GIFT OF SEELEV W. MUDD and GEORGE I.COCHRAN MEYER El.SASSER DR.JOHNR. HAYNES WILLIAM L. IIONNOLD JAMES R. MARTIN MRS. JOSEPH F. SARTORI ;<> the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SOUTHERN BRANCH THE LIFE AND PONTIFICATE OF LEO THE TENTH IN FOUR VOLUMES. BT WILLIAM ROSCOE. VOL. II. LIVERPOOL: PRIMTED BY J. M'CREERY; FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES, STRAND, .LONDON. 1805. Quanti alpestri sentier, quanti palustri Narrero io, di morte e sangue pieni, Pe'l variar de' regni e stati illustri I Machiavelli, Decennale. i. ^6X soS" Is/ C//JP. r// 1503 — 1507. Causes of dissension behveen the French and Spanish monarchs in the kingdom of Maples — Successes of the French army — Battle betiveen thirteen French and thirteen Italian comba- tants — Gonsalvo defeats the French, and effects the conquest of JVaples — Commotions in Home — Ccesar Borgia quits the city — Election and short pontificate of Pius III. — The states of Romagna retain their fidelity to Ccesar Borgia — Election of Julius II. — He endeavours to deprive Borgia of his territo- ries — Borgia betrayed by Gonsalvo and sent to Spain — His death and character — Federigo the exiled king of JVaples mediates a peace betiveen the French and Spanish monarchs — Defeat of the French on the Gariglione — Death of Piero de Medici — Marriage of his daughter Clarice to Filippo Strozzi — Moderation and prudence of the cardinal de Medici — Un- timely death of Galeotto delta Rovere — Difficulties and embarrassments of the cardinal de Medici — Death of Ercole duke of Ferrara and accession of Alfonso I. — Tragical event in the family of Este — Final expulsion of the French from JVaples — Julius II. seizes on the cities of Perugia and Bologna — Ferdinand of Spain visits his JVeapolitan domi- nions — Gonsalvo honoured and neglected — He repents of his errors — Is vindicated by Paolo Giovio. VOL. II. 2k^:m74 CHAP. VII. IN the course of human events, it is not uncommon, that rapacity and injustice find, in the very success of their measures, their own punishment. This was strikingly exemphfied in the conquest and dismemberment of the kingdom of Naples, which instead of affording to the victors the advantages they expected, opened the way to new contests, more bloody and destructive than any that Italy had of late experienced. In the partition of that country, it had been agreed, that the king of France should possess the districts called Terra di Lavoro and Abnizzi, A 2 and CHAP. VII. A. D. 1503. A.^t. 28. Causes of di^ sension be- tween the French and Spanish mo- narchs in the kingdom of Naples. CHAP "^'n. and the king of Spain those of Appulia and Calabria, as A. D. 1503. being most contiguous to his Sicilian dominions; but when A.^t. :28. the commanders of the allied armies began to adjust their respective boundaries, it appeared that their sovereigns had not been sulHciently acquainted with the territories which they claimed, to define the limits, in an explicit, or even an intelligible manner. The ancient divisions of the kingdom were indeed now no longer recognized ; Alfonso I. having, for the more convenient receipt of his revenues, divided it into six provinces, to which he gave the ajipellations of Terra di Lavoro, Principato, Basilicata, Calabria, Appulia, and Abruzzi. Of these, the province of Apjjulia formed three subdivisions, called Terra di Otranto, Terra di Bari, and Capitanato. The first difficulty that occurred, was re- specting the district called Basilicata, the ancient Lucania, which had not been allotted in express terms to either of the parties ; the Spanish general, Gonsalvo, asserting that both this, and the Principato, were a part of the district of Calabria, which was divided into two provinces, denomi- nated Citra and Ultra, and, that as it actually separated the provinces which were expressly allotted to his master, it must be considered as a part of his dominion. faj The pre- tensions of the French general, Louis d'Armignac, duke of Nemours, rested on the well known fact, that the Basilicata had not at any time been considered as a part, either of Appulia or Calabria, and on the general rights of his sovereign, as king of Naples, to all such parts as had not been particularly conceded by treaty. A similar dispute arose respecting the subdivision of Appulia, called the Capitanato, lying on the confines of Abruzzi, and divided from fa) Gukdard. lib. v. xol. i. p. 275. from the rest of Appulia, by the river Ofanto ; the French general, like the Spanish, insisting on the indis- pensable utility of this district, to the other dominions of his sovereign, and on its being more properly a part of Abruzzi, than of Appulia. The division of the reve- nues arising from the pasturage of Appulia, one of the chief sources of the royal income, formed another cause of dissension ; and although the commanders had, during the first year, accommodated this dispute by an equal divi- sion of the income, yet in the next, each of them endea- voured to obtain as much of it as possible ; thereby givmg rise, not only to great vexation and dissatisfaction among the inhabitants of Appulia and the principal barons of the kingdom, but to acts of open hostility between the two armies.faj CHAP. VIL A. D. 1503. A..£t.28. For the purpose of effecting a pacific adjustment of these differences, a negotiation was opened, by the intervention of the chief nobility of Naples, between the French and Spanish commanders, which was protracted for several months ; in the course of which time, the duke of Nemours, having repaired to Melfi, and Gonsalvo to Atella, those generals had a personal interview. It was, however, found impracticable to terminate the dispute, and they were therefore under the necessity of referring for its decision to their respective sovereigns ; having in the mean time agreed, that neither of them should attempt any innovation on the territories possessed by the other. This truce was not of long duration. The duke of Nemours, confident in the superiority of his forces, and unwilling by delay, to allow (a) Guicdard. lib. v. 1. 275. Ciannone, Storia de Napoli. lib. xxix. cap. 4. v- iii. p. 400. Successes of the French armj-. 6 CHAP. vn. allow the Spanish general to recruit his army, of which he A. D. 1503. had a much greater facility than the French, notified to A.iEt.28. Gonsalvo, that unless the district of the Capitanato was surrendered to him, he would commence hostilities. This threat he instantly carried into execution, by sending a detachment to occupy the city of Tripalda, and attempting to possess himself of all the strong places within the Capi- tanato. The arrival of a reinforcement to the French army of two thousand Swiss, and a greater number of Gascons, was a sufficient indication, that Louis XII. chose rather to decide the dispute by arms, than by pacific mea- sures. For the purpose of expediting further supplies, that monarch first repaired to Lyons, whence he soon afterwards hastened to Milan, in order to be nearer the theatre of diCtion. faj These eflTorts were attended with signal success. The fortress of Canoza, although bravely defended by Pietro Navarro, Avith six hundred men, was compelled to surrender; and in a short time, Gonsalvo was obliged to relinquish, not only the Capitanato, but the chief part of the districts of Appulia and Calabria, and to retire for safety to the town of Barletta, near the mouth of the Ofanto, where he was closely besieged by the duke of Nemours. In the mean time d'Aubigny, having sacked the city of Cosenza and defeated a large body of Spanish and Sicilian troops, over- ran the rest of the kingdom ; and Louis XII. disregarding all former treaties, again asserted his pretensions to the entire dominion of Naples. f'/'^ In faj Giannone, lib. xxix. cap. 4. toI. iii. p. 400. (b) Guicdard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 2/5. Muratori Annali. x. p. 11. In this situation of affairs, a circumstance occurred, chap. vn. which, by attracting the attention, suspended in some de- a. d. 1503. gree the operations of the hostile armies, and was proba- A./Et.ss. bly not without its influence on the subsequent events of battle between ^ . thirteen the war. .Some negotiations havmg taken place between French and the French and Spanish commanders, for the exchange of •'"'*"''" ^^^' ^ " lian comba- their prisoners, Charles de Torgues, a French officer, visited tants. the town of Barletta, where being invited to supper, in the house of Don Enrico di Mendoza, in company with Indico Lopez, and Don Pietro d'Origno, prior of Messina, a dispute arose respecting the comparative courage of the French and Italian soldiery, in the course of which de Torgues asserted, that the Italians were an effeminate and dastardly people. Lopez replied, that he had himself under his command, a troop of Italians, who were not only equal to the French, but on whose courage and fidelity he could as fully rely, as if they were his own countrymen. In order to decide this controversy, it was agreed, that a combat on horseback should take place between thirteen Frenchmen and thirteen Italians, on condition, that the victors should be entitled to the arms and horses of the vanquished, and one hundred gold crowns each. This proposal met with the approbation of the respective commanders, who were probably not displeased with the opportunity afforded them, of a short relaxation from the fatigues of war. Four judges were appointed on each side, to determine on the victory, and hostages were mutually given to abide by their decision. faj On (a) Muratori has omitted the names of the combatants, observing, that Jovius had suppressed 8 CHAP. VII. A. D. 1503. A. i£t. 28. On the day appointed, which was the thirteenth of February, 1503, the armies met, as spectators of the com- bat, in a plain between the towns of Andre and Corrato, and the chief commanders pledged themselves to each other, for the due observance of the stipulated terms. After the Italian combatants had attended the celebration of the mass, Gonsalvo encouraged them by an oration, the tenor of which has been preserved by one of his country- men, in Spanish \erse.faj They then partook of a mo- derate suppressed those on the part of the French, from respect to their nation ; but Suramonte names not only the combatants, but the judges and Iiostages as under • COMBATANTS. FRENCH. Charles de Torgues. Marc de Frigne. Giraut de Forses. Claude Graiam d' Asti. Martellin de Lambris. Pier de Liaie. Jacques de la Fontaine. Eliot de Baraut. Jean de Landes. Sacet de Sacet. Francois de Pise. Jacques de Guignes. Naute de la Fraises. JUDGES. Monsig. di Broglio. Monsig. di Murtibrach. Monsig. de Bruet. Etura Sutte. ITALIANS. Hettore Fieramosca. Francesco Salamone. Marco Corollario. Ricciodi Palraa. Gulickno d' Albamonte. Marino di Abignente. Giovanni Capozzo. Giovanni Brancaleone. Lodovico d' Abenavolo. Hettore Giovenale. Bartolommeo TanfuUa. Romanello da Forli. Meale Tesi. Francisco Zurlo. Diego Vela. Francesco Spinola. Alonzo Lopez. HOSTAGES. Monsig. de Musnai. Angelo Galeotta, Monsig. de Duraoble. Albernuccio Valga. faj Summonte Storia di Napoli, lib. xi.v. iii. p. 542. fcorr. 607.) .9 derate collation, after which they proceeded to the field of chap. yn. battle, their horses, ready caparisoned, being led by thirteen X. D. 7503. captains of infantry. The combatants followed on horse- A. 4:1. 28. back in complete armour, except their helmets, which, to- gether with their lances, were carried by thirteen gentlemen. Being arrived within a mile of the field, they were met by the four Italian judges, who informed them, that they had been with the four judges appointed by the French, and had marked out the space for the combat. The Italians were the first in the field, when their leader, Hettore Fiera- mosca, availed himself of the opportunity of addressing his associates in a speech, Avhich the Neapolitan historian, Summonte, has also thought proper to preserve. In a short time the French combatants also made their appearance in great pomp, and with numerous attendants. The adverse parties then quitting their horses, and mounting the steeds prepared for them, arrayed themselves in order, and giving their coursers the reins, rushed against each other at full speed. A few lances were broken in the shock, without much injury to either party ; but it was observed that the Italians remained firmly united, whilst the French seemed to be dispersed, and in some disorder. The combatants then dismounting, attacked each other with swords and battle-axes, and a contest ensued, in which both .parties displayed great courage, strength, and dexterity, but the result of Avhich was a complete victory to the Ita- lians ; the French being all either wounded or made pri- soners. faj The ransom of one hundred crowns not, VOL. II. B being (aj Lilio Gregorio Giraldi (de Poet. suor. tempor. dialog. 1.). informs us, that the cc- kbrateJ GLrolamo Vida, wrote a Latin poem on this event; entitled xlii. Itotoinim piigilnm 10 CHAP, vn. being found upon the persons of the vanquished, the A. D-. 1503. conquerors, by the directions of the judges, retained their A.iEt.28. adversaries in custody, and carried them into the town of Barletta, where Gonsalvo, out of his own purse, generously paid their ransom, and restored them to liberty. f<7/ Amidst the defeats and humiliations which the Italians had expe- rienced, it is not surprising that their historians have dwelt upon this incident with peculiar complacency, as tending lo shew, that under equal circumstances, their countrymen were not inferior either in conduct or courage to their in- vaders. And although a French writer has endeavoured to invalidate some of the facts before related, it cannot be doubted that the Italians Avere justly entitled to the honour of the victory. fbj Unimportant as this event was in itself, it seems to have changed the fortune of the war, and to have led the way to cum totidcm GaUis certamen, which he inscribed to Baldassare Castiglione ; but this earnest of the future talents of its author, has not been preserved to the present times, r. Vida op. Testimon. l6l. Piero Summonte of Naples, the friend of Sanaxzaro, also wrote a copy of Latin verses, addressed to Hettorc Fieramosca, which merit perusal. v. Appendix, No LII. fa) Guicciardini and Muratori 'assert, that one of the French, combatants, and several of the horses, were killed on the field ; but I have preferred the narrative of Summonte, who seems to have been more fully informed of the particulars of this transaction than any other writer. (hj " Monsignor di Belcaire Vescovo di Metz si credette di poter sminuirc la riputa- " zion de gli Italiani, adducendo alcune particolarita toccate dal Sabellico intorno a quel " duello, quasiche la frode, e non la virtJi, avesse guadagnata la pugna. Ma quel prelato " non s'intendeva del mestiere dell' armi ; e per la gloria degli Italiani altro non occorre " rispondergli, se non clie i Giudici deputati a quel conflitto, diehiararono legitinia la ■" vittoria ; ne niai i vinti o i lor compagni pretesero di darle taccia alcima." Miirat. Ann. d'ltal. vol. x. p. 22. 11 to the numerous defeats and disasters which the French soon afterwards experienced. Gonsalvo, quitting his in- trenchments at Barletta, assaulted and captured the town of Rufo ; taking prisoner the French commander, de Pelisse. About the same time, d'Aubigny was attacked and defeated in Calabria by the Spanish general, Ugo Da Cardona, and was himself severely wounded. A more decisive victory was soon afterwards obtained by the Spa- niards in Appulia ; nor did the duke of Nemours long sur- vive his defeat. In consequence of these rapid successes, Gonsalvo found himself in possession of the chief part of the kingdom. Distressed by continual tumults, and ex- hausted by famine, the cities of Capua, Aversa, and even Naples, sent deputies to him to testify their obedience, and request his presence. On the fourteenth day of May, 1503, Gonsalvo, with his victorious army, entered the city of Naples, to the great joy of the inhabitants ; against whom he vigilantly restrained his soldiery from committing the slightest outrage; and from this period, the crown of Naples has been invariably united with that of Spain, under the government of the legitimate branch of the house of Aragon. CHAP. VII. A. D. 1503. A. Alt. 28. Gonsalvo de- feats the French, and effects the conquest of Naples. At the time of the death of Alexander VI. his son, Caesar Borgia, was labouring under a severe disorder, occasioned, as has generally been believed, by that poison which he had prepared for others, but which had been inadvertently administered to himself. He was not, however, inactive at this critical period, against which he had endeavoured to provide, by all the precautions in his power; nor Mas there any circumstance, other than his unexpected malady, B B 2 to Commotions in Rome. Caesar Borgia quits the cirv. 12 CHAP. VII. ^Q which his foresight had not provided a remedy. faj No A. D. 1503. sooner was he informed of the death of the pontiff, than he A. ^t. 2«. dispatched his conlidential adherent, Don Michele, with se- veral attendants, to close the gates of the palace. One of these partizans, meeting with the cardinal Casanuova, threat- ened to strangle him, and throw him through the windows, if he did not instantly deliver up to him the keys ol' the pope's treasure. The cardinal did not long hesitate, and the friends of Borgia, hastening into the interior chamhers, seized upon and carried away all the money contained in two chests, amounting to about ten thousand ducats. ^^j It is observable, that during the whole time of the indisposi- tion of the pope, he was never once visited by Caesar Borgia, nor is it less remarkable, that in his last sickness, he dis- played no particular marks of attachment either to his son, or to his daughter, hucvetid. fcj Although Borgia had at this time a considerable body of soldiers in Rome, he conducted himself with great humility towards the sacred college, and expressed his willingness to give assurance of his fidelity by his oath, whenever required. A treaty was ac- cordingly concluded, by which Borgia undertook to defend the college, collectively and individually, and to protect the nobility faj Machiav. lib. del Principe, cap. yW.p. 18. (bj Burchard. Diar. ap. Concl. de' Pontef Romani, vol. i. p. \37. ■ (c)- *' Dans ses demiers niomens," says M. Brequigny, (Notices ct Extraits des MSS. du Roi. torn. i. p. 1 19 y " il parut avoir oublie sa fille Lucrece qu' il avoit beaucoiip trop " aiiiiec, & son fils Cesar Borgia, dont il s'etoit tant occupe pendant sa vie. Nee iimquam " memor f'uit in aliquo minimo verba " It certainly affords no additional proof of the lupixjsed guilty intercourse between Alexander and his daughter, that he expressed on his death-bed, neither regret for her loss, nor compunction for his crime. 13 nobility and citizens of Rome, for which purpose he was ciiap.w. confirmed in his office as captain of the church. ('o^ No a. d. 1503. sooner, however, was the death ol' the pope, and the in- A.^t.28. firmity of Borgia pubhcly announced, than many of the great barons of the Roman states, whom they had deprived of their territories, took up arms to revenge their injuries, and repossess themselves of their rights. It was to no pur- pose, that Caesar employed all his arts to mitigate their re- sentment, and gain over to his interest, the nobles of the Colonna family, whom he had not outraged with the same cRiel policy, that he had exercised towards the Orsini. An aversion to their common enemy united the adverse chiefs of these two houses, and Borgia, with his followers, was attacked by their combined forces in the streets of Rome. fbj In these commotions, upwards of two hundred houses were sacked by the troops of the Orsini, among which was that of the cardinal Cusa.fcJ Akhough courageously defended by his soldiery, and assisted by a few French troops, Borgia was compelled to give way to the violence of the attack, and to take shelter, with his brother, the prince of Squillace, and several of the cardinals, who adhered to his interests, in the Vatican. A new negotiation now took place, by which it was at length agreed, that the sacred college should assure to Borgia, a free and uninterrupted passage through the ecclesiastical states, for himself and his followers, with their necessary provisions, ammunition, and artillery; and should also write faj Burchard. Diar. ap. Cond. de Pontif. vol. i. p. 141. (h) Guicciard. Storia d' Italia, lib. vi. p. 320. /cj Burchard. Diar. ap. Cond. de' Pontef. v, i.p. 142. 14 CHAP. vn. A D. 1503. A.iEt.28. write to the Venetian senate, to request, that he miglit without interruption, retain the possession of his territories in Romagna. On these conditions, he promised to depart peaceably from Rome within three days. The leaders of the Colonna and Orsini, also engaged to quit the city, and not to approach within ten miles, during the vacancy of the holy see. A proclamation was then made, that no person, of whatever rank or condition, should molest Borgia or his followers on their departure; in consequence of which he quitted the city on the second day of August, and directed his course towards Naples. f«j Election and short poiiti- ficalcof I'ius lU. On receiving information of the vacancy of the holy see, George of Amboise, cardinal of Rohan, had hastened to Rome; not without hopes of obtaining the pontifical autho- rity. He brought with him, as supporters of his pretensions, the cardinals of Aragon, and Ascanio Sforza ; the latter of whom had been imprisoned by Louis XII. at the same time with his brother Lodovico, but had shortly before this period been restored to liberty. The recent disasters of the French in Naples, were not, however, favourable to the views of the cardinal of Rohan ; and on the twenty-second day of September, 1503, the conclave concurred in electing to the supreme dignity, Francesco PIccolomIni, cardinal of Siena, the nephew of Pius II. who assumed the name of Pius III. The acknowledged probity, talents, and pacific disposition of this pontiff, gave great reason to hope, that his influence and exertions might have a powerful effect In correcting the scandalous disorders of the church, and re- pressing the dissensions to which Italy had so long been subjected. (a) Burchard. Diar. up. Cond. dc Pontcf. v. i. p. 145. 15 subjected. The first measure of this pontificate, which was to call a general council, for the reformation of ecclesiastical discipline, tended to confirm these hopes ; but they were suddenly extinguished by the death of the pontiff, after he had enjoyed the supreme dignity only twenty-six days. This event was, according to the fashion of the times, at- tributed to poison ; but it Mas more probably occasioned by the effects of an abscess in the thigh, with which the pontiff was known to have long laboured, and which was perhaps not the least efficient argument for inducing the conclave to raise him to the pontificate. ('aj CHAP. vn. A. D. 1503. A. ^t. 28. A few days after the election of Pius III. Caesar Borgia re- turned to Rome, when the contests between him and the Ro- man barons were renewed with greater violence than before. Many of his adherents lost their lives, and the Porta del Tor- rione was burnt by the troops of the Orsini. Finding himself in imminent danger, he retreated, with the consent of the pope, to the castle of St. Angelo, accompanied by a fcAV menial attendants, and by six of the cardinals who still adhered to his cause. /^Z*^ In the mean time many of the lords, The stales of Romagna re- tain their fi- delity to Caesar Borgia. fa) On this event Angelo Colocci produced, in an epitaph on the pontiff, the following severe sarcasm on his predecessor Alexander VI. " Tertius hie Pius est, qui summum ad culmen ab ipsa " Virtue evectus, protinus interiit. " Nee mirum, quia peste atra, qui sederat ante, " Sextus Alexander,, pollverat Solium. Op. lat. Cototii.p. 112. , . fb) Sanazzaro, invariably hostile to the family of Borgia, has commemorated this event in the following exulting lines : " Qui modo prostrates jactarat comibus Ursos, " In latebras Taurus concitus ecce fugit. Nee 16 CHAP, vir. lords, whom Borgia had dispossessed, returned to their domi- A. D. 1503. nions. The Bagiioni again occupied Pemgia, the VitelH 'A. 'x.t. 28. entered the city of Custello, the duke of Urbino returned to his capital, i^rt^ and the lords of Pesaro, Camerino, Piombino, and Sinigaglia, were restored to their authority as suddenly as they had been deprived of it. Several of the cities of Romagna, retained, however, their fidelity to their new sovereign, having found by experience the superior ad- vantages derived from their union under his government, compared to that of their former princes ; whose power, though sufficient to oppress, was inadequate to defend them. To this decisive partiality in favour of Caesar Borgia, they were also incited by the attention Avhich he had paid to the strict administration of justice, which had freed them from the hordes of banditti by whom they had been infested, and suppressed the feuds and assassinations to which they had before been subject. (bj Hence, neither the defection " Nee latebras putat esse satis sibi ; Tibride toto " Cingitur, et notis vix bene fidit aquis. " Terruerat monies mugitibus ; obvia nunc est, " Et facilis cuivis pneda sine arte capi. " Sed tamen id niagniim ; nuper potuisse vel Ursos " Steniere, nunc omnes posse timere feras. " Ne tibi, Roma, novae desint speclacula Pompte ; " Ampliitheatrales reddit arena jocos." Epig. lib, i. Ep. 14. fa) Notwithstanding tlie representation given by Bembo, of the affection of the subjects of Urbino for their sovereign, he did not recover his dominions without great diffi- culty. On this occasion Castiglione, who liad the command of a company of cavalr)' in the service of the duke, dislocated his ancle by a fall frotn his horse, in consequence of which he went to Urbino, where he was most kindly received by the duchess Elisabetta, to whom he was related, and by Madama Emilia Pia, who resided at that court. His acquaiiltance with these accomplished ^vomen, completed what may be called his education, and he became the Chtsterfield of the age. r. xita di Bald. Cattiglione. p. 11. fhj Giiicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib vi. v. i. p. 31 6. defection of other places, nor even their apprehensions of the Venetians, who were already preparing to avail them- selves of their unprotected situation, could induce those cities to waver in their fidelity, or to listen to proposals from any other quarter. On the death of Pius III. the cardinal de' Medici, and two of his brethren, were appointed by the college to receive the oath of fidelity from Monsignor Marco, bishop of Sini- gaglia, keeper of the castle of St. Angelo.f'rt^ The loss of the pontiff was an additional misfortune to Borgia, as it opened the way for the assumption to the pontificate of Giuliano della Rovcre, cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincula, the ancient and most determined enemy of his family. Of the dissensions of this prelate with Alexander VI. various in- stances are related ; but amidst the many opprobrious epithets which they were accustomed to bestow on each other, Alexander had the magnanimity to acknowledge, that his opponent was a man of veracity. Such a conces- sion from such a quarter, raised the credit of the cardi- nal more than all the animosity of the pope could de- press it, and Giuliano, well aware that no one can deceive so effectually as he who has once acquired a reputation for sincerity, is said to have availed himself of this circum- stance to secure his election, which, if we may believe Guicciardini, was not effected without some sacrifice of his former good estimation. f'/'^ On this occasion the cardinal affected to lay aside his enmity to Caesar Borgia, and a treaty VOL. n. c was 17 CHAP. ^^L A. D. 1503. A.^t .28. Election of Julius II. (a) Burch. diar. ap, Concl. de' Pontef. v. i. p. 153. (bj Gukdard. Stor. d' Ital. lib, vi. v. i. p. 321. 18 CHAP. vn. A. D. 1503. A.iEt. 28. was concluded between them, by which the cardinal engaged, that if he should, by the assistance of Borgia, be raised to the pontificate, he would confer upon him the dignity of Gon/aloniere, or general of the church, and confimi his authority in the states of Ronvdgna..{aJ This project was successful ; Giuliano attained his wishes ; but no sooner had he ascended the papal throne, than he gave sufficient indications of his former animosity ; and Borgia was too late aware of an error, which was the occasion of his ruin, and which is enumerated by Machiavelli, as one of the few mistakes of his political liie. (bj The pope at- tempts to di- vest BofKia of his terri- tories. On assuming his high office, the new pontiff adopted the name of Julius II. and soon proved himself to be one of the most active, warlike, and politic sovereigns that had ever sat in the chair of St. VeieY.(c) The Venetians, proceeding from Ravenna, which they before possessed, had already made an irruption into Roniagna, and not only subjugated (a) Burchard. diar. ap. Concl. de' Pontef. Guicdard. Stor. d' Ital. lib, vi. v. i. 322. fbj " Chi crede clie ne' personaggi grandi i beneficii nuovi facino diiiienticare 1' •' inCTJurie vecchie> inganna. Erib adiuique \\ duca (Borgia) in questa elettione, k fu cagions •' dell' ultima rovina sua." Macch. lib. del Principe, cap. vii. fcj The elevation of Julius II. which took place on the twenty-ninth day of October, has been celebrated in many of the Latin poems of Augurelli, who may be considered as the poet-laureate of that pontiflT. One of these pieces, which in general display great ele- gance, is given in the Appendix, No. LIII, From the martial spirit of this pontiff, it was supposed that he had assumed the name of Juliiis in reference to Julius Caesar. " Purpureum plebs uncta caput creat auspice tandem " Julium, ct, ut memorant, a magno Ci^ia/-c dictum." Mantuani Vincentii, Alba. ap. Carm. illustr. ltd. v. xi.p. 338. 19 subjugated the city and fortress of Faenza, but gave evident chap, yii. demonstrations of their designs upon the other cities of that a. d. 1503. cHstrict. These measures occasioned no small anxiety to the ^- ^'- -^• pope, who had proposed to himself the preservation and extension of the territories of the church, as the great object of his pontificate. An embassy from him to the Venetian senate, intreating them to desist from their pretensions, was of no avail ; but as several of the cities of Romagna still retained their allegiance to Borgia, the pontiff thought it expedient to make use of him as the most effectual instru- ment, for preventing the total separation of these states from the Roman see. He therefore seized upon the peison of Borgia, Avho had proceeded to the port of Ostia, intending to embark for France, and required, that before his liberation, he should consign to him the possession of the different fortresses in the district of Romagna. This, Borgia at first refused ; but being detained for some days as a prisoner, he at length complied, and gave the necessaiy countersigns for surrendering up the fortresses. The archbishop of Ragusa was immediately dispatched to obtain possession ; but the commanders, still attached to their leader, refused to deliver them up, under any orders obtained from him whilst under restraint. On this spirited measure, Borgia was again re- stored to liberty, highly caressed by the pope, and provided Avith apartments in the Vatican. His orders to deliver up the fortresses of Romagna were again repeated, and as a proof of his sincerity, he dispatched one of his confidential adherents, Pietro d'Oviedo, Avith directions to the different commanders to the same purpose. This second attempt was equally ineffectual with the former. No sooner did Oviedo, accompanied by MoschiaAxUar, the pope's chamberlain, arrive at the castle of Cesena, then commanded by Don c ^ Diego 20 CHAP. viT. Diego Ramiro, than that officer caused him to be seized upon, A. D. 1503. and instantly hanged as a traitor to his sovereign. When the A.MUQ8. information of this event arrived at Rome, Caesar was again deprived of his liberty, and sent to occupy a remote apart- ment in the Torre Borgin. faj In this situation a new negotiation commenced betAveen Borgia and the pontiff, in the result of which it was agreed, Bvgiabei rayed ^j^gj_ Borgia sliould be committed to the charge of Bernardino by Gou&alvo " _ " and sent to Carvajal, cardinal of Santa Croce, and conveyed to Ostia, spmn. where he should be liberated as soon as information was received, that his governors in Romagna had delivered up their trust. Several of the commanders now obeyed the directions of their prince, and the cardinal thereupon gave him permission to proceed to France, which he had pre- tended was his intention. He had, hoAvever, already ob- tained a passport from the Spanish general, Gonsalvo, who had dispatched two gallies to Ostia, to convey him with his attendants to Naples. /^/'^ He accordingly embarked for that place, and was received by Gonsalvo with every de- monstration of kindness and respect. The hopes of Borgia now began once more to revive. The commander of the fortress of Forli, still held the place in his name. Gonsalvo promised him a supply of gallies, and gave him liberty to engage soldiers within the kingdom of Naples, for an at- tempt on the city of Pisa, or the Tuscan territories. Barto- lommeo d'Alveano, then at Naples, earnestly desirous of restoring the Medici to Florence, offered himself as an associate faj Burcard. Diar. ap. Concl. dc Pontif. v. i. p. 163. fbj Guicciaid. Star, d'ltal.lib vi. p. 339. 21 associate in his undertaking. But whilst Gonsalvo was thus ^^^^^^ ^'"- flattering his ambitious projects, he had secretly dispatched a. d. 1503. a messenger into Spain, to request directions from Ferdinand, ^- ^^- ^s- in what manner he should dispose of the dangerous person, who had thus confided in his protection. The activity and credit of Borgia had raised a considerable armament ; the gallics were prepared for sea, and on the evening previous to the day fixed upon for their departure, he had an inter- view with Gonsalvo, in the course of which he received from the Spaniard, the warmest expressions of attachment, and was dismissed with an affectionate embrace. No sooner, however, had he quitted the chamber, than he was seized upon by the orders of Gonsalvo, who alledged, that he had received directions from his sovereign, which superseded the effect of his own passport./aj Being committed to the charge of his ancient adversary, Prospero Colonna, he was soon afterwards put on board a galley and conveyed to Spain. The conduct of Colonna, on this occasion, is highly honourable to his feelings; for in the execution of his commission, he was so far from insulting his captive, that he avoided even fixing his eyes upon him during the whole voyage, lest he should appear to exult over a fallen enemy. fl/J On {a J Some readers may perhaps be inclined to exclaim " Nee lex est justior uUa " Qiiam necis artifices arte perire sua." But it should be remembered, that altliough it be a proper cause of exultation, when a villain falls by the consequences of his own crime, it will not follow, that he ouvere not, however, followed by ch-\p. yii. the expected consequences. An attempt upon the fortress a. d. 1503. of Palo, near the city of Narbonne, was frustrated by the A.^Et. 28. courage of the Spanish garrison ; and whilst the ardour of the French was checked by this unexpected opposition, Fer- dinand himself took the field, and at the head of his army compelled his adversaries to retire within the limits of the French territory, where he had the moderation not to pursue his advantages. Nor were the achievements of the French fleet of greater importance ; the commanders having, after many fioiitless attempts upon the Spanish coast, been obliged to take refuge in Marseilles. At this period an event occurred, which exhibits the conduct of the contend- ing monarchs in a singular point of view. A negotiation was entered into between them for the restoration of peace, and the mediator to whom they agreed to appeal for the reconciliation of their differences, was Federigo, the exiled king of Naples, the partition of whose dominions had given rise to the war. hi the course of these discussions, Federigo was alternately flattered by both parties with the hopes of being restored to his crown ; and so far had he obtained the favour of Anne of Bretagne, the queen of Louis XII. that she earnestly intreated the king to concur in this measure. It is not however to be supposed that it was the intention of either of the contending monarchs to perform, such an act of disinterested justice ; on the contrary, the pretext of appealing to the decision of Federigo, was probably only employed by them for the purpose of obtaining from each other more advantageous terms. VOL. u. D The however, he adds, " Come che siamo persuasi che la poesia, che non s' apprende che ad " anime signorili e ben fatte, non fosse paiie per li suoi denti." Storia d' ogni poesia, vol. ii. p. 320. 26 CHAP. VII. A. D. 1503. A. ^t. 28. Defeat of the Frencli oii ilie Gariglione, The duke de la Tiemovillle having united his troops •with those of" his countrymen at Gaeta, and being reinforced by the marquis of Mantua, who Irad now entered into the service of the French, possessed himself of the duchy of Trajetto, and the district of Fondi, as far as the river Garigliano. He was, however, soon opposed by Gonsalvo, who had been joined by Bartolommeo d'Alveano, at the head of a considerable body of troops. The French, dis- advantageously posted on the marshy banks of the river, had thrown a bridge over it, intending to proceed by the speediest route to Naples ; but Gonsalvo, having arrived at S. Germano, Avas induced by the remonstrances of d'Alvea- no, to attack them before they could effect their passage. On the night of the twenty-eighth day of December, 1503, faj the Spaniards formed another bridge at Suio, about four miles above the French camp, over which Gon- salvo, with a considerable part of his army, secretly passed the river. On the following morning the French were sud- denly attacked by d'Aheano, who carried the bridge which they had erected, and when the engagement became general, Gonsalvo, taking the French in the rear, routed them with an immense slaughter, and pursued them as far as Gaeta, which place he soon afterwards reduced. fbj This day terminated the unfortunate life of Piero de' Medici, who had engaged in the service of the French, and taken a principal part in the action ; but finding all hopes of assistance frustrated, and being desirous of rendering his friends {aj Muratori, Anna/id' Ital. v. x. ;;. 25. (b) The victory of Gonsalvo is celebrated in a Latin ode, addressed to him by Crinitus. v. Appendix, No. LIV. 27 friends all the services in his power, he embarked on board a galley, with several other persons of lank, intend- ing to convey to Gaeta four heavy pieces of artillery, which he had prevented from falling into the hands of the con- querors. The weight of these pieces, and probably the num- ber of passengers, who endeavoured to avail themselves of this opportunity to effect their escape, occasioned the ves- sel to founder; and it was not until several days afterwards, that the body of Piero was recovered from the stream/rtj He left by his wife Alfonsina Orsino, a son, Lorenzo, who was born on the thirteenth day of September, 1492, and will frequently occur to our future notice; and a daughter, named Clarice, hi his days of gaiety, and amidst the de- lights of Florence, Piero had assumed a device, intended to characterize his temper and pursuits, to which Politiano had supplied him with an appropriate motto. ['^^ His misfor- tunes, or his misconduct, soon provided him with more serious occupations ; and ten years of exile and disappoint- ment, consumed the vigour of a life which had opened with the most favourable prospects, hi the year 1552, Cosmo I. grand-duke of Tuscany, erected to the memory of his kins- CHAP. \1I A. D. 1503. A. iEt. 28. Death of Piero de* Medici. d2 man, (a) Valerianus informs us, that Piero perished in tlie port of Gaeta, and in the pre- sence of his wife ; at the same time he bears testimony to his learning and accomplish- ments, " vir et Graecis et Latinis Uteris, optime, quod omnes fateamini, peritus. Nam " hoc et scripta ejus indicant, &: quaedam ex Plutarcho de Amore conjugali, quae vidimus, " traducta ab eo, locuplelissime testantur." Vakr. de Uterator. infeUcitate. lib. ii. p. 1 13. At the same time perished Fabio, the son of Paolo Orsino, a young man of very un- common endovvnments, the relation and constant companion of Piero de' Medici. Of his early proficiency and extraordinary talents, Politiano has left an interesting account. Lib. xii. Ep. 2. (b) This device represented green branches, interv.oven togetlier, and placed in the midst of flames, with the motto, In viridi teneras erurit Jlamma medullas. V. Ammir. Ritrattid^ hnominiUlnstri di Casa Medici, in Opiiscoli. v. iii. ;>. 62. srs CHAP. VII. nian, a splendid monument, at Monte Cassino, with an in- A. D. 1503. scription, commemorating, not indeed his virtues, nor his talents, but his liigh family-connexions, and his untimely death/aj , A. JEt. 28. Io04. Marriage of Clarice de* Medici to Filippo Sirozzi. The death of Piero de' Medici seems to have been the period from which the fortunes of" his house once more began to revive ; nor is it difficult to discover the reasons of so favourable a change. The aversion and indigna- tion of the Florentines were directed against the indi- vidual, rather than against the family ; and soon after the death of Piero, his widow, Alfonsina, was allowed to return to Florence, and claim her rights of dower from the pro- perty of her husband. Of this opportunity she diligently availed herself to dispose the minds of the citizens to f^ivour the cause of the Medici ; and in order more effectually to promote the interests of her family, she negotiated a marriage betAveen her daughter Clarice, and Filippo Strozzi, a young nobleman of great wealth and extraordinary ac- complishments. This marriage was celebrated shortly after the return of Alfonsina to Rome; but no sooner was it known to the magistrates of Florence, than they cited Filippo to appear before them, and notwithstanding the utmost efforts of his friends, condemned him to pay five hundred gold crowns, and banished him for three years into the kingdom of Naples. At the same time Lorenzo, the son of the unfortunate Piero, was declared a rebel to the state. ^aj " Petro Medici Mac.ni Laukentii F. Leonis x. Pontif. Max. fratri. Cle- " MENTIS Vll. PATRUELl. Qui QUUM GaLLOKUM CASTRA SEOUERETUR, EX ADVERSO " PR.ELIO AD LyRIS OSTIUM NAUFRAGIO PERIIT. ANNO AET. X.\XI11. CoSMAS MeDICES " Florent. Dux, poni cuuavit. m.d.lii." 29 state. These proceedings did not, however, prevent Clarice from paying frequent visits to Florence, where she main- tained a strict intercourse with the Salviati, the Rucellai, and other families, connected by the ties of relationship or friendship with the house of Medici ; and although Filippo Strozzi returned before the expiration of the term prescribed, and took up his residence with his Avife in Florence, no measures were adopted either to punish him, or to remand him into banishment ; a circumstance which the friends of the Medici did not fail to notice, as a striking indica- tion of the strengh of their cause/a^ CHAP. vir. A.D. 1504. A. iEt. 29. The inconsiderate conduct, the ambitious views, and the impetuous and arrogant disposition of Piero de' Medici, had been always strongly contrasted by the mild and placable temper of the cardinal ; who, although he had on all oc- casions adhered to his brother, as the chief of his family, had always endeavoured to sooth the violence of those passions, and to moderate those aspiring pretensions, which after having occasioned his expulsion from Florence, Moderation Md still continued to operate, and eifectually precluded his return. During the latter part of the pontificate of Alex- ander VI. the cardinal de' Medici had fixed his residence at Rome ; where, devoted to a private life, he had the address and good-fortune, if not to obtain the favour of tliat profligate pontiff, at least to escape his resentment. The election of Julius II. to the pontificate, opened to him the prospect of brigher days. It is ti-ue, Julius was the nephew of Sixtus IV. the inveterate enemy of the Medicean name ; but these ancient antipathies had long been converted into attachment prudence of the cardinal de' Medici. (a) V. Commentarii di Nerli. lib. \.p. lOO, Sfc. 30 CHAP. VII. attachment and esteem. Under the favour of this pontiff, A. D. i50i. the cardinal had an opportunity of indulging his natural A.yEt.29. disposition to the cultivation of polite letters, and the promotion of works of dLrt.fa) His books, though not numerous, were Avell chosen, and his domestic hours were generally spent in the society of such dignified and learned ecclesiastics, as could at times condescend to lay aside the severity of their order, to discuss the characteristics of ge- nerous actions, the obligations of benevolence and affection, the comparative excellencies of the fine arts, or the nature and essence of human happiness. On these subjects the car- dinal never failed to distinguish himself by his urbanity, his acuteness, and his doquence.fbj hi deciding upon the productions of architecture, of painting, and of sculpture, his taste was hereditary, and he was resorted to by artists in every department, as to an infallible judge. With the science of music he was theoretically and practically con- versant, and his house more frequently re-echoed with the sprightly harmony of concerts, than with the solemn sounds of devotion. Debarred by his profession from the exercises of the camp, he addicted himself with uncommon ardour to the chase, as the best means of preserving his health, and preventing that corpulency to which he was naturally inclined. This amusement he partook of in common with a numerous band of noble associates, of whom he was consi- dered as the leader ; nor did he desist from this exercise even after his attainment to the supreme ecclesiastical dignity. The faj Pietro Bembo writing to Bernardo da Bibbiena, the domestic secretary of the cardinal, says, " Al vostro e mio S. cardinale de' Medici renderete quelle grazie del suo " dolce e cortese animo nellecose mie, che sono a tanto dcbito convenienti." In Bembi op. iii. 191. ■ fbj Jovius in vita Leon. x. lib. ii. p. 29, <5c. 31 The good undersLanding which subsisted between Juhus II. and the cardinal de' Medici, was further strengthened by Galeotto della Rovere, the nephew of the pope, with whom the cardinal had contracted a strict friendship. Tliis young man was not less the object of the admiration of the court and people of Rome, than he was the favourite of his uncle. Engaging in his manners, elegant in his person, liberal and magnificent in all his conduct, he well merited the high honours bestowed upon him by the pope, who immediately on his elevation, transferred to his nephew the cardinal's hat which he had himself worn, and on the death of Ascanio Sforza nominated him vice-chancellor of the holy see.faj Such was the effect produced by the conciliatory manners of the cardinal de' Medici on his young friend, who, from the advanced age of his uncle, did not conceive that he would long enjoy the pontificate, that Galeotto is said to have promised the cardinal, who had not yet attained his thirtieth year, that he should succeed to that high dignity ; alledging that it was an office more proper for a man in the prime and vigour of life, than for one already exhausted by labour, and declining into }'ears. This observation was not, however, applicable to the circumstances by which it was occasioned ; for whilst Julius maintained his own digni- ty, and enforced the claims of the church, during an interval often years, with an unexampled degree of activity and per- severance, Galeotto himself fell, in the prime of youth, a sacrifice to the effects of a violent fever, which in a few days consigned him to the grave. The sumptuous parade of his funeral CHAP. vn. A. D. 1504. A. £t. 29. Vntimely death of Guleotto dcUa Rovere. faj JoTius in lifa Leon. x. lib. ii. p. <2g. Several letters to Galeotto from Pietro Bembo, are given in Bemb. op. vol. \\[. p. 6, SfC. highly favourable to the character of the young cardinal. Medici. 32 CHAP. vTi. funeral afforded no consolation for his loss to the cardinal de* A. D. 1504. Medici, who had assiduously attended him in his last mo- A.^t. 29. ments, and performed towards him all the duties of religion and affection. Deprived of his friend in the ardour of youth, whilst the happiness of the present was increased by the prospect of the future, he long remained inconsola- ble, and "when time had softened his sorrow, the name of Galeotto was never adverted to, even in his most cheerful moments, without exciting the visible symptoms of affec- tionate remembrance. fa^ In the measures adopted by the cardinal, for effecting his Difficulties and rcstoration. to his native place, he was now no longer in ZntToniie danger of being counteracted by the ill-timed efforts and cardinal de' impctuosity of liis brother. Although this was the constant object of his solicitude, and he was now considered as the chief of his family, he shewed no disposition to interfere in the concerns, or to disturb the repose of the Florentines, who, under the dictatorship of Pietro Soderini, continued to labour with the difficulties of their government, and the obstinacy of their rebellious subjects, and to maintain at least the name of a republic. It was not, however, without frequent opposition and mortification that Soderini exercised his authority. Many of the citizens of the first rank, still at- tached to the cause of the Medici, continued to harrass him in all his designs, and to oppose all his measures ; but the industry, patience, and perseverance of the gonfaloniere, gra- dually blunted their resentment and weakened their efforts, whilst the various and unsuccessful attempts of Piero de' Medici to regain the city of Florence by force, had increased the {aj Jovius invito Leon. x. lib. ii. p. 29- 33 the aversion of his countrymen, and placed an insuperable chap. vri. bar to his return, hi these expeditions the resources of the a. d, 1504. family Nvere exhausted, insomuch, that the cardinal found A.4;t.29. no small difficulty in supporting the dignity of his rank, to which his ecclesiastical revenues were inadequate. He struggled, however, with these humiliating circumstan- ces to the utmost of his power ; but the liberality of his disposition too often exceeded the extent of his finances; and a splendid entertainment was at times deranged by the want of some essential, but unattainable article. Even the silver utensils of his table Mere occasionally pledged for the purpose of procuring that feast, of which they ought to have been the chief ornaments. That these circumstances occasioned him considerable anxiety cannot be doubted ; for whilst on the one hand he was unwilling to detract from that character of liberality and munificence which was suitable to his rank, and to the high expectations which he still continued to entertain ; on the other hand he dreaded the disgrace of being wanting in the strict discharge of his pecuniary engagements. He carefully, however, avoided giving, even in the lowest ebb of his fortunes, the slightest indications of despondency. His temper was cheerful, his conversation animated, and his appearance and mannei's betrayed not the least symptom of his domestic em- barrassments, for the relief of Avhich, he seemed to depend upon a timely and miraculous supply. fa) Nor was he in ge- neral disappointed in his hopes ; for the same good fortune which prepared the way to his highest honours, attended VOL n. E him faj From a letter of Gregorio Cortese, addressed to tlie cardinal de' Medici, it appears, that even at this period he had begiui to emulate the example of his ancestors, in the promotion of public institutions for r^igious purposes, r. Appaidis. No. LV. 34 CHAP. VH. A. D. 150+. A. ^t. 29. him in his greatest difficuhies, and enabled him to extri- cate himself from them with admirable dexterity and ir- reproachable honour. To the remonstrances of his more prudent friends, who were fearful that his liberality would at length involve him in actual distress, he was accustomed to reply, as if with a presage of his future destiny, that great men were the work of providence, and that nothing could be wanting to them, if they were not wanting to them- selves. faj Death of Eicole duke of Fer- rara, and ac- cession of Alfonso I. 1505. In the early part of the year 1505, died Ercole of Este, duke of Ferrara,^/'^ after having governed his states with great credit, both in war and in peace, during thirty-four years, of which the latter part had been devoted to the em- bellishing and enlarging his capital, the promotion of the happiness of his subjects, and to the protection and en- couragement of the sciences and cirts.fc) His great qualities and heroic actions are celebrated by the pen of Ariosto; who asserts, however, that the advantages which his people derived faJ " — insignes viros cslesti sorte fieri magnos, praeterea nihil eis iinquam posse " deficere, nisi ipsi animis omnino deficerent." Joiius, in vita Leon, x. lib. ii. p. 31. (b) He died on the twenty-sixth of January, the very day which he had fixed on for the representation of a comedy for tlie amusement of the people, v. Giraldi, Commcntarii delleCose di Terror a. p. 137. (c) V. Supra, vol. i. cAap. ii.p. 78. " Alexander VI. in his bull of investiture, applauds " the useful labours of Hercules I. which had increased tiie numbers and happiness of liis " people, which had adorned the city of Ferrara with strong fortifications and stately " edifices, and which had reclaimed a large extent of unprofitable waste. The vague and •' spreading banks of the Po, were confined in their proper channels by moles and dykes, " the intermediate lands were converted to pasture and tillage; the fertile district became " the granary of Venice, and the corn-exports of a single year, were exchanged for the " value of two hundred thousand ducats, v. GUibon's Antiq. of Brunstvick, in op, Postit, vol. ji. p. 691, • 35 derived from them, were inferior to the blessings which he chap. vir. conferred on them, in leaving two such sons as Alfonso a. d. iso5. and IppoUto.faJ In the preceding year, his eldest son Al- ^- ^^- so- fonso had visited the courts of France and Spain, but at the time when he received intelligence of the dangerous malady of his father, he was in England, whence he hastened to Ferrara, and his father dying before his arrival, he peace- ably assumed the governmentY^^ As the state of Ferrara at this time enjoyed perfect tranquillity, the duke turned his attention to the mechanic arts, in which he became not only a skilful judge, but a practical proficient. His mind was, however, too comprehensive to suffer him to waste his talents on objects of mere amusement. After having ex- celled the best artificers of his time, he began to devote himself to the improvement of artillery. Under his direc- E 5 tions. (aj " E quanto pitl aver oblige si possa " A principe, sua terra havrl a cestui ; " Non perche fia de le paludi mossa " Tra campi fertilissimi da lui ; " Non perche la far.'i con muro e fossa " Meglio capace a' cittadini sui; " E r oniera di templi e di palagi, " Di piazze, di teatri, e di mille agi; " Non perche da gli artigli de' 1' audace " Aligero Leon, terra difesa; " Non perche quando la Gallica face " Per tutto avra' la bella Italia accesa, " Si stara soloco'l suo stato in pace, " E dal timor e da tributi illesa, ; " Non si per questi & altri benefici, " Saran sue genti ad Ercol' debitrici ; " Quanto chedara lor 1' inclita prole " 11 giusto Alfonso, e Ippolito benigno," kc. Orl. Fur. cant. iii. sf. 4S. ^c. (hj Jovius, i« vita Alfonsi Buds Terrarke. p. ]53. Murat. Annal. (T Ital. x. 2.0. 36 CHAP. VII. tions, cannon were cast of a larger size, and better con- A. D. 1505. sti"uction than had before been seen in hdly.faj Of the use A..£t.3o. which he made of these formidable implements, repeated instances will occur; nor is it improbable that to these fortunate preparations, he owed the preservation of his dominions, amidst the dangerous contests in which he M'as soon afterwards compelled to take an important part. The commencement of the reign of Alfonso I. was Tragical event marked by a most tragical event, which endangered his "iTJ*"'^ safety, and destroyed or interrupted his domestic tranquil- lity. Besides his two sons before mentioned, of whom Ippolito, the younger, had been raised to the dignity of a cardinal, the late duke had left by his wife, Leonora, daughter of Ferdinand I. of Naples, a son named Ferdinand, and by a favourite mistress, an illegitimate son, called Don Giulio. Attracted by the beauty of a lady of Ferrara, to whom they were distantly related, the cardinal and Don Giulio became rivals in her affections; but the latter had obtained the preference, and the lady herself, in confessing to Ippolito her partiality to his brother, dwelt with ap- parent pleasure on the extraordinary beauty of his e}'es. The exasperated ecclesiastic silently vowed revenge, and availing himself of an opportunity whilst he was engag- ed with Don Giulio in the chase, he surrounded him with a band of assassins, and compelling him to dis- mount, with a diabolical pleasure saw them deprive him of the organs of s'i^ht. fbj The moderation or negligence of Alfonso, faj Jovius in vita Alfonsi, 154. Sardi. Hist. Ferrarese, lib. xi. p. 204. (b) Muratori says, that the cardinal only attempted to put out the eyes of Don Giulio; but he justly adds, " con barbarie detestata da ognuno." Amal. d' Ital, x. 34. And 37 Alfonso, in suffering this atrocious deed to remain unpu- c'^ap. vii. nished, excited the resentment not only of Don Giuho, but a. d. 1505. of his brother Ferdinand, who, uniting together, endea- ^- ^'- so. voured by secret treachery to deprive Alfonso at once of his honours and his life. Their purposes were discovered, and after having confessed their crime, they were both condemned to die. The fraternal kindness of Alfonso was not, however, wholly extinguished, and at the moment when the axe was suspended over them, he transmuted their punishment to that of perpetual imprisonment, hi this state, Ferdinand remained until the time of his death in 1540, whilst Giulio, at the expiration of fifty-four years of captivity was once more restored to liberty. These events, which throw a gloom over the family-lustre of the House of Este, and mark the character of the cardinal with an indelible stain, are distinctly, though delicately adverted to in the celebrated poem of Ariosto.|^rt^ After And Guicciardini admits, that he did not lose his sight ; or rather he seems to assert, that after his eyes were extruded, they were replaced again by a careful hand I " Al quale dal " Cardinale erano stati tratti gli occhi, ma riposti, senza perdita del lume nel luogo loro, " per presta et diligente cura de' Medici." Hut. tT Ital. lib. vii. v. i. p. 369. v. et. Joi, in vita Alfonsi.p. 154. Gibbon's Antiq. of Brunswieh in op. post. ii. 701. (a) " Qui Bradamante, poi che la favella " Le fu concessa usar, la bocca schiuse " E domando, Chi son li due si tristi " Che tra Ippolito e Alfonso, abbiamo visti ? " Veniano sospirando, e gli ocshi bassi " Parcan tener, d' ogni baldanza privi ;- " E gir Ionian da loro io vedea i passi " De i frati si, che ne pareano schivi. " — Parve che a tal domanda si cangiassi •" La Maga in viso, e fe pe' gli occhi rivi ; " E grido, Ahsfortunati, a quanta pens " Lungo instigar d' huomini rei vi mena. " O buona prole, o degna d' Ercol buono, " Non vinca il lor fuUir vo^tr^ bontade. " jd; 38 fmin Naples. CHAP. vii. After a series ol calamities oC more than ten years con- A. u. io05. tinuance, during which, there was scarcely any part of Italy A. ^t.3o. that had not severely suffered from the effects of pestilence, Final expulsion of limiine, and of war, some indications appeared of happier ofthcFrench timcs. Tlic prctcnsions of Louis XII. to tlie kingdom of Naples had received an effectual check by the defeat of his troops on the Garigliano, and although the remains of his army had effected a retreat to Gaeta, yet all that now re- mained for them, was to obtain a capitulation on such terms as should secure to them their liberty and their arms. These terms were readily conceded by Gonsalvo, who per- mitted his humiliated adversaries to march out from Gaeta with military honours, and to carry off" their effects, on condition that they should return to France, either by land or sea, of which he offered them the choice, and furnished them with the opportunity. Both these courses were adopted, and in both, the French soldiery were equally unfortunate. Those who embarked at Gaeta and Naples, perished for the most part by hurricanes, either in the pas- sage, or on their native coasts ; whilst those who attempted to retvun by land, fell a sacrifice to sickness, cold, hunger, and fatigue, insomuch, that the roads were strewed with their dead bodies. This capitulation was speedily followed by a treaty between the contending monarchs, by which it was agreed, that Ferdinand, who had survived his queen, Isabella, and who on account of his dissensions with his son-in-law. " Di vostro sangiie i miseri pur sono; " Qui ceda la giustitia a la pietade. " — Indi soggiunse con pill basso suono, " Di cib dirti piu inanzi noii accade. " Statti col dolce in bocca, e non ti doglia, " Ch' amareggiar' al fin non te la voglia." Orl. Fur. Cant, iii, st. 60, J^c. 39 son-in law, the archduke Philip, was earnestly desirous of chap. vir. male offspring, should marry the young and beautiful a. d. 1505. Germaine de Foix, niece of Louis XII. who should bring ^- ^- 30- with her, as her dower, all such parts of the kingdom of Naples as had been allotted to the French monarch; and in return for these favours, Ferdinand engaged to pay to Louis XII, one million of gold ducats, by annual payments of one hundred thousand ducats, as an indemnity for his expenses in the Neapolitan yvar.faj With these favourable indications of returning tranquillity, other circumstances concurred. The power of the Borgia family had been suddenly annihilated by the death of Alexander VI. and the consequent imprisonment and exile of Caesar Bor- gia ; whilst the death of Piero de' Medici, seemed to pro- mise repose to the agitated republic of Florence. Many of the principal Italian leaders, or Condottieri. had perished in these contests ; others had been stript of their possessions, and so far reduced as to be no longer able to follow the trade of blood ; whilst the people, wearied and exhausted by a continual change of masters, by unavailing car- nage, by incessant alarms, exorbitant exactions, and all the consequences of prolonged hostilities, sighed for that peace Avhich they ought to have commanded, and which alone could remedy those evils of which they had so long been the victims. But whilst every thing seemed to conspire in securing the public tranquillity, the happy effects of which had already (a) This treaty, by which these ambitious rivals agreed to become " tanquam dua; " animas in uno et eodem corpore, amici amicorum, et inimici inimicorum," was con- cluded at Blois on the twelfth day of October, 1505, and ratified by the king of Spain at Segovia, the sixteenth of the same month. It is preserved in the collection of Du Mont^ vol. iv.par. i.p. 72. 40 CHAP. VII. A. D. JjOo. A.^t, 30. Julias II. seize* on the cities of IVrugia ic Bologna. 1.506. already be(>iiu to be cxpciienced, tlie supreme pontifT was revolving in his mind, how he might possess himself of the smaller independent states in the vicinity of the Roman ter- ritories, and compleat the great work which Alexander VI. had so A'igorously begun. He had alieady announced in the consistory, his determination to free the domains of the church from tyrants; alluding, as it was well understood, to the cities of Perugia and Bologna, the former of which Avas held by the Baglioni, and the latter by the Bentivogli. Nor was he slow in carrying his threats into execution. Having preconcerted his measures with the king of France, who still retained the government of Milan, he placed him- self at the head of his army, and accompanied by twenty- four cardinals, left Rome on the twenty-sixth day of August, taking his course towards Perugid.faJ The well-known character of the pontiff, and the resolution exhibited by him in these measures, gave just alarm to Gian-Paolo Bag- lioni, who being totally unprepared to resist such an attack, consulted his safety by a timely submission, and proceeding to Orvieto, humiliated himself before the pope, and ten- dered to him his services. This proceeding in some degree disarmed the resentment of Julius, who received Baglioni into his employ, on condition of his surrendering up the town and citadel of Perugia, and accompanying him, with one hundred and fifty men at arms, on his intended ex- pedition into Roinagna./Z'j On the twelfth day of September, 1506, the pope entered the city of Peiugia, and assumed the sovereignty, which he soon afterwards delegated to the cardinal de' Medici, who from this time began to act a more conspicuous faj Muratori Annali d' Ital. v. x. p. 30. (b) Murat. Amial. d' Ital. v. x. p. 31. 41 conspicuous part in the concerns of Italy than he had hitherto ^^^^- ^'^^■ done. From Perugia the pontiff hastened to Imola, whence a. d. iso6. he summoned Giovanni BentivoHo, to surrender to him the ■A^*-*^'- 3i. city of Bologna, on pain of bringing down on himself and his adherents, all the power of his temporal and spiritual arms. Bentivolio had, however, prepared for his approach, and relying on the promises of support given him by Louis XII. had determined to resist the attack till the arrival of his allies might relieve him from his dangers. A body of eight thousand infantry, and six hundred horse, had been dispatched from Milan to his assistance ; but in the present situation of affairs in Italy, Louis had no further occasion for the services of Bentivolio, whilst the favour of the pope might still be of important use to him. He therefore directed the troops, intended for the assistance of Bentivolio, to join the army of his assailants. The duke of Ferrara and the republic of Florence, also sent considerable reinforce- ments to the pontiff, and Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, was declared with great solemnity captain general of the Roman a.rmy. faj These preparations convinced Ben- tivolio that all resistance would not only be ineffectual, but ruinous to him. Quitting, therefore, the city by night, he repaired to the French commander, Sciomonte, and having received a safe conduct for himself and his family, he pri- vately hastened into the Milanese, leaving the citizens of Bologna, to effect such terms of reconciliation with the pope, as they might think proper. A depi^jtation from the inha- bitants speedily arranged the preliminaries for the admission of the pontiff within the walls, and on the eleventh day of VOL. II. F November, faj The pontifical brief on this occasion, which commemorates the great services of the Marquis, is given in the Appendix, No. LVI. 42 CHAP. VII. November, 1506, he entered as a conqueror, at the head A. D. 1506. of his army, amidst the rejoicings and congratulations of A. .£t.3i. the people. ^rtj After estabhshaig many necessary and saki- tary regulations for the due administration oi justice, he intrusted the government of the city to the cardinal Regino. On his return to Rome, he passed through the city of Urbino, where he remained for several days, partaking of the splendid amusements which the duke and duchess had prepared for him.fbj Among all the commanders who had signalized them- selves in the recent commotions of Italy, no one had ac- quired greater honour and more general esteem, than the great captain Gonsalvo, Avho after having by his courage and perseverance accomplished the conquest of Naples, had conciliated the exasperated and discordant minds of the people by his clemency, liberality, and strict administration of justice, and had thereby confirmed to his sovereign that authority Avhich he had previously obtained. These im- portant services had been acknowledged by Ferdinand, who besides fa J Muratori. Annal. d' ltd. x. 31. These events are also celebrated by Man- tuanus Vincentius, in the fourth book of his Latin poem, entitled Alba. v. Carm. iUust. Poet. Ital. V. xi. p. 338, kc. And yet more particularly by cardinal Adrian, one of the companions of the pontiff on his military expedition, in his Iter Ju/ii II. Punt. Max. which will be found in the Appendix, No. LVII, fbj To this precise period Cast iglione has assigned his celebrated dialogue on the character and duties of a courtier, called II libra del Cortegiano — although nut written by him till some years afterwards : — " Avendo adunque Papa Giulio II. con la presenza " sua, econ 1' ajutode' Francesi, ridutto Bologna alia obbedienza della Sede Apostolica nell' " anno I506, e rilomando verso Roma, passbper Urbino; dove, quanto era possibile, " onoratamente, e con quel piJl magnifico e splendido apparato che si avesse potuto fare " in qualsivoglia altra nobil Citta d' Italia, fu ricevuto ;" &c. Castig. Corttg. lib. i. p. 23. 43 besides appointing Gonsalvo his viceroy in tlie kingdom of Naples, had inv^ested him with domains in tliat countn', which produced him annually, upwards of twenty thousand gold ducats, and had conferred upon him the high here- ditary office of grand constable of the realm. Notwith- standing these external demonstrations of confidence and regard, the jealousy of Ferdinand was excited by the ex- traordinary greatness of his too poAverful subject, which he conceived might inspire him with the hope of obtaining for himself the sovereign authority. No sooner was the mind of the king possessed with this idea, than the virtues of Gonsalvo were converted into crimes, and his well judged attempts to allay the jealousies, and engage the affections of the people, were considered only as preparatory measures to the asserting his own independence. Under the influence of these suspicions, Ferdinand requested the pre- sence of Gonsalvo in Spain, pretending that he wished to avail himself of his councils ; but Gonsalvo excused him- self, alleging, that the newly acquired authority of his sove- reign, was not yet sufficiently established. The injunctions of the king were repeated, and again proved ineffectual. Alarmed at these indications, Ferdinand resolved to hasten in person to Naples, and take the reins of government into his own hands. He accordingly arrived there with his young queen, about the end of October, 1506, and was met at Capo Miseno, by Gonsalvo, who received him with every demonstration of loyalty and respect. Neither the death of his son-in-law, Philip, of which he received in- telligence on his journey through the Genoese, nor the re- monstrances of his ministers, who intreated him to return, to take upon himself the government of the kingdom of Cas- tile, could induce Ferdinand to interrupt his journey, or to f2 quit CHAP. vn. A. D. 15(G. A. iEt.31. Ferdinand of Spain visits his Neapo- litan doini- 44 CHAP. VII. quit ijis Neapolitan dominions, until he had effectually secui - A. D. i.io6'. ed himself against the possibility of an event, the contem- A. ^t. 31. plation of which had occasioned him so much anxiety. After a residence of seven months, in the course of which he established many excellent regulations for the government of his new subjects, and cautiously replaced all the military officers appointed by Gonsalvo, by others on whose fidelity he had greater reliance ; he retired, on the fourth day of June, 1507, from Naples, on his way to Savona, accompanied by Gonsalvo, in whose place he had substituted, as viceroy of Naples, Don John of Aragon. By a previous arrangement with Louis XII. an interview took place at Savona, between 1507. the two monarchs, and four days were past in secret and important conferences. The superstition of mankind has sought for the prognostics of future evils, in the threatening aspects and conjunctions of the planets ; but a conjunction of this kind is a much more certain indication of approaching commotions; nor is it, perhaps, without reason, that the origin of the celebrated league of Cambray, w hich involved Italy in new calamities, has been referred to this interview. /aj On this occasion the two sovereigns contended with each other in their respect and attention to the great captain. Louis XII. was unwearied in expressing his admiration of the character and talents of a man who had wrested from him a kingdom, and by his solicitations, Gonsalvo was per- mitted to sit at the same table with the royal guests. As this day, in the estimation of the vulgar, was the highest, so it was considered as the last, of the glory of Gonsalvo. On his (aj T. Bembo, Istor. Veneta. lib. \ii.— in op. v. i. p. 188, 189. 45 his arrival in Spain he received a notification from Ferdinand to retire to his country residence, and not to appear at court without leave. From that moment his great talents were condemned to oblivion, and he remained useless and un- employed till the time of his death, in the year 1515; when he received the reward of his services, in a pompous funeral furnished at the expense of the king. CHAP. VII. A. D. 1507. A.