be no difficulty in admitting the fact, that the figure more immediately under notice represents a five, as both its present and its subse- quent use clearly demonstrate that it can be no other numeral. It is here necessary to rectify an error which has occurred in the assignment of the value of a numeral similar to that now 74 COINS OF THE 142. — Copper. 67 grs. referred to, which is to be seen occupyinp- the place of the terminal figure of the annual date on the coin of Umur, No. 63. On a hasty examination, and adverting more particularly to the hitherto unquestioned date of the accession of this prince (716 A.ii.), the late period in the year at which this event was placed, as well as to the brief duration of the reign itself, which barely extended into a second year, the value of this strange figure was accepted with little hesitation from the requirements of written history. Added to this, the absence of any apparent similitude with any of the other nine recognised numerals, and the facile transition from the correctly formed Persian i to a character having a final flourish instead of an accurately prolonged perpendicular termination, seemed to explain the process whence the numeral derived its origin. The present collation of a more extensive series of spe- cimens, bearing this character in a but slightly altered form, led to a doubt as to the due identification of its functions in the previous instance ; and t!ie result of this investigation has proved most de- cisively that whatever may have been the derivation, or the original design which attended the use of the figure, its subsequent em- ployment could only refer to the nnmher five. Marsden (p. 550) had already shown that a somewhat similar symbol was used to represent this number towards the close of the supremacy of the Afghan dynasty in India; and now, tracing this numeral in its little varied shape, upwards through the well-developed instances afforded by the coins of Behlol, Sekunder, and others, there remains no possible obstacle to the recognition of its use in a similar significa- tion on the coin of Umur. On the other hand, in the progress of the enquiry resulting from the attempt to verify the history of the Patan domination in Hindustan, too much reason has been found to distrust Ferishtah's accuracy, to make it necessary to pause in discrediting his (jiven date in the present instance. In conclusion, it may be appropriate to endeavour to trace the de- rivation of this anomalous form of the Persian s. Admitting a difficulty previously noticed, regarding the want of sufficient dis- tinction between the Persian . navglit and the t five once in use at Delhi, it is not improbable that the necessity of a more obvious means of discriminating the expression of these two numbers may have led to the adoption of the more purely local Devanagri Lj fice, as a substitute for the Indo-1'eisian form of that figure. 'J'he Ni'igrl /ffe a])proximates closely, especially in its cursive shape, to PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 75 Twenty-fifth King (a.u. 796— 815; a.d. 1394—1413). On the death of Sekunder Shah, the nobles of the court elevated to the musnud his brother, Mahmud. a minor. The very commencement of this nominal supremacy was marked by misfortunes; and the real weakness of the em- pire was increased by insurrections which sprang up on all sides : among the rest is to be noticed the important de- fection of the vizir, Khwaja Jehan, who, in this act, founded the temporarily powerful kingdom of Janpur. In 797 a.h., a new claimant to the throne was advanced, in the person of Nuserut Khan, a son of Futteh Khan, and grandson of Firuz; and his supporters actually took and retained pos- session of the new portion of the capital denominated Firiizabad, while Mahmud and his followers held the old town of Delhi. In this anomalous state matters continued for the space of three years, each being in a measure king, and each holding his own dependent provinces of the em- pire: meanwhile, constant and sanguinary encounters oc- curred between the troops of the rival factions. At length, Mullu Yekbal Khan, who, in fit keeping with the whole of this strange proceeding, had remained an observant and neutral spectator, first deceived, and, for the time, ruined Nuserut Shah, and then succeeded in getting possession of the person of Mahmud, in whose name he thenceforth pretended to rule. This uncertain government was how- the early style of the adaptation of the numeral displayed on coin No. 63 ; but the five on the coins of Shir and Islam is so far changed that, read as a Nagri figure, it would stand for a very correct six. A figure but slightly differing from the form era- ployed on the coins of Shir is known to have supplied the place of difour on the Turkish money of the twelfth century a.h., and many of our modern founts of Persian type possess no other re- presentative of this number. An instance of its use may be seen in the printed description of coin No. 93. 