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Nos. 2 and 3 in one cover. February, 1908 _ - -M Index, pp. 381-400. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 11, No. 7, pp. 399-472 March 9, 1916 THE MUTSUN DIALECT OF COSTANOAN BASED ON THE VOCABULARY OF DE LA CUESTA BY J. ALDEN MASON CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 400 PART I. STRUCTURE 402 General Characteristics 402 Phonetic System 402 Parts of Speech 405 Nouns , 405 Etymological Suffixes of Nouns 406 Morphological Suffixes of Nouns 408 Pronouns 411 Verbs 411 Etymological Suffixes of Verbs 412 Morphological Suffixes of Verbs 415 Adjectives 425 Particles 426 PART II. CLASSIFIED LIST OF STEMS 427 Nouns 427 Animals 427 Botanical 429 Body Parts 430 Manufactures, Instruments 433 Natural Phenomena 435 Words of More Abstract Significance 436 Terms of Eelationship and Personal Categories 437 Numerals ... ... 439 400 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 PAGE Pronouns 439 Demonstratives 440 Adjectival Pronouns 440 Interrogative Pronouns 440 Verbs _ 441 Adjectives 461 Adverbs 466 Locative Adverbs 466 Temporal Adverbs 466 Descriptive and Miscellaneous Adverbs _ 467 Interjections 468 POSTSCRIPT .. ... 470 INTRODUCTION A century ago Father Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta, one of the most earnest and indefatigable members of the order of St. Francis, collected a mass of 2884 words,, phrases, and sentences from the language of the Mutsun Indians, spoken at his mission of San Juan Bautista near Monterey, California. At about the same time he composed a grammar of the language, which is one of the branches of the Costanoan linguistic group. These two manuscripts were sent by Alexander S. Taylor to the Smithsonian Institute, which loaned them for publication to John Gr. Shea, in whose Library of American Linguistics they appear as volumes iv and vin, 1861 and 1862. Together they form one of the fullest and most complete collections of data extant on a Pacific Coast language. There is little doubt that the missionary knew the language well and interpreted its psychology and spirit fairly correctly. In his grammar there appears less strict adherence to the form and structure of Latin grammar, less subconscious premise of Latin as the standard par excellence than is generally found in grammars of this time and type. Nevertheless, in spite of the comparative excellence of the grammar, but because of its lack of scientific arrangement, unphonetic orthography, and the foreign tongue, it is deemed better to rearrange and formulate the grammar, using as a basis the phrases of the vocabulary. The phrase-book is likewise unfortunate in that it is at present almost inaccessible to the modern student, due to its faulty ar- rangement. This is done alphabetically according to the initial 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 401 letter of the sentence, the various stems being scattered through- out the nearly three thousand sentences. The same difficulties of unphonetic orthography and Spanish language likewise obtain here. Several years ago Dr. Kroeber had the majority of the phrases comprising the more important of the sentences copied to a card-index. I have recently spent some time in working over the material thus secured, arranging cards according to stems and isolating grammatical particles. The following paper embodies the results of this research. While the grammar of De la Cuesta is the most complete ever published on a Costanoan language, several more scientific treatises have been produced in the last few years, principally by the University of California. These are, "Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, ' n and ' ' The Chumash and Costanoan Languages." 2 Other pertinent works are "Pho- netic Constituents of the Native Languages of California," 3 "The Native Languages of California," 4 and "New Linguistic Families in California. ' ' 5 The present paper consists of two parts, first an exposition of the etymological and morphological elements upon which the structure of the language is based, and second a list of the various stems of all classes found in the material, though, since not all of the phrases were transferred to cards, this does not entirely exhaust all those in the original phrase-book. These are appended partly as reference for the examples of morphological and ety- mological word-structure previously cited, but more particularly as an aid to the larger work of comparison of Mutsun with kindred Costanoan and other extra-group languages. The recent proposal of the "Penutian" linguistic family, to which Mutsun would belong, renders such a glossary invaluable for purposes of comparison. 1 A. L. Kroeber, present series, u, 29-80, 1904. 2 Ibid., ix, 237-271, 1910. s Ibid., x, 1-12, 1911. 4 E. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, American Anthropologist, n.s., v, 1-26, 1903. 5 Ibid., n.s., xv, 647-655, 1913. 