H 
 
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 THE MYSTERY OF WILLIAIM SHAKESPEARE 
 A SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE
 
 T 
 
 HE. Mystery of William 
 Shakespeare 
 
 A SUMMARY 
 OF EVIDENCE 
 
 BY 
 
 HIS HONOUR JUDGE WEBB 
 
 SOMETIME FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE 
 
 REGIUS PROFESSOR OF LAWS AND PUBLIC ORATOR 
 
 IN THE UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN 
 
 § 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 39, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1902
 
 Printed at the 
 
 By Ponsonby <i Weldrick.
 
 \J3 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFOu.,. 
 SAINTA BARBARA 
 
 Proem ...... 
 
 Of the Tzvo SJiakespcrian Problems 
 i Of the Unity of Shakespeare 
 ii Of the ScholarsJiip of Shakespeare 
 
 V Of the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 V Of Shakespeare and the Two Players 
 vi Of Shakespeare and Ben fonson 
 
 vii Of Shakespeare as a Lazvyer 
 
 viii Of Shakespeare as a Alan of Science 
 
 ix Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 X Of the Concbision of the wiiole Matter 
 
 Appendix — Notes .... 
 
 Ijtdex ...... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 32 
 
 • 52 
 
 ■ 79 
 
 . 103 
 
 140 
 
 170 
 
 • 199 
 
 • 232 
 . 251 
 . 283
 
 ERRATA 
 
 Page 142, note, for '■Letters of Apology'' read '■ Letter of Apology \ 
 and for^ i^G-j, 1568, 1569' read'i^<)~, 1598, and 1599'. 
 ,, 206, y^;- 'Declarations', ;-c^(/ 'Declaration'. 
 
 ,, 22!\, for 'Dick Hatteraick' read 'Dirk Hatteraick'. 
 
 ,, 254,/c;- 'Wincot and Clement Parkes ', read • AVoncot and 
 Clement Perkes'.
 
 Proem 
 
 OF late years a number of valuable and interest- 
 ing* works on the subject of Shakespeare 
 have issued from the press. With an industry 
 which nothing could exhaust, and a research which 
 nothing could escape, Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps has 
 furnished us in his Outlines with ' an authentic 
 collection of all the known facts respecting the 
 personal and literaryhistory of the great dramatist.' 
 Mr. Sidney Lee, who, in his Life of ShakespearCy 
 for the moment, has superseded Mr. Phillipps in 
 popular regard, has given us a most interesting 
 account of the Elizabethan Sonneteers, and has 
 shown, in opposition to the received opinion, that 
 the Sonnets of Shakespeare were addressed to 
 Lord Southampton. Mr. Wyndham, amid his 
 preoccupations as a politician, has found time 
 to publish an edition of Shakespeare's Poems, in 
 which he too has given us a valuable reading on 
 
 B
 
 2 Proem 
 
 the Sonnets, and, differing from Mr. Lee, regards 
 them as addressed to the young lord who was after- 
 wards the Earl of Pembroke. Mr. Castle, one of 
 His Majesty's Counsel, in his Study, has followed 
 the footsteps and completed the work of Lord 
 Campbell on the legal acquirements of Shakespeare, 
 and has advanced a novel and ingenious theory 
 on the subject. Mr. Justice Madden, the Vice- 
 Chancellor of the University of Dublin, claims to 
 have discovered the ' distinctive note ' of * the 
 workmanship of Shakespeare,' and, in his Diary 
 of Master William Silence^ has interwoven the 
 Poet's allusions to Elizabethan sport in a romance 
 which in point of interest may be compared to 
 Queenkoo-Hall, as animated by the magic wand of 
 Scott. And, last and not least, Mr. Swinburne, in 
 his Study of Shakespeare has shown the laborious 
 and elaborate revision to which the Shakespearian 
 Plays were subjected by their author, and has 
 for ever dispelled the notion that the great Poet 
 was insensible to the value of his writings, and 
 indifferent to their fate. 
 
 The Critical Study of the Professor of Literature 
 in the University of Dublin, after a lapse of thirty 
 years, retains its popularity as an analysis of the 
 ' Mind and Art ' of the great Dramatist ; but the 
 works which have been mentioned justify, if the}^ do
 
 Pro 
 
 em 
 
 not necessitate, a reconsideration of the notions 
 which we are accustomed to entertain of Shakespeare. 
 Nor can we overlook the obligations under which 
 America has laid us in the discussion of all Shake- 
 spearian questions. Judge Holmes, Mr. Donnelly, 
 and Mr. Reed have received but scant considera- 
 tion from the accredited organs of opinion on this 
 side of the Atlantic, but the services which these 
 distinguished writers have rendered to the literature 
 of the subject cannot be ignored. Their prede- 
 cessors, from the time of Farmer, had confined 
 their attention to the discovery of parallelisms 
 between the works of Shakespeare and the works 
 of the Ancients. The American writers, on the 
 contrary, have directed their efforts, with remark- 
 able success, to the discovery of parallelisms 
 between the works of Shakespeare and the acknow- 
 ledged works of Bacon ; and If they have not 
 succeeded In convincing the world that Bacon and 
 Shakespeare were really one, they have given a 
 powerful stimulus to the study of two of the greatest 
 men that the world has ever seen, if we are still to 
 consider them as two. Moreover, it is not merely 
 the question of the Identity of Shakespeare which 
 Is Involved in the discussions which they have raised. 
 These discussions Involve the question of his Unity, 
 the question of the extent of his Authorship, and 
 
 B 2
 
 4 Proem 
 
 above all the question whether in the received 
 text we possess his writings ' cur'd and perfect 
 of their limbs ' and ' absolute in their numbers 
 as he conceived them.' 
 
 In spite of all that has been written, there is 
 a vague feeling of unrest as to Shakespeare in 
 the public mind ; and a new study on the subject 
 may, perhaps, be welcomed. Whoever the great 
 dramatist was, we can form no adequate concep- 
 tion of his mind ; but what Lord Rosebery says of 
 Napoleon is equally true of Shakespeare. Man- 
 kind will always delight to scrutinise something 
 that indefinitely raises its conceptions of its own 
 powers and possibilities, and will seek, though 
 eternally in vain, to penetrate the secret of this. 
 prodigious intellect.
 
 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 
 
 IT is strange that, in discussing- Shakespearian 
 questions, we must commence with the discus- 
 sion of a name. In the time of Elizabeth, the name 
 Shakespeare, under which the Shakespearian works 
 were published, was to be found, as Mr. Phillipps 
 tells us, in every part of England. In Warwick- 
 shire, as appears from contemporary records, the 
 name was spelt in some twenty or thirty different 
 ways, all of them, however, pronounced as Shaxpere 
 — a form which it frequently assumed. In the 
 case of the Stratford family the name ultimately 
 crystallised into Shakspere. This is shown by the 
 extracts from the Stratford Register, which Mr. 
 Phillipps has given in his Outlines {\\. 51), and by the 
 facsimiles with which Mr. Lee has ornamented the 
 Library Edition of his Life. The Parish Register 
 of Stratford contains an entry of every event in 
 the domestic life of its famous townsman, and his 
 name appears as Shakspere in the entries of his bap- 
 tism (p. 8), of the baptism of his first child (p. 21),
 
 6 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 
 
 of the baptism of his twins (p. 23), of the burial 
 of his only son (p. 149), of the marriage of his 
 elder daughter (p. 216), of the marriage of his 
 younger daughter (p. 219), and of the burial of 
 himself (p. 221). As every one knows, the only 
 specimens of his handwriting that we possess are 
 the two signatures to the deeds which he executed 
 in 16 1 2, the three signatures to the will which he 
 executed in 1616, and the words * By me,' with 
 which the will is vouched. The three signatures 
 to the will are all but undecipherable, and three 
 different opinions have been expressed as to what 
 they reall}^ are ; but there can be no difference of 
 opinion as to the signatures of the deeds, a tran- 
 script of which is given by Mr. Phillipps (ii. 34, 36). 
 In the body of the deeds, and in the delivery clause 
 of each, the grantee is described by the drafts- 
 man as Williain Shakespeare, but when the grantee 
 comes to execute the instruments he does not 
 recognise that form of the name, but signs him- 
 self William Shakspere. To this spelling, accord- 
 ing to Mr. Hallam, there are no exceptions in his 
 autographs, and Mr. Spedding, in his observations 
 on the Northumberland Papers, gives expression 
 to the same opinion. Accordingly, Mr. Coleridge, 
 Professor Do wden, and Mr. Boas adopt the spelling 
 of the owner of the name, while Mr. Swinburne 
 rejects ' the new Shakspere ' as * .r? novics hoiiio^ 
 with whom he has no desire to be acquainted 
 (p. 256). It may be thought that as long as we
 
 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 7 
 
 have the Sonnets, the Poems, and the Plays of 
 Shakespeare, it Is idle to dispute about a name ; 
 but here the dispute about the name involves a 
 dispute about the man. The Legitimist spells an 
 equally famous name as BtLonaparte to intimate that 
 Napoleon was an Italian, while the Imperialist 
 spell it Bonaparte to indicate that he was French ; 
 and in a somewhat similar way there is a school of 
 critics who employ the word Shakspere to designate 
 the Stratford Player, and reserve the word Shake- 
 speare to designate the eminent person whom they 
 regard as the Author of the Plays. 
 
 The world has refused to make any such dis- 
 tinction. For well nigh three hundred years it has 
 identified the Player with the Playwright. The feel- 
 ing with which he is regarded has been consecrated 
 by authority, and has become venerable by the lapse 
 of time. Admiration has risen to reverence, and 
 reverence has been exalted into worship, and the 
 Shakspere cult has overspread the world. Stratford- 
 on-Avon has been converted into a literary Mecca, 
 and thirty thousand pilgrims annually visit its 
 Parish Church as their Caaba. 
 
 And yet it is wonderful how little we know of the 
 man we venerate so much ; Mr. Hallam., indeed, In his 
 History of Literature, declares that we know scarcely 
 anything at all. From his baptism In 1564 to his 
 marriage in 1582 we have no record of his existence. 
 From his marriage In 1582 till his arrival In London 
 in 1587, we know nothing of his circumstances but
 
 8 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 
 
 the birth and baptism of his children. From 1587 
 to 1592 there is not a particle of evidence respecting 
 his career ; and from 1592 till his death in 161 6, all 
 that we actually know of him is that he was a suc- 
 cessful player, that he made money on the stage 
 and invested it in land, that he retired from the 
 stage when he was comparatively young, and that 
 he died in April 16 16, without having claimed the 
 authorship of the works associated with his name, 
 and without having shown the slightest interest in 
 their fate. 
 
 To fill up the lacunae of his life a variety of 
 expedients have been adopted. According to 
 Mr. Phillipps, ' literature has been afflicted for 
 many generations by the reception of unscrupulous 
 forgeries, that have corrupted nearly every branch 
 of inquiry which relates to the life or works of the 
 great dramatist' (ii. 161); and of such forgeries Mr. 
 Lee has furnished us with examples in the forged 
 autographs, the forged letters, and the forged 
 entries, which he has exposed in the appendix to 
 his book (pp. 302-6). More innocent, but equally 
 worthless in a biographical point of view, are the 
 fancies In which critics of the highest reputation 
 have indulged. Assuming the famous Player to 
 have been the author of the Plays, they have 
 represented him as being everything that the author 
 must have been. The Plays exhibit a professional 
 knowledge of the Law ; and Malone assumed that 
 he was a Lawyer's Clerk. They display a semi-
 
 Of the Tivo Shakespearian Problems g 
 
 professional knowledge of Medicine ; and eminent 
 Physicians have converted him into a Medecin malgre 
 Lui. The Plays abound in classical quotations 
 and allusions ; and Professor Baynes is of opinion 
 that he was a trained classical Scholar, and that 
 even as a lad at school he was a master of ' con- 
 versational and epistolary Latin.' The Plays are 
 full of expressions, French, Spanish, and Italian ; 
 and accordingly Mr. Boas maintains that, though 
 he never swam in a gondola, he had acquired a 
 knowledge of two or three European languages. 
 The Plays are wholly exempt from all provin- 
 cialisms of thought and speech ; and Mr. Castle 
 indulges in the pleasant fancy, 'that he went to 
 London as a mere lad, and that he was taken in 
 hand by some high-born and well-bred ladies, who 
 taught him those high notions of the sex which he 
 afterwards embodied in his heroines ' (p. 154). Mr. 
 Castle admits that all this is very speculative, not 
 amounting to evidence, but of tJiat, he confesses, 
 we have none (p. 153). This is the characteristic of 
 all these fancy Shaksperes. In order to bring the 
 works as we possess them and the reputed author 
 into strict accord, his devotees have made him 
 a Schoolmaster, a Soldier, a Printer, a Courtier, 
 a Lawyer, a Man of Science — an ever-shifting and 
 elusive Proteus. Of all these fancy Shaksperes the 
 most charming is the one presented to us by the 
 Vice-Chancellor of the University of Dublin in his 
 Diary of Master Williain Silence. In defiance of
 
 I o Of tJic Two Shakespearian Problans 
 
 Martin Droeshout, the VIce-Chancellor gives the 
 young Stratford man a * lofty cast of features ' 
 (p. 13); without any evidence that he ever pos- 
 sessed a horse, or flew a hawk, or halloo' d to a 
 cry of hounds, he makes him ' the hunter, the 
 falconer, and the horseman ' (p. 350) ; and, 
 improving upon Malone, he speculates on ' the 
 occasion of the resolve that robbed Stratford-on- 
 Avon of a sporting Attorney, to give Shakespeare 
 to the world ' (p. 163). 
 
 If we disregard the dreams of fancy and the 
 tomfooleries of fraud, we can only fall back upon 
 tradition to fill the lacunae in the life of the most 
 famous, and at the same time the least known, of 
 the inheritors of a vast renown. These traditions, 
 it is true, date from some considerable period after 
 Shakspere's death; but, in the opinion of Mr. 
 Phillipps, we cannot reject them ' unless we adopt 
 the incredible theory that they were altogether 
 gratuitous and foolish inventions ' (p. xiii) ; and 
 he justly observes that ' in the country towns and 
 villages of bygone days, when reading of any kind 
 was the luxury of the few, and intercommunica- 
 tion exceedingly restricted,' the oral history of 
 affairs became ' imprisoned, as it were, in the 
 districts of their occurrence ' (p. xiv). Unfor- 
 tunately all the traditions about the young man 
 are of a degrading character. Tradition informs 
 us that he was apprenticed to a butcher, that he 
 was one of the Bidford topers, that he was a
 
 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 1 1 
 
 poacher on the preserves of Sir Thomas Lucy, 
 that he was compelled to fly from Stratford, that 
 his first employment in London was that of a 
 stableman or horseboy, and that his first connexion 
 with the stage was in the capacity of a servitor 
 or servant. Degrading" as they are, these tradi- 
 tions are accepted as authentic by Mr. Phillipps 
 and Mr. Lee, as they were by Rowe and Dr. 
 Johnson. 
 
 With such materials to work upon, it is interest- 
 ing to observe the different ways in which the life 
 of Shakspere has been treated. As there is a flam- 
 bo3^ant style of architecture, so there is a flam- 
 boyant style of biography, and as a type of the 
 flamboyant style we may take the Life contributed 
 to the Encyclopedia Brita7inica by Professor Baynes, 
 whose reveries, unfortunately, have misled Mr. 
 Wyndham, and caused the only blemish in his 
 admirable Introduction to the Poems. The life 
 of the young Stratford man is invested by Mr. 
 Wyndham with all the colours of romance. He was 
 born in * the Kingdom of the Marches ' (p. xviii), 
 and his boyhood was spent in ' the wild woodland 
 life of Arden ' (p. Ixxvi). His father, as the 
 descendant of one who had rendered important 
 services to Henry the Seventh, 'persisted in appeal- 
 ing to the Heralds' College for a grant of arms ' 
 (p. xxi), and his mother, as the daughter of a 
 ' gentleman of worship,' could 'claim descent from 
 noble stocks ' (p. xix). The boy ' went to school
 
 1 2 Of tJic Two Shakespearian Problems 
 
 at seven, and, after grinding at Lily's Grammar, 
 enjoyed such conversation in Latin with his instruc- 
 tors as the Ollendorfs of the period could provide ' 
 (p. xxiii). ' The boy of twelve and upwards was 
 given his fill of Ovid, something less of Cicero, 
 Virgil, Terence, Horace, and Plautus, and, per- 
 haps, a modicum of Juvenal, Persius, and Seneca's 
 Tragedies' (p. xxiv). In December 1582, being a 
 youngster of eighteen, he married Anne Hathaway, 
 his senior by eight years, who presented him with 
 his eldest child Susanna in the following May — 
 ' an adventure of the romantic order,' which was 
 not justified by its success (p. xxv). The ' legends 
 of the drinking-match between rival villages at 
 Bidford, and of the deer-slaying resented by Sir 
 Thomas Lucy,' are assigned by Mr. Wyndham 
 to the period of youth, 'when the blood's lava 
 and the pulse a blaze ' [ibid.). On his arrival 
 at London we are told that ' he rode straight 
 to the Theatre of Burbage,' and, ' claiming the 
 privilege of a fellow-townsman, enrolled himself 
 forthwith in the company of the Earl of Leicester's 
 players ' (p. xxvi). ' His friendships with South- 
 ampton and William Herbert,' according to his 
 admirer, cannot be omitted ' from any attempt at 
 reconstituting ' his life (p. xxlx) ; and when he 
 came to write the Sonnets he showed himself an 
 adept in ' the technicalities of the law' (p. cxxxlv), a 
 master of all ' the philosophy of his time' (p. cxxii), 
 and a profound student of ' the eternal processes of
 
 0/ the Two Shakespearian Problems 1 3 
 
 nature' [ibid.). One would think that Mr. Wyndham 
 was describing Bacon. 
 