^t. 32. Gonsalvo Lo- noured and neglected. In reviewing the transactions of his past life, Gonsalvo was accustomed to say, that he had nothing wherewith to reproach himself, except his breach of faith to Ferdinand, the young duke of Calabria, and the transmitting Cjesar Borgia as a prisoner to Spain, contrary to the assurances of protection which he had given him. To these acknow- ledged errors, he is, however, said to have added, that he had committed another crime, the nature of which he would never explain. faj Gonsalvo re- pents of his errors. Of these defects in the great captain, and particularly of his conduct towards Caesar Borgia, a vindication has been vindicated bj attempted by Jovius, founded on the atrocious character of Borgia, which, as the apologist contends, justified any mea- sures that might be adopted against him ; and on the com- pliance of Gonsalvo with the commands of his sovereign, and with (a) " Didaco Mendocio, Antonioque Leva me accepisse profiteer, ut in extremo vitae •' actu, tanquam semiexul, non plane felix (Consalvus) moreretur; quanquam saepissime " diceret, se nuUius improbe facti poenitentia offensum, Ijetissime ex hac vita fuisse migra- •« turum, nisi Ferdinando Federici regis filio, et Cassari Borgiae Valentino, fidem suam " improvide dedisset, ut ea demum a rege cum sui noniinis sugillatione violaretur. " Subjungebat ad haec duo Consalvus, se tenii quoque gravioris facti maximc poenitere " quod tamen prodere noUet." Jov. in vita Consalv, lib. in, p. 275. 46 CH;\P. vrr. A. D. 1507. A jEt .32. Gonsalvo < vindi- calcd by Paulus i Jo- rius. the wishes of the su|)rcme ponCiff. fa) It Is not, however, difficult to perceive, that Gonsalvo, in liis treachery to Borgia, gave a sanction to those veiy crimes which he allected to punish. However desirable the destruction of such a man may be, it is still more desirable that those principles of good faith, by which human society is bound together, should be kept sacred and inviolate. The other plea urged by Jovius is equally unsatisfactory. Gonsalvo had acted under the authority of his sovereign when he granted a safe conduct, and neither he nor his king could rightfully revoke an act which had induced another to confide his safet)' in their hands. It is indeed extremely singular, that the bishop of Nocera should attempt to justify the Spanish general in a transac- tion in which he could not justify himself. Thus the his- torian sinks below the soldier, who redeemed his crime bv his contrition, and afforded a presumption, that under simi- lar circumstances, he would not again have repeated it ; but the vindication of Jovius is intended to recommend to future imitation that guilt of which Gonsalvo repented, and to set up motives of temporary expediency against the eternal laws of morality and of tiiith. With faj " Sed quis Consalvum ut id faceret, regis imperio coactuni,non excuset," S:c. *' Verum ob id quoque, honestiore de causa, majoreque ratione, a fide data discessisse videri " potuit: ne Italiarn, dudum sublatis bellis, tranqiiilla pace fruiturara, unius nefarii impo- " tentisque tyranni iniraanisaudaciaperturbaret." Jov. vt sup. p. 275 How far the peace of Italy was preserved by the conduct of Gonsalvo to Borgia, will sufficiently appear in the sequel ; and this apology for Gonsalvo would have been equally applicable, if he had ex- tended his treachery to the two sovereigns, with vvhora lie sat at table, and who were meditating greater calamities to Italy, than Borgia could ever have produced. On this sub- ject, I hesitate not to dissent even from the opinion of the liberal de Thou, who informs us, that Borgia " qui nemini fidem servaverat, teniere se fidei Consalvi permisit ; a quo in " Hispaniam missus, et laudahili perfidia in carcerem conjectus est." Hist, lib. i. p. 15. With respect to the third accusation of Gonsalvo against himself, the tertium gravius factum, it has been referred to the error which he is supposed to have committed, in suf- fering himself, when he had the whole military force at his command, to be divested of his authority in Naples, and reduced to a state of humiliation and solitude during the remainder of his \i{G.(a) But the friends of Gonsalvo, who thus construed his meaning, were probably mistaken. When a person contemplates the awful period to which he was fast approaching, he seldom repents that he has not sacrificed his virtue to his interest, and his conscience to his ambition ; and Gonsalvo's third cause of regret would, in this case, have implied a contradiction to his two former. He could probably have unfolded a tale — but he died a penitent, and trusted it with his other sins to the bosom of his God. 47 CHAP. VII. A. D. 1507. A.iEt. 32. (a) " Id autem Leva & Mendocius, non inani forte conjectura, iiiterpretantes esse " putabant, quod regiis pollicitationibus, e Neapoli Italiaque se abduci in Hisjwniam •' permisisset ; in qua multi, rerum novarum cupidi, eum in spem novi principatus, " maximammque rerum bello gerendarum retinere conarentur." Jovius, in vitdConsalvi, lib. iii. p. 275. CHAP. VIII. 1507 — 1512. Causes of the jealousy of the European powers against the republic of Venice — Recent improvements in military disci- pline — The Venetians repel the attack of the emperor elect Maximilian — Reasons alleged by Louis XII. for his hostility against them — League of Cambray — Pretexts resorted to by the allies — The Venetians prepare for their defence — Opinions of their commanders — Hostilities commenced — Louis XII. defeats the Venetians at Ghiaradadda — Dismemberment of the Venetian territories — Exertions of the Senate — Recovery of Padua and capture of the marquis of Mantua — Ineffec- tual attack on Padua by the emperor elect Maximilian — The Venetian flotilla defeated on the Po by the duke of Ferrara — Pisa surrenders to the Florentines — Julius II. deserts his allies and unites his arms with the Venetians — Excommuni- cates the duke of Ferrara — Is besieged by the French in Bologna — Louis XII. opposes the authority of the pope — Mirandula captured by Julius II. in person — Bologna cap- tured by the French — The cardinal of Pavia assassinated by the duke of Urbino — Council of Pisa — The holy league — Julius II. determines to restore the Medici — Bologna besieged by the allies and relieved by de Foix — Discordant opinions of the cardinal Legate de Medici and the Spanish general Cardona — Brescia taken and sacked by the French — De Foix attacks Ravenna — Battle before the walls — The allies defeated by deFoix and the cardinal Legate de Medici made prisoner — Death of de Foix. — The cardinal dispatches Giidio de Medici with intelligence to Rome — Fatal effects of the battle of Ravenna to the French — The cardinal de' Medici conveyed to Bologna — Is brought prisoner to Milan on his way to France. VOL. II. G CHAP. VIII. 1 HE republic of Venice had hitherto been in a great chap, vin. measure exempt from those evils which had overturned, or a. d. 1517. endangered, the other states of Italy; but the storm that A.^t. 32. had so long poured down its wrath on the northern and Causes of the 1 . I 1*1 -1 jealousy of southern provmces, now began to gather m the east, with a ,he European still more threatening aspect. From the advantages of her p"*"' *■ 1 1 • • f I -i t r • gainst the re- local situation, and the prudence 01 her councils, Venice pubUc of had been enabled, in the course of the wars, in which Vemce. Italy had been engaged, not only to increase her trade, and improve her naval strength, but also to extend her con- G 2 tinental 52 CHAP. vm. tinental possessions, and to annex to her dominion most of A. D. 1507. tlie maritime cities on the Adriatic coast; nor is there any A.iEt.32. period of her history in Avhich she rose to an equal degree of strength and importance. In the part which she had taken in the commotions of Italy, she had generally acted on the offensive. She had supported her armies at the expense of others, or had obtained a compensation for their labours in her conquests. (^. vii. in op. vol, i. p. 191. 63 emergency, to call upon the Turkish emperor, Bajazet, for chap.viii. his assistance against the confederates, who by the very a. D. 1508. terms of their alliance, had avowed their hostility against ■^- ■*•' 33- him. Towards whatever quarter they turned for aid, they met only with disappointment or neglect ; and the re- public was left, without a single ally, to oppose itself to a combination more powerful than any that Europe had known since the time of the crusades. Their spirit was however unbroken, and their resources such as might be expected from a rich and powerful people. Their generals were soon enabled to take the field at the head of forty thousand men, under the various descriptions of infantry, men at arms, light horse, and stradi'otli, or hussars, com- posed chiefly of Greeks. A powerful naval armament Avas at the same time directed to co-operate with the army, whenever it might be practicable ; but at the very moment when every effort was making to increase the maritime strength of the countiy, the arsenal, at that time the ad- miration of Europe, was treacherously set on fire, by which a considerable quantity of ammunition and naval stores, and twelve of their gallies of war, were destroyed. A few da.ys afterwards information was received that the cas- tle of Brescia was blown up ; and about the same time the building fell, in which were kept the archives of the republic ; incidents, which from the critical period at which they occurred, gave reason to the superstitious to believe, that the destruction of the republic was near at hiind. faj The faj These events are adverted to in the Latin verses of Valeriano, addressed to his preceptor, Sabellicus, the Venetian historian, v. Appendis, No. LIX. 64 CHAP. vm. ji^g chief military commanders in the service of the se- A. D. 1508. nate at this period, were Niccolo Orsino, comit of PItigliano, A. Ji.1. 33. and Bartolommeo d' Alvlano, both of them men of great courage and experience, but of very different characters ; d'Alviano being daring and impetuous, ahnost to rashness, whilst the count was cool, deliberate, and cautious, to an opposite extreme. The object of the one was to terminate a war by a single effort ; that of the other to defeat the enemy by involving him in difficulties, so as to prevent even the necessity of an engagement. One of the first measures of the senate, was to call these commanders to Venice, and to request their deliberate sentiments on the best methods to be adopted for the defence of the state. These opinions were conformable to the different tempers and views of those who delivered them. The count of PItigliano advised the senate to fortify their continental cities, and to act upon the defensive, until events should occur, which might weaken or destroy a league, that had within Itself the principles of dissolution. D'Alviano, on the contrary, contended that it was more expedient to take the field before their enemies were prepared for the attack ; and rather to carry the war into the states of Milan, than to wait the approach of the French king within the Vene- tian territories. Without wholly adopting either of these opinions, the senate steered a middle course ; and whilst they prepared for the defence of their strong cities, they directed that their generals should not proceed beyond the river Addd.faJ Scarcely had the Venetian army taken the field, when the faj Guicciard. Hist. tPKal. lib, viii, 1. 4l6. Muratori Jnnali, x. 42. 65 the tempest burst upon that devoted state from all cil\p. vih. quarters. Francesco Maria della Rovere, nephew to the a. d. 1509. pope, and who was now become duke of Urbino, proceed- A.^t.34. ed through the territories of Faenza, and stormed the town of Brisinghalla, where he put to death upwards of two thousand persons, and by his unsparing cruelty, led the way to still greater enormities. The marquis of Mantua attacked the district of Verona, but was vigorously opposed by d'Alviano. Amidst the storm of war, Julius II. rolled forth the thunders of the Vatican, and placed the state of Venice under the interdict of the church. (^cj The French army, consisting of twenty thousand foot, of whom six thou- sand were Swiss mercenaries, and of five thousand horse, with Louis XII. at their head, passed the Adda at Cassano, and captured the towns of Trevigli, Rivolto, and other places, which they sacked; but on the approach of the count of Pitigliano, they retreated across the river, hav- ing first garrisoned the foitress of Trevigli. The count, having bombarded the fortress with heavy artilleiy, com- pelled the garrison, after an obstinate defence, to surren- der ; but no sooner were the Venetian soldiery in possession of the town, than they followed the example of their ene- mies, in slaughtering and despoiling the unfortunate in- habitants. Such was the licentiousness of the troops, that the discipline of the army was greatly relaxed ; and before they could be compelled to return to their duty, it was found necessary to complete the ruin of the inhabitants, by setting fire to the town. This disgraceful incident afforded the king an opportunity of again passing the Adda, of which he did not fail to avail himself. VOL. II. I In (a) Guicdard, Hist. ltd. lib. viii. 1. 418. 66 CHAP. VIII. In the beginning of the month of May, 1509, the tAvo A. u. 1509. armies were opposed to each other, in the district of Ghia- A.jEt. 3i. radadda, (^flyl where the king made several efl'orts to compel Louis XII. de- jjig Venetian commanders to a decisive engagement. For some time the advice of the count of Pitigliano, to avoid so netians at Ghiaradadda. hazai'dous a nicasurc, prevailed ; but the impetuosity of d'Alviano seconded the views of the king, and after some partial movements, it became no longer possible to avoid an engagement. The vanguard of the French army was led by the marshal Trivulzio ; the centre by the king in person, accompanied by Charles of Amboise, sieur de Sciomonte, and governor of Milan ; and the rear by the sieur de la Palisse. Of the Venetian army, d'Alviano led the attack ; the count of Pitigliano with the battle, or ca- valry, occupied the centre ; and the rear guard was com- manded by Antonio de' Pii, accompanied by the Venetian commissaries. The action, which took place on the four- teenth day of May, at a place called Agnadello, continued only three hours ; but in that time, upwards of ten thou- sand men lay dead on the field, of whom the greater part were Italians. D'Alviano, after displaying many instances of undoubted courage, was wounded and taken prisoner, and the French remained complete masters of the day, with the artillery, standards, and ammunition of the van- quished, (bj The count of Pitigliano with a small body of cavalry. (a) Ghiara, a gravelly beach or bed of a river ; hence Gliiara d'Adda, or the beach of the river Adda, from which the whole district is denominated. (b) This victory of the French monarch is celebrated by Antonius Sylviolus in a Latin poem entitled, De triumphali atque issicni Christia.nissimi Invictissimique Francorum Regis Lodovici XII. in venetos victoria, addressed to George of Amboise, cardinal of Rohan, and printed without note of year or place. This production, 67 cavalry, escaped to Caravaggio. Some authors have as- chap, vm. serted that the defeat of the Venetians is chiefly to be at- a. d. 1509. tributed to the misconduct of the count, who disgracefully A.^t.34. fled in the midst of the hzttle; fa) but the senate were too severe judges to allow such an instance of treachery, or of cowardice, to pass without a bitter retribution ; instead of which we find the count soon afterwards confidentially em- ployed in their service. The result of the battle, if not to be attributed to the superior courage and impetuosity of the assailants, among whom the celebrated Gaston de Foix, then very young, was greatly distinguished, may be accounted for from the whole of the French araiy having been brought into action, whilst the Italians engaged only in detached bodies ; in consequence of which their vanguard was de- feated with an immense loss, before their cavalry, in which consisted the strength of their army, could take a part in the contest. Before Louis XII. proceeded to reap the frm"ts of his vic- toiy, he determined to give a signal proof of his piety and his gratitude, by erecting a church on the field of battle. An edifice was accordingly raised on the very spot which yet streamed with the blood of those who had died in de- fence of their country, and was designated by the name of S. Maria delta Vitloria, although it might with much more propriety have been dedicated to the god of treachery, of I 2, rapine. production, aflTords much particular information respecting the circumstances and con- sequences of this important contest, and is not devoid of poetical merit. (a) ap. Muratori, Annali (Tltalia. v. x. p. 44. 68 CHAP. VIII. A.D. 1509. A. ^t. 34. rapine, and of slaughter This structure has been consi- dered by the Frencli as an omen of success in subsequent times ; the duke of Vendosme having, in the beginning of the last century, defeated the imperial army within sight of its waMs.faJ Dismember- ment of the Venetian ter- ritories. The intelligence of this decisive engagement, and the terror of the French arms, facilitated their progress through the Venetian dominions. The districts of Ghiaradadda and Caravaggio, the cities of Cremona, Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema, instantly surrendered to the conc{ueror. The fortress of Peschiera, defended only by five hundred men, for some time resisted his efforts, but overpowered by the French artillery, the besieged at length desired to capitu- late, and made frequent signals that they were ready to surrender. Their submission was ineffectual. The assail- ants entering the citadel by storm, put all persons within it to the sword, and seizing upon the Venetian com- missary Andrea Riva and his son, hung them from the walls of the castle. I'^j Notwithstanding the partiality of the French historians to the conduct and character of Louis XII. it is acknowledged, that on this occasion he appeared to have forgotten his maxims of clemency -jI^cJ and it would have been well for the reputation of that monarch, if the observation could have been confined only to this event. Misfortunes so unexpected, and atrocities so unparalleled, struck fa) Hist, de la Ligue de Camlray, liv. i. torn. i. p. 122. fbj Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, x. 45. fc/ " II ne se piqua pas de faire usage envers cette garnison de ses maximes sur la " demence. EUe fut passee au fil dc I'epee." Ligue de Cambr. lib. i. 1. 25. A. ^t. 34. 69 struck the senate with terror; and despairing of any fur- chap, viii. ther defence of their continental possessions, they only a. d. loop- sought how they might most effectually mitigate the re- sentment, or gratify the ambition, of their numerous ad- versaries. They therefore signified to Julius II. their readiness to surrender to him the whole of their possessions in Romagna ; they proposed to relinquish unconditionally to Ferdinand of Spain the cities which they held on the Neapolitan coast ; and they dispatched an ambassador to the emperor elect Maximilian, informing him that they had already given directions to their governors at Verona and Vicenza to deliver those places up to him, as soon as he should make his appearance. /aj Maximilian, however, displayed no great ardor in availing himself of the ad- advantages prepared for him by his allies ; but in due time the imperial army arrived, and triumphantly took pos- session of those cities, as well as of Padua, without being under the necessity of making an hostile effort. fb) AVhilst the chief parties to the league were thus appropriating to themselves their share of the spoil, the inferior allies were not idle. Alfonso duke of Ferrara, now dignified Avith the title of gonfaloniere of the church, possessed himself of the Polesine, and of the districts of Este, Montagnano, and Monfelice, the ancient heritages of his family. (^cj Other commanders {aj The Venetian envoy on this occasion was Antonio Giustiniano, to whom Guic- ciardini has attributed a most humiliating oration, the authenticity of which has been greatly doubted. The author of the history of tlie League of Cambray has entered at large into this subject, which seems, however to have given rise to more discussion than it deserves, r. Ligue de Cambr. 1. 137. zho Miirat. x. 47. The oration of Giusti- niano is given by Liinig, Cod. Jtal. Diplomat. 2. 1999. (b) Muratori, Annali d' Italia., x. 45. (c) Gibbon, Aittiq. of the House of Brunsnic/c, in op. post. vol. \\. p. 6.S.'). A. ^t. 34. 70 CHAP. VIII. commanders eagerly embraced this opportunity of stripping A.J3. 1509. the Venetians of their possessions. Cristoforo Frangipani seized upon several fortresses in Istria, and the duke of Brunswick rendered himself master of Feltri, and Belluno, with several parts of Friuli. Never before had the Ve- netian lion been so shorn of his honors, never had St. Mai'k been so inattentive to the interests of his faithful vo- taries, as on this occasion. fflj Esertions of the Senate. hi the midst of their calamities, the Venetians had, however, some peculiar advantages. The situation of their capital, surrounded by the waves of the Adriatic, secured them from the apprehensions of total destruction. What- ever the limbs might suffer, the head w^as sound, and ca- pable of strong exertion, hi their numerous and well-ap- pointed fleet, they had a bulwark which defied the utmost malice of their enemies. If, under these circumstances, they appeared to have resigned themselves to despair, it •was not of long continuance, and the depression served only to give a more elastic impulse to their efforts. Their at- tempts to mitigate the anger of Julius II. had hitherto been as ineffectual as their submissive representations to Maxi- milian. A persecution so relentless, instead of continuing to excite their terror, began at length to awaken their re- sentment ; and the senate resounded with the most unqua- lified abuse of the father of the faithful, who was repre- sented as much better qualified for the office of a public ex- ecutioner, (a) About this time, when the humihation and distresses of Italy were at their height ; when the Milanese was occupied by the Frencli, the kingdom of Naples by the Spaniards, and the territories of Venice were divided among its rapacious assailants, MacliiavcUi wrote his Capifolo deW Ambizione, in which he indignantly condemns the imbecility, and pathetically laments the miseries of his country. 71 ecutioner, than for that to which he had been promoted. (^a^ chap.-vth. They therefore began to collect together the remains of a. d. 1509. their unfortunate army ; they directed the soldiers who a. a:u 3i. had garrisoned their fortresses in Romagna and the kingdom of Naples, to repair to Venice ; and they obtained from Istria, Albania, and Dalmatia, considerable bodies of brave and experienced troops. The count of Pitigliano exerted his utmost efforts in their service ; and by his personal credit and authority, and the liberal rewards Avhich he offered, he induced many of the Italian condottieri to join his stan- dard Avith their followers. In a short time, the Venetians were enabled to oppose the imperialists in the vicinity of Trevigi, where they defeated a body of troops under the command of Constantine, despot of the Morea, who, after having been despoiled of his dominions by the Turks, had engaged in the service of Maximilian. This success led the Avay to bolder efforts, and the count of Pitigliano was directed to attempt the recovery of the Recovery of important city of Padua, which under the impressions of ca*t!lreoi^e terror had been sun^endered to the imperialists. The in- marquis of habitants, already disgusted by the licentiousness of the German soldiery, had shewn a manifest disposition to re- turn to the obedience of their former lords. (b) By the united efforts of treachery and of force, the count of Piti- gliano succeeded in obtaining possession of the city ; the Germans betook themselves to flight, and such of the Paduan nobility as had favoured their cause, severely ex- piated, (a) " Non pontefice, ma carnefice, d'ogni crudelta maestro." Bemb, Istor. Venet. lib. viii. in op, v. i. p. 222. (b) Murat. Annali d'ltal. v. x. p. 48. 72 CHAP. VIII. A. D. 1509. A. £1. 34. piatcd. by imprisonment, by exile, or by death, their versa- tility, or their treachei)'. This event, •which Avas con- sidered as of infinite importance to the republic, took place on the feast of S. Marina, the seventeenth day of July, 1509, fa) and was speedily followed by another scarcely of inferior importance. Francesco, marquis of Mantua, having withdrawn himself into the island of Scala, with a small party of troops, was unexpectedly attacked by a body of the Venetians, assisted by the neighbouring inhabitants, who, under favour of the night, dispersed and plundered his soldiers. The marquis amidst the alarm descended from a window, almost naked, and endeavoured to shelter himself in a corn-field ; but was betrayed by a peasant, to whom he had promised a great reward, if he Avould favour his escape. Being made a prisoner, he was first brought to Lignano, and afterwards sent to Venice, where he was com- mitted to the ToireseUe, in which prison he made a long abode, fi&y Ineffectual at- tempt on Pa- dua by the emperor elect Maxiuiilian. The return of Louis XII. to France soon after the bat- tle of Ghiaradadda was another circumstance highly fa- vourable to the republic ; nor was this advantage greatly counteracted (a) The author of the History of the League of Cambray has placed it on the eighteenth of June, in which he is contraciicled by the evidence of the whole body of the Venetian historians, who could not be mistaken in a day which was long afterwards solemnized in Venice, as the commencement of the rise of the republic, v. Murat. AmiaU d' Italia, x, 4-9. (b) Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 125. Murat. Afinal. x. 51. It was probably on this occasion that the poet Tebaldeo wrote his Capitolo in the name of the marquis of Mantua, in which that prince is supposed to lament the severity of liis fate, and his unmerited misfortunes, v. Tebald. op. Cnpit. 13. This disaster of the marquis is also referred to by Mantuanus Vicentius, in his poem intitled Alha, lib. iv. v. Carm, illutt. puet. Ital. V. xi./>. 342. 73 counteracted by the efforts of the emperor elect MaximUian, chap. viir. who towards the end of the month of August, arrived in a. d. 1509. Italy, at the head of a considerable body of troops, of a. ^t.si. various nations, languages, and manners, bringing with him an immense train of artillery, with which he im- mediately applied himself to the recovery of Fixdun.faJ He was reinforced by Ippolito, cardinal of Este, who fol- lowing the example of the pontiff, marched in his eccle- siastical habiliments at the head of his troops. After having for some time desolated the defenceless country, and captured a few places of little importance, Maximilian commenced, in the month of September, the siege of Padua, with an army and an apparatus that seemed to command success. The Venetians were, however, inde- fatigable in preparing for its defence. With a magnani- mity which has seldom been equalled, the doge Loredano requested that the senate would permit him to send his children, to be shut up within the besieged city. His proposal was received with joy. The enthusiasm of the young nobility of Venice was excited to the highest degree, and three hundred of them voluntarily accompanied the sons of the doge to Padua. (7;j The contest continued during fifteen days, with the loss on both sides of many thousand VOL. II. K lives. faj The author of the history of tlie league of Cambray stales them at 1700 men at arms, and 32,000 infantry. Ligiie de Camb. lib. i. lorn. i. p. igs. But Nardi, who has given the numbers of the particular bodies of the different nations composing the army, states the cavalry to have been more, and the infantry less. To these however were added, two hundred pieces of artillery, besides ten pieces of cannon, of extraordinary size, with which Maximilian was furnished by the duke of Ferrara. Nardi, Hist, di Fior. lib. v. p. 126. (b) Bembo Istoria Veneta, lib. ix. Hiit. de la Ligiie de Cambrmj. liv. i. torn, i, p. 196. 74 ciur. \TTi. lives. On the twenty-seventh clay of September, Maximihan A D. 1509. made his last effort, and attempted to carry the place by A. ^t. 34. storm ; and that the courage of his troops might be excited by national emulation, the Germans, the French, and the Spaniards, Avere directed to assail the place in three diflerent bodies. A vigorous resistance, however, frustrated the efforts of Maximilian, and destroyed his hopes. Looking around him he saw his army thinned by desertion. The sum of one hundred and fifty thousand ducats which he had obtained from the pope, was already expended, and there appeared no possibility of a further supply. He therefore abandoned the siege, and withdrew with his army to Vicenza,f'ffj whence, after dismissing from his service a great part of his fol- lowers, whom he was no longer able to pay, he returned to Vienna, to add one more to his former triumphs ; whilst the Venetians not only retained the city of Padua, but soon afterwards recovered from him the principal part of the district of Fr'mli. (bj Among faj Guicdard. Storia d' Ital. lib. viii. 1. 453. Bembo, Istoria Vetteta, lib. ix. (bj The life and achievements of Maximilian have been ostentatiously represented in a series of engravings, designed under his own inspection, by Hans Burgmair, and executed in wood, by the best artists of the time. They are accompanied by descriptions, dic- tated by Maximilian himself, to his secretary Mark Treitzaurwein. The various employ- ments of Maximilian, his marriages, his battles, and his treaties, are exhibited in a greater number of prints than would have sufficed for the labours of Hercules, or the conquests of Alexander the Great ; but his hunters, his hawkers, his tournaments, and liis buffoons, occupy the greater jiart of the work. This collection he denominates his Triumph. Ce triomphe a ete execute a la louange e la memoire eternelle des PLAISIRS NOBLES ET DES VICTOIRES GLORIEUSES DU SEREMSSIME ET TRES ILLUSTRE PRINCE ET SEIGNEUR MaXIMILIEN £LU EMPEREUU RoMAIN ET CHEF DE LA CHRETIENTE, ROl ET UERETIER DE SEPT UOYAUMES CHRETIENS ARCHIDUC d' AUTRICHE DUG DE BOURGOGNE 75 Among the confederate powers, no one had excited the resentment of the Venetians in so great a degree as Alfonso duke of Ferrara, and they no sooner began to recover their strength, than they resolved to punish him for the active part which he had taken against them. For this purpose they prepared an armament of eighteen gallies, Avith a large supply of ammunition, and a considerable body of troops, which proceeding up the Po, devastated the country on each side, and filled the inhabitants of Ferrara with terror. Alfonso at the head of his troops, and with a powerful reinforcement from the French, hastened to oppose their progress ; and a bloody engagement took place at Polesella, in which Lodovico Pico, count of Mirandula, perished by a shot, whilst standing at the side of the cardinal of Este. A few days afterwards, the Venetians entered the city of Comacchio, which, with a barbarity common to all parties, they delivered up to the fury of the soldiery. A severe retribution, however, awaited them ; under covert of the night, the cardinal of Este had brought down a large train of heavy artillery to the banks of the river ; one part of which he stationed above, and the other below the Venetian flotilla. At break of day he opened these batteries upon them, with such effect as to overwhelm them in inevitable destruction. Two of the gallies perished in the midst of the stream, a third was destroyed by fire, and whilst the Venetians wei'e attempting to escape with the remainder of their fleet, they were attacked by several barks, strongly manned with soldiers from Ferrara, and were totally K 2 routed. CHAP. viir. A. D. 1509. A. iEt. 34. The Venetians defeated by the duke of Ferrara. BOURCOONE ET d' AUTIJES GRAND PRIN'CIPAUTES ET PROVINCES DE l' EUROPE, SfC. The original blocks, or engravings in wood, have only been of late years discovered, and the work was published in 1796, in large folio. to the Flo- 76 CHAP. vni. routed. The loss of the Venetians on this occasion ex- A. D. 1509. ceeded three thousand men, and IppoHto led fifteen gallies A.^t.34. in triumph to Ferrara.faJ The example of the dreadful enormities committed by Pisa surrender-s thc conqucriug party upon every place which resisted their ai'ms, was an awful lesson to the inhabitants of Pisa, who, notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the Florentines, had hitherto defended their city, and refused all terms of re- conciliation. A bold, but unsuccessful attempt, made by the assailants to turn the course of the Arno, served only to give new courage to the besieged ; but the Florentines had at length reduced the art of famishing to a system, and de- prived the inhabitants of Pisa of all hopes of supply. Ex- pedients horrid to relate were resorted to ; but human efforts are bounded by human weakness, and the long suf- ferings of the people of Pisa now approached their termi- nation. Propositions were at length made by the inhabi- tants for the suirender of the place, by which they reserved to themselves considerable rights, and claimed great in- dulgences. To these the Florentines willingly and wisely acceded, and on the eighth day of June, 1509, their com- missioners faj Ariosto has not forgotten to celebrate this important incident in the life of his patron, " Costiii con pochi a piedi,' e meno in sella " ^'cgg'" uscir mesto e ritornar giocondo; " Che quindici galce mena captive, •' Ollra mill' altri legni a le sue rive." Orl. Fur. Cant. iii. */. 57. The same occasion has also afforded a subject for several of the Latin poets of the time. 77 missioners entered the city, and by the generosity of their ^^^^- ^in. conduct, their strict observance of the stipulated terms, and a. d. 1509. their attention to repair the injuries of the war, soon con- A. Ait, 34. vinced the inhabitants that they had been contending, for the space of nearly fifteen years, with unexampled obsti- nacy and incredible sufferings, against their omu real in- terests. faj Hitherto the Venetians had relied only on their own courage and resources, and in spite of all the efforts of the powerful league which had been so unexpectedly formed against them, their affairs continued daily to improve, when the loss of the count of Pitigliano, who had served them many years with great fidelity, deranged their military ope- rations, and excited their just regret. His death was attri- buted to the fatigues which he had suffered in the service of the republic, and so sensible were the senate of his me- rits, that they erected to his memory a statue of brass, Avith an honourable inscription. fZ^' But whilst the Venetians were thus struggling with their misfortunes, a favourable gleam at length appeared, and gave them the promise of fairer times. Julius II. by the recovery of Romagna, had accomplished the object Avhich had induced him to become a party in the league of Cambra}^ If this could have been done Avithout the in- tervention of his allies, he would gladly have dispensed with ^aj Muratori, Annali d' Italia, x. 54. tjio. (b) His talents have also been celebrated, and his services recorded, in a few Latin verses of Ant. Franc. Rainerius. v. Appendix, Ko. LX. 78 CHAP. vni. A. D. 1510. A.ALi .35. Julius H. de- serts the al- lies & ; unites his arms with the Vene- tians. with their services ; but having now reaped the full benefit of their assistance, his next consideration was, how he might best secure the advantages which he had obtained. The rapid successes of the French, compared with the tardy progress and fruitless attempts of Maximilian, seemed likely to give them a preponderating influence in Italy ; and the destruction of the \^enetian republic would have rendered Louis XII. the sovereign of all the northern part of that country, from the gulf of Genoa to that of Venice. Induced by these considerations, Julius admitted to his pre- sence the Venetian ambassadors, who had before in vain solicited an audience, and having received their sub- mission, he released the republic from his spiritual cen- sures, with assurances of his future favour and support. foj As this event could not long be concealed from the know- ledge of the French monarch, Julius lost no time in adopt- ing the most effectual measures to secure himself against his resentment. By the offer of a large sum of money he attempted to detach Maximilian from his alliance with France. fi^j He endeavoured to excite against Louis XII. an insurrection in the city of Genoa, where he had considerable influence. By the most earnest representations he tried to prevail upon Henry Mil. of England to make a descent on the faj In performing this ceremony, the pope, being seated in his pontifical robes on tlie steps of S. Peters, strikes with a rod the naked shoulders of the ambassadors, in tlie same manner as a prelate absolves his penitent monks. It was thus that Sixtus IV. released the city of Florence from his interdict ; but on this occasion, Julius II. dispensed with this hu- miliating ceremony, and in lieu of it, ordered the envoys to visit the seven churches. T. Nardi, Hist, di Fior. lib. v, p. 127. fbj The brief of Julius II. to the cardinal of Gurck on this subject, is given by Liinig. Cod. ltd. Diplomat, ii. 2002. 7 9 the French co^LSt. fa) He was more successful with Ferdinand of Spain, who, having also now obtained his object, was ea- sily persuaded to join in expelling the French from Italy ; but what was of still greater importance, he engaged in his service fifteen thousand Swiss mercenaries, for the purpose of making an irruption into the Milanese dominions of the French k'mg.fbj The unexpected assistance of such an active and determined ally gave fresh courage to the Ve- netians. They increased the numbers of their army, the ge- neral command of Avhich they intrusted to Lucio Malvezzo, and that of their infantry to Lorenzo, or Renzo, da Ceri. They engaged a body of five hundred Turkish horse, under the command of Giovanni Epirota, and they set at liberty the marquis of Mantua upon such liberal terms, as induced him in future to favour their interests/cj CHAP. vm. A. D. 1510. A.iEt. 35. These events may be considered as the intire dissolution of the league of Cambray, and shortly occasioned a new aspect of public affairs. Julius, having now secured the aid of the Swiss, and having in his service two powerful armies, one of which was commanded by Marc-Antonio Colonn^.fdJ a young soldier of high worth and splendid talents, Excommuni- cates the duke of Fer- faj At the same time the pope sent Henn- the consecrated rose, dipped in chiism, and perfumed witli musk. Rapin, Hist, of England, book xv, vol. i. p. 708. fb) The treaty of Julius II. with the Swiss is also preserved by Liini"-. Cod. Ital. Diplomat, ■c. ii. p. 24()9. (cj Muratori AnnaU d" Italia, x. 57, 6o. (d) Marc-Antonio was the son of Pier- Antonio, and nephew of Prospero Colonna. His early accomplishments are thus adverted to by Tebaldeo, " Hermes diun loqueris, dum rides, Marce, Cupido es, " Mars es ubi arma capis: tresque refers superos." Carm. lUml. Poet. Ital. ix. 241 • 80 CHAP Yiir. talcnt«, to ^\llonl he had given his niece in marriage, the A. D. 1510. other hy his ncpliev.-, the duke of" Urbino, dismissed from A..Et..35. l)is presence the French ambassadors and those of the duke of Ferrara. He also admonished the duke to desist from further hostihties against the republic of Venice, and in particular to relinquish the siege of Lignano, which he was then carr)^ing on with great activity Y"/* As the duke did not appear inclined to relax in his efforts, Julius instantly deprived him of his title of gonfaloniere of the church, which he conferred with great solemnity on the marquis of Mantua,^'/';' and soon afterwards excommunicated the duke and all his family, declaring him deprived of his domi- nions, and pointing him out to the vengeance of all Chris- tendom, as a rebel to the holy see. At the same time the duke of Urbino entered the territory of Ferrara, where, with the assistance of the Venetians, he captured many im- portant places, and among others, the city of Modena ; car- rying the war almost to the walls of Ferrara itself /c^ The indefatigable activity of Alfonso, with the aid of the French troops from Milan, preserved him, however, from the de- struction with which he was threatened, and in the variable events of the year, he obtained in his turn, considerable advantages against the Venetian and Papal troops. For faj Julius also complained that the duke had entered into an agreement for supplying Lombardy with salt from his mines at Comacchio, to the exclusion of those of the church at Cervia, and required him to relinquish liis contract. He also insisted on the dute liberatiu'J- his brother, Don Ferdinand of Este, whom he yet detained in prison. v. ante, chap. vii. p. 36. These demands were, however, considered at the time, as onl) pretexts for an attack on the states of Ferrara, which Julius had resolved to unite with those of the church, v. Lettere di Leonardo da Porto, in Lettcre di Principi, vol. i. p. J. {bj The grant of this office is given in the collection of Du Mont. torn. W. par. \, p. 131. fcj Muratori, Annali d' Italia, x. 59, 60. 81 For the purpose of conducting the war with greater chap. vm. vigour, JuHus II. had proceeded from Rome to Bologna, a. d. 1510. accompanied by most of the cardinals, and attendants of A. ^Et. 35. his court. faj At the same period Sciomonte, governor of ^^ tasieged in Milan, instigated by the representations of the Bentivoli, directed his arms against that place; where Julius, indisposed by sickness, and wholly unprepared for defence, had nearly fallen into the hands of his enemies. He had, however, the policy to open a treaty with the French general, whose exorbitant demands afforded him a pretext for delay. The ambassador on whose talents he relied in this emergency, Avas Giovan-Francesco Pico, count of Mirandula, the ne- phew of the celebrated Giovanni Pico, and himself one of the most learned men of the age. It soon, however, ap- peared, that the only object of the pontiff was to gain time, till his allies, whom he had informed of the dangers of his situation, could arrive to his relief. A large body of Spa- nish and Venetian troops made their appearance most op- portunely for his holiness, and Sciomonte, regretting the opportunity which he had lost, and suffering from the VOL. n L Avant faj It was on this occasion that Julius was said to have throxni into the Tyber, the keys of S. Peter, as appears from the following epigram. Pasquill, xol. i. p. 82. " Cum contra Gallos bellum Papa Julius esset " Gesturus, sicut fania vetusta docet ; " Ingentes Martis turnias contraxit, &: urbem " Egressus, sasvas edidit ore minas. " Iratusque sacras claves in fluniina jecit " Tybridis, hie Urbi pons ubi jungit aquas. " Inde manu strictiim vagina diripit ensem, " Exclamansque truci talia voce refert ; " Hie gladius Pauli nos nunc defendct ab lioste, " Quandoquidemclavis nil juvat ista Petri." 82 CHAP. viii. ^vant of supplies, withdrew himself into the Milanese^^j A.D. 1510. During the residence of the pope at Bologna he had enter- A.^t.35. tained suspicions of Giuliano, the brother of the cardinal de' Medici, whom he confined in the palace, under an idea that he had conspired with his ancient friends the Bentivoli, to effect their return ; a few days, however, convinced the pope that his distrust was unfounded, and Giuliano was again restored to liberty /i^yl The vehemence of Julius II. in subjecting all his ene- Louis xn. op- mies indiscriminately to the penalties of ecclesiastical cen- poses the au- , . . , . . . thorityofthe sures, at length gave rise to a more alarming opposition pope- than any which he had heretofore experienced. In devot- ing Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, to the pains of excommuni- cation, he had expressly included in the same censure, all those who supported his cause. The emperor elect Max- imilian, and Louis XII. were therefore virtually under the anathema of the church. Considered merely in a spiritual point of view, this was by no means an object of indiffer- ence, at a time when the efficacy of the keys of St. Peter had never yet been questioned ; but however insensible these monarchs had been to their spiritual welfare, the cen- sures of the pope, in releasing their subjects from their obe- dience, had laid the foundations of rebellion and tumult in every part of their dominions. Louis XII. endeavoured to remonstrate Avith Julius on this unjustifiable use of his pontifical power; but the pope, instead of attending to his representations, shut up his minister, the cardinal of Auch, in (a) Muratori, AnnuH d' Italia, x. 62. Gukciard. Histor. d' Ital. lili. ix. i. 500. (b] Gukciard. Hist, d Ital. lit/, viii. vol. i. p. 4-64. I 1^ 13 CHAP. viir. in the castle of S. Angela, faj Alarmed and exasperated to a high degree, Louis called together the French prelates, a. d. 1510. and requested their united opinion ^vhether he was justi- A. iEt. 35. fiable in defending against the papal arms, a prince of the empire, whom the pope had endeavoured to divest of a state, which had been held under the imperial sanction for more than a century. fbj The reply of the clergy was, as might be expected, favourable to the views of the king, and in removing his scruples, emboldened him to a more decided opposition. As a mark of his determined hostility against the pope, he caused a medal to be struck with his own portrait, bearing the title and arms of king of France and Naples, and the motto, perdam Babylonis nomen. fcj He opened a treaty with Maximilian for the convocation of a general council of the church at Lyons, and five cardinals had already expressed their willingness to attend the as- sembly. Maximilian not only listened with eagerness to the proposal, but. it has been said, formed also the design of procuring himself to be elected to the papacy, and although this has been considered as an empty and un- founded report, fdj yet it accords too well with the vain and fluctuating disposition of Maximilian, and is too Avell supported by historical evidence, to admit the supposition of L 2; its faj Gukciaid. Hist, d' Ital. lib. ix. 1. 4-S-i. (h) The autlior of the history of the league of Camhray supposes, that this was Bohgna, « liich had been long held by the Bentivoli ; but Muratori has decisively she\vn that the place alluded to was Comacchio, which was a feud of the empire, and had been held under the imperial investiture by the dukes of Ferrara, upwards of one hundred and fifty years. Muratori Annali d' Italia, x. 60. (c) Thuani Histor. lib. i. to7n. i. p. l6. Ed. Biicklci/. (dj Muratori Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 64. 84 CHAP. VIII. A. D. 1510. A.iEi.35. its being wholly destitute of foundation. ^r/^ Whether this gave rise to difficulties which were not easily obviated, or whether other causes prevented the assembly of the pro- posed council of Lyons, that measure did not take place ; but it was not long before a similar proceeding was resorted to, which for some years divided the authority, and dis- turbed the repose of the Christian world. Miritndula cap- lured by Julius II. ID person. The great object to which the pope now turned his exertions, was the destruction of the duke of Ferrara, and the re-union of his territories with the states of the church ; but before he could attack the dominions of Alfonso with a full prospect of success, he judged it necessary to possess himself of the principalities of Mirandula and Concordia, then held by Francesca, the widow of Lodovico Pico, and daughter of Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio. In the month of December, 1510, Concordia submitted to his arms; but Francesca refused to surrender her capital, and avowed her intention of defending it to the last extremity. For a con- siderable time, the united force of the Venetian and papal troops was ineffectually employed to reduce the place ; when at length the pope, exasperated beyond measure at the delay, and distixisting even his own generals, among whom his nephew the duke of Urbino held the chief com- mand, determined to join the army in person, and forward by his exhortations and example the operations of the assailants. fa) " Ce deslr de Maximilien pour la papaute, ne paroissoit pas fort certain ; mais " M. Bayle, (Jiepojise aux questions d'un Proiinciat, torn, ii.) 1' a prouve de nouveau, «' par una lettre tres curieuse, ecrite du terns meme de cet empereur, et k laquelle il paroit " que ce S9avant soit le premier q\ie nous ait fait faire attention." Fresnoy, Methode pour etudier V Hist, torn. i. p. 1 19. 85 assailants. In the midst of the severest winter that had chap. vm. been known in Italy for many years, the hoary pontiff march- a. d. 15 lo. ed at the head of his troops, amidst frost and storms, to the ^- ^^- 35. attack of Mirandula. He directed in person the planting of the artillery ; he regulated the order of the attack ; he ex- posed himself fearlessly to the fire of the enemy, till at length he effected a breach in the walls, and reduced the besieged to the necessity of a capitulation. In compliance with the terms agreed on, the inhabitants hastened to open their gates ; but such was the impetuosity of the pontiff, that without waiting for a formal surrender, he mounted a scaling ladder, and entered the city, sword in hand, through the breach in the walls. fa) Having there received the sub- mission of Francesca, he delivered up the place to his ad- herent Giovan-Francesco Pico, who justly claimed the su- preme authority as his right of inheritance. (^/^j After re- maining about ten days at Mirandula to recover from his military fatigues, Julius proceeded to Ravenna, with a de- termination to attack the city of Ferrara ; but the vigilance of the duke was equal to the violence of his enemies, and in {aj 21 Jan. 151 1. Muratori Annal. d' Italia, x. 6"5. (h) On this occasion M. A. Casanova addressed to the pontifT the following lines: In Jtilium II. Pont. Mar. " Vix bellura indicium est, cum vincis, nee citius vis " Vincere, quam parcas ; hsec tiia agis pariter. " Una dedit bellum, bellum lux sustulit una ; " Nee tibi, quam bellum, longior ira fuit. " Hoc nomen divinum aliquid fert secum ; & utrum sis " Mitior, anne idem fortior, ambiguum est." Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. iii. 284. Many interesting particulars respecting the capture of Mirandula, and the conduct of Francesca, are given in the letter of Leonardo da Porto. Lettere di Principi, vol. i. p. 9. lall 86 CHAP. vnr. jj^ several engagements, this experienced soldier and mag- A. D. 1511. nanimous prince, defeated the united arms of the Venetians A. /Et. 36. and the pope, with considerable loss. Some overtures being about this time made for the re- Boiogna cap- storatiou of peace, the pope left Ravenna and repaired to I'rench. liologiia, for tlic piuposc of meeting the ambassadors of the different potentates ; but Julius was not formed for a medi- ator, and the interview served only to kindle fresh ani- mosities. No sooner was the unsuccessful event of the nego- tiation known, than the marshal Trivulzio, at the head of a formidable body of French troops, hastened towards Bologna. The pope, being apprized of his approach, and not choosing to confide in the courage, or the fidelity, of the inhabitants, suddenly quitted the place, and accompanied by his whole court, returned to Ravenna. He did not, however, fail to admonish his faithful subjects to retain their allegiance to him, and to defend themselves to the last extremity; and he intrusted the chief command to Francesco Alidosio, cardinal of Pavia, who, on the departure of the pope, took the speediest measures for the defence of the place. The ex- hortations of the pontiff, were however, soon forgotten. As the enemy approached, the inhabitants began to dread the lingering torments of a siege, or the sudden horrors of a direct attack. The exiled family of the Bentivoli had yet their partizans within the Avails. It was to no purpose that the cardinal entreated the citizens to co-operate in the defence of the place with the duke of Urbino, who closely watched the motions of the French army, or that he re- quested them to admit a body of one thousand papal troops within the walls. The revolt became apparent, and the cardinal, with some difficulty, effected his escape to Imola ; whilst 87 whilst Annibale, and Hermes Bentivoli, who had followed the French army, Mere received into the city Avith joy, and reassumed the government of their native place. One of the first outrages of popular fury, was the destruction of the beautiful statue of Julius II. cast in brass by Michel Agnolo, Avhich after having been indignantly dragged about the city, was broken in pieces, and sent by the French commander to the duke of Ferrara, who formed it into a cannon, to which he gave the name of Julio. The head alone was preserved, and continued for some time to or- nament the ducal museum at Ferrara. fa^ CHAP. Yin. A. D. 1511. A. vEt. 36\ The loss of the city of Bologna, which was soon fol- lowed by the defeat and dispersion of the papal troops in its vicinity, led the way to another incident which occa- sioned the pope still greater distress. From Imola, the car- dinal of Pavia had hastened to Ravenna, to excuse himself to the pope for having left the city of Bologna to be occu- pied by the arms of the French ; in the course of which exculpation, it was supposed that he intended to charge the duke of Urbino with having, through inattention or negligence, contributed to this disaster. The pope, who entertained a favourable opinion of the cardinal, was well disposed to listen to his representations, and appointed a time when he should visit him ; but as the cardinal Tlic cardinal of Pavia assas- sinated by the duke of Turbine. was [a] This statue, which was raised at tlie expense of five thousand gold ducats, (Murat. Ann. X. 67.) gave rise to the following satirical lines of Piero Valeriano: " Ouo quo tarn trepidus fugis Viator ; " Ac si te Furiasve, Gorgonesve, " Aut acer Basiliscus insequantur? " — Non hicJuLius — at figuraJuLii est. Vakr^Hexam. S^-c, p. 10-t. Ed. Giol. 1550. 88 CHAP. vm. ^y^5 j)iotcecling on Horseback with his attendants to the A. D. 1511. proposed interview, he was met in the street by the duke A. iEt. 36. of Urbiiio, who passed througli the midst of the guards, and whilst they ranged themselves on each side to shew him respect, rode up to the cardinal, and stabbed him with a dagger, so that he fell instantly dead Irom his horse.faj Such an atrocious and sacrilegious act of trea- chery excited at once the grief and the indignation of the pontiff,fl/J who, with severe denunciations against the per- petrator of the crime, instantly quitted Ravenna, and has- tened to Rome ; where he instituted a formal process against the duke, and deprived him of all his dignities. The re- sentment of the pope was not, however, of long continu- ance. At the expiration of five months he allowed him- self to be prevailed upon, by the representations of his courtiers, to restore his nephew to his honours ; and upon his visiting the city of Rome, and supplicating pardon for his offence, the pope absolved him from his homicide, in the presence of all the cardinals, and restored him again to his favour. Whilst the grief of the pope for the loss of Bologna Council of Pisa, was tlius iucrcascd by the death of the cardinal of Pavia, and he was hastening from Ravenna to Rome, to pursue measures faj The efTorts of Julius II. to possess himself, either l>y force or fraud of the city of Ferrara, and the various incidents of this expedition, with the death of the cardinal of Pavia, are fully related by Leonardo da Porto, in the letter before cited, written from Venice, to Antonio Savorgiiano : in which will be found many circumstances either difTcrenlly re- lated, or wholly omitted by the historians of the time. T. Lcttere di Principi, vol. i. p. 9. (b) Paullus Jovius lias, however, attacked the memory of the unfortunate cardinal, with a ferocity equal to that with which the duke of Urbino attacked his person ; and not only justifies, but exults in his murder, v. Appendix, No. LXl. 89 measures against the murderer, he found, on passing through *^"^p- ^'"I- the city of Rimini, that notices were pubHshed of a general a. d. 1511. council of the church, which was to be held in the city of •^- ^^- ^6. Pisa, on the first day of September, 1511, and at which he was cited to appear in person. This measure Avas the re- sult of long deliberation betAveen Louis XII. and the em- peror elect Maximilian, who having prevailed on several of the cardinals to unite in their views, at length succeeded in exciting against the pope this formidable opposition. At the head of this council was Bernardo Carvajal, car- dinal of Santa Croce, who was equally distinguished by his literary acquirements and political talents, and who held a high rank in the college. He was powerfully supported by the cardinal Sansevei'ino, who being of a Milanese family, and devoted to the cause of the French, was supposed to have prevailed upon the cardinal of Santa Croce to engage in this hazardous undertaking, by representing to him the high probability of his obtaining the pontifical dignity, on the abdication or expulsion of Julius II. Among the other cardinals who concurred in this measure were those of S. Malo, Bajosa, and Cosenza. The influence which Louis XII. had acquired over the republic of Florence had induced the magistrates, after great hesitation, to concede to him the city of Pisa as the place of assembly ; but their assent was rather tacit than avowed, and with such secresy were the preliminaries adjusted, that Julius was not informed of them until he found himself called upon to appear as a public delinquent, and his authority openly opposed throughout the whole Christian world. Such a decided instance of disobedience to the supreme head of the church, would at any other time have moved the indignation of the pontiff, but as it occurred at a moment when his mind VOL. II. M was 90 CHAP. VIII. was already agitated with his misfortunes, it almost over- A.D. 1511. whelmed him, and a severe indisposition had nearly com- A.jEt.36. pleted the wishes of his enemies. This council did not, hoAvever, open under the happiest auspices. The appear- ance of seven cardinals, and a few bishops, formed a very inadequate representation of the Christian church ; and the clergy of the city of Pisa not only refused to take any part in the deliberations of the assembly, but even to allow them the implements for celebrating mass, and closed the doors of the cathedral against them. faj Nor were the in- habitants of Pisa less dissatisfied, that the Florentines had subjected their city to the disgrace and danger which were likely to be the result of this measure; and in a contest which took place between them and the French troops, on the bridge of the Arno, the French commander, Lautrec, who had been appointed to protect the council, would in all probability have lost his life, had he not been presei-ved by the courage and promptitude of his son. fb) A sudden terror stmck the assembled ecclesiastics, who began to sus- pect that they might be betrayed by the inhabitants, and delivered up to the pontiff. They therefore quitted the city of Pisa Avithin the space of fifteen days from the time of their meet'mg,fcj and repaired to Milan ; where under the immediate protection of the French monarch, they consti- tuted themselves a legal assembly, and began to issue their decrees. No faj Gidcciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. x. vol. i. p. 559. (b) Jovii, vita Leonis x. lib. ii. p. 26. fcj Gwcciard. Storia d' Ital. Ub. x. vol. i. p. 559- 91 No sooner was the health of the pope in some degree chap. viii. restored, than he took the most effectual steps to obviate ^ d. i5ii. the ill effects of this alarming opposition. He appointed a a. mi. 36. general. council of the church to be held at Rome, in the The boiy course of the ensuing year, and he admonished the refrac- '"^"^^ tory cardinals to return to their duty within sixty -five days, under pain of the deprivation of their dignities, and for- feiture of their ecclesiastical revenues. By the most ear- nest representations to Ferdinand of Aragon, and the grant to him of the tenths of the clergy throughout his dominions, he prevailed upon that monarch to unite with him and the Venetians in a treaty for the defence of the church. faj For the purpose of giving greater credit to this alliance, it was denominated the holy league, (b) and Avas celebrated at Rome with great rejoicings. The king of A- ragon agreed to furnish twelve hundred men at arms, and ten thousand foot, under the command of Don Raymond de Cardona, viceroy of Naples, with a train of artiilerj^-, and eleven gallies of war ; the pope, six hundred men at arms, under the command of the duke of Termini ; and the Venetians their whole forces by land and sea. The influence which Ferdinand possessed with his son-in-law, Henr^' VIII. of England, and the promise of the assistance of the allies in acquiring for that young and ambitious prince the province of Guienne, induced him to become a M 2 party (a) On this occasion, Massimo Corvino, bishop of Isernia made an oration before Julius II. and the people of Rome, in the church of S. Maria, which he afterwards ad- dressed to the cardinal de' Medici, as Legate of Bologna. The same event has also been celebrated in a copy of Latin verses. These pieces, will be found in the Appendix, No. LXII. (b) Liinig Cod. Ital. Diplomat, vol. ii. 798. The brief or proclamation of Julius II. on this occasion, which states the particulars of the forces by land and sea to be provided by each of the parties, is given in the Appendix, No. LXIII. 92 CHAP. VIII. party in this alliance, and another treaty for this purpose A. D. 1511. ^'as signed at London, by Thomas Howard, earl of" Surrey, A. JEt. 36. and George Talbot, earl of Shrewsbury, on behalf of Henry VIII. on the seventeenth day of November, which was confirmed by Ferdinand at Burgos, on the twentieth day of December, ISlI./^aj In addition to these formidable preparations, Julius again took into his service a large body of Swiss, for the purpose of making a descent into the Mi- lanese, whilst the pope and his allies were to engage the at- tention of the French in other parts of Italy, and Henry VIII. was to send an army into Guienne. On this occasion, the Swiss mercenaries carried the celebrated standard which had often been the terror of their enemies, and on which was inscribed, in letters of gold, Domatores Principum. Amatores Justicle. Defensores Sanct.^ Roman.£ Ec- CLESi^. An inscription, the tenor of which they were not, however, at all times, sulHciently careful to observe. The conduct of the Florentine republic, in permitting Julius n. de- the pretended council of the church to assemble in Pisa, *'™°"i^'° had subjected the magistrates, and particularly the gonfa- Medici to loniere, Pietro Soderini, to the resentment of the pontiflf, orence. ^ j^^ rcsolvcil to avail himself of the first opportunity of punishing, with due severity, so heinous an offence. The most (aj This treaty is publisJied in Rymer's Federa, vol. vi. p. 25. and i^ tlie collection of Du Mont, vol. iv. part i. p. 137- — This alli;uice was warmly opposed by some of the English council, who more seriously weighed the business, one of whom made a remark which, as lord Herbert justly observes, England should never forget. " Let us," said he, " leave off our attempts against the Terra firma. The natural situation of islands " seems not to sort with conquests in that kind. England alone is a just empire; or when " we would enlarge ourselves, let it be that way we can, and to which it seems the eter- " nal providence hath destined us, and that is by sea," Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 18. Ed. Land. 1740. 93 most effectual method which occurred to him for tliis pur- <^"^^p "^'"i- pose, as Mxll as to secure the city in future to his own in- ad. 351 1. terests, was to restore the family of Medici to their former ^- ^t- 36- authority in that place. During all the vexation and dan- gers which the pontiff had experienced, the cardinal de' Medici had adhered to him with constant fidelity, and had obtained his confidence in an eminent degree. In selecting at this important crisis, a fit person to superintend the papal arm}', and to direct the operations of the war, the choice of the pontiff fell on the cardinal, who was invested with tile supreme commaiTd, under the title of legate of Bolognd.. faj At the same time, in order to stimulate the exertions of the cardinal, and to punish the Florentines for the part which they had taken, it was understood, that on the expulsion of the French from Bologna, and other parts of the dominions of the church, the cardinal should be allowed to make use of the forces under his command for the re-establishment of his authority in Florence. Already the friends and relations of the Medici within the city, had opposed themselves to the party of the gonfaloniere with great boldness. A con- spiracy was formed against his life, which is attributed, but without any authentic evidence, to the machinations of the pope, and the cardinal de' Medici. Princivalle della Stufa, the principal agent in this transaction, was apprehended with- in the city, but such was the indifference of the people to the safety of their chief magistrate, or the reluctance of Soderini to exert his declining authority, that Princivalle was faj Soon after the appointment of the cardinal to this dignity, he was applied to by the poet Ariosto, to exercise his dispensing power in granting him triu incompatibilia, or al- lowing him to enjoy certain ecclesiastical revenues, without entering for a limited time into sacred orders. This proof of the early intimacy which subsisted betweent he poet and the cardinal, is gi\ en in the Appendix, No. LXIV. 94 CHAP. VIII. A. D. l.lll, A. /Et. 36. was suffered to escape with only a sentence of banishment pronounced against him. fa) Alarmed at these indications, Soderini endeavoured to prevail on the Florentines to es- pouse the cause of Louis XII. and to take a decided part in the approaching contest ; but in this his efforts were fi-ustrated by the more prudent councils of his fellow ma- gistrates, who judged it highly inexpedient to risk their political existence on the event. A temporizing line of conduct was therefore resolved upon, as most suitable to the situation and resources of the republic ; and the cele- brated historian Guicciardini, was, on this occasion, dis- patched as ambassador to the king of Spain, although he was then so young, as to be disqualified by the laws of the republic from exercising any office of public trust. These measures, instead of satisfying any of the contending par- ties, gave offence to all, and the Florentine envoy seems sufficiently to have felt the difficulties of the task imposed upon him.fbj ]juiopna be- sieged by the allies, and re- lieved by de Foix. 1512. Whilst the pope, the Venetians, and the king of Aragon, were thus combining their efforts, for the purpose of expel- ling the French from Italy, the celebrated Gaston de Foix, nephew to Louis XII. then only twenty-three years of age, had assumed the command of his countrymen, and given early proofs of his courage and military talents. He did not, however, wholly rely upon these qualifications for the success of his enterprizes. Scarcely had the Swiss made their appearance in the states of Milan, than he found means faj Comment. diNerli. lib. v. p. 104. fbj Gutcciard.^ lib. \. vol. i. p. 567' 95 means to open a treaty with them, and by the timely ap- ^"•^^- ^'"^■ pHcation of a large sum of money to their commander, and a. d. 1512. other principal leaders, prevailed upon these adventurers, A.^t.37. who carried on war only as a matter of trade, to return once more across the Alps/a^ After having thus secured the states of Milan, he proceeded to the relief of Bologna, the siege of which had been commenced by the allied army on the twenty-sixth day of January, 1512. The su- preme direction of the papal troops was on this occasion intmsted to the cardinal de' Medici, as legate of Bologna, under whom Marc- Antonio Colonna acted as general of the church. The Spaniards were led by Don Raymond de Car- dona, assisted by Fabrizio Colonna, and Pietro Navarro. The Bentivoli within the walls were also encompassed by pow- erful adherents, and a party of French troops under the command of Lautrec and Ivo d'AIlegri, were within the city. The allies had now made their approaches in due military' form, and a considerable portion of the walls was at length destroyed by the continued fire of their artillery. Whilst this open attack continued, Pietro Navarro had, with great assiduity, formed an excavation under the city for a mine of gunpowder, which he at length completed. At the appointed moment, the match was applied to the combustibles, which were intended to have laid the city in ruins. It happened, however, most fortunately for the inhabitants, that these materials had been deposited under the chapel of the holy virgin, del Barracane ; so that when the explosion took place, the chapel rose up into the air, but instantly returned, without injury, to its former station. As the chapel adjoined the walls, the besiegers had a tem- porary faj Muratori, Annali d' Italia, x. 72. 96 CHAP. VIII. A. D. 1512. A. i£t.37. porary view of the interior of the city, and of the soldiers engaged in its defence ; but from this they derived httle satisfaction, as the wall immediately returned to its place, and united together, as if it had not been moved ! Such is the grave account given of this incident by contemporary historians/oj which has been as gravely assented to by writers of more modern times. (b) After so decisive a proof of the inefficacy of all further attempts, it can occasion no surprize, that the French general, De Foix, entered the city at the head of sixteen thousand men, without the besieging army having been aware of their approach^cj The allies had now no alternative but to raise the siege ; after which they retreated in great haste for safety to hnola. Discordant opi- nions of the cardinal de' INIedici and tlie Spanisli general. Car- dona. But whatever doubts may remain respecting the man- ner in which the siege of Bologna was raised, there can be no difficulty in ascertaining the causes of it, when we are informed, that an open difference of opinion had subsisted between the Spanish general Cardona, and the cardinal le- gate de' Medici ; the latter of whom, wearied with the slow proceedings of the allied generals, and well acquainted with faj Guicciard. lib. x. v. i. p. 573. Jovusin vita Leon. x. lib. ii. p. 38. fbj " Erasi per dare rassalto alia breccia, ma si voUe aspettar I'esito di una mina, tirata sotto la capclla delta Beata Vergine del Baracane uella strada Castiglione, da Pietro Navarro. Scoppib questa, e mirabil cosa lu, die la capella fu balzata in aria, e tomb a ricadere nel medesmo sito di prima, con restar delusa I'espettazion de' Spagnuoli, quivi pronti per I'assalto." Murat. Annali, v. x. p. 75. (c) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 573. " Ma il prode Gastone, mosso una notte I'eser- cito dal Finale, ad onta della neve e de' ghiacci, con esso arrivb a Bologna, nel di quinto di Febbrajo, e v'entro per la porta di san Felice, senza die se ne avvedessero i nemici. II die certo parra inverisimile a piil d'uno, e pure lo veggiamo scritto come cosa fuor di dubbio." Murat. Annali. x. 75. 97 with the impatient temper of the pope, endeavoured to chap. viii. prevail on Cardona to persevere vigorously in the attack, a. d. isie. He lamented that so much time had been suffered to elapse A.^t.37. without any impression being made on the city, of which they might then have been in possession ; he intreated the Spanish general not to persist in so fatal an error ; he re- presented to him the danger and disgrace of appeanng in a hostile manner at the gates of a city, without having the courage to commence an attack ; and assured him that he knew not what reply to make to the couriers of the pope, who arrived daily from Rome, and whom he could no longer amuse with vain expectations and empty promises. Displeased with the importunity of the legate, the Spanish general complained, in his turn, that the legate, who from the nature of his education, had no experience in military affairs, should, by his intemperate solicitations, prepare the way for rash and inconsiderate measures. That the inte- rests of all Christendom were concerned in the event of this contest, and that too much caution could not be em- ployed on such an occasion. That it was the custom of the pontifical see, and of republican states, to engage pre- cipitately in war, but that they were soon wearied with the expense and trouble attending it, and sought to ter- minate it on any terms ; that the legate ought in this in- stance to submit his opinion to that of the military com- manders, who had the same objects as himself in view, with much greater experience in such concerns. (^aj The result, however, demonstrated, that on this occasion the churchman was the better general ; nor does it seem to VOL. II. N have (a) Gukciard. Storia d' Ital. Ub. x..rot. l p. 571. 