402 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 PAET I. STBUCTUEE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The surprisingly close similarity between the general morpho- logic structure and Sprachgeist of Costanoan and other languages of its type and Indo-European has already been noted but is none the less striking. The main characteristics of the language may be thus summarized. Phonetic simplicity and comparative unimportance of rules of phonetic change; complete lack of in- corporation, either nominal or pronominal; complete absence of prefixes ; independent pronouns ; nominal case endings ; and com- parative simplicity of categories of mood, tense and number, necessitating an immense number of dissimilar stems of relatively slight difference in significance. PHONETIC SYSTEM The phonetic system of Mutsun and of Costanoan appears to be relatively simple. The vowels are a, e, i, o, u, all appearing open in quality. The Spanish orthography is perfectly satis- factory for expressing these sounds and no change has been made in transcription. Rarely a vowel is found in the phrase-book with circumflex accent and very rarely with acute accent, but as no uniformity in thus spelling any word is evident, and as the phonetic variation thus expressed is not described, such marks have been disregarded. The consonants seem to be only w, y, m, n, I, r, s, c, x, h, p, t, t, Jc, and tc. m, n, I, r, s, p, and t (dental or interdental) are probably correctly expressed in De la Cuesta's Spanish orthog- raphy and are left unchanged, w is generally expressed in Spanish by hu with following vowel. De la Cuesta writes hua, hue, hui, and once hiio. He further uses often gua, gue, gui, and guo which denote in Spanish gwa, gwe, gwi and gwo. There is no sonant g in Costanoan, though the k has an intermediate quality. We find, however, that, though the hu- and gu- ortho- graphies are each generally used consistently for certain stems, 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 403 there are occasional cases of identity, e.g., guallun, huallun, huolon, "be envious;" huilo, guilo, "signal 'yes' with the eyes;" huipa, giiipa, "invite"; gileren, weren, 6 "rabbit." Similarly the gu- orthography without the diaresis, gue, gui, is found often. This denotes pure sonant g in Spanish, a sound missing in Cos- tanoan. Instances of a stem both with and without the diaresis are common, e.g., gueiero, gileierogmin, "great," and it is prob- able that such omissions of the diaresis are accidental. Therefore all hu- and gu- orthographies have been changed uniformly to w. Medial w is probably expressed by u with following vowel, but it often is difficult to decide whether a given u is vocalic or consonantal. y is expressed correctly except in certain combinations ; De la Cuesta's n probably denotes ny. (In a few cases of doubt it has been retained as n, as in suffix pan. ) i and y are sometimes inter- changed, as yttug, ittug, ' ' a seed. ' ' Here also it is often difficult to distinguish vowel and consonant. c (sh) is not definitely distinguished by De la Cuesta but is suggested by certain sh, sch orthographies. Had he distinguished the sound he would probably have written it with an x in accord with older Spanish usage. x (palatal surd fricative) presents some difficulties. Initially it is doubtless represented by ja, ge, gi, jo, ju. Medially the same orthography is utilized. Final x seems to be represented by g, e.g., uming, mu'ix* "wolf;" eg, ex, Q "squirrel." De la Cuesta's g in consonantal combinations offers the most uncertain of the phonetic problems, tigsin, "skunk," is checked by Kroeber's tixsin* rendering it practically certain that g in this case repre- sents x. On the other hand, g before m and n probably represents Jc. Thus cma and gma are both used as a plural suffix, gne is a common passive suffix. Kroeber has nimikne wdkai, 6 "he hit me," doubtless the same suffix. Kroeber transcribes tansagte, "ten," tansakte, but atsiagnis, atsiaxnis. 2 Substitution has here been made on the theory that g before a surd represents the con- tinuant x, while before a sonant or intermediate it represents the palatal stop A;. 7 A. L. Kroeber, MS. See postscript below, p. 470. 404 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 Initial and medial k may be silent, as in modern Spanish, but since it is regularly employed in certain stems, and as both h and x are found in most Costanoan texts, it is retained. t is the tongue-blade t found in the Costanoan and neighbor- ing languages. De la Cuesta wrote variously tr, th, thr, thrs, trs, etc. It is often difficult to decide whether the last consonant of the complex is a distinct sound or not. Following Spanish usage, k is denoted by De la Cuesta by c before a, o and u, and by qu before e and i. The affricative tc is regularly written by De la Cuesta ch but often confused with t. Doubled letters, both consonants and vowels, are frequently met with in De la Cuesta 's orthography. As these are foreign to the Spanish language, except in the cases of II and rr, it is as- sumed that the device is employed to express length or duration of the sound and is therefore expressed in the present paper as the simple sound followed by inverted period, in accord with modern usage. The Spanish language