 With this elaborate reconstitution of the life of 
 Shakspere, we may compare his life as given by 
 Mr. Phillipps, the most sober, the most candid, and 
 therefore the most trustworthy of his Biographers. 
 Instead of a Stratford of romance he gives us a 
 Stratford of fetid watercourses, piggeries, and 
 middens (i. 244) ; and the first item of family 
 history which he gives, is the fact that Johannes 
 Shakyspere, with Humfridus Reynoldes, and 
 Adrianus Quyney had made a ' sterquinarium ' in 
 the middle of the town (ii. 215). He ridicules the 
 statements which were made on behalf of the 
 family when it was proposed to ' impale the arms 
 of Shakespeare with those of Arden,' and frankly 
 acknowledges that both the father and mother of 
 the Player were descended from obscure English 
 yeomen (i. 162), and that they were so illiterate 
 that they could not write their names (ii. 369). 
 The town was all but destitute of books (i. 52). 
 There was a Grammar School in the place, and 
 in the absence of any evidence on the point, Mr. 
 Phillipps assumes that the lad was sent to school at 
 the early age of seven (i. 51) — more enthusiastic 
 educationists say six. What the curriculum was Mr. 
 Phillipps did not know and did not pretend to say. 
 No biographer of authority has ventured to convert 
 the Stratford Grammar School into an Elizabethan 
 Eton, or to elevate the Stratford lad to the sixth
 
 14 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 
 
 form prodigy of Mr. Wyndham. Mr. Phillipps 
 candidly admits that the Player's acquaintance 
 with the Latin language was, throughout his life, 
 of a very limited character (i. 52); and even Mr. 
 Lee confesses that he had no title to rank as 
 a classical scholar (p. 15). And the facts of 
 the case fully justify these conclusions. Shak- 
 spere's fellow- townsmen, Sturley and Quiney, 
 may be assumed to have attended the Stratford 
 Grammar School ; and their letters, of which tran- 
 scripts are given by Mr. Phillipps (i. 150, ii. 57), 
 are proof that they were not men of education. 
 Sturley, it is true, in the two letters in which 
 he refers to his countryman as ' Mr, Shaksper,' 
 and 'Mr. Win. Shak.' interlards his composition 
 with scraps of Latin ; but his only recollection of 
 the classics is in the words, ' hie labor, hie opus 
 esset eximie et glorise et laudis sibi,' in which 
 Priscian, as Holofernes would say, is undoubtedly 
 a little scratched. Still the letters show that 
 Sturley had some Latin, and possibly Shakspere 
 might have had as much, but he could scarcely 
 have had more. For when the lad was twelve or 
 thirteen, we know, from the Stratford Records, that 
 his father was failing in his circumstances, and Mr. 
 Phillipps tells us that he was prematurely removed 
 from school (i. 55). On his leaving school, all the 
 evidence we possess would lead us to believe that 
 he was apprenticed to a butcher ; and accordingly 
 into a butcher's apprentice, Mr. Phillipps un-
 
 Of the Tiijo Shakespearian Problevis 1 5 
 
 ceremoniously degrades the accomplished scholar 
 of Mr. Wyndham, and the hunter, the falconer, and 
 the horseman, of Mr. Justice Madden (i. 56). From 
 his fourteenth to his eighteenth year, Mr. Phillipps 
 confesses himself to be utterly unable to determine 
 the nature of his occupations (i. 57). AVhen he 
 was little more than eighteen, we know from the 
 records of the Consistory Court at Worcester that 
 he was married, under the name of Shagspere, to a 
 woman of twenty-six, who, as Mr. Wyndham shows, 
 was in a hurry to present him with his first-born. 
 In 1585 she presented him with twins. When he 
 left Stratford for London we do not positively 
 know. The twins were baptised on the 2nd of 
 February, 1585, and Mr. Phillipps is of opinion 
 that he left shortly after the baptism of the twins 
 (i. 66); Mr. Lee represents him, not as riding on 
 horseback, but as ' trudging on foot ' to the 
 metropolis in 1586 (p. 28) ; and Professor Dowden 
 considers that his departure from his native place 
 could not have been earlier than 1585, and might 
 have been a year or two later [H. I. Sk. viii., p. xix), 
 Mr. Phillipps adduces evidence which shows that 
 he was at Stratford in September 1587 (i. 80). 
 At that time his father was in danger of arrest 
 for debt (ii. 241) ; his own circumstances were 
 desperate ; and, accordingly, we may safely fix the 
 end of 1587, or the beginning of 1588, as the date 
 of his Hegira. The extremity of his distress is 
 shown by the meanness of the employment which
 
 1 6 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 
 
 he was fain to accept when he arrived at London. 
 Instead of representing him as riding straight to 
 the Theatre, and claiming the privilege of a fellow- 
 townsman from Burbage, Mr. Phillipps owns that 
 there is not the faintest evidence that Burbage 
 came from Stratford (ii. 344) ; and instead of repre- 
 senting him as enrolling himself forthwith in a 
 company of players, Mr. Phillipps, seeing that ' the 
 histrionic art is not learned in a day ' (i. 68), came 
 to the conclusion that, ' if connected in any sort 
 of manner with the theatre immediately upon his 
 arrival in London,' he ' could only have been 
 engaged in a servile capacity' (i. 69). 
 
 Entertaining this view of his antecedents, Mr. 
 Phillipps gives us his view of the intellectual quali- 
 fications of the young man when he arrived in 
 London. ' Removed prematurely from school ; 
 residing with illiterate relations in a bookless neigh- 
 bourhood ; thrown into the midst of occupations 
 adverse to scholastic progress — it is difficult to 
 believe, that when he first left Stratford he was 
 not all but destitute of polished accomplishments ' 
 (i. 83); and his Biographer holds that * he could 
 not, at all events, under the circumstances in which 
 he had then so long been placed, have had the 
 opportunity of acquiring a refined style of com- 
 position ' (p. 85). In fact, the only composition 
 attributed to him during his early residence at 
 Stratford is a ballad worthy of the bell-man, in 
 which he is said to have lampooned the gentleman
 
 Of tlic Tivo SJiakcspcarian Probkuis 17 
 
 whose deer-park he had robbed, and from whose 
 vengeance he is supposed to have fled to London.* 
 Nor can the picture of Mr. Phillipps be regarded 
 as too highly coloured. Lord Macaulay, in de- 
 scribing the state of England in 1685, records that 
 country gentlemen spoke the dialect of clowns, and 
 that even the country clergy experienced the utmost 
 difficulty in procuring books. The litter of a farm- 
 yard, he says, gathered under the windows of the 
 bed-chamber of the lord of the manor, and the 
 ft cabbages and gooseberry bushes grew close to his 
 •i hall-door. Stratford was no exception to the general 
 squalor; and Garrick, in 1769, on the occasion of the 
 great Shakespeare celebration, described it as * the 
 most dirty, unseemly, ill-paved, wretched-looking 
 town in all Britain.' 
 
 Mr. Lee tells us that it is ' the apparent con- 
 trast between the homeliness of Shakespeare's 
 Stratford career, and the breadth of observation 
 and knowledge displayed in his literary work ' 
 which ' has evoked the fantastic theory that Shake- 
 speare was not the author of the literature that 
 passes under his name' (p. 307). But the contrast 
 does not disappear by calling it apparent, and 
 the theory is not refuted by styling it fantastic. 
 The fantastic theory was maintained by Lord 
 Palmerston ; and John Bright was so impressed 
 with the apparent contrast that, emulating the 
 
 *■ On Shakespeare and Sir Thomas Lucy, see Note A. 
 
 C
 
 1 8 Of the Two Shakespearian Problems 
 
 controversial civilities in vogue, he declared that 
 any man who believes that William Shakspere 
 of Stratford wrote Hamlet or Lear is a fool. Even 
 the Historian of the Literature of Europe was 
 haunted by the shadow of the question when he 
 wrote of Shakespeare. ' If we are not yet come 
 to question his unity,' says Mr. Hallam, ' as we do 
 that of the blind old man of Scio's rocky isle — an 
 improvement in critical acuteness doubtless reserved 
 for a distant posterity — we as little /eel the power 
 of identifying the young man who came up from 
 Stratford, was afterwards an indifferent player in a 
 London theatre, and retired to his native place in 
 middle life, with the author of Macbeth and Lear!'
 
 M 
 
 11 
 
 Of the Unity of Shakespear^e. 
 
 R. Lee maintains that ' the abundance of the 
 contemporary evidence attesting Shake- 
 speare's' — that is the young Stratford man's — 
 ' responsibility for the works published under his 
 name gives the Baconian Theory no rational right 
 to a hearing' (p. 309). Let us then direct our 
 attention to the first of the questions suggested 
 by Mr. Hallam. 
 
 To the ordinary reader the unity of Shake- 
 speare is as indisputable as his identity with the 
 young man who came up from Stratford. The 
 ordinary reader regards the Poet as the one bright 
 particular star. To him the Shakespeare of the 
 plays, like the Shakespeare of the poems, is 
 indivisible and one. He has no more doubt of 
 the unity of Shakespeare than he has of the unity 
 of Milton. And he is fully justified in this belief. 
 The only authoritative edition of the plays of the 
 great dramatist declares that in the Folio they are 
 
 c 2
 
 20 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 
 
 presented to us ' cur'd and perfect of their limbs/ 
 and ' absolute in their numbers as he conceived 
 them. ' 
 
 But the improvement in critical acuteness con- 
 templated by Mr. Hallam has not been postponed 
 to the distant posterity for which the eminent 
 historian reserved it. To the Shakespearian 
 Scholars of the day the Plays of Shakespeare, 
 like the Iliads of Homer, are a noise of many 
 waters. Mr. Swinburne tells us that no scholar 
 believes in the single authorship of Andronicusy 
 that no scholar questions the part taken by * some 
 hireling or journeyman ' in Timon^ and that * few 
 probably would refuse to admit a doubt of the 
 total authenticity, or uniform workmanship, of The 
 Taming of the Shrew'' (p. 24). A host of experts, 
 following in the footsteps of Malone, assert that 
 the Second and Third Parts o{ King Henry the Sixth 
 include the work of Marlowe. The writers in 
 the Henry Irving Shakespeare ascribe the last 
 act of Troilus and Cressida to Dekker (v. 249). 
 Mr. Swinburne complains that the most charac- 
 teristic portion of Macbeth has been attributed to 
 Middleton (p. 19). Mr. Phillipps contends that 
 The Merry Wives of Windsor has been interpo- 
 lated by a ' botcher ' (ii. 265). Mr. Lee is as 
 iconoclastic as the rest. Intolerant as he is of 
 doubt as to the identity of Shakespeare, he, too, 
 denies his unity. To him Shakespeare is a noun 
 of multitude, signifying many. He attributes one
 
 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 2 1 
 
 of the most striking scenes in Maebetli to ' a hack 
 of the theatre' (p. 196); he suggests that the 
 third and fifth acts of Tiinon were the work of a 
 * colleague ' with whom Shakespeare worked in 
 collaboration (p. 197); he holds that the Vision 
 of Posthumus in Cymbeli7ie is a piece of * pitiful 
 mummery,' which must have been supplied by 
 another hand (p. 203) ; and boldly carrying the 
 judgment of Solomon into execution, he cuts the 
 body of Henry the Eighth in two, and hands one 
 half of it to Shakespeare, and the other half to 
 Fletcher (p. 212). 
 
 As the work of Shakespeare is said to have been 
 interpolated by others, so the work of others is said 
 to have been appropriated by Shakespeare. The 
 Hamlet mentioned by Nash in 1589 is attributed, by 
 Mr. Lee to Kyd (p. 177); the King John, which was 
 published in 1590, is regarded, by Mr. Marshall, 
 as an old play by an unknown writer {II. I. Sh., 
 iii. 153) ; the Henry the Sixth, mentioned by 
 Henslowe as performed in 1591, is described by 
 Mr. Marshall as an old play which Shakespeare 
 found at the theatre and slightly altered (i. 259) ; 
 the First Part of The Contention, which was published 
 in 1594, and The True Tragedy of Richard Duke 
 of Yoj^k, which was published in 1595, Mr. Boas 
 tells us, are considered by eminent critics as 
 plays in the composition of which Shakespeare 
 took no part (p. 540) ; and The Taming of a 
 Shrew, which was published in 1594, is regarded,
 
 22 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 
 
 by Mr. Swinburne, as the work of an author ' as 
 nameless as the deed of the Witches in Macbeth ' 
 (p. 1 24). And yet Mr. Lee admits that Shakespeare 
 ' drew lareelv ' on the Hamlet which he has attri- 
 buted to Kyd (p. 182) ; Mr. Marshall acknowledges 
 that Shakespeare was ' indebted for the materials ' 
 of his play to the Ki7ig John of the unknown writer 
 (iii. 153); the 'old play,' Henry the Sixth, appears in 
 the Folio as the work of Shakespeare ; Mr. Boas 
 confesses that Shakespeare transferred some three 
 thousand two hundred and fifty lines, with little or 
 no alteration, from The Contention and The True 
 Tragedy to his Lancastrian Trilogy (p. 540) ; and 
 Mr. Swinburne recognises the fact that, in The 
 Taming of the Shrew, ' all the force and humour 
 alike of character and situation belong to Shake- 
 speare's eclipsed and forlorn precursor,' as he calls 
 him, and that although Shakespeare ' tempered 
 and enriched everything' in his precursor's play, 
 in reality, he ' added nothing' (p. 124). In the same 
 manner, according to Mr. Swinburne, he tempered 
 and enriched everything in The Contention and The 
 True Tragedy, ' confining his labour to slight and 
 skilful strokes of art' — ' to the correction of a false 
 note, the addition of a finer touch, the perfection of 
 a meaning half expressed, or a tone of half-uttered 
 music ; to the invigoration of sense and metre by 
 substitution of the right word for the wrong, of a 
 fuller phrase for one feebler; to the excision of 
 such archaic and superfluous repetitions as are
 
 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 23 
 
 signs of a cruder state of workmanship, relics of 
 a ruder period of style, survivals of the earliest 
 form or habit of dramatic poetry ' (p. 59). This 
 is exactly the process by which an author, in the 
 maturity of his genius, revises the productions 
 of his youth ; and this is the very thing that the 
 Folio would lead us to believe. Accordingly, Mr. 
 Phillipps holds that the theory of the authorship of 
 Henslowe's Henry the Sixth, The Cofitention, and 
 The True Tragedy, which best accords with the 
 evidence we possess, is that which concedes the 
 authorship of the three plays to Shakespeare 
 (i. 87). The same conclusion may be drawn as 
 to the authorship of King John and The Taming of 
 the Shrew. Any other conclusion, in fact, would 
 leave a stain on the memory of Shakespeare, and 
 brand the editors of the Folio as guilty of a 
 fraud. 
 
 It will be interesting to examine the causes 
 which have induced Shakespearian Scholars to 
 disregard the official declaration of the first and 
 only authorised edition of the Shakespearian Plays. 
 In the first place it is evident that Shakespeare, 
 whoever he was, had in his novitiate been fas- 
 cinated by the genius of Marlowe. * The dead 
 shepherd's saw of might' is cited from his Hero 
 and Leander', Pistol's 'pampered jades of Asia' 
 are taken from his Taviburlaine ; and the ' despair 
 and die ' of the ghosts that haunted the tent of 
 Richard is a reminiscence of the * despair and
 
 24 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 
 
 die ' of Faustus. At times he imitates the style 
 of Marlowe so closely, that Mr. Swinburne, after 
 quoting the passage commencing with ' The 
 gaudy, blabbing, and remorseful day,' exclaims, 
 Aid Christophortis Marlowe aut diabolus (p. 5 1 ). 
 Not merely does Shakespeare imitate the style of 
 Marlowe, but, at times, he reproduces his very 
 words, so that Mr. Dyce conceived he had full 
 warrant for supposing that TJic Contention and 
 TJie True Tragedy were, to a large extent, the 
 work of Marlowe. But this, from first to last, was 
 Shakespeare's way. The description of the horse 
 in Venus a7id Adonis^ which is regarded by Dr. 
 Furnivall as a picture from Shakspere's youthful 
 life at Stratford, is borrowed, point for point, 
 and all but word for word, from Du Bartas ; * 
 the advice of Polonius to Laertes, according to 
 Mr. Lee, is abstracted from the EupJiues of Lyly 
 (p. 56); the different forms of giving the lie dis- 
 cussed by Touchstone, are taken, Mr. Lee tells us, 
 from the Practise of Saviolo, the fencing-master 
 of the Earl of Essex (p. 166) ; the ideal common- 
 wealth of Gonzalo is conveyed bodily from the 
 Essays of Montaigne ; and the character of Wolsey, 
 which is put into the mouth of Griffith, is borrowed 
 verbatim from Campion's History of Ireland, \\\ 
 fact, Shakespeare, like Moliere, wherever he found 
 anything that suited his purpose, or struck his 
 
 *■' See the Quarterly Review for April, 1894, referred to by 
 Mr. Reed in his Bacon v. Shakspere (p. 239).
 
 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 25 
 
 fancy, appropriated it without scruple, and made 
 it his. 
 
 A still more potent reason for the repudiation 
 of the Folio is be found in the ' fallacy,' as 
 Mr. Phillipps calls it, which is involved in the 
 'reverential belief that everything that is truly 
 Shakespeare's must be characterised by perfect 
 judgment, and consummate taste (i. 100). Accord- 
 ingly, it is argued that such and such a play is not 
 up to the Shakespearian mark, that such and such 
 a passage is below the Shakespearian level, and 
 that such and such a * damnable scene,' to use the 
 words of Mr. Swinburne (p. 2>2i)^ could not possibly 
 have been the work of Shakespeare. And yet 
 Mr. Swinburne admits that it is difficult to say 
 to what depths of bad taste the writer of certain 
 passages in Venus and Adonis could not fall before 
 his genius or his judgment was full grown (p. 41). 
 Fontenelle was of opinion that the first six or seven 
 pieces of Corneille were scarcely worth preserving ; 
 and yet they were Corneille' s. Professor Dowden 
 thinks that TitiLS Andronicus is un-Shakespearian 
 (p. 55) ; and yet the Folio assures us that it was 
 the work of Shakespeare. Mr. Massey protests 
 that Andronicus is the tragedy of horror, that it 
 reeks blood, that it smells of blood, that we almost 
 feel that we have handled blood — it is so gross. 
 As if Lear was not a tragedy of horror ; as if 
 Alacbeth did not reek blood ; as if Hamlet, in its 
 final scene, did not convert the stage into a
 
 26 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 
 
 slaughter-house, and leave it reeking like the 
 shambles. 
 