76 COINS OF THE ever put an end to by the advance of the celebrated Timur : the defeat of the Indian army, the surrender and subsequent merciless sack of Delhi followed ; and, for five days, the Moghul conqueror continued feasting while his troops de- stroyed ; and, to finish the inconsistency, '*^ on the day of his departure he offered up to the Divine Majesty his sin- cere and humble tribute of grateful praise." The capital of Hindustan remained in a state of complete anarchy, to which were superadded the horrors of famine and pestilence, for the space of two months after the departure of Timur : at the end of this period, it was taken possession of by Nuserut Shah, and, shortly afterwards, it again passed into the hands of Mullu Yekbal Khdn, whose sway at this time, extended but little beyond its walls: the provinces being, in effect, independent under their several governors, who, one and all, styled themselves kings. Yekbal Khdn, nevertheless, succeeded in gradually enlarging his boun- daries; and, in 804, was joined by Mahmud {who had fled at the sack of Delhi to Guzrat), on whom he bestowed his protection and a pension. Yekbal Khan now undertook an expedition against Ibrahim Shah Sherki, the sultan of Janpur; and Mahmud, thinking to improve his own con- dition, went over to Ibrahim : he was, however, received with but small encouragement, and, finally, was allowed by both parties to establish himself as a sort of local king of Kanoj. On the death of Yekbal Khan, which took place in an action with Khizr Khan, the governor of Multan, Mahmud was again invited to Delhi ; but " deficient both in sense and courage," he made but little profit of his new position, and at last died in Zulkad, 815.2* '-'•' The date of the death of Mahmiid is fixed by Ferishtah at the 1 1th Zulkud, 814 A.n.; and the assumption of power by Danlat Khan Lodi, is aftirmt'd, by the same author, to have taken place PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 77 143. —Silver. 174 grs. ^JlkL-j i'Jj The most mighty sovereign Abul Muhiimed Mahmud Shah, (son of) Mohammed Shah, (son of) the royal Firuz Shah. In the time of the Imam, commander of the faithful. May his khalifat endure. 144. — Silver (impure). 141 grs. Date 796. R.— v=n izjiis>^ CLJjl:^ S^\ S^ <^\ <^v- Marg. illegible. R. — Air |^^_j^!^ ^^-^\ t-r^!^ on the 1st of Muhurrum, 816. A difficulty is suggested in the very fact of the capital, and the country dependent upon it, hav- ing, as thus shown, remained for fourteen months without even a nominal ruler : this anomalj', moreover, is not attempted to be met by the writer in question, nor is even its existence noticed. (See Briggs, vol. i. page 504; Elphinstone, vol. ii. page 80). The Tubkat Akberi gives the following explanation of the circumstances and dates bearing upon the matter, which, in satis- factorily accounting for what Ferishtah has left unexplained, seems, in so doing, to point out his error, as having arisen from a sub- stitution of the year 814 for 815, as the period of the decease of Mahmud : — "After the death of Mahmud, in Zulkad, 815, for two months anarchy prevailed in Delhi, when the nobles of that prince entered into a compact with Daulat Khan, and Mulik Ardriz and Mubariz Khan passed over from Khizr Khan and joined Daulat Khan," etc. The Miriit ul xllem also gives 815 as the year of Mahmvid's death ; though it openly mentions some uncertainty as existing in regard to the extent of his reign, which is noted at " twenty or twenty-two years and two months." 78 COINS OF THE 146. — Copper. 56 grs. Obv. — Legend as No. 144. 147. — Copper. 08 grs. Date 815 a.m. (See nolo ■^^) Obv. — ui'iaL: i'Ji Jy>:s-c R.— AlC JjbJ (Jjl^\ j\j Twenty-sixth King (a.h. 797; a.d. 1;395). The history of the partial sovereignty of Nuserut Shah, including both his three years' possession of Firuzabad, and his momentary occupation of the metropolis after the departure of llmur, has been sufficiently adverted to in the notice of the reign of Mahmud. From 802, Nuserut Shah appears to have been lost sight of by Indian historians, though his coin, No. 151, would seem to indicate at least a temporary renewal of his power in 807 H. 148.— Copper. 143 grs. Obv.—J,^lL: ili c:-y^ 149. — Copper. 57 grs. R— JJ^w^ clf SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 81 and his successor, to have been able to have cited direct numismatic proof of the Moghul supremacy in Hindustan : however, it is probable that Khizr Khan did not needlessly multiply such records of his own subservience. " He refrained from assuming royal titles, and gave out that he held the government for Timur, in whose name he caused the coin to be struck and the Khutba to be read. After the death of Timiir, the Khutba was read in the name of his successor, Shah Rokh Mirza; to whom he sometimes even sent tribute at his capital of Samarkand." — Briggs Ferishtah, vol. i. page 508. " Khizr Khan, out of gratitude to his benefactor, Timiir, did not assume the title of sultan, but continued to have the Khotbah read in the name of that monarch, contenting himself with being styled Ayiiut Aala, or The Most High in Dignity. At the death of Timur, the Khotbah was read in the name of his successor, Shah Rokh, concluding with a prayer for the prosperity of Khizr Khan." — Gladwin's Ayin i Akberi. Twenty-ninth King (a.h. 824— 839; a.d. 1421— 1435). The annals of the period during which the now re- established throne of Delhi was filled by Muaz ud din Mubarik, are distinguished by a little varying succession of efforts on the part of the sovereign to repress the continual revolts of his subjects : prominent among these is to be noticed the pertinacious and daring opposition of Jusserut Gukka, who, during the thirteen years of Mubarik's reign, appeared in arms and fought well contested campaigns no less than six several times. The rebellion of Foulad is also noticeable, not so much on account of its own intrinsic importance as from the disastrous results which attended the introduction of the Moghul auxiliaries of Ali, the go- vernor of Kabul on the part of Shah Rokh, whose aid was invoked by Foulad as a means of extricating himself from M 82 COINS OF THE his own didicullies. Muburik was assassinated in 839, by a band of Hindus employed for that purpose by his own vii^ir. 152.— "5 153. — Copper. 172 grs. Obv. — Area iLi CS,[^< ^ »:»,«».♦] I ^<\ k— ^>:>' 154. — Copper. 80 grs. R.