is, on the whole, a far better medium for the recording of unfamiliar languages by an untrained ear than the unrevised English. In the great majority of cases there is no question as to the exact phonetic rendering of the native words, and in a great number of cases they may be left in their original forms. Only in cases where sounds unfamiliar to the Spanish ear occur is difficulty found. Such are w, the peculiar tongue-blade t common to certain California languages, and un- Castillian combinations of sounds. Little difficulty has therefore been encountered in transcribing the native words to modern phonetic orthography, which is doubtless an advisable procedure. The chances for frequent error in so many transcriptions and changes in authorship are too great to allow any phonetic dis- crimination or any elucidation of the finer and less evident points of the language. Shea's impression is replete with errors of transcription from the Padre's manuscript, and these may be increased in the present digest. Many words are spelt variantly, sometimes on the authority of the original, at other times mani- festly due to improper reading of the manuscript. This is par- ticularly true with regard to the easily confused m, n, u, and i. 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 405 Nevertheless, a few pertinent remarks may be made on Mutsun phonetic laws. The language is phonetically smooth and simple, the average word being an orderly alternation of consonant and vowel. Either consonant or vowel may begin or end a word, but consonantal combinations seem to be missing initially or finally, the few recorded cases being probably due to error. Medially certain combinations are permitted, though it is not easy to de- termine these. Thus, lalak-na, ' ' go for geese, ' ' becomes by meta- thesis lalkana. Similarly, certain suffixes are varied in order to avoid unwieldly and harsh complexes, as kai-s, but men-se (in- terrogative) ; uta-kma, but inis-mak (plural) . There appears also to be a feeling for vocalic harmony, and some suffixes are varied to the end that their vowel may correspond and harmonize with the characteristic or stem vowel of the word. Thus sumi-ri-ni, but towo-ro-ste; xana-ksa, but tare-kse. Again certain vowels seem to be dominants and survive in assimilation or elision. Thus the past tense suffixes -is and -in are dominant and -kne-is be- comes -knis; -pu-in, -pin. A thorough phonetic study of the lan- guage would doubtless codify all these rules and elucidate many others. PARTS OP SPEECH Mutsun recognizes as parts of speech the noun, pronoun, verb, adjective and particle, though, as in English, the division is a more or less artificial one, the lines of demarcation are not hard and fast, and it is sometimes difficult to assign properly a given word, which may not uncommonly function in several categories without change in form. NOUNS The great majority of Mutsun nominal stems are dissyllabic or trisyllabic. A few of the most common stems, such as many body-parts, are monosyllabic, and a very few apparently poly- syllabic stems are found. Nominal stems appear never to be compounded and are varied only by the addition of a few suf- fixes. Stems appear to begin and end with either vowel or con- sonant without discrimination, and there seem to be no categories of stem types, such as for animate or inanimate, natural or arti- 406 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 ficial. That is, it is not possible to infer from the form of the word or from its suffix the category to which it belongs. Yet there are a few etymological suffixes in occasional use. Those making verbs are given below; those forming nouns follow here. Etymological Suffixes of Nouns 1. -n, resultative, infinitive. Suffixed to verbal or other stems denotes result or phenomenon of an act. noso-n breath, spirit, soul sike-n flatus paine-n menstruation ots-io-n wound sawe-n song Possible cognate: tor-on amole xasi-om shame mira-mi-n gift es(x)e-n dress isme-n sun 2. -s, -s-e, (-se, -si), causative, abstractive. Suffixed to verbal or other stems denotes cause or phenomenon of an act, and is generally used with words of abstract significance. una cure una-s remedy ritca speak ritca-s-e language isut dream isut-s-e a dream kapal(a) embrace kapala-si an embrace kai hurt kai-s pain ete sleep et-se sleepiness xase become angry xa-s anger xemtso silent xenkotst-e silence Probable cognate is : 3. -pis, (-mis, -sis), instrumental. Suffixed to verbal or other stems denotes instrument or means for the performance of an act. xewe east shadow, re- xewe-pis shadow, reflection fleet at-ue watch at-as-pis lookout eyes beard, shave eyes-pis beard-napkin 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 407 itok cleanse itok-pis table-cloth, napkin roro(s) play roro-mis toy isme-n sun isme-sis clock sukumu smoke sukumu-s-pis end of cigar 4. -msa, (-nsa), instrumental. Suffixed to verbal or other steins denotes instrument or means for the performance of an act. humiri baptize humiri-msa baptismal font ene write ene-msa eraser, blotter ama eat ama-nsa meals tcala urinate tcala-msa