 The ' metrical tests,' as they are called, supply 
 another motive for the disregard of the Folio 
 declaration. 'These are the. ignes fatzii,'' says Mr. 
 Phlllipps, ' which, in recent years, have enticed 
 many a deluded traveller out of the beaten path 
 into strange quagmires' (ii. 347). Mr. Swinburne 
 is more out-spoken and emphatic. ' Properly 
 understood,' he says, * this that they call the 
 metrical test is, doubtless, as they say, the surest 
 or the sole sure key to one side of the secret of 
 Shakespeare ; but they will never understand it 
 properly who propose to secure it by the ingenious 
 device of numbering the syllables, and tabulating 
 the results of a computation which shall attest in 
 exact sequence the quantity, order, and proportion 
 of single and double endings, of rhyme and blank 
 verse, of regular lines and irregular, to be traced 
 in each play by the horny eye and the callous 
 finger of a pedant ' (p. 6). Of such a tabulation 
 of results we have a remarkable example. Mr. Boas 
 tells us that in Henry the Eighth ' the proportion of 
 double endings is i to 3, of unstopt lines, i to 2*03, 
 the percentage of light endings and weak endings 
 together, 7*16, and the number of rhymed lines, 6' 
 (p. 546). Mr. Boas is anything but a pedant, but 
 it is on tapster's arithmetic such as this, that 
 thirteen out of the seventeen scenes of Henry the 
 Eighth are attributed by Mr. Lee to Fletcher
 
 Of the Unify of Shakespeare 27 
 
 (p. 212). Mr. Symons, writing in the Irving Shake- 
 speare (viii. 160), as an 'unanswerable question/ 
 asks, ' Did Shakespeare, at any period of his life, 
 write verse in the metre of Wolsey's often-quoted 
 soliloquy? ' — 
 
 Farewell, a long farewell, to all my greatness ! 
 This is the state of man — to-day he puts forth 
 The tender leaves of hope, to-morrow blossoms. 
 And bears his blushing honours thick upon him, 
 The third day comes a frost, etc. 
 
 The answer to this unanswerable question is easy. 
 The metre of Shakespeare has the infinite variety 
 of the Egyptian Queen. At one time it thunders 
 as the mighty line of Marlowe, at another it 
 resounds with the organ-peal of Milton, then 
 again, we seem listening to the Pandean pipe of 
 Keats, and, at times, we hear the monotone of 
 Fletcher. And it may be added that Shakespeare 
 wrote in the monotone of Fletcher before Fletcher 
 had begun to write.* 
 
 *' If anyone cares to verify this statement let him read the 
 speeches of Fenton in the Merry Wives of Windsor — the one 
 beginning with the words ' From time to time I have acquainted 
 you,' and the other with the words ' The truth is, she and I, long 
 since contracted.' Or take the speech of the English king in 
 Henry the Fifth to the three traitors beginning with ' God quit 
 you in his mercy ! ' and the speeches of the French king and the 
 Dauphin of France in the fourth Scene of the second Act. 
 As far as double endings are concerned Hamlet's Soliloquy 
 on suicide commences in much the same metre as Wolsey's 
 Farewell to his 2;reatness.
 
 2 8 0/ the Unity of Shakespeare 
 
 But the main reason for denying the unity of 
 Shakespeare is the difficulty felt by Mr. Hallam — 
 the difficulty of identifying him with the young 
 man who came up from Stratford. Take, for 
 instance, the case of Hamlet. In 1589, Nash, in 
 an Address to the Gentlemen Students of both 
 Universities prefixed to the Menaplion of Greene, 
 refers to a writer, of whom he says : ' If you 
 entreat him fair in a frosty morning, he will afford 
 you whole Hamlets, I should say, Handfulls of 
 tragical speeches.' In 1594, Henslowe, in his 
 Diaiy, records that the Play containing these 
 tragical speeches was acted by the servants of 
 the Lord Chamberlain at Newington Butts. In 
 1596, Lodge, in his WWs Miserie, speaks of 'the 
 Ghost which cried so miserably at the Theator, 
 like an oyster wife, Hamlet, Revenge!' In 1601, 
 Jonson, in The Poetaster^ exhibits Tucca as calling 
 for the Ghost, and his two satellites as shouting 
 out, Vindicta ! In 1602, Dekker, in his Sati7'o- 
 ynastix, introduces Tucca as sa3dng, * My name is 
 Hamlet, Revenge ! ' No play could have been 
 better known. On the 26th of July, 1602, 'A 
 Booke, called the Revenge of Hamlett, Prince of 
 Denmarke, as yt was latelie Acted by the Lo: 
 Chamberleyn his servants,' was registered in the 
 Warden's Court. And, finally, in 1603, ' the 
 IVagicall Historie of Hamlet, Prince of Denmarke,' 
 was published as by ' William Shake-speare,' 
 with a declaration that it was presented ' as it
 
 0/ the Unity of Shakespeare 2g 
 
 hath beene diverse times acted by his Highnesse 
 servants in the Cittie of London : as also in the 
 two Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, and 
 else-where.' Under these circumstances, everyone 
 must have regarded the Tragicall Historie as the 
 play containing the Tragical Speeches, which had 
 been produced by Henslowe, and by Burbage, 
 which had been performed by the Servants of the 
 Lord Chamberlain, which had been alluded to by 
 Nash, by Lodge, by Jonson, and by Dekker, and 
 which was known to every playgoer in the city. 
 The plays had the same name ; they dealt with 
 the same subject ; they treated it in the same 
 manner ; they used the same language ; they 
 were acted by the same compan}^ ; they were per- 
 formed in the same places ; and everything pointed 
 to the conclusion that they were written by the 
 same author, and that the author was ' William 
 Shakespeare.'* To this conclusion, however, an 
 
 * In this connexion a slight but curious coincidence may be 
 noted. In the Preface to the ]\Ienapho7i the text stands ' if you 
 intreate him faire in a frostie morning, he will affoord you whole 
 Hamlets.' The comma, I think, must have been misplaced, and 
 the passage should read ' if you intreate him faire, in a frostie 
 morning he will affoord you whole Hamlets,' or, as it is added, 
 whole ' Handfulls of tragical speeches.' It is on a frosty morn- 
 ing that Harnlet, as we have it, opens. * Francisco ' is introduced 
 with nothing to do, and nothing to say but "Tis bitter cold and 
 I am sad at heart' ; Marcellus, speaking of the bird of dawning, 
 leads us to infer that it was Christmas time ; and the Ghost, in 
 bidding the Prince adieu, exclaims 'I scent the morning air' 
 — all pointing to the 'frostie morning' of the sarcastic Nash.
 
 30 Of the Unity of Shakespeare 
 
 objection has been urged. ' It is scarcely possible,' 
 says Mr. Marshall in the Irving Shakespeare, ' to 
 maintain that the play referred to as well known 
 in 1589, could have been by Shakespeare' — that 
 is, by the young man from Stratford — ' who was 
 then only in his twenty-fifth year' (viii. 5). 
 
 In discussing the question of the unity of 
 Shakespeare, we are thus brought face to face 
 with the question of his identity which we are 
 forbidden to discuss. The question which we are 
 forbidden to discuss involves, as we see, a question 
 of authorship, as well as the question of the unity 
 of the author. And it is not the question of the 
 authorship of the Hamlet of 1589 alone that it 
 involves. It involves the question of the author- 
 ship of the Andi'onicus of 1590, of the King fohn 
 of 1 59 1, and of the Trilogy of Henry the Sixth, 
 which, in its original form, was completed before 
 September, 1592. Nor is it merely the question 
 of age, suggested by Mr. Marshall, that is to be 
 considered. Congreve wrote TJic Old Bachelor 
 when he was twenty-three, The Doiible-Dealer when 
 he was twenty-four, and Love for Love when he was 
 twenty-five. But Congreve was a Scholar of the 
 House in the University of Dublin ; he was a 
 member of the Inner Temple ; he lived in the 
 best society of London ; he was the most accom- 
 plished gentleman of his time; and he is universally 
 acknowledged to have been a man of genius. It is 
 impossible to avoid contrasting these advantages
 
 0/ the Unity of Shakespeare 3 1 
 
 with the humble origin, the sordid surroundings, 
 the defective education, the mean employments, 
 the want of every opportunity of culture, which 
 were the lot of the young man who came up 
 from Stratford in 1588. The Plays of Congreve, 
 conspicuous as they are for their wit and their 
 knowledge of the world, are not distinguished for 
 their learning. The Plays of Shakespeare, on the 
 other hand, are the most scholarly jDroductions of 
 the age. Mr. Spedding, it is true, in the letter 
 which has been published by Judge Holmes in 
 his well-known work. The Authorship of Shakespeaix 
 (p. 614), holds that even ' if Shakespeare had no 
 learning as a scholar, or man of science, neither 
 do the works attributed to him show traces of 
 trained scholarship, or scientific education.' This 
 is a startling assertion, but one which, having 
 regard to the high esteem in which Mr. Spedding 
 is deservedly held, we should consider. The claims 
 of Shakespeare, as a man of science, will be sub- 
 sequently tested ; and, in the meanwhile, let us 
 consider his claims to be regarded as a scholar.
 
 Ill 
 
 Of the Scholarship of SJiakespeare 
 
 AVAST amount of unnecessary labour, as it 
 seems to me, has been expended in order 
 to prove the fact that Shakespeare was a scholar. 
 We are told by Judge Holmes, in his Authorship of 
 Shakespeare, that Rowe found traces of Sophocles 
 in the Plays ; Pope, of Dares Phrygius ; Colman, 
 of Ovid ; Farmer, of Horace and Virgil ; Malone, 
 of Lucretius, Catullus, Seneca, and Statius ; 
 Stevens, of Plautus ; and the like. More enter- 
 prising explorers on these voyages of discovery 
 have professed to detect in the plays indebtedness 
 to the ^thiopics of Heliodorus, to the Argmiautics 
 of Valerius Flaccus, to the EpJiesiaea of Xenophon 
 Ephesius, and to the De Vita Sua of Gregory 
 Nazianzen. But, as Gibbon remarks of the parallel- 
 isms between Gregory and Shakespeare, the voice 
 of nature is the same in Cappadocia as in 
 Britain. Dr. Johnson ridicules those who see a 
 translation of 'I prse sequar' in 'Go before, I'll
 
 0/ flic ScliolarsJiip of SJiakcspcarc 33 
 
 follow' ; and no less ridiculous would it be to regard 
 the ' oculis animi ' of Cicero as necessarily the 
 original of the 'mind's eye' of Shakespeare. In 
 Hamlet we meet with such phrases as ' O my pro- 
 phetic soul ' and ' a sea of troubles,' and they may 
 remind scholars of the Trpo/xavrt? 6vy.6<^ of the 
 Andromache^ and the KaKcjv vreXayo? of 77ic Persians ; 
 but no sensible man would suppose that Shake- 
 speare was indebted for these phrases to the Greeks. 
 Those who follow the same road will see the same 
 objects, and those who see the same objects will 
 describe them in the same language. We may be 
 sure that Shakespeare, whoever he was, did not 
 borrow his conception of Lady Macbeth from the 
 Aga?nemnon, and that he was not indebted for his 
 conception of Hamlet to the Elcctra. As for the 
 references to Heliodorus, Valerius Flaccus, Dares 
 Phrygius, and Xenophon Ephesius, they will be 
 apt to remind the cynic of the references to 
 Sanchoniathon, Manetho, Berosus, and Lucanus 
 Ocellus, with which Mr. Ephraim Jenkinson dumb- 
 founded Dr. Primrose. 
 
 The scholarship of Shakespeare is obvious on 
 the very surface of his writings — gemuit sub pondei-e 
 cymba. The author of the Sonnets, as Mr. Wyndham 
 tells us, was master of the technicalities of the law, 
 was familiar with all the philosophy of his time, and 
 was a student of the eternal processes of nature. 
 The author of the Poems shows that he had 
 studied the writings of the Roman Poet to whom he 
 
 D
 
 34 Of the Scholarship of Shakespeare 
 
 owed at once his Inspiration and his theme. The 
 author of the plays positively parades his learning-. 
 The characters in King Henry the Sixth dilate 
 upon the fall of Phaethon, and Althea's brand, and 
 the great Alcides, and the Minotaur, and the 
 Olympiads, and * the nine Sibyls of old Rome.' 
 Talbot complains that the Pucelle, like Hannibal, 
 * drives back his troops by fear, and conquers as 
 she lists ' ; and he boasts that, like Nero, he would 
 play the lute while the towns of France were burn- 
 ing. The Countess of Auvergne resolves to make 
 herself as famous by the death of Talbot, ' as 
 Scythian Tomyris by Cyrus' death.' The Maid 
 of Orleans compares herself to ' the proud insult- 
 ing ship ' that bore ' Csesar and his fortune ' ; and 
 the Dauphin protests that ' Helen, the mother of 
 great Constantine,' was not worthier of worship 
 than the Maid. The Dauphin compares the pro- 
 mises of the Maid to ' the Gardens of Adonis,' 
 undertakes to erect a statelier pyramis to her 
 memory than that of ' Rhodope of Memphis,' and 
 prophesies that her ashes will be borne in triumph 
 before the Kings and Queens of France, enshrined 
 in an urn more precious than ' the Coffer of 
 Darius.' These allusions, as every scholar knows, 
 are traceable to Plato, to Herodotus, and to 
 Plutarch ; but, having regard to Shakespeare's 
 interest in Natural History, we may safely conclude 
 that he derived his knowledge of the Gardens of 
 Adonis, and Rhodope of Memphis, froni the
 
 Of tJic Scholarship 0/ Shakespeare 35 
 
 Ahtural History of Pliny. The story of the Coffer 
 of Darius, in which Alexander deposited the works 
 of Homer, is to be found in the Advancement. In 
 the Second Part of the Trilogy, Queen Margaret, 
 when railing at the King, remembers her Virgil, 
 talks of the brazen caves of ^olus, and compares 
 the fascination of Suffolk to the witchery which 
 Ascanius exerted over Dido. Suffolk, on the sea- 
 shore, when threatened with death b}^ the captain 
 of the pinnace, bethinks him of the De Officiis, and 
 plies the captain with Cicero's description of ' the 
 strong lUyrian Pirate.' Lord Say, in peril of assas- 
 sination, quotes the Commentaries of Ceesar, in order 
 to mollify Jack Cade, and Dick the Butcher. The 
 Dramatist is so saturated with the literature of 
 Greece, that he makes the fierce Barons, who 
 hgured in the wars of York and Lancaster, the 
 most admirable Grecians. The savage Clifford 
 announces that he is ready to rip up the infants 
 of the house of York ' into as many gobbets as 
 wild Medea young Absyrtus did.' The angry 
 York talks of the Spear of Achilles, and the mad- 
 ness of the Telamonian Ajax. Warwick, when 
 contemplating a night-adventure, is full of Ulysses, 
 and stout Diomed, and the Tents of Rhesus. 
 Edward compares Margaret to Helen of Greece, 
 and describes her husband as a second Menelaus. 
 Gloster declares that he will 
 
 Play the orator as well as Nestor, 
 Deceive more slily than Ulysses could, 
 And, like a Sinon, take another Troy. 
 D 2
 
 36 Of the Scholarship of Shakespeare 
 
 And the saintly King, when upbraiding Gloster 
 
 with the murder of his only son, gives vent to 
 
 his parental feelings thus : — 
 
 I, Daedalus ; my poor boy, Icarus ; 
 Thy father, Minos that denied our course ; 
 The sun that sear'd the wings of my sweet boy, 
 Thy brother Edward ; and thyself, the sea 
 Whose envious gulf did swallow up his life. 
 
 These elaborate conceits are not the voice of 
 nature ; these pedantries are not the native 
 wood-notes wild of a rustic poet. But Shake- 
 speare revelled in them to the last. In The 
 Taming of the Shrew the lord talks to the tinker 
 about Cytherea and Adonis, and Daphne and 
 Apollo, and Semiramis, and lo. In The Merchant 
 of Venice the Prince of Morocco speaks of Hercules 
 and Lichas;. Bassanio, in contemplating the 'sunny 
 locks ' of Portia, is reminded of ' the golden fleece ^ 
 and ' Colchos' strand ' : and Portia, as Bassanio 
 approaches the caskets, says : — 
 
 Now he goes, 
 With no less presence, but with much more love. 
 Than young Alcides, when he did redeem 
 The virgin tribute paid by howling Troy : 
 
 — an allusion so far-fetched, that we must have 
 recourse to some History of Greece to ascertain its 
 significance and source.* As Shakespeare, in his 
 
 ""'■ If the reader wishes to gratify his curiosity on this point, 
 he may consult Grote's History of Greece (i. 239), where he will 
 also find an explanation of the fact that in Troilus and Cressida 
 the Telamonian Ajax is described as ' cousin-german to great 
 Priam's seed' (i. 157).
 