98 A. 1). 1612 A jE.1.37. CHAP. viii. have required much penetration to have discovered, that in the situation in which the aUies were placed, the cap- ture of Bologna, before the French army could arrive to its relief, was the great object towards which the assailants ought to have directed all their efforts. It was not there- fore without reason, that the cardinal suspected that the inactivity of the Spanish general was to be attributed to the orders of his sovereign, who, whilst he professed to be desirous of adopting decisive measures, in concert with his allies, always directed the operations of his gene- rals in such a manner as he ' thought most conducive to his own private interests. fO/l Brescia slormed and sacked by the French. The disappointment and disgrace which the allies had experienced before Bologna, was however, in some degree counterbalanced by the successes of the Venetians, who. about the same time, recovered the important cities of Brescia and Bergamo, whence they proceeded to the attack of Crema ; but the timely arrival of Trivulzio preserved that place to the French. On receiving information of these transactions, Gaston de Foix resolved to lose no time in repairing the losses of the French arms. Leaving there- fore a body of four thousand foot, with a reinforcement of cavalry and archers, for the defence of Bologna, he pro- ceeded by rapid marches towards Brescia, and having in his route defeated two bodies of the allied troops, one of them under the command of Gian-Paolo Baglione, and the other of the count Guido Rangone, he arrived in the vicinity of that city, having, as we are assured, on the last day {aj Guicciard. Sforia d' Ital. lib. \. vol. i. p. 57 i. 99 day of his march led his cavalry, fifty Italian miles without ^"^p- ^™- once drawing the reinsYa^J a. d. 1512. A. ^t. 37. On the arrival of the French general before Brescia, he found, that although the Venetians had possessed them- selves of the town, they had not been able to reduce the citadel, which was yet held by the French. His first object was therefore to reinforce the garrison, which he effected, under cover of the night, by introducing three thousand foot, and four hundred dismounted cavalry. The defence of the place was intrusted by the Venetians to their com- missary Andrea Gritti, upon whom was imposed the dou- ble task of attending at the same time to the attack of the citadel, and the safety of the town. He was, however, supported by a formidable body of troops. The inhabitants of the vicinity were favourable to his cause. Great num- bers of them had joined his arms, and the citizens, dis- gusted with the severity and disorder of the French govern- ment, had avowed their determination to sacrifice their lives in the struggle, rather than be compelled to return under its dominion. The summons of the French general, who promised the inhabitants the pardon of the king on their again submitting to his anns, and threatened to sack the city in case of their refusal, produced no other answer, than that they were ready to defend themselves to the last extremity. The day preceding the expected attack, the women and children were conducted to the monasteries, and all money and articles of value were concealed with as much N 2 privacy faj — " Si trovo aver eglino fuUo quel giorno, senza mai trarre la briglia a i cavalli, " niiglia cinqiianta ; Cosa, die so iion sara creduta ; ma io, die fui presente sul fatto, ne " facdo vera tcstimonianza." L' Anonimo Padovano, ap. ^Iitrat. Annal. d' Ifal. x. 77. 100 CHAP. VIII privacy as possible. In the morning of the nineteenth day A. D. 1512. of February, 1512, the French garrison made an irruption A. jEt. 37- from the citadel in great force, whilst de Foix led on his army to attack the ramparts. A bloody engagement ensued between the garrison and the Venetian soldiery, in the great square of the city, in which two thousand of the latter perished. Despairing of all further resistance, the count Luigi Avogrado, one of the Venetian commanders, at the head of two hundred horse, rushed through the gate of S. Nazaro, in the hopes of effecting his escape, and of this opportunity de Foix availed himself to complete the rout of the Venetians, and the ixiin of the inhabitants. The whole French army entered the city sword in hand, and a most dreadful and indiscriminate carnage ensued, in which upwards of eight thousand ])ersons fell a sacrifice to that vindictive rage, which has in all ages disgracefully charac- terized mankind on similar occasions, and which marks a ferocity far beyond the puny limits of the brute creation. (^o^l The Venetian commissary, Andrea Gritti, with the chief commanders within the city, were made prisoners. Luigi Avogrado being taken in his flight, was put to death as a traitor, by the orders of de Foix, with circumstances of peculiar barbarity. j^i^j Enormous sums were exacted from the citizens as their ransom. For seven days the place was delivered up to the violence and rapine of the soldiery. (^cj Even faj The celebrated Bayard, le Chevalier saiispeur 4- sans reprocke, who had accompanied tlie armies of Charles VIII. and Louis XII. into Italy, was present at the capture of Brescia, and gave a proof of that magnanimity which always distinguished his character, in refusing to receive, from the daughters of his hostess, a sum of two thousand pistoles, which their mother had collected to save her house from plunder. Moreri Art. Bayard. (b) Jovii, vita Lepn. x. lib. ii. p. 41. fcj Jovii, vita Leon. x. lib. ii. p. 41. 101 Even the monasteries were forced and plundered ; (a) but amidst this scene of horror and of bloodshed, the authority of de Foix is said to have been exerted in preserving the honour of the women who had resorted thither for -shelter. Many of the French soldiers were executed by his orders for violating the sanctuary of the convents, and he at length gave peremptory orders that the army should c]uit the city, and return to their encamp- ments. CHAP. viir. A. D. 1512. A.iEt.37. The vigour and rapidity of this young conqueror, who had in the space of fifteen days raised the siege of Bologna, defeated several detachments of the allies, and captured the city of Brescia, alarmed his enemies, and astonished all Italy. The city and district of Bergamo, without waiting for the approach of the French, again raised the standard of Louis XII. and there was reason to believe, that the whole continental possessions of the Venetian lepublic would follow the example. Whatever might be the sensations of the se- nate, Julius II. displayed, however, no symptoms of dismay. On the contrary, his undaunted spirit seemed to rise with the occasion, and no measures were omitted by him which, might encourage his allies, and give effect to the great de- sign which he yet entertained of expelling the French from Italy. By the bribe of fifty thousand florins, he prevailed upon the emperor elect, Maximilian, to conclude with the Venetians a treaty for ten months. |^^^ He incited Henry VIII. of England to prepare a powerful naval armament, for De Foix attacks Ravenna. (a) On this event, Bartolomraeo Teaneo wrote a Latin poem in heroic verse, \vliich was printed at Brescia, in the year I061. v. Spec. Liferat. Brixiance, par, ii. p. 219- (b) V. Liinig Cod, Ital. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 2003. 102 CHAP. vni. for jjie purpose of attacking the coasts of Normandy and A. D. 1512. Bretagne, and he induced Ferdinand of Aragon to com- A. -€t. 37. mence hostilities in France, by sending an army across the Pyrenees. Assailed on all sides by powerful adversaries, Louis XII. perceived that he must rely for his security on the prompt and successful efforts of his Italian troops. He therefore directed Gaston de Foix to use all his diligence to bring the allies to a definitive engagement. To such a com- mander little incitement was necessar)' ; and Gaston im- mediately hastened to Ferrara, to determine with the duke on the measures necessar)^ to be adopted. He had at this time lunder his command eighteen hundred men at arms, four thousand archers, and sixteen thousand infantry ; and being joined b}' the duke of Ferrara with an additional body of troops, and an extensive train of artiller)-, he pro- ceeded towards Romagna. The cardinal legate de' Medici, and the viceroy Cardona, ^^ ho were at the head of fifteen hundred men at arms, three thousand light horse, and eighteen thousand foot, retired towards the mountain of Faenza, choosing rather to harrass the army of the French, and to cut off their supplies, than to risk the fate of Italy on the event of a single battle. The French general was determined, however, not to remain inactive, and direct- ing his course towards Ravenna, he stormed in his progress the fortress of Russi, where he put to the sword about a thousand persons. Arriving under the walls of Ravenna, he instantly commenced the attack. The artillery of the duke of Ferrara, which was on all occasions irresistible, soon effected a breach in the Avails, and the French rushed on to the assault. It appeared, however, that on this oc- casion, the vigilance of the allies had been equal to that of the French commander. Marc-Antonio Colonna, with a powerful 103 powerful body of troops, had entered the city to assist in its chap, viir. defence. An obstinate engagement took place on the ram- a. d. 1512. parts, which continued for four hours, and in which about ^- ^'' ^^' fifteen hundred soldiers were killed ; but notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the assailants, they were at length obliged to relinquish the attempt. ffl^ But although the French general had failed for the pre- sent in his attack upon Ravenna, in another respect he Battle before accomplished the purpose which he had in view, by com- -al^'^nil pelling the commanders of the allied army to abandon their system of procrastination, and to hasten towards that city for its more effectual relief. Whilst Gaston de Foix was rallying his soldiers to a second attack, he received intelligence of the approach of the enemy, and before he was prepared to oppose them in the field, he found that they had raised intrenchments within three miles of Ravenna. In this conjuncture, his situation was critical. To persist in the siege of the city was impossible, whilst an army, equal in number to his own, lay ready to seize the first opportunity of a favourable attack. To assail the allies in their intrenchments, and force them to an ensase- ment, whilst their enemies might harrass them from the fortress of Ravenna, seemed almost equally inexpedient. The sufferings of the soldiers and horses, from the want of accommodation and pro\isions, would not, however, brook delay, and Gaston resolved, at all events, to storm the enemy in their intrenchments, and force them to an open conflict. The order of this dreadful battle, which took place on the eleventh day of April, 1512, and in which faj Muratori, JtinaH d' Italia, x. 80. 104 CHAP. vTii. which the flower ol' both armies was destined to perish, ^ P ,5,^ is described at great length, both by the French and Itahan A.^t.37. historians/a^ Among the French commanders, the most conspicuous was the cardinal Sanseverino, legate of the council of" Milan, who, clad in complete armour, marched at the head of tlie troops, and being of a tall and imposing figure, appeared like another St. George. The cardinal de' Medici, as legate of the church, held the chief autho- rity in the allied army ; but although in the midst of a camp, his habiliments were those of peace, f7;^ and he dif- fered no less from his brother cardinal in his mild and humane disposition, than in the pacific demonstrations of his external appearance. For the more active part of war- like operations, the cardinal de' Medici was indeed, in a great degree disqualified, by the imperfection of his sight, but in maintaining the good order of the camp, he was in- defatigable, and he frequently and strenuously exhorted both the commanders and the soldiery, to contend with courage and unanimity for the protection of themselves and their possessions, the preservation of the holy see, and for the common liberties of Itdly. fcj The Spanish troops, on which the principal reliance was placed, were led by the viceroy Cardona; the Italians by Fabrizio Colonna; and the command of the light armed cavalry was intrusted to the young and accomplished Ferdinando Davalos, marquis of faj JoviiK, vita Ferdinandi Davalos, March. Pescaree, lUi. i. Guicdard. lib. x. Hist, de la Ligue de Cambray, liv. iii. SfC. (h) Guicdard. hb. x. vol. i. p. 588. fcJ " Trjbunos, Centuriones, ac milites ipsos, ut pro servando Sedis Apostolicae " patrimonio, pro aris ac focis, pro communi Italias libertate, pro salute, pro dignitate, " strenuissime decerUrent, graviter, copioseque est adhortatus." Brandolini, Leo. p. 85. 105 of Pescara, who had lately married Vittoria, the daughter ^"'^p viir. of Fabrizio Colonna, one of the fairest patterns of female a. d. 1512. excellence, and conjugal affection, that the world has hi- ^- ■^'- 37. therto seen. The reputation which Pietro Navarro had acquired by his superior skill as an engineer, had not only raised him to a high command in the allied army, but had given great authority to his opinion. On this occasion, he earnestly recommended that the army should remain in its intrench- ments, and should trust for success, in the fiist instance, to its artillery, which he had advantageously arranged in the front of their works. In this opinion he was opposed by Fabrizio Colonna, who contended, that as the French army were under the necessity of crossing the river Ronco, to proceed to the attack, it would be more advisable to oppose them as they approached in detached bodies, than to wait till the whole army had formed itself in order to assault the intrenchments. The advice of the Spaniard prevailed, and the French army arrived unmolested within a short distance of the allied camp. Perceiving, however, that the allies did not choose to quit their intrenchments, they formed their line, with the artillery in front, and for the space of two hours the adverse armies employed them- selves in cannonading each other ; in the course of which a great slaughter was made, without any decisive effect being produced. In this contest the allies had, from their situation, a manifest advantage ; but the duke of Ferrara, perceiving the fortune of the day inclining against the French, hastened with his artillery to their relief, and having obtained an advantageous ]iosition, which com- manded the intrenchments, attacked the allies in flank VOL. n. o with The allies de- feated by de Foix, and ihe cardinal le- gate de' Me- dici made prisoner. 106 . CHAP, viir. ^vijij s^ch impetuosity, that they could no longer resist his A. D. 1512. (ury. (aj The mingled slaughter of men and of horses .£t.37. who fell, without an opportunity of resistance, roused the resentment of Fabrizio Colonna, who with bitter reproaches against the Spanish generals, at length iiished from his intrenchments, and was followed by the rest of the allies. The hostile shock of these armies, each of them inflamed by national enmity, and exasperated to the highest degree by the preceding events of the war, was bloody and de- structive beyond all that had been known in Italy for many years. The whole body was in immediate action. The courage of the Spanish infantry changed more than once the fortune of the day. In the declining state of the allied army, the marquis of Pescara made an impetuous attack on the wing of the enemy, with the whole of the light cavalry, but was repulsed with great loss, and after a severe conflict, the allies were compelled to give way, and to seek their safety by flight. All their artillery, standards, and equipage, fell into the hands of the enemy, and upwards of nine thousand of the allies lay dead on the field. The cardinal legate de' Medici, Fabrizio Colonna, Pietro Navarro, and many other eminent com- manders, and men of high rank, were made prisoners. The faj Ariosto attributes the success of the French on this occasion to the courage and con- duct of the didce of Ferrara : " Cestui sari col senno, e con la lancia, " Ch' avr^ 1' onor ne i campi di Roinagna, " D' aver data a I'esscrcito di Francia " La gran viltoria contro Giulio, e Spagna. " Nuoteranno i destrier /in' a la pancia " Nel sangue unian jjer tutta la campagna; " Ch' a sepelire il popol vtrra manco " Tedesco, Ispano, Greco, Italo, e Franco." Or/and. Fur. cant. iii. st. 55. 107 A. D. 1512. A.JEt. 37. The viceroy Cardona efifected his escape to Cesena, where ^"^p- ^^" he endeavoured to collect together the scattered remains of his troops. But if the Italians and Spaniards had just reason for lamentation, the French had no cause of rejoic- ing. The number of their slain is authentically stated to have exceeded even that of the allies, and to have amounted to no less than ten thousand five hundred men. fa) Among this number were the celebrated Ivo d'Allegri, who had for several years fought the battles of his sovereign in Italy, and two of his sons. The sieur de Lautrec, uncle to de Foix, and second in command, was found on the field of battle covered with wounds ; from which he, however, recovered. But the greatest disaster of the French army, was the death of the general in chief, the celebrated Gaston de Foix, who, burning Avith an in- satiable thirst of slaughter, engaged at the head of one thousand horse, in the pursuit of three thousand Spanish infantry, and in the midst of his career received a shot from a harquebus, which instantly terminated his days. The untimely fate of this young hero damped the ardour of his countrymen in the moment of victory, and his me- mory has seldom been adverted to, even by the Italians themselves, without the highest admiration and upphuse. fhj o 2 The Death of de Foix. faj Murafori Annali d' Ital. x. p. 82. (b) His body was brought to Milan, and deposited with pompous ceremonies in the cathedral; but on the subsequent expulsion of the French from Milan, the cardinal of Sion ordered it to be disinterred, as the remains of a person excommunicated, and sent it to be privately buried in the church of the monastery of S. Martlia. On the recovery of Milan by the French, in the year 1515, a magnificent tomb was erected to the memory of this young warrior, by Agostino Busti, a Milanese sculptor, consisting of a figure of de Foix as large as life, and ten pieces of sculpture in marble, most exquisitely finished, repre- senting 108 A. D. 1512 A. JEi. Z7. CHAP. vm. The benignant philosopher, in the recesses of his closet, may perhaps lament, that such extraordinary talents were exerted, not for the benefit, but the destruction of man- kind ; and the generous soldier may regret, that on some occasions, this great man sullied the glory of his arms, by unnecessary acts of vindictive barbarity ; but it would be invidious in a modern historian, to attempt to tear the laurels, which have now bloomed for nearly three centuries round his tomb. Surrender and plunder of Ravenna. The victorious army now returned to the attack of Ravenna. Marc-Antonio Colonna, desjiairing of the de- fence of the place, withdrew his troops into the citadel, where he defended himself for four days, at the expiration of which time, he quitted the city, under a capitulation, by which it was agreed, that he and his followers should not, for the space of three months, carry arms against the king of France or the council of Pisa.f^aj A deputation from seating the various battles in which he had been engaged. This monument rerasiiied till the beginning of the eighteenth century, when it was suffered to be demolished, and the ornaments were carried away. v. Vasari. Ginnte. vol. i. p. 51. ii- 180. iii. 31. Ligue de Camb. ii. 1 49. The death of de Foix is commemorated in the following lines of Antonio Franc. Raincri : De G.\stone Foxio. " Funera quis memoranda canat, clademque Ravennae, " Et tua, summe Ducum, facta, obitumque simul? " Ingentes cum tu inccdens per corporum acervos, " Jam victor stragc, heu, concidis in media. " Gallica sensere Hesperii quam vivida virtus, " Sensere, ultrici cum cecidere manu. " Sic obitu, juvenis, Decios imitaris ; et armis " Sic geminos, belli fulmina, Scipiados." Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital. vol. viii. p 60. (a) Ldgue de Camb. liv. iii. lorn. ii. p. 1 5-1. 109 from the inhabitants had also endeavoured to arrange with chap. vin. the French commander the terms of surrender; but a a. D. 1512. party of Gascons having led the way, through the breach A. ^t. 37. of the walls, into the city, a general and indiscriminate slaughter of the inhabitants took place, without regard either to age, or sex. Even the monasteries on this occa- sion afforded no sheker to the unhappy victims of brutal ferocity ; until the Sieur de la Palisse, on whom the chief command of the French army had devolved, being in- formed of these disgraceful enonnities, hastened into the city, with the laudable resolution of repressing them to the utmost of his power. He first directed his steps to- wards a convent, into which thirty-four of his soldiers had intiiided themselves by violence, and ordering his atten- dants to seize upon them, he had them instantly hung through the windows. /iaj This decisive measure was fol- lowed by a proclamation, threatening the same fate to all who should not instantly relinquish their depredations, and return to their duty ; and having thus restrained his sol- diery, he led them again to their encampments. The cities of Imola, Forli, Cesena, Rimini, and several other places, alarmed at these disastrous events, sent deputies to testify their obedience to the king of France, and almost the whole extent of Romagna was once more occupied by his arms. In this bloody contest, in which so many of his friends and adherents had fallen, the cardinal de' Medici gave eminent proofs of constancy and firmness of mind. Al- though unarmed and defenceless in the midst of the battle, he The cardioal dispatches Giulio de' Aledici to Rome with intelligence of the defeat. (a) Mitratori, Annali i' Ilalia^ x. 83. no CHAP. VIII. \iQ still continued to encourage his troops, and displayed an A. D. 1512. example of" that patient fortitude, which is perhaps more A. yEt. 37. difficult than the fiercer spirit of active hostility. Even when the fate of the day was decided, he did not imme- diately attempt to quit the field, but devoted himself to the care of the dying, and to the administration of that spi- ritual comfort, which consoled the last moments of life, by the animating hopes of immortality.f«J Whilst engaged in the performance of these duties, he was seized upon by two horsemen, who regardless of his high dignity, were pro- ceeding to treat him with insult ; but from, their hands he was rescued by the courage and promptitude of the cavalier Piatese, of Bologna, Avho having killed one of the assail- ants, wounded the other and dragged him from his horse. A body of Greek cavalry in the French service soon after- wards made their appearance, and rendered all further re- sistance, on the part of the cardinal, fruitless. By them he was delivered over to Federigo Gonzaga, of Bozzolo, to Avhom, as to an officer of high rank and honour, he wil- lingly surrendered himself.fbj Being transferred by Gon- zaga to the custody of the cardinal Sanseverino, he was re- ceived by that Avarlike prelate with all the kindness and attention, which the equality of their rank, and their former intimacy, gave him a right to expect. By his indulgence the cardinal de' Medici obtained permission for his cousin, Giulio, knight of Rhodes, Avho had fled with the viceroy Cardona, to pay him a visit, under the sanction of a safe- conduct. (aj " Legatus Apostolicus in clade Ravennate non arripuit fugam, secl morientes sacro ' juvit officio; maluitquc ab hostibus capi, ([uam Apostolici viri munus non obcssc." Luc. Eremita in Hist. Romualdina. ap. liaph. Brand. Leo. p. 85. fhj .Tovii in vifa Leon, lib, ii. p. " sensions and debates ; but before a definitive answer was resolve to de- fend thera- returned, the gonfaloniere called together the ConslgUo maggiore, or general assembly of the citizens, whom he ad- dressed in an energetic and pathetic harangue. He re- presented to the assembly the principal transactions which had occurred for the space of ten years, during which he had enjoyed his office, and freely offered his services, his possessions, and his life, for the benefit of his fellow-citi- zens, and the preservation of their liberties. He professed himself willing, at any moment, to relinquish his autho- rity to those who had so long intrusted him with it, should it, in their opinion be likely to conduce to the general good ; but he entreated them to be cautious, lest the mea- sures which were avowedly directed against himself, should in the event subject the republic to an absolute and tyran- nical authority, in comparison with which, the subordina- tion in which they were held by Lorenzo the magnificent, might be considered as an age of gold.fbj The oration of Soderini had a most powerful eflect. The assembly re- solved faj Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. xi. 2, 9. (b) Tlie oration of Soderini, is given by Cuicciardini, lib. xi. 2, Jl. ct.v, Ncrli Cummciitarii, lib. v. p. 108. 137 solved, that the proper form of their government should still be maintained; that the Medici should be allowed to return as private citizens, but that the Gonfaloniere should not be removed from his office ; and that if the commanders of the allied army should persist in this demand, they would defend their liberties and their country to the last ex- tremky.faj CHAP. m. A. D. 1512. A. £t. 37. The first apprehensions of the Florentines were for the town of Prato, about ten miles from Florence, the garrison of which they reinforced with two thousand soldiers has- tily collected, and one hundred lances, under the com- mand of Luca Savello, who had grown old in arms without having acquired either experience or reputation. i''/'^ To these was also added a body of Florentine troops, M-hich after having been attacked and dispersed by the papal army in Lombardy, had again assembled under their leaders. The army of the viceroy consisted of five thou- sand experienced and well-disciplined foot soldiers, and two hundred men at arms, but they were ill supplied M'ith ammunition and artilleiy, and even with the necessary ar- ticles of subsistence; insomuch, that their commander began to entertain serious apprehensions that he should not long be able to maintain his position. He therefore proposed to the Florentine magistrates to withdraw his troops, without insisting on the deposition of the Gonfaloniere, if they would admit the Medici into the city as private inhabitants, and pay to him such a sum of money as should be agreed on, but which should not exceed thirty thousand ducats, VOL. II. s For faj Gvkcian'. li'. xi. ii. 12. (bj Ibid. Indecision of Pietro Sode- 138 CHAP. LX. A.D. 1512. A. iEt. 37. Prato captured and sacked. For the further negotiation of this treaty, he granted a safe-conduct to the Florentine envoys, and proposed to re- frain from his projected attack on the town of Prato, if the Florentines would send to his camp a temporary supply of provisions.fay) This was one of those critical moments on which the fate of a people sometimes depends. Notwith- standing the resolutions of the general assembly, many of the principal citizens earnestly entreated the Gonfaloniere to conclude the negotiation, and in particular to furnish the approaching army with the proposed supply. Soderini he- sitated ; and this hesitation accomplished his ruin. fbj In consequence of his indecision, the envoys were prevented from returning to the enemies camp, on the day which had been prescribed for that purpose. The claims of hunger admit not of long procrastination. The town of Prato, which offered a plentiful supply, was attacked with the only two pieces of artillery that accompanied the army, and which had been brought by the cardinal de' Medici from Bologna ; the garrison, which consisted in the whole of upwards of four thousand men, shamefully abandoned its defence ; and the Spaniards, having effected a breach, rushed into the town, and made an indiscriminate slaugh- ter, as well of the inhabitants as of the soldiery. The num- ber of those who perished, is variously estimated from two to five thousand persons. The unsparing violence, licentiousness, and rapacity of the Spaniards, are dis- played by all the Florentine historians, in terms of sor- row faj Guicciard. Storia cl'Ital. lib. xi. ii. 13. fbJ On this occasion, Guicciardini justly remarks, " Niuna cosa vola piu die I'occa- " sione ; niuna piil pericolosa che'I giudicare dell' altrui professioni ; niuna piii dannosa " che il sospetto immoderato." Sloria d' Ital. lib. xi. ii. 13. 139 row and execratlon/a; and it is said that if the cardinal ^"^^- ^^- de' Medici, and his brother Giuhano, had not, at the risk a. d. 1512. of their hves, opposed themselves to the fury of the con- a. ^t.37. querors, these enormities would have been carried to a still greater excess. (bj By the exertions of the cardinal, a guard was placed at the door of the great church, whither the chief part of the females had retreated for safety ;fy but that these precautions were not always sufficient to answer the intended purpose is evident, from the instances which have been given of the magnanimous conduct of some of the women on this occasion.fi// The intelligence of this alarming transaction was re- ceived by the Florentine envoys, as they were proceeding Deposition of s 2 to " """' faj Nardi, Hist, di Fior. lib. v. 149- 153. Nerli, Comment, lib. v. p. lOg. Guk- eiard. lib. xi. (bj " Legatus tamen flendo, 8: notos quosque milites deprecando, Julianusque item " frater, & Julius patruelis, multos conservarunt, quum neque pecunije neque periculis " uUis parcerent, et sese vulneribus objectare minime dubitarent, modo ante omnia Ma- " tronarum et Virginum pudorem adversus militum libidinem tuerentur." Juvius, in vita Leon.x. lib. ii.p, 53. fcj " Non sarebbe stata salva cosa alcuna dall' avaritia, libidine, e crudelta de' vinci- " tori, se il cardinale de' Medici, messe guardie alia chiesa maggiore, non havesse conser- " vata r onesta delle Donne, le quali quasi tutte vi erano rlfuggite." Guicciard. lib. xf. ii. 14. Otlier authors, however, affirm that no respect or mercy was shewn either to the sanctuaries of religion, or even to children in the arms. i'. Nardi, lib. v. p. 143. Mura- tori, Annalid' Ital. x. 88. Ammirato. iii. 307. (d) One of these is that of a young lady, who to preserve her chastity, precipitated herself from the balcony of the house into the street, and perished by the fall. Another is that of the wife of an artificer, who having been compelled by a soldier to accompany him for several years, at length found an opportunity of revenging herself on her ravisher, by cutting his throat as he lay asleep ; after which she returned to her husband at Prato, bringing with her five liundred gold ducats, wliich she presented to him as a recompense for her violated chastity. Nardi, Hist Fior. lib. v. p. 149. 140 ^"•^''- ^^- to the camp of the allies to conclude the negotiation ; A. D. J 51 2. but the opportunity for reconciliation was now past, and A.yEt.37. they therefore speedily returned to Florence to apprize their fellow-citizens of the event. Though distinguished by many good qualities, the Gonfidoniere was not possessed of the courage and promptitude requisite on such an occa- sion. No eflectual measures were yet taken for the defence of the city ; and his impolitic adherence to the French had, in this emergency, left him without an ally. His helpless condition was too evident not to be perceived by the friends of the Medici within the citv, who resolved not to wait the approach of the viceroy for effecting a revolution. About thirty young men of the principal families, uniting themselves in a body, entered the palace of magistracy, and seizing on the Gonfaloniere, threatened to put him to death, if he did not instantly accompany them; at the same time offering him an asylum in the house of Piero Vettori, two of whose sons had engaged in the under- taking, and pledging their faith for his personal safety. Unprovided Avith the means of resistance, and deserted by his adherents, Soderini peaceably submitted to his fate ; and the insurgents having called together the other ma- gistrates, and obtained a solemn deposition of the Gonfalo- niere, entered into an immediate treaty with the \\ctYoy.(a) By this act of violence, which is always adverted to by the Florentine historians with great disapprobation and regret, the free constitution of the city received its fatal wound ; but it may justly be doubted, whether if such an event had not taken place, the consequences would not have been still more (a) Guicciard. Storia. d' Ital. lib. xi, ii, 15. Nardi, Istor. Fior. Ub. \.p. 153. MI A. jEt. 37. more to be lamented. Had the allied array entered the ^"^^- ^- city in an hostile manner, an absolute and severe domi- a. d. 1512. nion would probably have been substituted for the more moderated authority which the Medici continued to exer- cise for several years after their return ; whilst the carnage and devastation Avhich would have ensued, might have added new horrors to the page of history, already too deeply stained with the relation of similar events. The friends of the Medici within the city, having thus accomplished their purpose, conducted Soderini on the same evening from the house of Vettori, and sent him under a guard to Siena; to which place he was also accompanied by several of his relations and friends. Here he obtained from the pope a passport to proceed to Rome ; but having been apprized, by his brother, the cardinal Sode- rini, that Julius had a design to despoil him of his riches, which he was supposed to have amassed to a considerable amount, he hastened to Ancona, where he took shipping and proceeded to Ragusa. Being informed, soon after his arrival, that the pope had expressed great resentment against him, he quitted Ragusa, and took up his residence within the Turkish dominions. /'aj In effecting his escape he had been assisted by Antonio di Segna, who had been sent to him by his brother to apprize him of the danger which would attend his visit to Rome. Antonio had no sooner returned to the city, than he was seized upon by the order of the pope, and committed to prison, where he was subjected to the torture, to compel him to discover the place of retreat of the Gonfaloniere, and the circumstances attending He escapes into the Turkish territories. faj Guicciard. lib. x'l. c. u.p. 15. Nardi, Hist, di Fior. lib. \.p. 152. 142 CHAP. rx. A. D. 1512. A. ALU 37. attending his escape. Being liberated in the course of a few days, he returned to his house, where he soon after- wards died, in consequence of the sufferings wliicli he liad undergone, ('flj leaving on the memory of Julius II. a stain whicli will present itself in fresh colours, as often as his name occurs to the notice of posterity. Restoration of the Medici to Florence. On the last day of August, 1512, Giuliano de' Medici entered the city of Florence, from which he had been ex- pelled with his brother eighteen years before. He was accompanied by Francesco Albizi, at whose house he alighted, and where he was visited by most of the princi- pal families in the place. On this occasion, it was re- marked that many of those who had been the most forward in offering their lives and fortunes in the support of Sode- rini, Avere the most assiduous in their endeavours to secure the favourable opinion of Giuliano de' Medici. f'^j It was not, however, until the viceroy Cardona entered the city that the depending negotiations were finally terminated. Seating himself in the vacant chair of the Gonfaloniere, he prescribed to the magistrates the terms of the treaty, on which alone he would consent to withdraw his amiy. His propositions, although confusedly expressed, or ill un- derstood by his reluctant hearers, who were still eager to preserve, at least, the external forms and shadow of liberty, were fa) " Ma il papa, parendogli essere stato ingannato, n^ potendo con altri isfogare la sua " collora, tomato che fu Antonio di Segna a Roma, lo fece incttere in prigione, ove hebbe " ancora alcuiii tratti di corda, ed essendo poi ritornato a casa sua animalato, in poclii dt " fini sua vita ; e tale fu il ristoro, ch' egli ebbe dell' amorevole servizio fatto al cardinale " ed a Piero Soderini." Nardi, lib. \. p. 152. fhj Nerli, Comment, lib. \. p. 11. 143 were assented to without opposition/oj In these discussions crap. ix. the Medici displayed great moderation. They only de- a. d. 1512. manded that they should be allowed to return as private ^' ^'- 37- citizens, and should have the right of purchasing their for- feited property and effects, at the prices for which they had been sold by government ; paying also the amount of such sums as had been laid out in their improvement. With respect to the political connexions of the state, it was agreed that the Florentines should enter into the league with the other allies, for the common defence of Italy ; that they should pay to the emperor elect Maximilian forty thousand ducats, to the viceroy Cardona, on behalf of his sovereign, eighty thousand, and for his own use, twenty thousand ; and they also engaged in a particular alliance with Ferdinand of Aragon^ for the mutual defence of their respective possessions. fi^^ The return of the Medici to their native place had al- ready overthrown the popular form of the Florentine government, and the expulsion of the Gonfaloniere rendered it necessary to form new regulations for the conduct of the state. As the cardinal yet remained at Prato, the magistrates and principal executive officers met together, and admitting Giuliano and his adherents to their coun-' cils, they attempted to form such a system, as, whilst it Eslinction of the popular government. faj " Le quali cose pero crano da lui dette tanto confusamente, clie poco si poteva in- •' tendere, quali dovessero essere questi provvedimenti, e questi modi dcllo assicurare; " oltre che, & I'udire k V intendere de gli uoraini erano per dolore & dispiacimento dell' " animo in modo impedito Sc preoccupato da gravi pensieri, che poco le sue parole s at- " tendevano." Kaidi, Hist, di Fiur. lib. \. p. 151. (bj Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. \.p. 151. Nerli, Comment, lib. v. p. HO. vl.jp. 113. 144 CHAP. IX. it admitted the return of the Medici, might counterljalance X. D. 1512. the preponderating influence which that lamily had before A.^t.37. enjoyed. To this end, they proposed that the Gonfaloniere should be elected for one year only, and that he should not be allowed to carry on any negotiation, or hold corres- pondence with foreign powers, without a thorough partici- pation with the other members of the state. A council of eighty citizens was to be chosen every six months, and the principal magistrates were to be created by the Consiglio grande, as had formerly been the custom. ('flj In these re- gulations Giuliano, who is said to have inherited the mild- ness and urbanity of his ancestor, Veri de' Medici, rather than the political sagacity and vigilance of the great Cosmo, readily concurred ; and Giovan-Battista Ridolfi was ap- pointed the first Gonfaloniere under the reformed govern- ment. It soon however appeared, that by this institution, the Medici were left without authority, at the mercy of their opponents ; and as the new Gonfaloniere was not only a man of great influence, but strongly attached to the popu- lar party, apprehensions were justly entertained, that as soon as the Spanish troops should be withdrawn from the vicinity, the Medici and their adherents would again be expelled. In this emergency, many of the chief citizens resorted to the cardinal at Prato, and concerted Avith him and with Giulio de' Medici, and Lorenzo the son of the un- fortunate Piero, the means of repairing the error of Giu- liano, and of establishing the government in the same manner as it had been conducted before the expulsion of the Medici in 1 494. (bj Whilst the members of the senate were ^aj Nerli,Comment. lib. \\. p. 112, 114. lb) Jbid. p. 115. 145 were debating on the best mode of carrying into effect the ^"^^- ^^- proposed system of their government, the palace was sur- a. d. 1512. rounded by armed men, who put a speedy period to their ^- ^'- ^'^' deliberations. In their stead, a new council of sixty-six citizens was appointed ; the members of which were known to be wholly devoted to the Medici. Ridolfi was compelled to renounce the office of Gonfaloniere, Avhich he had so lately accepted. The brother and nephews of Piero So- derini were ordered to be confined at different places within the Florentine territory, and Giuliano was expressly ac- knowleged as chief of the state. (^aj This event may be considered as the overthrow of the popular government of Florence, and it may perhaps be doubted whether, if the rights of the citizens had been less rigidly insisted on, in the deliberations held with Giuliano de' Medici, a greater share of authority might not have been preserved to the people at large, than it was afterwards possible to secure. The freedom of a state is no less liable to be endangered or lost, by intemperance and violence, than by indifference and neglect ; and when once the spirit of opposition is roused to such a pitch, that either party sees its own destruction in the success of the other, they at length re- sort, by common consent, to the indiscriminating authority of a despot, as the only shelter fiom that political resent- ment, which, whilst it professes to aim only at the public good, seems to be of all passions the most unextinguishable and the most ferocious. About the same time that the Medici returned to Flo- rence, Maximilian Sfbrza, the son of Lodovico, who had, VOL. II. T foi:- faj Ntrli, Comment, lib. \\. p. 115. ^"•^^- " for several years found a refuge at the Imperial court, was A. D. 15 iQ. restored by the arms of the league, to the supreme autho- A.^t.37. rity of the state of Milan, as had been agreed on at the diet Restoration of of Mantua/rt^ He entered his caj)ital on the fifteenth day of sioL!d'!L December, 1512, amidst the rejoicings of the populace, ac- of Milan. companied by the chief commanders of the allied troops, and an immense concourse of Italian, German, Spanish, and Swiss nobility, and captains. I'^/'j These important services were not, however, rendered to him, without such claims for compensation as greatly diminished their value. The Swiss laid him under heavy contributions for their pay, and the pope had already divested his dominions of the important territories of Parma and Piacenza. Unfortu- nately for the repose of Italy, the young duke was not endowed with vigour and talents to contend with those who had long been exercised in political intrigues, and ha- bituated to violence and plunder; and the state of Milan, which ought to have been considered as the barrier of Italy, against the dangerous inroads of the French, was debilitated and abridged, at the very time when it ought, in sound policy, to have been invigorated and supported by every possible means. With the suppression of the fanatical party formed un- Measnres adopt- jej. ([^q influeuce of Savouarola, and the restoration of the ed by the Me- , . . <■ i • i dici to secure Mcdici to Florcnce, the vivacity and gaiety of the inha- thew power, ijijauts rctumed, and the spectacles and amusements for which that city had formerly been remarkable, were re- vived. fa) Guicciard. lib. xi. v. \i. p. 7. (h) Mvratori, Annali d' Italia, x. 90. 147 vived. Among other methods adopted by the Medici to ciiaimx. strengthen their own authority, and concihate the favour a. d. 1512. of the populace, was the institution of two companies, or A.^Et.s?. orders of merit. One of these Avas denominated the order of the diamond, alluding to the impresa, or emblem of a dia- mond ring with three feathers, and the motto, semper, adopt- ed by Lorenzo the Magnificent, and now rev^ived by his youngest son Giuliano, with a view of securing his own influence by recalling the memory of his father. The other order, of which Lorenzo de' Medici, the son of the un- fortunate Piero, was considered as the chief, was called the company of the broncone, in allusion to the impresa of Piero, representing trunks of Avood consuming in the midst of flames. faj This society was chiefly composed of the younger part of the citizens, who from their rank and time of life, were judged to be the most suitable compa- nions for Lorenzo, upon whom, as the representative of the elder branch of his family, the authority which it had enjoyed in the state was expected to Ae\o\\e.(b) To the members of these societies, precedence was given on public occasions, and it Avas their particular province to preside over the festivals, triumphs, and exhibitions, Avhich noAv once more enlivened the city of Florence, and Avhich Avere doubtless intended to turn the attention of the pjeople from the consideration of their neAv state of political degrada- tion. In compliance Avith the fashion of the times, the cardinal also adopted an emblem, Avhich sufficiently mani- fested his intention to retain the authority Avhich he had thus, by the labour of so many years, regained in his na- T 2, tive (a) V. ante, chap. vii. p. 27- fbj Ncrli, Commentarii. lib. \i.p. 121. Nardi, Histor. Fior, lib. vi. 158. 148 ^^^^ ^^ tive place ; but in choosing on this occasion tlie decisive A. D. 1512. representation of the giogo or yoke, he endeavoured to A. iEt. 37. render it less offensive by the scriptural motto, Juguni meum suave est, & onus meum leve. " My yoke is easy, and my " burthen light. 'Y«j It is however highly probable, that such an unlimited assumption of absolute power as that em- blem implies, was not compensated by the language which accompanied it, in the estimation oi' those inflexible friends to the liberties of their country, many of whom still re- mained within the city ; and who were well aware, that if they were once effectually placed under the yoke, the weight of it must in future depend upon the will of their master. The return of the Medici to Florence, had not been sig- conspiraey a- nalizcd by auy act of severity against the adverse pai'ty ; ^T' ^ ^' y^^ neither the moderation of the cardinal in this respect, nor the means adopted by him and his family, to gratify the people by public spectacles and amusements, could 1513. prevent the dangerous effects of individual dissatisfaction and resentment. Scarcely had the public ferment subsided, than a project was formed for the destruction of the Medici, and the restoration of the ancient government, the chief promoter of which was Pietro Paolo Boscoli, a young man of family, whose proficiency in literature had led him to the contemplation of the examples of ancient courage, and in- spired him with that enthusiasm for liberty, Avhich is of all (a) Ammirato, Ritratto di Leone x. Opusc. vol. iii. p. 73. On the return of the cardinal, he received a letter of congratulation from M. Angelo de Castrocaro, who seems to have been a zealous adherent of tlie family. This letter, not before printed, is given in the Appendix, No. LXVII. 149 all passions the most noble and the most dangerous. In ^^^^- "''• the Medici, he saw the oppressors of his countrA' ; and a. d. i5i3. whilst he dwelt Avith admiration on the splendid trea- A.^t.ss. chery of Brutus, he avowed his determination to imitate him, if another Cassius could be found to second his efforts. Such an associate Avas soon discovered in Agostino Capponi. Many persons of great reputation and extensive influence, secretly favoured the enterprise, and a plan Avas concerted for the assassination of the obnoxious parties. An accident, occasioned by the negligence of Capponi, prevented however the execution of their project, and not only iuAolved in destruction both himself and his compa- nion, but led to the accusation of many citizens of the first respectability. As Capponi was entering the house of the Pucci, a paper fell from his bosom, which contained the names of such persons as had either engaged in the con- spiracy, or were thought, by those with whom it originated, likely to favour their cause. This dangerous scroll was immediately communicated to the magistrates. Boscoli and Capponi Avere apprehended, and on their examination confirmed the suspicions to which the paper had given rise. Among those who appeared to have been implicated in the conspiracv, were Cosmo de' Pazzi, Archbishop of Florence, Nicolo Valori, the biographer of Lorenzo the Magnificent, the celebrated historian Nicolo Machiavelli, then secretary of the republic, Giovanni Folchi, Piero Orlandini, and many other persons of eminence, all of Avhom were ordered to be closely confined, until their guilt or their innocence might be ascertained by a further inquiry. faj In {aj Nerti, Cwnmentarii, lib. vi. p. 123. 150 CHAP. IX. A. I). 1513. A.Mt. 38. Death o( Ju- lius U. In the midst of the agitation to which this alarming dis- covery gave rise, the attention of the cardinal de' Medici was suddenly called to a yet more important object, which induced him to quit the city of Florence in the midst Of the investigation, and to proceed, with as much expedition as the state of his health would permit, to Rome. This was the death of the supreme pontiff, Julius H. which happened on the twenty-first day of February, in the year 1513. Notwithstanding the ample successes, which, in the lat- ter part of his life, had attended the arms and crowned the designs of Julius II. they were by no means commensurate with the reach of his ambition, and the extent of his views. Not satisfied with having acted the principal part ia the expulsion of the French from Italy, he had determined to free that country from all foreign powers, and to model its governments at his own pleasure. Hence he certainly me- ditated hostilities against his ally, the king of Spain, Avhose sovereignty of Naples was incompatible Avith his designs. If heaven be willing, said he, shaking the staff which sup- ported his aged steps, and trembling with rage, the Nea- politans shall in a short lime have another master. (a) The late proceedings of the Medici in Florence had, however, given him no slight offence; inasmuch as they had not required his participation or concurrence in the political arrange- ments of the place, but had secured to themselves a su- preme and independent authority. (^{'y' Against the duke of Ferrara his resentment was unextinguishable, and he had already (a) Muratori Annali d' Italia, x. 92. (h) Ibid. 151 already arrayed a powerful army to attack his dominions ; nor is it improbable that he meant to have conferred on his nephew, tiie duke of Urbino, such an independent sovereignty in haly, as would have ranked him among the first powers in Europe. But whilst Julius was immersed in these meditations, he forgot the uncertain tenure by which he held his own existence, and a few da}'s sickness termi- nated his extensive projects, and laid him to rest. It has been asserted, that he died phrenetic, exclaiming. Out of Ilaly, French ! Out, Alfonso of Este ! but Muratori con- jectures that he retained his reason to the \?LSi',(a) and it is indeed highly probable that those expressions, which were considered as the proofs of delirium, were nothing more than the effects of The ruling passion, strong in death. CH.\P. IX. A.D. 1513. A.iEt.SS. The foregoing pages have afforded us sufficient opportu- niti^ of appreciating the character and talents of Julius II. Bold, enterprizing, ambitious, and indefatigable, he nei- ther sought repose himself, nor allowed it to be enjoyed by others. In searching for a vicar of Christ upon earth, it would indeed have been difficult to have found a person, whose conduct and temper were more directly opposed to the mild spirit of Christianity, and the example of its founder; but this was not the test by which the conclave judged of the qualifications of a pontiff, Avho was now no longer expected to seclude himself from the cares of the world, in order to attend to the spiritual concerns of his flock. Julius II. is therefore not to be judged by a rule of conduct, which he neither proposed to himself, nor was expected His character and conduct considered. (a) Muratori, Annalid' Italia, x. 92. 152 CHAP. IX expected to conform to by others. His vigorous and active A. D. 1.51.3. mind corresponded with the restless spirit of the times, A. iEt.38. and his good fortune raised him to an eminence from which he looked down on the proudest sovereigns of the earth. His ambition was not, however, the passion of a groveling mind, nor were the advantages which he sought to attain of a temporary or personal nature. To establish the autho- rity of the holy see throughout Europe, to recover the dominions of the church, to expel all foreign powers, or as they were then called, barbarians, from Italy, and to restore that country to the dominion of its native princes, were the vast objects of his comprehensive mind. These objects he lived in a great degree to accomplish ; and it may well be doubted whether, if he had entered on his career at an earlier period of life, he would not have car- ried his designs into full effect. In suppressing the vicars of the church, and uniting their territories to the hol^ see, he completed what Alexander VI. had begun ; but without incurring the odium which has, on that account, been at- tached to the memory of his predecessor. The Italian his- torians have not, however, shewn themselves favourable to his fame; and Guicciardini asserts,(^ay " That if he be " considered as a great man, it is only by those, who hav- " ing forgotten the right meaning of words, and confused " the distinctions of a sound judgment, conceive that it is ♦* rather the office of a supreme pontiff to add to the do- ** minion of the apostolic see by Christian arms and Chris- >' tian blood, than to afford the example of a well regulated life." »( That (a J Gmcciard. lib. xi. ii. .31. A. iEt.3S. 153 That the martial character of this pontiff, who fre- chap, ix. quently led his troops in person, tended to diminish the a. d. 1513. reverence due to the holy see, and like the enormities of Alexander VI. prepared the way for the reformation which speedily followed, has been conjectured by many writers ; and seems indeed highly probable/flj In his private life he is said to have been addicted to the inordinate use of wine, which may account for some of the eccentricities recorded of him •,fb) but it is admitted by all writers, that he did not, like too many pontiffs, disgrace his pontificate by dissipat- ing the revenues and domains of the church among his re- lations and favourites. With the exception only of the city of Pesaro, the investiture of which, with the consent of the college of cardinals, was granted to his nephew, the duke of Urbino, the conquests of Julius were annexed to the dominions of the church, and he withstood the entrea- ties of his daughter Felice, the wife of M.Antonio Colonna, who solicited the hat of a cardinal for Guido da Montefeltro, the half brother of her husband ; having openly declared to her that he did not think him deserving of that rank. Julius was the first pontiff who revived the custom which VOL. II. u had faj The life and actions of Julius II. are sarcastically reprehended in the dialogue en- titled Julius exdusus, in the second volume of the collection of the Pasquillades, p. 123. Julius applies to be admitted into paradise ; but St. Peter not recognizing him, he is obliged to give an account of his transactions in this life. This not satisfying the apostle, he still refuses to admit him, and Julius threatens to besiege and make war upon heaven. Erasmus was suspected of being the author of this attack on the memory of the pontiff; but in a letter to cardinal Campegio, he vindicates himself with great warmth from the accusation, " Ineptiit quisquis scripsit," says he, " at majore supplicio dignus, quisquis " evulgavit." Erasm. Ep. lib. xii. Ep. 1. yiy " Louis XII. en parlant de Jules II. le designoit souvent par le nom d'yvrogne. " L'outrage etoit autant plus sensible, que Jules II. passoit pour le meriter." Ligue de Camb. i. 221. 154 CHAP. IX. jj^j ]ong been disconLinued by his predecessors, of suffering A. D. 1513. his beard to extend to its natural length, which he is sup- A. i£t.38. posed to have done in order to give additional respect and dignity to his appearance ; but which may, with more pro- bability, be attributed to his impatient temper and incessant occupations, which left him no time for the usual attentions to his person. That Julius was no scholar, is asserted on his own authority; but although he did not devote himself to se- dentary occupations, he was not, like Paul II. a persecutor of men of learning. On the contrary, those few ecclesias- tics whom he raised to the purple by the suggestions of his own judgment, and without the solicitation of foreign powers, were all men of considerable talents and acquire- ments. At no time have the professors of literature been sparing of their acknowledgments for the favour of the great ; and Julius II. is the frequent theme of applause, in the works of his contemporaries, who devoted them- selves to the cultivation of Latin poetry. fa) Of these some have celebrated his magnanimity, his courage, his promp- titude in war, and others his strict administration of justice, and his attention to the arts of peace. In a copy of verses addressed by Valerianus to the pope, on the proficiency made by his nephew, Giovanni Francesco della Rovere, in the study of the law, that author asserts, that not only po- lite literature, but the severer studie^^ had begun to assume a new fa/ In particular Giovanni Aurelio Augurelli, has devoted to the praises of Julius II. several of his Iambics and other poems, at the close of his works, published by Aldus, 1505. And Lorenzo Parmenio, Ciutode of the Vatican library, has celebrated the actions of this pontiff in a poem, which has lately been published. Anecd. Rom. torn. iii. Tirab, vi. par. iii. p. '201. 155 a new form, and were cultivated under his influence with great success/fl^ Nor can it be denied, that during his pon- tificate, amidst the tumults of war, tiie depopulation of cities, the ravages of pestilence and of famine, and all those calamities and commotions which agitate and distract the human mind, the great and distinguished characters, who Avere destined to illustrate by their works, the more pacific reign of his successor, were principally formed. Already had Bembo distinguished himself by numerous productions, both in the Italian and Latiji tongue, which had spread his reputation through the whole extent of Italy. Castiglione had composed his elegant work to which we have before adverted, and Ariosto had not only formed the design, but made a considerable progress in the execution of his im- mortal poem. CHAP. IX. A. D. 1513. A. &. 38. Of the favourable disposition of Julius towards men of talents, a decisive instance appears in his conduct towards ciovan-Antonio Giovanni Antonio Flaminio, the learned father of a still more learned son ; and who having pronounced an oration before him at Imola, in the year 1506, was honoured by him with the most friendly demonstrations of esteem and respect, and invited to take up his residence at Rome. Flaminio excused himself; and the pope, instead of mani- u 2 festing (aj " Juli, maxime Pontifex, benigno, " Cui felicia siderum favore, " Cedunt omnia, et hex: tibi addiderunt " Fata, uni tibi debita, ut videraus, " Quod servare modum, elegantiamque, *' Noa tantum studia haec politiora, " Verum ilia asperiora, et exoleta, " Jamdudum incipiunt, novumque leges •' Nostro ostendsre seculo nitorem." Carm. Illust. Poet. Itah x. 133. 156 CHAP. IX. A. D. 1513. A. ^t. 38. Testing his displeasure, presented him with fifty gold crowns. Some time afterwards, the bishop of Narni, having occa- sion to pay a visit to Imola, was ordered by the pope to call upon Flaminio, and to assure him of the continuance of his regard, and his wish to know in what manner he could give him the most effectual proofs of it. fa) The favour of the pontiff induced Fhmiinio to address to him a copy of Latin verses, in which the poet encourages him to perse- vere in his great design of delivering Italy from a foreign yoke, and to crown his glory by becoming the assertor of the liberties of his country. An exhortation so consonant to the disposition and views of the pope, was doubtless received with favour, and the stern mind of Julius might perhaps trace with satisfaction in the elegant lines of Fla- minio, the durable records of his future [a.me.fbj Library formed by Juliui 11. The Vatican library, which had been begun by Nicholas V. and enlarged by the attention of succeeding pontiffs, de- rived no great advantage from the patronage of Julius II. But this is not to be attributed so much to his disregard of literature, as to the design which he had formed of col- lecting a separate library for the use of the Roman pontiffs, which was not to derive its importance from the number, but from the value of the books and manuscripts of which it was to be composed. It was also intended that the splendor of this collection should be enhanced by works in painting and sculpture, of the most distinguished artists of the time ; but the death of the pope prevented, in all probability, the completion faj Tirah. Storia dclla Letteratura ltd. vol. vii. par. i. p. 15. (h) Appendix, No. LXVIII. 157 completion of the plan ; and as no such distinct collection chap. ix. has been adverted to in later times, it may be justly con- a. d. 1513. jectured, that it has been united with that of the Vatican. A.JEt.ss. In a letter of Bembo to the pope, written only a few days before his death, this library is particularly mentioned ; and from the same letter we learn some curious particulars, not only respecting the attention of that pontiff to the pro- motion of literature, but to the restoration of the long lost art of abbreviated, or short-hand writing, of which Bembo may be considered as the revivoi- in modern times.faj PiETRo Bembo to Julius II. " In the acquisition of the volume lately sent to you " from Dacia, written in beautiful characters, but such as " are in our days unintelligible, I perceive an additional " instance of the perpetual good fortune which has always " attended you, and which, Avhilst in the administration of " public affairs, and the direction of the concerns of the " universe, it has enabled you to surpass the expectations of " all men, has never failed to add to your reputation, even " in matters of less importance. For after you had intrusted " this book to me, that I might endeavour to decypher the " characters, and inform you of the result, and I had " begvm to turn over and carefully to inspect its pages, I " could not help entertaining more confident hopes of suc- " cess in my undertaking, from the circvmistance of its being " enjoined by you, than from the facility of the task, which " appeared indeed impracticable^ or from my own industry. " In faj Bembi, Ep. Fam. lib. v. Ep. 8. /// op. torn. iv. ;;. COT 1 58 CHAP. IX. ^t i,^ iiic course of a minute examination of the Avhole A. D. 1513. " manuscript, I observed, at the foot of one of the pages, A. ^t. 38. " a line written in common letters, but ahnost erased and " obhttrated, from which I collected that the volume Was " written in ancient notes, or characters; such as were used " by those persons, who were denominated notaries ; and " that the work itself was a portion of the commentary of " Hyginus, de Sj/deribus. On discovering this line, it im- " mediately occurred to me, that this was the Ciceronian " method of writing ; for 1 recollected that Plutarch has " informed us, that the profession of those who were called " notaries, took its origin from Cicero, who had invented a " series of marks, each of Avhich represented a combination " of letters, and that he had instructed his copyists in this " art, who were thus enabled to note down during " the time of delivery, in a small compass, and in a legi- " ble form, for his use, the speeches of any of the senators, " which he wished to preserve. It was by this means, Plu- " tarch adds, that the oration whch Cato pronounced " against the Catiline conspirators, in opposition to the " opinion of Caesar, had been handed down to his time. " I also recollect, that not only Plutarch, but Valerius " Martial has remarked, that the ancients were accustomed " to make use of notaries, for the sake of expedition in writ- " ing, and his celebrated verses on this sulyect yet remain. " Ausonius likewise commemorates, in his verses, a boy, who " with the aid of a few characters, took down a long discourse " during the time of recitation. Prudentius, in a poem on " the martyrdom of Cassianus, has recorded, that the " latter had established an academy, in which children " were taught the use of these characters. Having there- " fore compared another copy of Hyginus, written in our " usual 159 usual manner, with this Dacian manuscript, I have been ciup. ix. enabled to explain the sense and signification of many of a.d. 1513. these marks, the meaning of which is changed, not only A. ^Et. 38. by the variation of the marks themselves, but in some degree even by the punctuation ; although in such a de- finite and regular form, that if any one would take the trouble, it does not appear to me very difficult to reduce it to a system, and once more restore it to general use. This discovery afforded me great pleasure ; as I conceived I should give you complete satisfaction on this head ; and this pleasure was in some degree increased by the con- sideration, that although several distinguished and learn- ed men of the present times, had, at your desire, endea- voured to explain this work, their attempts had been wholly fruitless. As a favourable opportunity thus offers itself of extending your fame in the literary world, and securing the applause of future times, I entreat you not to neglect it ; but to devote some portion of your ex- tensive talents, which are sufficiently capacious to em- brace and comprehend all subjects, in recovering this mode of writing, by intrusting it to skilful printers, if such are to be found, as they certainly are, to be by them made public. For what indeed can be more ho- nourable to your reputation, or more advantageous to the studies of the learned, than to restore by your pious at- tention, an art invented by Cicero, and long held in great esteem for its acknowledged utility; but which, through the injuries of time, has for a long course of years been wholly lost. Ptolomy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, and Attains, king of Pergamus, are commended for their dili- gence in collecting books for the celebrated libraries which they formed ; and it has always been considered as " praise- 160 CHAP. IX. A. D. 1513. .\. Jit. 38. praise-worthy, even in the greatest characters, and in those possessed of supreme authority, to promote literary stu- dies, and to supply materials for those talents, which are devoted to the cultivation of the liberal arts. This dili- gence you have yourself emulated, in having added ano- ther library to the celebrated collection formed by your predecessors in the Vatican ; not indeed distinguished by the number of its volumes, but by their high value, and perfect preservation ; and rendered much more plea- sant for the u.se of the pontiffs, by the commodiousness and beauty of the place, and the elegant ornaments of statues, pictures, and mirrors, with which it is. embel- lished. For my own part, I confess I do not see in what manner you can confer greater ornament, greater elegance, or even greater authority, on this your library, than by recalling to light the invention of this almost divine man, and restoring his art of writing. For although it has always been your character not to devote your atten- tion to any objects but those which you have endea- voured with such constant perseverance, incredible ex- pense, and immense labours and danger, to accomplish, and by which the Roman republic intrusted to your care might maintain its supreme authority ; yet it is due from your prudence, and your piety, not to neglect that which relates to the study of literature ; for in those studies are involved many things of no inconsiderable importance to the ornament and convenience of human life." CHAP. X. Assembly of the Conclve — Mode of electing a pope — Elec- tion of the cardinal de Medici — Motives of the choice of the conclave — Reason of his taking the name of Leo X. — His coronation — Procession to the Lateran — Embassy from Flo- rence — Leo pardons the Florentine conspirators — Recalls Pietro Soderini — Appoints Bembo and Sadoleti his secretaries — Re- solves to establish the peace of Europe — Louis XH. threatens the state of Milan — Treaty of Blois — Leo endeavours to dis- suade Louis XIL — Opposes him and forms with Henry VHL the treaty of Mechlin — Subsidizes the Swiss — Louis XH. at- tacks the Milanese — Battle of Kovara and deftat of the French — Leo recommends lenient measures — Expulsion of the French from Italy — Henry VHL invades France — Battle of the Spurs — The king of Scotland attacks England — Battle of Flodden — Congratulatory letter of Leo X. to Henry VHL — Treaty of Dijon — Battle of Vicenza — The emperor elect and the Venetians submit their differences to Leo X. — Leo renavs the meetings of the Lateran council — JVbminates four cardinals — Lorenzo de' Medici assumes the government of Florence — Giu- liano de Medici admitted a Roman citizen — Leo pardons the refractory cardinals — Humiliation and. absolution of Louis XH. VOL. II. X CHAP. X. On the fourth day of March, 1513, the cardinals who chap. x. happened to be then in Rome, entered the church of ^ ^ ^^jg S. Andrea, where the mass of the Spirito santo, was celebrat- a. Pom. i. ed by the cardinal of Strigonia ; after which the bishop of Assembly of the Castello, having made the usual oration, de ponlifice elegendo, they Avent in procession to the conclave to proceed to the choice of a pope. It was not until the sixth day of the same month, that the cardinal de' Medici arrived in Rome, X 2 and 164 6hap. X. and joined his brethren. The whole number of cardinals A. D. 1513. who were assembled on this occasion was twenty-five./^oy A. i£l. 38. ""' ' There are four different modes of electing the supreme pontiff; by inspiration, by compromise, by scrulinj/, and by ing a pope. dCCCSS . (b) An election by inspiration, is effected by several of the By inspiration, cardiuals Calling aloud, as by a sudden impulse, the name of the person whom they wish to raise to the pontifical dig- nity. This method of resorting to the pretext of super- natural aid, is seldom relied on, except when all hu man means have failed of success. If however a power- ful party can be raised, and their efforts happen to be strongly seconded, the rest of the cardinals, unwilling to distinguish themselves by a decided opposition, or to be the last in expressing their consent, hasten to concur in the choice. The election by compromise, is found expedient, when Bycompromise. thc cardiuals, not being able to determine on a proper per- son, agree to submit the choice of a pontiff to one, or more, of their own body, nominated for that pur- pose. It was thus that John XXII. after having obtain- ed the solemn assent of the whole college to abide by his decision, assumed to himself the pontificate ; an event which induced the cardinals not to intrust this power in future to any of their number, without such restrictions as (a) Conclave di Leone x. ap. Cunchvi de' Pontefid Rom. vol. i. p. 171, 183. fhj Ceremonial de Rome, in Supplem. ait corps diplomatique, torn. v. p. 46, SfC. 165 as might effectually prevent the recurrence of a similar chap. x. event. A.D. 1513. A.jEt.38. A. Pont. I. In choosing a pope by scrutiny, the cardinals each write their own name, with that of the person whom they wish By scmtiny. to recommend, on a billet, or ticket ; which they afterwards place, with many ceremonies and genuflexions, in a large and highly ornamented chalice, on the altar of the chapel in which they assemble. The tickets are then taken out by officers appointed from their own body, for that purpose, and the number is carefully compared with that of the per- sons present ; after which, if it appear, that any one of the cardinals has two- thirds of the a otes in his favour, he is declared to be canonically elected pope. When how- ever, after repeated trials, this does not occur, a new pro- ceeding takes place, which is called election by access ; in By access. which any cardinal may accede to the vote of another, by an alteration of his ticket in a prescribed form. When by these means the choice of a pontiff is effected, the tickets are prudently committed to the flames, to prevent all pre- text for further inquiry. (^aj After a deliberation which lasted for the space of seven days, the choice of the conclave fell upon the cardinal de' Me- dici, who was elected by scnxi\ny.