bladder iisi owe isi-msa debts Probably also : unupimsa handkerchief rotemsa papers siamalpimsa confession yisuwaninsa corns 5. -pan, -pan, agentive. Suffixed to verbal stems denotes the more or less habitual doer of an act or the exponent of a quality. yume-pan liar maxer-pan one who makes sport of another with the eyes notio-pan one who denies the truth nimi-pan beater yoso-pan lustful, lecherous latue-pan one who is always making signs with the tongue ol-ue-pan one who signals with his hand pitciwi-pan cleanser of hair li-pan hider nimi-pan striker, hitter Other isolated examples of etymological nominal suffixes are : ruk cord ruk-esma doubled cord upu buy upu-nsatpa payment usupu fast usupu-hai Lent, time of fast- ing mai-xi laugh mai-t a laugh, laughing mira give present mira-x, mira- gift mi-n koxo load of meat koxo-enis bringer of load of meat pux-ta make bread pux-uts bread 408 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 krak-e name, call krak-at a name soko-te laurel soko-tci laurel fruit rite decorate with rite-ni feminine adorn- beads ment mukur-ukispu act like a mukur-ma woman woman Reduplication seems to play an unimportant role in Mutsun morphology. A few words are found in which the first syllable is reduplicated but there is no evidence that the phenomenon is of any morphological importance. Practically all of the instances occur with names of animals or plants. mumuri fly mumulaluk butterfly lalak geese lukluk geese kakari raven soksoklan sensonte porpor cottonwood totolua plantain Morphological Suffixes of Nouns The Mutsun language is a comparatively simple one morpho- logically, being quite comparable to modern European languages in this respect. But few changes in inflection for the declension of nouns and the conjugation of verbs are found. These will be noted below. The noun is inflected for differences in number, case, and in some cases even for person. Gender is, as commonly in Ameri- can languages, not recognized, unless in sporadic etymological categories. Many, if not all, animate nouns take a pluralizing suffix. This is : 6. -Jcma, -mak, plural. sini boy sini-kma, sin- boys ksma ataspis-mak lookouts uta-kma parents uhinis-mak fishermen uras-mak holerdiggers atsia girl atsiai-kma girls 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 409 pasear (Sp.) poseor-is-mak passers-by watcir-on-mak the Guachirunos ka daughter ka-kma daughters inis son inis-mak sons It is also used with substantive adjectives. -kma is doubtless the original form and is used after a vowel, -mdk being employed after a consonant to avoid harsh complexes, though there are exceptions. There appears to be no dual number. The various nominal case relations are expressed by suffixes which may be interpreted as postpositions, but are probably as correctly explained as true case inflections. These are: 7. -was, -uas, compositional) partitive, material. ores-was tap hide of bear xut-was tote meat of belly xurek-war ruk cord of sinew orpe-was etse middle of night 8. -me, terminative. patre-me into the house of the Padre me-me to you, with you 9. -se, -s-e, -ne, -he, objective. aisa-ne (see) them kairka-s-e (try) pinole moro-s-e (hunt) molea krakat-se (know) name kapxan-ne (strike) three inu-se (take) road soton-he (blow) fire etc. 10. -sun, -sum, -um, instrumental. ak-sun (die) of hunger mait-sun (die) of laughing tala-sun (die) of heat ekwets-sum (conceived) in sin, (choked) with sin xai-um (speak) with the mouth urkan-um (thresh) with the mortar 410 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 11. -tka, -tdk, locative. tapur-tak urkan-tak xumes-tak ote-tka wima-k-tak ekwaesti-tak (hung) in tree (grind) in mortar (hidden) in grass (speak) in ear (wound) in wing (wallow) in sin -tka seems to follow vowels, -tak consonants to avoid com- plexes. 12. -tu, comitative. tanses-tu (eat) with younger brother ap-a-tu (dance) with father A possible suffix with more the force of a postposition is : 13. -tun, -turn, regressive. tina here tina-tun, tina- from here turn In the case of terms of relationship there are sometimes di- verse endings according to the grammatical person. Thus : apa ana taka tare taha papa et-e teire xan-a sit me(ne) 1 father mother 14. -s(8), "my' apsa ansa elder brother taksa younger brother elder sister tarekse tahasa grandfather grandfather grandmother wife papsa et-se tcirsi xan-aksa child grandmother mense 15. -t(8), "thy 1 tarekte 16. -n(8), n, "his" taknan tahanan tcinin xan-an sitnun menen The basis of this is plainly an infixation of -s- before the char- acteristic vowel for the first person possessive and the substitu- tion of -n8n for the third person, where 8 represents the char- acteristic vowel. The 8k of tar-ek-se and xan-ak-sa are sporadic. This may be the vestige of a once fully functional genitive case. No other instances are found in the language. The -i- of the second person is very dubious. 