 0/ the Scholarship of Shakespeare 37 
 
 Henry the Sixth, describes the Dauphin as speaking 
 of the Coffer of Darius, so in his Richard the Second 
 he makes Bolingbroke defy Mowbray in the words 
 of Anaxarchus, and represents the Gardener at 
 Langley as acting upon the advice of Periander. 
 Lucio, in Measure /or Measure, talks of ' the Images 
 of Pygmalion ' as familiarly as if he, too, were 
 fresh from reading the Advancement. Portia, in 
 The Merchant of Venice, exclaims : — 
 
 Peace, ho ! the Moon sleeps with Endymion, 
 And would not be awaked ! 
 
 and even Launcelot Gobbo talks of Scylla and 
 Charybdis. And, finally, the Queen of Curds and 
 Cream, brought up as she was in a Bohemian 
 Grange, exclaims, 
 
 O, Proserpina, 
 For the flowers that frighted thou let'st fall 
 From Dis's wasrffon ! 
 
 '•aft^ 
 
 Nor is this the limit of the Scholarship of 
 Shakespeare. Ancient Philosophy is paraded 
 with as much ostentation as Ancient Literature. 
 Gratiano in TJie Merchant, Rosalind in As You 
 Like It, and the Clown in Twelfth Night, refer to 
 the opinions of Pythagoras ; the Dauphin in Henry 
 the Sixth draws his metaphors from Plato ; and 
 Hector in Iroilus and Cressida cites Aristotle for 
 the edification of Troilus and Paris. Something 
 more remarkable still is to be noted. As Bacon
 
 38 Of the Scholarship of Shakespeare 
 
 presses the whole mythology of Greece into the ser- 
 vice of philosophy, so Shakespeare presses it into 
 the service of the drama. The Typhon's Brood, 
 the Hammer of the Cyclops, the Transformations 
 of Proteus, the Fall of Phaethon, the Rape of 
 Proserpine, the Theft of Prometheus, the Maze of 
 Daedalus, the Wings of Icarus, the Heels of 
 Atalanta, the Warnings of Cassandra, the Frenzy 
 of Pygmalion — all these are as familiar to the 
 author of the Plays as they were to the author 
 of The Wisdo7n of the Ancients. 
 
 In the face of this ostentatious display of eru- 
 dition, Mr. Spedding maintains that the works 
 which are attributed to the young man who came 
 up from Stratford show no traces of trained 
 scholarship, or scientific education. It is an 
 amazing statement, and one which must have 
 silenced the eminent Baconian to whom it was 
 addressed, with the stupor of am.azement. But 
 Mr. Spedding only leaves the difficulty where he 
 found it. Call it trained scholarship or not, we 
 cannot fail to recognise the knowledge of Ancient 
 History, Philosophy, and Literature, of the History 
 of England, of Law, of Medicine, of the Art of 
 Composition, and of the Tragic Art, which is 
 displayed in Henry the Sixth. Giving the Strat- 
 ford Grammar School all the credit that we can 
 be reasonably called upon to give, we cannot 
 suppose this vast amount of information to have 
 been acquired at Stratford. It was a bookless
 
 Of tJic Scholarship 0/ Shakespeare 39 
 
 neighbourhood, and if we may trust tradition, the 
 habits of the young- Stratford man were anything 
 but scholastic. Mr. Phillipps, as we have seen, 
 was compelled to admit that when he left Stratford 
 for London he was all but destitute of polished 
 accomplishments ; Mr. Lee confesses that he had 
 no claim to rank as a classical scholar ; and Mr. 
 Hallam, iustar oviniuvi, was so staggered by the 
 circumstances of the case, that, though he accepted 
 the popular belief, he declared himself powerless to 
 identify the young man who came up from Strat- 
 ford with the author of Macbeth and Lear. 
 
 The Trilogy oi King Henry the Sixth, which was 
 completed some time in 1592, must have been com- 
 menced in 1590, when Shakspere had but recently 
 come up from Stratford. But when Macbeth and 
 Lear were written, Shakspere had been twenty 
 years in London, and during that time he might 
 have remedied the defects of his early education. 
 He might have acquired a knowledge of the 
 Classics. Like Master Cllve, in Every Man out of 
 his Humour, he might have spent his afternoons 
 in a bookseller's shop poring over books in French, 
 Italian, and Spanish. He might have dined at the 
 Ordinary, described in The Gulf s Hornbook, and 
 picked up a smattering of law from the thrifty 
 attorneys, whose legal jargon is ridiculed by 
 Dekker. He might have shared in the lyric 
 feasts at the Sun, the Dog, and the Triple Tun, 
 described by Herrick ; and he might have been
 
 40 Of the Scholarship of Shakespeare 
 
 admitted to the chamber in the Old Devil, which 
 was the Tavern Academy of Ben. He might 
 even have been a member of the Mermaid, and 
 absorbed the full Mermaid Wine of wit and 
 wisdom, the mere memory of which inspired the 
 muse of Beaumont. But the world is not made 
 up of might-have-beens, and we cannot accept 
 possibilities as facts, and we have not a particle 
 of evidence to justify these assumptions. Still if we 
 choose to indulge our fancy, and to endow the 
 Player with that enormous receptivity with which 
 he is endowed by Professor Dowden — if with the 
 Professor we choose to compare him to the Arctic 
 Whale, which gulps in whole shoals of acalephae 
 and molluscs, we may account for that vast and 
 various amount of information which strikes us 
 with amazement in the later works of Shakespeare 
 
 (p. 44). 
 
 But these assumptions, gratuitous as they are, 
 afford no solution of the problem to be solved. 
 In the interval between the end of 15S7, when 
 the young countryman disappeared from Strat- 
 ford, and the end of 1592, when he reappeared in 
 London, some half-dozen Shakespearian Dramas 
 had been written. According to that eminent 
 Shakespearian expert. Dr. Furnivall, Love's Labour '5 
 Lost was composed in 1588— 1589; The Comedy of 
 Errors in 1589— 159 1 ; A Midsummer Nighf s Dream 
 in 1 590-1 59 1 ; dind Ro7neo and fuiiet m 1 591 — 1593. 
 Hamlet WcL?, well known in 1589; Titus Andronicus
 
 Of tJic Scholarship of Shakespeare 4 1 
 
 must have been written before 1590; King Jolui 
 was printed in 1591 ; the Three Plays that com- 
 posed the Trilogy of Henry the Sixth must have 
 been studied, completed, and performed before 
 1592 ; and Tlie Taming of the Shrew, which was 
 published in 1594, and had been * sundry times 
 acted,' must have been written before Shakspere, 
 who, like a wild mallard, had plunged into the 
 pond, had finally emerged to view. 
 
 Accordingly, Mr. Phillipps holds that the in- 
 terval between 1587 and 1592 must have been 
 the chief period of Shakespeare's literary educa- 
 tion (i. 83). And, undoubtedly, if we assume 
 that the young man from Stratford was the author 
 of these early plays, it must. But, unfortunately, 
 the inference is only necessitated by the assump- 
 tion, and the assumption has but little to support 
 it. Mr. Phillipps candidly tells us that there is 
 not a single particle of evidence respecting his 
 career during the five years in question (i. 83) ; 
 and if, in the absence of positive evidence, we 
 accept the traditions which are regarded by the 
 Biographers as authentic, we shall see but little 
 reason to regard the interval between 1587 and 
 1592 as a period of literary education. According 
 to a tradition traced to Davenant, who was his 
 god-son and was anxious to be regarded as his 
 son, his first employment in London was that of a 
 horseboy ; and according to the tradition which 
 has descended to us from a Parish Clerk of his
 
 4 2 Of the Scholarship of Shakespeare 
 
 native place, his first connexion with the theatre 
 was in the capacity of a servitor or servant. It 
 is not likely that he rose from a horseboy to a 
 servitor at a bound; and it is certain that he could 
 not have been raised from a servitor to an actor by 
 a stroke of magic. The histrionic art, as Mr. 
 Phillipps observes, is not learnt in a day, but 
 requires a severe preliminary training (i. 68) ; and 
 the facts agree with this conclusion. It is not till 
 September 1592, that we hear of him as an actor; 
 as late as May 1593, his name is not included in 
 the official list of players (ii. 329) ; and the first 
 record of his acting which we possess is that which 
 informs us that in Christmas 1594 he had attained 
 sufficient excellence in his profession to play before 
 the Queen (i. 107). 
 
 Circumstances more unfavourable to literary 
 education than those in which the young man 
 found himself from 1587 to 1592, can scarcely be 
 imagined ; but let us try to realise the amount of 
 education which we must conceive him to have 
 acquired before we can consider him to have been 
 the author of the Trilogy of Henry the Sixth. The 
 author, as we have seen, was familiar with the 
 History, the Literature, the Philosophy, and the 
 Mythology of the Ancients. From his accurate 
 use of legal phraseology, that eminent Shake- 
 spearian, Mr. Marshall, acknowledges that he 
 would certainly seem, at one period of his life, to 
 have had some practical acquaintance with the
 
 OJ the ScholaysJiip of S/iakespcare 43 
 
 technicalities of the law {H. I. Sh. i. 346). From 
 the conversation in the Temple Gardens, Mr. Castle 
 infers that he was well acquainted with the habits 
 and life of the members of the Temple (p. 65). And 
 certainly no lawyer can read the three pla3^s with- 
 out seeing that the dramatist was a perfect master 
 of all the legal and constitutional questions which 
 were involved in the contest of the Houses. In 
 other directions the acquirements of the author are 
 apparent. The famous passage in which Warwick 
 enumerates the signs which proved that the good 
 Duke Humphrey was not ' a timely parted ghost,' 
 but was ' a strangled man,' could only have been 
 written by one who, like Bacon, had been ' pudder- 
 ing in physic ' ; and never did Shakespeare, even in 
 the final omnipotence of his genius, display a more 
 astonishing command of the tragic elements of 
 pity and terror, than is displayed in the death 
 agony of the guilty Cardinal, who died, and made 
 no sign. Here, then, is the riddle which we have 
 to solve. If we are to regard the young man from 
 Stratford as the author of Henry the Sixth, we have 
 to explain how an uneducated, or half-educated 
 young countryman, from a bookless neighbour- 
 hood, during a severe struggle for existence, and 
 without any apparent opportunities for study, 
 could have acquired the knowledge of History, of 
 Law, of Medicine, of the ancient Classics, of the 
 Art of Composition, and of the Tragic Art, which 
 is conspicuous in the noble Trilogy, from which
 
 44 Of the Scholarship of Shakcspeaj^e 
 
 Chatham derived his knowledge of the History of 
 England. 
 
 The difficulty of recognising- the young man 
 from Stratford as the author oi Henry the Sixth is not 
 diminished when we consider the Lone' s Labour '' s 
 Lost of 1588—9. Ignoring the imperfect education, 
 the sordid surroundings, the mean employments, 
 and the wild adventures of the young man, Mr. 
 Coleridge is of opinion that the diction and allu- 
 sions of the play afford a strong presumption that 
 'his habits had been scholastic' (p. 287). The 
 principal characters of the play, according to Mr. 
 Marshall, were persons who had figured prominently 
 in the recent politics of France {^H. L Sh. i. 3). 
 The subject-matter of the play, according to Mr. 
 Lee, suggests that its author had already enjoyed 
 extended opportunities of surveying London life 
 and manners (p. 48) ; that he was well acquainted 
 with the fashions of speech and dress current in 
 fashionable circles (p. 49) ; and that he was familiar 
 with all the gossip of the court {ibid.). The justice 
 of these remarks, as applied to the author of Lovers 
 Labour '5 Lost, is not to be denied. The habits of 
 the author could not have been more scholastic 
 if, like Bacon, he had spent three years in the 
 University of Cambridge ; he could not have been 
 more familiar with French politics if, like Bacon, 
 he had spent three years in the train of an Ambas- 
 sador to France ; he could not have been more 
 thoroughly initiated in the mysteries of fashionable
 
 0/ tJic ScJiolarship of Shakespeare 45 
 
 life in London if, like Bacon, he had been the friend 
 of Essex and Southampton ; and he could not have 
 been more familiar with all the g-ossip of the Court 
 if, like Bacon, he had, from his earliest youth, been 
 dancing attendance on the Virgin Queen. It may 
 be added that he could not have shown a o-reater 
 
 o 
 
 knowledge of Spanish and Italian proverbs if, like 
 Bacon, he had formed a collection of them, and 
 entered them in a common-place book such as 
 Promus. Like Bacon, too, the author of the play 
 must have had a large command of books. He 
 must have had his ' Horace,' his ' Ovidius Naso,' 
 and his ' good old Mantuan.' He must have had 
 access to the CJiroiiiclcs of Monstrelet to know the 
 conflicting claims of France and Navarre to 
 Aquitaine. The style of narration, according to 
 Mr. Coleridge, who thinks that the play was 
 planned before Shakspere had left Stratford 
 (p. 249), seems imitated from the Arcadia of Sir 
 Philip Sidney (p. 287).* Sir Piercie Shafton could 
 not have been better read in the Eitphues of Lyly. 
 The treatment of Don Armado and his boy, Moth, 
 reminds Mr. Lee of Sir Thopas and his boy, 
 Epiton, in Lyly's Endymion (p. 56). It is not too 
 much to say that the author oi Love s Labotir 's Lost 
 was the embodiment of all the accomplishments 
 
 * Sidney died in 1586, and the Arcadia was not published till 
 1590; and though it is said to have been circulated in manu- 
 script, the manuscript could scarcely have come under the 
 notice of Shakspere before he arrived in London.
 
 46 Of the Scholarship of Shakespeare 
 
 and all the culture of his age. In the purity and 
 plenitude of his English he was unrivalled ; in ' the 
 elegance, facility, and golden cadence ' of his verse, 
 he was unsurpassed ; he eclipsed Lyly ; he out- 
 shone Sidney ; his blank verse, in the opinion of 
 Mr. Coleridge, has nothing equal to it but that of 
 Milton (p. i8i); and Mr. Swinburne recognises 
 in it 'the speech of gods ' (p. 48). 
 
 How the young countryman could have acquired 
 the speech of gods, when even country gentlemen, 
 according to Macaulay, spoke the dialect of clowns 
 — how he could have acquired the book-learning 
 which is conspicuous in the play, when even the 
 country clergy, according to Macaulay, found the 
 utmost difficulty in procuring books — how he could 
 have become acquainted with the fashions of speech 
 and dress current in the fashionable circles of 
 London while residing in a country town such as 
 that described by Garrick — these are questions to 
 which everyone would like to receive an answer, 
 but they are questions which are left unanswered, 
 nay, unasked, by Mr. Lee. 
 
 When we come to consider the Comedy of 
 Errors, we meet with difficulties not less formid- 
 able than those which we are doomed to encounter 
 in considering Love s Labour 's Lost. According 
 to Dr. Furnivall, the comedy was written in 1589— 
 1591; and, according to Mr. Marshall, 'we may 
 safely conclude that it was completed between 
 1589 and 1592 ' {^H. I. Sh. i. 76). It was founded
 
 0/ /he ScJiolai-sliip of Shakespeare 47 
 
 on the Mcnaechuii of Plautus, which was not trans- 
 lated into English till 1595 {ibid. 75). The 
 author, therefore, must have been a scholar. 
 The author, moreover, to quote the words of 
 Mr. Swinburne, ' embroidered on the naked old 
 canvas of comic action those flowers of elecriac 
 beauty which vivify and diversify the scene of 
 Plautus' (p. 45). The author, therefore, must 
 have been a master of the arts of composi- 
 tion. The jests of the Comedy, according to 
 Lord Campbell, show that the author was familiar 
 with some of the most abstruse proceedings of 
 English Jurisprudence. The author, therefore, 
 must have been a lawyer. How, then, it will be 
 asked, is it possible to identify this brilliant com- 
 bination of the lawyer, the scholar, and the 
 accomplished writer, with the young country fellow 
 who, in 1588, was all but destitute of polished 
 accomplishments, and utterly unversed in the arts 
 of composition ? The play was performed in the 
 Hall of Grays Inn at the Christmas Revels of 
 1594, and the history of the function is given in 
 the Gesta Grayoriiui. From the similarity of style, 
 and from the fact that the names of the eminent 
 persons who assisted at the function are given, 
 while that of Bacon is not mentioned, it has been 
 argued, with much plausibility, that Bacon was 
 the author of the pamphlet. Be that as it may, 
 the Gesta records the fact that the Comedy was 
 performed on the occasion, and that, contrary to
 
 48 Of the ScJiolar ship of Shakespeare 
 
 the general custom of the Inns of Court, It was 
 acted by the Players. This could not have been 
 done without the knowledge and consent of Bacon, 
 who was a Bencher of the Inn, if not the actual 
 Master of the Revels ; and Mr. Castle (p. 226) 
 very plausibly suggests that Bacon, as the name- 
 sake of the famous Friar, was 'the conjuror' who, 
 according to the Gesta, was put upon his trial for 
 ' foisting a company of base and common fellows ' 
 on a society of lawyers. Of this company of 
 base and common fellows, Shakspere undoubtedly 
 was one. What, then, was his position ? In 
 Christmas, 1594, he had been six or seven years 
 in London. During that period Love' s Labour 's 
 Lost, and The Two Gentlcnmi of Verona, and Romeo 
 and Juliet, and A Afidsummer Nighf s Dream, had 
 been produced, as well as The Comedy of Erroi's, 
 These masterpieces would have made their author 
 famous, unless he was one who preferred to be 
 regarded as the Great Unknown. The Player had 
 no motive for concealment ; on the contrary, if 
 he was the author, he had every motive to come 
 forward and to claim his laurels. And yet he 
 had never claimed them ; he had never been 
 recognised as the author of the plays ; and when 
 the whole rank and intellect of London was 
 assembled to witness the performance of The 
 Comedy of Errors, he was not hailed by the 
 audience as the famous dramatist, but was re- 
 garded as one of the comjDany of base and common
 
 Of the Scholarship of Sha/ccspeare 49 
 
 fellows whom the conjuror had foisted on the 
 Inn.* 
 
 Mr. Coleridge has endowed the young- man 
 who came up from Stratford with a ' superhuman 
 genius ' ; and undoubtedly, if we assume the young 
 man to have been the author of the plays, we must 
 grant him the possession of a genius which, making 
 allowance for poetic licence, we may describe as 
 superhuman. But, unfortunately, in the absence 
 of evidence that the young man possessed a super- 
 human genius, we have no right, in the absence of 
 evidence, to assume that he was the author of the 
 plays ; and, most assuredly, he had given no signs 
 of the possession of a superhuman genius while he 
 remained at Stratford. Enthusiasts more iiltra- 
 Jidian. than Mr. Coleridge, have carried the theory 
 of superhuman genius into a theory of actual 
 inspiration. Admitting his humble origin, his 
 
 * Mr. Lee considers it to be doubtful whether Shakspere 
 was present at the performance, on the ground that he was 
 acting on the same day before the Queen at Greenwich (p. 62). 
 But Mr. Lee's doubt is grounded on a misconception. It is 
 true that documents in the Lord Chamberlain's office record the 
 fact that Burbage, Kempe, and Shakspere acted in 'two several 
 comedies, or interludes,' before the Queen, on the 26th and 28th 
 of December, 1594; but we know from the Gesta that, though 
 the Revels commenced on Innocents' Day, the 28th, the play 
 was not performed till the second evening of the function, that 
 is on the 29th. If Shakspere was absent from the performance, 
 then, on Mr. Lee's reasoning, Kempe and Burbage must have 
 been absent also ; and if so, how could the comedy have been 
 acted by the Players ?
 