(b) As he was at this time the chief cardinal deacon, it was his office to examine the votes, in which he conducted himself with great modesty; and when he had the happiness to find that he was himself the fortunate candidate, not the least alteration The cardinal de' Medici elect- ed pope. (a) Ceremonial de Rome, in Supplem. au corps diplomatique, torn. v. p. 48, 4f). (b) Conclavedi Leone X. p. 178. 166 CHAP. X. A. D. 1513. A. M. .38- A. Pont. I. He assumes the narae of Leo X. alteration was perceived in his countenance/a^ He immedi ately received the adoration of the cardinals, whom he embraced and kissed in return. They then requested to Jcnow what name he would assume; to which he replied, that he should submit it to the sacred college ; but on being again entreated to make his choice, he answered, that among his other vain cogitations, he had at some. times thought, that if he should ever be called to the pontifical chair, he would take the name of Leo the Tenth ; which, if agreeable to them, he would now adopt; but if not, he would alter his intention. On this many of the cardinals expressed their approbation, alleging, that if they had been elected, they would have made the same choice. fbj One of the windows of the conclave which had been closed up as usual on such occasions, was then broken down, and the cai'dinal Alessandro Farnese, announced to the people in the usual form, the election of a pope, and the name which he had assumed.^'c^ He was then placed in the pontifical chair, faj Par. de Grassis ap. Not. et Extraits des MSS. dit Roi. ii. 579- ftj " Interim petimus quo nomine vellet in Apostolatu vocari, & dixit non curare, sad " remittere ad dispositionem coUegii, Ipsi autem cardinales hortabaritur, ut ipse indicai-; " ret, quo nomine vellet vocari; &: dixit quod alias, inter vanas suas cogitationes, cogita- " verat, quod si unquam Pontifex esset, vellet vocari Leo X. & nunc, si iis placeret, sic " vocaretur, sin autem aliter ut iis placeret : Et multi comprobaverunt dicentes quod si ipsi " electi fuissent, eo nomine vocari voluissent, &: sic conclusum fuit, cum tanto plausu: " populi, ut credibile vix sit." Paris Grassius, ap. Fabr. vita Leon. x. adnot. p. 269- (c) GaUDIUM MACNUM NONTIOVOBIS; PaPAM HABEMUS,RevERENDISSIMUM DoMINUM JOANNEM DE MeDICIS DlACONUM CaRDINALEM SaNXT,E MaRI.E IN DoMENICA; QUI VOCA- TUR Leo decimus. On this occasion, Giovan-Francesco Superchio, better known by the name of Philo- musus, addressed to the pontiflTa poem, intitlcd, Sylva et Exultatio in creatione font, MAX. Leonis decimi. which will be found in the Appendix, No. LXIX. 167 chair, and carried to the church of S. Pietro, accompanied *^^- ^ by the Avhole conclave, and the ecclesiastics of the city, a. d. .1513. amidst the rejoicings of the people, and the discharge of A.^t.ss. cannon ; the clergy singing as they passed Te Beam lauda- mus ; and being brought before the great altar, he was there enthroned Yifl;) The causes which determined the college in their choice of a pontiff on this occasion, yet rest chiefly on conjecture. Mot'"'"'"*' T'l rr • I 1 II 1 choice of the It is hoAvever suthciently understood, that Avhilst the elder coUege. members inclined towards the party of the cardinal Albo- rese, who had on one examination thirteen votes in his fa- YonY,(b) the younger, and particularly those of royal and noble families, adhered to that of the cardinal de' Medici/cj Of the elder members, no one possessed greater influence than Raffaelle Riario, nephew of Sixtus IV. whom the cardi- nal de' Medici found means, after several days deliberations, to attach to his interests, and whose favour probably se- cured his election.f(C^ From the narration of Jovius it ap- pears, that the cardinal de' Medici was at this time seriously indisposed from an abscess, the breaking of which diffused through (a) Conclave di Leone x. p. 177- (b) Jovius, in vita Leon. x. lib. iii. p. 55. /cj " AUe 22 hore in cirta, si abboccarono insieme San Giorgio (Riario) e Medici " nella Sala grande, dove publicamente ragionarono piii d'un hora ; perb da nessuno f ft " inteso di che cosa trattassero. II che visto da altri cardinal!, subito giudicarono, che' 1 f' Pontificato si trattasse per uno di loro, & cominiciarono molti d' andare attomo per met- " tere discordie, accio in nessuno di lore si concludesse; ed essendosi stati in questo bis- " bigUo tin gran pezzo, firialmente ritrovandosi il negotio ben preparato, fu per tutto il " Conclave publicato Papa ilcardinalede' Medici." Concl. di Leone \. p. 177. 168 CHAP. X. through the whole conclave, such an intolerable stench, A. D. 1513. that the cardinals, thinking it impossible that he could long A. Alt. 38. survive, determined to elect him pope ; faj but this story- is justly rejected by a more judicious wrher,fbj as having arisen from the misrepresentations of those, who have insi- nuated, that the irregularities of his past life had subjected him to this disorder. It is however certain, that at the time when the cardinal quitted Florence, he was so much indisposed, as to be obliged to be carried by slow stages, in a Htter, to Rome, and that on the day after his arrival, a surgeon was admitted into the conclave, who performed an operation on his person, after which the car- dinals would not permit the surgeon, notwithstanding his entreaties, to quit the place ;fcj but the certainty of this fact, by no means authorizes those inferences which some have attempted to draw from it. fdj The real motives of the choice faJ " Fuere qui existiroarent vel ob id Seniores ad ferenda suflTragia facilius accessisse, " quod pridie disrupto eo abscessu, qui sedem eccuparet, tanto foetore ex profluenti sania " totum coniitium implevisset, ut tanquani a mortifera tabe infectus, non diu supervicturus " esse vel medicorum testimonio crederetur." Jov. in vita Leon x. lib. iii. p. 56. (bj Fabron, in vita Leonis x. p, 60. (c) " In questo tempo entro in conclave un Chirurgo, chiamato Giacomo di Brescia, " ad istanza del cardinal di Medici, accib gli tagliasse una postema; e dope entrato non " voUero che n'uscisse, con tutto ciie n'havesse fatta grand' instanza." Conclave di Leone X. p. I7'2. fdJ " On pretend qu'il n'y eut rien qui contribuSt davantage a I'elever a la papaute, •' que les blessures qu'il avoit re5ues dans les combats ven6riens." Bayle Diet. Hist, in art. Leon x. This insinuation is founded by Bayle on the equivocal authority of Varillas, Anecdotes de Florence, lib. vi. p. 235, an author, whose falsehoods and absurdities Bayle has himself on other occasions sufficiently exposed ; and on the opinion of SeckendorfT, Comm. de LntA. lib. i. iec. xlvii. p. IpO. But even the narrative of these authors will not justify the licentious terms in which Bayle has expressed himself on this occasion. This he indeed in some degree confesses, " J' observe que ce n'est que par des consdquencci " qui 169 choice of the college may with more candour, and perhaps *^"^^ ^ with more truth, be sought for in the high estimation in a. d. 1513. which the name of Lorenzo de' Medici, the father of the A.^Et. 38. cardinal, was yet held throughout Italy ; in the decorum and respectability of his own life and manners, and the remembrance of the services which he had rendered to the church, and the dangers which he had sustained in the defence of her rights. At this important juncture, the car- dinal de' Medici is also said to have owed great obligations to Bernardo da Bibbiena, whom he fortunately selected as his conclavist, and who by his dexterous management, and artful representations, removed the opposition of the cardinal Soderini, brother of the late Gonfaloniere of Florence, and others, who were at first adverse to the elevation of his pa- tron. fo^ But whatever were the motives which led to that event, it is however on all hands agreed, that his elevation was not disgraced by that shameless traffic, and open prostitution of thefavours and emoluments of the church, which had been so usual on similar occasions, f^yl and Leo ascended the pontifical VOL. II, Y throne " qui ne sont pas absolnment necessaires, que Ton peut trouver, dans les paroles de if. " Varillas, les sens que j'ai rapporte, k que M. de Seckendorfi' /eur clonne." To whicli acknowledgment I must further add, that even M. de Sectendorff, although a protcstant writer, and particularly hostile to the character of Leo X. has not given to the passage of Varillas, the sense for which Bayle contends, but merely informs us, that Leo. X. " labora- " bat fcedissimo ulcere in inguine," without attempting to account further for the cause of it. It appears from Jovius to have been an abscess; a disease with which the pontiff was frequently alHicted during the remainder of his life. faj " 11 cardinal Soderini era il pill destro, eil piii capace di frastomare questa elezione. " Ma il Bibbiena, conoscendo il suo debole, I'attaccb in quello, e gli diede speranza di " ristabilire il fratello ; gli propose la riunione co' Medici per mezzo del matrimonio " della nipote del Soderini col nipote del cardinale, Cosi dunque date per tutte le parti le " sicurta, fu molto piii incalorito il partito de' giovani." Bandin. II Bibbiena, p. 14. fbj " Sent! di questa elettione quasi tutta la Cristianita grandissimo piacere, persua- " dendosi 170 CHAP. X. A. D. 1513. A. £i. 38. A. Pont. I. throne 'without any imputation on his character for inte- grity, even by that propensity to scandal, by which the city of Rome has always been distinguished. The popu- lace would not indeed relinquish their privilege of ming- ling their satire with their joy on this occasion ; (^rtj but when satire attaches only to slight imperfections, it becomes the surest proof that there are no glaring defects to provoke the severity of animadversion. Reason ofiiis ^^ assumiug the name of Leo X.fb) it has been sup- taking tiie posed by some, that the cardinal de' Medici, meant to allude to the insignia of his native place, and by others, that he intended to verify the dreams of his mother ;[€) but as he was not remarkable for a superstitious adhe- rence name of Leo X. " dendosi imiversalmente gli huomini, clie liavesse a cssere rarissimo Pontifice, per la " chiara memoriadel valore paterno, & per la fama cFie risonava per tutto delia sua " liberality & benigniti ; stimato caslo, e di perfetti costumi ; e speraiidosi che a resempio " del padre, havesse a essere amatore de' letterati &; di tutti gl' ingcgni iUustri. La quale " aspettatione accresceva I'essere stata fatta I'elettioue senza simonia o sospetto di macula " alcuna." Guicciard. lib. xi. v. ii. p. 3'2. faj An instance of this may be found in the interpretation said to have been given to a mutilated inscription in the church of the Vatican, in which the name of Nicholas V. had been obliterated, and the characters of the year only remained, m.cccc.xl. which it seems were interpreted, in allusion to the defect in the pontiB's sight. Multi Caeci Cardinales Creavere Caecum Decimum Leo.nem. r. Fabr. Jdnot. 270. (bj The custom of changing the name of the Roman ponti(r is said to have arisen from Sergius II. in the year 8-14. " Sunt qui Scrgiuni primo qu idem Os porci appellatum " fuisse dicant, et ob turpitudinem cognomenti Sergii nomen sumpsisse; eamque consuetu- " dinem ad nostros manasse ; utqiii pontiHces crearentur, suonim omisso majorum nomine, " sibi indicent, licet ab omnibus non sit observatum." Platiita, imila Sergii. (c) " Non defuere qui dicerent, Claricem matrem, pleno jam utero Leonem ingcntis " magnitudinis, S; mirae lenitatis, in Reparatae templo Florentiae omnium maximo se parere, " sine gemitu somniasse. Qiio• '•■ Guicciard. lib. xi. et 209 The cardinal of Gurck, to whom Maximilian had intrusted the direction of his army, now took upon himself the more pacific office of his ambassador, and hastened to Rome to negotiate the proposed treaty ; which was however long protracted by the difficulties which Leo and his minis- ters experienced, in satisfying the avarice and ambition of this martial ecclesiastic. CHAP. X. A. D. 1513. A. .*:t. 38. A. Pont . L On the restoration of Maximilian Sforza to the duchy of Milan, the cardinals in the interests of Louis XIL had removed their assembly, which they dignified by the name of a council, to Asti, from which place they were soon afterwards obliged to retire for safety to Lyons. For the purpose of frustrating their proceedings, which threa- tened no less than a total schism in the christian church, and of effecting such salutary regulations in point of dis- cipline, as might deprive the pretended council of any necessity of interfering on that head, Leo determined to renew the meetings of the council of the Lateran, which had been opened by Julius IL and suspended only by his death. To this end, he gave directions that apartments should be prepared for him in the Lateran palace, where he determined to reside, that he might at all times be ready to attend the deliberations in person ; and on the twenty- seventh day of April, 15 ]3,faJ he accordingly opened the sixth session with great magnificence. If the number and respectability of the dignified ecclesiastics who were pre- sent on this occasion, did honour to the pontiff, the con- duct of Leo in the discharge of his office, is acknowledged to have conferred no less dignity on the meeting. He was VOL. n. D D now Leo renews the council of the Lateran. faj V. Lateran. Concil. sub Leone x. celeb, p 73. 210 CHAP. X. A. D. 1513. A. ^t. 38. A. PonI . I now in the prime of life ; his manners grave, but not austere ; and in the performance of those pubUc acts of devotion, which were at some times incumbent upon him, he acquitted himself with a grace, and a decorum, which gave additional effect to the splendid ceremonies of that religion of which he was the head. After the hymn, Veni Creator, Leo delivered a pastoral oration, in which he ex- horted the assembled fathers to use their utmost endea- vours for the benefit of the church, and declared it to be his intention to continue the council, until the establish- ment of a general peace among the princes of Christen- dom, ^o^ Nominates four cardinals. Having thus attended to the regulation of the temporal and ecclesiastical concerns of the Roman see, Leo now con- ceived that he might, without any imputation of indeco- rum, confer upon such of his relations and friends, as had continued faithful to him during his adverse fortune, and whose characters seemed to merit such a distinction, some of those high and lucrative offices of the church, which he was now enabled to bestow. He was also, in all probabi- lity, desirous of increasing his influence in the sacred col- lege, by the introduction of such additional members, as he knew he should find on all occasions firmly attached to his interests, and was perhaps not less actuated by the disposition, so common to the Roman pontiffs, of aggran- dizing the individuals of his own family. Having there- fore declared his intention of supplying the vacant seats in the college of cardinals, he, on the twenty-third day of September, 1513, nominated to that rank, Lorenzo Pucci, Giulio (a) Lateran. Cuncil. p. 75. 511 Giulio de' Medici, Bernardo Dovizi, and Innocenzio Cibo ; ^^^^- ^■ who soon afterwards took their seats in the general coun- a. d. 1513. cil. The first of these persons was a fellow-citizen of the A.^t.38. pontiff; who, born of a good family, and well educated, had early devoted himself to the church, and having had Lorenzo Pucd. the good fortune to obtain the favour of Julius II. had under that pontiff risen to the rank of apostolic d?Ltavy/aJ and been employed by him in the most important affairs of the state. By his talents and address Pucci rendered himself conspicuous in the subsequent meetings of the La teran council, and acted an important part during the re- mainder of this pontificate, particularly in the approaching disturbances occasioned by the opposition of Luther to the Roman see. The partiality of which Leo might have been accused, in selecting his cousin Giulio de' Medici for this dis- tinguished honour, was sufficiently palliated by the acknow- dici. ledged abilities, and unwearied industry of this his faith- ful associate, the gravity of whose disposition was happily formed to remedy or correct the occasional sallies of vi- vacity which distinguished the supreme pontiff, and who, in the public concerns of the Roman court, may be consi- dered as the regulating pendulum of the great machine. It is true the illegitimacy of his birth, would, according to the canons of the church, have formed an insuperable bar to this promotion ; but there was no great difficulty in adducing evidence to prove, that the mother of Giulio, before her cohabitation with his father Giuliano, the bro- ther of Lorenzo the Magnificent, had received from him a promise of marriage ; which was considered as sufficient to enable the pope to dispense with the rigour of the D D 2 law. faj Negri, Scrittori Fioreiifini, p. 379. 212 ^"^^- ^- law.fa) Giulio assumed the title of S. Maria in Dome- A. D. 1513. nica, by Mhicli the pontiflfhad formerly been distinguished; A. iEt.38. but ^y^^g from henceforth usually called the cardinal de' A. Pout. I. -,,.., Medici.fuJ Bernardo Dovi- In appointing to the rank of cardinal, Bernardo Dovizi, Leo repaid the obligations Avhich he owed to one of his first instructors, of whose services he had availed himself on many important occasions. The cardinal da Bibbiena, as he was afterwards called, was not one of those rigid ec- clesiastics, who conceive, that on entering the church, they shut out the pleasures of the world. Though acknow- ledged to possess considerable dexterity in the affairs of state, he did not scruple at times to lay aside his gravity, and to contribute by his wit and vivacity, to the amuse- ment of his reverend associates; and his comedy of Ca- landra, will perpetuate his name, when his political ta- lents, and high ecclesiastical rank, will probably be disre- garded or forgotten. After his prefeiment, the cardinal da Bibbiena became a distinguished promoter of literature, and of the arts ; and such was his attachment to the great painter, Raffaelle d'Urbino, that he had consented to give him his niece in marriage; a connexion which was pre- vented faj From these documents, which have been jjiiblished by Cartharius in Syllaho advocatorum Sacri Concistorii, p. 71, it appears, that Leo declared Giulio de' Medici, then Archbishop elect of Florence, " legitimum, et ex legitiino inatrimonio inter Julianum " Mediceum, k Fhrettam Antonii, natuui fuisse et esse ; eumque pro legitimo, et ex " legitimo matrimonio procrcatum, in omnibus, et per omnia, pleno jure, vera et " non ficte, haberi et reputari," &c. Fabron. in Adnotat. 31. advit.Lcon. \. p. 275. /bj He immediately announced his elevation to Henry VHI. in very respectful terms, i. -t^pp. A'o. LXXXJI. 2,13 vented only by the premature death of that accomplished artist/a^ The last of the newly appointed cardinals, Innocenzio Cibo, was the grandson of hinocent VIII. being the ofiF- spring of Francesco Cibo, son of that pontiff by Madda- lena, sister of Leo X. He was yet too young to have risen by any talents or merits of his own, but the advantages of his birth, would probably have compensated for much greater defects than had fallen to the share of this young man. In the letter which Leo thought proper to address on this occasion to Ferdinand of Aragon, he has biiefJy enumerated the merits, or pretensions, of the newly created cardinals. ('/{'j " Although I know," says he, " that you are " well advised of the public transactions of this place, by " the diligence of your envoy ; yet I have thought it pro- " per, that you should learn from myself what has lately " been done for the credit and advantage of the Roman " state ; not doubting from your well-known aflfection to " the christian church, that it will prove equally agree- " able to you as to myself. You will therefore under- " stand, that on the twenty-third day of September, with " the assent of my brethren, the cardinals of the church, " I, for various and weighty reasons, elected into the sa- " cred college, Lorenzo Pucci my domestic datary, my " cousin Giulio de' Medici, archbishop elect of Florence, " Bernardo Dovizi, of Bibbiena, and Innocenzio Cibo, " the son of my sister, and grandson of pope Innocent VIII. CHAP. X. A. D. 1513. A. JEt 38. A. Pont. I. Innocenzio Ci- bo, faj Vasari, Vite de Pittori. torn. \\. p. 132. Ed. di Bottari. Rom. 17 59- (bj For the letter in the original, v, Appendix, No. LXXXJII. 214 CHAP. X. ti yi[i With the prudence and integrity of three of A. D. 1513. " these, as well as with their skill and experience in the A. itt. 38. " transaction of public affairs, you are well acquainted ; " and I trust they will add to the stability, and to the " honour of the church. As to Innocenzio, I hope he Avili " not disappoint the expectations formed of him. His " capacity is excellent, his morals irreproachable, and his " natural endowments are ornamented by his proficiency " in literary studies ; insomuch, that no one can be more " accomplished, virtuous, or engaging." Another reason alleged by Leo, for admitting into the college, a member who had as yet scarcely completed his twenty-first year, was his sense of the favours which he had himself, at so early an age, received from Innocent VIII. which he expressed, by saying, T/iat which I received from Innocent, to Innocent I res tore, fa) During the short interval of time which had elapsed Lorenzode-Me- betwccu tlic rctum of the Mcdici to Florence, and the ele- the govern- vation of Lco X. the affairs of that turbulent city had been directed by Giuliano, the brother of the pontiff; but in the deliberations on this subject in the Roman court, it was de- termined that Giuliano should relinquish his authority, and that the direction of the Florentine government should be inU'usted to Lorenzo, the son of the unfortunate Piero, under the immediate direction of Giulio de' Medici, and the ultimate superintendance of the pope. This measure has been attributed to various causes, and in particular, to the dislike of Giuliano to the trouble attending the de- tail faj " Quod ab Innocentio accepi, Innocentio restitiio." Fabr. 78. ment of Flo- A. Pont. I. 215 tail of public affairs ; to the expectation of his obtaining, chap. x. by the authority of his brother, a situation of still greater a. d. 1513. importance ; and to the prior claims of Lorenzo to this a. je. 38. authority, as representative of the elder branch of his family ; in which it had become in a manner hereditary /o^ It is, however, yet more probable, that the disposition which Giuliano had always shewn, to gratify the wishes of the citizens, of which many instances are on record, fbj had induced his more politic relations to doubt his resolu- tion, and to distrust his measures ; and that they therefore chose to place in his stead a young man, in whose name they might themselves, in fact, govern the lepublic. At this time Lorenzo was in the twenty-first year of his age, having been born on the thirteenth day of September, 1492, a few months before the death of his grandfather, Lorenzo, the magnificent. fVy) After the expulsion of his family from Florence, he had been brought up by his mother Alfonsina Orsino, and had early felt the effects of popular resentment, having been banished a second time from his native place, when only fifteen years of age, on account of the marriage of faj Ammirato, 1st. Fior. lib. xxix. v. iii, p. 315. fbJ Among other proofs of his humane and benevolent disposition, it may be noticed, that he paid a visit to the celebrated Florentine commander, Antonio Giacomino Tebalducci, whose services had been employed by the republic in constant opposition to the Medici, but who was now advanced in years, and deprived of sight. The old warrior, wliilst he acknowledged the kindness of Giuliano, boldly avowed, that his exertions had not been wanting to preserve the liberties of his country, and requested that he might not be deprived of the arms which he retained in his house, as trophies of his victories, a request to which Giuliano willingly acceded, with high commendations of his courage and fidelity. His conduct to Giovacchino Guasconi, who was Gonfaloniere when Paolo Vitelli was executed at Florence, was not less conciliating and benevolent, v. Nardi, Histor. Fior. lib. \i.p. 158. (cj Ammirato, Ritratto di Lorenzo duca d' Urbino. in Opusc. v. iii. p. 102. 210 CHAP. X. of j^ig sister Clarice M-ith Filippo Strozzi; an event in A. D. 1513. which he could have had no responsible share. Lorenzo A.^t. 38. therefore returned to Florence, where the government was restored to nearly the same form, in which it had sub- sisted in the time of" Lorenzo the Magnificent. /(zj Two councils were formed ; one of which consisted of seventy members who were elected for life; the other of one hundred members, who were nominated every six months, and in which all j)ersons who had served the office of Gonfaloniere, might also attend as often as they thought proper. The province of the council of seventy, was to propose and deliberate on all regulations for the benefit of the state ; but before these could be passed into laws, they were also to be considered and approved by the greater council, with whom the power of granting pecuniary sup- plies, and imposing taxes on the people, Avas still alloAved to reside. (b) Lorenzo himself, instead of being distinguished by any honorary title, was appointed one of the council of seventy, and took his place among his fellow citizens ; but under this external form of a free government, the authority of the Medici was as absolute, as if they had openly assumed the direction of the state. The assembly of seventy Avas in fact a privy council, nominated at their pleasure, and implicitly following their directions ; whilst the greater assembly served merely as a screen, to hide from the people the defomiity of a despotic government, and as a pretext to induce them to believe, that they were still, in some measure, their own rulers. The faj Nerli, Commentar. lib. vi. p. 126. fl'J Ibid. 217 The arrival of Giuliano de' Medici, to take up his re- sidence at Rome, was considered by the citizens as a great honour, and his affability, generosity, and elegant accom- plishments, soon procured him a very considerable share of public favour. On his being admitted to the privileges of a Roman citizen, which ceremony took place about the mid- dle of the month of September, 1513, a temporary theatre was erected in the square of the Capitol ; where a splendid entertainment was prepared, and various poetical compo- sitions were recited, or sung, by persons equally distin- guished by their talents, and respectable by their rank. The second day was devoted to the representation of the Penulus of Plautus. These exhibitions, which were re- sorted to by an immense concourse of people, received every decoration which the taste of the times, and the munificence of the pontiff could bestow, and seemed to recall those ages when Rome was the mistress of the world, and expended in magnificent spectacles, the wealth of tributary nations. Under the influence of the ponti- fical favour, talents and learning again revived, and the Theatre of the Capitol is celebrated by Aurelius Serenus, of Monopoli, in a Latin poem of no inconsiderable length, which has been preserved to the present times. (^o^ The honours conferred on his brother by the Roman peo- ple, Leo affected to consider as a favour to himself; and as a proof of his generosity, and paternal regard, he di- minished the oppressive tax upon salt, enlarged the 'au- voL. II. E E thority CH.VP. X. A.D. 1513. A. ^t. 38. A. Pont . I. Giuliano de- Medici ad- mitted a Ro- man citizen. (a) This poem, in three books, is entitled Theatrum Capitolinum, macnifico Ju- LiANo iNSTiTUTUM PER AuRELiuM Serenum MONoPOLiTANUM. (lib. I'll.) It was printed at Rome, in eedibus Mazochianis, imperante divo Leone x. Pont. Maximo, pontijicafus sui anno tecundo, anno dm M.u.xun. The dedication to Leo X. is given from this rare work, in the Appendix, No. LXXXIV. i2l8 CHAP. X. A. D. 1513. A. JEt.riS. A. Pont. I. thority of the civil magistrates, and by many public im- munities, and individual favours, sought to secure to himself the affections of his subjects. On this occasion the Ro- man citizens were not ungrateful. By the general con- sent of all ranks, a marble statue of the pontiff, the workmanship of the Sicilian sculptor, Giacomo del Duca, a pupil of Michel Agnolo,faJ was erected in the Capitol, under which was inscribed OPTIMI. LIBERALISSIMIQUE. PONTIFICIS. MEMORl.E. S. P. O. R. dinab. The total ruin of the French cause in Italy, had con- Leo pardon-, the currcd witli thc Avcll rcgulatcd proceedings of the coun- refractorycar- ^-j q|- jj^g Latcrau, ill discrediting the measures, and de- stroying the authority of the assembl)- held at Lyons ; and the character for lenity and generosity which Leo had already acquired, in affording the hope of pardon to the refractory ecclesiastics, became also a powerful moti\e for their submission. Eager to avail themselves of this fa- vourable opportunity of effecting a reconciliation, the car- dinals Sanseverino and Carvajal took shipping from France, and arrived at the port of Leghorn, whence they proceeded without interruption by Pisa to Florence. On their arrival at this place, Leo was informed of their intentions ; but although it was his wish to pardon their transgressions, he did not think it advisable to suffer them to proceed to Rome (aj Vasari. Giunti di Boiiari, vol. ]\. p. 50. wl. Vn. p. 310. in note. 219 Rome, until he had prepared the way for their reception, cu"^^- x As well, however, lor their safety, as for his own honour, a. d. 1513. he directed that they should remain at Florence under a ^- ^'- 3*'- guard ; and that as they had been deprived by Julius 11. which deprivation had been confirmed by the council of the Lateran, they should lay aside the habiliments of their former rd.nk.faj These directions were communicated to the humbled ecclesiastics by the bishop of Orvieto, whom Leo had dispatched for that purpose, and who, at the same time, assured them of the lenient intentions of the pope, which their proper submission would assist him in carrying into effect. In truth, the hostility between Leo and these cardinals was rather of a political, than a personal nature ; and although one of them had presided over the council of Milan, and the other had marched at the head of the French army at the battle of Ravenna, yet these circum- stances had not obliterated the remembrance of former kindness, and Leo was, perhaps, gratified in evincing to the world, that he was superior to the vindictive impulse of long continued resentment. In preparing the way for this reconciliation, he first obtained a decree of the council of Lateran, by which all those prelates and ecclesiastics who had been pronounced schismatical by his predecessor, should be allowed to come in and make then' submission, at any time prior to the end of November, 15 13. This decree was, however, strongly opposed, not only by Mat- thew Schinner, cardinal of Sion, who spoke the opinions of the Helvetic state, and by Christopher Bambridge, cardinal of York, the representative of the king of England, but by E E 2 the faj Giiiaiard. /ih. xi. ■col. ii. p. 32. V Pout. I. a 20 CHAP. X. ii^Q ambassadors of the emperor elect, and the king of A. D. 1513. Spain ; all of Avhom expressed their dislike of a measine so A. ^t. 38. derogatory to the majesty of the apostolic see, and strongly represented to the pope the pernicious consequences of granting a pardon to the chief authors of such a dangerous scandal to the church ; at the same time highly commend- ing the conduct of Julius II. who to the last hour of his life had refused to listen to any proposals of reconciliation. Leo was not, however, to be moved from his purpose. The repentant cardinals were ready to sign their recantation, and the council had approved the terms in which it was ex- pressed. On the evening preceding the day appointed for their restitution, they accordingly entered the city, de- prived of the habit and insignia of their rank, and took up their abode in the Vatican. In the morning, they pre- sented themselves before the pope, who was prepared to re- ceive them in the consistory, accompanied by all the cardi- nals, except those of Sion, and of York, who refused to be present. In the simple habit of priests, and with black bonnets, they were led through the most public parts of the Vatican, where their humiliation was witnessed by a great concourse of people, who acknowledged, that by this act of pennance, they had made a sufficient atonement for the er- rors oi their past conduct. They were then introduced into the consistory, where they entreated, on their knees, the pardon of the pope and cardinals, approving all that had been done by Julius II. particularly the act of their own privation, and disavo\ving the couciliabulum of Pisa and Milan, as schismatical and detestable. Having then subscribed their confession, they were allowed to rise ; after which they made their obeisance, and saluted the cardinals, who did not rise from their seats in return. This mortifying 221 mortifying ceremony being concluded, they were once chap. x. more invested in their former habits, and took their places a. d. 1513. among their brethren, in the same order in which they had A.^Et. 38. sat before their privation •,(a) but this indulgence extended only to their rank, and not to their benefices and ecclesias- tical revenues, which having been conferred on others du- ring their delinquency, could not be restored. In the deplorable condition to which the events of a few months had reduced the affairs of Louis XII. it was at least """"i'^«i<""'"'^ absolution of fortunate for him, that some of his adversaries wanted the louIsxii. talents, and others the inclination, to avail themselves of their success. But although Henry VIII. had returned to his own dominions, he avowed his intention of renewing his attack in the ensuing spring, Avith a still more powerful armament, for the equipment of which he had already begun to make preparations. (^^^ The treaty entered into between the duke de Tremouille and the Swiss, had, in all probabili- ty, prevented those formidable adversaries from proceeding directly to Paris, which, after the capture of Dijon, they might have done without difficulty ;f(CJ but Louis could nei- ther discharge the immense sum which the duke had, in his name, stipulated to pay, nor would he relinquish his pretensions to the duchy of Milan. The terms which he proposed fa) A full account of this transaction is given by Leo himself, to the emperor elect Maximilian, v. Appendix, No.LXXXV. Et. v, Fahron, in vita Leon. x. p. 62. Guicciard. Mb. xi. V. ii. p. 48- Src (bj Leo X. found no little difficulty in curbing the military ardour of tlje English monarch, as appears not only from the letter before given, but from a particular exhor- tation addressed to him on this subject. Appendix, No. LXXXVI. (c) Guicciard. lib. xii v, ii. p. 6i. 222 '^"^^ ^ proposed to the SavIss, instead of those which had been so- A. D. 1513. lemnly agreed upon, tended only still further to exasperate A. iEt.38. them ; and they threatened, within a limited time, to decapi- A. Pont. I. II- , . tate the hostages given at Dijon, li the treaty was not punc- tually fuliilled. These threats they would, in all probabili- ty, have carried into execution, had not the hostages eH'ected their escape ; but this event, as it increased the resentment of the Swiss, enhanced the dangers of the French monarch, who could only expect the consequences of tlieir vengeance in a more still formidable attack. His apprehensions were further excited by the interception of a letter from Ferdi- nand of Aragon, to his envoy at the Imperial coiut, in which he proposed that the duchy of Milan should be seized up- on, and the sovereignty vested in Ferdinand, the younger brother of the archduke Charles, afterwards Charles V. which would give the united houses of Austria and Spain a decided ascendancy in IfdlyfaJ. That Maximilian might then assume the pontifical throne, as it had always been his wish to do, and resign to his grandson Charles the Imperial crown ; and, although Ferdinand prudently observed, that time and opportunity would be requisite to carry these de- signs into efi'ect, yet Louis could not contemplate without serious alarm, a project which was intended to exclude him from all iiuther interference in the affairs of Italy, and re- duce him to the rank of a subordinate power. In addition to the vexations which surrounded him as to his temporal concerns, he still laboured under the excommunication pro- nounced against him by Julius II. and as his queen, Anne of Bretagne, was a zealous daughter of the church, she was in- cessant in her representations to the harrassed monarch, to return fnj Githciard, Ith. xii. v. \\. p. 63. 2,23 return to his allegiance to the holy see(a). Whether, as ^"^^- ^- some historians suppose, it Avas merely in consequence of a. D. 1513. these solicitations, and the remorse of his own conscience ; A.^t.38. A. Pont. I. or whether, as is more probably the case, he was prompted by the apprehensions which he so justly entertained oi his numerous and powerful enemies, he conceived it was now high time to effect a reconciliation with the pope. A nego- tiation was accordingly opened, and on the sixth day of No- vember, 1513, a treaty was signed at the abbey of Corbey, by which the king agreed to renounce the council of Pisa, and declared his assent to that of the Lateran ; promising also to shew no favour in future to the council of Pisa, and to expel those who should adhere to it from his domi- nions/^/ The reconciliation of the French monarch to the church, was not, however, without its difficulties, and three cardinals Avere appointed to consider on the means to be adopted for securing the honour of the king, and the dig- nity of the holy see. Their deliberations were not of long continuance ; and in the eighth session of the Lateran coun- cil, which was held on the last day ol' the year 1513, the envoys of the king of France were admitted, who producing the mandate of their sovereign, renounced, in his name, the proceedings of the council of Pisa, and expressed, in ample faj " L'Esprii du roi se soustenoit contre toutes ces adversitez ; mais il avoit une " peine domestique plus grande, que celle que luy iaisoient tous ses enemis. C etoit sa " propre femme, qui touchee des scrupules ordinaires a son sexe, ne pouvoit souflrir " qu'il fut mal avec le Pape, & qu'il entretint un Concile contre lui Comme elle luy " rompoit perpetuellement la teste sur ces deux poincts, il etoit souvent contraint pour " palx avoir, d'arrester ses annes, lorsque ses affaires alloient le mieux," &c. JMezerai^ Hist, de Fr. turn. iv. Fabr. in vita Leon. x. not. 29. p. 274. Ligue de Cambr. liv. iv, torn. ii. p. 330. fhj This treaty, which was countersigned by Bembo, on behalf of the pope, is elven in the collection of Du Mont. vol. iv. par. i. p. 175. 224 CHAP. X. ample terms, his adherence to that of the Lateran. They A. D. 1513. also engaged, that six of the French pielates, who had been A.yEt. 38. present at the council of Pisa, should proceed to Rome, to make the formal submission of the Gallican church. The humiliation of Louis XII. Avas now complete; and Leo, with the consent of the council, gave him full absolution for all past offences against the holy see. CHAP. XL 1513— I5I4. EXTRAORDLYARY depression of polite learning in Rome — Slate of the Roman Academy — High expectations formed of Leo X. — The Gymnasium or Roman university re- stored — Leo X. encourages the study of the Greek tongue — Giovanni Lascar — Letter 0/ Leo X. to M\p.cvs Mlsirus — The Greek Institute founded in Rome — Translation of the Greek verses of Musurus prefixed to the first edition of Plato — Musurus appointed archbishop of Malvasia — Dedica- tion by Aldo Manuzio, of the worh of Plato to Leo X. — Leo grants him the pontifical privilege for publishing the Greek and Roman authors — Greek Press established by Leo X. at Rome and works there published — Agostino Chisi a merchant at Rome and a promoter of literature — Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo — Greek Press of Zaccaria Calli- ERGO — Greek literature promoted by learned Italians — Va- rino Camerti — His Thesaurus Cornucopia: — Is appointed librarian to the Medici family and bishop of Kocera — His Apothegms — His Greek Dictionary under the name of Phavorinus — SciPioNE Forteguerra called Carteroma- CHUS — Urbano Bolzanio — Publishes the first grammatical rules in Latin for the Greek language — Leo obtains a more complete copy of the works of Tacitus — Employs Bero- aldo to publish it — The work pirated by Minuziano of Milan — Rise of the study of Oriental literature — Teseo Ambrogio appointed by Leo X. professor of the eastern tongues in Bologna — His elementary work on the Chaldean and other languages — Agostino Giustiniano publishes a Polyglot edition of the Psalter — Great Complutensian Polyglot of cardinal Ximenes dedicated to Leo X. — Leo directs the translation of the scriptures by Pagnini to be published at his expense — Encourages researches for eastern manuscripts. VOL II. F F ► ilk CHAP. XI. Of the slate of literature in Rome, at the time when Leo X. then cardinal de' Medici, first took up his resi- dence in that city, some account has aheady been given in a former part of this work. Since that period up- wards of twenty years had now elapsed, without afford- ing any striking symptoms of improvement. Whoever takes a retrospect of the momentous events which had occurred during that interval, will be at no loss to ac- count for that neglect of liberal studies which was appa- rent in some degree throughout the whole extent of Italy, F F 2 but CHAP. XI. A. D. 1513. A. J£x. 38. A. Pont. I. Extraordinary depression of polite learn- ing in Rome. 228 CHAP. XI. but M'as particularly observable at Rome. The descent of A. D. 1513. Charles VIII ; the contests between the French and Spa- A. A;t. 38. nish monarchs for the crown of Naples; the various irrup- tions of Louis XII. for the recovery of Milan ; the restless ambition of Alexander VI. and the martial ferocity of Julius II. had concurred to distract the attention, to op- press the faculties, and to engage in political intrigues, or in military pursuits, those talents which might otherwise have been devoted to better purposes. Amidst the sack- ing of cities, the downfal of states, the extinction or the exile of powerful families and distinguished patrons of literature, and all the horrors of domestic war, was it pos- sible for the sciences, the muses, and the arts, to i)ursue their peaceable and elegant avocations ? Whilst thundering JEtna. rolls his floods of flame, Shall Daphne crop the flowers by Arethusa's stream Pj^ff^ The indefatigable researches of the Italian scholars, Slate of iiicRo- j^^ve indeed discovered some slight traces of that literary mail academy. . . r r i i i^ • t i i • i association, hist lormed by romponius Laetus, and which, after having been dispersed by the barbarity of Paul II. had again been restored by the laudable exertions of An- gelo Colocci, Paolo Cortese, Jacopo Sadolcti, the younger Beroaldo, and a few other learned men. It appears that these persons met together at stated times, that they elected a dictator, and amused themselves with literary pursuits; but faj " Quancl sur les champs de Siracuse " Un Volcan vient au loin, d'exercer ses fureurs, " Aux bords dcsoles d'Arethuse " Daphn6 cherche t'elle des fleurs ?" Gresstt. 229 but they seem to have devoted their leisure hours rather to cuw. xi. pleasure than to improvement. Their talents were employed a. d. 1513. chiefly on ludici'ous subjects/oj and the muses to whom they ^- ^'- ^^• paid their devotions, were too often selected horn the cour- tesans of Rome. fbj The patronage afforded to these studies by Leo X. whilst he was yet a cardinal, was of a much more respectable and effectual nature. His house, Avhich was situ- ated in the Forum agonale, now called the Piazza A^avona, was the constant resort of all those who to the honours of their rank united any pretensions to literary acquirements. It is not Expectation* .. , 1-1 • -f formed of therefore surpnzmg, that on his elevation to the pontihcate, Leox. those men of talents and learning, who had been accus- tomed faj Fedro Inghirami, one of the members of this learned body, \vrites thus, in the year 1506, to liis friend Andrea Umihato. " advola obsecro el accurre, si vis rL- " dere quantum et Democritus mimquam risit. Savoja luiguenta tractat ct Cypriuni pul- " verera; pulverem, inquam, Cyprium ctunguenta tractat Savoja. Qui antea bubulcitari •' tantum solebat, bubus equisque stipatus vadebat, nunc delicatus Myropolas adit, deque " odoribus disputat. Nam quid egonarrem libi Hispanicas manicas, Gallicas vestes, Ger- •' raanas soleas," &c. Ap. Tirab. Stor. Lei. Ital. v. vii p. \.p. J27- (bj Among these, the most distinguished was the beautiful Imperia, so frequently ce- kbrated in tlie Latin odes cf Beroaldo the younger, and in the verses of Sadoltti. Of the splendor with which she received her visitors, an ample account is given by Bandello, in his novels. Such was the elegance of her apartments, that when tlie ambassador of the Spanish monarch paid her a visit, he turned round and spat in tlie face of one of his ser- vants, excusing himself by observing, that it was the only place he could find fit for the purpose. V. Bandello, par. iii. ncc. 42. Her toilet was surrounded witli books, botii it> Italian and Latin, and she also amused herself in writing poetr)', in the study of whicli she was a disciple of Niccolo Campano, called Strascino, who was probably indebted to her for the subject of one of his poems, " Sopra il male incognito." v. Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, vol. ii. p. 2£)4. She died in the year 1 5 11 , at the age of twenty-six, and \vas allowed to be buried in consecrated ground, in the chapel of S. Gregoria, with the fdlowing epitaph. Imperii, Cortisana Romana, quce digna tanto nomine, raree inter hwnines formiz Specimen dedit. Vixit annus \\\i. dies xi\. obiit iSW. die IS August i. She left a daughter, who redeemed her name from disgrace by a life of unimpeachable modesty, and who destroyed herself by poison, to avoid the licentious attempts of the cardi- nal Petrucci. V. Colocci, Poesie Ital. p. 29. Note. Ed. Jesi. 177 'i- 230 ^"'^^- ^^- tomed to share his favour, and to partake of his bounty, A. D. 1513. should consider this event as the harbinger of general A. ^t. 38. prosperity, and the opening of a better age. This exulta- A. Pont. I. . , r 1 ■ 1 • • tion Irequently burst lortli in their writings ; and Leo Ibund himself commended on every hand for labours which he had yet to perform. Now comes the happier age' so long foretold, When the true Pastor guards his favour'd fold, Soon shall the streams with honied sweetness flow ; And truth and justice fix their seats below; Retiring Mars his dreadful anger cease. And all the world be hush'd in lasting peace. 'Y^^ The high expectations formed of him in the commence- ment of his pontificate, are yet more fully expressed by another of his contemporaries, who might on this occasion have rejoiced in the completion of his own auguries. for now when all the earth, Boasts none more great, more excellent than thee, Be it thy task to watch with ceaseless care, O'er all the race of man. By holy laws, To sanction virtue; and by just rewards, Raise drooping merit and ingenuous worth. Nor {aj " Hunc ego crediderim verum fore tempore nostra " Pastorem; elegit Juppiter area sua. " Flumina melle fluent, descendet ab aethere Virgo, " Cumquc sua populis jura sorore dabit. " Principe quo, longa Mavors forinidiiie terras " Solvet, et in toto pa.K erit orlic diu." L. Parmenius Cenesius, de Leuin: \. Cann. il/iist. Poet, Ital, v. v. p, 2SC. Nor these alone, but mightier tasks than these Await thee. Soon the cheering smile of peace Shall glad the nations. Kings, and mighty lords, And warlike leaders, cease their hostile ire, And at thy bidding join their willing hands, faj The number and importunity of these writers, who in- truded upon him at every step with their officious sugges- tions, became indeed so remarkable, as to give occasion to compare them to apes, who imagined they could instruct or amuse the lion ; a charge which one of their brethren has thus acknowledged : For oft as we, the muses faithful train, Strive with our songs to sooth thy hours of pain : What, shall he ne'er, they cry, their teasings scape? The lion still tormented by the ape ! From that blest day, when first his glory rose, They haunt his footsteps wheresoe'er he goes ; At home, abroad, within his halls immur'd, Nor in his chamber, nor his bed secured ; Debarr'd alike with lonely step to rove. Where spreads the prospect, or where glooms the grove. — Whether, with mighty cares of state opprest. The fate of nations labours in his breast. Or wearied with the toils which grandeur knows, He takes his meal, or sinks in bland repose ; Yet still they follow, exquisite to vex. His patience weary, and his thoughts perplex ; So, 231 CHAP. XI. A. D. 1513. A. Mt. 38. A. Pont. I. {a J Joannis Fiancisd PMlomttsi, ExuUatio in creatione Leonis x. S^c. Appendit, No. LXXXVII. jm^ tj ^ CHAP. XI. QJQ^ where the monarch of the wood resorts, A. D. 1 jij. In awkward attitudes the monkey sports : A.iti. 38. Turns his bare haunch, and twirls his tail on high, A Pont. I. - , . . , • ri 5- More pertniacious than a teasmg ily. The poet then adverts to the conduct of Leo towards the sons of the muses. " But more indulgent thou their labours view, And like the lion, bear the trifling crew. " He afterwards proceeds in a higher strain to repel the censure, and justify the attention paid by the poets to the conduct of the pontiff. Yes, all imports us that thy mind revolves ; Thy secret counsels and thy deep resolves, To heal the wounds that Europe now deplores. And turn the tide of war on Turkey's shores ; Nor these alone, but bolder themes inspire The daring bard, that glows with heavenly fire.(^aj This apology seems to have been admitted by the pon- tiff; who, if he was not incited to the laudable acts which distinguish his pontificate by the exhortations of his literary admirers, was neither displeased with the high expectations which had been formed of him, nor inattentive in availing himself of every opportunity to fulfil them. Among the establishments which had been formed in Rome, (a) Jo. Pierii Faleriani, ad Leonem. x. Appendix, No. LXXXVIII. 233, Rome, for the promotion of more serious studies, the Gi/m- nasiuin, or college, yet subsisted ; although in ii depressed and languid state, in consequence of the turbulent events of the preceding pontificate. This institution was founded by Euge- nius IV.faJ but the more modern and convenient building, which was appropriated to its use, Avas erected by Alexan- der VI. who had also called to Rome the most distinguished professors in Italy, had rewarded them with liberal salaries, and regulated the discipline of the place, so as to render it of essential service to the promotion of liberal studies. f^^^ The revenues destined by Alexander for the support of this institution, are said to have arisen from the impositions charged upon the Jews within the ecclesiastical states ; but from whatever source they were derived, they had been per- verted during the pontificate of Julius II. to the purposes of contention and warfare. No sooner, however, was Leo seated in the pontifical chair, than this seminary became one of the chief objects of his attention. The revenues of the college were restored, and the chairs of its professors were filled with the most eminent scholars, who were attracted from every part of Europe by the reputation and liberality CHAP. XL A. D. lol3. A. >£t. 38. A. Pont. I. The Gymna- sium or Ro- man univer- sity restored. VOL. II. G G of /aj " — Gymnasium media spectatur in urbe, " Musarum studiis, et pubertate decorum, " Eugenii quarti auspiciis et munere primum " Fundatum." Andr. Fulvim^ de Jntiquitatibiis Urbis. Carm. illiist. Poet. Ital. torn. v. p. 229. fhj " Haec loca Alexander renovavit Sextus, et auxit " Atria porticibus designans ampla superbis. " Atque academiacas prisconim more diastas, " Et subjecta suis subsellia docta Cathedris ; " Pallas ubi, et Musas custode sub Hercule florent, " Cecropiis quondam veluti florebant Athenis." Andr. Fidv. lit sup. 234 CHAP. XI. of the poniifC. fa) From the original roll of the Roman A. D. 1513. academy, as it existed in 1514, being the year after its re- A-;yEt. 38. establishment by Leo X.fbJ it appears, that the number of professors who received a remuneration from the bounty of the pontiff, and many of whom enjoyed considerable sala- ries, amounted to nearly one hundred; that they read lec- tures in theology, in the civil and canon law, in medicine, in moral philosophy, in logic, in rhetoric, and in mathematics ; and that there was even a professor of botany, and the medi- cal science of plants, which may perhaps be with confidence considered as the earliest instance of a public establishment for that purpose. Among these professors we find the names of /'a J " — — inceptumque opus intermissaque moles, " Et loca Gymiiasii perfecto fine jubentur " Protiniis absolvi, divo imperitaiite Leone. " Uncle Dea, accept! doni non imniemor ampli, " Excitat ingenia ad Musarum prsmia sacra, " Et totas Heliconis aquas ex fonte perenni, " Fluminibus magnis, et laxis Pallas habenis " Pi-2Ecipit Aonias, concusso monte sorores " Pandcre, et hauriri sitientibus ubere potu; " Unde professores quKsitos Roma per orbem " Artibus ingenuis monstrandis, protulit aptos " Musarum auspiciis, et ApoUinis omine fausto. " And. Fitlv. de antiquit. urbis. Ed. Rom. 1513. (b) This singular document, which yet remains, is elegantly written on vellum, and highly •ornamented with the papal arms, and allegorical figuresof the sciencesand arts. Its contents were given to the public in the year 1797, by the learned Abate Gaetano Marini, keeper of the archives in the castle of S. Angelo, who has accompanied it with a brief account of the re- establislmient of the Roman academy, and with historical and biographical notices of the professors. The reader may consult the roll and lists of the professors in the Appendix, No. LXXXIX ; but for a more particular account of many of the persons there mentioned, I am compelled, by the limits of this work, to refer to the before-mentioned publication, entitled, Lettcra dell' Abate Gaetano Marini al ehiarissimo Monsignor Giuseppe Muti Pa- pazitrri gii Casali, nella quale s'illustra il Ruolo de' professori dell' Archiginnasio Romano per /' anno MDXIV. In Roma, presto Michele Puccinelli a Tor Sanguigna. 1797. 235 of many persons of great eminence in the annals of lite- cuap. xr. rature, and whose merits will necessarily occur to our future a. d. 1513. notice. Having thus supplied the Roman college with proper a. ^t. 38. instructors, the next care of the pontiff m as to render the benefits to be derived from it as general and extensive as possible ; lest, as he expressed it, " there should at times be " more lecturers than hearers." He therefore restored to the pupils their ancient privileges and immunities ; he or- dered that the lectures should be read both in the morning and evening, and should not be interrupted on account of the numerous festivals of the Roman church. (^aj The assiduity with which he promoted this great establishment, not only at this period, but throughout his whole pontificate, sufficiently appears from the numerous letters addressed by him to the most distinguished scholars of the time, inviting their assis- tance, and requesting them to take up their residence at Rome. fbj In a bull, dated in the year 1514, he has himself recapitulated, with a laudable exultation, the important ser- vices rendered to the cause of literature and science in the renovation of this institution.(^c^ " Having lately," says he, G G ^ " been faj Marini, Lettera, ut sup. p. 7. fbJ Bemhi, Epist. nomine Leon. x. lib. ix. 39. kc. Marim, Lettera ut sup. p. 110. fcj " Sane nuperad summum pontificatum divina providentia cum assumpti fuissemus, " et restitutis in pristinis juribus dilectis filiis populo Romano, inter alia vectigal Gym- " nasii Romani muhis ante annis ad alios usus distractum, eisdem restituissemus ; ut urbs " Roma ita in re Literaria, sicut in ceteris rebus, totius orbis caput esset, procuravimus, ac- " cersitis ex diversis locis ad profitendum in Gvinnasio praedicto viris in omni doctrinarum " genere pneclarissimis ; quo factum est, ut praecedenti anno pontificatus nostri primo, •' talis studentium numerus, ad eandem urbem confluxerit, ut jam Gymnasium Romanum " inter omnia alia totius Italise principatum facile obtenturum videatur." P. Caraffa de Gymnas. Rom. i. 201. ap. Tirab. Stor. delta Lett. Ital. 7. part i. p. 111. et v. Fabr. in lita Leon. x.p. 71. CHAP. XI. A. 1). 1 513. A. vEt. U.S. A rpnl 1. 1. 236 been called by divine Providence to the office of supreme pontiff, and having restored to our beloved subjects their rights, we have, among other things, regranted to the Roman university those revenues which had for many " years been perverted to other j)urposes. And to the end " that the city of Rome may assume that superiority over " the rest of the world in literary studies which she already " enjoys in other respects, we have, from different parts, ob- " tained the assistance of men acquainted with every branch " of learning, whom we have appointed professors ; on " which account, even in the first year of our pontificate, " such numbers of students have resorted to this place, that " the university of Rome is likely soon to be held in higher " estimation than any other in Italy." But amidst the efforts of Leo for the improvement of Leo encourages le^gj-s aud of scicncc, his attention was perhaps yet more llie study of . i i / the Gr.ck particularly turned towards the promotion of the study of toiigu.. ^YiQ Greek tongue; without which he was convinced, in the language of one of his contemporaries, that the Romans themselves would not have had any learning to boast o[.faJ In order to give new vigour to this study, which had long languished for want of encouragement, he determined to avail himself of the services of Giovanni Lascar, a noble and Omvaimi Las- leamed Greek, who had in his youth been driven from his country by the progress of the Turkish arms, and had been indebted to the bounty of the cardinal Bessarion for his education, and consequent eminence. Having made a consi- derable proficiency at the university of Padua, Lascar had been faj " Nisi Liters Graecas essent, Latini nihil eriulitionis haberent." Codri Urcei Serm. iii. in oper. p. £)2. 237 beeii commissioned hy Lorenzo de' Medici to travel to chav. xi. Greece, with the view of collecting ancient manuscripts; a. D. 1513. for which purpose he took two journeys, in the latter of A.^t. 38. which he appears to have been very successful/oj After the death of Lorenzo, and the expulsion of his sui'viving family from Florence, Lascar accompanied Charles VIII. into France, Avhere he still continued to inculcate the principles of Grecian literature, and where the celebrated Budaeus was glad to avail himself of his instructions. ('i&j On the death of that monarch, he obtained, in an eminent degree, the confidence of his successor, Louis XII. who sent him, in the year 1503, as his ambassador to the state of Venice, in which capacity he remained there until the year 1508. The con- tests which arose between Louis XII. and the Venetians, in consequence of the memorable league of Cambray, termi- nated his diplomatic functions; but it is conjectured, that Lascar still resided at Venice, although in a private capa- city; and it is certain, that at this place he had the credit of instructing the celebrated Erasmus. On the elevation of Leo to the pontificate, Lascar wrote to congratulate him, and immediately afterwards quitted Venice to pay him a visit at Rome. On his way he received a letter from the pope, as- suring him of his friendship, and of his constant attention to the promotion of those studies by which Lascar was him- self so eminently distinguished. fcj After deliberating with Lascar on the means to be adopted for facilitating and ex- tending the study of the Greek tongue, Leo formed the design faj Hodius de Gnec. Ilhist. p. 2^9. Life of Lorenzo de' Med. vol. ii. p. 6i. (b) Hodius de Grcec. Illust. 251. (c) V. Appendix, No. XC. 238 CHAP. xr. design of inviting a number of young and noble Greeks to A. D. 1513. quit their country and take up their residence under his A. £t. 38. protection at Rome ; where, by the directions of Lascar, A. Pout. I. , , , they were not only to prosecute the study of their native tongue, but to be instructed also in Latin literature. On the recommendation of L-dscar, (aj the pontiff' also addressed himself on this occasion to Marcus Musuiois, one of the dis- ciples of Lascar, who, after having taught in the university of Padua, had chosen his residence at Venice, fbj The letter written by Leo on this occasion, whilst it sufficiently ex- plains the object which he had in view, will shew with what ardour he engaged in its prosecution. Leo X. TO Marcus Musurus. " Having a most earnest desire to promote the study letter of Leo " of tlic Greek tougiic, and of Grecian literature, which " are now almost extinct, and to encourage the liberal " arts as far as lies in my power, and being well convinced " of your great learning and singular judgment, I re- " quest that you will take the trouble of inviting from " Greece ten young men, or as many more as you may " think (aj Mr. Warton informs us, on the authority of Jovius, that Lascar " made a voyage " into Greece, by command of Leo X. and brought with him some Greek boys, who " were to be educated in the college which that pope had founded on Mount Quiiinal ; " and who were intended to propagate the genuine and native pronunciation of the Greek " tongue." Hist. Eng. Poetry, ii. i'2S- i^ote (yj. But Mr. Warton has either mistaken, or been misled by his authority, as Lascar continued to superintend the Greek establishment at Rome till the year 1518, when he returned, probably in a public character, to France. (b) He began to teach publicly at Padua, in the year 1503, as appears by the ducal decree, published by Agosiini in liis Notizk di Batt. Egnazio. CalogerU, Opuscoli v. 33. p. 25. nu. 539 " think proper, of good education and virtuous disposi- " tion; who may compose a seminary of liberal studies, " and from whom the Italians may derive the proper use " and knowledge of the Greek tongue. On this subject " you will be more fully instructed by Giovanni Lascar, " whose virtues and learning have deservedly rendered " him dear to me. I have a confidence also, that from " the respect and kindness which you have already shewn " me, you will apply with the utmost diligence to effect " what may seem to you to be necessary, for accomplish- " ing the purposes which I have in view." Dated viii. Id. Aug. I5l3.(aj CHAP. XI A. D. 1513. A. M. 38. A. Pout. L For the accommodation of these illustrious strangers, Leo purchased from the cardinal of Sion, his residence on the Esquilian hill/i^^ which he converted into an academy for the study of Grecian literature, and of which he entrusted the chief direction to Lascar, ('cy' to whom he assigned a liberal pension. This establishment is frequently adverted to in teiTTis of high commendation by the writei-s of this period, (dj At The Greek In- stitute found- ed in Rome. ("aj Bemb. Epist. in nom. Leon. x. lib. 'vr. Ep. 8. (b) Fabren. in ti'a Leon. p. 68. (c) Budxi Ep. ap. Maittaire Atinal. Typogr. i. 107- Hodius, de Grcec. illiistr. 251. fdj Thus Vida, in enumerating the services rendered to literature by the family of the Medici, " lUi etiam Graiae miserati incommoda gentis, " Ne Danaum penitus caderet cum nomine virtui, " In 240 CHAP. M. A. D. 1.513. A'. /Et. 3S. A. Pom. I. Ijrcck verses of ]\Iiisurus pre- fixed to the first edition of Plato. At the very time when Leo requested the assistance of Musnnis. for the establishment o( liis Greek seminary in Rome, that elegant scholar was terminating the first edition, in the original Greek, of the writings of Plato, of which great work, he had, by the desire of Aldo Manuzio, superintended the printing.fa^ To this edition he prefixed a copy of Greek verses, which are so extremely applicable to the circumstances of the times, and to the character and conduct of the pontiff, that they cannot lail even in a translation " In Latium advectos juvenes, juvenumque magistros, " Argolicas artes quibus esset cura tueri, " Secures musas jussere atque otia amare. Poeficor. lib. i. v. I96. And Muslims in his preface to Pausanias, publislicd by Aldo, in I5l6. " 'n? yap fjLri ira.vrot.tra.Viv ocjtauZia^vi to ^o^o/xepov ct* tuv EXXijuxwp y.oyuv xaWtp X\uv Kuf^pov oy, tfx oXiya? ix Tt x^>)T»3^ »x re xo^xiJ^a? y.at tuv •Trot^ct^a'Ka.tTffw)/ t>J5 izsXoTTovvyjffH li.nt'rcif/.^a vtav'xrxovf, "rut p>iTi (pva-t\i ayttiuit {/.rii t/wo ;^a<7-ftii; xai »w6{OT>ito; ixtsta.^x.Ufji.ivui', a.M,' uy^ivoio. rt Te^ta-tifjiuv xoti ro TaXaWw^ov i^oiiTuv In rn '^v^Ti' 01 vvv in piitfjiTi fAviTt rsyra ijt,ytd lfXXTt!7fJ,0V fJLrjTt T^0^^5 aTTO^tttTt^, fJl.r}TE (TO^trwy ir6^*)/A£>'0t Tujv ai&OCO'XHll xa* baX&^e'vWV xai ll^OTUVj Bstvixa^ov Qcon irt^t ctfA^u ir^oy-OTra^t Tw Xoyw, t« ttuvt a^^^a xat /Atyirtf ftifJ-rii; ap^npiUi AEONTOS AEKATOY x''tnyS>To<;." (a) Inlitled, AHANTA TA TOY nAATfiNOS. Omnia Platonis Opera. At the close of this elegant and laborious work is the following Colophon. TEAOD. Ey£Tt»){7iv ETuvwOtj w«^a T015 m^i tof AAoov, 7toL\ot.CC\^ Tiff* xat* u^ioviroii Ki^^yifxiyop uiniy^a.^oi^' ;^iXt&rw CTEVTaxo^»05-fc' T^iaxaioExaTw utto t»)5 ©Eoyovia? htotvrui, Kad ov inANNHr MEAIKEYS 'O AAYPENTIOY, xaXoS Trax^o; xaXo; vlof, t?5 ax^aj Ji xai TracToxgaTo^ix^? a^^tE^axE'ta? u^iuHni; In pw/xij, Ae'wv fjHTUiOfxactT^yt oixaroi' a 9ra? wirwvt/^o? Xew;, ai'd'^E;, yunarxE?, war^E;, yt^otrii; Cio> itoXuet? xa.» watra avviv}(^oyToii T uya^i.. vdtTtf ya.^ EA7ri^a<7*v uvtov il^rivofrmov ^ef, xoci ir(i>^ifjiuy 0T5 I'D* aTravTot wwfTroXErTai xctraffQi^ripcc' Trif ^f£X>)0»ii; waitfE'ia; xai Tut i}Oin\nxut >.6yut itaHHitirnr xaiTJis f(i^9ut>iv> 241 translation, of throwing additional light on the';e sub- ^""^^ ^'• jects. faj A. D. 1513. A.^t. 38. Translation of the Greek Ferses, prefixed bj/ Marcvs Musu- Rus, lo the Jirst edition of the works of Plato. Spirit divine, who 'midst thy kindred throng Of sainted heroes sit'st ; to whom 'tis given To track the burning wheels, that bear along The great Creator o'er the deeps of heaven, Immortal Fla^to ! from thy lolty sphere. Revisiting again this genial earth. Accept the volume, we thy votaries bear, The sacred work that owes to thee its birth. Where full displayed, we trace the mighty hand Of him, the one great Architect ; unchang'd Who fills the void of space, and whose command Th' empyreal orbs in eight-fold order rang'd. Suspended high, of all his works the chief, The fix'd sun poura, his unextinguish d light, Whilst seven inferior stars, in soft relief. Shed their mild lustre o'er the shadowy night. Or wondering mark th' unceasing central force. Bound by whose chain the mighty whole revolves. White unreluctant in its silent course. Each in due time its fated round absolves. VOL. II. H H Thence (a) Of these verses, a correct and handsome edition was published at Cambridge, in 1797, by Samuel Butler, A. B. fellow of St. John's College, with various illustrations, and a Latin translation, by Zanobio Acciajuoli. From this edition, compared with that prefixed by Aldo to the works of Plato, a copy is given in the Appendix to this volume. No. XCI. 242 CHAP. XI. Thence too the glorious hope, that fires the soul A. D. 1513. With secret longings for its heavenly home, A. JE1.3S. Spurns the dull bonds of earth, the base control Of mortal fate, and lives beyond the tomb. Nor uninstructed by thy sacred page, We bid the city's towering ramparts rise, By justice guard them, and by statutes sage Define the bounds of right; with watchful eyes, Whilst Shame and Punishment, immortal pair, Protect the peopled haunts. But ah, what tongue To number all the sacred tioiths shall dare That breathe thy warm, inspiring page along? Thou then, accept the votive tome, and haste To Rome's seven-crowned hills ; where still resides Imperial sway, and 'midst Ausonia's waste Rich Tiber rolls his fertilizing tides. Not there a tyrant's scowling brow to meet. Of Scylla born, who mocks the heavenly muse ; No Dionysius fierce ; for there shall greet Thy welcome presence. He whom Europe views With wondering awe, her pastor and her guide, From great Lorenzo sprung ; the brightest star Of Medicean fame ; with conscious pride Whom his own Florence Kails ; and from afar The scepter'd rulers of the nations own. And as their Lord obey ; in towering state, Imperial Leo named ; who bears alone The key that opes Olympus' lofty gate. There, as the holy portals meet thy sight, A friendly train around thy steps shall throng. Accomplished bards, whom virtuous toils delight, Lords of the lyre, and masters of the song. But 243 But two beyond the rest those precincts grace ; ^"^p- ^^• The first from Gr^ecia, of distinguished fame, a. d. 1513. To whom, derived from Lascar's noble race, A.^t.38. The triple-fronted God concedes his name. 'Twas he my infant steps, with ceaseless care. Guarded, and loved me with a parent's love ; He bade me to the muse's hill repair. And pointed out the glorious meed above. Illustrious Bembo next ; whose honied tongue. Gives in three languages his thoughts to flow ; O'er whose blest birth the sister graces hung, And taught his mind with all their charms to glow. Be these thy guides ; and to his presence brought, Thou, with submissive lip, his holy feet Touch reverent ; then, with sacred fervour fraught, In strains like these, the mighty pontiff greet. " Pastor rever'd, propitious be thy smile, " O'er all thy flock, to earth's remotest ends ; " Nor thou refuse the offspring of his toil, " The Grecian tome thy duteous Aldus sends-^- " Sends, but in conscious independence bold, " A great remuneration dares to claim ; " Not silver high emboss'd, nor heaps of gold, " Nor splendid robes Avith purple tints that flame j " But that thy hand might dash the fiend of war, " That now relentless o'er Eugania's plain " Roams uncontrolled, and drives his iron car " Thro' scenes of horror and o'er heaps of slain. " What heart so hard, that would not melt to hear " The orphan's wail, the widow's piercing cry ? " Antiphates himself might drop a tear, " And Polyphemus heave a pitying sigh ; H H 2 " Temples 244 CHAP. XI. •» Xemples and domes a common ruin share; A. n 151J. " The crackling harvests in the flame expire; A. ^t. 38. " VVhilst Herce barbarians, all unused to spare, " Glean the last relicks of destructive lire : " Calm thou their fierce contentions, mighty chief ; " To peace, to love thy erring sons restore ; " From thee, let suffering nations find relief; " And bid contending monarchs rage no more. " Deep hid within his caverns dark recess, " Too long has Mars the goddess Peace confined ; " Thou lead her forth, to harmonize, to bless, " And with her bounteous gifts, enrich mankind. " Then turn the tide of war on Turkey's shores, " And curb the wolf-like, unbelieving band, " Whose tyrant empire fainting Greece deplores ; " VVhilst hovering now o'er Iapygia's strand, " They threaten in degrading chains to bind " Thy sons, and banish the Redeemer's name ; " But let them first thy ready vengeance find ; " On Asia's shores let warlike myriads gleam. " There let the Gaul, in mailed armour bright, " Spur his proud steed, conspicuous from alar; " Helvetia's sons, on foot >vho urge the fight, " Sweep o'er the field, a sable cloud of war. " And they who joy to wield the glittering spear, " The bold Iberians shall the battle grace ; " Germani AS giant offspring too be there, " And, lov'd of Mars, Britannia's hardy race. " And all who yet survive the wasteful sword, " Italia's heroes, long in battle tried; " All prompt to march thro' regions unexplor'd; " Scale the steep hill, or stem the surging tide. " With 245 With these P^onia's tribes, the bow who bend, chap. xi. " Their feathery shafts oft tinged in Turkish blood ; a. d. 1513. And Venicc there her countless fleets shall send ; A.