-Arr JjtJ CS^l^^ 155. — Copper, 40 grs. 25 The electrotype cast of the coin figured as No. 152, was placed in the hands of the engraver before an opportunity was afforded of submitting it to any critical examination, under the impression that the original was an unquestionable coin of Muaz ud din Mubiirik. On a closer scrutiny, the name of the mint city (the capital of eastern Bengal), and the surviving word of the date (*50), are found to render this assignment somewhat dubious; over and above this difficulty, the question as to whom the coin really does belong, is not readily soluble by the evidence of written history, inasmuch as the kingdom of Bengal is stated to have been held by Hajf Hius from 744 to 760 (Stewart, pp. 83, 86 ; Briggs, vol. iv. p. 331) ; and from 830 to 862, by Nasir Shiih (Stewart, p. 100) ; or, according to Ferishtah, by Yusuf, from 849 to 866 (Briggs, vol. iv. p. 339). Under these circumstances, the bare description of the coin is appended without further comment. Silver. 102 grs. U. (Dr. Saincy). R. — Area ^.u. royal capital, Sunargaon. year * 60. PA TAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 83 TiiiiiTiKTH King (a.ii. 839— 849; a.d. 1435— 144-i). On the death of Mubarik, the vizir, assassin of that mo- narch, elevated as his puppet king, Mohammed bin Ferid, a grandson of Khizr Khiin. The first cares of the minister were directed to engrossing the various governmental posts for his own creatures: this purpose, too little con- cealed, of necessity created dissatisfaction and distrust, and speedily resulted in a very general insurrection ; and, within a brief period of the apparent full success of his iniquity, the Hindu vizir found his power limited to the walls of the citadel of the metropolis, in which he was now closely besieged. The sultan, too, his protege, was also discovered to be seeking an opportunity of joining the adverse party. In this crisis, the vizir determined upon the murder of the sultan; but the latter receiving timely intima- tion of the design, was able to overpower the vizir's band with a well-prepared guard, and thus he met the fate he de- signed for his lord. Not long after this, the emperor began to give himself up to dissolute conduct, and, in consequence, the affairs of the kingdom quickly shewed the want of a master's hand. Added to the internal disorganisation, the empire suffered from the attacks of foreign enemies. Ibra- him of Janpur possessed himself of several districts border- ing on his own dominions, and Mahmud Khilji of Malwa went so far as to make an attempt on the capital. To extricate himself from this pressing difficulty, the sultan called in the aid of one who was destined to play a pro- minent part in the history of his day, Behlol Lodi, at this time nominal governor, though virtual master of the de- pendencies of Lahore and Sirhind. By his assistance, the king was relieved from his immediate danger, and the pro- tecting subject was dignified with the title of Khun Khanan 84 COINS OF THE (first of the nobles). Behlols next appearance is in a somewhat altered character, as besieger of Delhi itself, and the adversary of the monarch he had lately saved: he was not however successful. Mohammed died in 849. 156. — Copper and silver mixed. 142 grs. Date 84G.-^ 157.— Copper. 85 grs. Date 842:-'' R.-^rr Jj,j ^ 158. — Copper. 385 grs. Obv. iU- J.,K3-v: Thirty-First King (a.h. 849— 854; a.d. 1444-1450). The Ala ud din bin Mohammed of the historians, who is entitled Alem Shdh on his own coins, succeeded his father. His accession was not, however, recognised by Behlol Lodi, whose obedience the new sultan was in no position to en- force. The first acts of the public life of this prince, 26 The silver coin (No D.cc.xxvn., page 545) attributed by Marsden to this sultan, does not seem to be correctly assigned. The Devaniigri inscription on the obvcise, connects the piece most distinctly with the type of money introduced about a cent\iry later by Shir Shiili, who is known to have remodelled the coinage, and whose style of coins is seen to be closely followed by his immediate successors, both in Hindustan and 13engal. The ab- sence of the terms of filiation observable on the larger specimens of the undoubted coinage of Mohammed bin Ferid, iu itself is sufficient to decide that the coin in question did not issue from his mint. -' Other coins of this type arc dated, 843, 844, 817, 849 A.u. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 85 clearly manifested to his subjects that they had little to expect either from his intellect or his conduct. In 851, Behl6l Lodi made a second attempt on the city of Delhi, but with as little success as before ; and shortly afterwards the sultan determined upon the unwise measure of remov- ing his capital to Budaon : his motives for this change do not seem very obvious, as it was effected in the face of the advice of his whole court. It would appear as if he hoped for some fancied security which he did not feel at Delhi, to which the boundaries of so many adverse chiefs had attained a most inconvenient proximity. To complete his own ruin, the sultan allowed himself to be persuaded to disgrace his vizir, who, escaping to Delhi, quickly introduced the powerful Behlul Lodi, who at once, on becoming master of the capital, assumed the title of sultan ;28 somewhat strangely, however, retaining Alem Shah's name in the Khutba. Not long after this, Alem Shah offered to con- cede the empire to Behlol, on condition of being permitted to reside in peace at Budaon : no difficulty was made in taking advantage of this proposal ; and from this time Behlol is reported to have rejected the name of Alem Shah from the public prayers, and the latter was allowed to enjoy his insignificance undisturbed till his death in 883. 