 50 0/ the Scholarship of SJiakespcare 
 
 defective education, his mean employments, and 
 his want of all opportunities of culture, they have 
 venerated him as a miraculous birth of time, to 
 whom the whole world of being was revealed by a 
 sort of Apocalyptic vision, and who was endowed 
 with the gift of tongues by a species of Pentecostal 
 fire. This is Shaksperiolatry run mad. When 
 we venerate Shakespeare, we venerate him not as 
 a miracle, but as a man ; and the ordinary laws of 
 nature are not suspended in the case of extra- 
 ordinary men. It is here that the difficulty of 
 the Shaksperian lies. Though poetry, as Bacon 
 says, is a plant that cometh of the lust of the 
 earth, the intuitions of genius cannot supply a 
 knowledge of material facts. Book-learning can- 
 not be acquired without books, and books cannot 
 be obtained in a neighbourhood that is bookless. 
 The Arctic Whale may be capable of gulping in 
 whole shoals of acalephce and molluscs, but its 
 enormous receptivity is naught if it has no acalephae 
 and molluscs to gulp. 
 
 Notwithstanding the contrast between the 
 homeliness of the Stratford career of the young 
 Player, and the breadth of observation and know- 
 ledge displayed in the works of which he is reputed 
 to have been the author, Mr. Lee is of opinion that 
 * the abundance of the contemporary evidence,' 
 attesting his responsibility for the works published 
 under the name of Shakespeare, 'gives the Baconian 
 Theory no rational right to a hearing' (p. 309).
 
 OJ tJie Scholarship of Sliakcspcare 51 
 
 And, undoubtedly, if the Player's responsibility 
 for the works published under the name of Shake- 
 speare is duly attested, all controversy is concluded. 
 In the presence of established fact antecedent 
 improbabilities vanish, apparent impossibilities dis- 
 appear, discussion is closed, and doubt itself is 
 dumb. Let us see, then, what is the contemporary 
 evidence which attests the responsibility of the 
 young man who came up from Stratford for the 
 works which were published under the name of 
 Shakespeare. 
 
 E 2
 
 \ 
 
 IV 
 
 0/ the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 WHEN the young man from Stratford arrived 
 in London there were only two Playhouses 
 in the city — the Theatre, built in 1576 by James 
 Burbage, the father of the famous tragic actor, and 
 the Curtain, built about the same time by Philip 
 Henslowe, the father-in-law of Alleyn. The Rose 
 was built by Henslowe in 1592, and the Globe by 
 the sons of Burbage in 1599. The Blackfriars 
 was a subsequent erection. The site was de- 
 mised to James Burbage in 1596, and was sub- 
 demised by him as a theatre for the Children of 
 the Chapel, the little eyases of Hamlet, by whom 
 it was occupied till 1609, when the sons of Burbage 
 converted it into a theatre for men. The early 
 Shakespearian plays had no peculiar home. Hamlet 
 was performed at the Theatre, and Love s Labour '5 
 Lost at the Curtain, but the later plays were all 
 performed at the Blackfriars or the Globe. Mr. 
 Phillipps and Mr. Lee are of opinion that the 
 earliest successes of Shakspere were achieved
 
 Of tJie Identity of Shakespeare 53 
 
 at Henslowe's theatre, the Rose; but Henslowe, 
 who kept a diary, in which he recorded his deal- 
 ings with all the leading playwrights of the 
 day, never once makes mention of his name. 
 All our evidence, on the contrary, points to his 
 early connexion with the Burbages. The elder 
 Burbage kept a livery stable in the neighbourhood 
 of the Theatre, and this, as Mr. Phillipps thinks, 
 may explain the tradition of Shakspere's employ- 
 ment as a horseboy (I. 72). In was In company 
 with Richard Burbage that he is first introduced 
 to our notice as an actor (I. 109) ; and it is as a 
 member of the Burbage troupe that he Is known 
 to us during the whole of his subsequent career. 
 If there was anyone, therefore, who could have 
 attested the responsibility of the young Stratford 
 man for the Plays which were published under the 
 name of Shakespeare, It was the Burbages. They 
 were the owners of the theatres at which they were 
 performed ; they were the managers to whom the 
 manuscripts must have been submitted ; they were 
 in daily Intercourse with Shakspere ; and yet, as 
 Mr. Phillipps admits, the Burbages had no concep- 
 tion of the intellectual supremacy of their friend 
 and fellow (I. 102). Of this we have a remarkable 
 proof In the papers of which Mr. Phillipps has 
 given us a transcript (i. 286). In 1635, Richard 
 Burbage was dead, and his brother, Cuthbert, was 
 involved In a dispute between the ' Actors ' and 
 the ' Housekeepers ' of the Blackfriars and the
 
 54 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 Globe. The Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, 
 the survivor of the Incomparable Pair of Brethren 
 to whom the Folio was dedicated, was the Lord 
 Chamberlain of the day, and to him, as the auto- 
 crat of the stage, the matter was referred. In a 
 memorial addressed to that nobleman, Cuthbert 
 Burbage gives an account of the building of the 
 Globe by his deceased brother and himself, and he 
 relates the circumstances under which Shakspere 
 became connected with the great Shakespearian 
 Playhouse. ' To ourselves,' he says, * we joined 
 those deserving men, Shakspere, Hemings, Con- 
 dall, Philips, and others, partners in the profits of 
 that they call the House' (i. 291); and he adds 
 that when he and his brother took possession of 
 the Blackfriars in 1609, they placed in it 'men- 
 players which were Hemings, Condall, Shak- 
 speare, &c.,' as successors to the Children of the 
 Chapel. This is all we know of the circumstances 
 under which Shakspere became connected with 
 the Blackfriars and the Globe ; and it cannot but 
 appear strange that the proprietor of the Play- 
 houses, which had been made famous by the pro- 
 duction of the Shakespearian Plays, should, in 
 1635 — twelve years after the publication of the 
 Great Folio — describe their reputed author to the 
 survivor of the Incomparable Pair, as merely a 
 ' man-player,' and a ' deserving man.' But so 
 the record stands. 
 
 As to the earlier career of the young Stratford
 
 0/ the Identity of SJiakespcare 55 
 
 man in London we are completely in the dark. 
 Mr. Phillipps tells us that there is not a single 
 particle of evidence respecting his career in the 
 interval between the years 1587 and 1592 (i. 83). 
 The writer to whom we are indebted for the 
 first glimpse of the young adventurer after he 
 arrived in London is Robert Greene. Born in 
 1560, Greene was three or four years senior to 
 Shakspere. He was a man of genius. He was 
 a Graduate of both Universities. He was at once 
 the most versatile and the most laborious of 
 literary men. In his brief career he was the 
 author of some forty pamphlets ; he was one of 
 the founders of English fiction ; and he was the 
 author of half a-dozen plays, which enjoyed great 
 popularity in their day, and which, after the lapse 
 of three centuries, have been deemed worthy of 
 republication. Unfortunately Greene was one of 
 those men of genius who are so vividly described 
 in The Fortunes of Nigel — men who alternately 
 revelled in debauchery, and struggled with the 
 meanest necessities of life. He was, in fact, the 
 victim of that fatal banquet of Rhenish Wine and 
 Pickled Herrings, which is so frequently alluded to 
 in the literature of the time. It is to him, in all 
 probability, that Shakespeare alludes in A Mid- 
 summer N'ighf s Dream, as ' Learning late deceased 
 in beggary ' ; and it is certain that Shakespeare 
 selected one of his novels as the groundwork of 
 The Winter's Tale. In September, 1592, Greene 
 
 V'^
 
 56 Oj the Identity of SJiakespeare 
 
 was lying on his death-bed, and, in an access of 
 remorse, he addressed his famous pamphlet, The 
 Groatsworth of Wit, to Marlowe, Peele, and Lodge, 
 ' his quondam acquaintances, that spent their wits 
 in making plays.' The plays of Greene and his 
 three friends would seem to have been performed 
 by the company of which Shakspere had recently 
 become a member. At the time the dramatic poet, 
 as one of the hired men of the theatre, was paid 
 by the actors out of their share in the takings 
 of the house ; and Shakspere, whether as the 
 junior of the troupe, or as already remarkable for 
 the business aptitudes which distinguished him 
 through life, would seem to have been entrusted 
 with its pecuniary affairs. Greene, conceiving 
 that he had been neglected in his extremity by 
 the young Johannes Factotum, as he calls him, 
 denounced him as a man with ' a tyger's heart 
 wrapt in a player's hide,' and advised his friends 
 to seek them better masters than ' such rude 
 grooms,' such ' buckram gentlemen,' ' such pea- 
 sants.' The young Factotum, it seems, claimed 
 to be the only Shake-scene in a country, and 
 boasted that he could bombast out a blank verse 
 with the best : but Greene informs his friends, who 
 ^o not seem to have been previously aware of 
 Shakspere' s existence, that he was only one of 
 ' those puppits that speak from our niouths,' one 
 of ' those antics garnisht in our colours,' ' an up- 
 start crow beautified with our feathers,' one of ' those
 
 0/ the Identity of Shakespeare 5 7 
 
 painted monsters,' in fine, whom Greene consigned 
 to the contempt of ' the best-minded ' of his con- 
 temporaries. In this tirade of the playwright 
 against the players one thing, at all events, is 
 clear. The author of The Groatsworth of JFit 
 does not identify the young Shake-scene with 
 the Shakespeare who, in 1592, had written Love s 
 Labour '' s Lost, and Romeo and Juliet, and A 
 Midsiuiimer Nighf s Dream ; and it is worthy of 
 remark that while the Shakspere of the stage, 
 according to Greene, was boasting that he could 
 bombast out blank verse with the best, the Shake- 
 speare of the plays, according to Mr. Swinburne, 
 was still under the influence of ' his evil angel, 
 rhyme' (p. ^2). 
 
 From the language of The Groatsworth, Mr. 
 Dyce inferred that ' before September, 1592, 
 Shakespeare had remodelled certain pieces written, 
 either separately or conjoin tl}^, by Greene, Marlowe, 
 Peele, and Lodge ' ; and Mr. Lee thinks that 
 Greene's tirade was inspired by his resentment 
 at the energy of the young actor in revising the 
 work of his seniors with such masterly effect, as to 
 imperil their hold upon the public (p. 53). But 
 the language of Greene does not warrant the con- 
 clusion ; and, as Mr. Phillipps justly observes, 
 it merely conveys that Shakspere was one who 'V^, 
 acted in the plays of which Greene and his three 
 friends were the authors (ii. 269). It is not pre- 
 tended that the young actor touched up any of the
 
 58 0/ t/ic Identity 0/ Shakespeare 
 
 acknowledged works of his predecessors. It is not 
 pretended, for instance, that he touched up the 
 Tauiburlaine of Marlowe, or the David and BetJisebc 
 of Peele, or the Tu Qnoqne of Greene, or The 
 Looking-Glass of Londofi, to which Greene refers as 
 the joint production of himself and Lodge. Nor, 
 indeed, is there any pretence for contending that 
 he touched up the work of any of his seniors. 
 Henslowe, who was the proprietor of the Curtain 
 and the Rose, undoubtedly employed writers to 
 touch up the plays which he had purchased ; but 
 he makes no mention of the name of Shakspere. 
 The Burbages, who were the proprietors of the 
 Theatre and the Globe, are so far from recognising 
 him as a toucher-up, that they merely rank him, 
 with Hemming and Condell, as one of their men- 
 players and deserving men. That a. great original 
 genius who, in 1588 or 1589, had produced Love s 
 Labour 'sLost, should have condescended to touch 
 up the works of elder and lesser men, is not to be 
 admitted without at least some evidence of the fact ; 
 and Mr. Phillipps, whose researches nothing can 
 have escaped, has the candour to confess that ' no 
 record has been discovered of even one drama so 
 treated by Shakespeare in the early period of his 
 career' (i. 1 13). 
 
 Mr. Swinburne, however, adheres to the popular 
 opinion. ' That Shakespeare began by retouching 
 and recasting the work of elder and lesser men,' he 
 says, 'we all know' (p. 22). But when we come to
 
 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 59 
 
 examine the grounds of this universal knowledge, 
 we are thrown back on the long-vexed question of 
 the authorship of The First Part of the Contention^ 
 and Tlie True Tragedy of Richard Dnkc of York. 
 To determine this question, It should be sufficient 
 to remark that Shakespeare transferred some three 
 thousand two hundred and fifty lines, with little or 
 no alteration, from the two plays to his Trilogy of 
 Henry the Sixt/i, and that if we are to recognise 
 any such thing as literary honesty in Shakespeare, 
 we must recognise him as their author. That he 
 touched them up is certain, and the only question 
 is whether, in touching them up, he was touching 
 up his own work or that of others. The Folio 
 gives the whole Trilogy as the exclusive work of 
 Shakespeare, and, accordingly, Mr. Phillipps, as 
 we have seen, regards The Contention, and The True 
 Tragedy, as early works of the great dramatist. 
 Mr. Swinburne takes a different view. ' Two 
 points,' he says, ' must of course be taken for 
 granted, that Marlowe was more or less concerned 
 in the production, and Shakespeare' — that is, the 
 young man from Stratford — ' in the revision of 
 these plays' (p. 51). Let us, for a moment, con- 
 sider the two points which we are required to take 
 for granted. Fortunately Mr. Dyce in his Life 
 has done for Marlowe what Mr. Phillipps in his 
 Outlines has done for Shakspere, and has fur- 
 nished a collection of all the known facts respecting 
 the personal and literary history of that bright
 
 6o Of t J le Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 morning star of the English Drama ; so that, at 
 every step of their respective careers, we can com- 
 pare the circumstances and qualifications of the 
 two. Marlowe was baptised at Canterbury on the 
 26th of February 1564, and Shakspere was bap- 
 tised at Stratford on the 26th of the following 
 April, so that Marlowe, even if a lesser, can 
 scarcely be regarded as an elder man. In 1574, 
 when Shakspere is assumed to have been attend- 
 ing the Grammar School of Stratford, we know, 
 from the treasurer's accounts, that Marlowe was 
 a King's Scholar in the Grammar School of the 
 great Cathedral city. On the 17th of March, 1580, 
 when Shakspere, according to his Biographers, 
 was a butcher's apprentice, Marlowe, according 
 to the College records, was matriculated as a 
 pensioner at Cambridge. In 1583, when Shak- 
 spere had recently contracted his irregular and 
 improvident marriage, Marlowe had taken his 
 university degree. In 1587, when Shakspere, 
 according to his Biographer, was utterly unversed 
 in the arts of composition, Marlowe had revolu- 
 tionised the English stage by the production of 
 his Taiiiburiainc. In 15S9, when Shakspere was 
 a mere horseboy, Marlowe had written Faitstus and 
 The Jeiv of Malta. In 1590, when Shakspere 
 was a mere servitor, Marlowe had written Edward 
 the Second, which, in the opinion of Mr. Swinburne, 
 was superior to the Richard the Second of his 
 great successor (p. 39). In September 1592,
 
 0/ the Identity of Shakespeare 6i 
 
 when Shakspere was denounced by Greene as an 
 'upstart crow,' Marlowe was recognised by Greene 
 as 'the famous gracer of tragedians.' On the ist 
 of June 1593, the brilliant but meteoric genius 
 perished before his time, the first and greatest of 
 ' the inheritors of unfulfilled renown.' His con- 
 temporaries vied with one another in proclaiming 
 his excellent wit, his immortal beauty, his un- 
 sphered flame, his raptures, his fine madness, and 
 the thunder of his mighty line. Such was the 
 man whose resounding verse, we must take for 
 granted, was touched up, and whose glowing text, 
 we must take for granted, was recast, by the un- 
 educated or half-educated young countryman from 
 Stratford. According to Mr. Swinburne, 'the most 
 unmistakable signs of Marlowe's handiwork' in 
 The Contention ' belong to the play only in its 
 revised form' (p. 55). We may test the whole 
 theory by this. The Contention, as we have seen, 
 must have been written before September 1592; 
 it was registered on the 12th of March 1593; 
 Marlowe was killed on the ist of the following 
 June; the play was first published in 1594; and 
 the play, in its revised form, did not appear till the 
 end of 1623, more than thirty years after Marlowe's 
 death. 
 