^Et.ss. " Imperial Venice, mistress of the flood. Spain's floating battlements, of mountain size, " Tow'rds the wide Hellespont their course shall steer, And whilst their towering masts salute the skies, " Each warlike prow the healing cross shall bear. Then o'er Byzantium's towers, if once again " The light of freedom dawn ; if then, represt By thy victorious arms, on Gr^ecia's plain " The poisonous dragon low'r his hateful crest, 'Tis all achieved — for then, from bondage freed, " Achaia's sons their ancient fires shall feel; Beneath their hands the barbarous foe shall bleed, " Or fly before their swift avenging steel. And shouts of triumph, and victorious songs, " And grateful anthems, shall to heaven arise ; And whilst around thee crowd the conquering throngs " All Asia's wealth shall glitter in thine eyes. And clad in sounding arms, the warrior bold " Shall join the dance and share the social mirth; Revolving time a better age unfold ; " And sacred justice, long estranged from earth, Again return propitious ; nor in vain " Raise o'er the guilty head her awful sword ; And all mankind, beneath thy equal reign, " Enjoy the lasting peace by thee restored. Haste happier hours ! meanwhile, with pleas'd regard, " Let drooping science own thy fostering care ; O let the studious, but neglected, bard, " Thy favouring smile, thy liberal bounty share. " From A. Pont. I. 246 CHAP. XI. ^* From Grecia's shores, from fair Italia's clime, A. D. 1513. " Call thou their noble sons imi)atient forth ; A. i£t. 38. " Ingenuous youths, who feel the glow sublime, " Of native genius, or paternal worth. " And 'midst thy Rome a calm retreat provide, " Hid from the crowd ; but near the sheltered home, " Let the fair Naiads roll their constant tide; " So may it emulate the far-famed dome " Of Grecian Academe ; where once "twas mine, " To pour instruction 'midst the youthful band ; " Imbue the generous breast with truths divine, " Retracing all that early culture plan'd. " These now no more remain — yet still survive " The latent sparks of learning's holy flame ; •' O let thy breath its genuine glow revive, " Till each young bosom catch the lucid beam. " On Tiber's banks Athenian bands shall rove, " Nor mourn to quit Ilyssus' favour'd strand ; " Surrounding thousands shall thy toils approve, " And give thy name to every distant land. " Through every clime, in every varied tongue, •' The Rhetor's eloquence, the Poet's fire, " To future ages shall thy praise prolong ; " And but with time itself thy fame expire. " Too oft, forgetful of their trust divine, " Have former pontiffs burnt with warlike rage ; " But, by paternal maxims taught, 'tis thine " To heal the wounds of war, and meliorate the age." Thus by thy strain, Immortal Plato ! fir'd. Shall mighty aims engage his ardent mind ; Such once his father's glowing breast inspired, The friend of peace, the light of human kind. Then Then, whilst his wondering eye thy form shall trace, In full dilated majesty outspread ; The sacred features of thy beaming face, And ample honours of thy hoary head, Awhile in pleas'd attention shall he bend, And to thy precepts yield a willing ear: But now thy destined hour arrives — ascend And join the triumphs of the heavenly sphere. 247 CHAP. XI. A, D. 1513. A, . JEt. 38. A , Pont. I. The result of these verses, f«^ and of the assiduity of Mu- surus in executing the commission intrusted to him by the pope, was manifested in his appointment to the archbishop- rick of Malvasia in the Moren,fbJ which had lately become vacant Musurus ap- pointed arch- bishop of Malvasia. faj " Sed longe excellit Elegia Grasca, qua Platonis opera edita ab A!do mdxiii. " prasmunivit ; partim in Platonis laudes, partim Leoni x. oflerens istam editionem, " illiusque patrocinium ambiens, et partim ilium ad bellum Turcicum excitans. Cujus " carminis gratia maxime creditur factus fuisse archiepiscopus." Hod. de Grac. illustr. 300. (b) Jovius informs us, that Musurus was appointed archbishop of Ragusa. Iscritt. p. 62. Into which error he was probably led, by not being aware, that there are two places in Europe, called in Latin Epidaunis; viz. Ragusa in Dalniatia, and Malvasia in the Morea ; of the latter of which Musurus was archbishop. The see of Ragusa was at this time filled by Giovanni de Volterra. v. Agostini, Notizie di Batt. Egnazio. ap. Calogerd Opusc. V. 33. p. 23. Tiraboschi places the promotion of Musurus about 1517, adding, that he enjoyed his dignity but a short time, having died in the autumn of tie same year. Storia della Lett. Ital. vol. vii. par. i. p. 424. It is however certain, that the promotion of Musurus took place in or before the year 1516, as appears from the preface to the Aldine edition of Pausanias, published in the last mentioned year, " Hsec " autem a nobis prasstari tibi potuerunt, suasore adjutoreque M. Musuro; quem nuper " heroicarum literarum decus, Venetiis propagantem Graecias priscis autoribus partim *' illustri juventuti enarrandis non sine laude, partim emendatione castigationeque in " pristinum nitorem, quoad ejus fieri poterat, restituendis, Leo X. Pont. opt. max. •' sponte sua, nihil tale cogitantem, admirabili consensu S. S. cardinalium in archiepis- " copalera dignitatem evexit. Quas res ut non mediocrem sanctissimo pastori laudem " pcp«rit, CIS ciiAi'. XI. vacant by the death of Manilius Rhallus, another learned A. D. 1513. Greek, on ■whom Leo had before conferred tliat dignity as a A. ^t. 38. reward for his talents and his learning. fOy) Nor did Musurus live long to enjoy his honours, having died at Rome, in the autumn of the year 1517. It has been asserted, on the authority of Valerianus and Jovius, that his death was occa- sioned by his regret and vexation at not having been ho- noured with the purple, as a reward for his literary la- bours ;('/'>! but there seems to be neither truth nor pro- bability in this opinion; and, although the Greek poem of Musurus entitled its author to rank with the most cele- brated scholars of the age,f(Cyi yet the munificence of the pope seems not to have been inferior to the pretensions of the poet. In fact, those writers, always in search of the marvellous, are frequently obliged to resort to the doubtful or the false, in order to complete their literary wonders ; which, " peperit, ita litcratis ad bene speranduni certissimiim signum erexit." That he did not long live to enjoy his dignity, may however be conjectured from his epitapli at Rome. MUSURE, O MANSURE PARUM, PROPERATA fuLISTI Pr.-emia ; NAMQUE crro tradita, rapta cito. (aj He was a native of Sparta, and had been the friend and fellow-student of Marullus at Naples, wiiom lie also emulated in the comiwsition of Latin qjigrams. " — uterque epi- " grammatum Poeta," says Giraldi, " sed Rhallo Marullus cultior argutiorque, MaruUo " Rhallus fortunatior, quippe qui a Leone X. his mensihus Cretensium sit pontificatu ho- " nestatus." Gir. de Poet. snor. temp Politiano denominates him " Grxcus homo sed " latinis Uteris adprime excultus." Misccl. c. Ixxiii. Hodius, de Grccc. Must. p. 293. fbj Valer, de Literat. itifel. lib. i. p. \6. Jovius, in Iscritt. p. 63. (c) Jovius, uhi Slip. Erasmus has noticed the great acquirements of Musurus in very favourable terms. " Musurus autem, ante sencctutem periit, posteaquam ex benignitatc *' Leonis cceperat esse arcliiepiscopus. Vir natione Graecus, nimirum Crelensis; sed " latinse linguae usque ad miraculum doctus, quod vix ulli Graeco contigit, prastcr " Theodorum Gazam, & Joannem Lascarem, qui adhuc in vivis est." Erasm. Ep. lib. xxiii. Ep. 5, 249 which, if true, would be sufficient to deter posterity from those studies, that, according to their representation, can only terminate in disappointment, poverty, and disgrace. CHAP. XI. A. D. 1513. A. Ait. 38. A. Pont. I. the works of Plato to Leo X. The before-mentioned edition of the works of Plato was published in the month of September, 1513, and is allowed Dedicstion ot to have conferred great honour, not only on the talents and diligence of Musurus, but on the professional abilities of Aido ; who has prefixed to it a dedication in prose to Leo X. in which that eminent printer refers in so particular a manner to the character of the pontiff, and to the expec- tations formed of him at this early period, as to render some parts of it peculiarly interesting. " It is an ancient proverb, most holy father," says he, that when the head aches, all the members suffer. If this be true, as to the chief part of the human body, it is still more so with respect to the manners and conduct of those princes and great men, who are, as it were, the head of the people. It has been shewn, by long experience, that such as the governors are, such are the subjects ; and that whatever the former propose for their imitation, the latter are also eager to copy. On this account your elevation to the pontificate was regarded with such satisfaction by all Christians, that they did not hesitate to congratulate each other on the cessation of those evils by which we have been so long afflicted, and on the return of the bles sings which distinguished the golden age. We have, said they, obtained a prince, a pontiff, and a father, such as we have long wished, and of whose assistance, in these times, we stand in the greatest need. This I have myself VOL. n. I I heard 250 CHAP. XI. " heard repeated from all quarters. Nor is their confidence A. D. 1513. " unfounded; for many things concur to shew, that you will A. £1. 38. " fulfil their wishes. First, it may truly be observed, that " even from your infancy, until your arrival at the pontifi- " cate, your life and conduct have been pious and irre- " proachable. In the next place, the family of Medici is " the nursery of eminent men. From this stock, spiamg (not " to speak of others) your excellent father Lorenzo ; a man " endowed with such prudence, as whilst he lived, to have " preserved the tranquillity not only of his own country, but *' of all Italy. That his life had still been prolonged is my ear- " nest wish ; for, in that case, the Avar which broke out in Italy " soon after his death, and which now rages in that countiy, " and in consequence throughout all Europe, would either *' never have commenced, or if it had commenced, would, " as is generally believed, have been speedily extinguished " by him, by means of that authority and prudence Avhich " he so successfully exerted on many other occasions. O most " deplorable event ! O loss, ever to be regretted and la- " mented ! One consolation, however, remains to us ; that " as these dreadful commotions began soon after the death of " your father, so by the elevation of you, his son, to the " dignity of supreme pontiff, they will, by your labours and " your care, be extinguished. In the third place, when I " advert to your time of life, and consider that in your " elevation to the pontificate, when you had not attained " your thirty-eighth year, you were preferred to so many re- " spectable fathers and venerable prelates, it seems to me to " manifest the divine interposition. For as there was much " to be done in correcting the affairs of the Christian " church, and reforming the morals of those who reside in " every part of the world, the task required a long life; " and 251 " and God has therefore chosen you, a young man ofunim- c^^p- xi. " peachable conduct and morals, to fulfil, by long services, a. d. 1513. " this important task, without being disheartened by labour, A.^t.38. " or discouraged by difficulties. " Brief are the hours of rest the man must share, " On whom a nation casts its weight of c^re." faj Aldo then adverts to the extension of the Christian ter- ritory by the discoveries of Emanuel, king of Portugal, in the east ; after which, returning to his immediate subject, he thus proceeds: " Nor does less honour await you, holy ' father, from the restoration of literature, and the supply- ' ing learned men of the present and future ages with va- ' luable books for the promotion of liberal arts and disci- ' pline. This has in former times been attempted by many, ' not only among the Greeks and Latins, but in other na- ' tions ; and the good effects of their labours have secured ' immortality to their names. It has also been done in ' later days, both by those in private stations, and by su- ' preme pontiffs and illustrious sovereigns. Not to refer to ' others, how greatly was literature promoted by the la- ' hours of Nicholas V. How greatly, too, by your father ' Lorenzo ! By whose assiduity, had they enjoyed a ' longer life, many works would certainly have been pre- ' served which are now lost, and those which we possess, ' Avould have been rendered much more correct. It re- ' mains, therefore, for you, the great successor of the one, ' and the worthy son of the other, to complete that which 1 1 2 they lA. B. 28. 252 CHAP. XI. A. D. 1513. A.^. 38. A. Pow. I. " they were, by a premature death, prevented from accom " plishing." This excellent and indefatigable artist then re- fers to his own labours. " This stone," says he, " I have " long endeavoured to roll; in which attempt I seem to " myself another Sisyphus ; not having yet been able to " reach the top of the hill. Some learned men consider " me, indeed, rather as a Hercules; because, unmindful of " difficulties and dangers, I have rendered greater services " to the cause of letters, than any other person for many " ages past. This has so far entitled me to their esteem, " that both in person and by letter, they almost weary me " with their commendations ; sed ego non credulus illis ; nor " in truth have I ever yet published a book which has " pleased myself. Such is the regard which I bear to lite- " rature, that I wish to render those books which are in- " tended for the use of the learned, not only as correct, but " as beautiful as possible. On this account, if there be an " error, although ever so trivial, occasioned by my own " oversight, or by that of those who assist me in the task " of correction, ixXihou^ opere in inagrio fas est obrepere som- " num, for these works are not the labour of a day, but of " many years, without rest or intermission, yet so greatly " do I regret these errors, that I would gladly expunge each " of them at the expense of a piece of gold. Y'^j Leo was neither unacquainted with the merits of Aldo, nor insensible to his commendations ; the former of which he acknowledged, and the latter of which he repaid, by a papal bull, bearing date the twenty-eighth day of November, (a) The reader may consult the dedication, as given entire from the original edition, in the Appendix, No. XCII. 253 November, 1513. He there notices the strenuous exertions and great expenses of Aldo, during many years, in the cause of literature ; particularly in the printing Greek and Latin books with metal types, which he observes are so ele- gantly executed, as to appear to be written with a pen. He then grants to him an exclusive privilege, for fifteen years, of reprinting and publishing all Greek and Latin books which he had already printed or might afterwards print, in types discovered by himself, as well as for the use of the cursive, or Italic type, of which he was the inventor. These concessions he secures to him, by denouncing not only heavy pecuniary penalties, but also the sentence of excommunica- tion against all such as should encroach upon his privi- leges ; recommending to him, however, to sell his books at a reasonable price, of which he declares that he has the fullest confidence, from the integrity and obedience of the printer./aj CHAP. XI. A. D. 1513. A. JEX. 38. A. Pont. I. Leo grants to Aldo a privi- lege for pub- lishing the Greek and Homan au- thors. The restoration of the Roman Academy, and the insti- tution of the Greek Seminary in Rome, speedily led the Greek press es. . . tablished by way to the establishment ol a press for printing Greek Leo x. at books in that city ; the superintendence of which was also ^°'"*' ""* ^ ■■ works there intrusted to Lascar, who himself corrected the works which pubushed. issued from it. His abilities in this province had already been fa} Fabroni, after noticing this privilege granted by Leo to Aldo, adds, " Ut vero " gratum animum suuni Aldus Pontifici dcclararet, cidem nuncupavit editionera Pla- " tonis, etc." From which it would seem as if the dedication of Plato to Leo X. was addressed to him by Aldus, in consequence of this favour; the reverse of wliich seems however to have been the fact, as the dedication bears date in September, and the privi- lege in November, 1513. This privilege was published by Aldo in his edition of the Commentaries of Nicolo Perotti, entitled Cornucopia. Ven. 1513. yb. from wliich it »» ^iven in the Appendix, No. XCIII. 2 54 CHAP. XI. been sufficiently evinced by his edition ot the Greek ^n- A. D. 1514.. Ihologia, printed in capital letters at Florence, in the year A. jEt. 31). 1494, and inscribed by him to Piero de" Medici; and by that of Callimachus, printed in capitals at the same place, and most probably about the same period. It has also been conjectured, that for several other works, which about the same time issued from the press of Lorenzo Francesco de Alopa, the world is indebted to the industry of the same distinguished scholar.f'aj As the Roman press was more particularly intended to promote the objects of the Greek seminary, and as the M'orks of Homer, which had been splendidly published at Florence, in the year 1488, were unaccompanied by any commentary, it was thought expe- dient to print the ancient Greek Scholia on that first of poets, which was accordingly published in the year 1517 -ffbj and faj Of these, Maittaire has enumerated, besides the Anthologia and Callimac/ius, an edition of four of the tragedies of Euripides, the Glioma: Monostichoi, and the Argonautics oi ApoUonius Rhodins ; which are all the works he had met with printed in capitals. Annal. Typog. i. 101. But it must be observed, that some of them were printed after the expulsion of the Medici from Florence, and when it is probable that Lascar had quitted that city to accompany Charles VIII. on his return to France. (b] This work appeared with the foUowin;:; title, " Lectori. Homeri Interpres " PERVETUSTUS, infiiiitis propemodum tnaUgnifatc tempornm lacerattis plagis, Mcdicenm " olim Quiriiialis, Jam Caballini mo/tfis Gymnasium adii; ibiqiie hand parvo negotio in " integrum restitutus, puriis nitidusque ac milk fratribu.i aiictiis matris Jeccundissimce " chalcographomm artis benejiqp in lucem prodto: parentis generosa studiorum professi- " onis penetralia reserans. Debes id quoque, lector candide, Leoni X. Pontifici maxi- " MO, ayus providentia ac benignitate Gymnasium miper institufum viget, frugkque " bona: testimonium perhibens bona sua studiosis perquam liberaliter impertit." At the end, X. T. 7\, Hodius de Grcec. illustr. p. 254. This volume is accompanied by a privilege from Leo X. wliich is given in the Ap- pendix, No. XCIV. 25 5 and was followed in the year 1518, by the Scholia on the tragedies of Sophocles, which then also for the first time issued from the press, fa) In these works the citations from the text are printed in capitals, in order to distin- guish them from the comment, and facilitate the use of the books to the pupih.fbj CHAP. XI. A. D. 1514. A. £t. 39- A. Pont. 11 The efforts of Leo X. for the promotion of liberal stu- dies, were emulated by many persons of rank and opu- lence; but by no one with greater munificence and success, than by a merchant, who had for some time resided at Rome, and who deserves more particular commemoration in the annals both of literature and of art, than he has hitherto obtained. Agostino Chisi, Chigi, or Ghisi, as he is variously named, was a native of Siena, who having frequent occasion, in his mercantile concerns, to resort to Rome, at length fixed his abode there, and erected for himself a splendid mansion in the Transtevere, which he decorated with works in painting and sculpture, by the greatest artists of the time. fc) He had long been considered as the wealthiest merchant Agostini Chigi, a merchant at Rome, a pa- tron of lite- rature and arts. faj CoMMEXTARii in sepfem Tragadias Sophodis, quoe ex aiiis ejus complnribus so/a superfuerunt : opns exactissiimtm rarissimumque z'n Gymnasio Mediceo Caballini montis a Leone X. Pontifice maximo constituto, recognitum repurgatumque, Stc. Besides the be- fore-mentioned works, an edition of Porphyrins was publislied from ttie same press, en- titled, PoRPHYRii oPuscuLA dicuiitiir Leonis X. PoNTiFicis MAxiMi bencficio c toicbiis eruta, impressaque in Gymnasio Mediceo ad Caballimmi montem, with other pieces ilkis- trating the writings of Homer, v. Hod. de Grac. illustr. p. 256. (b) Maittaire, Aim. Typ. xol. i.^. 101. (cj Vasari, Vite de' Pittori. passim. This mansion was afterwards purchased by llie family of the Famese, to whom it yet belongs, and is known by the name of the Fariiesiiia. 256 ^"^^^- ^^- merchant in Italy/rtj and on the expedition of Charles VIII. A. D. 1514. against the kingdom of Naples, had advanced, for the use of A. ^t. 39. that monarch, a considerable sum of money, which, how- ever, there is reason to believe he had not the good fortune to recover. That he carried on an extensive intercourse with foreign parts, may be conjectured from the applications made on his behalf to the French court, for the liberation of certain ships belonging to him, which had been captured, during the contests between Louis XII. and Julius II. and detained in the ports of France. (bj On the rejoicings which had taken place on the procession of Leo. X. to the Lateran, Agostino exceeded, in the magnificence and taste of the devices exhibited in honour of the pontiff, every other individual in Rome. A great part of his wealth was supposed to have arisen from his having rented, un- der Julius II. the mines of salt and of allum, belonging to the Roman see. On the elevation of Leo X. the pro- fits of the latter had been granted to Lorenzo, the nephew of the pontiff; but after a long negotiation between him and Agostino, in which the latter appears to have conducted him- self with great propriety, and even liberality, the contract with him, as sole vender of this article, was renewed. From this period we find him frequently mentioned in the confi- dential correspondence of the Medici family, as their asso- ciate and friend. (^cj Of the liberal encouragement which he afforded to the professors of painting, sculpture, and every other branch of art, and of the partiality and attachment with faj He is denominated, in a letter from Leonardo da Porto, to Antonio Savorgnano, in the year 1511. " Agostino Ghisi, mercante piil ricco, chc alcuno altro d'Ifaiia." Lcttere di Principi. v. i. p. 6. b. (hj Lettere di Principi. v. i. p. 19. (c) MSS. Fbrent. v. App. No. XCV. 257 with which he was regarded by them, instances will occur to our future notice ; but the professors of literature were not without their share of his attention; and whilst Leo X. was employing all his efforts for the restoration of ancient learn- ing, Agostino had devoted himself to the same object, in a manner which confers great honour on his memory. Among those learned men whom he distinguished by his particular favour, was Cornelio Benigno, of Viterbo,fa^ who united to a sound critical judgment, an intimate ac- quaintance with the Greek tongue, and had before joined with a few other eminent scholars in revising and correct- ing the geographical work of Ptolomaeus, which was pub- lished at Rome, in the year 1507. Under the patronage of Chigi, Cornelio undertook to superintend an edition of the writings of Pindar, accompanied by the Greek Scholia. The printer whose assistance they had recourse to on this oc- casion, was Zaccaria Calliergo, a native of Crete, who had formerly resided at Venice, and obtained considerable ap- plause by his edition of the great Etymological Dictionary of the Greek language, which he published there by the assistance of Musurus, in the year 1499. fb) A printing- press was established in the house of Agostino ; and at his expense, and by the labour of his learned associates, a fine edition in quarto of the works of Pindar, was published VOL. II. K K in CHAP. XL A. D. 1514- A. £.1. 39. A. Pont. IL Comelio Benig- no, of Viterbo. Greek press oi Zaccaria Cal- liergo. faj " Optime literatus fuit Cornelius Benignus Viterbiensis, neque ipse prospera satis " fortuni usus, postea enim quam Augustimim Gysium, Senensem, Macenaiem suum, apud " quern in lionore fuerat, amisit, vitam inde nullo solatio egit." Valer. de Literafor. aifel. lib. ii. p. 1 50. If we may believe this author, who ha^ aspersed or ridiculed most of the learned men of his time, ComeUo, at an advanced age, attempted to console iiim- self by paying his addresses to a lady of rank, and being repulsed, died of love I —Ibid. f(>) Fabridi, Bib. Grxc. x. 12, 21. 258 CHAP. xr. A. D. 1514. A. .Et. 39. A. Pont. 11. in the month of August, 1515/aj which is allowed to be ex- ecuted with great accuracy; and, as well on account of the beauty of the workmanship, as of the Scholia by which it was accompanied, and which were now for the first time printed, is even preferred to the first edition of the same author, given by Aldo two years before. By this publica- tion, faj Under the following title : niNAAPOY, OAYMniA. nY0IA NEMEA. IS0MIA. [mpressi Romce per ZacAariam Calergi Cretensem, permissu S. D. N. Leonis X. Pont. Max. ea etiam cmditione, ut nequis alius per quinquen7tiian Itos imprimere, aut venundare libros possit ; utgue qui seau fecerit, w ab miversa dei Eceksia toto orbe terrarum expert cxcommunicatmque censeafur. At the close of the book is tffe following Colophon : 'H t5 ni.Jaja n-tfioJoj airy,'!, ru, 'O^t/xw.o.ixi.., nv6>o,iKi^,, Kifx.ionxunt xi, 'M^.omxwf, ixTwtiitura 259 tion, Agostino anticipated the pontiff in the introduction chap. xi. of the Greek typography, and produced the first book a. d. i5u. which had been printed in that language at Rome. fa) To a. yEt.39. the same press we are also indebted for a correct edition of the Idyllia, and Epigrams of Theocritus, which appeared in the year 1 5 16, fbj and which has been resorted to by a learned modern editor, as the most accurate and complete KK 2 among avi^^ KojmXitf Biviym t3 oiiTEffiE»{" irota i\ xat ii^iortirt Za;^;afia KaXXit^ya t5 Kpnrof' STEi ru cciro Tiif U ai^xa olxoyof/icct tS Kv^Uv ijM.w» 'lijo-a XPISTOT, ;^iXtor«, ^' i£. utt>o; A^yara, 17 . AE0NT02 AEKATOT i/,iyij-a a^p^iE^to;;, oa-iui; o'ixo>oi/,inoi; 'Pti/xriv. (a) This is commemorated in the following lines addressed by Benedetto Lampridio to the editor. Aajt*ir^td'»o?, Ko^c^Xic; BEviycw ru OvirepQiii, E?\^rinuy fji.6^Qov^ y^a.y^xoypa.^on7i Tt/9ro»?. Ht Tod'E /AEv Tt^cc^^ fjv xcci vv Aia TraXy otxatft/?' h^yov ya.^ fxiyaXri Pw/xvj e'c^he fxiyx. T^vv Si yi TovTo TB^a; ff/tJE, c70K, Kopv^A»e, ^upqi^, X >?/*rv y^atxo]i;voy xaXAo? ett^xOe ttovov. Olru xxi GiteAoi; ^ai^^oTE'^ai; x^aTE'ti. /Ay Under the following title, TAAE ENEZTIN EN TH nAPOT SH BIBAn. ©Eox^Ira Ei^t^XXia e'I xii T^iaxovra. Ta oti/TB inny^a,^naTn Ins* xii ^e'xs. Tov ecvra n'EXexi/; xai ?rTEPt/yiov> SjjoXta T a Ei; aura tv^nrxofiivci. ex Ji« ^o^wF avTty^a^we, e»? ly ^t^XXE^^fievTOt. After which follows the Imperial Eagle, or Impresa of Calliergo, with the letters Z. K. At A. Pont. II. 260 CHAP. XI. among the early editions of that ckarming author ; and as A. D. 151+. that on which he chiefly reUed for the correction of those £t.39. errors, which the inattention or inaccuracy of subsequent printers had introduced/a^ A A. Pont. II. The At the close we read, Ai'oFTo? Miyirn <»{;c«5««'{ Jfxaru vetvx Pufin? oiriuf air^> otKOrOjUuvTo; xat to va^ov ^if^io iv rxvrrt hvn ivvoi/m X^i^^ TVVuBiv^ Tr/^a; st^n^i* )] oe ffvn Oiw* avaXw/Aacri fAin ro \oyiti av^po^ KoJ^u^la Biiiym t5 OiiTi^Siiui;. ironu Ji xat JelwTDTt Zajjajia xaXAif jya t5 xjjitoj. M»i»o{ " Leonis X. Pont. Max. litteris cautum est, ne quis possit tam Pindarum, qui nuper " cum comnientariis editus est, quam Theocritum hunc impressum, cum additione et " commentariis, per decennium imprimere, aut venundare. Sub poena Excomniunica- •' tlonis latas sententiae, refectionis damnorum et expensarum, et amissionis librorum." faj This edition of Calliergo is denominated by the celebrated Reiske, in his Theo- critus, Vie/i. 4" Le'ps. 1765. " Editio prsestautissima, et exemplar omnium insecu- " tarum ; nisi si quid Henricus Stephanus ab hoc exemplo discessit. Explevit enim " Zacharias Aldinse lacunas, &: non pauca cannina bucolicorum grEecorum, qux ad Aldi " manus non pervenerant addidit ; neque fuit post Zachariam qui Theocritum nova qua- " dam accessione locupletaret," &c. /« prof. p. 12. The same learned editor afterwards adds, " Quod si essem copiis Sc usu vetustorum " hbrorum et peritiae rerum in Uteris, seculis xv. et xvi. gestarum instructior, otioque " prasterea si abundarera, erat hie commodus locus de typographia a Zacharia Calliergo " Romae adornata, et de libris ab eo profectis, item de Cornelio Benigno, Viterbiense " qui sumptus huic editioni erogasse dicitur, nee non de numero carminum Theocrj- " tiorum disputandi," &:c. lb. p. 14. It is surprising, that the indefatigable Tiraboschi, should not only have omitted to notice the efforts of Leo X. and of his coadjutors and competitors, in their attempts to establish a Greek typography in Rome, but should expressly have attributed its in- troduction to the liberality of the cardinals Marcello Cervini, and Alessandro Farnese about the year 1539, whilst such decisive monuments remain of its commencement and suc- cess under the auspices of Leo X. at a much earlier period, v. Tirab. Storia delta Let. Ital. vol. vii. par, i. p. 183. Maittaire, Attn. Typ, in dedicat. 261 CHAP. XI. A. D. 1514. A. £X. 39. A. Pont. II. Greek litera- ture promot- ed by learn- ed Italians. The labours of Lascar, of Musurus, and other native Greeks, in diffusing the study of the Greek language throughout Italy, were rivalled, if not surpassed, by se- veral learned Italians, who had devoted themselves chiefly to this department of literature, and shared with them in the esteem and the favour of the supreme pontiff. Among these, one of the most distinguished was Guarino, a na- tive of Favera, in the state of Camerino, whence he as- sumed the surname of Favorino ; and having, in comph- ance with the custom of the Italian scholars, transformed varboCamerti his name of Guarino into the more classical appellation of Farino, he sometimes, stiled himself Farinas Favorinus, or Phavorinus ; and at others Farino Camerti. The period of his birth is placed by a well-informed writer, some years after the middle of the fifteenth century. faj In acquiring a knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages, he had the good fortune to obtain the instructions of Politiano, who has left, in one of his letters, an honourable testimony of the proficiency of his pupil ifbj of the opportunities thus afforded him, he availed himself with such diligence, that very few, even of the Greeks themselves, could equal him in the knowledge of that language. During his resi- dence in Florence, he appears to have been particularly devoted to the service of the Medici family, and is said, although faJ Zeno. Giornale d' Italia, xix. 91- (b) " Varinus, civis tuus, auditor meus, ad summum linguae utriusque fastigium " pleno gradu contendit ; sic ut inter doctos jam conspicuus digito monstretur." Pol. Ep. lib. vii. Ep. 2. ad Mac. Muiium. Zeno, on the authority of Ughelli, and the erroneous construction of the sepulchral inscription of Varino, had asserted, that he also received instructions from Giovanni Lascar. Giorn, dital. xix. 92. But he afterwards corrected this error. Ihid. xx. 277- 262 CHAP. XI. although perhaps erroneously, to have given instructions, A. D. 1514. ys preceptor, to Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo ^.(a) A.yEt.3.9. He also formed an intimacy there with Giulio de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII. which continued uninterrupted until the death of that pontiff. The first publication of Varino, was a collection of grammatical tracts in the Greek language, selected with incredible labour from the remains His Theiaurus of thirty-four aucicnt grammarians, whose names are pre- comucopia-. f^^cd to tlic \\orV.(b) In this compilation he was assisted by Carlo Antinori, another disciple of Politiano, and even by fa) He is called, in one of the inscriptions on his tomb, T?; MiJixS; oiV.!«5 r^oifij/.ot, which may be admitted as a proof, that he was educated in the family of the Medici ; but not that he acted as a preceptor tliere ; nor has Zeno, wiio mentions it, adduced any autho- rity to this effect Giorn. d'ltal. xix. 92. It is not indeed probable, that whilst Politiano v.-as yet living, the education of the brothers of the Medici would be transferred from liim to one of his pupils. fbj Under the following title — ©HSAYPOS. Ks^a? 'A/xaXO/ia? xcii xiiiroi 'aJwhJo?. The- saurus CoRNUcoPi.E ET HoRTi Adonidis, which the learned printer, in his preface, thus explains: " Ecce habelis opus oppido quam utile et necessarium, qucm K/^a; 'Afia^fli'ia^, " quern kWbs 'aJoIuJo! quern jure Thesauruu appcllaverim. In eo enim fere omnia re- " posita sunt quas desiderare quis possit ad perfectam absolutamque cognilionem literannn " grascarum, et eoruni prMcipue quK leguntur apud poetas ; qui verba variis fignris ac lin- " guis, ita sjepe immutant, ut facilius sit Nili caput quam alicujus temporis themaautprin- " cipiura invenire. Sed hoc libroquam facillima facta sunt omnia," &c. This edition, which Zeno says, is " molto rara, e pero notissima a pochi," is preceded by the Latin preface of Aldo, after which follows the letter of Politiano before mentioned, which is not found in the general collection of his works. The ensuing page contains four Greek epigrams, in praise of the author, by Politiano, Aristoboio Apostolo, Scipione Carteromaco, and Aldo; and these are succeeded by two epistles in Greek, the one from Carteromaco to Varino, and the other from Varino to Piero de' Medici, as a dedication of the work ; which he inscribes to him as an acknowledgment of the benefits which he had himself received, in having been permitted to attend with the young men of the family of Antinori, on the instructions of Politiano. At the close of the volume we read, " fenelm in domo Aldi Romani, sionmd cum laborique pramagno, Mense " Augusta, M. nil. d. Ab. ill. Senatu V. concessum est ne quis, kc. ut in " ceteris. Vale qui legeris." 263 CHAP. XI. by Politiano himself, who also honoured him with a re- commendatory letter, and a Greek epigram to be prefixed a. d. 1514. to the volume. fa) The publication was undertaken by A.jEt.39. Aldo Manuzio, in which he was assisted by the celebrated Urbano Valeriano, who will occur to our future notice, as another successful promoter of Grecian literature. The first edition of this work made its appearance in the year 1496, fbj and is justly considered as one of the finest pro- ductions of the Aldine press. Succeeding grammarians have adverted to this collection in terms of approbation, and the learned Budaeus is said to have made considerable use of it in his commentaries on the Greek tongue. fcj It was however reserved for the indefatigable Henry Stephens, to compleat the building of which Varino had laid the foundation; which he did in his Thesaurus Lingua Grceca, which is considered as the most complete body of gram- matical knowledge extant in any language, but for the title and idea of which he appears to have been indebted to Varino. Having engaged in an ecclesiastical life, and entered into the order of Benedictines, Varino was, in the year 1508, (a) " Primus labor in eo (libro) says Aldo in his preface, " fuit Guarini Camenis, et " Caroli Antenorei Florentini ; hominum multi studii, ac in Graacarum literarum lectione " frequentium. Hi simul ex Eustathio, Etymologico, et aliis dignis Grammaticis acce- " pere hasc canonismata, digessereque per ordinem literarum ; nee sine adjumento et " consilio Angeli Politiani, viri summo ingenio ac impense docti." Aid. in praf. (hj " Secundus vero labor mens fuit ; qui ea omnia recognovi, non parvo labore, cum " iis conferens unde excerpta voluminibus fuerant. Multa enim addidi ; plurima immu- " tavi, adjuvante interdum Urbano divi Francisci fratre optimo," Sec. Ih. (c) Zeno, Giorn. d' Italia xix, 108. 264 CHAP. XI. A. D. 1514. A. £X. 39. A Pont. 11. Is appointed Li- brarian to the Medici fa- mily and bi- diop of No- cera. 1508, nominated by Julius II. archdeacon ol Nocera/aj and in l.il2, was intrusted by Leo X. then the cardinal de' Medici, with the superintendence of his private H- brary, an office which lie continued to enjoy after the elevation of that pontiff to the supreme dignity. f'^j The collection made by the cardinal in Rome, had, in the year 1508, been enriched by the addition of the library formed by the assiduity of his ancestors in Florence, and which, after the expulsion of his family in 1494, had been sold, as confiscated property, to the convent of S. Marco for three thousand gold ducats. From the monks of this con- vent who either were, or pretended to be, in want of money to discharge their debts, the cardinal afterwards purchased the same on reasonable terms, and the library was conveyed to Rome,fCy) where however it was always kept distinct from that of the Vatican, and was considered as (a) Zeno, Giom. d' Italia, xix. 93. (h) " Consulam Varinum Camertem, qui Oibliotfiecce nostr fOt Tvt y^eivi inTiwtfia^ionit. (a) MSS. Florent. v. ^Ippendix, No. XCVII. (b) On this occasion, Varani struck a medal in honour of Leo X. with the arms of Camerino on one side, and on the reverse, a laurel wreath, with the motto, " Leonis X. " CULTUI." (c) Zeno, Giorn. d' Italia, x'lX. ()4. by Stobaeus, which he dedicated to Leo X. and printed at Rome, in the year 1 5 17, fa) Of this work another edition was pubHshed at Rome, in 1519, under a very different title ;(^ii'y' and this was reprinted at Cracow, in 1529, with a Latin epigram in praise of the author, by a learned native of Poland. fcyl 267 CHAP. XI. A. D. 1514. A. M. 39. A. Pont II. But the great work by which Varino is known to the pre- sent times, and which will always secure to him an honour- able rank among the promoters of Grecian literature, is his Greek dictionary, which, after the labour of many years, was completed by him in the life time of Leo X. who granted him a privilege for its publication ; notwithstanding which, it did not make its appearance until the pontificate of VOL. II. L L 2 his His Greek Dic- tionary under the name of Fbavorinus. faj " Apophthegmata e* variis autoribus per Joannim Stob.eum coUecta, Varino " Favorino interprete." At the close, " Imprassum RorruB per Jacobum Mazochium, die xxvii. Men. Novtmb. " M.D.xvii." in ito. In the dedication, Varino thus addresses the pope : " Hunc igitur, B. P. tuo auspicio " publicum accipere volui ; ut qui tibi jampridem meas operas, meque totum dediderim, " mea quoque studia accepta referara. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. xix. 1 10. fbj Varini Camertis Apophthegmata, ad bene beategue vivendum mire conducentia, nuper ex /j/mpidissimo Gracorum fotite in latinum Jideliter conversa, et lunge antea impres- sis casfigatiora, &c. At the close, Romoe in cedihus Jacobi Mazochii, die xix. mentis Decembris, m.u.xix. 8vo. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. xix. III. fcj " Lector candide, si cupis repente, " Divina quasi virgula vocatus, " Moralem Sophiam tibi parare, " Hoc parvi moneo legas libelli, " E graeco tibi quod bonus Varinus " Traduxit, lepide simul latine." Wences. Sobeslaiic?ise. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. xix. 112. 268 cii.\r. XI. j^js successor Adrian VI. in the year 1523, when it waspub- A. D. 1514. lishetl at Rome, Ironi the press of Zaccaria Caliiergo.(^«j In A, .;:ij ;; rence, faj " Bononim primiim videre contigit Scipionem Cartcromaclmm, reconditas et abso- " lutae eruditionis hominem ; sed usque adeo alienum ab ostentatione, ut ni provocasses, " jurSsses esse literarum ignarum. Cum eo post Romx fuit mihi propior familiaritas." Erasm. Ep. lib. 23. ep. 5. fbj " Sappianio bene, per la testimonianza del Valeriano, che Scipione, per mezzo " del Colocci, venne in conoscenza, che e lo stesso che dire in istima, del cardinale " Giovanni de' Medici," Sec. Zeno, Giornal. d'ltal. xx. 2S5. In this account the modem writer appears not to have consulted the authority which he has cited, with his usual accuracy, v. Valer. de Literal . infel. in art. Scip. Carterom. p. 119. fcj Pet. Alcyonius, in his book " dt Exsilio" introduces Giulio de' Medici, as addressing himself to the cardinal Ciovatmi, afterwards Leo X. and designating Cartero- " maco 272 CHAP. XI. rence/oj but it is scarcely probable, that Leo would have A. D. 1514. interfered with tlie studies of liis rehition, who was then A. Mt. 39- of mature age, and fully competent to choose his own asso- ciates and instructors. Scipione had, however, reason to flatter himself, that from the liberality of such a pontiff, he should receive the just remuneration of his talents and his services; nor is it likely, that his expectations would have been defrauded, had not his premature death pre- vented his obtaining the full reward of his merits. The ■ precise time when this event happened, has been a sub- ject of doubt ; but from the most authentic account, founded on the records of his family, it ap])cars that he died at Pistoia, about six months after the accession of Leo X. or in the month of October, \5\3.(b) In consequence of his untimely fate, Scipione is indebted, for his literary reputa- tion, rather to the numerous commendations of his con- temporaries and friends, than to his own writings, many of w^hich are said to have been dispersed at his death, and usurped by others into whose hands they had fallen, (c) Among maco by the name of TamUiaris noster. " Multos item Graxa literatura insignes " viros domi habes, ad quorum emulationem non desiisti cum omni genera exercita- " tionis, turn maxime stylo augere partam eloquentiam ; atque inter hos maxima cminet " Scipio Carteromachus ; quern honorificentissime, pro tua natura, liberalissimeque " tractas, cum prxsertim videas ilium, quamquam Latinum, sic loqui et scribere, ut " solus post veterum gnsecorum, Platonis, Isocratis, Demosthenis, & Strabonis interituro, ♦« orbae eloquentias tutor relictus videatur." Giorn. d'ltalia, xx. 287. faj Valerian, de Literator. infel.p. 1 \g. (bj " 11 Salvi, e le memorie dei Signori Forteguerri, il farmo morto ai l6 di Otto- " bre, 1513, cioe di 46. anni." Zeno, Giorn. d'ltalia, xxvi. 326. (c) Giraldi thus adverts to his death, " per haec nostra tempera fuit Pistoriensis •• Scipio Carteromachus, qui Grasce et Latine scivit, nee infans fuit : interceptus ille ante " diem, quae utraque lingua inchoata promiserat, haud plane perfecit; multum quidem " «o moriente amisimus." GiraU, de Poetit. ap. Zeno, Giorn. d' Ital. xx. 2&9. 273 Among those which remain, is his oration in praise of Grecian literature, recited by him before a full and noble audience at Venice, in 1504, and published from the press of Aldo in the same yea.r ;faj besides which, several epi- grams in Greek and Latin, and a few Italian compositions, are extant in the publications of the times.fbj " It might " be truly observed of him," says Valeriano, " that there " was nothing written before his time which he had not " read ; nothing that he had read, which he did not con- " vert to the utility of oth.ers."(cJ During his residence at Venice, he frequently assisted in correcting the editions of the ancient authors published by Aldo, who has mentioned him in several of his publications, in terms of high com- mendation and esteem. fdj He also united with Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo, and other learned men, in correcting the edition of the geographical works of Ptolomseus, printed at Rome, in 1507, which has before been noticed. CHAP. XI. A. D. 1514. A .^t. 39. A. Pom 1. 11. Fra Urbano Valeriano Bolzanio, of Belluno, has already been mentioned as one of the coadjutors of Varino and Aldo, in the publication of the Thesaurus Cornucopia; but the services which he rendered to Grecian literature by his subsequent labours, entitle him to more particular notice. He was born in the year 1440, and is said by his VOL.11. MM nephew, Urbano Bolm- (a) Reprinted by Frobenius, at Basil, in 1517, and also prefixed, by the learned Henry Stephens, to his Thesaurus Linguoe Grcecee. (bj These are particularly indicated by Zeno, ia his Giorn. d' Ital. xx. 294, &c. (cj De Literator. infel. lib, ii. p. lig. (dj Particularly in the preface to his edition of Demosthenes, in 1504. 274 CHAP. XI. nephew, Pierio Valeriano, to have been the eariiest in- A. D. 1514. structor of Leo X. in the knowledge of the Greek A. ^t. 39. longue.faj Akhough an ecclesiastic of the order of S. Francesco, he quitted the m alls of his monastery, with the laudable curiosity of visiting foreign parts ; and having had an opportunity of accompanying Andrea Gritti, afterwards doge of Venice, on an embassy to Constantinople, he thence made an excursion through Greece, Palestine, Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and other countries ; always travelling on foot, and diligently noting whatever appeared deserving of observation. (^/f^ The disinterestedness of Urbano is strongly insisted on by his nephew Piero, who informs us, that he rather chose to suffer the inconveniencies of po- verty, than to receive a reward for those instructions which he was at all times ready to give, and that he always persevered in refusing those honours and dignities which Leo X. would gladly have conferred upon him. His activity, temperance, and placid disposition, secured to him a healthful old age, nor did he omit to make frequent ex- cursions through Italy, until he was disqualified from these occupations by a fall in his garden, whilst he was pruning his faj " Secutus sum institutum Urbani Valeriani, patrui mei, qui primus Grmcas lite- " ras docuerat Joannem, Clarissimi Laurentii Jilium, tunc protonotarium ; is autem raox " Cardinalis, post niulta reruin molimina colludentisque fortunas varietates, ad summum " Pontificatum evecttts ; brevique post tempore illustribus fratre, nepoteque desideratis, " cum ad prolem demum eonim fovendam animum adjecisset, me delegit, qui, quara " operam patruus meus in eo olim erudiendo contulisset, eandem ego in iilustres Hippoly- " turn et Alexandruin navandum susciperem." Pier, Valerian. Dedicat. ad Hexamet. Giotit. 1550. (bj Valerian, de Literal, infelic. lib. \\. p. 166, who informs us, that Urbano travelled also into Sicily, where he twice ascended the mountain of j£tna and looked down into its crater. Ih. 27 5 his trees.faj His principal residence was at Venice, where chap. xr. he not only assisted Aldo Manuzio, in correcting the edi- a.d. isu. tions which he published of the ancient authors, but gave a. ^t. 39- instructions in the Greek language to a great number of scholars ; insomuch, that there was scarcely a person in Italy distinguished by his proficiency in that language, who had not at some time been his pupil. fbj His earnest desire of facilitating the knowledge of this language, induced him to undertake the composition of his grammar, which was the first attempt to explain in Latin the rules of the Greek tongue. This work was first printed in 1497, fc) and was received with such avidity, that Erasmus, on in- quiring for it in the year 1499, found that not a copv of the impression remained unsold, fdj The exertions of Leo X. -were not, however, exclusively confined to the promotion of any one particular branch of literature. Soon after his elevation, he caused it to be pub- licly known, that he would give ample rewards to those M M 2 who faj Valerian, de Literat. infel. lib. ii. p. 1^8. Urbano never required the use of a horse, except on one occasion, when he passed over the rocky road of Assisi, in his way to Rome, to kiss the feet of his former pupil, Leo X. lb. (b) Urbano died in the convent of S. Niccolo, at Venice, in the year 1524, and be- queathed to that convent his valuable library. His funeral oration, by Fr. Alberto da Castelfranco, was printed at Venice, in the same year, by Bernardino de' Vitali, in .jto. Zmo. Giorn. d' ltd. xix. 104. Note (aj. (c) Urbani, Grammatica Gr^ca. Vm. ap. Aldum mense Januario anno. 1497 4to. (d) " Graramaticam Graxam, suramo studio vestigavi, ut emptam tibi mitterem ; sed " jam utraque divendita fiierat, et Constantini quae dicitur, quasque Urbani." Eras. Ep. at Jacob. Tutorem, ugg. De Bure had never seen a copy of this edition. Bib. instr. iV^o. 2221. It was dedicated by Aldo to Giovan. Francesco Pico, nephew of Giovanni Pico, of Mirandula. Maittaire, Ann. typ. vol. i. p. 63S. The Grammar of Coasfan- tine Lascar above mentioned, was wholly in Greek. works of Taci- 276 CHAP. XI. ^vho should procure for him manuscript copies of the A. D. 1514. works of any of the ancient Greek or Roman authors, and A. .fit. 39- would, at his own expense, print and publish them with as A. Pont. II. -1 1 T r 1 • 1 much accuracy as possible. In consequence ot this, the Leo obtains a f^yg g^gj books of the aiiuals of Tacitus, which Lipsius af- more complete MS. of the terwards divided into six, and which had until that time existed only in manuscript, were brought from the abbey of Corvey, in Westphalia, by Angelo Arcomboldo, who was remunerated by the pope with the liberal reward of 500 zechins.f'oj Such of the writings of that eminent historian as had before been discovered, and which consisted of the last six books of his annals, and the five first books of his history, had been printed by Johannes de Spira, at Venice, about the year 1468, and several times reprinted at Rome and Venice. On obtaining this valuable copy, which be- sides comprehending the additional books, supplied con- siderable defects in those before published, Leo determined to give to the world as complete an edition as possible ; for which purpose he intrusted the manuscript to the younger Filippo Beroaldo, with directions to correct the text, and to superintend the printing of it in an elegant and useful form. In order to reward the editor for his trouble on this occasion, Leo proposed to grant to him an exclusive privilege for the reprinting and sale of the work ; and as the brief in which this privilege is conceded, con- tains a kind of justification on the part of the pontiff, for devoting so much of his attention to the promotion of profane learning, an extract from its preamble may not be inapplicable to the subject of our present inquiry. " Amongst (a) Brotier. Taat. in prof. p. 18. op, Ed. Par, 1771- 277 " Amongst the other objects of our attention, since we have been raised by divine goodness to the ponti- fical dignity, and devoted to the government, and, as far as in us lies, to the extension of the Christian church, we have considered those pursuits as not the least impor- tant, Avhich lead to the promotion of literature and use- ful arts ; for we have been accustomed even from our early years to think, that nothing more excellent or more useful has been given by the Creator to mankind, if we except only the knowledge, and true worship of himself, than these studies, which not only lead to the orna- ment and guidance of human life, but are applicable and useful to every particular situation ; in adversity consolatory^ in prosperity pleasing and honourable ; in- somuch, that without them, we should be deprived of all the grace of life, and all the polish of society. The security and extension of these studies seem chiefly to depend on two circumstances, the number of men of learning, and the ample supply of excellent authors. As to the first of these, we hope, with the divine bles- sing, to shew still more evidently, our earnest desire and disposition to reward and to honour their merits ; this having been for a long time past our chief delight and pleasure. With respect to the acquisition of books, we return thanks to God, that in this also an opportunity is now afforded us of promoting the advantage of man- kind. 'Yoj CHAP. XI. A. D. 151t. A. ^t. 39. A. Pont. II. Grants to Bem- bo a brief for its publica- tion. The pontiff then adverts to his having obtained, at great expense, the five books of Tacitus, which he confides to the (aj Leon. x. Bulla, Tadtiop. a Beroaldo pmj'. EJ. Rom. 1515. 5278 CHAP. xr. jj^g care of Beroaldo lor publication, with high commen A. D. 1514. dation on his talents, industry, and integrity, and in order A.M. 39- to secure to him the reward of his labours, he denounces A. Pom. II. , ,. ... ..11 the sentence ol excommunication lat(E sententue, with the penalty of 200 ducats, and forfeiture of the books, against any persons who should reprint these works within ten years, without the express consent of the editor/oj But notwithstanding the censures of the Christian church were thus employed by the pontiff", for protecting the writ- ings of an heathen author, neither these nor the temporal penalties (a) This edition was accordingly published in a handsome volume, in folio, under the following title : p. CORNELII TACITI LIBBI QUINQUE NOVITER IN VENTI ATQUE CUM RELIQUIS EJUS OFERIDUS EDITI. '• Ne quis intra decennitun praesens opus possit alicubi impune imprimere aut impres- " sum vendere gravissimis edictis autum est." At the close of the Dialogue de Oratoribus, after the table of errata and register, we read, " P. Cornelii Taciti Equitis Ro. Historiarum libri quinque nnper in Germania inventi " ac cum reliquis omnibus ejus operibus quae prius inveniebantur, Romoe impressi p. Ma- " gistrum Stephanum Guillereti de Lothoringia Tullen. dioc. anno m, d. xv. K1. " Martii. Leonis x. Pont Max, anno secundo." . On the reverse are the pontifical arms, with a further address, as under: Nomine Leonis X. Pont. Max. propo- SITA SUNT PREMIA NON MEDIOCRIA HIS QUI AD EUM LIBROS VETERES NECQUE HACTENUS EDITOS ATTULERINT. This is followed by llie life of Agricola, with which the volume closes. 279 penalties by which they were accompanied, could prevent another edition from being printed at Milan in the same year, by Alessandro Minuziano, who had established him- self there as a printer, and contended with Aldo Manuzio in the publication of the Avritings of antiquity. So vigi- lant was Minuziano in this respect, that he obtained the sheets of the Roman edition as they came progressively from the press, and it is probable that his own edition was nearly completed before he was aware of the heavy de- nunciations against those who should presume to pirate the work. By this measure the incautious printer, not only incurred the penalties in the papal brief, but excited the indignation of the pope, who found his monitory treated with contempt in the very place which he had lately freed from the yoke of the French, and who ordered Minu- ziano immediately to appear at Rome. The interposition of some powerful friends, and not improbably that of Maximiliano Sforza, was however exerted in his behalf, and such representations were made to the pope, as in- duced him to relax from his severity, and release the offender from his excommunication ; which was followed by a kind of compromise between him and Beroaldo, by which the Milanese printer was allowed to dispose of the remaining copies of his work.faj C«iCP. XI. A. D. 1514. A. yEt. 39. A. Pont. II. The work print- ed by Minu- ziano of Vi- terbo. The restoration of the Greek and Roman languages was accompanied, or speedily followed, by the study of the oriental tongues, which, although so necessary to the per- fect knowledge of the sacred writings, now first began to engage the attention of the learned. To the successful prosecution Rise of the stu- dy of orien- tal literature. faj Mazziichelli, Scrittori d Italia. Art. Beroaldo. 280 CHAP. XI. prosecution of" these inquiries, the favour of the great was A. D. 1514. yet more necessary than to the other branches of learning; A.m.39- and the assistance afforded by Leo X. to those who en- gaged in them, may serve to shew, that his munificence was not confined, as has generally been supposed, to the lighter and more ornamental branches of literature. Among those who had made an early proficiency in the know- ledge of the eastern tongues, was Teseo Ambrogio, of Pavia, regular canon of the L^teran, fa) who arrived at Rome in the year 1512, at the opening of the fifth session of the Lateran council. The great number of ecclesiastics from Syria, Ethiopia, and other parts of the east, who at- Tcseo Ainbro- tcudcd that couucll, afforded him an opportunity of pro- secuting his studies with advantage ; and at the request of the cardinal Santa Croce, he was employed as the person best qualified to translate from the Chaldean into Latin, the liturgy of the eastern clergy, previously to the use of it being expressly sanctioned by the pope. (bj After having been employed by Leo X. for two years in giving instructions in Latin to the subdeacon Elias, a legate from Syria to the council, whom the pope wished to retain in his court, and from whom Ambrogio received in return in- structions in the Syrian tongue, he Avas appointed by the pontiff to the chair of a professor in the university of Bo- logna, where he delivered instructions in the Syriac and Chaldaic languages, for the first time that they had been publicly gio professor of the eastern tongues in Bologna. faj He was of the noble family of the Conti d'Albonese, and bom in I469. At fif- teen years of age, he is said to have written and spoken Greek and Latin, with a facihty equal to any person of the time. Mazzmhelli, Scrittoii d' Italia, ii. 609« fbj MazzuchtUi, Scrittoii d ' Ital. ubi, svp. 281 publicly taught in Italy /aj Ambrogio is said to have understood no less than eighteen different languages, many of which he spoke with the ease and fluency of a native. faj In the commotions which devastated Italy after the death of Leo X. he was despoiled of the numerous and valuable eastern manuscripts, which he had collected by the industry of many years, as also of the types and apparatus which he had prepared for an edition of the Psalter in the Chaldean, which he intended to have accompanied with a disser- tation on that language. This, however, did not deter him from the prosecution of his studies, and in the year 1539, he published at Pavia, his " Introduction to the Chal- " dean, Syrian, Armenian, and ten other tongues, with the " alphabetical characters of about forty different languages ;" which is considered by the Italians themselves, as the earliest attempt made in Italy towards a systematic acquaintance with the literature of the e'dst. (bj CHAP. XI. A. D. IJU. A. At. 39. A. Pont. It. His introducti- on to the Cbaldaic and other lan- guages. The labours of Ambrogio were emulated by several other learned Italians, and particularly by Agostino Gius- tiniani ; who with more success than Ambrogio, undertook VOL. a. N N an faj Mazziic/i. ut supra. But by an epistle of Isidoro Clario, bishop of Folij^no to Ambrogio, cited by tlie same autlior, we are informed witli more prpbability, tliat Ambro- gio was master of at least ten different languages. " F.tenini si Ennius, propter Latina et " Grasca? linguae scientiam, duo se corda habere gloi iabatur, ([uanti tandem is est, qui de- " cem et eo amplius corda, ob tarn multam tot Linguaruiii eruditionciu, habere credendus " est?' (b) Alazzuch. ut sup. Introdiictio in Chaldaicam liiigiinm, Si/riacam atque Arnte- nicain, et decern alias linguas. Characterum different iiim ^llphabtla circiter (/uadragi/ita^ SfC. 1539, 4to. Excvdebat Papi/t, Joan. Maria Simonelln Cremon. in Canoniea Sancti Petri in Cceio aiireo, sumptibus et typis authoris libri." — " Questo," " says " MazzuchtUJy " c il prime libro che in tal genere di Crammatica siasL veduto \» " Italia." 282 CHAP. xr. A. D. 1514. A. ^t. 39. A. Pont. II. Agostino Gius- tiniani pub- lishes a poly- glot edition of the psalter. Complutensian polyglot of cardinal Xi- menes dedi- cated to Leo X. Leo directs the translation of the scriptures by Pagnini to be publish- ed at his ex- pense. an edition of the psalter in four languages, which he pub- lished at Genoa, in 1 5 16. fa) It is observable that Tira- boschi considers this work as the first specimen of a poly- glot Bible, which had been seen in Eiirope,fbJ but this praise is justly due to the great complutensian polyglot of cardinal Ximenes, of which the earliest part bears the date of 1514, and which work is inscribed to Leo X.fcJ On being informed that Sante Pagnini, a learned ecclesiastic then in Rome, had undertaken to translate the Bible from the original Hebrew, Leo sent to him, and requested to be allowed the inspection of his work. The satisfaction which he derived from it was such, that he immediately ordered that the whole should be transcribed at his own expense, and gave directions that materials should be provided for printing it. A part of it was accordingly executed, but the death of the pontiff retarded its completion, and the la- bours of Pagnini were not published until the pontificate of Clement YlLfclJ The Hebrew tongue was also publicly taught faj He had intended to fiave given a similar edition of tlie whole of the sacred writings, but this portion only was published by him. t>. Tirab, Storia deUa Let. Ital. vii. par, ii> p. 403. (b) Ibid. (c) For a particular account of it, v de Bure, Bibl. inst)-. No. I. (d) In the dedication to Clement VII. Pagnini thus relates the foregoing circum- stances : " Leo X. me, cum Romas agerem, accito, quam olim elucubraveram utriusque " instrumenti translationem, ut sibi ostenderem benigne ac perhumaniter injunxit. Is " cum aliquot vidisset quatemiones, et ex iis cetera suo praeclaro expendisset ingenio, " Dofo, inquit ut meis impensis totiis transcribatiir liber, et typis exacte revisus escudatur. *♦ Turn, ut novit Tua Beatitudo, non modo pro .scribis, verura etiara pro parandis iis quae •' opus erant execution!, impensas suppeditavit, et sequenti deinde anno nonnulla excusa •' fuerunt. Sed proh dolor! illo jwst haec brevi ex humanis sublato, gravi omnium •' moerore interniissa stmt omnia." ap. Fabr. vita Leon. s. Adnot, No. 27' taught at Rome, by Agacio Guldacerio, a native of Cala- bria, who pubhshed a grammar of that language, which he dedicated to Leo X. and of which he gave a more com- plete edition at Paris, in 1539. faj Francesco de' Rosi, of Ravenna, having, during his travels into Syria, discovered an Arabic manuscript, under the title of The mystic phi- losophy of Aristotle, caused it to be translated into Latin, and presented it to the pope, who in his letter of acknow- ledgments, expresses his earnest desire of promoting simi- lar researches, and his approbation of the labours of Francesco, to whom he also grants a privilege for the publication of the work, which was accordingly printed at Rome in the year 1519. (b) These brief notices of the rise of oriental learning in Europe, may sufficiently de- monstrate the interest which Leo X. took in promoting those studies, and the success which attended his efiforts. N N 2 283 CHAP. XI. A. D. 1514. k.JE.i.Z9' A. Pont. JI. Encourages re- searches for eastern MSS. (a) Tiraboschi Storia della Let. Ital. vii. ii. 418. (b) For the letter of Leo. X. v. App. No. XCVIII. CHAP. XII. 1514. Public thanksgivings at Rome for the successes of the Chris- tian arms — Splendid embassy from the king of Portugal to j_,^o X. — Fajml grant of navli/ discovered countries to the king of Portugal — Louis XIL endeavours to engage in his interests the Helvetic states — Proposed alliance between the Royal Houses of France Spain and Austria — Efforts oj Leo X. to prevent such alliance — Leo endeavours to reconcile the French and English sovereigns — Treaty of alliance be- tween England and France — Wolsey appointed archbishop of York — Marriage of Louis XII. with the princess Mary sister of Henry VHI. — Singular interviav between Erasmus and the papal legate Canossa — Magnificent exhibitions at Florence — Triumph of Camillus — Tournaments — Delibera- tions at Rome for aggrandizing the family oj the Medici — Leo X. forms designs upon the kingdom of Maples, and the duchies of Ferrara aud Urbino — Enters into a secret alliance with Louis XH. — His motives explained — Leo ob- tains the city of Alodena — Endeavours to reconcile the Ve- netians to the king of Spain and the Emperor elect — Legation of Bembo to Venice — The senate refuses to comply with his proposcds — Historical mistakes respecting this nego- tiation — Death of Louis XIL — His character — His widow marries Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk, CHAP. XII. 1 HE reconciliation which had been so happily effected fH^^P xii. between Louis XII. and the Roman see, was extremely a. d. 1514. agreeable to the pope ; not only as it afforded a subject of ^- ^'- 39- triumph to the church, in having reduced to due obedi- ence so refractory and powerful a monarch, but as hav- ing also extinguished the last remains of that schism which had originated in the council of Pisa, and had at one time threatened to involve in contention the whole Christian world. Public thankv givings in Rome for the successes of the Christian arms. Th iS 288 CHAP. XII. This satisfaction was soon afterwards Increased by the A. D. 1514. intelligence of the important victories which the kings of A. ^t. 39. Hungary and of Poland had obtained over the common enemies of the Christian faith, and of the discoveries of Emanuel king of Portugal In the east, under the conduct of the celebrated Vasco del Gama.faj Such a concurrence of great and prosperous events, induced the pope to direct the celebration of a public thanksgiving In Rome, which was accordingly observed with extraordinary pomp, and splen- did processions to the churches of S. Maria del Popolo, and S. Agostino ; in which the pontiff appeared in person, and by the propriety and decorum which always distinguished him on public occasions, gave additional dignity to the ct- VQn\ony.(b) At the same time he ordered Camlllo Portio to pronounce. In the pontifical chapel, a Latin oration in praise of the character and actions of the king of Portugal, who had communicated to him his success, and testified his du- tiful obedience to the Roman court, and his personal at- tachment to the supreme pontiff.fr/ This mutual interchange of civility and respect between the (aj This e\'ent sujiplied the celebrated Portuguese poet Luis de Camoens with the subject of his Lusiad, which was not liowever written until many years afterwards, and was first published in lo7'^. fbj " S Saiitit;'i questa niattina per bona consuetudine e siata ad la Minerva, con " tutti li cardinali cum grandissima ponipa, et dove quella compagnia della Annunciata " solcva al p\h maritare xx. zittelle, con lo adiuto di S. Santita, erano questa mattina " Lv, o piii ; et dipoi la Mcssa, et ceremonie facte 1j, se ne torno in Castello, et li e " state tutto oggi, et questa sera per il Corridoro tornatostne al palazzo." Ba/t. da Peseta, a Lor.de' Medici, 26 Mar. 1514. MSS. Flor. (c) The let$er from the king of Portugal to the pontifT is given in the Appendix, Na XCIX. 289 the king of Portugal and the pontiff, was however rendered <^"^p- ^^^ much more conspicuous by a splendid embassy from the a. d. 1514. Portuguese monarch, which soon afterwards arrived at A. ^t. 39. Rome, to the great delight and astonishment of the inha- Bitanls. The chief ambassador on this occasion was the g j^^^.^ celebrated Tristano Cugna, Avho had himself held a princi- bassyivomthe pal command in the expedition to the east, and had acquired ^"^^\^ l^ great honour by his conduct and courage in its prosecution. x. He was accompanied by Jacopo Paceco, and Giovanni Faria, professors of the law, of great eminence and authority. Three sons of Cugna, with many others of his relatives and friends, accompanied the procession, which was met at the gates of the city by a select body of cardinals and prelates, who conducted the strangers to the palaces appointed for their residence. But the respectability of the envoys was of less importance in the eyes of the populace, than the singular and magnificent presents for the pope, by which they were accompanied. faj Among these were an elephant of extraordinary size, two leopards, a jianther, and other uncommon animals. Several Persian horses, richly capari- soned, appeared also in the train, mounted by natives of the same country, dressed in their proper habits. To these was added a profusion of articles of inestimable value ; pontifical vestments, adorned with gold and jewels, vases, and other implements for the celebration of sacred rites, and a covering for the altar, of most exquisite work- manship. A herald, bearing the arms of the Portuguese sovereign, led the procession. On their arrival at the pontifical palace, where the pope stood at the windows to VOL. II. o o see faj This incident is celebrated by Aurelio Sereno, Giovanni Capito, and others, in several copies of Latin verses, for a specimen of which see Appendix, No. C. 290 CHAP. xTi. seg them pass, the elephant stopped, and kneeling before A. D. i/iu. his holiness, bowed himself thrice to the ground. fa) A A.^t. 39. large vessel was here provided, and filled with water, which the elephant drew up into his trunk, and showered down again on the adjacent multitude, dispersing nd small portion of it among the more polite spectators at the windows, to the great entertainment of the pon- tiff. Six days afterwards the ambassadors were admitted to a public audience, on which occasion the procession was repeated. The pope, surrounded by the cardinals and pre- lates of the church, and attended by the ambassadors of foreign states, and all the officers of his court, was ad- dressed in a Latin oration by Pactco,fbJ at the conclusion of which, Leo replied to him in the same language, highly commending the king for his devotion to the holy see. Of this opportunity the pontiff also availed himself, to recom- mend the maintainance of peace among the states of Eu- rope, and the union of their arms against the Turks ; ex- pressing himself with such proniiJtiuide, seriousness, and elegance, as to obtain the unanimous admiration of the auditors. (^cj On the following day, the presents from the king frij " In annuls enim tui Pontificatus ludis, mense Martio celebratis, Indus Ele- " plias, oniniuin aninialiuin sagacissinuis, a Serenissinio Emanuele Lusitanorura Rege, " per splentlidissimum Equitem, Oratorein suum, Tristanum Cuneum missus, incognitus " nee (lum saeculo nostra in Italia visus, stupentibus ac mirantibus populis, per totam " urbeni exhibitus apparuit. Quod spectaculum Pompeio, Hannibali, Domitiano, paucis- " cpie aliis patuit, id tuo augustissimo tempore fuit dtmonslratum ; ut docile animal in " tua publica hilaritate oblatnm, supplex tuum numen senliret adoraretijue." Aurtl. Sereiiiis. Theatr. CapituL in dedicat. ad I^on. x. an. 1514. (b) This oration, although in a style of the most hyperbolical panegyric, was highly admired by the Roman scholars, and gave rise to several commendatory copies of verses, in praise both of the king and his ambassador, v. App. No. CI. (c) " Qnesta mattina (25 Mar. 1514) li ambasciatori Portoghesi, quali sono stati tre, 291 king were brought into' the- conservatory of thfe gardens adjoining the pontifical palace, Vvhfere, on the introduction of animals proper for that purpose, the wild beasts displays ed their agility in hunting, and their ferocity in taking their prey. A spectacle which humanity would have spared, but which was probably highly gratifying to the pontiff, who was devoted to the pleasures of the chase. The Por- tuguese monarch had intended to have surprized the Roman people with the sight of another, and yet rarer animal, which had not been seen in Rome for many ages ; but the Rhinoceros which he had brought from the east with this view, unfortunately perished in the attempt to get him on board the vessel prepared to transport him to Italy. CHAP. XII. A.D. 1514. A. Pont. II. In return for these public testimonies of consideration, and respect, on the part of the king of Portugal, Leo ad- dressed to that monarch a public letter of acknowledg- ment, (^aj and soon afterwards transmitted to him a con- secrated rose. His holiness had in tioith for some time he- sitated, whether he should present this precious gift to him, or to the emperor elect Maximilian ;fi&j but the at- o o 2 tention Papal grant of the new dis- coveredcoun- tries to the king of Por- tugal. " uno Consigliere et due Dottore del Re, in ConsisCorio publico hanno prestato la solita *' obedientia ad N. S ignore ; et uno di loro ha facto una bellissijna oratione, et N. " Signore ha facto una piil bella risposta, con certe sante parole, che parevano proprio " uscissero fora d'una bocca d'uno santo, che concludevano lodando questo Re, che haveva " facto tante cose per la fede, et exhortando li altri principi ad far pace infra se, et con- " venire quelle forze che si agitano uno contra I'altro, verso li infedeli : et che suo dc- " siderio non e altro, che ridurre questi principi ad la pace, et andare contra li infedeli, " le quale tutte due orationi, se potrb havere ve mandero." Balth. da Peseta ad Lor. it' Med. MSS. Flor. (a) This letter, which bears date 21 March, 1514, is given in the .Appendix. No. CII. (bj " Questa mattina (26 Mar. 1514.) N. Signore ha benedetto la Rosa, la quale non c " ancora 292 CHAP. XII. A. D. 1 1514. A .^t. 39- A. Pont. 11. tention which he had experienced from the king, seems to have effected this important decision. He also granted to Emanuel the tenths and thirds of the clergy in his domi- nions, as long as he should carry on the war in A(r\ca.,(aJ together with the right of presentation and ecclesiastical preferment, in all countries discovered by him beyond the Cape of Good Hope •,fbj and these concessions were soon afterwards followed by a more ample donation of all king- doms, countries, provinces, and islands, which he might recover from the infidels, not only from Capes Bojador and JVaon to the Indies, but in parts yet undiscovered and unknown, even to Uie pontiff himself. (c) About the same time, the pope beatified the memory of Elizabeth queen of Portugal, who had signalized herself by the sanctity of her \i{e,(d) and enrolled in the list of martyrs the seven minorites, who are said to have been the last family in Africa who suffered martyrdom for their adherence to the Christian faith. Although Leo was highly gratified by the event of his negotiations with Louis XIL the success of which might justly " ancora resoluto S. Santita se la dona al Portogallo o ad lo Imperatore." Lttt. di Pet- da. MSS. Fl.p.M. (aj 20 April, Suppkm. ati Ihimont. Corps Diplomat, torn. ii. par. i. 26. ,'bj 7 June, lb. p. 27. fe) 3 Nov. Jb. p. 28. fd) The degree of Santo and Beafo, in the hierarchy of the Roman diurch, must not be confounded ; the former being only conferred on those endowed with the liigliest degree of sanctity, accompanied by the evidence of miraculous powers ; whilst the latter may be conceded to persons of holy life, although without such pretensions. The queen of Portugal in this instance is only Beata. 