159. — Silver and copper. 146 grs. Date 853. R. Sultan Alem Sluih, son of Mohammed Shah. R.— Acr Axjii^ uviri.- ^^^:„. c:-?»\U- ,.H>-c»^\ ^.<\ ,.t.c;J, 168. — Copper. 53 grs. Ohv. — ili J^' i\j:, jxS^ cT*^/^^ J)^j^\ TniRTY-FoL'RTii King (a.ii. 923— 937; a.d. 1517— 1530). Ibrahim succeeded his father Sekunder; from the very commencement of his reign his arrogance disgusted the PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 89 nobles of his own tribe of Lodi, who speedily sought to reduce his power by placing his brother, Jellal, on the throne of the kingdom of Jtinpur. Having compassed this purpose, however, some doubt arose as to the wisdom of their own act, and hence an attempt was made to weaken Jellal by the withdrawal of several Amrahs who had joined his standard. Jellal, detecting this design, determined upon active measures to secure himself; he therefore collected his forces and advanced to Kalpi, assuming the style of sultan, with the title of Jellal ud din. He next entered into negotiations with Azim Humayun, who held Kalinjer for Ibrahim, and at length induced him to desert the cause of the emperor. Azim Humayun failed at the time of need, and Jellal was reduced to a position of much diffi- culty, from which however he had a favourable opportunity of extricating himself, by the success of a sudden march upon Agrah, which he found almost undefended ; but from some strange infatuation, he allowed himself to be deluded into treating with the governor of the city, and on the ad- vance of Ibrahim, he was compelled to flee to Gualir, where he received a temporary shelter ; he was, ultimately, after various adventures and escapes, captured and put to death. The alarm excited by the unrestrained cruelties resulting from the distrustful disposition of the sultan, led to nu- merous other rebellions: among the rest, Deria Khan, viceroy of Behar, openly disclaimed allegiance ; and his son, Mohammed, who succeeded him shortly after the com- mencement of the revolt, caused the Khutba to be read, and coin to be struck in his own name.-^^ Daulat Lodi, the governor of part of the dependencies of Lahore, also rebelled, and solicited the protection of Baber, who had 2" Ayin i Akberi. N 9U COINS OF THE already, in 930 a.h., taken possession of Lahore itself. Baber now sent an expedition under Ala, the brother of Ibrahim, but in the engagement which ensued, the army of the Moghuls was defeated with great slaughter. This was followed by the advance of Buber in person, and on the 7th of Rajab, 932, on the celebrated battle field of Paniput, Ibrahim, after an individually well-contested, though ill- directed action, lost his kingdom and his life. 169.— Copper. 83 grs. R. Obv.—JlL> i\j^j^^ i'.-i ^:^^\ ^^\ ^y^\ R. A^xijlrJ- C-.'w\L>- ^^^y*" /TT'*' rj^j S^ 170. -Copper. 37 grs. R. Obv. — ^IkLj ili> i-*^]/} R. — tci^ CL^Jjici^ ^^U,<^]\ y^.<\ 171.— Copper. 42 grs. R. Date 926. Obv.— * * ^s^ ili ^i^l/\ R. — in ^:^h>~ lljsL^ ^,^u,<^\ ^^^\ THE MOGHUL CONQUEST. The narrative of the chequered adventures of Btiber and his son Humayun is more pertinent to general history than a subject of peculiar import, in the present notices of the local succession of the Patau dynasty of Hindustan. It may, therefore, be sufficient to indicate more concisely than usual, the dates of the several prominent occurrences of the Indian reigns of these two monarchs. Baber's sway, after his occupation of the cities of Delhi and Agrah, was not undisputed, but he may be said generally to have triumphed over all opposition : he died, in full posses- PATAN SULTANS Ol' HINDUSTAN. 01 sion of the empire of Hindustan, on 5th Jumad ul Awul, 936 A.H., and was succeeded by his son, Nasi'r ud din Huniayun. In 946, Hindal Mirza, another son of Biiber, revolted; and shortly afterwards, Kiinirtin, the brother who held Kiibul, followed liis example, marching to Delhi, where he was met by Hindal, who persuaded him to join forces, and in company they advanced towards Agrah , but disagreeing by the way, Hindal, finding himself the weaker, fled, leaving Kamran to assume the imperial en- signs on his arrival at the capital. Humdyun was at this time engaged in a war with Shir Khan, who held a con- siderable portion of Bengal and Behar. On the 6th Safar, 946, Huniayun was surprised by his wily adversary, by whom he was totally routed, and his whole army destroyed. Humayun himself, escaping with the utmost difficulty, join- ed his brothers at Agrah, who saw their common danger in the increasing power of Shir. For six months, consultations and disputes continued, which ended in the departure of Kamran towards Kabul ;3i to this, succeeded the advance of Shir (now Shir Shah) ; and Humayun, after a temporary advantage, was finally defeated, in Muharrim, 947, the victor possessing himself of the ca[)ital. From this time until his triumphant re-conquest of his Indian empire in SI Kamran's coins are extant. The following is a description of a specimen in the East India Company's Collection. Kabul 947. Silver. 71 grs. Obv. — ^rea (diamond shaped) ^_<-;'i i\j^Sj i^^i^/^'^ ^V/^^s^.^ ii/«r^.--. ^CLc ju; ^^w ji=^ ^,iiW\ ^^'i\ ^^^\ Lilj j^/K5>^ ^^ri,•^\ ^^ Zehir ud din INIohammed Baber Padshah. Mar^.— (worn) * * ^1\ ^lU^l V..— Centre i^\ J^_^ j.^^ ^\1\ m Marci.—^^W ^ - - - - * Uli, the chosen ! 173. — A second silver coin of Baber (E.I. Company's Cabinet), somewhat similar to the above, has the word ^c;U at the end of the inscription on the obverse area, in addition to the legend detailed under No. 172. On the obverse margin is to be seen — .,l*U- Ji^!il R. Area. — As in the last coin. M«r^.-(Legible) ^^W J^ ^sy^\ * HUMAYUN. 174.— Gold. 13grs. R. ohv.—i^\ j^^^. ^^,, ^\'i\ ^jn R. — ^wC^t'vi!