 Greene died on the 3rd of September 1592, 
 and The Groatswoiih was published in the following 
 December by Henry Chettle. Printer, Publisher, 
 Pamphleteer, Playwright, and Parcel-poet, Chettle
 
 62 0/ the Identity of SJiakes,peai-e 
 
 was a noticeable man among- the people of his day. 
 He was one of Henslowe's hacks ; and the manager 
 records, in his famous Diary, how he had commis- 
 sioned ' Mr. Dickers and harey Cheattell ' — such 
 was the good man's spelling — to write a play on 
 ' Troyeles and creasseday.' In his England'' s 
 Mourning Garment, Chettle pours forth his lament 
 over the death of Elizabeth, and expresses his 
 surprise that 'the silver-tongued Mellicert' — as he 
 styles Shakespeare — did not ' drop from his honied 
 muse one sable tear to mourn her death.' In his 
 Kind Hartes Dream, which was registered on the 
 8th of December 1592, and which, as it appeared 
 after The Groatsworth, must have been published 
 early in 1593, Chettle gives us a second and more 
 flattering portrait of the young actor. Greene, he 
 says, in his Groatsworth, left ' a letter written to 
 divers play-makers,' which was ' offensively by one 
 or two of them taken.' The only persons who could 
 possibly have taken offence were Marlowe, who was 
 charged with ' diabolical atheism,' and the young 
 Shake-scene, who, though not one of the play- 
 makers to whom the letter was addressed, was de- 
 nounced as a man with a ' tiger's heart,' and 
 derided as ' an upstart crow.' ' With neither of 
 them that take offence,' Chettle says, ' was I 
 acquainted ' ; and he proceeds to apologise to 
 Shakspere, ' because,' he says, ' myself have seen 
 his demeanour no less civil than he excellent in 
 the quality he professes ; besides divers of worship
 
 •i- 
 
 0/ tJie Idoiiity 0/ Shakespeai'e 63 
 
 have reported his uprig-htness of dealing, which 
 argues his honesty, and his facetious grace in 
 writing, that approves his art.' * 
 
 Who these ' divers of worship ' were, what 
 ' dealing ' they had with the young player, and 
 what motive they had in spreading a ' report ' of 
 his facetious grace in writing, we are left to guess. 
 According to Mr. Phillipps, they belonged to ' the 
 higher classes of society,' for so he understands 
 the words of Chettle (ii. 343). Why persons of 
 position should have interested themselves in 
 spreading a report of the Player's facetious grace 
 in writing, is anything but clear. In December 
 
 1592 nothing had been published in his name, or 
 under any name similar to his. No Poem was 
 published under the name of Shakespeare till 
 
 1593 ; no Play till 1598 ; no edition of the Sonnets 
 till 1609. But it may be remarked, as at least a 
 coincidence, that the report of Shakspere's facetious 
 grace in writing was spread by persons of position 
 at the end of 1592, and that Venus and Adonis was 
 registered with the Stationers on the 13th of April 
 1593, and was shortly afterwards dedicated to 
 Southampton as by ' William Shakespeare.' 
 
 This was the first mention of the immortal 
 
 '"'' Mr. Hallam describes Shakspere as ' an indifterent 
 actor.' But Chettle speaks of him as ' excellent in the quality 
 he professed ' ; and, if he had been an indifferent pla\er, he \ ,0 
 would scarcely have been selected to play before the Queen, 
 with Kempe and Biirbage, in 1594. 1 v 
 
 #
 
 64 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 name. Was it a pseudonym, or was It the real 
 name of the author of the poem ? The author 
 himself suggests the question. In the Sonnets, 
 which were written about the same time as the 
 poem, he asks (5". 76) — 
 
 Why write I still all one, ever the same. 
 
 And keep Invention in a noted weed, 
 Till every word doth almost tell my name, 
 
 Showing their birth, and where they do proceed ? 
 
 Here the author certainly intimates [that Shake- 
 speare was not his real name, and', that he was 
 fearful lest his real name should be discovered. 
 If the author was a man of position, who was 
 anxious to remain concealed, it was absolutely 
 necessary for him to assume some definite 7iovi- 
 de-plurne in order to allay curiosity and to avert 
 suspicion. In such a case no more felicitous 
 pseudonym could have been selected than that of 
 Shakespeare. The name was not peculiar to Strat- 
 ford. It was not peculiar to Warwickshire. As 
 Mr. Phillipps shows, it was a name which was to 
 be found in nearly every part of England (ii. 252). 
 Though the name resembled that of Burbage's 
 deserving man, it was neither spelt nor pronounced 
 in the same manner, and if people were misled by 
 the similarity, that was no concern of the author's. 
 The public had no right to the possession of his 
 secret, and the player had no reason to complain 
 If he was thought to be the writer of the most
 
 Of fJie Identity 0/ Shakespeare 65 
 
 successful dramas of the day. Scott, the most 
 chivalrous of gentlemen, elected to remain the 
 Great Unknown, though the maintenance of his 
 incognito caused his brother to be regarded as 
 the Author of Waver! ey. Whatever was the real 
 name of the author of the plays, he is only known 
 by the ' noted weed ' in which he kept Invention. 
 Jean-Baptiste Poquelin preferred to be known as 
 Moliere ; Francois-Marie Arouet became one of 
 the immortals as Voltaire ; and a greater than 
 either of the illustrious Frenchmen will to all 
 time be only known as Shakespeare. 
 
 Ve7ius and Adonis was dedicated to Southampton. 
 It was to Southampton, as Mr. Lee has shown, that 
 the Sonnets were addressed ; and Southampton, 
 according to Mr. Lee, is the only patron of the 
 player that is known to biographical research 
 (p. 102). If, then, there were any persons of 
 position who were interested in spreading a report 
 of the player's facetious grace in writing, it is 
 natural to conclude that they were Southampton 
 and his friends ; and we cannot overlook the fact 
 that Southampton and his friends were the friends 
 of Bacon. Southampton, as we know, from the 
 Sidney Papers, was a lover of the stage, and it may 
 well be that, like Chettle, he was struck by the civil 
 demeanour of the young Shake-scene, and by his 
 excellence in the quality which he professed. There 
 is a tradition, which has been preserved by Rowe, 
 that the young noble was so favourably impressed 
 
 F
 
 66 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 by the young- player, that, on one occasion, he 
 presented him with a thousand pounds, to enable 
 him to make a purchase which he heard he had 
 a mind to. Rowe was startled by the magnitude 
 of the gift, and remarked that ' if he had not 
 been assured that the story was handed down by 
 Sir AVilliam D'Avenant, who was probably well 
 acquainted with his affairs, he should not have 
 ventured to have inserted it ' in his life of the 
 player. What the purchase could have been it is 
 difficult to say. It could not have been the 
 purchase of New Place in 1597 ; for the purchase- 
 money of the Place was only sixty pounds, and 
 Southampton was absent at the time, fighting with 
 Essex against the Spaniards, as captain of The 
 Garland. Neither could it have been the purchase 
 of the Stratford estate in 1602 ; for at that time 
 Southampton was attainted of high treason, and 
 was a prisoner in the Tower. In fact, the whole 
 sum expended by Shakspere in the purchase 
 of lands and houses, according to Mr. Lee, 
 did not amount to a thousand pounds in all 
 (p. 162).* 
 
 Southampton, Lord Macaulay says, will be 
 remembered to the latest ages as the generous 
 and discerning- patron of Shakespeare. But the 
 patronage, if it existed, was one of a most m3^ste- 
 rious kind. It was a patronage in which the patron 
 
 *•' On the value of money in the time of Shakespeare see 
 Note B.
 
 Of the Idciditij oj Shakespeare 67 
 
 never recognised the existence of the client, and 
 in which the client never acknowledged his obli- 
 gation to the patron. In the dedication of The 
 Rape of Luereee, the poet says, 'What I have done 
 is yours ; what I have to do is yours, being part 
 in all I have, devoted yours.' This was the fashion 
 of the time. It was an age of dedications. Jonson 
 dedicated his plays to the Court, to the Inns of 
 Court, to the Lady Wroth, to the Lord Aubigny, 
 to the Earl of Pembroke, to the King. Bacon 
 dedicated his acknowledged works to the King, 
 to the Prince, to the Duke of Buckingham, to the 
 Chancellor of the University of Cambridge. And 
 yet, notwithstanding the protestations, warm and 
 gushing as a geyser, of The Rape, not one of the 
 Shakespearian Plays was dedicated to Southampton. 
 The young Maecenas was equally reserved. He 
 took no notice of the sugared Sonnets ; he never 
 acknowledged the dedication of the Poems ; he 
 left no indication that he was acquainted with the 
 author of the Plays. On three notable occasions 
 he was brought into immediate contact with the 
 Shakespearian Drama. He was present at the 
 performance of The Comedy of Errors^ at Gray's 
 Inn, in 1594, and must have known the conjuror 
 who was put upon his trial for foisting on the Inn 
 the ' company of base and common fellows,' by 
 whom it was performed. With Essex he ' requi- 
 sitioned and paid for ' the performance of Richard 
 the Second at the Globe, on the afternoon before 
 
 F 2
 
 68 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 the Rebellion of 1601 (Ztr, 317). Love' s Labour ^ s 
 Lost was performed at his house in 1604, after 
 Sir Walter Cope had spent a whole morning in 
 ' hunting for players, jugglers, and such kind of 
 creatures,' to use the words of Sir Walter in 
 writing to Lord Cranborne {H. I. Sh. i. 4). On 
 none of these occasions did Southampton recog- 
 nise the existence of the Player. Mr. Lee tells us 
 that the state papers and business correspondence 
 of Southampton are enlivened by references to his 
 literary interests, and ' his sympathy with the great 
 birth of English Drama' (p. 316); but Mr. Lee 
 has extracted no reference to Shakspere from 
 the papers. Even in Southampton's correspond- 
 ence with his wife his connexion with the player 
 and the plays, if any such existed, is a secret. In 
 1599, when he was commander of the horse in 
 Ireland, the Countess writes to him, ' All the news. 
 I can send you, that I think will make you merry,, 
 is, that I read in a letter from London that Sir 
 John Falstaff is, by his mistress Dame Pintpot, 
 made father of a goodly miller's thumb — a boy 
 that's all head and very little body; but this is 
 a secret.' Mr, Lee thinks that the letter refers to 
 Shakespeare (p. 317); and possibly it does. If 
 so, it only suggests the ever-recurring question, 
 Who was Shakespeare ? The Jacobite blessed the 
 King, and saw no harm in blessing the Pretender ; 
 but who the Pretender was, and who the King, 
 that, he explained, was quite another thing.
 
 Of the Identity of Shakespeare bg 
 
 But in point of fact, the Sir John Falstaff of the 
 Countess cannot be identified ; her Dame Pintpot 
 is a lady who is unknown to biographical research ; 
 her Miller's Thumb is a mere bodiless creation ; 
 and in no case can the letter of the Countess be 
 regarded as portion of the contemporary evidence 
 which is said to attest the responsibility of the 
 Player for the works which were published under 
 the name of Shakespeare. 
 
 It is strange that the only patron of Shak- 
 pere that is known to biographical research 
 should have failed to attest his responsibility 
 for the works which were more or less asso- 
 ciated with his name ; but it is still more curious 
 that the young- pla3^er himself should have 
 failed to attest his own responsibility for works 
 which would have brought him fame and wealth, 
 and, what he seems to have valued more, 
 position. In 1597 he had been ten years in a 
 London. During that period at least a dozen ' 
 Shakespearian Dramas had been produced, but 
 not one of them had been published. Romeo and 
 fuliet, and the two Richards, were published 
 anonymously in 1597, and the First Part of 
 Henry the Fourth in 1598; but it was not till 1598 
 that any of the plays was published with the name 
 of Shakespeare. In 1598, Loves Labour \ Lost 
 was printed as by ' W. Shakespere,' which was 
 a close approximation to the player's name; but 
 in the same year Richard the Second, and Richard
 
 4 
 
 70 Of the Identity of SJiakespeare 
 
 the Third, were published as by ' William Shake- 
 speare,' the name, with or without the hyphen, 
 under which everything- Shakespearian subse- 
 quently appeared. If the young adventurer from 
 Stratford was the author of the plays, it is strange 
 that he should have remained for ten years in 
 London without claiming the masterpieces, which 
 would have made his name famous, and would 
 have raised him above the base and common 
 fellows with whom he had been classed in 1594, 
 and the creatures so contemptuously described by 
 Cope in 1604, when he had been nearly twenty 
 years in London. 
 
 Of all the alleged testimonials to the responsi- 
 bility of the 3^oung man who came up from Strat- 
 ford for the works which appeared in the name of 
 Shakespeare, none is more confidently appealed to 
 than that of Francis Meres, whose Palladis Tainia- 
 was registered on the 7th of September 1598, and 
 was published shortly after. Meres, as we learn 
 from the Dictionary of Biography^ was a Divine. 
 In the preface to one of his sermons, entitled 
 God" s Arithmetic, he describes himself as Master of 
 Arts in both Universities, and Student in Divinity. 
 Eventually he became the Rector of a Parish. 
 Meres, in his Tmnia, writes of the ' mellifluous and 
 honey-tongued Shakespeare,' and his Venus and 
 Adonis, and his Lucrece, and ' his sugared Sonnets 
 among his private friends,' and the twelve plays 
 of which he was the author, though at the time
 
 Of i lie Identity of Shakespeare 7 i 
 
 three only had been published with his name. 
 But who this mellifluous and honey-tongued Shake- 
 speare was he does not say, and he does not pre-, 
 tend to know. Like most of his contemporaries, 
 he is loud in his admiration of the works, but he 
 says nothing- of the man. Mr. Phillipps describes 
 him as one of the intimate friends of Shakspere 
 (i. 267, 8). But the author of Gocf s Arithmetic was 
 not likel}' to be intimate with players ; and from 
 the beginning- to the end of the Palladis Taiiiia "4^ 
 there is nothing to identify the mellifluous and I 
 honey-tongued Shakespeare with Burbage's deserv- 
 ing man. The description of the Sonnets is suffi- 
 cient to negative any such idea. They were not 
 addressed to the private friends of a player, 
 and could not have been distributed among them. 
 Addressed as they were to a great noble, and a 
 great lady, and dealing as they did with the most 
 delicate affairs, no player, even if he was the author, 
 would have dared to communicate them to Burbage, 
 the tragedian, or to Kempe, the morrice-dancer, or 
 to Hemming and Condell, the men-players, or to 
 any other of his friends and fellows. 
 
 In February 1601, an event occurred which 
 brought Essex and Southampton, Bacon and 
 Shakspere, into actual contact ; and if ever 
 there was an occasion on which the Player's 
 responsibility for the works, which were published 
 under the name of Shakespeare, could have been 
 attested, it was this. On Saturday, the 7th of
 
 7 2 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 February, Richard the Second was performed by 
 the company of Shakspere on the requisition of 
 Essex and Southampton {Lee, 317), and on the 
 following Sunday the Earls broke out into rebel- 
 lion. The performance of ' the play of deposing 
 King Richard the Second,' as Bacon calls it, was 
 regarded by the Queen as intended to prepare the 
 public for the deposition of herself; and, accord- 
 ingly, the performance was laid as an overt act 
 of treason on the trial of the Earls. On that trial 
 Bacon was counsel for the Crown, and, in his 
 conversations with the Queen, the question of the 
 authorship of the play must frequently have been 
 discussed. The Queen who, as Bacon tells us, was 
 so determined to discover the author of the story 
 of the usurpation of King Henry, that she com- 
 mitted Hayward to the Tower, must have been 
 equally curious as to the author of the play of 
 deposing King Richard, which consigned Essex 
 to the block. In the spacious times of great 
 Elizabeth they had a summary way of dealing with 
 the authors of obnoxious plays. In [597, Nash was 
 committed to the Fleet for what was regarded as 
 ' sclaunderous and seditious matter ' in The Isle 
 of Dogs. In 1605, Jonson and Chapman were 
 imprisoned for something that was displeasing to 
 the King in Eastward Ho ! And if Coke had the 
 faintest idea that the Player was the author of 
 Richard the Second, he would not have hesitated 
 a moment to lay him by the heels. And that the
 
 Of tJic Identity of SJiakespeare 73 
 
 Player was not regarded as the author by the 
 Queen Is proved by the fact that, with his company, 
 he performed before the Court at Richmond, on 
 the evening before the execution of the Earl. 
 
 On the death of Elizabeth, on the 24th of 
 March 1603, James the First succeeded to the 
 Crown, and, as might be expected from the son 
 of the Queen of Scots, and the pupil of Buchanan, 
 he was well disposed towards the stage. He 
 took the Lord Chamberlain's servants into his 
 own service ; he gave them the rank of grooms of 
 the chamber ; he made them walk before him in 
 procession, arrayed in scarlet cloaks, on his entry 
 into London; and he ordered all municipal autho- 
 rities to permit them to perform in their bailiwicks. 
 Under these favouring circumstances, it seems as 
 if, at one time, the Great Unknown was about to 
 lay aside his coat of darkness. In 1609, Romeo 
 and Juliet was for the first time published as the 
 work of Shakespeare ; in the same year Shake- 
 speare s Sonnets appeared, with the intimation that 
 Shakespeare was not really the name of the author, 
 but was] the noted weed in which he kept Invention ; 
 and in the same year Troiliis and Cressida was 
 published with the announcement that the Shake- 
 spearian Plays were the property of certain grand 
 possessors.* The personality of the ' grand pos- 
 sessors ' of the plays published under the name of 
 
 ••' As to the circumstances under which the collected edition 
 of the Sonnets was published in 1609 see Note D. 
 