293 justly be attributed to his o\m firmness and moderation, yet he could not but perceive, that his alliance with that monarch gave rise to considerable embarrassment, as to the course of political conduct which it would in future be necessary for him to adopt. With his hostility to the church, Louis had by no means relinquished his pretensions to the duchy of Milan, for the recovery of which he had already begun to make formidable preparations. As he had been frustrated in his former attempts by the opposi- tion and promptitude of Leo X. and by the courage of the Swiss, he detemiined, after having secured the favour of the one, to obtain, if possible, the assistance, or at least the neutrality of the other. In this attempt he met, however, with greater obstacles tlian he expected. Dur- ing the late contests, the Swiss had imbibed a spirit of resentment against the French monarch, which had at length been inflamed to a high degree of national antipathy. The treaty of Dijon, by which Louis stood engaged to pay to them the enormous sum of six hundred thousand crowns, as the price of their evacuating his dominions, had not yet been fulfilled ; and the preparations making by the king for another invasion of Milan, were a sufficient demonstration that he did not consider himself as bound by a treaty, of which the chief article was his relinquishment of all pretensions to that duchy. It was to no purpose that he endeavoured to justify himself to the Helvetic states for this open breach of a compact, by which his own domi- nions had been released from the most imminent danger. Those hardy and independent republicans, had even the magnanimity to refuse a much larger sum than that for which they had belbre stipulated, and which was offered them, on the condition of their releasing the king from his engagements, CHAP. xir. A. D. 1514. A.Mt.rg. A. Pont. II. Lruis XII. en- deavours to altai'h to Iiis ^Ilfere^t5 the Helvetic states 294 CHAP. XII. engagements, and favouihig his enterprise against the A. D. 15U. states of Milan/a^ rVuslria. A.yEt. 39. A. Pont. 11. T T L I • 1 1 r- Unable either to secure the favour, or to mitigate the re- sentment of the Swiss, who threatened not only to take Proposes an ai- „pQj, themsclves the defence of the Milanese in case of a liancc with ' (he houses of future attack, but also to make a second irruption into Spam and pj-^nj-g^ Louis had recourse to another expedient. The affinity that already subsisted between him and Ferdinand of Aragon, who had married his niece Germaine de Foix, afforded him an opportunity of proposing an alliance by marriage, between his youngest daughter Renee, then only four years of age, and the archduke Charles, afterwards emperor by the name of Charles V, who stood in an equal degree of relationship, as grandson, both to Ferdinand and the emperor elect Maximilian. By this union Louis ex- pected to secure the co-operation of both these powerful monarchs in his designs upon Italy ; and as the Venetians still remained firmly attached to his interests, for the sup- port of which they had indeed made great sacrifices, he had no doubt that he should now be able to accomplish his purposes. The preliminaries for the marriage were accordingly agreed upon,{bJ and as this important union could faj Louis had otTered to pay down 400,()C)0 ducats, and 800,000 more by installments at future periods. Cuicciard. lib. xii. toL ii. p. 6s. (b) Muratori asserts, that this treaty was concluded the 24th March, 1514. Annal. d'ltal. vol. X. p. 109. But it appears to have been signed at Blois, on the first day of December, 1513. The only parties being, their Catholic and most- Christian majesties. The husband was to be either the archduke Charles, or his brother Ferdinand, at the choice of the Catholic king and the princess Renee. Louis agreed to relinquish all his pretensions to the kingdom of Naples. The states of Milan, Pavia, and Genoa, were • - . to 295 could not, from the youth of the parties, be carried into ^"•^^- ^"- immediate effect, the tnice which had been already esta- a. d. 1514. blished for one year, between Louis and Ferdinand, was -V..Et. s.o- soon afterwards agani renewed ; with a reservation lor tlie emperor elect, and the king of England, to accede to it, if they should think proper.f«; These proceedings were a cause of great alarm to Leo X. who perceived, that by this union of the courts of x!toprevent Aragon, Vienna, and France, the duchy of Milan, and its "''' ainanrc. dependent states, would fall an easy prey to the invdLders.fbJ Nor were the fears of Leo confined to this district. He well knew that the opposite interests of these great con- tinental powers, had hitherto preserved from a foreign yoke those provinces of Italy which yet remained under the do- minion of their native princes ; and he justly dreaded that this coalition would only be the harbinger of a general partition of that country, to almost every part of which, one or another of these potentates had already advanced pretensions. to be conquered and transferred as a patrimonial inheritance to the archduke and his intended bride. The pope was named as the common ally of both parties, and power was reserved for the emperor and the king of England to accede to the league ; the latter restoring to Louis XII. the city of Toumay. Dumont, Corps Diplomat, vol. iv. par. I. p. 17s. (a) V. Dumont, Corps Diplomat, v, iv. par. i. p. lyg. (b) On the 20th of March, 151+, a correspondence commenced between the cardinal Giulio de' Medici at Rome, and Lorenzo de' Medici at Florence, which was carried on, at Rome, by Balthazar da Pcscia, and discloses not only all the transactions of the Roman court to the minutest particulars, but the views and designs of the supreme pontiff. From these letters, none of which have before been published, some extracts have already been given, and others will occur in the course of the present work. 29G CHAP, xit. pretensions. In this emergency, all his talents and excr- \.D. 151+. tions were employed to prevent the proposed union from .K.yEt.ag. taking effect/aj He was well aware, that Louis had been chiefly impelled to this measure by his misunderstanding with the Swiss ; on which account he earnestly laboured to reconcile the differences which had arisen between them. Nor was the French king unwilling to listen to his repre- sentations, in the hope that he might yet obtain the assis- tance of those warlike mercenaries ; in which case he would gladly have relinquished his treaty for the alliance with Spain and the emperor, which he already began to suspect could only terminate in the aggrandizement of the united house of Aragon, and of Austria, and in the humi- liation of that of France. Under these impressions he pro- posed to unite his interests with those of the pope, and the Helvetic states, provided they would not oppose his pre- tensions on the state of Milan ; at the same time offering to the pope a compensation in some other part of Italy for any injury which he might susia'm. (bj Whatever might have been the determination of Leo, who appears to have balanced in his mind the probable consequences of the alliance between France and Aragon, with the certainty of the loss of Milan, he had not an opportunity of making his election ; the Swiss having positively refused to relax in their pretensions, or to enter into any alliance with the king, unless the treaty of Dijon was carried into full effect. hi order to mitigate their resentment, Leo dispatched to the Helvetic diet as his legate, the cardinal of Sion; but al- though /aj Lettere di Btdth. da Pescia. MSS. Floi . App. J^o. CIII. (b) Jjettere, lit sup. Ap. No. CIV. though that prelate had great influence on the minds of his countrymen, he could not on this occasion prevail on them to depart from their resolution. On the other hand, Louis XII. displayed equal pertinacity in maintaining his pretensions to the state of Milan, the relinquishment of which he considered as not only derogatory to his just rights, but as a stain on the honour and dignity of liis crown. faj 297 CHAP. XII. A.D. 1514. A. iEt. 39. A. Pont. II But although Leo was thus disappointed in his expec- tations, he did not relax in his endeavours to defeat the dreaded alliance, which he considered as pregnant with danger to the independence and repose of Italy. The cau- tious and procrastinating temper of Ferdinand of Spain, and the folly and indecision of Maximilian, had hitherto prevented this projected union, which might have subju- gated all Europe to the dominion of a single sovereign. In this emergency a dawn of hope appeared in another quarter, of which the pope did not fail most eagerly to avail himself. Henry VIII. of England, who had acted so important and so honourable a part in the league against France, had learnt with extreme indignation, that his father-in-law, Ferdinand of Aragon, had, without his con- currence, renewed his treaties with Louis XII. and had thereby, as he asserted, a third time deceived and imposed upon him; on which account he avowed his determination not to interfere further in the contest. fbj This change in the disposition and views of Henry, was communicated by him to the pope, who was no soonei' apprized oi it, VOL. II. p p than Leo endeavours to reconcile the French and English sovereigns. faj Guicciard. Storia d'ltal lib. xii. ii. 67 . (h) Guicciard. lib. xii. v. ii. p. 72. 298 CHAP. XII. A. D. 15U. A. ^t. 39- A. Pont. n. than he determined to encourage the resentment of Henry against his father-in-law, and to promote, as far as in his power, an alliance between the French and English sove- reigns ; well judging, that if he should be fortunate enough to accomplish this object, it would frustrate the treaty yet depending for the marriage of the archduke Charles with the daughter of Louis XII. Nor was Louis less inclined to listen to terms of accommodation than Leo was to propose them ; being fully persuaded, that whilst he had so for- midable an enemy as the king of England, who had lately carried the war into the heart of his dominions, he could not without extreme imprudence undertake his favourite expedition into Italy. Of this Leo was also sufticiently ap- prized ; nor was he desirous of facilitating the views of the French monarch ; but of the two evils with which that country was now threatened, an attack upon Milan by the unassisted arms of the French, appeared to him to be the least, as he still hoped to provide for its defence by the aid of the Swiss, with whom, in case an alliance took place be- tween France and England, the emperor elect and the king of Aragon would probably join ; whilst, on the other hand, the union of the powerful houses of France, Spain, and Austria, left not the slightest hope of successful resistance. Treaty of alli- ance between England and France. The high consideration in which Leo was now held both by the French and English monarchs, afforded him the fairest prospect of success. To the former he had lately been solemnly reconciled, and had received him as a repentant son into the bosom of the church. In the dis- sensions between Louis and the Swiss, he had acted the part of a mediator ; and although his interference had been un- successful, and he had in fact other purposes in view, than the 299 the promoting the ambitious views of the king, yet it gave chap, xii. him fair pretensions to his confidence, and added weight to a. d. 1514. his opinions. Louis had lately been deprived of his queen, ^- ^'- 39- * 1 . 1 1 1 1- 1 • 1 A. Pont. H. Ann of Bretagne, with whom he had lived m great har- mony, and who died in the beginning of the year 1514, leaving behind her the reputation of a princess of extra- ordinary virtue, talents, and piety; an event which, as* it aftenvards appeared, was of no inconsiderable importance, in facilitating and cementing the proposed reconciliation between the contending powers. With Henry VIII. the pope was upon terms of still closer amity. In the war with France, Henry had on all occasions aAowed himself the champion of the holy see, and expressed his determi- nation to frustrate the efforts of all schismatics. In return for his attachment and his services, Leo had presented to him a consecrated sword and hat ; a distinction conferred only on those princes who have obtained in person a sig- nal victory in defence of the church. faj But, what was of more importance, Wolsey, already bishop of Lincoln and of Tournay, was daily rising in the favour of his master, and Avas eagerly grasping at those higher preferments which Leo alone had it in his power to bestow. Under these flattering auspices, Leo communicated his project to Bambridge, cardinal archbishop of York, who then resided at Rome, as ambassador of the English iTionarch,(^i^^ request- ing him to represent to his sovereign, that after the glory p p 2 which faJ These honorary rewards " not so estimable for their materials, as for tlieir mys- " tery," were transmitted to England by Leonardo Spiuelli, and were accompanied by an explanatory letter from the pontiff to the king, informing him of their value and use, of which he might not otherwise have been aware, v. App. No. CV. !bj Lettere di Balthazar da Peseta, in App No. CVI. 300 CHAP. XII. which he had obtained in his contest witli France, and the A I). 13U. unexampled breach of laith whicli lie had experienced A. yEt. 39. from his alUes, he might now with justice and honour consult his own interest, in effecting such a league with Louis XII. as might not only indenmify him for the ex- penses which he had sustained, but secure to him the re- sult of his victories. foj To this advice Henry listened with approbation, and in a conversation with the duke de Longueville, whom he had taken prisonei- at the battle of Guingaste, and who seems to have obtained no small . share of his confidence, he gave such indications of his pacific intentions, as induced the duke to acquaint his so- vereign with this fortunate change in the disposition and views of the English monarch. No sooner was l.ouis ap- prized of this event, than he dispatched Jean de Selva, president of the parliament of Normandy, as his envoy to the English court, upon whose arrival a truce was agreed on between the two monarchs, to continue as long as the ambassador should remain in England. fb) For the pur- pose faj Although Guicciardini seems not to have determined whether tliis negotiation arose from the interference of the pontin', or the proper inclination of the parties, )'Ct he fully admits that it commenced between tlie pope and the archbishop of York at Rome. " Come si sia, commincio presto, o per I'autoritu del ponti/ice, o per irtcliimtiouc pro- " pria de/lc parti, a nascere pratica d'accordo tra il Re di Francia e 11 Re d'Ingiiiitcrra, i " ragionamenti della (|uale, comindati dal Poiitefice con Eboracense, fiirono trasferili presto " in Ingliiherra." Sturia d' ital. v. ii. lib. xii. p. 73. The documents now produced will, howevevcr, shew, that the measure originated at Rome ; a circumstance of which neither the Itali;ai nor the English historians seem to have been sufficiently aware. fhj Balth. da Pescia, a Lor, de' Medici, 25". Maggio, 1514. " Monsign. Reve- " rendiss. (il card, de' Medici) crede die N. Signore non fara cosa alcuna nova, |)er non " alterare le cosedi la da' nionti ; dove di gi3 ha comhiciato qualche pratica d'accordo; et " il Re d'lnghiltcrra ha acceptato di auscultare il Generale di Nomiandia per homo di " Francia, et tutto segue con ordine di sua Santild." MSS. Flor. 301 CHAP. XII. pose of promoting this negotiation, the pope also sent to Paris Lodovico Canossa, bishop of Tricarica, a man of a. d. 1514. noble birth and of great ability and address, who after ^ ^'- 39- ° . „ A. Pont. II having prepared the way for pacific measures, proceeded thence to Enghmd.faJ These deliberations were not of long continuance. Louis XII. had fully authorized his envoy to conclude the proposed treaty; and in order to shew that his intentions were sincere, he directed the duke de Longueville to request in marriage for the French mo- narch, the princess Mary, sister of Henry VIII. then only eighteen years of age. In the commencement of this ne- gotiation, to which Wolsey was the only person admitted on behalf of the king of England, the demands of Henry were extravagant ; but the i epresentations of the duke de Longueville, and the policy of Wolsey, who well knew, that by promoting this alliance he should recommend himself to the favour of the Roman court, soon induced him to relax in his demands. The pride of Henry was also gratified by the proposed union between his sister and Louis XII. who, to use his own words, had sought so gentelj/ unto him for both atnj/tie and marriage. fbj Some objections however arose respecting Tournay, of which Wolsey was yet bishop, to the restitution of which Henry positively refused to assent ; and Canossa, the pope's legate, again hastened to France to prevail upon Louis XII. to consent to its being retained by the English monarch. His efforts were faj " Di nuovo non ci e altro, salvo che Monsignore mi dice, che si aspecta la riso- " lutione de Tricarico, quale e andato al Christianissimo, per concordare queste cose " di Francia et Inghilterra, et se ne spera bene." Letterd di BaUh. da Pescia, 30 Maii, 1514. (bj Rapin's Hist, of England, book xv. 302 CHAP. XII. >vere successful ; and the convenient recommendation of A. D. 1514. the French king's counsellors was procured, to shield iheir A. ^t. 39. sovereign from the disgrace of having, by his own free will, assented to the dismemberment of his kingdom/aj On the second day of August, 1514, the treaty was signed at London, by which the two sovereigns, after declaring that they have been chiefly induced to concur in this ar- rangement, by the exhortations and mediation of the pope, bind themselves to afford each other mutual assistance in the prosecution of their rights, and the defence of their respective dominions. (^Z'^l The claims of Louis XIL to the states of Milan and Genoa, are explicitly asserted, and vir- tually admitted. The treaty is to continue during the joint lives of the contracting parties, and for one year after- wards, and they mutually promise to endeavour within twelve months, to obtain from the pope a sentence of ex- communication against him who should first infringe the terms, (c) This faj Gukdard. lib. xii. ii. 73. fbj It is remarkable, that the author of the league of Cambray asserts, " que le " Pape entra dans le negociation peutetre pour la refroidir plutost que pour 1' echauBer." to which 'he adds, " Ce qui est certain c'est que le card, d' Yorck, Christoplie Bcm- " brice ambassadeur d' Angleterre a Rome, qui sgavoit les intentions du Pape, ecrivoit " souvent a son maitre, pour le dissuader de faire la paix." Tom. ii. p. 363. If the cardinal of York wrote to this eficct, it is evident that he either did not know, or did not approve of the intentions of the pope, which are unequivocally expressed in the secret correspondence of the Medici family before referred to. fcj V. Rjfmer. Fcedera. v. \\. par. \. p. Cl-. Dumont, Corps Diplomat, v. iv. par. i. p. 183. On the signature of the treaty, Henry VIII. wrote to the pontiff, informing him, in terms of the highest esteem and respect, of the resonciliation which had taken place between him and Louis XII. which he justly attributes to the recommendation and interference of the pontiff, v. App. No. CVII. A. Pont. II. 303 This treaty was immediately followed by tM^o others ^"^^ ^" between the same parties ; the one for the marriage of the a. d. i5u. princess Mary with Louis XII. the other for the payment '^- ^t- 39- of a million of crowns by Louis to Henry, " as well for " the arrears of certain sums already due, as on account " of the good affection he bore him, and to the end, that " their amity might be the more lasting." By the treaty of marriage, Hemy agreed to convey his sister at his own expense to the city of Abbeville, where, within four days after her arrival, the king of France Avas solemnly to marry her. He also promised to give as her portion four hun- dred thousand crowns, one half of which should be reck- oned for her jewels and preparations, and the other half deducted from the million of crowns agreed to be paid by Louis XII. who, on his part, undertook to fulfil the mar- riage, and to make the jointure of his bride equal to that of Ann of Bretagne, or any other queen of France, faj These important negotiations were scarcely concluded, w'hen messengers arrived at Paris, from the emperor elect and the Spanish monarch, with full powers to ratify the proposed alliance, by the marriage of the archduke with the princess Renee, on such preliminary terms as the French monarch might approve ;f/'j but Louis had now less occasion for their support, and hesitated not to reject their overtures, and the princess afterwards became the wife of Ercole II. duke of Ferrara. It has been supposed by faj Rymer. Fcsdera. to/, vii. p. i. p. 6S, <5c- Dumont, Corps Diplomat, vol. iv. par. i. p. 188, See. fbj Guicciard. lib. xii. v. ii. p. 74, A. Pont. II. 304 CHAP. XII. ]jy jhe English historians, that in his transactions Avith A. D. i:,u. Louis XII. Henrv suffered himself to he misled by his great A.yEt.3y. faAOurile, and imposed ujion by that monarch, who even- tually ])revailed uj)on him to rest satisfied with his bond for the million of" crowns, which was the price at which Henry had estimated his friendship. But whatever were the pri- vate objects, or private disappointments of the parties, it must be conliessed, that as a great public measure of pre- caution for the safety of Europe, it was one of the most important alliances that ever was formed ; as it served, not only to temiinate tlie bloody contests between England and France, but prevented the coalition of the French mo- narch with the united houses of Spain and of Austria, and was well calculated to raise up a formidable barrier to that preponderating power, which was shortly afterwards con- centrated in the person of the emperor Charles V. The active part which "Wolsey had taken in effecting this reconciliation, recommended him still further to the fa\'Our of his sovereign, to whom an opportunity soon oc- curred of testifying his approbation. Whilst the treaty was yet depending, the cardinal archbishop of York, Cliris- toj^her Bambridgc, suddenly died, on the tM'enty-fourth day of July, having been poisoned by his steward, Rinaldo da Modena, who is said to have confessed, on being put to the rack, that he was induced to commit the crime, in re- venge for a blow given him by his imster.faj ^Vith this event faj It appears, that wlien Rinaldo was reciuired lo sign liis confession, he found an opporluuity of stabbing liiniself, and died the following day ; after which he was lianged and quartered, ;« terrorem. " Oucsta mattina e stato appichato in ponte, et poi " squartato, Don Rinaldo da Modoua, alias cl Fretino, die era servilore del cardinale di " Jnghilterra ; 305 event the cardinal, Giulio de' Medici, immediately ac- quainted the king of England, at the same time informing him, that the pope had resolved not to dispose of the liv- ings held by the archbishop until the kings pleasure should be known.faj Henry immediately requested that the arch- bishoprick of York might be conferred on his favourite Wolsey, with which the pope, without hesitation, compli- ed, and thereby repaid the obligations which he owed to Wolsey for the active part which he had taken in the ne- gotiation, under the appearance, and with the credit of complying with the wishes of the king.fb) CHAP. XII. A. D. 15I4, A. Mt. 39. A. Pont. II. The preparations for the marriage of the princess Mary, occupied nearly two months, during which Louis XII. frequently addressed himself by letter to Wolsey, entreat- ing him with all the impatience of a youthful lover to expe- dite the departure of his intended bride, and assuring him, that his most earnest desire was to see her in France, and find himself along with her. fcj On the second day of Octo- ber, 1514, she embarked at Dover; to which place she had VOL. II. Q Q been " Inghilterra ; perche dicono die ha confessato havere avenenato il suo patrone, el quale " e stato molti di in Castello, et sendo piil volte examinato diligentemente, ultinia- " mente, dicono, che venendo per ratificare, si dette d'uno coltellino nella poppa manca, " che nissuno lo vidde ; et volendolo porre ad la corda si venne mancho, et viddene " correre sangue, et trovorno come lui si era ferito ; et questo fu Venerdi mattiiio, et •' Sabbato sera circa li hori si mori, con buouo sentimento : et cosi morto per dare ex- " emplo ad li altri questa raattina lo hanno facto justitiare." Bald, da Peseta, ad Lor. lie' Med. 28". Jgost, 1514.. MSS. Fior. (a) X. Jppendi.T, No. CJ'III. [b) Soon afterwards the king sent the cardinal de' Medici a present of two horsM with splendid trappings, for which the cardinal returned a respectful letter of thanks. ». App. No. CIX. RIarriage of Louis XIT. and Mary sister of Hen- ry VIII. (c) r. App. No, CA'. 306 CHAP. XII. A.D. 15U. A.^t. 39. A. Pont. II. been accompanied by the king and queen, who then consign- ed her to the duke of Norfolk, to be conducted to Abbeville. A numerous train of the chief nobility, also attended her to that city, where the marriage was celebrated with great splendour on theiiinth day of the same month. After the ceremony, her whole retinue was dismissed, except a few confidential attendants, among whom was Ann Boleyn, the daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn. The coronation took place shortly afterwards at Paris, on which occasion magnificent spectacles were exhibited, with jousts and tournaments, in Avhich the duke of Suffolk, and the marquis of Dorset, came off with honour. The king and queen of France were spec- tators; but Louis, although not at an advanced age, was so infirm, that he was obliged to recline upon a couch. faj Singular inter- view between Erasmus and the papal le- gate Canossa. The important part which England had lately taken in the affairs of the continent, and the negotiations for the marriage of Louis XIL had opened a more direct inter- course between this and other countries, than had before subsisted, and certainly contributed to promote, in no in- considerable degree, the growth of those studies, which had shortly before been transplanted from Italy, by the labours of William Grocin, Thomas Linacer, Richard Pace, and other Englishmen. Among those learned foreigners who had fixed their residence here, and were honoured with the patronage and friendship of the great, was Andrea Ammo- nio, a native of Lucca, who held an important office in the English court, and who by his correspondence with Erasmus, appears to have enjoyed the particular esteem of that eminent scholar, and to have been possessed of no faJ Lord Herbert'* Life of Henry VIII. Sj- Rapin's Hist. lib. xv. A. Font. n. 301 no inconsiderable share of talents and of learning/«^ chap. xn. The arrival of Canossa the papal legate, who was one a. d. isu. of the most accomplished men of his time, extended a. ^t. 39. still further the literary intercourse between the two countries. For the better effecting the purposes of his important mission, he had laid aside his ecclesiastical character, and appeared only as a private gentleman, to which rank he had just pretensions, both by his educa- tion and his birth. fbj Erasmus was then in England, and having been invited to dinner by his intimate friend Am- monio, he there met with a stranger in a long vest, his hair inclosed in a caul, or net, and attended only by one ser- vant. After wondering for some time at what Erasmus calls his military air, he addressed his friend Andrea, in Greek, and inquired who this person was ; to which he received for answer, in the same language, that he was an eminent merchant ; which it seems Erasmus thought a Q Q ^ sufficient faj Andreas Ammonius was an apostolic notary, the pope's collector in England, Latm secretary to Henry VIII. and prebendary of St. Stephen's chapel in W^estminster, and of Fordington and Writhington, in the church of Salisbury. Jortin's Life of Eras- mus, p. 36. From a letter of Leo X. to Henry VIII. it appears, that some difficuhies had arisen in the appointment of Ammonius to his office of receiver, which the pope submitted to the decision of the king. Rymer. Fadera, vi. i. 86. The letters between Ammonius, and Erasmus, compose the chief part of the eighth book in the epistolar)- correspondence of the latter. He died of the Sudor Britannicvs, or sweating sickness, in the year 1520, as appears by a letter from Sir Thomas More, in Erasm. Ep. lib. vii. Ep. 4. fbJ He was of a noble family of Verona, and before his ecclesiastical preferments, was denominated the count Lodovico Canossa. By his talents and integrity he acquired great authority and reputation ; and was employed during the chief part of his life in the most important embassies, frequently in the service of Francis I. whose esteem and con- fidence he enjoyed in an ejniiient degree. His letters, many of which are published in the Letttre di Priiicipi, under the signature of // Fescovo de Baiusa, are written with great ability, and no less freedom with respect to the characters of the times ; insomuch that they may be considered as the best in that collection. 308 CHAP, xn. sufficient reason for treating him with marked contempt. A. D. 1514. The party then sat down to dinner, when Erasmus and his A. Ml. 39- friend entered into conversation on various topics, in which A. Pont. II. ' Erasmus did not fail to express his opinion of their asso- ciate, who he conceived was ignorant of the language in which he spoke. At length he adverted to the politics of the day, and inquired whether the report was true, that a legate was arrived from the pope to reconcile the differences between the French and English monarchs; observing, that the pope did not want his opinion, otherwise he should have recommended, that not a word should have been said about peace ; but should rather have advised the establish- ment of a truce for three years, which might have given time for concluding negotiations. He then proceeded to make fur- ther inquiries respecting the legate, and asked whether he was a cardinal, which led to a jocular contest between Eras- mus and his friend, all which Canossa heard in silence. The patience of the latter being, however, at length exhaust- ed, he first spoke a few words in Italian, and then turning towards Erasmus, told him in Latin, that he wondered he would reside in so illiterate a country, unless he chose to be the onlj/ scholar in England, rather than the^/'5/ in Rome. Struck with the acuteness of this observation in a merchant, Erasmus replied, that be was better satisfied M'ith residing in a country where there were many men of great learning, among whom he might occupy the lowest place, than in Rome where he should hold no rank whate- xer.faj Erasmus did not, however, discover the imposition, until faj Erasmus lias, on other occasions, spoken witli great commendation of the state of literature in England, which in point of improvement he places next to Italy, " Pro- " cul 309 until he was afterwards informed of it by his friend, with ciiap. xil whom he was in no small measui'e displeased ', for, as he a. d. 1514. justly observes, he might perhaps have used some expressions ^- -*-'• ^P- respecting the legate, or even the pope, which might have pj-oved to his disadvantage/«j From this incident Erasmus imagined, that the legate was offended with him; but this was so far from the truth, that Canossa, after his return to France, whither he went as apostolick legate, and where he was appointed by Francis I. bishop of Bayeux, wrote to invite Erasmus to come and reside with him ; promising not only to maintain him, but to pay him two hundred ducats yearly, and to provide him with two horses and two servants ',(b) an offer Avhich Erasmus did not choose to accept ; and which it seems could not remove from his mind the illiberal dislike which he had conceived against a man, whom he had first known and conversed with in the borrowed character of a merchant/cj Whilst " cul abest ab Italia Britannia, sed eruditorum hominum sestimatione proxima est." Ep. lib. xxiii. Ep. 5. faj The particulars of this incident are given by Erasmus himself, in a letter to Germanus Brixius. Ep. lib. xxiv. Ep. 24-. fbj " Non voglio mancar di dirvi, clie trovandomi in niigliore fortuna del solito, •' ho scritto a quell' Erasmo, che sapete, che se vuol venire a viver meco, io gli dar5 " dugento ducati I'anno, &: le spese per due cavalli, e due bocche, e tanto otio per " studiare, quanto esse saprii o vorri prendere. Potrebbe essere, che si facesse beffe di " me ; &; che m' invitasse con manco salario assai, perche manco ne merito, ad andare " a star seco ; ma clie faria di me ? non sapendo io stampare, ne fare altra cosa che " gli satisfacesse ; se forse non si diiettasse di dir male al solito." Lettera di Canossa, a Andrea Ammonio. Lettere.di Principi, vol. i. p.lS.b. In which last obserN'ation Ca- nossa jocularly alludes to hi'; first interview with Erasmus, at the house of his friend to whom the letter is addressed. (cj Erasmus, in the year 153C, thus speaks of Canossa, " Si nunc Canossa panim «* bene est in Erasmum animatus, nihil est novae rei. Solet spretus amor in iram " verti," SjC. Erasm. Ep. lib. xxiv Ep. 2i. 310 CHAP. xn. A. D. 1514. A. JEX. 39- A. Pont. U. Splendid exlii- bitions at Flo- Whilst Leo X. was diligently attending to ever)' varia,- tion in the political horizon of Europe, the immediate di- rection of the Florentine state was still intrusted to his young nephew Lorenzo de' Medici, •who continued to reside at that city, and to maintain the rank of his ancestors, as representative of the elder branch of his family. But not- withstanding the authority of Lorenzo, and the external foiTH of a popular government, which was still preserved, the city of Florence, was at this time virtually governed by the Roman court, and Lorenzo himself acted only in conformity to such directions as he received from the cardi- nal Giulio de' Medici, who was the organ of the will of the pope in all the transactions of the Tuscan state. The amity which now subsisted between the pope and the other Eu- ropean sovereigns, restored to the city of Florence that tranquillity which it had not for many years enjoyed; and its history at this period is little more than the succession of its public officers, and the records of those splendid ex- hibitions, of which one of the chief objects was to recon- cile the minds of the inhabitants to the loss of their former independence. These exhibitions, first introduced by Lo- renzo the Magnificent, were peculiar to that city, and were intended to unite the charms of poetry with the most striking efiects of picturesque representation. For this pur- pose, some well-known incident in ancient history, which might admit of the introduction of a splendid procession, was generally fixed upon, and neither expense nor labour were spared in displaying it to the utmost advantage. The triumph of Paulus Emilius had thus, in the time of Lorenzo the Magnificent, afforded a subject for the talents of Fran- cesco Granacci, the fellow-pupil of Michel-agnolo, who had represented it wiih such a variety of invention, and in SO 311 so characteristic a manner, as to have obtained great ap- chaf. xn. plause. Even after the exile of the Medici from Florence, a. d. 1514. these exhibitions were occasionally continued, although with A.Et.sg. circumstances suitable to the more gloomy and superstitious character of the place. Among those who distinguished themselves by the singularity of their inventions, was Piero di Gosimo, a Tuscan painter, who having made his prepa^ rations in secret, and engaged the necessary attendants, brought forth, in the midst of the public rejoicings of the city, the Triumph of Death. This he represented by a car, which was drawn by black oxen, and painted with imita- tions of bones and sculls, intermingled with white crosses. On the car stood a large figure of death, anned with his scythe, and beneath, in the sides of the car, were openings representing sepulchres, from which, as often as the proces- sion stopped, issued a troop of persons, who being clothed in black, and painted with white, so as to imitate the bones of the human body, appeared in the gloom of night like so many skeletons. These figures, seating themselves on the car, sung the verses written for the occasion by Antonio Alamanni, among which were the impressive lines ; " Fummo gia come voi sete, " Voi sarete come noi ; " Morti siam come vedete, " Cosi morti vcdrem \o\."(a) Once like you we were. Spectres now you see; Such as we now are. Such you soon shall be. This (a) Vasari, Vite de' Pittori ii. 387. The whole of tin's piece may be found in the Canti CarruudakscAi. p. 131. Ed. Fior. 1558. CHAP. xn. A. D. 1514. A. .Ct. 39. A. Pom t. II. 31i2 This spectacle, which was accompanied by great crouds of attendants, with appropriate standards and devices, afiected the whole city with mingled sentiments of surprize and horror; but the novelty of the sight, and the invention which it displayed, excused so bold an attempt, and even obtained for the artist great commendation. There is however reason to believe, that a deeper meaning was couched under this exhibition, than might at first sight have been suspected, and that it was in fact intended by the adherents of the banished family of the Medici, to re- present the wretched and death-like state of Florence, whilst deprived of those to whom she had been indebted for her former happiness and glory. fo^ The twenty-fourth day of June, in the year 1514, being »riurapUofCa- thc anuivcrsary fcstlval of St. John the baptist, the patron saint of the city of Florence, and which had for ages been celebrated by the inhabitants with particular hilarity, was fixed upon by the young Lorenzo de' Medici, for the exhi- bition of a splendid spectacle, accompanied with tourna- ments and rejoicings, intended to commemorate the return of the Medici to Florence, and the recent elevation of the family. This intelligence no sooner arrived at Rome, than it threw the whole court into commotion, and the concerns of nations, and the interests of the church, were forgotten for faj " Senti dire io ad Andrea di Cosimo, che fu con lui (Piero di Cosinio) a fare " questa opera, ed Andrea del Sarto, che fu suo discepulo, e vi si trovb anch' egli, che fu " opiniunc in quel tempo, che questa invciizione fusse fatta per significare la tornata della " Casa de' Medici del 1 2. in Firenze : perche allora, che questo trionfo si fece, erano •' esnli, e come dire morti, che dovessino in brn-e rcsuscitare," kc. Vasari, Vite de' Pitfuri. ii. 36. 313 for a while in the anticipated pleasures of this great event, chap. xii. Many of the cardinals requested permission to be present at a. d. 1514. Florence on the occasion. Among these were Cibo, and A. jEt. 39. Rossi, both near relations of the pontiff, the cardinals of ' Ferrara and of Aragon, Cornaro, Bibbiena, and Sauli; who having obtained the consent of the pope, prepared for their journey, and that the dignity of their rank might not prevent their sharing in the amusements of the populace, they determined to assume borrowed charac- ters. (^«y The cardinal Giulio de' Medici, although at that time indisposed, expressed his earnest desire to ac- company his brethren ; and even the supreme pontiff interested himself with such warmth in the preparation and conduct of this spectacle, as evidently demonstrated that he would himself have been present, had he not been prevented by a sense of the decorum due to his high station. He gave, however, positive directions that the most minute account of whatever might occur, should be transmitted to him from day to d^y. fbj His brother Giuliano, under less restraint, and accompanied by his friend Agostino Chigi, again visited his native pluce. fcj The principal incident proposed to be represented was the Triumph of Camillus, after his victory over the Gauls. In order to give greater magnificence and novelty to the pro- cession, Lorenzo requested that the pope would permit the VOL. H. R R elephant (aj Letterc di Baltli. de Pcscia. MSS. Flor. App. No. CXI. (hj V. Ibid. App. No. CXII. (c) " M. Agostino Chisi si e partite di qua col Magnifico Juliano," Sec. Lettera di B. da Pescia, li) Jwtii, 151-i. MSS. Fhr. 314 CH.\l'. XII. A. D. 15U. A. ^t. 39. A. Pont. II. elephant and other animals, which had been presented to hinn by the king ol' Portugal, to be sent to Florence. This request the pope thought proper to decline, as far as re- spected the elephant, which it was alleged could not, on account of the tenderness of his feet, travel to so great a distance ; but the two leopards and the panther were sent, under the direction of the Persian keeper. That these spectacles, besides tending to reconcile the Florentines to their dependent situation, generally concealed some poli- tical allusion, has already been observed ; and the Triumph of Camillus was undoubtedly selected with a particular re- ference to the late expulsion of the French from Italy. The very recent accommodation of all differences between Louis XII. and the pope, had, however, in some degree changed the disposition and views of the Roman court, and although it was not thought absolutely necessary to aban- don tlie subject proposed, and to adopt one of a less hazar- dous tendency, yet strict admonitions were given that no- thing offensive to the French nation, who were stated to be particularly susceptible of such insults, should be allowed to take place.fo^ Toumainents. The extreme attention paid by the Medici to the acqui- sition of popular favour and applause, is strikingly mani- fested in the correspondence between Rome and Florence on this occasion. Lorenzo is reminded, that in the giostra, or tournaments, which were to take place, and of which great expectations had been formed, he should be particularly cautious fa,l Lettere di BaUh da Pescia. MSS. Flor. App. Ko. CXIII. 315 cautious in making such choice of his partisans as might (^ff^p. xu. insure liis success, so that the honour might rest with the a. d. 1514. family, as had been usual on former occasions. He is also A.^t.39. advised not to rely on the Florentines, but to engage on his party strangers, who had been more accustomed to such exercises ; in other words he was to assure himself of the victory before he entered the lists. faj The prudent ad- vice of his political preceptors, was accompanied by the still more cautious admonitions of his mother Alfonsina, who then resided at Rome, and felt all the solicitude which a fond parent may be supposed to experience, on such an occasion, for an only son. " Your mother has been in- " formed," says the faithful secretary, who transmitted to Florence the instructions of the Roman court, " that you " practise yourself in tilting, wearing heavy armour, and " managing the great horse, which may in all probability " be injurious to your health. I can scarcely express to " you how much she is dissatisfied with these proceedings. " In the greatest distress she has enjoined me to write to " you on her behalf, and to observe to you, that although " your ancestors have displa}'ed their courage on similar " occasions, yet you should consider who, and what they " were. When Piero di Cosmo appeared in a tournament, " his father, who governed the city, Avas then living, as •' was also his brother. At the time Lorenzo exhibited, " his father was also in being, and he had a brother, Giuli- " ano, the father of our most reverend Cardinal ; and when " the same Giuliano tilted, Lorenzo himself governed. " When your father appeared in the lists, he had two sons " and two brothers; notwithstanding which, he did not R R 2 " escape faJ Lettere di Balth. da Pescia. MSS. Flor. App. No^ CXIV. 316 CHAP. XII. A. n I 51 + . A. ^t. 39. A. Pont . II. " escape blame. You are yet young, and the magnificent " Giuliano and yourself (both oi" )'ou yet unmarried, and " he infirm in his constitution) arc the only support of" the " family. You cannot, therefore, commit a greater error " than by persevering in such conduct, and she recom- " mends that you should rather engage others in the con- " test, and stand by to enjoy the entertainment ; thereby " consulting your own safety, and preserving the hopes of " your family.'Y«j How far these remonstrances were ef- fectual it is of Uttle importance to inquire ; but they serve to shew, with what an habitual solicitude every circumstance was regarded which could contribute to the support and aggrandizement of the family of the Medici ; when even the solicitations of a mother, to prevail on a son to attend to his personal safety, Avere supposed to be most strongly enforced by such an argument. The preparation of the apparatus, on this occasion, as far as respected the machinery and decorations of the pain- ter, was intrusted to Francesco Granacci, the same artist who had displayed his talents with so much applause in the service of Lorenzo the Magnificent ; and his invention and ability in executing the task imposed upon him is highly celebrated in the records of his dvt.fbj Besides the furnish- ing appropriate designs for the cars, standards, dresses, es- cutcheons, and emblems attending this magnificent spec- tacle, Granacci erected a triumphal arch opposite to the great gate of the monastery of S. Marco, in a rich and or- namental stile of architecture. Several historical pieces finely faj V. Lettere dt BaltA. da Pescia. MSS. Flor. App. No. CXV. fb) Fasari, Vile de' Pitfori. ii. 388. 3 1 7 finely painted, so as to imitate tablets in basso rilievo, and chap. xii. elegant statues modelled in clay, gave additional grandeur a. d. i5u. to this temporary structure, and on the summit of the arch a. £1.39- appeared in large characters, f'aj A. Pont. II. ^aj Vasari, Vite ilc' Pittori. ii. 38S. It must however be observed, that Vasari is mistaken both in tlie year, and the occasion of these rejoicings, which lie places in 1513, on the arrival of Leo X. at Florence. Tiie celebration of this festival was in 1514, and Leo did not visit Florence until the end of the year foUovvini. The verses sung on tliis joyful occasion, written by the Florentine historian Jacopo Xardi, have been pre- served in the Canti Carnascialeschi, and are given in the Appendix, No. CXN'I. the family of Medici. LEON! X. PONT. MAX. FIUEI CULTORI. On the return of Giuliano de' Medici to Rome, he was accompanied by his nephew Lorenzo, for the purpose of d«''1'""'°"* «i deliberating with the pope and the cardinal de' Medici, on grandizing the measures to be adopted for increasing the power and authority of the family, and securing it against those dan- gers to which it might be exposed, in case it should be deprived of the protection of the pontiff. The cardinal had already made a decisive election, in devoting himself to the church, and from his high station and the influence which he now possessed, he was enabled to lay the foun- dations from which he hoped to rise to that supreme dig- nity which he afterwards obtained. It was therefore only in the persons of Giuliano and Lorenzo, that the pope could realize those secular honours, which he considered as necessary to the establishment and aggrandizement of his family. The character and disposition of these near relatives were however widely different. Of all the descen- dants of the Medici, Giuliano seems to have inherited the least of the ambition of his ancestors. Attached to the studies of polite literature, and delighted with the society of 318 CHAP. XII. Qf those men of Icarninp, and of talents whom he met A. D. 1514. with at Rome, he pielciTed the eharms of private life to A. yEt. 39. the exercise of that authority which was within his grasp. The delicacy of his constitution Mas perhaps an additi- onal motive to the choice which he had made ; yet he was not without pretensions to military honours, and had fre- quently been in arms during the various attempts of the Medici to re-establish themselves in their native place. His nephew Lorenzo had on the contrary, already given sufficient indications of a bold and aspiring mind. Dissatis- fied with the administration of the Florentine state, in which he held no ostensible rank, except such as he en- joyed in common with other citizens, he had already begun to estrange himself from the society of the inhabitants, and to devote himself to military exercises, in the hope of being enabled, by the support of the pontiff, either to assume the absolute dominion of his native place, or to obtain an in- dependent sovereignty in some other part of Italy. The result of these deliberations appeared in the mea- Leo X. forms ^^j-QS soou aftcrwards adopted by the pontiff; which designs upon . . .... p , the kingdom liavc givcu occasioii to tlie Instonans 01 tiiese times to of Naples charge him with inconsistency in bis designs and conduct, chiesofFcr- but which, a nearer view of the state of Europe, com- rara and Ur- p^^gj witli lils owu sltuatlou, and that of his family, will perhaps sufficiently explain. The character of Leo X. now stood high in the estimation of all the sovereigns of Chris- tendom. Although not of royal descent, he was considered in his own person as the representative of the most respec- table family in Europe, that did not assume the insignia of sovereignty. To this was added the dignity of his high office, which entitled him to take the precedence of the proudest bino. 319 proudest monarchs of the time; and these pretensions to superior respect, were strengthened by the active and im- portant part which he had taken in the pohtical transac- tions of the times. It is true, it iiad been principally, if not wholly owing to his interference, that the emperor elect and the catholic king had been disappointed in their endea- vours to effect the proposed alliance with the crown of France; but Leo had so conducted himself on this occasion, as to retain the favour of those sovereigns, even whilst he counteracted their purposes. By the emperor elect and the Venetian state he had been appointed the arbiter of their differences; and although his decision had hitherto been rendered ineffectual by the continual vicissitudes of the war, and the avarice and ambition of the cardinal of Gurck, fa) yet he still maintained his credit with both parties. The influence which he had acquired in the Eng- lish councils was apparent on many important occasions, and might be accounted for, not only from the great attach- ment and respect which Henry yet entertained for the Ro- man see, but from the earnest desire of Wolsey to ingra- tiate himself with the pontiff. Of all the European sove- reigns, Louis XII. was the prince with Avhom Leo stood in the most delicate situation; yet Louis was the very potentate whose favour he considered as of greater importance to him than that of any of the rest. He was now fully con- vinced that it was not in his power to divert the king from his faj It appears from the private correspondence of the Medici family, tliat tlie cardi- nal wished to obtain 20 or 25,000 ducats from tlie Venetians, and the dignity of legate from the pope. As this information is derived from the confidential secretary who was employed in this transaction, there can be no doubt of its authenticity, v. Letteir di Balth. da Peicia. MSS. F/oi: App. No. CXVII. CHAP. XII. A. D. 1514. A .Au 39- A Pont .11. 5 <■ ClIAF. XII. A. U. 1514. A. , £1. 3I>. A. Puni :. a. 20 his projected expedition against Milan ; and as tlie facilities afforded the king by his new alliance with England, left little doubt of his success, it became a subject of serious delibe- ration to the pontiff, how he might best counteract the inju- rious consequences of this measure, or rather how he might convert it to the advantage of himself and liis family. For this jjurpose he turned his views towards the kingdom of Naples, conceiving, that from the advanced age of Ferdi- nand of Spain, an opportunity would soon be afforded both to Louis XII. and himself, of interfering in its con- cerns, and perhaps of occupying its government, to the ex- clusion of the )'oung archduke ; for whom it would not in such case be difficult to find sufficient employment in other parts of his widely dissevered dominions. ^ This important acquisition, Leo probably destined for his brother Giuliano ; Avhilst the state of Tuscany, to which he also hoped to unite the duchies of Ferrara and Urbino, were the intended inhe- ritance of his nephew Lorenzo. By these means the family of the Medici would have enjoyed a decisive superiority over any other in Italy, and by the subsequent union of these territories, which was likely to take place at no dis- tant period, would have held an important rank among the sovereigns of Euroi)e. No sooner was this ambitious project determined on at Secret alliance Rome, than Lco uot Only began openly to relax in his op- between the pQgjyQ^ j(^ jjjg ]^i,^cj: respecting his pretensions on the Mila- pope and * o i c? i Louis xii. nese, but actually to make representations to him, to pre- vent his relinquishing his projected enterprise ; assuring him that the Sj^anish army in Italy was greatly diminished in its numbers ; that the soldiery were unj)aid, the people of Milan wretched and dissatisfied, and that with respect to the Swiss, 321 Swiss, there was no one Avho would undertake to subsidize chap. xii. them, and that it was well known they would not move a. d. 1514. without such an inducement. At the same time he gave the ^- ^<-^9- king to understand, that he would exert his nifluence with Ottaviano Fregoso, to restore the authority of the king at Genoa, where the fortress of the Lantei'na was yet in pos- session of the French. After having thus manifested his dispositions, Leo addressed himself to the cardinal Sanse- verino, who was then considered as the agent of the French monarch at Rome, /'ay' by whose means he proposed to the king, that as the jealousy of other powers would not at this juncture permit them to enter into an ostensible and avowed alliance, it was his desire that they should at least lay the foundation of that future union, which he hoped would ere long be established between them. For this purpose the pope transmitted to the king certain minutes, as heads of a private treaty, on which he recjuested to know his senti- ments. The French monarch in reply, expressed his ac- knowledgments for the confidence placed in him by the pontiff; but whether some of these propositions were of such a kind as to require long deliberation, or Avhether any other circumstance prevented the king from retiuning an earlier answer ; certain it is, that he did not send his de- finitive reply to Rome for the space of fifteen days, or there- abouts. Although this delay may appear inconsiderable, yet from the critical nature of the business, it alarmed the pontiff, who probably conceived, that if Louis disclosed this communication to the emperor elect and the king of Spain, it might draw down upon him then" resentment. He therefore availed himself of an opportunity which was VOL. H. s s at faj Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. xii ii. 74. A. Pont. II. 322 CHAP. xn. at this season afforded him, of renewing his treaties with A. D. I51+. those sovereigns for the term of a year, by which the con- A. ^t. 39. tracting parties bound themselves to the mutual defence of their respective states. The reply of the king of France to the proposals of the pope, arrived immediately after the signing these treaties, and the king thereby expressed his entire approbation of the terms of amity offered by the pontiff; suggesting, however, that as one article in the mi- nutes obliged the king to the protection of the Tuscan state, and of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici, it would be ne- cessary that they should become parties in the engagement. On the arrival of this answer, the pope excused himself to the king lor his apparent precipitancy, in renewing his treaties with the houses of Aragon and Austria, the cause of which he attributed in some degree to the unexpected hesitation of the king himself. This apology Louis thought proper to consider as satisfactory, and the convention was agreed on. In order, however, to prevent the terms from transpiring, the}' were not declared by any public instru- ment, but remained in the form of a schedule, under the signature of the respective parties. faj These extraordinary measures are attributed by a great Motivrs of Leo contemporary historian to the artifice and insincerity of the pope, who either conceiving that the king of France would undertake this expedition without his incitement, expected, in case it should prove successful, to secure his favour, or knowing, that in the truce which Louis had entered into with the Spanish monarch and the emperor elect, it was stipulated that he should not attack the state of Milan, was X. (aj Giticdaid. Sforia tV Ilul. lih. xii. ii. 7.3. was desirous of embroiling him with those powers. fa) It may, however, be presumed, that Leo had yet more impor- tant objects in view, and that he was at this period sincere in his endeavours to prevail upon the French monarch to make another descent upon Italy. The secret treaty un- doubtedly contained some articles favourable to the ad- vancement of the family of the Medici ; and Leo might suppose, that if he assisted the king in the accomplishment of so favourite an object as the recovery of Milan, he might in return expect his aid in obtaining the sovereignty of Naples ; a proposition to which there is indeed reason to believe that the French monarch had given his express con- sent.fbj If this great object could have been accomplished, Leo would not only have laid the foundation of a splendid monarchy in his own family, but would have rescued the most extensive state in Italy, from the opprobrium of a foreign yoke. In sacrificing to this acquisition the duchy of Milan, he might also perhaps have looked forwards to a time when he might be able, by the aid of the Swiss, with whom he still maintained a secret but strict alli- ance, (Icj to repeat the part which he had acted on a former s s 2 occasion : faj Guicciard. Storia cCItalia lib. xii. ii. 76. (b) Guicciardini himself informs us, that the king of Spain was apprehensive, and Bot without reason, that the pope aspired to the kingdom of Naples for his brother Giu- liano, lib. xii. 74, to which he afterwards adds, " che il Re di Francia prometteva aiu- " tare il pontefice ad acquistare il Regno di Napoli, o per la Chiesa, o per Giuliano suo " fratello," lib. xii. ii. 76. A circumstance which fully explains the conduct of tiie pontiff, in attempting to prevail on the king of France to hasten his expedition to Italy. {c) " Per I'ultima mia di hieri me scordai dire ad V. S. circa le Svizeri, come Mon- " signore Rmo. me haveva detto; che N. Signore continuando Ii pacti della Lega vec- " chia S2^ CHAP. XII. A. D. 1514. A. iEt. 39. A. Pont. II. 324 CHAP. xii. occasion ; and thus by liberating Italy from both the Spa- A. D. 1514. niards and the French, to place on the head of his brother A.ifit. 39. the only croAvn of Avhich that country could boast. A. Pont. II. In order to confirm the proposed union between the French monarch and Leo X. it had been further agreed, that a family alliance should be formed between them by the marriage of Giuliano de' Medici, with Filiberta, daugh- ter of Philip duke of Savoy, and sister to Louisa, the mother of Francis duke of Angouleme, who succeeded at no dis- tant period to the crown of France by the name of Fran- cis I. This marriage, notwithstanding the imj^ortant alte- rations which soon afterwards occurred, was celebrated in the early part of the ensuing year, and although unproduc- tive of any offspring, probably led the way to those future alliances, by which the family of the Medici became so close- ly connected with the royal house of France, and which all Christendom has had such ample reason to deplore. But whether the proposed attempt was frustrated by the unexpected hesitation of the king, and the consequent Leo obtains the engagements of the pontiff with other powers, or by the ricna. reluctance of Giuliano de' Medici, to take an active part in so bold and hazardous a transaction; certain it is, that Leo soon relinquished his representations to Louis XII. on this subject, and began to adopt the most decisive measures lor the defence of his new possessions in Lom- bardy, " chia con loro, li manda fra pochi di danari, et far.! ogni cosa de confcnnarla, kc. " Et che io recordi ad qiiella per stiiipre, che di siiuili avisi non voglia conferire con " alcuno, salvo clie ad qiialclie proposito suo, et clie solo questa si fa, accioclie V. S. " sappia come le cose passano, et noii pir conununicarle." Balth. da Pt.scia a I.or. Med. 26 Mm, 1.5 U. MSS. ¥lor. 325 bardy, and for defeating the projected expedition of the French monarch against the states of Milan. He there- fore gladly availed himself of an opportunity afforded him by the necessities of the emperor elect Maximilian, of purchasing from that sovereign the city and state of Modena, for a sum of forty thousand gold ducats, subject to a right of redemption in the emperor on repayment of the money, which there was not the slightest proba- bility that he would ever be enabled to reinjburse/oj This acquisition was of the utmost consequence to the pontiff, as it opened an uninterrupted communication between the states of the church and the cities of Reggio, Parma, and Piacenza, and in conjunction with those territories, composed a rich and populous district of no inconsiderable extent and importance. CHAP. XII. A. D. 1514. A. ^t. 39- A. Ponl. II. In the mean time, the war between the emperor elect Maximilian, the king of Spain, and the Venetian state, was carried on with great activity ; and as the latter was consider- ed as the bulwark of Europe against the Turks, Leo avail- ed himself of the information lately received respecting the successes of the Turkish arms, to attempt once more to effect a reconciliation between the contending powers, well knowing, that if he could detach the Venetians from their alliance with Louis XII. it would either prevent his pro- posed expedition to Milan, or in all probability frustrate his expected success. To this end he dispatched as his le- gate to Venice the celebrated Pietro Bembo, who still en- joyed the office of his domestic secretary, with directions to exert all his efforts for the purpose of prevailing on his coun- trvmen Leo endeavours to reconcile the Venetians with the king of Spain and the emperor elect. {a J Micrafori, Annali d' Italia x. 108. 326 CHAP. XII. ti ymen to listen to sucli overtures of pacification, as the A. D. 15U. pope was already authorized on the part of their adversaries to propose. A. .*:t. 39. A. PoDt. II. Legation of Beinbo to Venice Benil)0 having undertaken this task, proceeded from Rome towards his native place ; and that he might not com- mit himself by any unguarded expression in a negotiation of so delicate a nature, he, in the course of his journey, reduced into writing the arguments which he judged proper on such an occasion, which he read as a proposlo or proposi- tion, from the pontiff to the senate. This singular docu- ment yet remains, and throws a strong light on the state of public affairs, and on the conduct which the pope thought it consistent with his duty or his interest to pursue.(^aj Af- ter expatiating in ample terms on the services which the pope had sought to render to the republic, the orator adverts to the part which Leo X. had acted in effecting a reconci- liation and alliance between France and England, and to the encouragement which he had given. to Louis XIL to attempt the conquest of Milan, " whence he expected some " advantages might have accrued to the Venetian state." The delay of the king in this long threatened attempt, is attributed to his indifference, or to his weariness of a con- test which had involved him in such enormous expense. Under these circumstances, the legate earnestly advises the Venetians to terminate their differences with the emperor elect and the king of Spain, and to abandon their alliance with France; in which case he proposes to them, on the au- thority of his catholic majesty, that all their continental possessions occupied by their enemies, excepting only the city (a) V. Appendix, No. CXVIII. A. Pont. II. 327 city of Verona, then held by the emperor, should be re- chap. xii. stored to them ; they paying to the emperor four hundred a. d. ~uu. thousand gold florins, or such other sum as the pope should A- ^'- 39- judge reasonable. In directing the attention of the senate to the improbability of their deriving any future benefit from their alliance with France, the legate adduces argu- ments of a very extraordinary nature. " It may not only," says he, " be expected, but believed, that the king of " France has relinquished his attempt upon Italy. Some " months have elapsed since he concluded the treaty with " England, at which time he had twenty thousand men " in arms for this enterprise, and might have engaged in it " with the consent and favour of the pope, and with the " reputation acquired by his new alliance. At that time " he might also have attacked his adversaries whilst they " were unprepared and unwilling to oppose him, as well " from other circumstances as from their reverence for his •' holiness, who would openly have favoured his cause. " If therefore he would not engage in this attempt, although " invited and solicited by the pope, how can it be supposed, " that he will now undertake it, when the Swiss, the Spa- " niards, the emperor, the states of Milan, of Florence, " and of Genoa, are all united with his holiness to oppose " him, and are employed in preparations for that purpose? " Add to this, that he has lately married a beautiful wife, " who will daily withdraw his mind more and more from " the concerns of war. There are indeed some, who think " that these nuptials will abridge his days, or rather render " them very short indeed ; considering that he is already " advanced in years, not remarkable for his continence, and •' devoted to the love of this young damsel, who is not " more than eighteen years of age, and the most beautiful " and 32S CHAP. XII. u ^j^j attractive woman that has been seen in France lor many years. In short, he is said to be ah'eady on the A. D. I51+. A. .-Et. 39. A. Pont. 11. " decHiie, and to have contracted complaints which will " shortly bring him to the grave." When the legate ven- tured not only to utter, but to conunit to writing such ob- servations as these on so great a monarch, the avowed ally of his master, it is no wonder that he entreated his hearers, " in the name of heaven, to bury them in eternal secrecy." After having exerted all his eloquence in endeavouring to prevail on the senate to accede to his propositions, he pro- ceeds to lay before them in strong terms the consec[uences of their refusal, which he asserts will infallibly lead to a conclusion of the treaty already in agitation, Ijetween the king of Spain, the Swiss, the states of Milan, Genoa, and Florence, and the pope ; who would be under the necessity of regarding the Venetians as their common enemy. But although this oration has been regarded as a speci- men of diplomatic skill and eloquence, it failed to produce The senate te- tlic intended effect on the minds of the Venetian sena- fuse to com- • , 1 1 • 1 1 • • • • r ply with his ^^^^ ' ^^^^' *'''" '' '•'^ denied, that m comnnttmg topics oi so propositions. dcHcate a nature to the lonnalit}' of a written composition, the Roman legate acted the part rather of a scholastic rhe- tor, than of a judicious negotiator. A few days afterwards Bembo was again admitted into the senate, when a written paper was read to him in reply to his oration ; by which, after expressions of respect to his holiness, the senate refuses either to relinquish A'erona to the emperor, or to annul their alliance with the king of France. (^aj This answer was (aj The letters from Bembo to Leo X. containing the paiticnlars of liis embassy, arc given in the Appendix, Xo. CXIX. 329 was immediately dispatched to Rome by Agostino Beazza- chap, xii. no, a scholar of considerable eminence, who accompanied a. d. 1515. Bembo on his legation ; and Bembo himself soon aftenvards ^- ^'- *o- .... , , A. Pont. nr. followed ; but he was so fatigued with his journey, that he was obliged to rest on his return a few days at Pesaro, where he met with his friends Madonna Emilia Pia, and the du- chess Elizabetta, the widow of Guidubaldo da Montefeltro duke of Urbino. Bembo was aware that he might incur the suspicion of having feigned indisposition, that he might en- joy the society of these amiable and accomplished women ; but in a letter to the cardinal da Bibbiena, which bears date the first day of the year 1515, he makes the most 1515. solemn asseverations that his illness is not a pretext; and if his assurances were not believed, his delay was excused, by his friends and patrons at Rome. (aj Historical mis- takes respect- tiation. This embassy of Bembo to the Venetian state, was not only unproductive of those advantages which the pontiff expected to derive from it; but, if we may place implicit ingthisnego- confidence in some of the historians of those times, it tended to injure the character of the pontiff in the estimation of the French monarch; who is said to have been now fully con- vinced of the insincerity of the pope, and to have renewed his negotiations with Ferdinand of Spain, preparatory to his intended attack on the states of Milan.fbJ Frequently, VOL. II. T T however, faj V. Appendix, No. CXX. (b) " Manifestarono al Re di Francia la cagione della veiiuta di Bembo, donde il Re, " dispiacendogli che in tempo tanto propinquo a mtiovere I'armi, cercasse di privarlo de " gli aiuti de suoi confederal!, rinovb le pratiche passate col Re Catolico," &:c. Guic- ciard. lib. xii. ii. 77 ■ " Ma I'aver cgli (il pontefice) inviato a Venezia il celebre Pietro " Bembo, per istaccare quella republica dall' alleanza co' Frances!, senza pero poterla smiio- " vere, fece al fin capire al Re Lodovico che capitale avesse egli a fare deUe belle proteste " di questo PonteficeJ' Murat. Annal. d' Itai. x. 107. 330 CHAP, xn. however, as this has been repeated as matter of reproach to A. D. \r,i5. the pontiff, it may with confidence be asserted, that Louis A..t:t.4o. ^vas never informed of the result of this negotiation, and A. Pont. ni. O ' consequently that he could not have manifested that dissa- tisfaction with the conduct of the pope which has been so positively imputed to him.fa) On the very day that Bembo wrote the before-mentioned letter from Pesaro, his Heatiioi Louis proplictic representations respecting Louis XIL were ful- filled by the death of that monarch: which event is also said to have been occasioned by the cause to M'hich Bembo with so much confidence attributed it ; he having survived his marriage only eighty days. It is not therefore to be supposed, that the purport of a negotiation which only ter- minated at Venice, towards the end of December, could be conveyed to France prior to the first day of January ; much less is it likely, that Louis, when at the point of death, should have had either leisure or disposition to attend to political discussions ; and at all events it is wholly impossible, that those subsequent negotiations should have taken place be- tween faj " Ce fut toute la satisfaction qu'il eut de sa negotiation, dont les Venetiens firent part " aussitot au Roi leur AUie. Cette confiance eclaira Louis XII. sur les vtritables senti- " mens d'un Pape qui tentoit toutes sortes de voyes pour seduire ses amis, dans le temps " qu'il le faisoit assurer qu'il avoit le genie et le cceur tout Francois. Ce prince resolut " enfin de ne plus compter sur lui, qu'en cas qu'il donn^t d'autres assurances de sa " sincerite que des protestations affectueuses." Ligue de Cambray, lib. iv. torn. ii. p. 375. " Mais le Pape fut oblige de s'expliquer clairement. Pour forcer le pape a le " faire, I'homme du Roi se servit de I'envie qu' avoit sa Saintet6 de menager toujours " la France. II lui dit, avec la vivacite &; I'energie Francoise, que Louis XII. prendroit " pour rupture & pour marque d'une inimitie irreconciliable le refus d'une reponse a ses " propositions. Leon X. portant aiors sa main gauche au coude de son bras droit, & " relevant, dil qu'il donncroit ce bras pour voir le Roi de France en possession de son " heritage, sans qu'il en coutat une mer de sang a la Chr&tiennete, & il employa les " biais les plus subtils des frases Florentines & tous les detours du jargon de Rome pour " esquiver, & se defendre de donner une reponse plus formelle," &c. lb. p. 385. 