^ j^L>- j_5jli i'Jijlj ^ij.^Ui. j^*>i\^^ >>/K^« Mohanmied Hunn'iyun Ghazi. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 93 The king, the amir, the most mighty sultan, the khakan. May Almighty God prolong his dominion and sovereignty. Struck at Agrah, year 944. R. — Centre i^\^jxs>- y^xj ilAj ^< ^JJ <^W\ tdll J^y-J; Jk/*. ili^-..^ ]\Iarq. — 179.— Silver. 175 grs. C. Obv.— Centre AW ^y.j Sa^ S^\1>\ m Ababekir, Umur, Usman, Ull. The just sovereign. R.— Centre ',fS aJJ^ J^^ j^.^ ^l!)!^ d]l^ ^.—Area ^f^ ^Fff^ ^ <^^ ^^ c;^!^^-' il^^-^ Margins worn. 184.— Copper. 310 grs. 185. — Copper. 315 grs. Agrah, a.ii. 950. Ohv. — Area - yli^Sl ^'^ 186.— Copper. 316 grs. Ohv. — Square area dll\ Jil=i- ili «.-i j.,li;Ln J.** ,<.cy^ ^-^^ ^v ^ c; ^.cv^ji yrr-*- 193.- Copper. 38 grs. \^.-^M\ ^UJ^, .u,U 35 The .,»,J\ (The Defender, Patron, also Servant) is a somewhat doubtful reading, as on many coins there seems to be a dot over the third letter, making it ^,^\. Marsden has given this woid as .,»i]\, but the best cut specimens of Islam's mintage display the c or c in its perfect shape. Islam's coins are very uncertain iu their orthography in other respects, the A being frequently written ,^>, and the HJ^t Shahi, being used indiscriminately with \\\[^ Shahi. The same uncertain method of expressing the Devanagri equi- valent of tiie Persian name of iLi^-i. is also to be seen in its full force on the coins nf tliat prince. patan 3ultans of hindustan. 99 Thirty-Eighth, Thirty-Ninth, and Fortieth Kings. Tlie historical events of the partial reigns of the three last of the Patan kings of the Delhi line, are so interwoven with one another, that it may be appropriate to notice them together. On Islam Shah's death, his son, Firuz Khan, a boy of twelve years of age, was for the moment elevated to the throne of his father; but he was almost immediately mur- dered by Mubariz Khan, a nephew of Shir Shah, who usurped the sovereignty, entitling himself Mohammed Adil Sh^h. Equally infamous and ignorant, the self-elected king entrusted the direction of his kingdom to one Himu (a Hindu shopkeeper) ; fortunately the individual thus selected was as capable, as he subsequently proved himself courageous, and for a time upheld the monarch he served. The king's inconsistency in resuming jaghirs and govern- ments from the holders and conferring them upon others, apparently without any object but to show his power so to do, led to an attack on his person in open court, from which, flight but narrowly saved him. In 961, a rebellion was organised, which obliged the monarch to march against the insurgents in person, when he attacked and routed them near Chunar. Shortly after this, Ibrahim Sur, Adil's cousin and brother-in-law, revolted, and took possession of Delhi and Agrah, obliging Adil to confine himself to the eastern portions of his dominions; no sooner, however, had Ibrahim seated himself on his newly erected throne, than another competitor started up in the person of Ahmed, a nephew of Shir Shah, who, on this occasion, took the name of Sekunder Sh4h, and defeating Ibrahim, succeeded to his lately acquired territories. In the meantime, Mohammed Khan Guria, governor of Bengal, rebelled against Mo- hammed Adil, but was eventually vanquished and slain by 100 COINS OF THE Himii ; prior to which hist action, Humayun had re-pos- sessed himself of Agrah and Deliii, and thus in acquiring Sekunder's provinces found himself in antagonism with Mo- hammed Adil. Himu, hearing of the death of Humayun, which occurred about this time, and leaving his master in safety at Clumar, advanced towards Agrah, which he entered unopposed, and thence proceeded to Delhi, where he overcame Tirdi Beg, the Moghul governor. He next prepared for a march on Lahore, but was met on the plain of Paniput by Behram, the guardian of the young prince Akber, and defeated and slain, after a display of considera- ble valour. Adil continued to reign in his Eastern do- minions till he was killed, in 964, in a battle with Behadur Shah, a pretender to the throne of Bengal. MOHAMMED ADIL. l94._Silver. 174 grs. R. ^ Ohv. — Square area d^\ ^\y^j s^-^sr^ aHI ^i] A\ ^ R. — Square area Hit ^« tdl^ Asi- J^A^ ^li JjU A.k^-« Mohammed Adil Shah, sultan. INIay God prolong his reign. 96 L Sri Mahamad Sah. Margins illegible. 195.— Silver. V.R. As No. 194. Date 963. 196.— Copper. 308 grs. V.R. R.-^n .vSU_.eN - - ....\L\ ^Jl SEKUNDER. 197.— Silver. 175 grs. U. Obv. —Square area a\1\ J_j-m wV.«s,s-^ cdl^ !^\ aJH R. — =Tr - - j^ ili jjcLo i^Uol-- Martrins illegible. PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 101 198. — Copper. 35 grs. R. The following account of the Oriental method of coining, as in use at Delhi in the time of Akber, may not be uninteresting, as evidencing the probable practice of the earlier period to which the coins of the present series more immediately refer. The melter melts the refined plates of metal and casts them into roimd ingots. The zerrab cuts from the round ingots pieces of gold, silver, and copper, of the size of the coin. It is sur- prising, that in Iran and Turan, they cannot cut these round pieces without an anvil, made on purpose ; and in Hindustan, the workman, without any such machine, performs this business with such exactness, that there is not the difference of a single hair. The seal-engraver engraves the dies of coins on steel and such like metals. The sickchy places the round piece of metal between two dies, and, by the strength of the hammerer, both sides are stamped at one stroke. Rupeeah j(..»j , . is a silver coin of a round form, in weight llj mashahs. It was first introduced iu the time of Shir Khan, and under the present reign it has been revived, and made more pure. — Gladwin's Ayin Akberi. 