 /U)
 
 74 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 Shakespeare like that of the ' divers of worship,' 
 who spread the report of Shakspere's facetious 
 grace, and like that of the ' private friends ' among 
 whom the honey-tongued Shakespeare circulated his 
 sugared sonnets, is not disclosed. One thing, at 
 all events, is clear. The preface was a distinct 
 challenge, and neither Burbage nor Shakspere 
 thought proper to accept it. True, Mr. Lee, ex 
 informatd coiiscieutid, avers that ' this address was 
 possibly the brazen reply of the publishers to a 
 more than usually emphatic protest on the part of 
 players or dramatist against the printing of the 
 piece' (p. 184). Possibly it was, for possibility is 
 infinite. It is possible, for instance, that Bacon, 
 who in 1590 regarded Southampton with passionate 
 affection, was the author of the sonnets; and it is 
 possible that Bacon, who in 1609 was Solicitor- 
 General, was the grand possessor of the plays. It 
 is possible, again, that the dedication of the sonnets 
 to ' Mr. W. H.' was a device to mystify the public 
 as to their ' only begetter ' ; and it is possible that 
 the anonymous scribe who wrote the preface 
 to the play was writing, not in the interest of a 
 piratical publisher, but in the interest of the genuine 
 author. Possibility, however, is not proof; and 
 whatever we may regard as possible, one thing is 
 absolutely certain. There is not a scintilla of 
 evidence that, on any one occasion, either Burbage 
 or Burbage' s deserving man protested against the 
 publication of any one of the Shakespearian plays.
 
 Of the Identity of Shakespeare 7 5 
 
 Mr. Lee himself admits that the ' only instance 
 on record of a protest on Shakespeare's part against 
 the many injuries which he suffered at the hands 
 of contemporary publishers' is that attested by 
 Heywood, who, in his Apology foi' Actors, published 
 in 16 1 2, speaks of the player as complaining to 
 him that Jaggard had ' presumed to make so bold 
 with his name ' as to prefix it to The Passionate 
 Pilgrim, which was published In 1599 (p. HS)- 
 
 In 161 1, the successful actor finally abandoned 
 the stage, and settled down at New Place. This 
 is the concurrent testimony of his Biographers — 
 Mr. Phlllipps, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Wyndham. But 
 if the Shakspere of the stage retired, the Shake- 
 speare of the plays remained; and as Shakespearian 
 plays appeared before the Player arrived in London, 
 so they continued to appear after he retired to 
 Stratford. The Tempest, according to the best author- 
 ities, was written to celebrate the marriage of the 
 Elector Palatine with the daughter of the King on 
 the 14th of February 1613 ; and Henry the Eighth 
 was being acted as ' a new play ' when the Globe 
 was burnt down on the 29th of the following June. 
 Mr. Lee suggests that the Player on his retirement 
 ' left with the manager of his company unfinished 
 drafts of more than one play which others were 
 summoned at a later time to complete' (p. 208); but 
 this is a mere fancy, as little worthy of serious con- 
 sideration as the forgeries which Mr. Lee attributes 
 to Mr. Collier (pp. 304-6).
 
 76 0/ the Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 When the Player retired from the stage he 
 was only forty-six or forty-seven — the age at which 
 our second Shakespeare was just commencing the 
 immortal series of romances which, in their wit and 
 humour, and their masculine grasp of men and 
 things, are worthy to be ranked with the Shake- 
 spearian plays. The unanimous testimony of his 
 biographers is to the effect that the retired actor 
 took no further interest in theatrical affairs. Accord- 
 ing to Rowe, he spent the latter part of his life in 
 ease, retirement, and the conversation of his friends. 
 According to Dr. Johnson, he made no collection 
 of his plays, and showed no anxiety to give them 
 to posterity in their genuine state. Mr. Phillipps 
 is astonished at the apathy which he exhibited as 
 to the fate of his immortal dramas (i. 242). And, 
 finally, Mr. Lee admits that during the period of 
 his retirement he seemed utterly ' unconscious of 
 his marvellous superiority to his professional com- 
 rades ' of the past (p. 224), and that he chiefly 
 valued his literary attainments and successes ' as 
 serving the prosaic end of providing permanently 
 for himself and his daughters' (p. 225). 
 
 At the beginning of 1616, according to Mr. Lee, 
 the Player's health was failing, and he gave instruc- 
 tions for his will (p. 218). This will — in which, 
 by-the-by, he praises God that he is ' in perfect 
 health ' — was ready for his signature on the 25th of 
 January in that year. On the loth of February, 
 his daughter Judith was married to Thomas Quiney,
 
 Of tJic Identity of Sliakespeare 7 7 
 
 the son of an old friend, and for some reason, pro- 
 bably connected with the marriage, the execution of 
 his will was delayed till the 25th of March. By this 
 instrument he made pecuniary provision for Judith, 
 and entailed his lands on his elder daughter ; he 
 carefully disposed of his wearing apparel, of his 
 sword, of his silver-gilt bowl, and of his second 
 best bed, which he bequeathed to his wife, with 
 the furniture of the same; he made a number of 
 small bequests to various friends for the purchase of 
 memorial rings ; he named his son-in-law. Dr. Hall, 
 and his daughter, Susanna, as his executors and 
 residuary legatees ; and finally he requested two 
 of his friends to act as ' overseers ' of his will. 
 Mr. Lee remarks the ' precision with which he 
 accounts for and assigns every known item of his 
 property' (p. 221); and Mr. Phillipps observes, 
 that ' not only is there no mention of Drayton, 
 Ben Jonson, or any of his other literary friends, but 
 an entire absence of reference to his own com- 
 positions' (i. 241), or to books (i. 251). In fact, not 
 a single book would seem to have been in his posses- 
 sion — not a copy of the Sonnets, the Poems, or the 
 Plays — not one of the innumerable books on which 
 the Sonnets, the Poems, and the Plays were founded 
 — not one of the old plays which he is said to have 
 touched up, recast, and made his own. He left 
 behind him no literary correspondence ; not a letter 
 from Southampton, or Pembroke, or Montgomery, 
 his reputed patrons — not a letter from Drayton or
 
 78 Of tlic Identity of Shakespeare 
 
 Jonson, his reputed friends — not a letter from mortal 
 man referring to the works of which he was the 
 reputed author. The onl)^ letter addressed to him 
 that is extant is a letter from one of his Stratford 
 ^ friends, asking him for the loan of thirty pounds. 
 Not a single fragment of any letter of his own has 
 been discovered ; and the only specimens which we 
 possess of the handwriting of the reputed author of 
 Macbeth and Lear are the words ' B}MTie,' and five 
 signatures, so execrable that, according to a writer 
 in the Quarterly Review^ ' the wonder is how, with 
 such a hand, he could have written so much ' as he 
 is credited with writing. 
 
 On the 23rd of April, 161 6, being suddenly 
 attacked by a malady, which tradition attributes to 
 debauch, he died. On the 25th of April, one month 
 after he had executed his will, he was buried in the 
 chancel of his parish church, and over the spot 
 where his body was laid there was placed a slab, 
 with an inscription which tradition attributes to 
 himself: — 
 
 Good frend, for Jesus sake, forbeare 
 
 To digg the dust encloased heare ; 
 
 Blesle be the man that spares thes stones, 
 
 And curst be he that moves my bones. 
 
 An epitaph imprecating a curse on the man 
 who should disturb his bones, an epigram on the 
 money-lender with whom he dealt, and a ballad 
 abusing the gentleman whose park he robbed — 
 such are the compositions which tradition attributes 
 to the man whom we venerate as Shakespeare.
 
 Of Shakespeare and the Two Playeis 
 
 IF we accept the confession of the author of the 
 Sonnets that Shakespeare was not his real name, 
 but the ' noted weed ' in which he kept Inven- 
 tion, and if we give credit to the announcement of 
 the editor oi Troilus and Cressida that the Shake- 
 spearian Comedies were the property of certain 
 ' grand possessors,' we can explain much that 
 seems inexplicable in the conduct of the retired 
 Player. We can explain how it came to pass that 
 he never claimed to be the author of the plays 
 while he remained upon the stage ; how it was 
 that he took no interest in them after he retired 
 to Stratford ; how it happened that he made no 
 mention of them in his will ; and how it befell that 
 his representatives took no steps to effect their 
 publication after his decease. 
 
 The retired Player was buried on the 25th of 
 April, 161 6, and it was not till more than seven 
 years after his death that a collected edition of the 
 Sliakespearian Plays was published. Towards the
 
 8o Of Shakespeare and the Tivo Players 
 
 end of 1623 the First Folio appeared; and if we 
 accept the declarations which it contains, almost 
 every question which has agitated the minds of 
 Shakespearian scholars in recent years would be 
 definitively answered. In the first place, the 
 Editors of the Folio ostentatiously present the 
 Figure of the Stratford Player as the counterfeit 
 presentment of the 'gentle Shakespeare'; and if 
 so, they would seem to deprive the Baconian theory 
 of all rational right to a hearing from reasonable 
 men. In the second place, the Folio assumes that 
 the Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies which it 
 presents, were the exclusive work of Shakespeare ; 
 and if this be so, all ideas of collaboration and 
 interpolation are excluded, and the unity of the 
 author is established. In the third place, the 
 Folio is presented to us as ' containing all his 
 Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies'; and if this 
 be so, no plays but those contained in the Folio 
 can be accepted as the work of Shakepeare. In 
 the fourth place, the Folio professes to give the 
 plays of Shakespeare ' perfect of their limbs,' 
 and ' absolute in their numbers as he conceived 
 them ' ; and if this be so, it follows that the Folio 
 must be regarded as our supreme authority in 
 the determination of the Shakespearian text, and 
 that every passage, however brilliant, which has 
 been imported into the text from the Quartos, must 
 be regarded as a purple patch which overlays the 
 final conception of the author.
 
 Of Shakespeare and the Two Players 8 1 
 
 When such conclusions are to be deduced from 
 the declarations of the Folio, it becomes important 
 to ascertain the character and the credentials of 
 the men under whose auspices it appeared. The 
 famous volume did not appear under the personal 
 control of Shakspere ; its publication was not 
 authorised by the representatives of Shakspere ; 
 and it was not accredited by the proprietors of the 
 theatres with which Shakspere was connected. The 
 Folio was given to the world by a pair of players 
 of whom the ordinar}^ reader knows nothing- but 
 that they were Shakspere' s fellow-actors, and that 
 in his will, by a good-natured afterthought, he left 
 them twenty-six and eightpence apiece to buy them 
 rings. Even Mr. Phillipps has but little more to 
 tell us. In a sonnet on the burning of the Globe 
 in 1613 'Henry Condye ' is bracketed with 'the 
 Fool' who escaped from the burning house (i. 285). 
 From the parish records of Aldermanbury we learn 
 that he was a ' sidesman ' of the parish, and that 
 he was buried in the parish churchyard on the 
 29th of December 1627, Hemming, we know, 
 was one of the executors of Con dell. It appears 
 from documents in the office of the Lord Chamber- 
 lain that he was paid fifty pounds for five perform- 
 ances before the Court in 1595 and i596(iY-/^. i.341 j; 
 that payments on the same scale were made to him 
 ' for the pains and expenses of himself and company 
 in playing and presenting six interludes or plays 
 before his Majesty' in 1604 and 1605 (i^- 165, 6};
 
 82 Of Shakespeare and the Two Players 
 
 and that similar payments were made to him for 
 similar services in 1613 (ii. 87). Hemming- there- 
 fore would seem to have been the treasurer of the 
 Burbage troupe. Malone mentions a tradition 
 that he was the original Falstaff (ii. 355). In the 
 sonnet on the burning of the Globe he is described 
 as ' old stuttering Heminges ' (i. 285). This is all 
 we know about him, unless we add that, like 
 Condell, he was connected with the parish of 
 Aldermanbury, and that, like Condell, he was 
 interred in the churchyard of the parish on the 
 1 2th of October 1630. Such and so insignificant 
 were the two men who in 1623 lent their names to 
 usher in the most memorable book that the world 
 has ever seen, or, in all probability, will ever see. 
 
 Of the thirty-six Shakespearian Plays which are 
 collected in the Folio, fifteen, admittedly, were 
 published in Shakspere's lifetime, and if, as we 
 ought to do, we regard the King John of 1591, 
 The Contention of 1594, The True Tragedy of 1595, 
 and The laming of the Shrew of 1594, 1596, and 
 1607, as in reality the works of Shakespeare, the 
 plays published in the lifetime of the Player will 
 amount to nineteen in number.* In any case 
 
 ■•' If Pericles is to be regarded as the work of Shakespeare, the 
 number of the Plays will amount to thirty-seven. But the Folio, 
 which professes to give 'all his Comedies, Histories, and 
 Tragedies,' deliberately omits the play; and Jonson in 1629 
 sneers at it as a stale and mouldy tale, which he would not 
 have done if he had believed it to be Shakespeare's. Pericles
 
 0/ SJiakt'spcarc and tJic Tivo Players 83 
 
 seventeen at least remained unpublished at his death, 
 a fact for which no adequate explanation has been 
 offered. Othello was published for the first time 
 in J 622, and the remaining sixteen dramas, namely, 
 The Tevipcst, The Two Genilenien of Verona, Measure 
 for Measure, The Comedy of Errors^ As You Like It^ 
 Airs Well that Ends Well, Twelfth Night, The 
 Wiiiter's Tale, the Third Part of Henr/j the Sixth, 
 Henry the Eighth, CoriolaniLS, Tinioii, y alius Cecsar, 
 MacbetJi, Antony and Cleopatra, and Cynibeline, were 
 registered 'for their cop)^' by Blount and Jaggard 
 on the 8th of November 1623. 
 
 The two Players are singularly incoherent in 
 the account which they give of the manner in which 
 they became possessed of the papers from which 
 the Folio was prmted. In the Epistle Dedicatory 
 they are represented as saying, ' we have collected 
 them and done an office to the dead, to procure his 
 orphans guardians'; and accordingly Mr. Phillipps 
 regards them as ' mere gatherers ' who ' ransacked 
 their dramatic stores for the best copies of the 
 plays ' (i. 263). In the Address ' To the great 
 Variety of Readers,' on the other hand, the Players 
 are made to say, that what their friend and fellow 
 thought ' he uttered with such easiness that we 
 
 had been published in quarto in 1609 and 161 1 and 161 g, and it 
 had been published as by Shakespeare. Its omission in the 
 Folio, therefore, must have been a deliberate act, and not a 
 default occasioned by any difficulty in finding or obtaining the 
 original of the play. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 Of Shakespeare and the Two Players 
 
 have scarce received from him a blot in his papers'; 
 and accordingly Mr. Justice Madden holds that 
 they gave the public ' what purported to be a 
 complete collection of his works printed from the 
 True Original Copies received by them at the 
 hands of the Poet' (p. 320). The two Players are 
 equally vacillating when they refer to the motives 
 which induced them to hand over these invaluable 
 papers to Blount and Jaggard. In the Dedication 
 to the Incomparable Pair they declare that their 
 sole object was to keep the memory of their friend 
 alive ; and yet in their Address to the great Variety 
 of Readers the first word that escapes from them 
 is ' Buy.' 
 
 Though the Players profess to give the Plays of 
 the Author ' cur'd and perfect of their limbs ' and 
 ' absolute in their numbers as he conceived them,' 
 they give expression to a wish that the Author had 
 lived to set them forth and oversee them. Accord- 
 ingly, Mr. Justice Madden warns us that ' it must 
 never be forgotten that not one of the copies in the 
 possession of Hemming and Condell, true original 
 though it may have been, had been either written 
 or revised by its author with a view to publication ' 
 (p- 35^)- This excites the astonishment of the 
 learned Judge. ' That the author of Othello and As 
 You Like It^ he says, 'should not have deemed those 
 works worthy of the editorial care bestowed on Vejius 
 and Adonis and Lucreee ; that he used them simply 
 as a means of making money, and, when that purpose
 
 Of Shakespeare and the Tivo Players 85 
 
 had been served, took no further heed of them ; 
 that, notwithstanding the publication and rapid 
 sale of pirated and inaccurate copies, he was never 
 moved, during- the years of his retirement at Strat- 
 ford, to take even the initial step of collecting and 
 revising for publication the manuscripts of his 
 plays ; and that, so far as their author was con- 
 cerned, they might be stolen, travestied, or perish 
 altogether ; are surely among the strangest facts in 
 the history of literature' (p. 319). Among the 
 strangest facts in the history of literature, most 
 surely, if the retired Player was in reality the author 
 of As You Like It and Othello — facts so strange, 
 indeed, as to suggest a doubt whether he could 
 by any possibility have been the author. Never- 
 theless the facts stated by the learned Judge are 
 accepted as authentic by all the biographers of 
 Shakspere. In the opinion of all, he showed utter 
 insensibility as to the literary value of the Shake- 
 spearian Plays, and utter indifference as to their 
 preservation. Such was the opinion of Rowe and 
 Dr. Johnson. Such was the opinion to which Pope 
 gave poetical expression when he wrote that the 
 author of the plays, 
 
 For gain, not glory, wing'd his roving flight, 
 And grew immortal in his own despite. 
 
 And such is the opinion of Mr. Phillipps and 
 Mr. Lee. Pope, according to Mr. Lee, had 'just 
 warrant for his surmise' (p. 225); and Mr. Phillipps 
 declares that in this surmise the poet ' not only
 
 86 Of Shakespeare and the Two Players 
 
 expressed the traditional belief of his own day, but 
 one which later researches have unerringly verified' 
 (i. 147). 
 