331 tween Louis XII. and the pope, which are related at great chap, xii. length by writers of credit, and have given occasion to se- a. d. 1515. vere animadversions on the supposed duplicity and trea- A.JEt.io. chery of the Roman pontiff.faj But as it is difficult to con- ceive, that the authors referred to can be mistaken on a subject in which they have almost uniformly concurred, it may be necessary further to relate, that on the departure of Bembo from Venice, two envoys were dispatched by the senate to the kings of England and of France, for the osten- sible purpose of congratulating them on the restoration of peace, and on the alliance which had been so happily esta- tablished between them. The ambassador to France was further instructed to assure the French monarch of the invariable fidelity and attachment of the senate to his cause, and to incite him by every possible effort to send an army into Italy without further delay ; but whilst these envoys were yet on their journey, they received intelligence of the death of the French king, which terminated the chief object of their mission, and obliged them to wait for the in- stmctions of the senate respecting their further destina- tion, f'/^j Whatever therefore might have been the feelings, or the resentment, of Louis XII. had he lived to have been informed of the embassy of Bembo, it is sufficiently appa- rent, that the sarcastic remarks on the conduct of the pon- tiff, to which this incident has given rise, have been falsely attributed to that monarch, and can only be considered as T T 2 the faj Guicciardini, lib. xii. Ligue de Cambray, lib. iv. SfC. (bj This relation is confirmed by the positive authority of the Venetian historian Paruta, who adds, " Queste cose furono a gh Ambasciatori commesse ; ma mentre ancora " essi ritrovansi nel viaggio, il Re Lodovico, soprapreso da grave infermitj, vi lascio la " vita." Paruta. Hist. Fen. lib. ii. {>. 102. 3 ?> 2 CHAP. xii. ^he fabrication of those who have substituted the fictions A. D. 1515. of their own fancy for the authentic records of historical A. Alt. 40. truth. A. Pont. III. The latter events in the life of Louis XII. had greatly His. character, dimiuishcd tlic glory which he had acquired in the former part of his reign; and the sanguinary and fruitless victories of Ghiaradadda and Ravenna, were counterbalanced by the insults and defeats which he suffered from Leo X. and Henry VIII. the former of whom had expelled him from Milan, and the latter had established the English arms in the midst of his dominions, and reduced him to the necessity of securing, by the stipulated payment of an enormous sum of money, the safety of the rest. That inordinate and blind ambition which sacrifices the peace and happiness of a country to the vain expectation of foreign acquisitions, the attainment of which is often a greater misfortune than the miscarriage of the attempt, is in no instance more to be lamented than in that of Louis XII. who if he had not been misled by this deplorable frenzy, would indeed have merited the appella- tion bestowed upon him by his subjects, of the father of his jieople. Throughout his whole reign no new taxes were imposed in his dominions He was the first sovereign who secured the peasantiy of France from the rapacity of the soldiery, who were before accustomed to plunder them with impunity ; and his memory was rendered dear to his covin- try by his edict in 1499, by which he ordered that the law should on all occasions be strictly enforced, notwithstanding any contrary directions which the importunity of indivi- duals might obtain from the sovereign. About two months after the death of the king, his young 333 young and beautiful widow married the accomplished Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, to whom she is sup- posed to have been attached before her former marriage, and who attended her to France, although he was not nominated as one of the embassy. Mezerai asserts, that the duke of Angouleme, afterwards Francis I. caused this English lord to be narrowly watched, lest he should give the king a successor. This second marriage was a cause of great displeasure to Henry VIII. but his sister as- suming the blame to herself, and protesting that she had almost compelled the duke to this rash action, the anger of the king was not of long duration. The progeny of this marriage was numerous. Frances, one of the daughters, married Henry Grey, afterwards duke of Suffolk, by whom she became the mother of the accomplished and unfortunate lady Jane Grey, who reluctantly contended with the bigot Mary for the crown of England. The other descendants of the princess Mary, intermarrying with the English nobility, have diffused a portion of the royal blood through many of the principal families in the kingdom. CH.VP. XII. A. D. 1515. A. .Et. 40. A. Pont. ni. His widow mar- ries Charles Brandon duke of Suf- folk. APPENDIX. APPENDIX. NO. LII. CVol. ii. p. 10. J Storia d" Italia di Gio. Ant. Summonte. vol iii. p. 551. cor, 6l5. Petri Summontii Neapolitani. AUSONI^ splendor, durisque exercite bellis, Hector, ab antiquis quern genus omat avis ; KO. Lil /Equasti veterum qui fortia facta virorum, Heroi tollens invidiam generis ; I felix, i quaere alio sub sole triuniphos, Non datur in patriis nomen habere locis. Si non Alcides cliaris migrasset ab Argis, Non foret Eois notus, et Hesperiis : Fertur post varios insigni Marte labores Ferrea Tartareze janua aperta domus. Fertur lasonize pubes comtnissa carina, Ansa maris tumidas prima secare vias. Cessite Gangaridum, Lenasi gloria, Tellus ; Pelleo et longe Fama petita Duci. In pretio semper nimio peregrina tuere, Nescio cur, sordent dum sua cuique dorai. Adde quod, et melius translata reponitur arbos : Tanta est mutati gratia, honosque soli. I felix, nee te Patria, aut remorentur amici, Aut de cognato sanguine fidus amor. Fortibus omne solum Patria est, hos adjuvat ipsa Virtus, et his CEclum, tcrraque nuda favet. VOL. II. A Vrima Prima tibi vicisse pios Victoria amores ; " • ^il« Incipe mox laudes accumulare novas. Nee tibi deerunt, Kternis qui grandia chartis Facta canant, digna concelebrentque lyra. Quis neget assiduo renovarl sascula cursu, Quin meliora potest ducere longa dies. En sopita diii, surgit tandem inclyta virtus, Heroesque novos saecula nostra ferunt. iEmulus Iliaco, nostris fuit Hector in armis : Pro decore Italia; pralia honesta gerens ; ' Hector, proposita; cessit cui gloria palmas, Devictis Gallis nomen in Ausonium. NuUius hie armis cedat, quoseunque vetustas Et Graia, et Latia jaetat in Historia. Tempus erit, quo te Dux o fortissime postquam Sub titulos ierint plurima bella tuos Te Capua excipiat, spoliisque assurgat opimis Porrigat et meritis laurea serta comis ; Cum Patres, equitesque et Plebs numerosa merentem, Deducant Patrii limina ad aha Jovis ; Cum vox omnis lo clamet, geminataque ad auras, Reddat lo, cum te femina virque canat. Hoc precor, huie utinam servent me Numina Famae, Hsec eeleri veniat sydere fausta dies. N". LIII. (Vol. ii. p. IS. J Ex- op. Joamiis Aurelii Augurelli. Iamb. Carm. ii. ex Lib. superaddito. ADJULIUM II. PONTIFICEM. In communi omnium summi ejusdem Pontificatus plaum Gratuktio. SeCUNDE Juli pontifex Sanctissime, No. LIII, Optate cunctis gentibus diu pater, Eleete summo nunc jubente eoelitum, Patrumque votis omnium faventibus. Jam quisquc pro se gratulantes offerunt Tibi, quod esse deditas signum queat Mentis ; Potentes urbium volentium, Renuuque Rerumque firma publicanim pectora Legationibus datis frequentibus ^'*'. LIII. Spondent, fidemque dedicant teti siiain : Tanquam daturi prodeant niajus niliil. At qui minori sorte victum temperant, Omnes opellam pollicentur uberem, P^a^stare qualem diligens virtus potest ; Ouos ut tuorum scripseris semel giegi, Dignere Ia2to contupri lumine. Spe cujus ultro motus ipse gratia Ausim reposti coliis ad cacumina ^ Repens anhelans ac laborans tendere ; Ubi sorores floribus sertum novem Texunt micantibus, aamulisque syderum : Quod inde mecum deferens tibi sacrum Pergam superbis dedicare postibus Templi, quod ulnis sustines unus tuis. Ne prorsus ergo seduli munusculum Vatis, pusilluni sit licet, despexeris. Nee ille namque cujus hie vicem geris, Rerum supernus fabricator omnium Terris inhabitans parvulos contempserat. NO. LIV. (Vol. ii. p. 26. J Petri Criniti op. p. 554. De laude Conmhi Ferrandi in ricforia Lyriana contra GaUos. O QUIS reposti pocula Liberi v Depromit, aut quis nunc mihi victimas NO. LIV Cum thure sacro rite puer parat, Insignem ut referam diem Quo dux vigenti milite maximus Lyrim refuso sanguine Gallic Vidit tumentem, Gesaque supplici Porrecta in medium manu ? Heu quanta passim funera nobiiera Lucem sacrarunt, qua tibi maxima Ferrande laus, et perpetuum decu» Partum est auspiciis tuis. A2 Tu 4 NO. LIV. Tu made princeps consUio gravi Fnenum receptis viribus injicis : Gallosque ct astu, et viribus occupans Hostiicm supcras manum Victor, et urges : testis adest cruor : Testisque et omnis Gallia : dum tuura Mirata forti pectore militem Hispanum subiit jugum. Quaiitus tiiumphus: quae statuas tibi Debentur ? o si nunc meritas qucam Cantare laudes principis, et pares Aptare ad numcros chelyn. Sic est, volenti nil homini arduum, Quern finna rirtus extulit : invium Nullum relictum est ingeniis iter, Oueis caelum petere est datum. Ferrandus armis, et sapientia Fi-aelatus, ut qui Marte potens acri Dejecit arces funditus, et sibi Aetemum statuit decus. Non ante quisquam tam celeri gradu Oppressit hostem victor : et impiger Munita certis oppida viribus Astu perdomuit sue. NO. LV. CVol. ii. p. 33. J Ex. Epist. Gregorii CortesU, Mutinensis p. 234. Jo. MtDicEs Card. ^„ , y DeTULIT ad me Aloisius Lottus, quem secretis tuis adhibere tolitus es, te noctes die<;qiic eogitare, si qua ratione afflletas perdltasque res Casinatis Canohii possis instaiirare, ut reno- vate ibi divino cultu, et Bcnedicti institutionum observatione, sptciem aliquam primevae niajestaiis recuperare possit, habereque tejulium Pont. Max. et Consalvum Ferandum re- gis Hispaniae copiarum ducem, ejus con'siiii non participes solum, sed arbitros etiam et mirificos adjutores. Digna sane cogitatio aninii tui niagnitudine, et anteactas vitas con- sentanea : digna patris tui Laurentii atque atavi Cosmas religione, qui et vetustate collapsa templa plurima pristinas restituerunt magnificentias, et complura a fundamentis incrcdibili impeiisa cxtruxerunt. Tu vero non parictcs ipsos, non coutignatioues, non csteras partes ;edi(icii sanctas tectasque reddes, sed rcligionem, sed castitatem morum, sed pietatetn pristiiiam, pristinaiD, Benedictum denique ipsum suis aedibus hac ratione restitues. Hue accedit, quod cum multa celebrcntur majorura tuorum in re publica atque privata gesta praeclaris- sime, maxime quod illorum favore atque auspiciis extincta dudum liberalia studia revixe- runt, debetur quidem tibi nescio quo pacto haereditatis jure, pars quaedam ejus laudis, sed ea ratione ut rei soliditate ipsis majoribus derelicta, umbram solum, et velut auram quam- piam tibi inde vendicare possis. Enimvero, si id quod tanta cum indole aggredi cogitas, a te fuerit confectum, turn demum eonsequeris, ut integram laudem consilio pietati atque in- genio tuo omnes assignandam ducant. Prasterea qilotquot futuris retro temporibus et pene dbcerim, in omni astemitate in augustissioiis illis aedibus sacris operabuntur, illi omnes in primis te ipsum farailiamque tuam, vel certe secundum Dcum, tanti operis autorem confitebuntur, cum sacrificiis, laudibus, continentia, adorationibus, divinum favorem generi humano satagent demereri. Movit te ad hoc ut opinor cogitandum, quod sacerdotium id tibi commendatum esse putas, non ut ex ejus aniiuis fructibus equorum magna multitudo, canes venalici, volucres ad aucupia nutrirentur; nee idcirco ut major pompa et numero- siore caterva stipatus ad Pontificias aedes deducerere : non ut uno alterove episcopis esses in eqiiitando comitaiior : quas ut Christianas simpHcitati et bonis moribus certum est raag- nopere repugnare, sic ab animo cogitationibusque tuis longissime abesse debent ; sed ut sacerrimas illas aedes divinis laudibus muhiplicatis, die noctuque psallentium vocibus resona- rent : ut qua; olim ibi viguerunt liberalium artium studia reviviscerent, denique ut ex Christiana religione iilic onniia admiiiistrarentur. Etenim locus ipse, ut nosti, divina quadam providentia electus esse videtur, qui et bonarum artium et omnis eruditionis, ut ita dicam, officina assidue futurus esset. Sic namque ante exhibitam nobis a Christo Opt. Max. admirandam humanitatem M. Varronis Academia est nobilitatus. Sic delude stu- diis omnium disciplinarum floruit, ut medicos, pkilosophos, postremo Thomam Aquina- tem illi debeamus, inter eos qui novum hoc Theologias genus professi sunt, facile princi- qem. Nam de Benedicto ipso loqui quid attinet, cum nulla ferme regio sit, nulla civitas atque adeo nullum ignobile oppidulum, quod non et illi dicatis aedibus et ejus disciplinaa pro- fessorjbus sit refertam ? Ut mihi videatur acerrimus ille human! generis hostis, jure quodam suo, Casinatse Ccenobium pras casteiis omnibus odio et malevolentia prosequi, quod ex eo potissimum pene infiniti duces extiterint, qui coUatis secum signis saspius victoriam exportarunt. guare, pro eujsmodi cogitatione tibi mirum in modum gratulor, hortorque atqne obsecro, uti ne diutius cuRCtando negocium differas. Scio te et quamplurimos et a- cres adversarios habUurum, partim mentito nomine Christiauo, Christians religionis hos- tes acerbissimos, partim etiam qui iniquissimo animo sunt laturi ejus sacerdotii opulen- tiam, non amplius ad luxum et dslicias, sed ad diviiii cultiis decorem et paupcres nutri- endos convertendam esse. Tu vero, certe scio, qua animi magnitudine negocium ag- gressus es, eadem atque eciam longe majore ad exitum usque prosequere, ut nee pietas in voluntate, nee in proposito constantia, uec consilium in exequendo desiderari possit. Qua . Julius Papa II. DiLECTE Fill Salutem, et Apostolicam Benedictioncm : Egregia tua virtus, ac fides, rci niilitaris scientia, et animi niagnitudo EinuIa sideiibus quisquis tua templa tuttur, Non opus esse honiinurn, sed caeli mcenia credit. Ergo alacrcs aiiimis juvenes opiate Sccundo jEternosque dies, etemaque gaudia vitae. Nam (si vera negent non ipsi facta Tyranni, Qui non horruerunt vcluti Titania proles, Templa Deum spoliare suis custodilius, aras Ferro, igne, eiTicrc, et crudeli spargerc cacde. Infantes ante ora patrum niactare, puellas In matrum gremiis populo spectante piare) Quimelusorbis erat? quas trislia inurmura ? quastum Mens hominum ? cum te rapuit pene improba fcbris ? Nonne mori est omnis Juli cum funere mundus Creditus ? atque omnis cura est dimissa salutis? Scilicet his liominum clausissent luclibus aures Numina sprevissentque virum pia vota, precesque ? Ut populator opura, divum contcmptor, Juli Imraemor, ofTcnsis snperis frueretur, et orbis Quem lacerat, tandem prsedo potiretur habenis. Non ita : namque liominum justas timuere querelas Caelicolas quis enim coluisset numina, Jule, Si pereas? per quem pereant nee sacra, ncc urbes, Non tlbi sed superis qui quaeras regna, et honores. Ergo erat in fatis, ut post tua fata rtsurgens Talia non sineres audere impune Tyraimos, Turbatamque ratem fida in statione locares. Te populis, populosque tibi servare liceret, Ulciscique deos, juncto tibi foedere Hibero Principe, quo melior bello non extitit iinquam, Non erit, aut nunc est, qui tot non cognita regna, Tot populos nunquam auditos, sine lege vagantes Ad Christi revocat cultus, melioraque fata ; Quasque acies, turmas, classes, in viscera Mauri Legerat, has geminis mittit ductoribus ; alter Is Raimundus crit, quo Bellatore cruentus Hannibal Italiam nunquam tttigisset : et alter Omina fclici felicia nomine portans Terminus, Imperium et famam quae terminet astris Jule tibi, populis secura in pace locatis. Militat auspiciis Regis Raimundus, Juli Terminus, auspiciis divum pugnabit utcrque. Auspiciisque tuis, certa est victoria, certus BdLonim Bellorum eventus, quas Petro atque auspice Rege, Juli, bella geres, pro libertate labanti Italiae, sprelisque focis, teinplisque Deorum. Anne Defiiii, Julique hostesnon stemat Hibenis? Qui Reges et Marte suos prostraverit hostes Ter, quater, et decies felix, deciesque Beate Termine, qui turmis Petri, turmisque Secundi Preficeris : poterunt unquam qude premia reddi Digna tibi ? statuique tibi quse digna tropea ? Nunquam omnes poterunt terrae tibi digna referre Praemia : decemet polus ipse trophea, triumphos. Nee trahet albus equus currum : nee flectet habenas Vir tibi, cselesti in caelum vectabere curru, Certatim siiperum turba eomitante triumphuru, Fama jugum, virtusque trahent, moderante Minerva. NO LXIII. (Vol. 2. p. 9IJ Exemp. in Bib. Vaticana. Lo numero e la quantity de la armata, doe de li homini d' Arme, de le Galee, et de li Pedoni, chi verranno in ajuto de la S. Lega nova. Se fa noto et manifesto ad ogni persone, come el summo in Christo padre, Julio, per la divina providentia Papa II. per la recuperatione de la Cita de Bologna immediate perti- nente a la sancta Romana chiesia, suo Conta et distrecto; ac etiam de tutte altre Cita, Rocche et Castelle de qualunche persona siano detenute, mediate o immediate pertlnente ad sua Beatitudine, et sancta Chiesia, et defensione de la persona sua, et conservatione, de la auctorita dignita et liberta ecclesiastica, et unione de la sancta Chiesia Romana, et per obviare ad ogni Scisma, havere facto sanctissima lega" et confederatione stabilita ct solemnamente firmata con el Serenissimo Ferdinando de Aragonia, et de I'una et I'altra Sicilia Re catholico, e Governatore et Adniinistratore deli Regni de Castella et de Leon, devotissimo figliolo de la sancta Chiesia, et Illustrissimo Duce et la Signoria de Venetia, per subsidio de la quale recuperatione et conservatione de la liberta et stato Ecclesiastico, contra ogniuno si voglia opponere a dicta Sanctissima lega et confederatione el prefato Re Catholico ad fede effecto manda lo Illustrissimo Don Remondo de Cardona Vicere de Napoli per Capitaneo generale de tutta la lega et confederatione con M. CC. homini d'arme in biancho, et M. gianeti, ben in ordine de cavalli et arme, et X. millia fanti Spagnoli reci- pienti, et artigliaria bene in ordine, et ad tale expeditione necessaria, et per mare XI. Galee. Et sua Sanctita da in subsidio de dicta lega CCCCCC. homini d'arme in biancho, sotto el goverao et conducto de lo Illustrissimo Duca de Termine. Et el prefato Duce et Sixnoris 21 No. LXII. NO. LXIII. 22 NO. LXIII. Sigiioria de Venetia ognl loro exercito et forza dc homiiii d'arme come cavalli legieri, et fanterla, et oportuna artigliaria, et per mare ogni sforzo loro di Galcc overo quello sara hi- sogiiio, coiijiincte con le sopradicte Galee del Calholico Re, possano non solaraente resis- tere ali inimici, sed oReiidere a chi presumera ad dicta Santti'isima Icga opponcrse, come piu expresso e a picno ne li Capitoli sopra de dicta lega et confederatione particularmente slipulati et confirniali, con debitc promissione et jiiramenti. Dc Ic (jual cose et Sanctlssima lega c inibrniatissimo el Serenissiino Re de Inghelterra. L'animo del quale circa cio et vo- luiita assai e certa et declarata ad sua Sanctita, et altri confederate : reservato honestissimo loco ad ogni altro Re e Principe Christiano, quale vora ad efPecto predicto intrarne dicta confederatione et Sanctissiiua lega, facta al nome del onniipotente Dio et sua gloriosissiraa matre et vergine Maria, et gloriosi Ajiostoli Sancti Pietro et Paulo, Principi e defensori de Sancta Roraana Cluesia, et de tutta la Corte celestiale, conservatione et incremento del statu de sua et Sanctita, et liberta ecclesiastica. Et viva Sancta Cliiesia et Julio II. NO. LXIV. (Vol. ii. p. 93. J Btttidini, Cvllcc. Vet. aliquot Munimcnturum . Areti, 1752. Ll'Dovici Areosti. No. LXIV. Rcverendissimo in Chrkto patri et Domino D. meo col. D. Cardinali de Mcdicis Bononioe Legato dignissimo, Ut a tribiis incompatibiUbm, ut inquit attctor, sohatm; enixe rogaf. ReVERENDISSIME Domine D. mi Colendissinie. La servitu, et observantia mia, che da molti giorni in qua lio sempre avuta verso Vostra Signoria Reverendissima, e 1' amore, e benioiiita che quella mi ha dimostrata sempre, mi danno ardirc, che senza adoperare al- tri inezzi, io ricorra ad essa con speranza di ottenerne ogni grazia ; e quando intesi a dl passati, che Vostra Signoria Reverendissima aveva avuta la Lcgazion di Bologna, ne ebbi quell' allegrezza, che averei avuta, se'l Patron mio Cardinak da Este, fjsse stato fatto Le- gato; si perche de ogni utile, e d' ogni onore de Vostro Signoria, sono di continuo tanto desideioso, e avido, quanto un vero, et affectionate Servitore, deve esser de ogni exalta- zione del Patron suo, si anche perche mi parve, che in ogni mia accurrenzia io fusse per avere quella tanto propicia, e favorevole, quanto e debitore un grato Patrone ad un suo deditissirao Servo. Supplico dunque Vostra Signoria Reverendissima de volenni per Bella dispensare ad tria incompatibilia, et a quel piu, che ha autorita di fare, o che e in uso, et a piu digni- tade iusieme, con quelle ample clausule, che si ponno fare, et de non promoiendo ad Sa- cros ordines per quel tempo, che piu si puo concedere. lo son ben certo, che in Casa di Vostra Signoria Reverendissima e chi sapra far la BoUa molto piu ampla, che non so di- mandare io. L' Arciprete di Santa Agatha presente exhibitore, il quale ho in loco di Patre, et amo per li suoi meriti molto, venira a Vostro Signoria per questo effecto. Esso torra la cura di far fare la supplicatione di quello, che io dimando. Supplico Vostra Signoria Reveren- dissima a farlo expedir gratis, la qual mi perdoni, se io le parlo troppo arrogante, che r afTectione, e servitu mio verso quetia, e la memoria, che ho delle offerte fattemi, da essa molte volte, mi dartbbono ardire di domandarle molto maggior cose di queste (ancorche queste a me paranno grandissime) e certitudine d' ottenerle da Vostra Signoria. Se ricor- di, che deditissimo Servo le sono, alia quale umihnente mi raccomando. 23 NO. XLIV. Ferrarias xxv. Novembris mdxi. D. V. Reverendissima. Deditissimus, et Umilis Servus, LuDovicus Ariostus Ferrariensis. NO. LXV. (Vol. ii. p. IIS.J Hist. Condi. Lateran. Ed. Roma, 1521. In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Amen, Anno a nativitate ejusdem 1512, indictione deciraaquinta, die vero Lunae tertia mensi Maii, qui fuit dies inventionis sanctas crucis, pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris et jsf„ LXV domini nostri, domini Julii divina providentia Papae II. anno nono, pnefatus Sanctissimus Dominus noster Papa, qui alias indixerat Concilium Generale in aliena Urbe, in ecclesia Lateranensi, die Limae decimanona mensis Aprilis prasteriti inchoandum et celebrandum, et deinde propter certum conflictum habitimi apud Ravennam civitatem Romandiolje inter milites Suae Sanctitatis et sanctae Romanse ecclesiae et Regis Catholici ex una, et exercitum Ludovici regis Franconun et prastensos scismaticos, adhaerentes conciliabulo Pisano, seu conventiculas Satanse, ex alia parte ; in quo conflictu fuerunt interfecta multa hominum millia, et inter casteros Dominus de Fusso magnus magister capitaneus regis Franciae, et plu- res alii diversi duces et barones et proceres Gallorum et Hispanorum, et capti reverendissi- mus dominus loannes Cardinalis de Medicis apostolicae sedis legatus, et Fabricius Co- lumna, et alii plures, et dicta civitas ecclesiae miserabiliter a Gallis direpta ; inchoationem hujusmodi usque ad Kalendas Maii ejusdem anni prorogavit, et demum ex eadem causa ad supradictum diem Lunas tertium supradicti mensis Maii iterum prorogavit, prout in Uteris apostolicis, quarum tenores infra acta primae sessionis inseruntur, plenius continetur. Volens 2.4 NO. LXV. Volens idem'sanctissiraus dominus iioster, dorainus Julius II. pontifcx maxitnus in- clioare dictum concilium generale ex pluribus et variis, gravissirais et urgentissimis causis, statum universalis ecclesias et apostolicx sedis, ac perniciosissimi schismatis extinctionem concementibus, ut in Uteris itidictionis Concilii latius continetur, indictum, cum die prse- cedcnti ex palatio apostolico lectica vectus ob sui corporis indispositionem in pontificali ap- paratu et comitiva omnium reverendissimorum dominorum cardiiialium, patriarchanun, priraatum, archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, protonotariorum, alibatum, et univcrsa curia et custodia militum Rhodianorum cruce signatorum, et coiisuetis ceremoniis, ut inoris est) in dictae basilica: Lateranensis sedibus divertisset et hospitatus esset et pemoctasset, constitu- tus dicta tertia die de mane in pncfata basilica Lateranensi, celebrata prius in major! altari missa per reverendissimum in Christo patrem et dominuni, dominum Raphaelcm episco- pum Ostiensem, Cardinalem sancti Georgii vulgariier nuncupatum, sanctse Romanas ec- clesias Camerarium, et coUegii sacri cardinalem decanum, ac facto scrmone Latino per reverendum patrem et magistrum fratrcm Egidium de Viterbio, sacrae thcologia; professo- rcm, ac ordinis Heremitarum sancti Augustini priorem generalem, ac verbi Dei praedica- lorem celcberrimum, cujus tenor in fine prassentis actus et solemiitatis initii sacri Latera- nensis concilii ponetur. Facta etiani prius processione per eumdcni sanctissimum domi- num nostrum, reverendissimos cardinales, patriarclias, archiepiscopos et episcopos ac ab- bates, nee non alios viros, qui de jure seu consuetudine ad concilium generale venire con- Sjieverunt, intraverunt ornati pivialibus, planetis, et dalmaticis juxta ordinis qaalitatem, ijet mitris, locum in medio pnedictas Lateranensis ecclesia: pro celebratione concilii hujus- modi paratum, cum suis subseliiis, tabulatis, clausuris, altaribus, pontificali cathedra, ornamentis et ordinibus, quE in hujusmodi sacrorum consiliorum celebrationibus ser\'ari et fieri consuevisse reperiuntur. In quo cantatis litaniis et aliis devotis orationibus, et liymno, Veni creator Spiritus, djc- de more in principio celebrationis conciliorum a Sanc- tis patribus et sancta Romana ecclesia legi et dccantari solitis et consuetis, capella canto- rum incipiente, Salvum me fac Dais, quoniam intraverunt aqucB usque ad animam meam, kc. et invocata Spiritus sancti gratia, ac exhibita per omnes cardinales et praelatos prasfatos sanctissimo domino Bostro obedientia et reverentia consueta in paramentis ordinate et con- venienter, cantatoque evangelio per reverendissimum in Christo patrem dominum Ludo- vicum sanctK Marias in Cosmedin diaconum cardinalem de Aragonia vulgariter nuncupa- tum, incipiente, Designavit dominus alios septuagiiifa et duos, Sec. Reverendissimus in Christo pater dominus Alexander sancti Eustachii diaconus cardinalis de Farnesio vulgari- ter nuncupatus stans in thalamo eminenti, ubi dictus dominus noster Papa sedebat, legit schedulam tenoris infra script!, nomine suae sanctitatis, propter indispositionem sui cor- poris impediti, videlicet. Indicto per nos hoc sacro Lateranensi Consilio, de quo, cum in minoribus essemus saepenumero cogitavimus, et ad summi apostolatus apicem vocati, omnino nobis celebran- dum proposuimus, dum ante ipsius inchoationem bella inter Christianos vigentia sedare, et oves perditas ad ovile dominicuin reducere intendimus, repente intestina hasresis, iasi- diante Satana bonorum operum perturbatore, douium Dei, quam decet sanctitudo, invasit. Ne igitur contagiosa pestis latius serperet, et Christi gregem nobis commissum sensim in- ficeret, iiceret, pastoral! officio jugiter invigilantes, voccraque Isafe aiiimo repetentes : Ini consili- vm, cage concilium : diutius cunctandurn fore noa duximus. Convenimus itaque, venera- biles fratres, vosque dilecti filii, hodierna solenni die in hac Lateranensi basilica, iit in Spiritu sancto congregati viam veritatis eligainus, et abjicientes opera tenebraruni, indua- mur arma lucis. Vos igitur hortamur in Domino, ut ilium pras oculis habentes, qui est via, Veritas et vita, in mediimi libere consulatis, Deo magis quam hominibus placere stu- dentes. Speramus enim domino cooperante in iiac sacra Lateranensi Synodo sentes ac ve- pres ab agro Domini penitus extirpare, depravatos mores ad meliorem frugeni redigere, pacem inter Cliristianos principes componere, denique expeditionem adversus hostes fidei inter se dissidentes decernere, ut in hoc vexillo salutiferae crucis, quae liuic sacro concilio auspicatissimum dedit initium, antiqui liostis insidias superare valeamus. 25 NO. LXV. N". LXVI. CVol. ii. p. 128. J Exemplar, in Biblioth. Vaticana. Oratio Civifatis Parmce ad Julium Secundum Pont. Maximum, habita. Magnifici Domini Jacobi Bayardi Juris ufriusque Doctoris, Equitis et Comitis, Parmensium Oratoris, ad Beatissimum Julium Secundum Pontificem Maximum Optimum, Oratio habi- ta in deditione Urhis Parmas. SOLEMUS plerumqne tristes, Beatissime Juli Pontifex optima maxime, multiplices ad ex- primendam jegri animi acrimoniam voces reperire, laetis vero et exultantibus nescio quomo- do non ita facile occurrunt. Evenit enim saspenumero ut jucundos admodum quidam ve- '^ • ^-^ ^" luti mentis error occupet. Id quod mihi quoque in praesentiarum accidisse ita sentio, ut linde publicum mes Civitatis gaudium aperiam satis idoneam Orationem, (etsi jampri- dem Iioc saxum volvo) nondum invenerim : nam dum cogito, dum expiscor, dum in mag- na veluti verborum silva anxius pervagor, devius voluptate animus aberrat. Neque a- liam arbitror ob causam voluptatem Egyptii sextodecimo numero exprimebant. Quia ilia nirairum Eetas petulans inconstansque voluptati dum nimium indulget rationem penitus et consilium dediscere consuevit. Sumusque prasniodum leeti : non illi fere setati absimiles. Itaque si parcior communis laetitia: voluptatisque quam Parma nostra civitas te principe a Deo immortali casloque ipso sibi misso concepit venditator fuero, si parum in Oratione con- stans et minima castigatus, sit haec Civitatis Populiqua Parmensis gratulatio locupletissima. Ut primum enim Isetissimas tui divini nominis audiit acclamationes, oblita cladium quas a Barbaris, quibus ad extrema fere deducta, passa est innumeras, movere sese ab imis sedibus urbs ipsa visa est, gestireque, et certis quibusdam nutibus testari quam l^ta foret quam jucunda, quam sibi denique felicitatem poUiceretur. Certe si in prasstando officio expend! cujusque animus debet, nulla unquam Civitas quamquara pro acceptis beneficiis tam grata tamque fidelis pariter et obsequens fait. Sed ibo qua me impellit voluptas, nulla inquam Civitas in Sanctam Romanam Ecclesiamt talem unquam, tamque affectam sa ostendit. Obtulerint aliae habenas, impenderin D pecimias 26 pecunias, arras, focos, liberos, militaverint, navigaveriat, bella passae sint. Panna (quod NO. LX\ I. summuin est, quod nee vi, nee ferro, nee caedibus extorqueas) voluntatem ajo ipsani, el aniinum impendit. Quippe seculis I'alruni nostrorum cum etiam sub Tyrannis dcgcre- mus, bona pars Civitatis Parmie Roniana; Ecclesia: scraper constantissimc favit: et no- vissime sub Barbaris contineri studia hominum ac cohiberi plausus, quamquam extrema illi minarentur, vix poterant : quibus ex rebus plurima a Gallis Civitasperpcssa est detrimenta. Norat enim natio Italis semper iiifcusa quo in te animo essemus, eujus nomen ab homi- num cordibus facile non posset aboleri. Quare non solum factum est ut non evelleretur, sed ut longe amantiores essemus. Nimirum solent qui araant si quid patiantur ob istud ipsum jacturae, vehementius etiain diligcrc, percupereque quod difficilius periculosi usque ad consequendum videatur. Adde quod Panna Civitas nostra, immo tua, Beatissime Juli Pontifex optime raaxime, jam ab initio cognominata est Julia, ut in antiquis nosti'a; Civi- tatis monimentis legitur, quod fatis tamen ipse nequaquam adscripserim, sed Dei maximi providentize, cujus aetema mens facile prasviderat quandoque futurum, ut inexplebili Ty- rannorum siti exhausta, teterrimis Barbarorum rapinis et incursionibus vexata, tan- dem sub Opt. Max. Julio Pontifice quern vere nobis Secundum pnesciverat, interspiraret, defessasque vires et accisas reficeret. Sunt etiain qui nostra e Civitate majores luos ori- ginem traxisse opinentur : adeo quod uni ingeniorum Principi Homero contigit, tot te sibi urbes vendicare, quamquam ut de illo Antipater, ita propter summas et incredibiles animi et corporis dotes de te pnedicare non erubescamus, Patriam tibi esse caelum. Nam nee aliunde te tot infractum bellis venisse, tot indefessum caedibus, tot Belgarum insidiis, cedere ac vinci nescium, tot periculis domi forisque eircumventum, tot inexliaustuni sumptibus, tot sceleratas hiemes, tot aestus, tot vigilias, tot labores passimi hoc aetatis Prln- cipem arbitrari convenit. Propterea est quaxlam privata nobis Parmensibus tus immor- talis glorisE voluptas, ceteras Italias immo orbi non communis et propria gratulatio, quae co- gltari facilius potest quam cxprimi, vel si maxime possit, in aliud rejicienda est tempus. Nunc dedit sese tibi Beatissime Juli Pontifex Optime Maxime tua Julia Parma ; id liben- ter prolixeque facit ; sanctissimis advoluta pedibus dedit Civium animos, et Incolarum voti demum compotes tam fidos et obsequentes, quam par est, summo rerum humanarum divinarumque Principi devotos subditos. Et nos Oratores Juliam Parmam armis, litteris, religione insignem, soli fertilitate beatam, Procerum frequentia illustrem, cxU temperie salubrem, animi magnitudine excelsam, vere Romanam, Sacrosanctae Romans Ecclesiae jure hereditario diu debitam, atque a tuis pi'xdecessoribus jam possessam ut publicis ha- betur documenlis, hactenus per Tyrannos, et j)ra;sertim Gallos vi occupatam, et illegitime detentam, tibr- Julio Optimo Maximo Pontifici, vero Christ! Vicario, legitimo Petri suc- cessori, Sedique Apostolicse, potius restituimus quam damns, inviolabile juramentum fi- delitatis et omagii qua valemus reverentia laeti et exultantes prasstare parati. Tu vero Juli Pontifex Optime Maxime ita nos suscipe, ita habe, tueareque (ut optimiun Principem de- cet) ita amplectere, protege, et fove, ut intelligamus Dei te munere, cui tua summa vir-' tus et pietas cordi semper fuit, nobis et toti fidelium gregi optimum parentem contigisse. Vos vero caelites omnes, Tuque Deus maxime dator innocentise, qui tibi Principes, quorum subditione omnes degunt homines, curae esse voluisti Beatissimum Julium Pontificem op- — timura 27 (imum Maximum non solum Juliae Parmae, verum etiam totius Italia; libertatis dcfensorem, sospitem ac voti compotem diu servate et incolumem. Dixi. Silva Francisci Marii Grapaldi, in deditione Parma, S. Julio IT. Pont. Max. Julio II. Poiif. Max. Italice Liberatori. Gloria Pqntificum, Salve, Rex maxime reguni, Atque pater patrias, Juli, tutela, decusque Justitiae, tu Martis honor, cum bella moventi Obstas, et merito vim vi propellis ; ad unum Ausonias cessere Duces ; tua signa superbus Contremuit Callus, vinci modo nescius uUi, Ut canis Eg)'pti sitiens cum potat ad amnem. Fatale est Julii quando tibi Gallia nomen. Quo schisma ? aut quo conciliabiJa pluria ? Dine Hasc agitant : nebulas in dolia condere vanum est. In stimulum quisquam non calcitret : optima vitas Sors est, sorte sua contentum vivere : te unum, Te Italias gentes cupiunt, venerantur, adorant, Expertae quam sit durum servire Tyrannis : Te duce, barbarici rabiem contemnimus liostis. Te duce, quid paveant populi ? cui militat sether, Stat Deus astemo cui foedere : maxime Juli, Soter ades cunctis : sic nos te fronte serena Accipimus : meritosque tibi prasstamus honores, Atque fidem, natos, nos, nostra, addicimus uni : Pro te equidem prompti quKcumque extrema subire. Auguror et vinces : sun; in te nulla cupido Auri nulla sitis : mens est, atque unica cura Stat patrise, numerosa cohors de gente feroci Assueta et bello ; nervi sunt rebus agendis, Invictusque animus, rerum experientia. Caeptis Insiste : (haud dubita) dabitur mox omne quod optas. jEmilias e primis sub te coiere quot urbes? Ecclesise et Juli sunt dulcia nomina, dulce Regnum, sub dulci populi ditione perennent : Te Regem, dominum volumus, dulcissime Juli : Templa Deis, leges populis, das ocia ferro : Es Cato, Pouipilius, Cesar, sic Cesare major, Sit qualis quantusque velit : civilia bella Suscitat hie, reprimis placidus tu, mitis, et idem Tu gravis, et nuUi est melior facundia ; solus Tu Xerxem superas sumptus splendore togatum, D 2 Delitium 28 Delicium huniani generis, spcs uiiica noalri : IS . LA> I. iEtatcm robur supra est, in pectore robur, In cunctis robur ; roburquc insignia ; victus Robur erat priscis ; lioraines de robore nati : Per te vita, salus, per te sunt cuncta renata, Dasque novam facicm Latio : Uberrima per te Et nova iibertas, muliis non cognita ab annis : Gens Itala id debet tibi libera Roma Camillo - Olim quod debet : terra hiiic mare, sydcra et urbes, Letitia acclamant : scd Parma ex omnibus una Lastior, atque tuiun praesens modo numcn adorat : Julia Panna tua est merito, quae Julia Julii Noraen habet, sed re nunc est nunc Julia Parma : Parma tibi sese commendat, Parma precatur Suppliciter, populuni addictum tibi, maxime Juli, Excipe, et exhaustis libeat succurrere rebus : Felicera praestent sedem tibi numina, voiis Aspirent eadem, nee sit qutjd gaudia tollat, Nestorearaque siniul fauste egrediare seiieclani. Faliciter. Beatissime Pater: cum me Patria a secretis comitera oratoribus in verba S. T. jura- turis dedisset, visum est hec pauca scribere in ejus laudem, quje et illi rccitavi, et nunc (ut jusserat) mitto, non quod docta elegantiaquc sint et digna tanto numinc : sed quod fidei et devotionis unde prodierant referta sunt : Tuae S. erit anirauni expcndcre, non carmina : valeat diu felicissimeque S. T. cui me humiliter commendo. HumiUimus Servulus, Fbanciscus Mar. Grapaldus. Pathie>}. NO. LXVII. (To?, ii. p. U8.^ Ex. origin, iji Archiv. Rcip. Florent. Reverendiss. Domino Joanni Medices Dei gratia Cardinali, ac Legato de Latere, Domino ohserTantissiino. F/orentice. DUM aninii lastus sum, corporis .luttm iufirmi, jam dicere possum, satis me vixisse NO. LXVII. arbitror. O quantum gaudium, o quantum refrigerium meum corpus febrizans sensit, dum ilia serena facies in patriam restituta fuit. Donum Dei. Perveni unice Reverendiss. Uominc quo tendebam, et audebo familiarius loqui ; nuniquamopes, ncque dignitates optavi, nisi 29 nisi introitum ilium tarn felicem, tamque prosperum. Si vera loquor, Dens protector testis sit, et vita mea, hue semper omnes curas, omncs vigilias meas verti. Dicam illud Plutarchi ad Troianum Principem, virtuti vestras gratulor, et fortunae meas. Hoc mihi so- latium non mediocre peperit, quod ilia relegatio injusta, dulcis, et praedilecta in Rem- publicam facta sit, in qua Pater divus, pater patrise Avus, Proavus tam justi, tam pii, et liberales in earn fuerunt. O veri Liberatores, protectores, auctores, divites opum, et pre- divites ingenii, ut scriptum erat : gloria, et divitiae in eorum domibus. Ita senuerunt longa serie. Quid plura ? Nunc nihil habeo, nisi Deum immortalem precari, ut deside- rium, et sensum Reverendiss. D. vestrae ad ultimum vitae finem mihi proferre liceat. Pro- inde quid animi restat, ut compos votorum meorum ad plenum sim. Solum nianus sanc- tas dilectas osculem Deo favente, et Arcangelo omnium Angelorum principe. Cupio cum Reverendiss. D. vestro bene vivere, et ad ultimum in setate longeva mori, et in Republica feliciter valere. Valeat R. D. V. in eo, qui omnia regit, et gubernat, et Servi fidelis mcmor. Pridie calend. Septembris M. D. xii. Reverendiss. Dom. Vr. Servitor, Michael Ancelus, de Antiguardis. Ar. Sancta Rcparatit de Castrocaro. NO. LXVII. lo credo unice Reverendiss. Domine provedcre qiiella d' uno, o dua sparviere nidace et deuno terzoUo d' uno pare di cani liprieri, et di dua fanelli. Et quando, quod Deus avertat bisognassi di cento amici palischi tutti son per fargli andare, dove quella designara et el corpo exporre cum le faculta. Come son veramente obligatissimo, pregando V. R. S. me riserbi un loco apresso a quella, come antique et fidele servo, et familiarc, et dove oc- currera andare in omnibus locis usque ad inferos. NO. LXVIII. (Vol. ii. p. \36.) Carm. illusir. Poet. Ital. vol. iv. p. 357. Joan, Anton, Flaminii. Ad Julium II. Pont. Max. MAXIME ccelicolum cultor : quo prasside majus Nil videt, ^ut teriEe clarius urbis habet; Quem divum genitor Romana in sede locavit, Et simimuni in terrls jussit habere locum ; Res gravis est, cui te moderantem cuncta necesse est Consulere, ac totis vidbus esse ducem. Cura tibi, et generis late commissa potestas Humani, quod te numuiis iustar habet, xo.Lxvm. Ut 30 N0.1.XV1II. Ut spcriicnda tibi non sit pater optimc nostri Tutela, aut tantisdesliliiincla inalis. Aspice, quo rerum nostraium siimnia redacta est, Et patrium, cujus vix manet umbra, decus. Terra potcus opibus, populisque, et fortibus artnis, Magnonmique altrix tam numerosa diicum, Qu3edomitrix rerum, cui terra: paruit orbis, Gentibus exjjosita est, servitiumque timet. Quanta sit lia?c Latia: subeunda injuria gcnti, Ouam lixdura patrix dedecus, ipse vides. Cura tibi, scimus, debetur publica rerum, Teque patrera populis omnibus esse dccet. Hoc tamen ante alias pars haec pukherrima rerum Poscit, et imprimis digna favore tuo est. Hie vetus imperii locus est : Iiinc clara propago PontiKcum : hie rebus gloria parta tuis. Haec patria, Iiaec sedes simul est tibi, qua regis orbem, Et caput in populis hie quoque Roma tua est. Millc alias possim causas memorare ; sed iis tu Non egeas ; nee te me reticente latent. Serviet ergo, quibus dominata est Romula tellus ? Itala, tam turpi terra premere jugo? O patria ! O Divum sedes I certissima custos Imperii, et terris omnibus ante pavor' Sic ne igitur vilis, sic tu contcrapta jacebis? Non arma arripient? Non feret ullus opem? O pater, et tantse tu, Romule, conditor urbis ; O decus antiquum, . bellipotensque genus I Si vobis, si sensus inest, si gloria tangit, Famaque sub Stygia's pertulit ista domos, Non facinus tetrum, stirpisque infamia vestrs, Non acris animas ira, pudorque movent ? Quo nunc Italiae, quo belli gloria cessit? Et vetus armoruni railltia:quc decus? In tenebras abiit majorum lumen, et ingens Gloria, quje toto splenduit orbe, perit. Brute, tuum hie noraen, tibi cruris gloria, Codes, Fit minor : et dextras, Scsevola, languet opus. Aule, lacus tibi nunc decreseit fama Regilli ; Nostra ilerum Senones signa, Camille, petunt. Magna parens, tellus altrix fecunda virorum ; Tam sterilis foetu, tam sine honore jaces ? Nullus erit Cossus ? non Manlius ? Impia nullum Cursorem tali tempore bella dabunt ? Non 31 Non quisquam summis eludet montibus hostem '? Nee spes in Deciis uUa salutis erit ? NO. LXVIII, Spes igitur rebus jam fessis luia ; suos quem Non decet in tantis deseruisse tnalis. Aspice nos placido, Latii pater optime, vultu ; Et mala mox oculis mitibus ista vide. Inspice : tam gravia haec, tam mox horrenda videbis Ut mens inspectis non queat ilia pati. Pestis atrox saevit ; morbi contagia crescunt : Et mala praeteritis asperiora ferunt. Sic ubi conceptum est membris lethale venenum, Inficit, ac sensim spargitur atra lues. Hie agitur rerum da summa, deque salute Certamen durum est totius Ausoniae. Si male res cedunt, libertas interit ; et res Hsec stragem nobis, servitiumque parit. Hue demum traeta est Italae sors ultima gentis : Nostraque tam dubio, vitaque, morsque loco est. Quod si nos, tanti fortuna inimica duelli, Cogat Santonico subdere coUa jugo. Quid tibi mentis erit ? Quo te nunc vertere possis ? Quid tutum credas rebus inesse tuis ? Quid Latium de te, quid regna externa loquentur ? Quis rumor cunctis partibus orbis erit 1 Exeat haec igitur ? tam turpis fama vagetur ? Hane ferat in populis Ausonis ora notam? Insultare aliquis, vel dicere possit, Julo Pontifice, Italiam barbara jura pati ? O natum vere tunc infelicibus astris, In patria qui sic vivere possit liumo ! Tu potes in tanto rerum discrimine solus Optatam populis ferre salutis opem : • .- Et potes, et debes rebus succurrere lapsis, Ne Latium casu mox graviore cadat. Viribus ipse vales propriis, quas ampla ministrat, Et magis Qinotrii pars metuenda soli. Tot tibi nunc parent urbes, tua jura sequuntur Tot populi, ut possis omnibus esse metus. Adde tot insignes equitum peditumque eatervas ; Tot simul egregios ad tua signa duces. Flos Italae, virtusque tibi delecta juventse Militat : in castris haec habet arma tuis. Quot confecta tibi jam tali bella fuerunt Milite ? quot tali -parta tropaea manu ? Irrita S2 NO.LXVIII. Irriia cesserunt tibi numquam coepta : ncc vWx Conatus vires impediere tuos. Majestas tibi tanta dchinc, tu tantus in ista Sede nites : iini sic tibi posse datum est ; Totus ut a nutu tcrraruni pendeat orbis Ipse tuo, Christ! qua patet orbc fides. Cui solium Petri sic scaudcre contigit nmquam ? Cui numquam mersas sic dare vela rati ? Dux opus est acris populos qui cogat in unum : Qtii male Concordes jungal ad arma manus, Sed nemo est, tibi quem conferri posse putemus •, Aut melius, quam tu, qui ferat ullus opcm, Fac tantum norint Itali te velle, coibunt, Et novus in cunctis protinus ardor erit. Qui Senones nostris? quis miles Santonus armis? Bclgica quseve Italis sint satis arma tuis? Ausonio quoties jam miiite Gallia victa est? Quot saevis poenas cladibus ilia dcdit? Nulla fuit, simili quae non invascrit olim Eventu Latias gens inimica domos. Quid genus jEacidum, quos patnun bellica virtus Compulit a nostris finibus ire procul, Aut tibi Paenorum referam nuraerosa potentum Agmina ? quid Cimbros, Teutonicamque manum 9 Aut Herulos mcmorera perfuses sanguine nostro? Aut Hunnas acics ; semiferumque Gcten ? Non desunt vires, mode non Concordia desit, Atque habeat, qualem res petit ista, ducem. Hkc tua sunt igitur : te solum haec coepta reposcunt : Auspiciis sunt haec bella gerenda tuis. Magna quidem est, verum provincia grandibus ausis Convenit, et curam postuiat ista tuam. Ingentes animos ingentia facta sequuntur : Nee tenues curas mens generosa capit. Tradita praeeipue gentis tutela Latiiiae Est tibi ; et ad partes it prior ista tuas. Quod licet (et poscunt nunc summa pericla) rogamus, Tula sit ut tanto praeside nostra salus. Sit defensus honor, libertas pubiica, per te ; Pristina sit Latio te duce parta quies. Barbariem banc magnis expertus saepe periclis, Dum licet, Ausonio pellere Marte para. Non tu tutus eris, uon cani liiuina Petri, Ni properes, tiilus non locus ullus erit. Saepe 55 Sipe nocet gravibus morbis cessasse mcdentem : Ssepeque dilatam cura repellit opera. • NO.LXVIII. In te oculos, in te verterunt ora Latini, Hoc sperant urbes, suppliciterque petunt. Adde ingens decus hoc titulis, qiios inclita virtus, Coelestisque favor tot peperere tibi. Nam quamquam in populis tua tantura gloria crevit, Ut facile augeri non queat ilia niagis ; Tot tamen ex factis, nullum praestantiils, et quod Te magis insignem reddere possit, erit. Fama haec Auroras croceos properabit ad ortue ; Ad loca, quae Phoebo deficiente tepent. Fama haec Ismariam Rhodopen transibit, et Haemui^, Et populos medio quos videt axe dies. Italia est, quam tu tutandam sumis, et in qua Est tua cum nostra Marte tuenda salus. NO. LXIX. CVol. ii. p. 166.J Camt. iUustr. Poet. ltd. torn. vii. p. 172. J0AKN15 Francisci Philomusi novocomensis. Sylva, et Exultatio in Creafione Pont. Max. Leonis Decimi. (JUID sibi tot plausus? quid tanta tonitrua poscunt? Quid poscunt celeres ad sacra palatia cursus ? No . LXIX. Fallor, an insonuit Medices mihi Nomen ? et ilia Vox tam grata homini, quam non ingrata Tonanti Ccelitus emicuit tenues delapsa per auras ; O festam, sanctamque diem I o sufFragia sancta ! Candidiora nive, electro mage pura nitenti, Quas Deus omnipotens caelo demisit ab alto Parcarum signata manu : quae lacteus orbis Excepit, fovitque sinu, quibus atra recedant Flagitia, et Fidei jam longa oblivia sanctas. Quis bella, et casdes, et proelia dira facessant Quis bona mens, pax alma, pudor, probitasque, fidesque, Et sancti redeant mores, et praemia morum. Sed quae turba sequens urget? quas turba sequentem VOL, II. F ,, 34 Me prior exculcat sancta Iiaec suffragia cantu N . LXIX. Intctnpestivo celebrantem ? En templa saccrdos Maxiraus ingreditur, populiquc Patruraque coroiiS Stipatus. Salve o Numen sanctumque, piumque. Noctem oculis, noctem mcnti, noctcm excute sacris Carrainibus, pectusquc pio milii robore firma. Nam quid inops aiiimi pavor hie per genua per artus? Nam quid ad ima redit singultim spiritus et vox? En sujjplex procumbo, en genua pedesque beatos Amplector, jam se facies augustior oHert Supra hominem, captumque hominis, jam toUor in auras Supra liominem, captumque hominis, jam Numen amicum Experior ; sacri video penetralia cordis, Magnanimamque fidem, cujus cervicibus altis Humanumque genus, magnusque innititur orbis. Salve Magne Parens homiuum, cui summa potestas, Summus honos triplici frontem Diademate cingit, Unde sacri flexo certatim poplite Reges Imperii pia jura petunt, et fascibus ultro Summissis adeunt, et sanctum Numen adorant, Cujus ab excelso pendet vitaeque, necisque Judiciimi nutu, cujus de luce suprema Celsum iter ad suramum nobis aperitur Olympum, Quemque Deus dedit esse Deum mortalibus ajgris, Cujus in augusto divina^ culraine Petrae Fundamenta pise Fidei certissima jecit. Sed quibus banc titulis, quibus banc virtutibus arcem Te meruisse canam ? circumstant agmine longo Centenique patent aditus. Tu siste parumper, Magne Leo, mentem tantarum in limine laudiun. Neve precor tibi me claris Natahbus offer -, Neve offer patriae Florentis amabile nomen. Dum majora cano, dum non vacat ire per oimies Herois magni titulos. Insigne Parentum Nomen avis, abavis, atavis, praefulserit ; at qui Non ita prasfulsit, ne major ab indole lampas Fulserit usque tua. Patria est illustris, at illam Illustrant Medices mage, quam illustrentur ab ilia, lUustrant velut astra tamen, velut aethra serena Nocte micat. Medio tu sol clarissimus orbe Largiris patris insigni lucemque, caloremque, Ut vivat Duce te, aetemos et fioreat armos. Nee generosa pii referam cunabula partus, Maternosve 35 Matemosve sinus, teneris ut creverit annis Et pudor, et probitas, castseque modestia mentis, ^ • LXIX. Semper et innocui sine labe, et crimine mores. Ingrediare meos mihi longe augustior orsus Puniceo cinctus caput hoc illustre Galero. Praetextae nondum, ac bullae tua cesserat aetas, Cum supra aetatem sapere, et profectibus annos Vincere te magni vidit pia cura Parentis ; Atque ait : haec nobis domus est satis ampla, sed uni Est angusta tibi. Magnae te mcEnia Romae Accipiant, bona mens cui tantum indulsit, et alti Doctrinarum haustus. I fili, grande Parentum Grande decus Patrise, melioribus utere fatis, Et fortuna domus et gratia poscit honestse, Et tua relligio, mea ne sinat irrita vota. Indole macte tua : niira indulgentia summi Pontificis vicit pia vota, precesque parentum. Et subito sublunis apex tibi vertice sedit. Turn vero qualem te publica munia, qualem Te privata domus vidit ? quo tempore mores Prfficipites labi ccepere, et recta relinqui Officia, et metis longe post terga relictis Roma potens sceleri totas effudit habenas ; Unus eras nulla conspersus labe veneni, Non secus ac Psyllus Libyae sitientibus arvis Cui dirum afflatum posuit, cui sibila serpens Non oculis, non dente minax, non verbere sa2vus. Insidiae, et fraudes tota dominantur in Urbe. Terror, et ira nocens, et nullis tetra libido Nominibus parcens, nuili non conscia culpas, Ungue minax unco, piceataque dextera torvis Anguibus, et rigido miscebat proelia ferro. Hie nigris volitans alis instabat Erinnys Tartareas accensa faces, et Pj-xidis usu Terrificae succincta sinus, geminoque cruentani Letho armata manum, coedes, ac bella ciebat. Inter tot rerum discrimina solus ab alti Libertate animi pendens, sanctasque recessu Mentis, eras vultu intrepido, Fidei asgide tecttiSj Et cupiens animam pro rcliigione pacisci. Turn quoties trepido vexata est Roma tumultu, Ortaque seditio diris immiscuit armis Oimiia, te circum placidas longa otia Pacis, Te £ 2 36 NO . LXIX. Tc circumstetit alta quies ; injusta tiiormn Vidisti exilia, illacrimans iion damna tuorum, Danina tua; patriae magis, ct miserabile fatum, Ingratosque aninios vano te nomine, vano Judif io t'xtorrem vocitantcs, curu tua virtus, Cum tua te Pietas procul asseruisset ab omni Fortunas imperio. Patriae tibi limes ab ortu Solis ad occasum longe lateque patebat. Exul erat patria ilia nocens, oblita Parentes, Teque, domunique tuam insignem, et bencfacta Parentum. At simul ac Patria est tibi reddita, reddidit ilia Se sibi ; quaeque prius stricto pendebat ab ense Gallonmi, haec eadein pietatis tecta paternae Nunc clypeo, aternos tecum ilorebit in annos. Hie diversa subit rerum fortuna tuarum, Quanta^ue in adversis fuerit tua cognita virtus, Qui modo Flaminiae fueras legatus, et armis Hispanis male dcfensus sub Gallica jura Jam legatus eras. Captivum diccre nemo Audeat, infensis qui te jus reddere Gallis Viderit, expressasque preces expressaque vota. Procubuisse tibi amplexos tua genua, pedesque, Supplice voce sui veniam petiisse furoris. Sic victor victoris eras, et ab hoste triumphum Victore extor0- Interpres nialus occurrat, qui singula prave LXXXVIII. Invertat, veluti quKdani modo fabula vates Subsannat, Pater ajme, tuas &: veilicat aures. Nam quoties tibi quicquam, animum quod leniat segrum Porrigiraus, curis et blandimenta paramus, Ecce, ajunt, vere nunc Simia vana Leonera Exagitat, videii' ut turba iraportuna poets 1 Quamprimum nostra illuxit Leo Maximus oibi, Hunc misere afliigunt quocumque in limine, nunc in Porticibus, nunc in lecto, et penetralibus irais, In specula, in luco citriorum, altoque recessu. Sive is res duras, et magna negotia versat, Et quae omnes nunc invadunt incendia terras, Sive cibum capit, aut superante labore quietem, Fortior ut rebus se mox accingat agendis. Instant hi tamen ; inque meras avertere nugas Tantum hominem, tantis vexatum pectora curis Pergunt ; ulla unquam ne sit spirarc potestas ; Denique sic petulans generoso infensa Leoni Simia ; quae natibus, caudaeque, et clunibus hujus (Tantum animi est parvis) adfixa procacibus ausis Hoc tam magnum animal vexatque, agitatquc, neque ullatn Esse moram patitur, musca importunior apta. Ilia feros vitare ungues, et dentis acumen, Lubrica dum fidit saltu, levibusque lacertis, Deque sue aBectat sibi tot ludibria rege ; Ergo odere tui sic nos, Pater optime, sed tu Quid facias? vis esse Leo? patiare Lconis Jura, neque liKC temere confingi nomina credasj Quae Deus, aut sapiens Natura animantibus ipsis Indidit, et taciturn admonuit latitare vigorem. Scilicet est curae nobis, quse pectore in imo Consilia assidue volvas, ut ponere tandem Cladibus Europas finemquc raodumque mentis Possi^r, Possis, inque Scythas strictuin convertere ferrum. Immo hasc, atque alia, atque etiam his majora poetaa Concipiunt, neque enim frustra Deus ingruit illis. Sed ne forte adeo, assimulet quod Simla vatem, Ridiculum esse putes, natura hasc compare constant. Nonne vides, rebus non bruta ut mente gerendis Simla se, et nostris adcommodat artibus, utque Humanos ritusque modosque imitatur et ori ? Denique ut est nostro similis digitisque, volaque, Nempe etiam humanos pro re, pro tempore, mores Qua de cunque velis vitas ratione, poeta Exprimit, atque omncm dictis accommodat artem ; Fit Proteus, fit Vertumnus : nunc fingit Julum Acrem animi, indomitumque malis fera bella moventem, Seu Venetos, seu Felsineos domitare pararet, Sive Pado dare jura suo ; seu vertere bellum Trans Alpes, Italoque solo donare quietem. Nunc te cum patribus dudum, sanctoque Senatu, Pacandis xnundi rebus diversa petentem More Numas, indigeris post aspera bella Quirini Consukre in medium, quo possint foedere tandem Jungi Gallica castra, Caledonlasque phalanges ; Unde animos ponat Caesar ; Venetl unde quiescant ; Unde modus pradis, et tantis caedibus ; unde Spes Italis. Regemve suura, aut sua jura tueri, Barbaricasque olLm collo abrupisse catenas. Demum horum est vates, ut ludicra Simia, niimus. Hjec eadem, si vera canunt, venerabile quondam Signum habitum in templis. Nilique per oppida sanctum. Nam docilis calamos ductare, et volvere chartas Rite admissa sacris, delubri in parte locata Damnavit populos votis, precibusque benigne Favlt, et vEgyptum omnem in relligione, pari turn Islde, cumque Oro vel Osiride detinuisse Fertur, et oblatis ditasse altaria donis ; Seu Caniceps manibus coelo sublimibus, ortum Laudarct Lunas, posita seu sede sederet, Slve cava latices cauda instillaret, et horas Funderet, et pisces aversa fronte caveret. Sic olira vates, qua totus panditur orbis Ambitus, a populis, a gentibus omnibus uno Sanctl habiti, dictique sono ; hinc oracula, leges, Hinc modus, atque tenor vivcndl mentibus hassit; 79 NO. LXXXVIIL Sive 80 «To Sive error, sive improbitas mortalia oordi LXXXVIII ^^ sordeni, in fraudein vano illectaret amore. At postquani e terrisjiis, fasque, piumque recessit, Subrcpsere doli, visque omnia veitit, et ille Clarior est, qui plura potest ; tiinuere poetse Liberius taxare malos : qui, prob pudor, aureis Carminibus turpes mores laudure coacti. Nil sincere animo, ingenua nil mente lociiti ; Tcraporibiis se subjccere ; ut Polypus omnes Attrahit a scopulis animo trepidante colores. Suntquc ita Simiolas imitati, ut ludere numquam Desicrint, risusque liinc, tt jocus esse tyrannis; Qui sanctos vates, vitas, morumque bonorum Auctores, tandem sic elusere protervi, Ut tanquam Satyri teiga hispida fune revincti Pro foribus, pro vestibulis, altisque fenestris, Ostentarentur populo in risum, inque cachinnos. At patriae queis cura suprema diu obtigit oninis, Non ita inhumani Mcdices, qui in sorte secunda Virtutum omne genus sic erexerc benignis Auxiliis, opibusque, ut quidquid ubique nitoris Cecropii, Latiique forct, Florcntia totum Ad sese traheret, doctasque referret Athenas. Invidit Fortuna bonis ; ac ne foret ullus. Qui ingenia auderet, sanctasque fovere Camoenas, Attritis gravitcr rebus vos expulit urbe : Ncc tamen evaluit nitens pervincere tantum, Ut non vestra domus doctisque probisque pateret Semper, opem(iue libens miseris afTerret aniicis. Nunc vero quum tu Fortunam eviceris omnem, Mortalem supra sorteni ; qui Hectere habenas Terrarum coelum usque potes, precor ilia voluntas Quae cupienti olim fuerat, sit certa petenti ; Nam sine te (ut Sphyngis repetatur fabula nostras) Aonidnra chorus est tanquam sine lumine Solis Luna; sub imperio cujus vaga Simla vivit. Nam cava si fuerit, si nullo candicet igne, Simla languescit pariter, clangensque per omnes Duodecies horas urinam sanguinis edit, Inde suo fit Sole potens, lucemquc remittit, Qua Sol parte ferit tantum, et sine Apolline vates Obscuri vitam in tenebris sine nomine ducunt. Sol, Leo ; ut iCgypti sapientia monstrat ab alto lUe 81 Ille micaiis, terns felicia cuncta ministrat : Unde hominum genus, alituum pecudumque vigescunt, * Et pisces, tanta est virtus, vis tanta Leonis. LAA.A\ III. Quid memorem laticum laetissima munera? Nilum Undautem, et late spatiosa per arva refusum, Fertilibus glebis Ceiealia dona ferentem. jEgyptum hisce bonis Leo raunerat, unda Leonis Ore fluit, fontesque tubique ex ore Leonis. At rores, pluviaeque olim, et liquor omnis Olympo Deciduus, signum doctrinas efRngitur, ilia Nulla erit absque opibus : veteres hinc sculpere cribrum Commenti, et frugcs prius ostentare paratas, Quam tu unquam Musas, et honesta negotia tractes. Quando igitur Leo Magnanimus tanto omine terris Affiilges plenoque exundat Copia cornu. Nunc age Cercolypes, et sacros Cercopithccos, Quos Liber, Albiolusque et Sepia monstrat alendos, Legitimis admitte sacris, si vivere Musaj Te nascente, patris Laurenti munere quondam Ceperunt, casusque tuos, tua damna per, omne Exilium tulerunt, si tecum, O denique fatis In melius versis, redivivo lumiue quae sunt Tecum ortae, tecum vigeant, felicia tecum Otia, et optatum teneant, Pater optime, portuin. N». LXXXIX. (Vol. ii. p. 234 J Mariiii, Lettera sopra il Rtioh de' Prqfessori dell' Archiginnasio Romano. OUOD bonum faustum felixque sit Leoni X. Pontifici Maximo, Sanctse Romans Eccle- No sias Patribus, Populoque Romano, Dei Optimi Maximi, Beataj Marias Virginis S; Apos- tolorum Petri Sc Pauli auspitiis. Pater amplissimus Rapkael Episcopus Ostiensis Sancta: Romanae EcclesiK Came- rarius, Dominicus Jacobatius Episcopus Lucerinus, Sanctissinii Domini nostri Papae in alma Urbe Vicarius Generalis, Gymnasii Romani Rector, Antonius Zoccolini, Ma- rius Octaviangeli, Antonius Draco, 8c Gabriel de Minutulis cjusdem Gymnasii Refor- matores. Cum litterae omnium fundamenta sint virtutuni, illisque tenerae nientcs excultje omnia deinceps offitia facile exequantur, Pontificis Maximi liberalitate, studioque tv"^ lit- voL. II. L teras 82 tcras invitati, ex ejus auctorltate, decretoque bonarum artiuni, disciplinarumque omnium tam humanaruin, quam divinarum in praesentem annum a Christi natali 1514-, a Pontifi- I XXXIX catu Leonis X. sccundo, Professoruni nomina proponuntur, quorum industria txciteutur ingenia, erudiaiitur mentes, doctrinas atque eloqueiitiK studia (iorcant, viitutumque omnium honestissima exercitatio instituatur, Prof'essores ergo, qui inscripti sunt, tertio nonas No- vcmbris negotium susci|)iant, mcminerintque quantum illis oneris sit inipositum, labore industriaque enitantur ut tali honore, majoiequc in dies priemio digni judicentur. Sciant non lilterarum solum, sed morum optimonim, virtutumque Magistros se constitutes, nihil a Christiana Religione alieniun doceant. Libertatem ecclesiasticam, auctoritatemque Pontillcis Maximi, et Sanctas Romanje Ecclesias tutentur, commissumquc sibi munus exequantur, neque alium quemvis suum in locum substituant. Statutis diebus, si per la- letudincm licuerit, legant, legisse Discipuli lidera faciant, si negotium sit, nonnisi potestate per Rcctorem facta, munus omittant, secus si fecerint Floren. XX. quotiens cessarint mulc- tentur. Procter liceat nemini. In Theologia de mane. Flor. 150. Magister Johannes Ord. S. Aug. De sero. Flor. 150. Magister Nicolaus de Ltina. Diebus Testis, de mane. Flor. 50. Magister Ciprianus Bcneto. De sero. Flor, 200. Magister Ant In jure canonico, de mane. Flor. 250. Dominus Michael Angelus de Pisis. Flor. 200. Dominus Julius de Stephanutiis. De sero. Flor. 230. Dominus Sebastianus de Phedericis. Flor. 200. Dominus Zaccharias. Ad Lecturam Decreti. Flor. 130. Dominus Jo. Antonius de Nobilibus. Flor. 80. Dominus Jo. Baptista Vicentinus. Ad extraordinariam diebus Testis. Flor. 100. Dominus Franciscus Castellanus. F"lor. 100. Dominus Jacobus de Phara. Ad Lecturam Sexti. Flor. 100. Dominus Antonius de Leonibus. Flor. 100. Dominus Clemens de Cesis. Ad Lecturam Clementinarum. Flor. 100. Dominus Philippus Onessus. In jure civili, de mane. Flor. 250. Dominus de Sancta Cruce. Flor. 200, Dominus Lanccloctus de Senis. Flor. Flor, 80. Flor. 60. Flor. 150, Flor. 80. Flor. 70. Flor. 50. 83 Flor, 120. Dominus Tiberius Manellus. De sero. No. Ducat, a. a. 300 LXXXIX. Flor. 150 Flor. 100. Dominus de Sanguineis. Ad extraordiiiariam, de mane, Flor. 100, Dominus Michael Conradus de Tuderto. De sero. Dominus Petrus Paulus de Parisis de Cusentia, Dominus Petrus Sabinus. Ad extraordinariam diebus festis, de mane. Dominus Marius Salomonius. Dominus Julius Cesar, De sero. Dominus S. . . . . de Aretio. 50. Dominus Silvester S. , , Politianus. Ad lecturam Institutionum, Flor. 200. Dominus Pirrho Senen. Flor. 100. Dominus Jubentius. Flor, 100. Dominus Archangelus de Patritiis. Diebus festis, de mane. Flor. 70. Dominus Sigismundus Dondolus. Flor. 70. Dominus Lucas de Perleonibus. De sero. Flor. 70. Dominus Evangelista de Goris, Flor. 50. Dominus Jacobus Carpinus de Firmo. In Medicina theor. de mane. Flor, 530. Magister Archangelus de Senis. Flor. 100. Magister Bonifatius. Flor. 230. Magister Johannes de Macerata. Flor. 150. Magister Severinus de Spoleto, De sero. Due. aur. a. 300. Magister Cristoforus, Flor. 500. Magister Scipio de Lancelloctis. Flor. 230. Magister Alexander de Spinosis. Flor. 200. Magister Marius Scapucius. Diebus festis, de mane. Flor. 250. Magister Jo. Angelus dc Victoriis, De sero, Flor. 70. Magister Jacobus de Praspositis, Flor. 60. Magister R lo de Fabriano. Ad Lecturam Praticas, de mane. L 2 Flor. 84 NO. LXXXIX. Flor. 250. Magistcr Nicolaus de Doxio. Flor. 230. Magister Jo. Baptista de Verallis. De sero. Flor. 400. Magister Bartholomeus de Pisis. Flor. 150. Magister Joannes de Phara. In Metapliisica. Flor. 150. Magister Aug. p de Ve .... Flor. 100. Magister Michael Angclus de Sanctis. Ad Lecturam ordinariam Philosophiaj, Due. a. a. 300. Magister Augustinus de Sessa. Due. similes 200. Magister Johan. de Montes de hoc. Flor. 100. Magister Petr. Nicolaus Cillenius. Ad extraordinariam. Flor. 130. Magister Bernardinus de Radicibus. Flor. 130. Magister Sebastianus de Veteranis. In Philosophia inorali. Flor Magister Damianus Flor. 130. Magistcr Paulus Jovius. In Logica. Flor. 80. Mzgister Jordantts.de Scandrilia, Flor. 100. Magister Cesar Mantllus. Dicbus festis. Flor. 6'0. Magister Cinilius Campallus de Spoleto. Flor. 60. Magister Valerianus. In Astrologia. Flor. 100. Magister Petrus de Aretio, In Mathematica. Flor. ICO. Magister Lucas de Burgo Ord. Minor. Flor. 70. Magister Antonius de Firmo. In Rhetorica de mane. Flor. 300. Dominus Thomas Phedrus. Flor. 250. Dominus Philippus Beroaldus. Flor. 250. Dominus Jo. Baptista Pius. Flor. 250. Dominus Raphael Lippus. Flor. 250. Dominus Julianus de Camerino. Flor. 250. Dominus Antonius Amiterninus. De sero. Flor. 250. Dominus Baptista de Casalibus. Ducat. 200. Dominus Janus Parrasius. Flor. 180. Dominus Callus. Flor. 120. Dominus Vincentius Pimpinellus. Flor. 150. Dominus Decius Sillanus. Diebus SB Diebus festis, de mane. Flor. 150. Dominus Camillus Fortius. ^^' Flor. 130. Dominus Joannes Darius Novarien. LXXXIX. Flor. 130. Dominus Donatus. De sero. Flor. 50. Dominus Michael de Fulgineo. Flor. 70. Dominus Desiderius Sabinus. Flor. 50. Dominus Jo. Julius Siculus. Flor. 6o. Dominus Leonardus Mantuanus. In Grasco, de mane. Flor. 300. Dominus Augustus. De sero. Flor. 300. Dominus Basilius. Diebus festis. Flor. 300. Dominus Varinus. Ad declarationem Simplicium Medicinas. Flor. 80. Magister Julianus de Fulgineo. In Gramatica, pro Regione Montium. Flor. 50. Magister Jacobus de Genezano. Pro Regione Trivii. Flor. 50. Magister Jacobus C. . . . Pro Regione Columnas. Flor, 50. Magister Angelus de Pro Regione Campi Martis. Flor. 50. Magister Jo. Baptista de Pro Regione Pontis. Flor. 50. Magister Pro Regione Parionis. Flor. 50. Magister Jo. Baptista de Pro Regione Arenute. Flor. 50. Magister Franciscus Pro. Regione S. Eustachii. Flor. 50. Magister Andreas Pro. Regione Pineae. Flor. 50. Magister Antonius Pro Regione Campitelli. Flor. 50. Magister Pro Regione S. Angeli. Flor. 50. Magister Angelus Pro Regione Ripae. Flor. 50. Magister Pro. Regione Transtiberim. Flor. 50. Magister Julius Pro 86 Pro Reverendo Domino Rectorc, Ducat, auri in auro papalcs 100. NO. Pro quatuor Rcformatoribus, Ducat, auri in auro papalcs 100. LXXXIX. Pro Notario Reformationum, Ducat, auri in auro papaies 25. Flor. 100. pro Bidcllo. Flor. 25. pro Campana. NO. XC. (Vol. ii. p. 23i.J Sadoleti Epist. Pont. No. iii. JOHANNI LaSCARI. DiLECTE Fill. Cum haec ad te scribenda mandavimus, jam fore existimabamus, ut Nf. XC. tu bona parte itineris confecta, ad nos appropinquurcs : tamen voluimus has litteras ire tibi quasi obviam, sigiiificantes, te, quod scribis gaudere et gratulari vchementer hac araplificatione nostras dignitatis, jure ac merito id agere : non enim amiciorem, vel tibi ipsi nominatim, vel iis artibus optimis atque honestissimis, quibus tu egregie prxditus, atque oniatus es, audire potuisti sublatum esse ad summum fastigium tantae potcstatis. Quare, si Deus, cui omnia nostra semper accepta tulimus, nostris ' cogitatis adfuerit, in- tellin-ent omnes boni, fortunam atque potentiam bene institutis mentibus rectisque animis dare facultatem benignitatis potius, quam temeritatis exercendae. Sed base speramus nos coram propediem collaturos. Tu si valebis, nosquc cito invises, rem pergratam nobis feceris. Datum Romse anno primo. N". XCI. fVol. ii. p. 2-il.y M. M O Y S O Y'P O Y. 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Ho EAixwj'iadwi' EXAjjuxoi' aXco? o^E'AXetv, Nai /Aac, £V[jt.eyi^m; trso fAO^ipij; exx^etts? £*oof| Kai TE o£&rg *)t£A>jt a.BavdTOiff'i (pv7}v^ K.at yE^ccpHc w,w.yi;, ^ocBv^aiTyjivrcc re xoa-fjLOVf AioetrfiEK TE ai^ct% -croAtwi', Kat crE^va ye'cEtafj riEtOor ^eX^uow x>]^a/xeko;. AAAA' TOi wf* nnjfov E&;>Ti Geo'v oca^cc i(.cc^i9rTcc[A.£vai, 91 KO. XCI. N". XCII. fVol. ii. p. 252^ Platonis Op. ex. Edit. Aldi. 1513. Ald! Pii Manutii ad Leonem. X. PoNTiFicEM Max. pro. rep. Christiana, proque RE LlTERARlA, SUPPLICATIO. tiST vetus proverbium Beatiss. Pater, languescere et alia membra, cum caput doleat. Verissimum id quidem in segris coqsoribus, sed multo verius in moribus sumniorum vi- rorum et principura, qui caput sunt populorum. nam longa experientia compertum est, qualescunque principes fueiint, talem civitatem futuram ; quaecunque imitatio morum in M 2 principiljiw 92 principibus extitcrit, canclem in popiilo setutiiram. Oiiamobrciii, cum piinium crcatns es iV . ACll. roiuilcx Max. f.intaiu ccpcrunt voluplutciii Clhrisliaui omncs, ul dictrciit, prxdicarcnt, af- f]ini:iixnt, alter altcri. ccssatura brevi iiial.i omnia iiiiibus oppriniimur; futura bona quas seculo aurco fuisse conimcniorant ; quandoquiilcni Piincipeui, Pastorem, Patrera nacli sumus, qualcm expectabainus, quo nobis uiiserriniis his tempoiibus inaxime opus crat. Audivi ipse, meis auribus, illis ipsis diebus, ubicunque fui, omnes hjec eadem uno ore dicere, ct prsdicare ; nee vana fides ; nuilta enini sunt, quae, ut tantE hominuni expectation! res- pondeas, promiltunt. Primum est, quam optime semper, et sanctissinic ante acta vita tua a teneris usque ad Pontificatum. Secundum, familia Medicum clarissima, altrix sem- per magnorum virorura. An>o; x"P°"<'''''Pi xi'jricDjfios Iv QfonTi la-B\ut ysvsaSai. Hinc, ut taceam coeteros, ortus est Pater ille tuus Laurentius, vir optimus, ac tanta prudeniia, ut non solum pacis patriae, sed et totius Italias autlior f'uerit, quandiu vixit ; qui utinam et nunc viveret; bella enim, quibus paulo post ejus mortem capit ardere, et nunc maxime aidet Italia, ardet et tota fere Europa propter Italiani, vel nunquam fuissent, vel accensa, statim ut quamplurimi opinantur, Heros ille, gravis pietate, gravis etmerilis, sua prudentia extinxisset, quemadmodura sasp? ab illo factum mcminiinus. O ter, quater damnosam I O semper dolendam, scraper deflendara mortem 1 Sed ad hsc omnia una consolatio est ; quod sicut paulo post mortem Patris tui, tanta incendia belli exorta sunt, sic te illius filio, creato Pontitice Max. brevi, tua opera, tuo unius studio, penitus extiiigucntur. Tertium est Ktas tua. Non enim sine numine Divum factum est, ut tu, nondum annum agens trigesi- mum octavum, Pontifex Max. crearere; posthabitis tot magnis patribus, tot summa vene- ratione dignis senibus. Quoniam enim composituro res Christianae religionis, et correcturo mores hominum, qui ubique terrarimi sunt, longa vita opus erat, te cum fore Deus vo- luit, Juvenem integerrima vita, et moribus ornatissiraum, qui haec omnia faceres longa die nuUis succumbendo laboribus, nullis vigiliis. Oi xf^ tta.