102 In preference to complicating the text with multitudinous references to similar coins, varying from the specimens described, only in date, it has been deemed advisable to subjoin, in a distinct form, a comprehensive Table, em- bracing all the annual dates obtainable from a careful examination of the contents of the various cabinets, that have contributed materials for the foregoing review of the moneys of the kings of Delhi. The numbers printed in larger type refer to the coins which are to be found described at large in the text. The ordinary numerals imply only a general identity in the piece bearing the date, with the coin to which the number itself properly belongs in the preceding detail. It has not been so much an object to make the present summary an exposition of the different extant species of coins, as to indicate, in a connected form, the years capable of citation as those comprised in the reign of certain given monarchs, proved by their coins. The abbreviations, b.m., i.h.. m., p., refer to the various collections of the British Museum, the East India House, and the accumulations of Marsden and Prinsep, both of which last are now deposited in our National Museum. Where no such acknowledgment is appended, the examples have been taken from coins in the author's own possession. Gold and Silver. 176 176 Billon and Copper. 154 154 153 153 154 15V 156 157 150 157 156 I ISO lOO lAri 162 162 164 164 164 164 lOO 105 166 165 165 167 M. 167 B.M. 167 167 B.M, 167 B.M, 167 167 B.M, 167 B.M, 167 B,M Shir Shah. 946 947 948 949 950 951 952 Islilm Shah. 952 953 954 955 956 957 958 959 960 Mohammed Adil. 961 963 Gold and I Billon and lilvcr. Copper. 181^ 1.77 181« 1»8, ISO 180 B.M. 180 B.M. ISO lOl 190 190 190 i.n. 191 1905 190 190 190 '^ 1S5 184 ISO 194 195 Sekunder. I 962 i 10« Struck *!!L,^J\j\jJ Frachn, " Recensio," p. 177. Page 67. Asiatic Society. See also Marsden's plates, Fig. Dcc.xxx. Sec Cast Types, ABSTRACT TABLE OF DATES. Gold and Billon and Gold and Billon and Gobi and Billon and ! Gold and Billon and Gold and Billon and 1 Silver. Copper. Silver. Copper. Silver. Copper. Silver. Copper. Silver. Copper. Mohammed Umur. Firdz III. MubSrik II. Shir Shah. bill Sum. (Continued.) 715 es 772 776 777 778 779 780 115 l.ll. 11* 154 946 181 » 590 833 154 947 IJI o 2 i.n. Mubilrik. 834 153 948 ! 181 « ISO 596 64 B.u. 64 OS 115 Ml. 115 A.8.' 115 115 835 153 949 1»8, MO 1 ill. Altnmsh. 623 2 I.n. 14 717 718 719 720 OI 68, 69 69 70 836 Mohammed bin Fcrld. 842 154 15» 960 i 180 B.M. 951 1 180 B.M. 952 ISO IsLtaSha. 185 184 ISO Khnsru. 784 118 843 156 952 lOl MasSud. 720 (7* I Cast I No. 8 787 157 953 ; 190 641 33 788 114 118 846 156 954 lOO 192 789 118 847 157 955 1 190 I.n. Miiliniud. Tughlak I. FMz&Ziffer. 843 156 966 191 957 190« 654 39 720 79 791 Alcm Sh4h. 958 190 39 »5 80 \IZ 959 1 190 658 662 ':!9 722 723 78 80 Tnghlak II. 853 960 190 » Ball.iSli. 724 725 »8 80 790 1»6 Bchlol Lodi. Mohammed Adil. C64 42 42 42 Mohammed Tughlak. Abdbekir. 791 792 ISO 8.55 860 .02 164 162 162 961 104 963 ■ 1»S lOO 673 4S 725 »1 129 863 164 Sekunder. 726 sa 164 678 ''• ■ ' 727 728 83 88 Nasir ud din Mohammed. 873 164 164 962 10» KiiikobiW. 729 730 89 790 131 136 877 886 I«5 687 688 40 46 M. IC730 (06,I01. 793 794 I3« 136 888 166 B.M. 165 Firiiz. 97 890 89J 162 165 691 50 03 9* OS Sekunder. fl40 694 50 733 93 795 141 Sekunder AO 93 (14» Behlol. 735 92 93, 94 895 167 M. Ilivaliim. r»4 736 737 738 741 742 94 93 Nfoir ud din Mahmlid. 904 90G 167 B.M. 167 ■ Struck |.lL3yjj 94 795 144 909 167 B.M. ' Frachn, "Eeoensio," p. 177. Ala ucl din. 85 796 144 (Nusernt, 914 915 167 B.M. 167 > Page 67. 699 57 B.M. 743 749 »» 797) 167 B.M. < Asiatic Society. 700 60 110 MI. 11«,M1 798 S 9'8 167 B.M. ' See also Marsden's plates, 702 »0, 60 800 147 919 167 BM. Fig.BCC.XX... 703 704 705 57 M. G. C. B.M, 59 To Firtiz III. 801 803' 147 Firiz. Ibrfllim. ' See Cast Types. ii5 57 57 M. 60 «o 59 l.H. 759 761 766 115 115 l.H. 115 l.ll. 813 (Nnscrut, Humitjlin. 1« 712 S7 59 115 815 I4« 937? 176 713 57 B.M. 69 769 115 l.ll. 816) ( Finiz, 944 Wjro/,. 57 BM. 59 ^132 945 id. iin 715 57 n.M. 59 -71 115 818 1 ?1*3 052 ? APPENDIX. In closing this description of the various coins of the Pat^n kings of Delhi, it may be* useful to append a brief resume of the more prominent changes, which an exact examination of the series of their medals has rendered requisite in the list of the accessions of the diiferent sovereigns quoted at the head of this essay. Though some apology is due for the position in which these recti- fications appear, yet the present allocation has been the almost necessary result of the mode in which these notes have been written and published ; that is to say, in detached portions : the major part of the subject having been undertaken at the moment, by instalments; as the more locally interesting claincs on the space of the Journal in which these descriptions were to appear admitted of their publication. Hence, as it was requisite to adopt some distinct groundwork whereon to proceed, the recognised list, and the hitherto received statements of Ferishtah, were accepted in the first instance as safe bases, from which any important divergence was deemed improbable. This expectation will be seen to have been erroneous in the following instances : — No. 15 Umur . . . for 716 read 715. See coin 63, and note p. 73. 16 Mubarik . . — 717 — 716. QQ} 17 Khusru . . —721 — 720. 74, and cast No. 8. 18 Tughlak. . — 721 — 720. 79. 24 Sekunder . _ 796 — 795. 140, 141, 142. 