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 411 PRONOUNS The pronoun, as before stated, is independent and never mor- phologically welded with the verb or other part of speech. The six representatives of the two numbers and three persons are dis- tinct and those of the third person seem to have little or no demonstrative force. The case endings, particularly the -s of the objective, are suffixed also to the pronouns. The possessive pro- noun is often identical with the subjective form, though generally one form is exclusively subjective. The pronoun has a tendency toward combination with other pronouns and particles. Thus we find such forms as ka-mcs, "I-you," this being the most frequent; kat (ka-et), "I in future time"; kas-hiha, "I also." The pronominal stems are monosyllabic or at the most dis- syllabic and quite dissimilar for the various persons. The first and second personal plural pronouns, however, commence with the syllable mak-, doubtless cognate with the pluralizing suffix -mak. Demonstrative and adjectival pronouns are numerous and invariable. Detailed lists of all classes of pronouns will be found in Part II. VERBS The typical Mutsun verbal stem is dissyllabic, ending in a characteristic vowel. This may even be the invariable rule, ap- parent infractions and exceptions being due to error or presence of unsuspected etymological or morphological elements. The characteristic vowel is not inalienably welded to the stem, since certain infixes are added between stem and characteristic. Like nouns, verb stems take no prefixes, all morphological mechanism being attained by means of suffixes. A few solitary examples of possible verb-stem combination have been found which may be differently interpreted on fuller acquaintance with the language. up-xi(ni) roll, fall (scissors) xin(e) go, walk up-uru(ni) slip, fall (person) uru(ni) fall up-ki roll, seize (log) at-ki break, seize (log) at-e, atse break 412 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 Reduplication of verbal steins is practically unknown in Mut- sun. A few sporadic cases are found, however, which seem to have the iterative significance frequently denoted by this means in American languages. polso painted polpolsi dotted, streaked tule knock tultul-e palpitate pulpul-e palpitate tipe wander tiptipe wander It is a difficult and largely an artificial task to separate verbal particles into etymological and morphological elements. Never- theless certain of these appear to belong to the former category and others may be placed there merely for the lack of evidence of morphological significance. Etymological Suffixes of Verbs 17. -te, possessive. Suffixed to nominal stems denotes pos- session of the object. otco-te possess ears kraka-te possess name sitnun-te have children pultci-te have full breasts 18. -kis-, (-wis-, -pwis-), imitative. Suffixed to nominal or other stems denotes imitation of person or act. The reflexive suffix -pu is normally added. mam-anxa-kis-pui act like a fool mukene-pwis-pu act like a man mukuru-kis-pu act like women monsie-kis-pu, (-wis-pu) act like a sensible person sawe-wis-pu pretend to sing 19. -no,, purposive. The verbal suffix -na, "go to do," func- tions also as an etymological suffix to noun stems, denoting in this case "go for." lalak geese lalka-na go for geese sirak nuts sirka-na go for nuts weren rabbit were-na go for rabbits 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 413 20. -mi, dative. Likewise the verbal suffix -mi may be suffixed directly to nouns, functioning as an etymological suffix and de- noting gift of the object. It is generally or always used with the imperative and the first person singular object. ruxe arrow ruxe-mi-tit give me arrows ma-ter tobacco ma-sue-mi-tit give me tobacco setne acorn-bread setne-si-mi-t give me bread 21. -ti, substantive. A possible substantive suffix is found once: tanses brother tanses-ti-(s) be a brother 22. -u-, oppositional. Infixed before characteristic vowel of verbal or other stems denotes significance opposite to that of simple stem. rip untie loose untie knot open with key freed open, unfold 23. -r-, excessive. Followed by the characteristic vowel ap- pears to denote a psychological cause for the condition described. sumi be content sumi-ri-ni sleep from satiety siwi burn siwi-ri-ni sunocate from heat towo be rigid towo-ro-ste be stiff from cold seso shiver seso-r-po, shiver from fear (seso-n) 24. -t-, corporeal. Followed by a vowel in harmony with pre- ceding one generally refers to action with or on parts of body. latue-te long tongue, (he) extends his tongue 1-eLuer-te roll (eyes) too much kai-ti tighten (it)! make (it) fast! rau-ta-smin with large occiput mup-tu shut your mouth! pelte, pete shut eyes pete(ni) keep mouth closed poto pluck hairs kapata cross hands xit-a sew xit-ua pit-e pat-i rotko tie seize, grab knot pit'ue pat-ue rotuk kitca rotcio tcuni, tunuu lock with key enveloped fold, pleat kitcua rotciwe(wi) tcunuhwi 414 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 25. -te, -ti, (-it). tere-ti-s nam-ti, nam-it kili-te yata-ti, xop-o-ti, ilsi-mi-ti, olte-mi-ti insu-ti, insu-te upxi-ti (or upxi) wipa-ti ole-ti ina-ti-s esoni-ti lopx-ti-ni-n (you) have cut (your hair) (I have not) understood, heard (it) sparkles (did he give you) anything, a drink, meat, pinole? (you) know (it) (let me) drink a little (will) invite (you) (I) seized (it), (what) could (you do?) (I) became sick (you) hate (the language) grew mouldy (wheat) Possibly the same suffix is found in the imperative with first person singular object, -t or -ti-t. It is a doubtful suffix ; no at- tempt is made to explain it. 26. -wi, -we. inu-wi-me-i rus-u-wi-kne tip-wi nansa-we pak-a-we lala-wi-s remind (him) ! spit (you) shorten (confession) (he went) to try (may they) gather (them) ! he threw him 27. -si. xasiwa-si xeksio-si-n xima-si-kun mexe-si pati-si nan-mi-si pak-a-si puti-si uta-si-mi-t at-se-i xelue-si-tit musi-si (xelue-mi-tit) scratch the boys ' heads ! (have you) satisfied (him)? (we) have searched for (them) (let me) be seeing; look! (that which) he has in his hand (I) was listening (to them) he seeks (us) (I) am blowing (the fire) guard me! break it! flay, strip for me! (child) is sucking This suffix may be cognate with the mandatory -si (No. 45) but the resemblance is not evident. Other possible etymological suffixes are : 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 415 rukesma xotio ruk-a mat-er wi-xi tor-on xasi-om xan-an xakua a doubled cord rukesma-te a bag xotio- (si) -nme house ruk-sap-(in) tobacco mat-uk-(ti) mat.-ere-gn-in fish wi-ni amole tor-ke- shame xasi-mun wife mussels xan-an-mi-(n) xakua-ikus make countless in- terweavings (order to) make a bag (they have) made houses give (me) tobacco (he) was intoxi- cated catch fish bring amole be ashamed (was) married I went for mussels Morphological Suffixes of Verbs The verbal stem is variously modified for considerations of tense, voice, various modal significances, and to some extent for number. The unmodified stem is used alone for the present tense and with temporal adverbial particles to express the future. The most frequent temporal suffix is -n. This is generally translated by the Spanish preterit, but frequently also by the present. It may have an indefinite or aoristic sense, or denote incompleteness or continuance of action, and is found mainly with intransitive verbs. 28. -(i}n, indefinite. totio-n tio-n ilo-n. towo-n ketio-n yati-n xati-n xirwi-ni-n tursi-ni-n terpe-ni-n tempe-ni-n loe-ni-n letse-ni-n isiwe-n (whenever I) err (I) shoot (with my left hand) (whenever a house) burns (you will be) frozen (I) argue (with him) (he) follows (you) (I) am dying (rain) is ceasing (he) is cold (I) have peppered my throat (soon the river) will dry up (he) nauseated (you) (I) liked (that) (when they) rest 416 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 29. -(i)s, past tense. This is less common than -n. It appears to be a more definite past and is found mainly with transitive verbs. yoreti-s (he) chased (me) katia-mi-s (he) gave (you) mistu-s (you) warmed yourself mexe-npi-s (I) have seen (them) wipa-s (I) invited (you) 30. -(i}kun, past tense. This is the less frequent past ending and appears principally with transitive verbs. It is probably the most remote of the past tenses, but as all three of these are regu- larly translated by the bare Spanish preterit, it is most difficult to delimit their respective spheres. The examples seem to imply completion of action. uxsini-kun (you) have increased ut-ui-kun (I) guarded (it) uxei-kun (I) have guarded (it) oioi-kun (he) seized (it) oisio-kun (it) happened again The distinction between the categories of intransitive and transitive is not as close as in many Pacific languages, and there is no invariable designating particle for either. Certain suffixes, however, pertain to one or the other type. One of the commonest suffixes in the language is -ni, which appears on the whole to be a kind of intransitive suffix. 31. -ni, intransitive. orko-ni-n, (orko-ste) *,we) were frightened inu-ni-n (you could not; imagine (me) in-u-ni-n (I) awoke istu-ni-n (I) dreamt o (you) (wate-na) xamu-ni-n (fire) is dying, (is-going dying) (wate-na) lak-e-ni-n ^sunj is rising, (is-going rising) eme-ni-n (I was going) to forget (it) inxa-ni-n (I) am sick, have become sick, (you) are sick muk-ie-ni-n (I) am old woman semo-ni-n (it wants little time for me) to die tursi-ni-n (he) is cold tupu-ni-n (I) put my finger in my eye suiu-ni-n (suiu-ste) it was finished, consumed, used up tisku-ni-n (did this) break? xupse-ni-n (my hair) is fixed and prepared xasli-ni-n (be ye not) sad ad infinitum 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 417 The nearest approach to a transitive suffix is -np, which seems to express action directed toward another person. 