^nyini tSJeo QovXn^ofoi/ a»Jfa, J Xaoi T linrir(si(pa,Ta.i, xa) ria-ira ii.iji.ri\i. Additur et illud, quod maximi faciendum est, tanlum terrarum, tantum maris, lot varies populos, ante vel Romanis illis rerum dominis, nedum nobis, incognitos, inveniri Jetate nostra, et sulyici Christianis Regibus, ita, ut te Rectore Romanae Ecclesias sperandum sit, unum futuruui ovilc sub uno pastore, eodemque optimo et pientissimo. Ouapropter nunquam satis laudari potest Emanuel Rex Lusitanix invictissimus, qui multos jam annos nunquam desinit validissima classe novas terras, nova regna dis- quirere, xidorque beatos per populos dat Jura, liamque affectat Olympo. Solvens enim Olyssippone, ac praeteriens circuluin Cancri, Aequinoctiique et Capricorni proxime An- tarcticum, tum vertens cursum, rursus circulum Capricorni Aequinoctiique transiens, totam Africam, ac bonam totius Asiae partem circuit, itinere ad centies, ac quadragies et amplius centena millia passuum, devenitque in locum aromatum quam ditissimura, Calli- cutium appellatum, atque inde nuper, ad dexteram relicta Taprobane insularum maxima, devenit ad urbem nomine Malacen, populosissimamque, ac ditissimam, et plenam mer- cium, eamque, difTicillinio praelio victor, tandem expugnavit. At illi cognitis sacris nostris, visis Ciiristianorum moribus, certatim baptizantur. O felicissimum Regem. O Heroem semper mirandinn, colendum, extollendum in calum laudibui, et nobis et posteris seculorum om- nium. Atque utinam casteri Ciiristianorum regcs idem facerent, nee inter se crudeliter bella gerendo, seipsos, ac potius miseros populos absumerent. Quicquid delirant reges pkctitntur pkctuntur Achiii, nam paucis annis omnes homines ubique terramm Deum vermn cog- noscerent, in Jesum, Deum Opt. Max. constanter crederent, eumque solum supplices ado- rarent. Sed cognoscent, credent, adorabiint, te Pontifice. Cum enim tu, Pater, amare inter se filios tuos, nedum projicere tela manu, coegcris, afflictisque populis succurreris, restitula pace, ciirabis debellandos Christian! nominis acerrimos inimicos ; curabis homines, ubi- cunque terrarum incogniti lateant, disquirendos, ad eosque subactos niittes Apostolos tuos ad praedicandum illis Evangelium, ut sacris Romanas Ecclesiae instituti, soli Deo nostro serviant. En potes jam ab Indis incipere ; potes ab aliis populis, quos in oceano occidentali Hispani superioribus annis invenere. Ncc minor gloria servatur tibi BEATISS. P. in- taurandis bonis Uteris ; suppeditando optimos quosque libros studiosis, et qui nunc sunt, et qui post aliis erunt in annis, propagandis bonis artibus et disciplinis. Tentarunt hoc olim plurimi ex veteribus et Grjeci, et Latini, et Burbari, et quia mirum in modum profuere, consecuti sunt ex ea re gloriam sempiternam. Tentarunt et nonnulli ex junioribus non solum privati, ac mediocris fortuna3 homines, sed et Pontifices Max. Imperatores, Reges, atqu alii illustres ; et, ut taceam casteros, nonne plurimum juvit rem literariam Nicolaus V. Pont. Max ? nonne et parens tuus Laurentius? qui si diutius^vixissent, multa essent in ma- nibus, quae non habentur, tum quas habentur, facta fuissent eorum cura longe melioia. Debes tu igitur, illius magnus successor, hujus dignus filius, quod efficere illi morte prasventi non potuerunt, perficere. Ego autem jamdiu hoc saxum volvo ; qua in re, mihi quidem videor esse alter Sisyphus, quod nondum illud volvendo perduxerim in apicem mentis; aliis autem, iisque eruditis, Hercules ; quod nuUis cedens malis, nullis succumbens laboribus, jam plus unus ipse juverim rem literariam, quam simul omnes, quotquot fuere multis se- culis ; ita me amant de tantis laboribus, ut nunc coram, nunc accuratis Uteris laudando ob- tundant. Sed non ego credulus illis. Nullum enim adhuc dedi librum, in quo mihi satis- fecerim. Nam tanta erga bonas literas benevolentia est mea, ut emendatissimos simul, et pulcherrinios esse cupiam libros, quos emittam in manus studiosorum. Quamubrem quo- tiescunque vel mea, vel eorum incuria, qui mecum corrigendis libris incumbunt, aliquo in libro quamvis parvus error committitur, etsi opere in magno fas est obrepere somnum. {Non enim unius diei labor hie noster, sed multorum armorum, atque interim nee mora, nee requies) sic tamen doleo, ut si possem, mutarem singula errata nummo aureo. Damus igitur nunc Beatiss. P. quaecunque extant Platonis opera, idque sub tuo no- mine felicissimo. Quod ob earn quoque causara fecimus, quia cum Marsilius Ficiuus Do- mus tuae alumnus, Platonis opera latina a se facta, Laurentio Parenti tuo dicaverit, quod sic fbverit semper doctissimos quosque utriusque lingua, ut Florentia et esset, et haberetur, vivente Laurentio, Athenas alteras, nos quoque tibi iUius filio, eidemque Pont. Max. tum decori, et praesidio expectato hujus aetatis eruditorum, ejusdem Authoris libros, eosque Groecos atque Atticos, quaks ipse composuit, merito dedicare voluimus. Simulque ea in re. morem gessimus quibusdam Amicis nostris, amantissimis bonarum literarum, qui^ etsi id mea sponte eram facturus, tamen amice me monuerunt, ut nulli magis, divini ho- minis lucubrationes, quam tibi, summo divinarum rerum Antistiti, nuncuparentur ; spe- rantes earn rem Academiae, quam tot aimos parturimus, mirum in modum profuturam, ut scilicet nos foveas, provinciamque hanc nostram, maximi cnjusque principis favore, ac auxili* 93 NO. XCII. 94 aiixilio dlgiiissimam, am])lectaris, ac potius earn ipsam Acadtmiani, sempitemum bonum NO. XCII. hominibus, tu Pont. Max. in iiibc Roma cures iiistituendara ; quorum unus, ac praecipuus est Musurus Cretensis, inagno vir judicio, magna doclrina, qui hos Platonis libros accurate recognovit, cum anliijuissimis conferens exenipluribus, ut una mccum, quod semper facit, niultum adjumenti afTerret et graecis, et nostris hominibus ; quapropter non minus quam nos pacem desiderat, a^quc ac nos et ipse, ut tuo sumptii, tuis opibus, fiat Acadcmia rogat ; id quod ex ejus docta, et elcganti, ac gravi Elegia, grasce composita, quae statira post lalinum indicem librorum Platonis sequitur, facile est cognoscere. Gratissimum praeterea futurum tibi Platonem hunc nostrum nobis persuademus, cum aliis plurimis, turn etiam, quia cum multis jam seculis in plura dissectus membra vagaretur, nunc illis in unum corpus diligen- ter collet lis, integer habetur cura nostra, idque per ordines quaternaries novem, quemad- niodum in vita Platonis, Diogenes Laertius, Thrasyllum secutus, memoris prodidit. Sed tie Platone hactenus. Tu modo B. P. qui Jesu Christi dei Opt. max. locum tenes, cuique commissa est cura populorum, curabis pro viribus, quae tua est probitas, tua pruden- tia, tua pietas, Pacem, quam solani moriturus Chris rus tanquam testamento reliquit homi- nibus, habendam passim Christianis tuis, qui nunc inter se, Eheu, bella gerentes crudelisss- ma, validas christianorum vires infesto ferro absumunt, quo graves Turcae melius perirent. Curabis inquam tu, communis omnium Pater, siimma tua authoritate, sanguinolentos filios tuos conponendos, haec iteriim atque iteruni repctcns, Keu Juvenes, ncn tanta animis assuescite bella, Projice tela mami populiu mens. Atque interim non minus, quam nos speramus, quod et gnece et latine sis apprime doctus, favebis nobis tandiu, ac tantum pro re literaria laborantibus. Nam etsi Maximum videmur attulisse adjumentum utriusque lin- guae studiosis, tamen tanto majus allaturi sumus, te amplexante provinciam nostram, quanto major est Aldo Leo X. Font. Max. NO. XCIII. fVol. ii. p. 253. J Perotti Cornucopia;, Vcn. 1513. Leo Papa X. UnIVERSIS, et singulis, ad quos hae nostras per\'enerint, salutem, et apostolicam bene- NO XCJIL dictionem. Quoniam dilectus filius Aldus Manutius Pius Romanus, qui jam tot armos pro virili de re literaria benemereri non cessat, in eoque genere, ac prassertim turn exacte emen- dandis, tum omni cura, et studio, imprimendis grascis latinisque libris, atque iis quidem literis in chalibem tani docte, eleganterque incisis, ut calamo scriptas esse videantur, mag- nos sumptus facit, magnos labores sustinet, ac propterea veretur, ne sua hxc industria, et labor, aliis, qui inde capere exemplum possent, lucrum, magno suo cum damno, pariat; No- bis humiliter supplicari fecit, ut ad eam rem pastoralem curam nostram adjiccre dignaremur. Nos igitur, qui literarum, et omnium bonarum artium studiosos, quantum in nobis fuit, semper 95 semper fovimus, et amplexi sumus, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati, ut hominum in- genia ad honestiores, utilioresque rerum usus vel indagandos, vel inveniendos in dies magis AC^Xll. excitentur, librique utriusque linguae longe diligentius, emendatiusque in studiosormn rnanus emittantur; atque cum ipso Aldo, cujus doctrinam, et rectum ingenium, mirificam- que diligentiam satis cognitam, et perspectam habemus, commode, benigneque agere cu- pientes ; omnibus ; et singulis, ad quorum notitiam prasentes nostrse pervenerint, sub ex- communicationis, latae sententi*, in nostris vero, et S. R. E. civitatibus, terris, et locis de- gentibus, nobisque et dictas ecclesias mediate, vel immediate subjectis, prseterea quingento- rum ducatorum auri, et amissionis omnium librorum, quos impresserint, incurrendis, Ca- merasque nostrae ApostolicK applicandis poenis, expresse inhibemus, ne per spatium quindecim annorum a tempore cujusvis libri tam graeci quam latini, quem ipse Aldus et antehac curavit et posthac curaverit imprimendum lis characteribus, quos ipse invenit, vel edidit primus, et quibus adhuc usus est, vel quos in posterum invenerit, imprimere, vel imprimi facere ; neve characteres eos, quos cursivos, sive cancellarios appellant, imitari, et assimilatione adulterare, aut curare id per alios faciundum, librosque ejusmodi formis excudere, aut excusos venundare iillo modo [)ra2sumant ; Atque eas ipsas poenas incidere eos volumus, penes quos id genus libri venales reperirentur. Decementes nihilo minus authoritate apostolica absque alia de- claratione, omnes, quicunque contra inhibitionem banc nostram facere ausi fuerint, ante- dictae excommunicalionis sententiaeobnoxlos ilico fieri. A subditis vero nostris et S. R. E. ultra pcenam cxcommunicationis ejusmodi, ab eis incurrendara pecuniariam etiam, et amis- sionis omnium librorum, ut prsfertur, a Camera nostra Apostolica irremissibilitcr exigi debere, ita que per prjesentes decemimus. Atque, ut hujus inhibitionis, et decreti nostri ignorantiam praetendere nemo possit, universis, et singulis nostris, et Apostolicae Se- dis Legatis, Patriarchis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, et locorum Ordlnariis, eo- rumque locum tencntibus, et Vicariis, Gubernatoribus, prasterea Praetoribus, et caeteris OflScialibus nostris, qui praesentium nostranmi vigore fuerint requisiti, mandamus expresse, ut literas ipsas in locis consuetis ecclesiarum, diocesum, et administrationum suarum pub- licari faciant ; ipsique Aldo pro consequendo efTectu decreti, et inhibitionis hujus nostrae, ubi, et quoties opus fuerit, omni favore, et auxilio sufFragentur, constitutionibus, et ordi- nationibus apostolicis, caeterisque in contrarium facientibus non obstantibus quibuscunque. Caettrum quia difficile admodum foret prjesentes nostras ad singula loca deferri, volumus, atque decemimus, ut his ipsis Uteris in plura exempla typis excusis, et sigillo alicujus Le- gati nostri, seu persona? in dignitate ecclesiastica constitutas munitis ea prorsus fides adhi- beatur, quae praesentibus nostris, si exhibitae, vel ostensoe forcnt, adhiberetur. Tum siquis harum nostrarum pnblicationem quovis modo impedire, seu obstare ne publicentur, seu publicatas et ubivis locorum de more affixas, lacerare, delereve, aut amovere, amove- rive curare, idque scienter facere praesumpserit, eum volumus, et declaramus supradictas excommunicationis poenae itidem subjacere. Volumus autem, et Alduui ipsura in Domino hortamur, ut libros justo pretio vendat, aut vendifaciat, ne his concessionibus nostris ad aliam, quam honestum est, partem utatur, quod tamen eum pro sua integritate, atque in nos observantia curaturum plane confidimus. Datum Romje apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris. Die xxviii. Novembris. M. D. xiii. Pont, nostri Anno Primo. P. Bemiiu&. 96 N^. XCIV. CV"!. ii. p. i?.5tj Hodius, lie Grirc. ilhistr. p Cii. Leo p. p. X. UnIVERSIS et singulis ad quos hae litterac nostrae pervenerint, salutem et apostolicara No. XCIV. bciicdictioncin. Studia litterarum et bonanim artiuin, quae vitam humaiiam iinprimis il- liistraie et cxcolere videntur, ct antea, dum in niiiiorc fortuna essemus, semper loviiniis, et postquam ad suprcmum liuiic honoris locuin diviiia providentia evecti sunius, de iis, quantum in nobis fuit, bene raercri nunquam cessavimus, facturi idem in postenmi tanto libentius tantoque liberalius, quanto ingenia ad artes ipsas capcssendas lieri propensiora ct ardentiora cognoverimus. Cum itaque dilccti filii adolescentes Gyranasii nostri in Quirinali colle per nos constituti, Grajcis artibus incumbentes, hanc anti([uissimorum et nunquam antehac inipressorum Humeri auctorum interpretationem formis cxcudendam curavcrint, Nos, considerata operis utilitate, et Iructu maximo, qui ex tanti tamque illustris poetae expositionc ad studiosos pcr\'enturus est, ct sinuii habita ratione laborum et impensarum, quos ciialcographi in excudendum librum contulere, operaj pretium facerc visi sumus, si ad earn rem juvandam favorem et auctoritatem nostram adjiceremus. Ne quid igitur in prKJudicium Gymnasii frauderoque et detrinientum dictorum inipressorum committat, vo- lumus et mandamus ne quis cos ipsos auctores decemiio proxinie futuro imprimere, aut imprimi faccre, aut impressos venundare, venundandosve dare ullis in locis sine licentia Gymnasii prxfati, aut ejus curam gerentium. Oui contra mandatum hoc nostrum fecerit, admiserit, is universas Dei ccclesias toto orbe terrarum expers excommu- nicatusque eslo. Prasterea libris et aureis quingentis ad arbitrium nostrum applicaudis sine uUa remissione multator. Prxcipientes universis et singulis arcliicpiscopis, episcopis eorumquc vicariis, necnon nostris et S. R. E. officialibus, et queniiibet magistratum tam in ahna urbe quam extra eam gerentibus, et aliis ad quos spectat in virtutc sancta: obedicntias, ut pramissa ad omnem instantiam dicti Gyranasii ipsiusque rectorum faciant inviolabiliter observari, contrariis non obstantiljus quibuscunque. Datum Roma;, apud Sanctum Petrum, sub annulo piscatoris, die vii. Septembris muxvii. pontilicatus nostri aimo quinlo. N". XCV. CVul. ii. p. QoG.) Ex. vrigiii. in Archiv. Pa/at. Reipub. Flor. Baldassare da Peseta a Lorenzo de' Medici. Flor. Ad la sua de xxii. giunta hierscra, non accade fare altra risposta salvo, che al pretio del- JNO. A.CV. j; aim,,!^ ^he ne scrive V. S. gli rispondo, che M. Augustino Chisi mi disse delli xxii. Carlini 97 Carlini o ducatino et mezp il cantare, et me lo ha replicato dipoi, taraen hierniat- tina, de commissione del Cardinale, io fui col prefato Augustino, et meco Ai Averardo ' ■^^^* da Filicaia pure di sua commissione, et per obviare ad la necessita grande, die s'intende esser li per ai prcsente, se ne sono prese miile cantari ad ragione di ducati uno et mezo il cantare, et lo dicto Averado ha preso la cura di provedere sacchi, et barche, et quelle sara bisogno per supplire ad questa necessita della Cittii, et non attende ad altro, che sollicilare ea expeditione, et mandargli quanto piu presto si puo, et non havemo facto altro accordo, ne instrumento,* salvo che lo prefato M. Augustino e contento della fede di V. S. et non vuole, che di li se ne venda ad altri che a quelli del dominio, et questo se glie promesso, et Monsignore Reverendissirao aspecta la Lettera di Jacopo Salviati, et se ad questo pretio non placerranno la S. V, havera tempo ad pensarci, et contractare questa cosa con quelli vantaggi si potra ad causa, che al restante che la Citta ha di bisogno si possa meglio vantaggiare, o pigliarlo per quelle pretio, che Jacopo dice, che sarebbe bonissimo mercato, quando si potessino havere per li xvii, o xviii. Carlini il cantare, come V. S. ne scrive, Sec. sicche D. V. deliberabit, et reddet me certiorem de omnibus, &c. M. Augustino me dice, et me ha imposto, che per parte sua scriva ad V. S. come quella gli fece domandare uno Puledro da Morgante, &:c. et che gli rispose, che sarebbe bene havessi aspectato, che havessi preso questa herba, et che al Puledro sarebbe stato meglio il venire dipoi, che innanzi, et che nondimeno lo facessi intendere ad V. S. che ne farebbe quello, che la volessi, et che mai poi ne ha inteso altro. Per la presente fa inten- dere ad V, S. che il Puledro et lui sono al piacere suo, et quello che disse allora ad Mor- gante, fu per benefitio del cavallo, et non per altro. V. S. risponda quello vuole si fac- cia. NO. XCVI. (Vol. ii. p. 265.J Ex. orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. Baldassare da Pesda a Lorenzo de' Medici, a Flor. Roma, xxvi. Martii, 1514. A.D li di passati ve Scrips!, come el Generale di Valombrosa era stato misso in Castello per ordine di Nostro Signore ; hora havendo inteso, che lo hanno solum appicliato ad la fune per N". XCVI. tirarlo su, et che lui ha confessato tra le altre cose haver facto adorare uno manico di rasoio per Legno di Croce, et certa falsita di Contracto, et innanzi che fussino le ruine di casa vostra, haver facto dir piu de uno anno, uno Psalmo, Deus laudcm meant ne tacueris, S;c. per farla ruinare, et altre cose di importantia, io, come quello che ho pensato, che simile cose meritano punitione grande, et ad minus, depositione dell' offitio, et parendomi questo esser cosa d' importantia in la Citta vostra, curiosamente, et come affectionato di V. S. sono stato questa sera ad longum cum Monsignore Reverendissimo, et domandatoli ad che VOL. II. N terminc 98 NO. XCVI. tcrniine erano !c cose sue, et die io desideravo sapcrle per significarle ad V. S. La nie- disse, til hai facto bene ad doniandanneiic, pcrclic tc volevo iiiiporre glienc scrivessi, ct scrivegli, come io lo feci raettere in castello, ct die liora mai ho molto bene justilicato le cose sue, et ha conftssato di sortc, che io penso ad ogiii modo failo privare dell' offitio, ct pel- obviarc, che non si parli, ct dica, che iioi lo facciamo per avaritia, et per torgli la Badia et entrate sue, io andavo pensaiido di fare uiiire quella Relligione di Vallombrosa ad la Coiigiegationc di Monte Cassino, et smcnibrarne uno otto, o nove niila du- cati, et 11 in Firenzc cdificarne una bella Chiesa di S. Giovarigualbcrto, o altro Sanio loro, et parte unirne ad alchuni Nfonasteri che soiio ii, tt di honiini, et donne, che vi sono, che sono poverissimi, et si moiono di fame, et il resto da ducati in sii M. darli ad Monte Cassino, che nonci doverranno fare dilficulta, et ritmpieie et assettare in Fireiize quelli poveri et povere che vi sono, ad futuram rei memoriaiu, &;c. Et vi fa intendere, che questo e I'animo suo ; nondimeno ha vohito, che voi lo sappiate, et che scgrelamente, et cum dexteriti voi ne parliate cum alchuni de quelli vecchi, et tritainente examiniate questa cosa, et qual fiissi et sia la opinione vostra et loro glieiie sigiiificliiate; sicche non ne parlerete, se non cum quelle persone, che vi parranno ad proposilo vostro, ad\'erteiidole, che nonne parlino con homo alchuno. Signore raio, questo mi e parso, et pare una cosa d'importantiagrande, et quando non si facessi questo disegno di Monsignore Reverendissimo V. S. pensi, che se si ha ad fare Generale nuovo, come si fara, di metterci uno, die sia ad proposito vostro, e se vi paressi, die M. Guerrino vostro, o alchuno altro fussi bono, pensici quella, perclie havere li uno di chi voi ve ne possiate valere ad ogni vostra posta, et non ce lo havere, se importa assai, sendo la cosa d' importantia, come c; io dal canto mio di qua non cessero andare pensando cosa che sia, se non per tornare in utilita, et com- modo vostro, cum quella audacia, dexterita, et curiosit.l si ricerchano ad uno bono, et fedel servo, et non manchero mai ricordarvi quello poco, che io cognoscero, rimettendo mi pero sempre in ogni cosa all' judicio, et parere vostro. NO. XCVII. CVol. ii. p. 266. J Ex. orig. in Archiv, Palat. Reipub. Flor. Baldassare da Pescia a Lorenzo de' Medici, a Flor. Roma xvi Junii, 1514. El Dioscoride si fa diligentia di trovare, et essendocene Io haveremo, o quello, che V. S. ?s'<'. XGVn. domanda, o il migliore si trovi in Roma. Quella dica ad Phillippo Strozzi, che Monsignore Guerrino fara transcrivere lo Hippocrate, che gli promisse, ct io lo soUicitcio, ct me ha promesso trovare il Dioscoride, et servire Philippe. Al Medesimo. 1. Julii, 1514. El Dioscoride di Monsignore Scipione, secondo che mi dice Monsignore Guerrino, non e corretto, ma glie ben qui in Roma uno, die ne ha uno antiquo, et bene corrccto, ma non 1a 99 lo vuole dare per fora di Roma, et dice the quando V. S. lo volessi fare transcrivere qui, gli sarebbe concesso, altramente saria difficile haverlo; quella commetta quanto vuole la • XCVII. sene faccia, che non si uscira di commissione. NO. XCVIII. CVol. ii p. 283 J Sadokti Ep. Punt. Xo. 54. Leo Papa X. Dilecto Filio Francisco de Rosis Rhavannati. DlLECTE Fill, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum multi, et quidera prae- stantissimi rerum scriptores, qui non sine gravissima latina2 linguas jactura delitescebant, nostro tempore e profundissimis quasi tenebris in lucem prodierint, non possumus non ma- jorem in modum studiosis gratulari. Nam inter ceteras curas, quas in hac humanarum rerum curatione divinitus nobis coucessa, subimus, non in postremis hanc quoque haben- dam ducimus, ut latina lingua nostro pontificatu dicatur facta auctior, et bonarum artium cupidis ad maximos in disciplinas progressus, non mediocrem apportatam fuisse openi. Idirco nulli parcendum ducimus impensse, ut veteres scriptores ubique gentium diligentis- sime inquirantur, et ad nos deferantur. Sic enim fit, ut neminen sui laboris poeniteat, multi sua sponte id oneris suscipiant, ut in remotissimas penetrant regiones ad antiquo- rum monumenta vel hominum invidia, vel temporum injuria suppressa, e tenebris eruen- da ; gnari conatus sui egregie praemia reportaturos. Ut tu nuper fecisti, dilecte fili, qui per tot barbaras, et dissonas gentes in Syriam usque, cum maximo dispendio, nee sine vitae periculo pervenisti : neque id alia de caussa, quam ut a situ, immo interitu, non- nuUa praestantissimorum Philosophorum scripta vendicares. Inter quas quoddam opus, quod Aristotelis Theologia, seu Pliilosophia mystica inscribitur (sic enim libri titulus innu- ebat) quandoquidem egregia doctrina refertum Arabicis litteris scriptum, e Greco transla- tum deprehendisti ; quod latinum factum, nobis grato admodum munere obtulisti ; idque formis ad usum communem excudenduni nostro etiam liortatu suscepisti. Qui ne irritus sit hie tuus labor, si statini post tuam editionem alii quoque excuderint, mandamus univer- sis, et singulis per totum orbem terrarum ad quos hae littera pervenerint, sub excommu- nicationis, latas sententis, his vero qui in nostra hac S. R. E. ditione degunt, prasterea sub ducentorum ducatorum tibi applicandorum, et librorum quos impresserint amissionis poena, ne post tuam editionem per dccennium proxime futurum usque audeant im])rimcre absque tuo consensu. Absolutionem vero omnium et singularium huic nostras volimtati contravenentium, nobis tantumraodo reservamus ; atque iisdem poenis et imprimcntes, et impressa volumina vendentes teneri volumus. Ne autem contra nostram iianc inhibitio- nem audeat quispiam contumaciter insurgere, mandamus, et prscipimus universis, et sin- N 2 gulis NO. XCVIII. 100 NO. XCVllI. guli< Apostolica; Sedls Legatis, Nunciis, Oratoribus, Patrlarchis, Archiepiscopis, Epis- copis, Abbatibus, Praslatisque omnibus Ecclesiasticis, nee non torum locum tenentibus, turn loconim omnium Gubernatoribus, ac PrKsidentibus, et copiarum Ductoribus in virtu- le Sauclx- obedientiie, et sub ejusdeni excommunicationis incurrendae jxiena, ut requisiti abs te, onmi auxilio prohibeant, ne quis contra nostrum edictum per praedictum Decen- nium audeat innovare. Cetenmi, si quis tarn audax, ac temerarius esset, <|ui nostras has litteras vcl divulgari proliiberct, vel divulgatas, ex locis sacris, aut profanis amoveret, earundem pcenarum sit reus. Constitutionibus, et ordinationibus apostolicis, ceterisque quibuscumque contrariis non obstantibus. Datum Romas apud S. Pctrum sub aimulo Pis- catoris die XXX. Decembris. mdxvii. Pontificatus nostri aji. v. Jacobus Sadoletus. No. XCIX. (Vol. ii. p. 288..; Exenipl. in Bihliotk. Vaticana. Epistola Potentissimi, ac Invictissimi EmanuelLs Regis Portugaliue, et Algarbiorum, Sj-c. de rictoriis habitis in India et Malacc/ia. Ad S. in Chriato Patrem it Duminum nostrum, Dominum Leonem X. Pont. Maximum. NO. XCIX. SaNCTISSIMO in Ciiristo Patri, ac Bcatissimo Domino, Domino Nostro, E. S. additis- simus filius Emanuel, Dei gratia Rex Portugaliiae et Algaibionmi, citra ultraque mare in Africa Dominus Guineas et conqiiistae navigatlonis, ac commertii Ethiopse, Arabiae, Persiae, atqne Indiae, h\miiHima beatorum pedum oscula. Quantum Deo Opt. Max. quantum et tibi gratulari debeanius, Beatissime Pater, vcl ex nuntio quod nostra Indica classis proxime attulit satis apparet. Quod enim te Pont. Max. te S. Romanas Ecclesiae et Christiano Orbi presidcnte, tam adrairanda in Dei laudem ac gloriam gesta, tarn ex voto successerint, tua certe laus tua gloria censeri debet. Jure itaque visum est, quK in India, Dei suffragio, ad ipsius cultum spcctantia, nostris armis modo facta sint, ad tuam Sanctitatcm, utpote totiiis Christianae Reipublicse caput et orthodoxas religionisnormam, carptim ac sum- matim, ne stilum Epistolarum excedamus, praescribere, ut pro rerum dignitate cuncta pen- sari, summoque Deo accepta referri valeant, ac indies sui Sanctissimi Nominis gliscentem laudem Cliristianique dogmatis propagationem facile .spercmus. Igitur pacata, post plures dubii Martis victorias non sine laborc et sanguine partas, India, relictis in ea opportunis prassidiis Alphonsus de Alljicherque prolho-capitaneus noster, ut jacturam, quam superiori- bus annis nostri fecerant, injuriamque ulcisceretur, auream Cliersonesum, Malachain ac- col;r appellant, contendit ; ea est inter Sintun magnum et Gangeticum sita, Urbs mirae mag- nitudinis, utque vigintiquinque raillium et amplius larium censeatur, terra ipsa fecundissima, ac nobilissimarum quas fert India mertiiuD feracissima, celebratissimum ob id Emporium, ubi 101 ubi non modo varia aromata et omnigeni odores, sed Auri quoque, Argenti, Margarita- rum ac preciosorum lapillorum magna copia affluit. Hanc Rex Maurus gubernabat, ea- ' -'^^*-^' tenus vires suas Maumetica Secta protendente, csetera Gentiles tenent. Hue itaque cum in- structa classe applicuisset Alphonsus, urbem oppugnare destinat ; quod praesentientes Sar- raceni, bello se multis munitionibus et Armis pneparaverunt, sed frustra ; nam commisso bis prwiio, nostri tandem, Dei auxilio, superiores plurimis ex hostibus cassis, urbem vi intrant, occupant, data praedae libertate, diripiunt, incendunt. Rex ipse, qui ex Elephante pugnabat, graviter ^^llneratus, cum superstitibus Mauris fuga sibi consuluit. In ea pugna magnus hos- tium numerus exiguo nostrorum damno interiit ; capti plures ; magna etiam ablata spoHa, in quibus et septem ipsius Regis bello assueti Elephantes, suis turribus, sericis, atque auro in- textis ephippiis, illius Provinciae more muniti, ac asneorum omnis generis tormentonim ad duo millia summa arte fabricata. Capta sic urbe, liostibusque profligatis, quo nostrse rei tutius consuleretur, in fluminis ripa quodmediam urbem interfluit, hosteubivis terra marique subacto, undique suae securitali prospiciens, munitissimam arcem murorum quindecim pe- dum latitudine constmxit, ex lapide videlicet qui ex dirutis Saracenorum quas Mosquitas vocant aedibus excerptus est. Mirabilis profecto divina providentia, quod ubi tanto tempore Maumeticas perfidiae cultus celebratus, ubi Redemptoris nostri nomen toties blasphematum, inde occulto Dei consilio, magna sua laude, Sathanae dedecore, qui tanto labore ac nostrorum sanguine tamdiu pro Catholicas Fidei augniento affectamus, huic aedificio et Cliristianis tarn necessario operi opem acceperimus. Erant eo tempore Sfalacliae plures extranei ac diver- sarimi nationum mercatores, scilicet Zamatri, Pegui, Janasi, Goraei, et ab extremo ori- ente atque ultima Sinarum regione Chines, aliique Gentiles, qui urbem commertii gratia frequentes, multis divitiis, auro, argento, margaritis, et pretiosis lapillis, serico etiam vellere ac multifariis aromatibus et odoribus, aflTatim replent. li cum multis quoque finitimis, ab Alfonso fcedus et amicitiam ultro flagitantes, ab ipso et benigne et favora- biliter sunt accepti, pactoque commeriii et mercaturas iractatu, suas negotiationis domos circum arcem ubi tutius versari possent secum transtulere, mutuo foedere adeo 1st), ut quamvis hactenus illud emporium omnium fuerit celtberrimum, deinceps tamen, si fieri potcrit, multo majus ac celebrius futurum existimetur; quin et ipsi Chines nuntium ad nos mittunt, a quo perfectius res suas intelligamus. Atque adeo tarn hi, qi'am casteri urbis accola, dicto audire, imperatisque legibus parere non recusarunt, ut Reip. regiminis justitiaeque officialcs nostro nomine Alfonsi manu acceperint, quo- rum juditio et arbitrio gubernantur, siniul et monetam nostro ibi nomine cusam tan- quam Regis Domiaique sui agnoscentcs, exciiiiunt, et expendunt, auream catholicos niille scilicet nunimorum, argenteain centum valcre Malachenses inscripsere : Haec cum cogno- visset Rex de Ansia, et gente et solo Orieiitem versus potentissimus, ad quern fama eratjure Mahchara spectare, et a Mauris olim usurpatara. Legato ad Praefectum nostrum des- tinato, qui se suaque, nostro mauciparet obsequio, auream simul craterem cum pretioso magnaeque existimationis carbunculo, ensemque auro adfabre elaboratum, in signum videlicet recognitionis, ac verze perpetuasque futurae amicitias dono misit : ad quem Praefeclus aliquos e nostris expertos vafrosque viros intiraa regionis scrutaturos cum multis etiam muneribus remisit, unde maximum Dei obsequium et Catholicae Fidei augmentum fore non dubitamus. Rebus sic apud Malacham compositis, etobfirmato tractato commertii foedere, relictoiii area tormentig 102 NO. XCJX. tonnentis, machinisqiie, munitissima sexcentorum etiam virorum ac strenuorum milUum secure praesidio, et classe ad maritimas orae tutelam viris arinisque optime instructa, Alfonsus in Indiain revertens, Gox Urbis prxcipuani arccm, (]uan) ipse superioriljus aniiis magno nostronini periculo, sed majore liostiuni stiageoccupaverat, nostrsiiiic ditionict iinperio ad- junxerat, a Mauris obsessam reperit, extructa etiam juxta alia firmissima arce, unde ruebant Turclioriim manus quae sex inillia nostros contin\ie infcsfabaiit : quos cum adoriictur PikFcc- tus plurimis jam trucidatis, dcsperata salute, pacta tantummodo corporum iucolumitate, sc tandem ac reliqua nostris dedidere, partisque ct ibi niachinarum, equorum, arnioium et Iiu- jusmodi baud coutcmueiidis spoliis, quibusdam etiam qui inter Mauros reperti sunt Apos- tatis qui a lide nostra descivcrant, debito afllictis supplitio, urbem pristina; quieti restituit. Appulerat interea Dabuli urbi liaud procul a Goa, Presbyteri Joannis potentissimi Christico- larum Domini ad Praiifectura nostrum Lcgatus, qui ejus nomine ut Cbristiani Christianoom- nem opem, omnia ad bellum contra Catliolicx fidci liostes opportuna, militum cxercitus, ar- morumac commeatus prassidia, ultro offerat ; prassertim si mare rubrura, sue conjunctum do- minio, nostra classis trajiciat, ubi commodissime utriusquc vires jungi possent. Hand exi- guum adorandae et veras Crucis lignum ad nos mittit, viros vafros et industrios posccns, quo- rum ingenio et artificio a Sultani territorio et regione, Nilum deflecti atque divert! posse existimat. Aderant tunc apud nostrum Prefectum a Narsingue Rege Legati, Rege Gcntili adeo i)otentissimo, ut milk et quingentos belligeros Elephantes, armatorum Equitum qua- draginta millia, praeter innumerum peditum numerum, suo arbitrio, in aciem parvo negocio proferre, tantumque agri possidere perhibeatur, quantum semestri itinere vix emetiri possit. Huic plures Reges ac Satrapes parent, ()uorum nonnuUi, marilimis oris proximi, nobis sunt tributarii. Apud Alfonsum et Cambayae Regis Legatus, terra marique potentissimi, atquc inter Mauros maximi, item a Zabayo Goas quondam domino, atque a Rege Grosapa, alii- quecomplures Regum Satrapumque Legati a nostro Praefecto, feedus pacemque ultro exorantes ac sua munera singuli aft'erentes. In hac etiam quae proxime appulit classe ab Armusii Rege Legatus, cum multis margaritarum rerumque pretiosarum donis, in signum videlicet fidelitatis ct recognitionis ad nos venit. Hunc Regem Alfonsus idem, urbe opulentissima et praecipuo emporio Armusio vi capto, quindecim miUium Seraphinorum, ea est aurea mo- neta ducatis equivalens, annuum nobis tributarium efFecerat. Inter hos successus, Pater Beatissime, Divino sufTragante mmiine, per universam Indiam plurimi SpiritusSanctI gratia igneque atflati, depositis gentilitiis erroribus, in dies ad nostram religionem conversi, veram Dei fidem agnoscunt, ob quae Deo Opt. Max. summae gratiae sunt merito referendas : quod tam procul a nostro Orbe, in tam remotis regionibus, quo ne fama quidem Sui Sanctissimi IVorainis penetraverat, nostra nunc sedula opera, suam veram lidem, cultumque ctlebrari, publicari, ac propagari dignatus sit : unde proculdubio, Divina favente dementia, sperandum est, cum nunc Prafectus noster ad Mare rubrum, ut ejus ostio occupato, Sarracenis earum partium commertia interdicat, relictis in India opportunis pra^sidiis, ingenti classe properat ut ibi conjunctis sub Crucis vexillo Presbyteri Joannis nostrisque viribus, maximum Dei obscquium, et Maumeticas sectas detrimentum et ignominia sequatur, extremaque Orientis era, quo et sacras Apostolorum voces intonuisse compertum est, Occidentali nostras; pro- pediem jungatur, et ad veri Dei cultum, ipsius suH'ragante numine, traducatur; S. Sedi Apostolicas 103 Apostolicse ac tuae Sancthati, ut optimo pastori Christiani gregis, more dtbitum, obsequiutn et obedientiam oblatura. Bene valeat Btatitudo tua, quam pientissimus Deus diu ac fcli- ' ^^^^' cissime conservare et augere ad votum dignetur. Datum in Urbe nostra Olisipoiie, 8. idus Junias, Anno Domini M. D. xiii. NO. C. (To/, ii. p. 289.^ Aurelii Sereni Monopolitani Op. Rom. 151 4. De aliis munerilms aim Ekphante et Leopardo a Rege Emanueli ad Leonem X. Pont. Maximum dono missis : Aurelii Sereni Monopolitani elegiacum carmen. Won tibi sat fuerat divo inisisse Leoni Hoc ingens animal, quod novitate placet ; Est ingens, fateor, quamvis del'ormius esset, NO. C. Id tamen ingenio non caruisse putes. Sic natura jubet nihil omni ex parte beatum ; Una hie dote viget, qua minus ille viget. Hoc tamen ornasti pulchro tu muneie munus Huic dono junctus nam Leopardus adest. Distinctus maculis, visu pulcherrimus ille est, Oiune decus variis rebus inesse sokt. Digna ministeriis Rex optime munera sacris Misisti nostro Pontilicique simul. Altaris tegmen gemmis decoratur et auro, Ampla sacerdotis fit tunica atque nitens. Adduntur geniinje pro binis inde ministris, Magnum auri pondus quae preciosa valet. Hasc preciosa quidem sunt munera, qualia nulli Pontifici a quoquo Rege hiere data. Per flores et aves magnis texuntur elcncis Quos varius rutilans undique jaspis haljet. Cemitur Emanuel frons et tua grata voluntas, Sed dicas tanto dona minora Deo. Joannis Capitonis Aretini Elegia ad eundem Ekphantem. Si te Elephas Lybico credas servire Leoni, Fallcris : e caelo decidit iste Leo. Hie tuus est Dominus, terrarum gloria prima, Tergeminum decorat cui diadema caput, later 104 NO. C. Inter mortales plusquam mortulis habctur: Claudere cui fas est et reserare polum. Si servire Deo vere est rcgnare, Leoni Duin servis, regnas ; nam Leo in orbe Deus. Forsitan hie inter csli te signa locabit, Quando inter superos ille relatus crit. Quid natale solum patriasque reviscre silvas Plus cupias? sedes est sacra Roma Deum. Non tu Partliorum rcgum male tida subibis Tccta, sed fitroum cailitolumquae lares. In Vaticano cum tu stabulabcre colle, Delicias orbis jure tenere putes. Fertilitate locus pomorum et vere perenni, Hesperidumquc hortos praestat et Alcinoi. Quid memorem dukes auras, cjelumque salubre? Elysia hie credas arva colenda piis. Si te religio, Venus alma, et gloria tangimt, Religio hie regnat, gloria, et alma Venus. Bellandi studiis si Hagres Martis et oestro, Romuleam banc urbem Martia turba colit. Hac socia, invicti auspiciis, ductuque Leonis,' Ad Latios referes clara trophea Deos. Laeta triumphalis ductabis lercula pompae, Vel Capitolino plaustra superba Jovi. Vive diu hie la;tus dans omina fausta Leoni, Vescere cum Domino Hectare et ambrosia ; Schffinobates fias ; varies disce edere ludos, Quis dominum curis mille levare queas. Sic Latio poteris gratissimus esse Tonanti, Atque auram populi conciliare tibi. Ne raeditere fugam ; quod si moriaris in urbe, Non poteras fato nobiliore mori. Pontificem in summum testabere Regis amorem, Cum magna et sancta foedus amicitia. O felix animal, fausto sub sydere natum. Quod tam nobilitant Carmina, Roma, Leo. Ia. MaNIUS PuiLffNUS, Quos Capitolinum juvit meminisse theatrum, Qualiter est procerura res agitata viriim, Hue adeant, docti relegant monumenta Sereni ; Spectabunt oculos ceu foret ante suos. VlTALIS, VlTALIS. Tam bene succedit Syculo bonus iste Poets Ut mereat Succuli nomen et ingenium. Hie Elephas Vates ea carmina qvx tibi cudit, Nil nasi, et multum nasi Eiephantis habet No. CI. CVol. ii. p. 290.^ Exempl. in Riblioth. Vatican. 105 NO. C. Dieghi PaceccM Jur. Consult. In prestanda Obedientia pro Emamiek Liisitanoriim Rege Invictiss. Leoni X. Pont. Opt. Max. dicta Oratio. tiLOQUAR an sileara ? Quis enim obsecro vel consummatissimus Orator, P. B. qui tanta ingenii aut facundise feilcitas, ne dicani esse, scd animo concipi potest, qus ante Augustis- " • ^' simuni tui acerriini judicii Tribunal, apud Majestateni tuani, in sublimi Solio, ac solidissima Petri Pe.tra, divina unanimique omnium sententia sedentem ; inter SacrosanctK Ronianje Ecclesise Cardines firmissimasque Columnas, ac tot clarlssima mundi lumina, quasi Solem inter sua sidera micantem ; in tanta prestantissimorum virorum corona, celeberrimoque totius Orbis theatro, de re tam ardua tamque difficili, non dicam verba facere, sed mutire quidera aut hiscere ausit ? Quae sane res, si ulli unquam in hoc sacro Conventu dicturo difEcilis visa est, mihi quidem eo majorem difKcultatem afierre debet, quod homo pere- grinus, nullo dicendi, nulloque eloquendi studio sim excultus, sed rudis adhuc, et Transal- pini sermonis, situ squalidus, crassoque (ut ille inquit) sub aere natus. Venerunt profect* timor et tremor snper me, et contexerunt tenebrs. Quid igitur faciam ? tacebo ne ? Sed urget me parendi necessitas. An justissimi Regis, Dominique mti dicto non audiam, qui sanctissima Dei prascepta libens audire, seque ac sua omnia eidem dicare semper consuevit? An illius imperio non obediam, qui et ipse ultro obediens nos cum obedientia ad te mittit? An optimi, ac religiosissimi Principis tam sancto desiderio refragabor, qui ut tua lumina supplices adiremus, tuosque Sanclissimos Pedes exosculareraur, non sumptui, non impcnsje, non laboribus pepercit ? In tanto fluctuantis animi asstu harerem proculdubio, P. B. nisi Serenus iste, Divinusque Vultus tuus, discusso mentis nubilo, omnes jamdifficultates pervinceret, quo nos usque adeo recreas, ut tuo velut numlne, sinceram Principis nostri mentem, purissimum cor, prsecipuam fidem, singularem observantiam, atque hilarem offerentis animum jam perpendisse vide- aris, neque ex vexlwrum inopia, sed ex animi copia rem metiri, majoremque bonae volun- tatis, quam cuki sermonis iiabere rationem. Quare tuis jam auspiciis, B. P. Serenissimi VOL. II. O RegU lOG NO. CI. RcgisT iiostri Etnanuelis manclata paucis expHcabo, ut quam tuse Sanctitatis auribus moles- tiam forte hac barbara mea elocutione attulero, eandem ipsani Orationis saltem compcndio rependam. Sed iindc ordiar? quid primiim Lxcqviar ? Equidem divinas tuas laudes, jctcr- nasqiie virtutes aggressurus, novani quandam pali videor ex copia inopiam. Ita dicere co- nanti ccitatim se se ingerunt, ita qua3!ibet festiiiabiinda occurrens, primiim apud te locum sibi vendicaie gcsiit, adco quidem ul invicem se se ipsas eo concursu impediant et obtur- bcnt. Cogitanti etcnim niibi preclara Justitise munera, qua ad araussim et asqua lance cuncta perpendis, quae ut casterarum Doniina et Regina se primum ofTert, reclamat ejus socia Clementia, ac velut tibi peculiaris et propria, praeferri niiris modis cxpostulat. Dicturum de singuiari Prudentia, qua perpetuas vitse lineam tarn bene duxisti, non patitur Fortiludo, quffi te iuterrituni, ac sunima floreutissiraarura virtulum cacumina, Leonino more, afTcc- tantera, forlissime simul et felicissiine, Leo, tot laboribus, tot fortunae fulminibus sola virtute superatis, in ipso astatis flore (quod vix alteri contigit) ad eniinentissimuni rennu fastigiurn evexit. Gseteras vero conteninit, uullique cedit Teniperantia, cum posthabitis voluptatum illecebris, toties de te ipso pulcherrime triumphaveris. Gravitas quoque quae potissima laus in Principe est, nee lento quidem gradu, ut te sibi quasi suum vindicet, procedit, cum taracn Benignitas longo illam intcrvallo anteire conatur. Certat cum Fru- galitate Liberalilas, neque ei quidem concedere, aut hoc in certamine liberalis esse dclibe- rat. Verum ipsa Dei praspotentis Religio, recteque vivendi Ratio sanctissima, qua caeteros mortales semper pneslitisli, merito quidem te totum possidere, sibique primas ab reliquis deferri debere, summo studio contendit. Ita virtutum quaecumque prior occurrat, illi caeterae aliK quasi invidentes sese opponunt, magnaque vi obsistunt. In quibus profecto recen- sendls, cum impediat turba delectum, curaque ego ne<|ue eo ingenio sim, neque ea eloquen- tia, qui illarum magnitudinem, quae in te uno suum collocasse domicilium videntur, efferre possim, illis pra^termissis, qusso obtestorque te, P. B. ut pro tua humanitate, dumdemanda- tum niilii pensum absolvere pro viribus adnitor, quae dicturus sum ffiquis auribus benignis- sinie excipias. Venimus igitur, Potentissimi Regis Nostri Emanuelis, fdii lui devotissimi jussu atque imperio, ad Sanctissimos pedes tuos, ejus nomine, Apostolico Throno, ac tuse Sanctitali de more gratulaturi ; Deo imprimis gratias ageutes, quod eum huic SanctK Sedi, ac Petri naviculae Gubematorem praefecerit ; qui ut novit regere, ita et velit et possit. Venimus ab ultimo Lusitaniae recessu, ut te Dei Vicarium, Christianas reiigionis Sunimum Antistitem, unicum Rom. Ecclesias, gregisque Dominici Pastorem, veneremur, colamus, atque in tuo nomine Christum, cujus vicem geris, adoremus. Venimus publice priva- timque tuae Sanctitati, ab utroque Orbe nostris jam armis convincto, obedientiam ac vere recognitionis signa praestituri. Neque ea quidem solita et antiqua, P. S. sed nova, ac multo majora tibi afferimus : Et quas ad sanctissimam contra Christi hostes expeditionem in Sacro Lateranensi Concilio, quod ad id potissimum tam recte quam sancte continuare in- stituisti decernendara, non solum attineant, sed vel raaxime impellant. Nam ut Lusita- noruiA retro Principum doml forisque pro Christiano Imperio studium ac gesta omittam, utpote universo Orbi satis jam superque satis nota, ut admirandam Manicongrii Regis cum innumero populo. Regis inquam tolius jEthiopias maxiuji ac potentissimi, non sine Divino ministerio, sedula tui Emanuelis opera ad Christum conversionem silentio prseteream, cujus nova obedientiae munera, non multo post, primus videbis, primusque excipies, quid de nos- trorum 107 trorum Iiidica expeditione, belloque, quod in Oriente uiagnis aniniis geritur, existimandum est? Licet enim ad mei Regis famam, meae Patriffi decus, Lusitanique iiominis aeternitatera ' spectet, hand tamen silendum est Opus divinura potius quani humaiium, Opus ante sscula nostra nescio inspiratuni, an verius desperatuni, Opus quo impius iile Mauinetes, ejusque praecipua sedes, Sarracenorura caput, Media, in hanc usque diem Christianis armis inacces- sa, nobis nunc, divine suffragio, pei-\ia, non sine magno sanguinis pretio reddita est. Nam quod tam longe, tanlo terrae marisque tractu, ultra centum stadiorum millia, nostra arma, victricesque manus protendantur, tam immensa Oceani vastitate enavigata, tot in- sanis tempestatibus superatis, tot laboribus exantlatis, expugnata pene ipsa rerum natura, nee id quidem impune, multa enim nostrorum corpora ipsi indignant! Oceano devoranda, monstrisque niarinis in escam dantur, (pretiosa sane, ac summo pnemio digna sepultura, quae sui Dei amore, sua fidei zelo, sui Regis imperio, suae Patrias gentisque studio, pul- cherrime paratur) quod tot Reges, ac Satrapae gentis numero, rerum opulentia munitis- simi, classe potentissimi, nostra arma viresque sentiant, eorumque potentia a nostris, quamvis numero imparibus, saspe retunsa, multoties confracta, saepius attrita: quod tot Provinciae subactae, tot populi sub jugum missi, tot Nationes in potestatem redactae, nee ipsa modo oppida et opes, sed multorum quoque animae recuperatae, qui a perpetuo Mau- nieticae servitutis jugo liberati, veram Dei fidem agnoverunt ; quod memoratissima alterius quondam Orbis terrarum credita Taprobane, multis antea saeculis incognita, nee minus expe- tita quam Celebris, nobis jam sit familiaris; quod celeberrima ilia Aurea Chersonesus, Regiaque ejus Malacha, nostris subacta armis, jura legesque nostras acceperit ; quod pluri- mi Reges, ac minime aspemandi Principes, audita Lnsitanorum fortitudine, ultro fa;dus et amicitiam per Legatos expostularint, munera etiara, et ea quidem pretiosissima dono de- derint ; quod maximus ille, potentissimusque Princeps, Presbyter Joannes, sua arma nos- tris junxcrit, verae adorandaeque Crucis hand exiguum lignum tuo Emanueli miserit, to- tiusque sui Regni vires contra Catholicae fidei liostes libere quidem obtulerit: nonne hsc omnia P. S. ductu opera auspiciisque tui Emanuelis, in Christi jam peculium recensenda, atque in Sanctae Ro. Ecclesias Patrimonium sunt referenda? Sed quo ego illud piaculo prae- tercam Sanctiss. Leo, quod nuper hoc anno Invictiss. idem Rex noster fehcissime in Africa gessit, nihili estimans, quod variis liinc inde bellis, hinc ex Asia, inde ex Africa ageretur, ut magno apparatu bellico, maximaque instructa classe, Ilkistris magnanimique Bragantia: Duels, Sororis Filii, virtute ac robore animi, et fortissimorum militum ardore non fere prius instructam aciem in Africam transmiserit, quam de liostibus triumpha- verit ; Azamor Mauritania^ urbem, loci situ et soli ubertate insignem, ac totius Regni quasi caput, tantopere a Christianis et frustra tentatam, expugnaverit ; mox Ahnedinam orthodoxo nomini infestam, et cunctis affluentem divitiis, aliaque oppida munitissima, compluraque loca opulentissima, suae ditioni suoque Imperio felicissime adjecerit. Cujus rei gaudium duo tintinnabula, indigna olira ex Christianis trophaea, in Urbe Azamor repert^, mirifice tes- tata sunt, quae antiqui non oblita soni, magno Christiani nominis dedecore, tot annos suppressa, insperato nunc quasi postliniinio divinas laudes quotidie resonant, et quo diutius conticuere, eo clariore sonitu laetius jucundiusque exultant, turn in gratulationem restitutae libertatis, turn in contemplum perfidi Mauraetis ac superbi Sathanae, qui ibidem cum diris devotionibus (horrendum dictu] in Christianum nomen, indignissime colebantur, nunc O 2 autcm 108 NO. CI. auteiu illorumdedccoie vera Dei fides, vera laus, vera gloria sciscitatur, agnoscitur, prse- dicatur. Magna iiaec sunt P. B. signa, et (ut verius loquar] certissima Dei promissa. Dominaberis profccto, donilnaberis a mari usque ad mare, et a Tyberi usque ad tertninos Orbis terrarum. Reges Arabum et Sabae dona adducent, et adorabunt te omnes Principes, et oranes gentes servient tibi, tibi serviet ultima Thule. Quid enim jam sperandum est, nisi extremam iilam orientis oram, quo vix fama quidem Christian! nominis pervenerat, nostrx Occidentali conjunctara, et ad veri Dei fidem cultnraque traductam, propedieni Tua; S. ut Optimo Pastori Christiani gregis, novam obedlentiam ac debitmn obsequium praestituram, ut Indo ac Gange, Tago ac Tyberi, in eundem velut alveum coactis, luisque auspiciis concorditer fluentibus, fiat unum Ovile, et unus Pastor. Age igitur B. P. quod te jam mente ista altissima evolvere credimus, tantam bene gerendae rei occasionera am- plectere, aggredere hanc tarn claram provinciam, Magnanimc Leo, dignam Principe, dig- nam Pontifice, dignam iuquam Leone, Orthodoxas religion! salutarcm, Deo Opt. Max. gratissimara. Quid enim Servatori nostro Christojesu acccptius efficere potest ejus Vi- carius, quam infinitas peneanimas, perpetuo barathro demergendas, in viam salutis dirigere? Quid Sedi Apostolicae et Chrlstianae Reipub. commodius, quam membra Ecclesia; suo ca- piti resliluere ? Tuum est P. S. aestuantis Petri naviculae naufragio subvenire; tibi haere- ditarium fluenti Populo mederi, et Christianam Rempub. tot procellis, tot saevissimis tem- pestatibus tam diu jaclala, tuo salutifero ac pretioso pharmaco, peculiar! quodam gentis Medicas jure medicari. In te omnis aegrotantium spes alioqui inclinata recuiubit. Tu pub- lic* sahui remedium adhibe. Verum, verum inquam Leonem indue, pervigila, aut oculis adapcrtis somnum in hac navicula, quod Leon! de suis Catulis sollicito peculiare legimus, captabis, in qua non somniculose est dormiendum ne periclitetur, ne pereat. Pastor es bonus : ne oves tuas Barbaris morsibus lacerandas permittas : Unge nos Leo Clementiss. tuo salutifero adipe, tuo prctiosissimo unguento, quo rajwcissimorum Luporum rabiem con- teramus, teque ferocissimum Leonem in perfidos Christi hostes ostcnde. Quod quo facilius perfici possit, totis viribus, quod instituisti, adnitendum est, ut Christianorum Principum concurrentia inter se signa, unde tot vulnera, tot clades, tantam sanguinis effiisioncm, tot civilibus bellis oppressa res Christiana in dies patitur, in primis componantur ; ac tandcra confecta pace, qua nee D«o quicquam accept! us, nee huic rei aptius esse potest, sedatisque eorum discordiis, unanimi consensu, concordia fidelium arma, in Infideles tuo felici auspicio, convertantur. Quod ut facias, quanto potest studio ac precibus, te obsecrat, teque obtestatur B. P. tuus Emanuel, qui hujus Sanctae Sedis, Progenitonim more, ac tu» S. prajcipue sem- perque studiosissimus, qua solet observantia, nos alacri animo ad te mittit, cujus nomine obe- dientiam exhibentes, ver» sinceras^ue fidei officia spondemus nusquam defutura ; Teque, verum Christi Vicarium, Petri haeredem. Maximum Romanas Ecclesias Pontificem, totius Chrislianae Reip. Praesulem, recognoscimus, fatcmur, adoranius . Simul ttiam ut vestris Sacris Conciliis intersinius injunxit : ubi Clementissimus Deus dignetur adsistentium corda Spiritu Sancto ita replere, ut te duce decemantur, quas Dei cultum, Catholica; fidei aug- mentum, S. Sedis Apostolicse decus, Tuae B. merita ac famam, sacri Concilii laudem, totius Christiani orbis commodum, Infidclium perniciem excidiumque perpetuum concer- nant ; in Dei Opt. Max. gloriam stmpiternam. Amen. M. Casanova. 109 M. Casanova. Dum Tulli eloquium et clypeus famulatur Achillis, ' Emanuel dextra fulminat, ore tonat. Jo. J a. CipeUns. Armis Emanuel, Pacecchus ore est; Clarus viribus ille, hie eloquendo. Virtutes quoque Regias in uno Omneis Emanuele sentiebain, Dum doctus celebraret hunc Pacecchus, Hinc Regem dubitabo clariorem Devictine Arabes, et Indl, et Afri, An Oratio fecerit Pacecchi. Dicent nee scio posteri et nepotes, Laudandum magis an magis timendum. Bloshis. Lusitanorum turn fortia, turn pia facta, Urbera, orbem implerant, Oceanum, Imperia, Nempe pii et clari per saecia pareunia Regis Nullum OS, nulla a2tas laudibus abstinuit. At postquam suus ilia alto tulit ore Pacecchus, Et Regem egregium nuntia lingua refert, Perculsis stupuere animis Patresque Patrumque Ipse pater; Regis laus geminata nitet. Ac simul hinc, Regem, quod fecerit inclita, laudant: Hinc, se quod tanto jusserit ore cani. P. Cursius Carpinen. Regum gloria, Principumque sidus, Europae decus, IndiK subactor, Unus Emanuel facis quot omnes, (Si fas vera loqui) suis duellis Reges non faciunt potentiores. guas nunc scribere non opus, quod omnes Norunt tarn bene, quam suos lacertos. Nam dum hsec grandiloquo explicavit ore Paceccus tuus, sic Leo priorum Longe Pontificum optimus, Senatus, Sic orbis stupuit tuis trophaeis, Hkc ut te erigere, haud loqui hunc, putarit. Regum gloria, Principumque sidus, Europa 110 NO. CI. F.uropa; deciis, Apliricjc siibactor ; Quod sol exoriens cadenteni adorat, Ouod qiiuni Sol viget, est minor c;ideiile, Quod miracula tot facis cancnda, Felix ter, quater es tuis cancndis. Sed quae tot facis ut canat legendus Saeclis omnibus, omnibus disertis, Ter, quater, decies, perenne, felix. Lancellottus Politus Jur. Cons. Quid nam opus hoc ? Oro. Cuinain obsccro dicta? Leoni. Pro quo? Magiiaiiimo pro Emanuclc suo. Quid potuit tanto dici pro Principe dignum? Quis potuit tanto dicere digna Deo ? Pacecchus, grandi et claro qui edisserit ore, Te digna Emanuel, te quoque digna, Leo. Sit tua, Dive Leo, virtus licet unica, et ipsa Unica sint etiam gesta tua, Emanuel, Par tamen illius dicendi gloria, cum sit Unicus ingenio, et imicus eloquio. J5. Dardaiius. H»c quoque ne occiduae genti laus dcssct ab arnii;, Ingenii rarum protulit ilia dccus : Nuper enim Orator dum Lusitanus in Urbe Funderet eloquii flumina larga sui, Roma sacrosancto stupuit veneranda Senatu, Substitit attonitis Albula tristis aquis. Eloquium domina quod jam Tagus hausit ab Urbe, Hauriat occidui Tybris ab amne Tagi. Idem. Imperii augebat latos Hispania fines, Mitteret Augustos cum tibi Roma duces: Dum Lusitani tonat hie praeconia Regis Eloquii amissum rettulit ilia decus. Janus Vita/is Panormitanus. Rex, orator, eques, prudcns, torrens, animosus; Vincit, agit, pugnat, ingenio, ore, manu. Camillus Pordus. Ante quidera, Emanuel, Regum Rex, gloria belli Cesserat armorumque tibi, praereptaque nobis Militiae Mili'tise laus atque decor, quo maxima Roma Divum hominumque parens, coelo sese intulit olim; Dum tu, posthabitis bellis civililnis, et quae Nunc miseram urgueiU Europam, felicius arma Vertis in infidos hostes, belloque frementes ; Indosquc, Etiiiopesque, ignotaque Regna lacessis, Atque indignatum sternis tot classibus sequor. Non tamen antique e Latio, et Laurcntibus oris Candor adhuc aberat linguae, pluresque vigebant, Eioquio insignes, soliti volitare per ampla Ora virum, aetemunique decus nomenque mereri ; At postquam Orator grandi tonat ore Pacecchus Gesta tua, Emanuel, tuaque inclita facta revolvens, Flexaninla^ rapit adstantes dulcedine vocis, Obstupuere omnes, Latia: obstupuere Cameuae, Mirataeque suum Tyberim ut inigrarit in alveura Auriferasque Tagi, ac Durii praedivitis, undas. NO. CII. (Vol. ii. p. 291.J Sadokl. Ep. Pont. Ep. No. 20. ReGI PoRTUCALl.t. POSTEA quam Serenitas tua, suis Legatis, viris lectissimis, ad nos missis, id, quod Regi Christianissimo fuit consentaneuni, veram et sinceram obedientiam Deo optimo maximo, nobisque Dei in terris vices, licet immeritis, gerentibus, ac Sedi Apostolicse prsestilit ; cum taunus eorum publice cum magna dignitate actum, habitamque luculentam orationem lasti auscultavissemus, et qua^visa nobis fuerunt ad tuam singularem laudem, et commendationem pertinere, respondissemus ; fuimus ab iisdem Legatis tuis appellati, ut privatim eis copiani, et potestatem nostri faceremus, quod habere se dicerent mandata, et munera, de quibus tuo nomine essent nobiscum acturi : quod nos cum illis libcnter concessimus (antecesserat autem rumor, et hominum expectatio non mediocris, propter famam, et nobiiitatem eorum mu- nerumj qus abs te missa esse dicebantur, quo esset tua liberalitas testatior) die constituta advocavimus nobis Venerandum Fratrum nostroruni S. R E. Cardinalium coetum univer- sum ; magnamque piieterea multitudinem et copiam ornatorum ac prasstantium virorum tanti spectaculi celebritas concitarat. Itaque constituti in Conventu pleno summae dignitatis excepimus adeuntes Legates tuos, eorumque orationem de tua erga nos benevolentia, de inuneribus missis, de animo in sanctam Sedem Apostolicam, ac in Dei fidem egregio et praestanti, jucundissime accepimus ; neque mediocri cum voluptate, munera ipsa aspeximus, Elephantum unum Indicum incredibili corporis magnitudine, et Pardum unum aliquanto specie 111 NO. CL NO, CIL 112 specie ipsa vcnusliorcm, virgato coqiore, ct maculis distincto : scd in Eleplianto omnium ■ admintio major, vel propter memoriam antiquitatis, quod apnd veteres liaec bcllua Roma; frequens, tanto saecuiorum intervallo visa non fucrit, postquam videlicet hujus maximse, ct nobilissinix civitatis veteres illae imperii et potentisc opes conciderunt ; vel propter docili- tatcm IkIIux atque disciplinam, ita obtemperanlis moniiis ct praeccptis rectoris sui,ut fides fieret non false fuisse a geiUilibus nostris litteris proditum, esse quandam illi belluae cum gencrc lnini:ino societatem. Atque liacc hujusmodi animantium produclio, et nobis jucun- ditati fiiit, et popularem in primis iiabiiit admirationcm. Scd cum, hoc spectaculo transacio, in medio eorumdem Fratrum nostrorum, et in gravissimorum, atque ornatissimorum ho- minum corona, consedissemus, explicaverunt eo in loco ministri Majestatis tuae vestem deslinatam rebus divinis, ac vere tantummodo dignam, qux in thesauris Dei onmlpotentis censeatur ; cum nemo mortalis tam sit arrogans, qui se tanto illo omatu dignum putare queat. Sed ejus fulgor sitnul atque, involucris rcjectis, ad oculos intuentium est oblatus, silentium primum et tacita adniiratio omnes tenuit : neque enim aut oculi ad aspcctum, aut vox ad laudem sufficere posse videbantur; idque non injuria. Erat enim ea species, ea pulchritudo nobilissimi operis, qualem nee vidissemus antea unquam, nee videre expecta- visstmus; is splendor, qui ex candore, et copia tot gemmarum esse debebat ; artem autem in eo, et varietatem operum, cranes plane confitcbantur eliam pretiosiorem esse materia, cum diuturnus labor nobilitatem summi artificii, ordine et contextu mirabili margaritarum, an- tecellere omnibus Indicis, atque Arabicis opibus coegisset. Hoc dono conspecto, in quo, et magnitude animi tui, qui dedicasses, et summi Dei, cujus honor! dedicasses, erga fe be- neficentia perspiciebatur ; lectae sunt litteroe tuae, scriptae incertum elegantius, an religiosius; te, quod primitix omnium rerura Deo dicandae sunt, primitias Lybias, Mauritania;, iEthiopiae, Arabia?, Persidis, atque Indiae in Dei honorem, nobis, ipsius vices sustinentibus dare, ac dedicare. Quorum omnium, et verborum, et operum magnificentia, a tanto et tam illustri Rege profecta, inusitata quidem nobis et mirabilis visa est, animo pcrcurrenti- bus, quas tu provincias, quas regiones, quas eras tam terrestres quam mariiiraas virtute ac victoria, Deo comite, peragrasses ; ut tc praestantiisimum Regem non solum nostra, sed etiam antiquitatis mcmoria pra5buisses. Sed multo clarior, atque admirabilior visa est in tanto Rege, et optima erga Deum voluntas, et summa Religio: animus vero, et benevolen- tia erga nos, ceterarum rerum omnium nobis accidit jucundissiraa. Quamquam enim maximas, ac prasclarissimas res nobis dono misisti, tamen mullo habemus graliorem amo- rem erga nos tuum, quam cunctarum opum, et divitiarura apparationem. Itaque munera quidem tua, ut nobis charissima, in sacrario nostri delubri Palatini conservaturi sumus, te vero ipsum ac praestantissimas virtutes tuas in corde, atque animo nostro perpetuo conserva- bimus. Utinam quas vellemus gratias tuae Serenitati :!gere possemus : agimus quidem maximas: sumusque, si occasio feret, aliiiuando relaturi. Scd refertt Dcus ipse, qui nee pictatem tuam coelestibus suis prsmiis, quae maxima sunt, irremuneratam, nee nostram cu- piditatem referendae gratiae, ut confidimus, irritam esse simn. Nos quidem, quod nostras est poteslatis, et singularem benevolentiam tuas erga nos voluntati perpetuo habituri sumus, et summum honorem virtuti. Datum Romae die xi. Maji 1514. anno secundo. Leo X. Sadoletus. NO. 113 No. cm. (Vol. ii. p. 296. J Ex. orig. ill ArcMv. Palat. Reipub. Thr. BalJassare da Peseta a Lor, de Medici. Flor. Rom. 23 Mar. 1514. iJUESTA mattina sono stato ad longum cum lo prefato Monsignore Reverendissimo nos- tro, domandandogli, se haveva da dirmi cosa alchuna, rispondendo di no ; et ricercandolo dell N". GUI. judicio suo di questa tregua fra Spagna, et Francia, et quello gliene pareva ; medisse, die se non ci era sotto qualche trappola, la era per andar bene, et che Nostro Signore non se ne potrebbe piu contentare, quando non ci sia drento qualche che, come Sua Santita ne du- bita, perche quando siano per andare al bene, et non removere le cose d'ltaha, come lo Stato di Milano, come ne e stato accennato. Sua Santita (come ve dico) ne sta contentissimo; et pill di sono il Re di Spagna gliene fece intendere della pratica di questa tregua ; ma Nostro Signore ha paura, che non segua quel parentado della figliola di Francia con Spagna, ad la quale si ragiona dare in dote lo Stato di Milano, et quando questo segiiisse Sua Santita non ne sarebbe troppo contenta per rispecto delle cose d'ltalia ; questo me ha detto Monsig- nore Reverendissimo, che io ve scriva, et che voi nonne parliate con homo alchuno, ma solo ad vostra satisfactione sia scripto, et che per adesso non ci e altro. NO. CIV. CVol. ii. p. 296. _) Ex. orig. in ArcMv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. Baldassare de Pescia a Lor. de Medice. Flor. Rom. 15 Apr. 1514. MONSIGNOR Reverendissimo me dice, che qui non ci e altro di nuovo, salvo che questo Archidiacono di Monsignor de Marsilii venuto di Francia, et ciic voi di la havete il mede- simo, et che il Re di Francia dcsidera restringersi con Nostro Signore, et vorrebbe per me- zo di Sua Santita pigliaie accordo con Ii Svizeri, et essere con quella, et la pratica, che ha della figliuola con lo Arciduca, se potessi fare altro, lo farebbe volentieri, per rispecto clic nial- volentieri se depotesta dello Stato di Milano, et poi anchora dubita, die se lo Arciduca havessi quello stato, non fussi augumentato dallo Imperatore de una Verona, et altre citta Ii circumvicine, et cosi ne potessi venire ad damni soi : et dicemi Sua Signoria Reveren- dissima, che lo Re di Francia promette ad Nostro Signore Stato, Sec. se si restringano insieme loro tie, cioe Francia, Papa, ct Svizeri, et che havcndo questo non teme ne di Spagna, ne Inghilterra, ne Imperatore, nc altro, et facto questo ne vorrebbe venire in Italia, &;c. ad recuperarc lo Stato di Milano. Delle qual cose Nostra Signore none anchora resoluto, et altro non ci e degno da scrivcre. VOL. II. P Io NO. CIV. IL4 AlMcdesimo. April 18. 15I4. lo coniprelienJo, per quello possp ritrarre da alchuno, clie Nostro Signore vistosi lassato No CIV indrieto da Spagna da uno tempo in qua, comincia ad prestare orccchie ad queste cose di Francia, et ad ogni hora lo ambasciatore Franzese e con S. Sanctita ct lo ausculta volen- tieri, che prima nonne voleva sentir parlare, et M. Luisi de' Rossi e mezano ad tutte queste cose, et lui nie ha detto, che crede, che Nostro Signore so restringera cum qutlla Maesta, et veramente non e dubio, che quando fussino insieme Nostro Signore, Franci?, et li Svizeri, ci fussi da dubitare, et le cose andrebbono bene per voi altri ; staremo a vedere, et intendendo risolutione akhuna, subito se significhera ad V. S. NO. CV. fVul. ii. p. 299-J • Rymer. Fcedera. torn. vi. par. i. p. SJ. De Pileo et Glaclio Consecratis, ad Regem missis, Charissime in Christo Fili noster, Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem. ImITATI vetus Institutum Romanorum Pontificum Praedecessorum nostrorum, cum in X", CV. proxima Natalis Dominici Noctc, inter Missarum solemnia, Ensem et Pikum manibus nos- tris consecrassemus, ut eo postea munere, uti consuevit fieri, aliqueni ex Christianis Prin- cipibus de hac Sancta Sede beneraeritis donaremus, convertimus cogitalionem nostrara in tuam prascipue Majestatem, pro paterna nostra ac singulari in earn benevolentia, proque tuis ac lUustrium Progenitorura tuorum erga ipsam Sedeni et Christianam Religionem cla- rissirais ac testatissimis mentis; Teque tantum ac talem Principem, Sanctasque hujus Sedis ab ipso Deo utrumque Gladium habentis devotissimum Filium, hoc nostra praeclaro munere de Venerabilium Fratrum nostrorum Sanctse Romanse Ecclesise Cardinalium concilio de- » crevimus decoranduni. Quod quidem Donum, Fili Carissime, non tam Materia quam Misterio praetiosum est; signatur enim hoc Giadio, Unigeniti Dei Filii de inventore mortis ac humani generis hoste victoria, ac Dei inEnita potentia in ipso Filio siio, vero Deo et Homine, asque cum Patre subsistens. Figurat etenim Pontificalis hie Gladius Potestatem summam Temporalem, a Christo, Ponfifici Maximo, Vicario ejus in Terris coUatam. Pileus vero cum Ense iccirco conjungltur, ut eo, veluti Galea quadam Salutis assumpto, assiduus intrepidusque Propugnator adversus inimicos Fidei et Sanctas Roraanas Ecclesias protegaris, et armetur caput tuum Spiritus Sancti gratia, qui per columbam margaritis ornatam significatur. Suscipe 115 Suscipe igitur, Carissime Fill, Mimus hoc Sacrum Regia tu:l Animi magnitudine ac praestanti virtute dignissimum ; accipe mznu isd hel\ici Ensem Bellicum ; hoc Tu felicissi- mis auspiciis bella geres, hostes fidei nostras subiges, Christianas Reipublicje fines ac Imperium propagabis; tunc Te, Princeps Jbrtissinie, animum decet advertere ad tantum decus, tantum meritum, etiam ante alios evolare, contra InfiJelium rabiem tuae Militiae fe- cinora excercere, primitias virium, roboris, aetatis, Deo Optimo Maximo congecrare, ut in Praeliis per hoc munus coelesti auxilio fretus celebres refcras ex Christi hoste Triumphos, pace vero deinde parta idem Tibi munus perpetuo sit decori atque omamento. Quod ut Tibi gratius esset, mittimus illud per Dilectum FiUum Leonardiim de Spinellis Affinem ac Familiarem nostrum, Nobis admodiim gratum, ut Personas auctoritas gratiam muneris augeat, et simul ut Majestati tux intimam nostranr erga Te charitatem et benivo- lentiam coram uberius ostendat. Datum Romee apud Sanctum Petrum sub Aniiulo Piscatorls, Die Prima Martii M. D. xiii. Pontificatus nostri Anno Primo, Ja. Sadoletus. Charissimo in Christo Filio nostra Henrico Regi Anglia lUustri. NO. CVI. CVol. ii. p. 2990 Ex. orig. in Archiv, Palat. Reip. Flor. Baldassare da Peseta a Lor, de Medici Flor. Rom. xviii. Ap. 1514. v^UESTA havevo cominciato questo di xvii. credendo si spacciassi, ma perch^ non jto_ CvI parti alchuno per 11, la ho sopratenuta persino ad questa sera xviii ; et dipiu fo intendere ad V. S. come questa sera Monsignore Reverendissimo me ha detto, che io gli faccia inten- dere come qui sono lettere del primo di questo del Re proprio d'Inghilterra ad Nostro Sig- nore per le quali si duole assai cum Sua Santita de questa tregua, che lia facto Spagna con Francia, et monstra ne essere mal contento, et gli fa intendere, che vuole essere con queUa, et non uscire della voluntasua : d'onde Nostro Signore pensa, et con ogni ingcgno trama di operare, che I'lnghilterra et Francia se reconcilino, ft faccino accordo insieme, et di gia ha dato qualche principio, et fara ogni opera d'accordargli, et Dio gliene presti gratia. S. S. Reverendissima fa intendere ad V. S. che di questo ultimo capitolo d'Inghilterra la non ne parii ; ma solum sia ad sua satisfactione. P 2 NO. 116 NO. CVII. CFol. n. p. 302. J Exempt, in Bibliuth. Vaticana. Et v. Fabron. in vita Leon. x. in Not. 38. Copia originalis Litterce Serenissimi Regis Aiiglia: ad Sanctissimum Domiiiiim nostrum, Dominum Leoneni Fapam X. missce, de pace acfeedere per cum et Christ ianissimum Francorum Regevi noviter inita. IjEATISSIME Pater : &;c. Post luultas variasque disceptationes atque altercationes inter NO. CVII. Serenissimi Francorum Regis Oratores apudnos, et nostros Conciliarios ultro citroque habi- tas, divino tandem munere, et Sanditate vestra duce atque auctorc, arma per nos pro ista sancta Sede snmpta deposuimiis, ct terra marique pacem ac foedus cum eodem Francorum Rege asquis et honorificis, tarn vestrae Sanctitati quam nobis, condilionibus iniviraus. Nam vestrara ante omnes Sanctitatem, istamque sanctam Sedem, ac univei-sam ejus ditioncm, et nominatira Bononiam in hac pace et foedere comprehendimus. Complexi etiam sumus sacrum Iniperium, et Illustrissimum dominum Principem Castellje, atque illis annum hinc ad tres menses inchoandum dedimus ad animi sui sentcntiam dcclarandum, utrum in hac pace et foedere esse velint, nee ne. At vestrae Sanctitati diem nuUam pncscripsimus. Nullum prffiterea non studium et operam adhibuimus, nee quicquam obmisimus, ut Duccm quoque Mediolani eadeni pace ac foedere complecteremur. Verum id obtinere nul- la ratione potuimus. De Serenissimo vero Rege Aragonura, quoniam is res suas ex se ipso agere magis amat, neuter nostrum mentionem uUam fecit. A dicto Serenissimo Francorum Rege inter cffileros amicos Scoti quoque sunt comprehensi, sub ()uibusdam con- dilionibus, quibus eos nequaquam staturos existimamus. Hujus autem pacis terminus an- no postquam alteruter nostrum vita excesserit est constitutus ; queniadmodum ex dictas pa- cis Capitulis, quK ab eodem Francorum Roge intra proximos duos menses sunt conipro- banda, et postea infra annum vestrae Sanctitatis auctoritate (adjectis contra violatorem cen- suris) confirmanda, ac nunc etiam ex Reverendo Domino Episcopo Vigorniensi, nostro apud Sanctitatem vestram et Sedem Apostolicam Oratore, copiosius intelliget. Ut autem haec pax Hrmior stabiliorque sit, eidem Serenissimo Francorum Regi, Illustrissimam Sororem nostram Dominam Mariam, ab ipso instantissime petitam, in matrimonium promisimus. Qua; olim cum vix Annum xiii. attigisset, per nostrum clarissimae memorite Patrcm prae- dicto Illustrissimo Principi Castellas, Annum tunc atatis suas nonum agcnti pacta fuerat, tempusque constltutum, ut cum idem Illustrissimus Dominus Princeps ad annum xiiii. pervenisset, Oratores ac Procuratores suos hue ad nos mitteret, qui cum dicta Illustris- sima Sorore nostra solemnia Sponsalia, per verba de ])rcesenti, conficerent. Quod cum non esset ab ejusdem Illustrissimi Principis Gubernatoribus observatum, rursus anno superior! cum apud Insulas Oppieses essemus, huic rei, xv. die mensis Mail proxime praeteriti, per Oratorem nostrum operam dcdiuuis, atque hoc quoque ab eisdeni Domini Principis Gu- bernatoribus (quamquara saspe a nobis admonitis et rogatjs) fuit neglectum. Quapropter dicta Ulustrissima Soror nostra, consultatione prudentum habita, quicquid per cuuidem nos- trum trum Patrem, suo nomine, cum praedictis Domini Principis Gubematoribus actum fuerat, coram Notario publico et testibus se rescindere, ac initum habere protestata est : atque re dissoluta, dicto Serenissimo Francorum Regi est desponsata, et matrimonium per ejusdem Regis Procuratorem jam contractum. Quo vinculo non dubitamus sincerioreto et con- stantiorem inter eum et nos pacem futuram : ad quam quidem crebre studiosissimeque vestrx Sanctitatis adliortationes, et demonstrata nobis ab ea, non istius Sanctae Sedis modo, verum etiara totius Christianas Reipublicae utilitas nos imprimis allexerunt, ea sane spe, ut non nostra tantum, sed et omnium Christianorum arma plus nimio in mutuas caedes grassata, finem aliquando faciant, et in Christiani nominis hostes convertantur ; qui frater- nas nostras caedes laeti ac ridentes spectant, et nos eo melius rem sibi gerere, ac magis strenue sibi militare, quo atrocius in nostra ipsa viscera sasvire arbitrantur. Proinde Sanctitatem vestram etiam atque etiam oramus, ut quod sanctissime cogitavit, et foeliciter ccepit, universali paci componendae nunc maxime instet, Divinoque suo concilio, et quan- tis valet precibus, sicuti apud nos fecit, ita apud casteros Principes Christianos agat, sura- maque vi in tam prasclarum, tamque vestra Sanctitate dignura, Christianae Reipublic» salutiferum opus adnitatur : quo pulcherrima ilia, votisque omnibus et nobis semper exop- tata adversus infideles expeditio concordibus omnium Christianorum armis animisque con- spiciatur : quod aut sub vestra Sanctitate, aut sub nullo alio Pontifice nos visuros speramus. Ex palatio nostro Greenvici die xii. Augusti M. D. xiiii. 117 NO. CVII, NO. CVIII. (Vol. ii. p. 305. J Rt/mer. Fcedera. torn. \i. par. I. p. 6\. De Obitu Cardi/mlis Eboracensis. Serenissime ac Invktissime Rex et Domme, Domine mi Colendissime. i OST humillimas commendationes. Hodie, Bonae Memorias, Cardinalis Eboracensis Na- turae reddidit quod acceperat, ex cujus obitu quantum ceperim doloris nuUis possem NO. CVIII. exprimerc Littris. Nam, praeterquam quod observaveram et amaveram eum non vulgaritcr, fecit non parvam jacturam Ordo noster tanto Patre et Domino carere, et cujus etiam Servilio quo- tidie Regia Majestas vestra uti poterat. Sed quoniam a Deo hasc sunt, cui nihil nisi rectum placet, ejus voluntati acquiescen- dum «st, ejusque roganda dementia ut inter Servos suos ad aeternam illam vitam digne- tur accipere. Ego vero, quod ad Oficium meum pertinere existimavi, statim Sanctissimum Domi- niun Nostrum conveni, et suae Sanctitati supplicavi ne quid de Beneficiis praedictse Bonas Memoriae 118 NO. CVH!. Memorise prius decemeret, quam a Majestate vestra de ipsius voluntate certior fierct et juxta earn deliberarct : Quod ab Sua Sancfitate, pro summa ac patema ejus in M/iJestafem vestram bcnevo- lentia et aflestione, facile impetravi. Cogitabit itaque ilia mature quod magis ex ipsius Servltio fuiurum est, et Sanctissimo Domino Nostra quEecuraque coucedi ab eo poterunt sibi poterit lirmiter peniiiltere. Ego ab Instituto et Officio meo erga Majestatem vestram in nulla occasione discedam ; qu. iii. p. 496. A Monsigiior Bernardo Bibiena Cardinal di Santa Maria in Portico, a Roma. RiCEVUTE le ultime lettere di V. S. in risposta del Beazzano, chc fu a' 27. del pas- ffo, CXX. sato alle tre ore, mandatemi dal Serenissimo Prencipe, per le quali V. Sign, mi cominette- va, che io senza diniora mi partissi e tornassi a N. S. per non dar tempo alia commission sua, la mattina seguente ispeditomi delle mie bisogne particolari, e doniestiche fatta col- lazione entrai in barca, e fui a Chioggia non prima, che la sera a notte, per molto con- trario vento, che soffid quel giorno. Salito poi a Chioggia per le poste, e affrettando il cammino, aveudomi il Beazzano scritto, che io venissi tosto a Roma, parendomi pure un bel fatto il correr per questa marina quanto poteano i cavalli avvacciarsi, io fui bene il Sab- batodi alle 20. ore qui in Pesaro, ma cosi stanco, e battuto, e rotto, che io mi accorsi, che le stafTette non sono opera da vecchi, anzi per dir meglio mi confcrmai in questa ope- nione, che accorto me n'era io molto prima, che io da Roma mi partissi. Passai quella notte non senza qualche alterazione di febbre, ne mi giovarono le carezze, ed i vezzi fat- timi da Madonna Emilia, che nel vero furono assai. La Signora Duchessa nostra era iiel letto postavisi per Io spavento d'un fuoco, il conforto del qual fuoco, e d.mno ricevutone e stato quel fuoco, e quel danno, che avete avuto voi costi, riputando bella cosa questi Si"-- nori avere il Papa per compagno di questa fortuna, ed in questo lor caso. Parmi vedere a queste parole V. S. ridere, e dire, o bella invenzione, estimando, die io abbia finto il malato per istarmi con questa scusa qui alcun giorno. Per Dio Monsignore mio e per Santi, che io non ciancio. Sono stato tutto ieri si fiacco, e lasso, e conquassato, die io non mi potea reggere in pie, ed ho dubitato, e dubito tuttavia averne piii, die per una notte. Onde sapendo io, che a V. Sign, increscercbbe il mal mio, che siete amorevole de' servitori vostri, e a Nostro Signore altresi, ho pensato di starmi anco oggi qui, e poi domattina, se peggio non mi sopraverra, die piaccia a Dio di no, montero a cavalio, ma non per le poste, e verrommene con le cavalcature, che mi presta il Signor Duca a buone giornate, A quello, che V. Sig. mi scrisse, che pigliando io comiato dalla Sionoria, do- mandassi come da me, quello, che essi spendcrebbono quando potessero ricuperar Verona le rispondo, die si perche io avea gii presa liceiiza da loro, e fu il di seo-uente a quello nel quale io ebbi la risposta di quella Signoria fatta alia proposta di N. Sig. e si percio avendo la predetla Signoria per contezze avute da Roma sempre asjiettato, che io le pro- ponessi quell'altro panito, siccome commissione avuta da sua Santita a parte, se io mi fossi tomato alia Signoria, e avessi loro accennato, comunque si volesse cotesto, essi si saieb- bon confennati in tutte le altre cose, die hanno avutD da Roma, e spezialmcnte in quella che N. S. non sia per ispiccarsi da loro cosi, come io ho lor detto, anzi che sua Santita non possa far senza essi, e si sarcbbon peravventura levati tanto in su con Ic speranze loro, che aiebbon voluto essi esser pregati avendo ad accettare il partito: laonde mi parve di tacerla, quanto a quelli Signori ; estimando, che poi di costa si potesse cio fare con piu ri- putazion di nostro Sig. e piu loro utilita, conciossiacosache il dar loro ansa da insuperbire sia il danno di quella Repubblica. E' vero, die avendo io a cenar quella medesima sera, che 144 che io ebbi le lettere vostre, e fu I'ultirna, die io in Vinegia fui, in casa M. Luigl So- ' • vj.a_^111BRARY^ University Research Library "^WP Ililii