25 Mahmud's death 814 — 815. See note, p. 76. The last point in this detail has been sufficiently explained in a note at the foot of page 73 ; but the other discrepancies seem to require a few additional remarks, not so much on account of any difficulty existing in the questions themselves, as from the curious exactitude with which the proposed emendations frequently sup- port one another. The conflicting nature of the historical dates, and the testimony of coins Nos. 66 and 74, formed the subject of notice in their fit place ; but the precise nature of the numeral on coin No. 63, having escaped detection at the right moment, necessitated a correction, which will be found in the note to coin No. 140. It now merely remains to direct attention to these con- secutive evidences, and to express a conviction, which isolated un- supported medals might not have altogether justified, that the ' The date of 716, to be found on this coin, is supported by a like figured date on a similar coin in the East India House Cabinet, and is conclusively confirmed by the written inscription of the same date on a silver coin of Mubarik in the British Museum. (See cast No. 6.) APPENDIX. In closing this description of the various coins of the Patdn kings of Delhi, it may be* useful to append a brief resume of the more prominent changes, which an exact examination of the series of their medals has rendered requisite in the list of the accessions of the different sovereigns quoted at the head of this essay. Though some apology is due for the position in which these recti- fications appear, yet the present allocation has been the almost necessary result of the mode in which these notes have been written and published ; that is to say, in detached portions : the major part of the subject having been undertaken at the moment, by instalments; as the m.ore locally interesting claires on the space of the Journal in which these descriptions were to appear admitted of their publication. Hence, as it was requisite to adopt some distinct groundwork whereon to proceed, the recognised list, and the hitherto received statements of Ferishtah, were accepted in the first instance as safe bases, from which any important divergence was deemed improbable. This expectation will be seen to have been erroneous in the following instances : — No. 15 Umur . . 16 Mubarik . 17 Khusru . 18 Tughlak. 24 Sekunder for 716 read 715. See coin 63, and note p. 73. _717 _ 716. 66.1 _ 721 _ 720. 74, and cast No. 8. — 721 — 720. 79, — 796 — 795. 140, 141, 142. 25 Mahmud's death 814 — 815. See note, p. 76. The last point in this detail has been sufficiently explained in a note at the foot of page 73 ; but the other discrepancies seem to require a few additional remarks, not so much on account of any difficulty existing in the questions themselves, as from the curious exactitude with which the proposed emendations frequently sup- port one another. The conflicting nature of the historical dates, and the testimony of coins Nos. 66 and 74, formed the subject of notice in their fit place ; but the precise nature of the numeral on coin No. 63, having escaped detection at the right moment, necessitated a correction, which will be found in the note to coin No. 140. It now merely remains to direct attention to these con- secutive evidences, and to express a conviction, which isolated un- supported medals might not have altogether justified, that the ' The date of 716, to be found on this coin, is supported by a like figured date on a similar coin in the East India House Cabinet, and is conclusively confirmed by the written inscription of the same date on a silver coin of Mubarik in the British Museum. (See cast No. G.) 2 APPENDIX. Mohammedan authors, who assign the several dates of 716,^ 717, and 7'2l,^ as the epochs of accession of the respective princes noted above, are one and all incorrect, to the extent of having post-dated each of these different events by one year. The writers in question seem to have adhered with sufficient apparent scruple to the correct duration of the reign of each monarch ; but by some error in the earlier part of their narrations, they have been led into a series of mistakes, which their tests of accuracy proved insufficient to rectify. Having advanced thus far in the correction of P'erishtah's erroneous dates, and having ante-dated a succession of three kings each by one year, the application of a similar pro- cess in favor of the next monarch in order is easily justified ; especially as his predecessor, who ascended the throne in the third month of the Mohammedan year, reigned somewhat less than five months: whence it is manifest, that in accepting these last data-* the elevation of the successor must of necessity be placed in the same year. This point has been made the subject of separate mention, for the purpose of drawing more direct attention to the question in- volved in its admission, namely, the value of the figure ©which is to be found in the unit place of the annual date on coin No. 79. As long as Ferishtah's dates remained unimpugned, it was impera- tive to conclude that this numeral was, in its position on this coin, intended to represent a five ; as a monarch who was asserted to have attained his throne in 7'2i, and retained it till 7-25, had ob- viouslv no vear of his sway which would answer to the employment of a final naught in the notification of the period of issue of any of his coins. Having, however, seen cause to discredit so much of the historian's testimony, it may now be permissible to restore the hitherto questionable figure to its correct place in the list of numerals, and to account it a naught and notliing but a naught.