32. -np(e), transitive. titi-np-in he defended (me) itco-np-itit pull me out ! tolso-npe (I will) break (your feet) lilui-npe (we will) amuse (you) ruima-npe do not disturb (him) munsu-npe (ye have) soiled it mus.i-np-itit-yut warm ye me! mene-npe (how can I) forget (you?) mane-np-in (has he) forgotten (ye?) tupu-np-in (I) put my finger in (his) eye Reflexive relations are very frequent and expressed by the suffix: 33. -pu, -p-, reflexive. lixin-pu I will kill myself lix-p-in she killed herself ita-pu (do you) wash yourself? eyes-pu shave oneself tcai-pu praise oneself axa-pu (have ye not) combed yourselves? xat-a-pu-i hit yourself tak-e-p-is (I) measured myself orko-p-in-se-me did you frighten yourself? un-pi-na (I) am going to cure myself In many cases -pu appears to be used idiomatically, the re- flexive function being obscure. buy upu-s-pu sell uni crave, wish uni-s-pu consent inu awake, remem- inu-s-pu observe, know, see, ber feel nip. a teach nip-a-p-in they will teach (him never) ritca speak ritca-pu play, entertain Reciprocal relations are expressed by the suffix : 34. -mu, reciprocal. xata-mu let us fight lix-mu we will kill each other keye-mu (do not) trample each other is-u-mu play together! hutcu-mu-t lift each other! 418 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 The passive voice is of considerable importance in Mutsun morphology and seems to be preferred to the active as a method of expression whenever possible. It is expressed by the suffix : 35. -kne, passive voice. mexe-kne (me) (you) will be seen mira-kne (me) (you) will be given a gift mupa-kne (nep.e) (this) is sucked ole-kne (they) are (not) caught like-kne (me) (you) will be killed lokuk-kne (xin) (the eye) is put out lala-kn-is (haka) (he) was thrown down ut-u-kne (nep-e) (this) is guarded liwa-kn-is (arrow) was hidden mat.-ere-kn-in (he) was intoxicated Probably cognate with this is the suffix -ne with which it is in cases interchangeable, -ne often denotes a future passive, at other times its exact use is not clear. 36. -ne, future passive. nansa-si-ne (when we) try mexe-si-ne (you) will be seen yume-si-ne (you) will be cheated xiraste-pu-ne will (you) be reprimanded! eise-kte-ne-s have (you) shaved yourself? Another suffix with a passive force is -stap. This seems to refer entirely to completed passive action, and a great number of the examples noted have a first person singular subject. 37. -stap, perfect passive. ruta-stap (feathers) recently pulled pele-stap (with what) was (this) stuck? potsie-stap (I) was censured katia-stap they gave rations ixtci-stap ( ne ) was bitten by a snake liki-stap (I) was killed xise-stap (the fat ones) have been selected mutiku-stap (I) have been tickled The modal categories are considerably less extensive than commonly in American languages but rather better developed than in Indo-European. The imperative is expressed by suffixes varying for number and person of subject and object. Thus : 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 419 Intransitive or Imperative 1st pers. ol>j. 3d pers. obj. 2d pers. sing. subj. 38. -t, -tit 39. -i 2d pers. plu. subj. 40. -tyut, -tityut 41. -(i)yut xima-t seek me ! ima-t show me (it) ! oltemi-tit give me pinole ! ip-e-i turnaround! oio-i seize it ! xima-i seek him ! ok-wo-i send them! ot-emi-tit-yut give me pinole ! sumua-ti-yut give me wood ! oto-yut go for atole ! otciko-yut be quiet ! laisaisi-yut sing slowly ! at-e-ti-yut give him! ara-ti-yut give him ! hutcu-m-ut lift each other ! Another suffix with an imperative force is -is. This implies going to some other place to accomplish the command and may be termed the 42. -is, missionary imperative. monse-is go and tell (them; ! sak-a-is go and bring (pinole) ! taska-is go and walk (in the field) ! etue-is go and release (it) ! oi-is go and get (it) ! xi-is go for fire! There appear to be some terminations having the effect of a subjunctive. These are : 43. -tkun, subjunctive, hypothetical. ara-tkun (you) should give (him) kati-tkun thus should (I dress) ko-tkun (you) should tell (me) ko.-tkun, kwo.-tkum on-o-tkun (he) would have made sport (of you), speaking (of you) after death oi-tkun (I) would get (it if I wanted it) 44. -kane, conditional. ole-ti-kane if I could only catch them! toko-kti-kane if the bed is of .... tax-kane when it is asked ak-niu-kane when he is thirsty 420 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 There may be some relation to the passive particle kne. Iterative or frequentative relations are expressed by the suffix or infix -s, placed between the stem and the characteristic vowel. 45. -s, iterative. ak-u enter aksu many enter ele-pu go else-pu many go epe pass epse many pass semo(n) die semso(n) many die De la Cuesta pays considerable attention to this suffix in his grammar, suggesting that it is frequent with every verbal stem. Strangely, very few unquestionable examples of it are found in the phrase-book. Probably the same morphological element is that found in many cases following the characteristic vowel, particularly before the reflexive -pu, denoting in that case plural or iterative re- flexive. It is also commonly found in words denoting occupations, i.e., one who performs an act continually. Compare the nouns denoting personal categories in Part II. amae-s-pu (do not) amuse yourselves roroi-s-pu (do not) disport yourselves like boys siole-s-p-is (we) were talking among ourselves xewe-s-pu ( we ) both look together into the mirror Other usages are more idiomatic and less evident. ritca-is-pu recount, converse (ritcapu, play) upu-s-pu sell (upu, buy) siole-s-pu (they) are solitary and sad mexe-s-pu (like as he) looked The mandatory or causative relation is expressed by the suffix: 46. -si, (-se), mandative. xotio-si-nme you have ordered that they make a bag mana-si-s (you) commanded to extinguish it ata-si-s (you) commanded (me) to steal pina-se-s did (I) order this? Three relations implying motion are of importance in Mutsun. The first, -na, denotes motion to a distant place or outdoors. 