^ In arriving at this determination of the functions of the dubious figure, it is requisite, before finally taking leave of this question, to anticipate a notice pertinent thereto, in its due dynastical order, -' Assistance in the due assignment of the disputed date qf the accession of any given king, is naturally to be sought in the determination of the epoch of the inaugurntion of his predecessor and the length of his reign. There are discrepancies as to the sera of A1.4 ud din's enthronement to the amount of one year; or, more correctly speaking, a ditierence between the citation of the year 695 (\Iinit ul Alem and Tubkit Akbtri) and 696 (Fe- rishtah). The duration of his lule is pretty uniformly fixed at 20 years and some months. •' The Tuhk.'it Akberi gives 720 as the date of the accession of GhiJls ud din Tughlak. * Strmge as it may seem, it is to be borne in mind that the dates of the months are often perfectly trustworthy, when the simultaneously appended year is altogether false. * See note to coin No. 74, and coin No. 135. APPENDIX. O and to rectify in this place the opinion expressed in regard to the date and circumstances under which the coin (No. 135) bearing the joint names of Firuz and his son Mohammed was issued : it will be observed that, all doubt having now been removed as to the fact of its true date being " 790 All.," it can only be looked upon as a medal of the regency of the son, struck during the temporary retirement of the father from the cares of state ; and not, as was at one time supposed, a simple medal of the son, coined after his full accession to the undivided throne of Delhi. Continuing the examination of the various dates pertaining to the sway of the remaining monarchs, it would seem that the error which extended itself to the epochs of the inauguration of four kings in succession, was by some means accommodated in the accurate assignment of the aera of the commencement of the rule of Mohammed bin Tughlak : but again, in the date of the in- stallation of Ala ud din Sekunder Shah, there recurs a similar inaccuracy of one year, as it is clear from the many dated coins of this prince, that the 45 days of his rule should be assigned to the year 975, and not to 976,*'" as affirmed by Ferishtah, (See coins No. 140, 141, 142, etc.) This error, in as far as its results might have affected the accessions of the monarchs who follow, will be seen to have been speedily and successfully got rid of by the perpetration of a new error, which curtailed the full extent of the reign of Mahmud, Sekunder's immediate successor, by the identical overdrawn year. In addition to the above rectifications of the inaccuracies of Eastern historical authorities, there are errors to be acknowledged as the writer's own, as well as many slight orthographical dis- crepancies in the Anglicised Oriental names, arising from the occasional correction of the press by other hands during the tem- porary absences of the author. The latter, where considered of sufficient consequence, will be found duly recorded in the list of errata. The former demand a more explicit notice, and may briefly be enumerated as follows: — 1st. The incorrect assignment of the coin described under No. 58, which is shown, from a more extended examination of the medals of other Indian dynasties, to have belonged to Ala ud din Mohammed Sekunder al Sani, of Khwarizm, who conquered Ghazni in 612 a.h.,^ and not to Ala ud din Mohammed Sekunder al Sani of Delhi. 2nd. The omission of an important variety of the binominal coins of Firiiz III., which, had they not escaped notice, should have appeared after coin No. 123. These medals bear the joint ^ The Tubk-it Akberi also assigns 976 (19th Rabi al Awal) as the date of the inauguration of Sekunder. ■' Abul Faraj, De Guignes, etc. P 4 APPENDIX. names of Firuz and his son Futteh Khan. They are sufficiently common, and in the obvious variation in the form of the letters of the legends, from those of the metropolitan monies of the father, and the inferiority of their execution as works of art, indicate themselves the produce of a provincial mint. The following is all that can be satisfactorily deciphered of the inscriptions: — Silver and copper, 135 grs. Ohv.~ * * ili j.^^ ^W^ R- — cijj^Jc^ c:-Jji>~ 'f^'^yi^ i^jr:^"^^^ yrr*^ ctS'l^ '^^ Others have the name of the khalif JsUl^xo: in the place of APPENDIX. Advantage has been taken of the existence of sunilry unpublished casts of rare coins, prepared to be used as types by the late James Prinsep, which have lately passed into the possession of the trustees of the British Museum, to add to the numismatic illus- trations already afforded by the copper-plate engravings which elucidate the subject-matter of the present notice. Referring to the detailed transcripts of the legends of the several medals em- bodied in the preceding pages, it will be sufficient for the explan- ation of the subjoined impressions, to indicate generally the class to which each specimen belongs, adding merely the date or other variation in which their originals may have differed from the coins described at large in the text. No. 1. Cast of the original coin described at the foot of p. 17. 2. Ditto ditto of No. 27. 3. A coin of Kaikobad, similar to No. 46. 4. An imperfect specimen of Ala ud din's gold coinage, No. =57. 5. Mubarik Shah, ''65. 6. Idem, similar to 64, but dated 716 a.h. 7. BehadurShah ^ILL. ^^ JSAJi\ iU^jl^ p. 42, 43. 8. Khusru, similar to No. 74, but the cast of a different coin A.H. 720 (*r.) 9. Tughlak Shah, similar to 75. 10. Mohammed Tughlak, from a gold coin similar to No, 82. 11. Idem id. id. No. 84. TTo the right, the reverse of a ,,<-/m. Chron.Tvl piy vijjjf>/ x!i^i'tiiii>^ \^h^i^ 4y^Ji:^ ■ OINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDOSTAN 2. S. 3. S. 4. G. 5. G. 6. S. 7. S. 5. C. mLmi ^"^mti 9. G. 14. S. 15. S. 12. B. 13. S. 10. G. 1. G. 16. S. /^^ m 3 92 U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES CD3flSnbEl