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 421 19. -na, purposive motion hence. lixni-na (he) is going to kill (it) xiisi-na (I) am going to catch (them) paita-na (let us) go and catch (them) wate-na (lak-e-nin) (sun) is rising; (going-rising) wate-na (wetere-nin) (it) is increasing; (going-increasing) ereksi-na-ka I am going to bathe The second, -su, denotes motion to a nearby place or indoors. 47. -su, purposive motion hence. nam-isi-su (I) am going to hear (them) ertse-su (I) am going to supper were-su (I) am going to catch rabbits nearby etste-su (I) am going to sleep The third, -inyi, denotes motion hither. 48. -inyi, (-im), purposive motion hither. liw-inyi (I) come to kill (you) monse-im (I) come to advise (you) nesep-inyi (we) come to beg permission pasip-inyi (I) come to salute (you) warep-inyi (I) come to visit (you) A very rare and doubtful suffix, -knit (misspelled in the gram- mar as guit, or wit), has been termed ' ' prohibitional. " 8 This may be the passive kne plus the future adverb et; i.e., "you must not be struck. ' ' 49. -knit, prohibitive. tamta-knit, xata-knit he must not strike you A second very obscure suffix, -ksi, is translated by De la Cuesta "perfectly well," perfectamente bien, and is termed by Kroeber ' ' excellentive. ' ' 7 50. -ksi, excellentive. xeksio-ksi (let me) satisfy (him) ruisiu-ksi do not (ye) tremble ruisu-ksi (your hand) trembles nipa-ksi ("WQ) ar e teaching (him) rinsi-ksi (they) take the lower (key) siaksu-ksi-t (speak) to me softly (in my ear) xaune-ksi (would that) someone would bring (water) siru-ksi-ste (it) is pulverized polso-ksi (what is this) painted? s The Chumash and Costanoan Languages, op. cit., p. 253. 422 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 11 The verbal suffix -mi (cf. nominal suffix -mi) seems to denote an indirect personal object or an action done for the benefit of a person. It is most frequently found with the imperative and first person object, ' ' do this for me. ' ' 20. -mi, -me, beneficial. gave (clothes to thee) strip bark (for me) ! advise (me) ! recount (me) ! relate to you put selvage on (for me) ! (you) owe (me), katia(stap) gave (food) katia-mi(s) xelu(ksi) strip off bark xelue-mi(tit) monse(t) monsie advise (me) relate monse-mi(tit) monsie-mi(tit) monsie-me riri put selvage on riri-mi(tit) suck chew musi-mi tika-mi(t) (I-you) suckle, give suck chew (for me) ! musi-si tika etc. Two suffixes of the greatest frequency are evidently cognate. These are -kte and -ste. The former is listed by De la Cuesta merely as a preterit tense suffix, the latter, though of frequent occurrence, not mentioned at all, though a suffix -miste, probably a hortatory, is described. Both seem to have the sense of a past participle, and, like the latter, are frequently used adjectively. They express completed action or achieved condition. Though little difference is discern- able between the two, it would appear that -kte is used principally for transitive relations, -ste for intransitive ones. They are fre- quently translated by the Spanish ya, ' ' already. ' ' 51. -kte, (-xtef), perfect transitive (participle), adjectival. mit-ci-kte esko-kte rite-kte laki-kte tolo-kte lip.a-kte, lixwa-kte liisu-kte posio-kte riski-kte sitl-u-kte niotsio-kte husiero-kte nutiri-kte (bow) is unstrung (it is) torn, impure (it) is decorated with beads (it) is lifted, hung (they) have donned their regalia it is hidden toothless hairless pug- (nosed) small short big (mouth) big-nosed 1916] Mason: Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 423 52. -ste, perfect intransitive (participle], adjectival. xiwa-ste (they) have (not) arrived semso-ste (they) have died toilo-ste (they) are seated pelke-ste he was displeased (at me) xutcu-ste (he) has eyes kome-ste (I) am tired already wane-ste (I) am satiated siksa-ste, mikna-ste it is soiled sesuk-ste, sumu-ste (it) has decayed unxu-ste, (unxu-smin) snotty natka-ste black rinta-ste lean noioro-ste large (feet) ad infinitum The interrogative is expressed by the suffixation of the en- clitic -s, -se. This may be suffixed to other words than the verb, more commonly to the initial word of the phrase. Thus : 53. -s, -se, interrogative. kan-se is this my . . . .? kai-s it is painful? ekwe-s did not . . . .? lalka-na-s did (you) go for geese T men-se did you ... .1 -s regularly follows a vowel, -se a consonant, thus avoiding terminal consonantal complexes. The negative is formed by the independent particle ekwe. epsie is sometimes used with negative imperatives, but the more common method in this case is the use of the bare pronoun men. Some of the isolated and unexplained suffixes, indicated by italics, are: siru-mpi, siru-mpe (siru-ksi-ste) grind (salt) ; (ground) man-tt-kte; man-tei-s-te it went out; is going out (man-sa, man-as) (put it out!) yoko-r