 Mr. Swinburne, in his Study of Shakespeare, gives 
 a different turn to the discussion, and conducts us 
 to a point of view from which a very different land- 
 scape lies before us. With characteristic vigour of 
 expression, and with more than apostolic plainness 
 of speech, he protests that ' of all vulgar errors 
 the most wanton, the most wilful, and the most 
 resolutely tenacious of life, is that belief bequeathed 
 from the days of Pope, in which it was pardonable, 
 to the days of Mr. Carlyle, in which it is not ex- 
 cusable, to the effect that Shakespeare threw off 
 Hamlet as an eagle may moult a feather or a fool 
 may break a jest ; that he dropped his work as 
 a bird may drop an ^g^ or a sophist a fallacy ; that 
 he wrote for gain, not glory, or that having written 
 Hamlet he thought it nothing very wonderful to 
 have written' (p. 162). To expose this vulgar 
 error, as he calls it, Mr. Swinburne proceeds to 
 compare the Folio with the Quartos in their respec- 
 tive renderings of Ha^nlet and Romeo, of Henry the 
 Fifth and The Merry Wives of Windsor. ' Of these 
 four plays,' he says, ' the two tragedies at least 
 were thoroughly recast, and rewritten from end to 
 end : the pirated editions giving us a transcript, more 
 or less perfect or imperfect, accurate or corrupt, of 
 the; text as it first came from the poet's hand ; a text to 
 bo afterwards indefinitely modified and incalculably
 
 Of Shakespeare atid tJie 7 wo Players 87 
 
 improved ' (p. 103). As to Ha7tilet, he tells us that 
 ' scene by scene, line for line, stroke upon stroke, 
 and touch after touch, he went over all the old 
 laboured ground again ; and not to ensure success 
 in his own da}^ and fill his pockets with contem- 
 porary pence, but merely and wholly with a pur- 
 pose to make it worthy of himself and his future 
 students' (p. 163). Romeo and Juliet^ Mr. Swin- 
 burne remarks, was actually ' rewritten ' (p. 104). 
 ''King Henry the Fifth,^ he says, ' is hardly less 
 than transformed ' in the Folio — ' not that it has 
 been recast after the fashion of Hainlet^ or even re- 
 written after the fashion oi Romeo and Juliet \ but the 
 corruptions and imperfections of the pirated text 
 are here more flagrant than in any other instance ; 
 while the general revision of style by which it is at 
 once purified and fortified extends to every nook 
 and corner of the restored and renovated building ' 
 (p. 104). It is the same with The Mer7y Wives of 
 Windsor. ' In the original version of this comedy,' 
 we are told, ' there was not a note of poetry from end 
 to end ' (p. 118); but ' when we turn from the raw 
 rough sketch to the enriched and ennobled version 
 of the present play' (p. 121}, we find that the author 
 ' strikes out some forty and odd lines of rather 
 coarse and commonplace doggrel,' and 'makes 
 room for the bright light interlude of fairy-land 
 child's play which might not unfittingly have found 
 place even within the moon-charmed circle oiA Mid- 
 summer NigliC s Dream'' (p. 123). Nor were these
 
 88 Of Shakespeare and tJie Two Players 
 
 the only plays which, according- to Mr. Swinburne, 
 were thus elaborately revised. He shows the con- 
 summate skill with which the three plays that form 
 the substance of Henry the Sixth were moulded into 
 shape. He tells us how carefully the reviser cor- 
 rected a false note, how delicately he added a finer 
 touch, how admirably he perfected a meaning that 
 was half expressed, how he gave full utterance to 
 a tone of music that was half uttered, and how he 
 invigorated sense and metre by the substitution of 
 the right word for the wrong (p. 59). Mr. Swinburne 
 goes still farther. ' Not one single alteration in the 
 whole play,' he says when speaking of the revision 
 of Hamlet, ' can possibh^ have been made with a 
 view to stage effect, or to present popularity and 
 profit' (p. 164). Nay, he affirms that ' every change 
 in the text of Hamlet has impaired its fitness for 
 the stage and increased its value for the closet in 
 exact and perfect proportion' {ibid.). Elsewhere Mr. 
 Swinburne recurs to the subject. ' There is not one 
 of his contemporaries,' he says, * whom we can 
 reasonably imagine capable of the patience and 
 self-respect which induced Shakespeare to re-write 
 the triumphantly popular parts of Romeo,of Falstaff', 
 and of Hamlet, with an eye to the literary perfection 
 and performance of work, which, in its first outlines, 
 had won the crowning suffrage of immediate and 
 spectacular applause.' Indeed, of such patience and 
 self-respect, of such anxiety for literary perfection 
 we can only recollect one other instance. Bacon,
 
 0/ Shaktsptarc and tlic 7 wo Players 89 
 
 in speaking of his own practice, says ' I ever alter 
 as I add' ; and his chaplain, Rawley, testifies that 
 he himself had seen in Bacon's papers some dozen 
 copies of his philosophical masterpiece, revised 
 year by year, and every year polished and corrected 
 till at last it was fashioned to the form in which it 
 was committed to the press.* 
 
 Mr. Swinburne does not stand alone in recog-- 
 nising the value and extent of the Folio revision. 
 Mr. Marshall, writing in the Henry Irving Shake- 
 speare, expresses the opinion that the Second and 
 Third Parts of Hairy the Sixth as they appear in 
 the Folio when compared with the older plays as 
 they appear in the Quartos must have been ' the 
 result of a careful revision and partial rewriting 
 by one who was at once a poet and a practical 
 dramatist ' (ii. 6). Judge Madden confesses that in 
 the case of The Merry Wives, ' the Quarto differs 
 from the Folio as a rough draft from a completed 
 work, not as an imperfect copy from an original 
 document' (p. 113). The writers in the Irving 
 Shakespeare recognise the fact that the Folio gives 
 us a later and revised form oi Lear (vi. 321). 
 The Cambridge Editors, in comparing the Quartos 
 of Richard the Third with the Folio edition of the 
 
 *' Ipse repeii in archivis dominationis suae, autographa plus 
 minus duodecim Organi Novi de anno in annum elaborati, et ad 
 incudem revocati, et singulis annis ulteriore lima subinde politi 
 et castigati, donee in illud tandem corpus adolcverat, quo in 
 lucem editum fuit.
 
 QO Of Sliakcspeare and the Tivo Players 
 
 play, admit that the author's orig-inal manuscript 
 was at some time ' revised by himself, with correc- 
 tions and additions, interlinear, marginal, and on 
 inserted leaves.' Mr. Phillipps, in the preface to 
 the Reduced Facsimile, admits that ' alterations,' 
 ' omissions,' and ' additions ' are to be detected in 
 Richard the Third and The Merchant of Venice and 
 Troilus and Cressida and Much Ado. In the case of 
 Henry the Fifth Mr. Knight gives a specimen of the 
 extent and minuteness of this Folio revision, and 
 the method adopted by the reviser cannot be more 
 felicitously expressed than in the words of Mr. 
 Knight: — ' In this elaboration the old materials are 
 very carefully used up ; but they are so thoroughly 
 refitted and dovetailed with what is new that the 
 operation can only be compared to the work of a 
 skilful architect, who, having an ancient mansion 
 to enlarge and beautify, with a strict regard to its 
 original character, preserves every feature of the 
 structure under other combinations, with such 
 marvellous skill, that no unity of principle is vio- 
 lated, and the whole has the effect of a restoration 
 in which the new and old are undistinguishable.' 
 
 When this great revision was effected we cannot 
 tell. In all probability it had been effected long 
 before 1623. Love's Labour'' s Lost was 'corrected 
 and augmented' as early as 1598. A revised 
 edition of the Rape was published in 1616. The 
 Contention and The True Tragedy were published as 
 ' newly corrected and enlarged ' by Shakespeare in
 
 Of Shakespeare and the Two Players g i 
 
 1 619. If we are to judge from the dates of the 
 latest Quartos, the revision of The Taming of the 
 Shreiv must have been effected after i^oy ', that of 
 Henry the FftJi after 1608 ; that of Romeo and Juliet 
 after 1609; that of Hamlet after 161 1 ; and so on. 
 But the date of the revision is of little importance ; 
 the all-important fact is that, previously to the 
 publication of the Folio, the plays had been 
 laboriously and elaborately revised. 
 
 The fact of this revision enables us to dispose 
 of a variety of Shakespearian questions. In the 
 first place, it demonstrates that the editors of the 
 Folio may be implicitly believed when they declare 
 that in the Folio we possess the plays of Shake- 
 speare ' cur'd and perfect of their limbs' and 
 'absolute in their numbers as he conceived them'; 
 and in the next place it enables us to determine the 
 true character of the Originals from which the Folio 
 was printed. These Originals could not have been 
 the 'autograph manuscripts' which the Author origi- 
 nally delivered to the two Players in their ' mana- 
 gerial capacity,' as Mr. Phillipps fancies (i. 269); for 
 the two Players were not the managers, and the 
 plays had been elaborately revised. Neither could 
 they have been ' the acting versions ' of the plays, 
 as Mr. Lee maintains (p. 252); for the players, 
 according to Mr. Lee, were interested in preventing 
 the publication (p. 45), and, moreover, the plays 
 had been revised, not for the stage, but for the 
 study. Neither could they have been the ' revised
 
 9 2 Of Shakespeare and the Tivo Players 
 
 autographs' of the Author; for notwithstanding 
 the obliterations, the additions, and the modifica- 
 tions which are incident to a revision, the papers 
 which the Players received had scarce a blot. The 
 true Originals, therefore, from which the Folio was 
 printed must have been fair copies of the revised 
 manuscripts, intended for the press, and entrusted 
 to the two Players as the medium of communication 
 with the printers. And nothing can more con- 
 clusively show how utterly ignorant the two Players 
 were of the real Shakespeare than the fact that they 
 actually mistook the handwriting of the copyists 
 for the handwriting of their friend and fellow, and 
 relied upon the absence of erasures as a proof of the 
 ' easinesse ' with which he wrote. 
 
 The copies which were intrusted to Hemming 
 and Condel] must have been of considerable value. 
 Jaggard, as Mr. Lee tells us, ' had long known the 
 commercial value of Shakespeare's work' (p. 250). 
 Mr. Lee, it is true, tells us that in the time of 
 Shakespeare there was no such thing as copyright 
 (p. 45), and that 'the law recognised no natural 
 risfht in an author to the creations of his brain ' 
 (p. 76). But Mrs. Stopes seems to have bestowed 
 considerable attention on the subject, and the lady 
 is better informed than Mr. Lee. In her work, 
 entitled The Bacon- Shakespeare Question Answered 
 (p. 257), slie gives a transcript of a decree of the 
 Star Chamber, which recites, that the members of 
 the Stationers' Company ' have great part of their
 
 Of SJiakcspcaj-c and the Tivo Players 93 
 
 estates in copies,' and that ' by ancient usage of the 
 Company ' the entr}- of a book in the Register of 
 the Company had always been taken as evidence 
 that the member making such entry was ' the Pro- 
 prietor of such book or copy, and ought to have 
 the sole printing thereof ; and the decree proceeds 
 to protect this ' privilege and interest ' by summar}' 
 proceedings, which were much the same as those 
 provided by the Copyright Act of 1862.* True, 
 the copyright thus recognised by law was the copy- 
 right of the Stationer, but we have a remarkable 
 illustration of the manner in which the Author, by 
 means of the copyright of the Stationer, could 
 assert his natural right to the creations of his 
 brain. When the collected edition of the Plays of 
 Beaumont and Fletcher was published in 1647, the 
 Stationer in his address to the Reader says : — 
 ' 'Twere vain to mention the chargeableness of this 
 work ; for those who owned the manuscripts too 
 well knew their value to make a cheap estimate of 
 any of these pieces.' The owner of a manuscript, 
 therefore, could make his bargain with the publisher 
 of the day. Field, for instance, could not have 
 become the proprietor of Vemis a?id Adonis unless 
 he had received the manuscript from Shakespeare. 
 Humfrey could not have become the owner of the 
 copyright of the Essays unless he had received the 
 manuscript from Bacon. And Blount and Jaggard 
 
 '■'■ On Copyright in the time of Shakespeare see note C.
 
 94 0/ Shakespeare and tJie Tivo Players 
 
 could never have entered a collection of plays 
 infinitely more valuable than those of Beaumont 
 and Fletcher as their copy, unless they had come 
 to an understanding- with the ' grand possessors ' 
 of the manuscripts which had been so laboriously 
 revised and so carefully preserved. 
 
 Important as these conclusions must be deemed, 
 they sink into insignificance when compared with 
 the conclusion which the revision suggests on 
 the greatest of all literary questions. The re- 
 vision of the Shakespearian Plays so conclusively 
 established by recent criticism necessitates a re- 
 consideration of the views which we have been 
 accustomed to entertain respecting Shakespeare. 
 In the light of this revision we cannot possibly 
 accept the Shakespeare of Hemming and Condell 
 — the Shakespeare who wrote with such ' easinesse ' 
 that there was ' scarce a blot upon his papers ' — the 
 Shakespeare ' that in his writing (whatsoever he 
 penned) never blotted out a line.' Neither can 
 we accept the Shakespeare of Mr. Phillipps — the 
 Shakespeare who had no literary design (i, 102), 
 who was unconscious of any literary mission (i. 105), 
 who wrote without effort (i. 106), who had no 
 thought of posthumous fame (i. 148), and who gave 
 the world no revised edition of his works (i. 102). 
 Neither can we accept the Shakespeare of Mr. Lee 
 — the Shakespeare who ' traded in agricultural pro- 
 duce' (p. 162), and who only regarded his works as 
 securing a provision for himself and daughters
 
 0/ Shakcsptair and flic Two Players 95 
 
 (p. 225). And as we must reject the popular belief, 
 so we must reject the modification of the popular 
 belief, which is maintained by Mr. Swinburne. For 
 consider how the matter stands. If it was Shak- 
 spere who recast Hamlet, who rewrote Romeo 
 and Juliet, who renovated and transformed 
 Henry the Fi/tli, who enriched and ennobled 
 The Merry Wives of Windsor, who tempered and 
 enriched TJie Taming of the Shreiv, and who with 
 consummate skill touched up the three Plays 
 which form the Trilogy of Henry the Sixth ; if it was 
 the Player who, to increase their value for the 
 study, deliberately impaired their fitness for the 
 stage ; if, in fine, it was the Player who was resolved 
 to make them worthy of himself and of his future 
 students ; if all this be admitted, the inevitable 
 question rises. Why did the Player fail to publish 
 what he had so laboriously prepared for publication ? 
 He was in the full possession of his powers. In his 
 retirement he had ample leisure. He had no reason 
 for concealment or disguise. If he was indifferent 
 to fame, admittedly he was not indifferent to money. 
 Among his contemporaries he had the reputation 
 of being a somewhat grasping man. We know 
 that when he was already a man of substance he 
 sued one of his neighbours for a matter of two 
 shillings, or, as Professor Dowden would express it, 
 he bore down with unfaltering insistance on the 
 positive fact that of all places in the universe the 
 proper place for those two shillings was the pocket
 
 96 Of SJiakcspcaiT and tJic Two Players 
 
 of William Shakspere (p. t^t^). Surely it must appear 
 strange that with such an unfaltering- insistance on 
 his rights he should have left the copyright of his 
 works to be assigned to Blount and Jaggard by a 
 pair of players, and should not have bethought him 
 that of all places in the universe the proper place 
 for the price of an author's copyright was the pocket 
 of the author. 
 
 It has been suggested that Shakspere disposed 
 of his copyrights on his retirement from the stage 
 in 161 1 ; but there is no record of any such disposi- 
 tion, and the Register of the Stationers, under the 
 date of the 8th of November 1623, expressly states 
 that the masterpieces then registered by Blount and 
 Jaggard ' were not formerly entered to other men * 
 {H-P.\. 307). If, then, we are still to regard the 
 retired pla3^er as the author and reviser of these 
 masterpieces, we must suppose that the revised 
 manuscripts from which they were printed were in 
 his possession when he died. How, then, are we to 
 account for the fact that he gave no directions for 
 their publication in his will ? Mr. Lee remarks ' the 
 precision ' with which his will ' accounts for and 
 assigns every known item of his property ' (p. 221}. 
 How, then, are we to explain the fact that his 
 literary property was unaccounted for and un- 
 assiofned ? As a business man familiar with thea- 
 trical affairs he must have known the commercial 
 value of Shakespeare's work as well as Jaggard ; and 
 even if he merely looked upon his literary labours
 
 Of Shakespeare and the Tivo Players 97 
 
 as securing- a provision for his daug-hters, he would 
 not have left his copyrights to be sold by Hemming 
 and Condell to the syndicate of which Jaggard was 
 the head. Mere forgetfulness is out of the question 
 as an explanation of this silence of the will. We 
 cannot suppose that the testator who remembered 
 his doublet and his hose, his sword and his gilded 
 bowl, his second best bed and its furniture, forgot 
 that he was the author of The Tempest and The 
 Winter s Tale, of Tivelfth Night and As You Like It, 
 of Othello and Macbeth, and the other masterpieces 
 which were registered by Jaggard after his death, 
 to say nothing of the masterpieces which were 
 published in his lifetime, and which he had re- 
 written or revised. 
 
 Even this does not exhaust the difficulties of the 
 case. The will of the retired player named his 
 daughter Susanna and her husband Dr. Hall as his 
 executors and residuary legatees ; and if we can 
 suppose that by some strange inadvertence the tes- 
 tator overlooked his literary property it would have 
 passed by his residuary bequest. Dr. Hall was a 
 man of business, and proved the will of his father- 
 in-law on the 26th of June 1616, two months after 
 his decease, but he never dreamt of claiming the 
 Shakespearian plays as a portion of his residuary 
 estate. Mr. Phillipps suggests that Hall was a 
 puritan, and that this would explain his ' indifference 
 for the fate of any dramatic manuscripts that might 
 have come into his hands ' (i. 250). But even 
 
 H
 
 -y\^ On^wut |L^ JlfJX MjiM^ '6hx Avox^>r.^:w/-. 
 
 98 
 
 / 
 
 \{l^ 
 
 yl -si/' 
 
 
 / 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ V 
 
 
 '<'>" 
 
 ^Vf' 
 
 0/ Shakespeare and the 7 wo Players 
 
 puritans are not indifferent to money, and, puritan 
 or no puritan, he erected the pretentious monu- 
 ment to the memory of the Player which endowed 
 him with the judgment of Nestor, the genius of 
 Socrates, and the art of Maro, and glorified him 
 as the author of the plays which he was too 
 sanctimonious to publish. 
 
 If in the absence of all evidence, and in defiance 
 of all probability, we maintain that Hemming and 
 Condell received the revised manuscripts from 
 which the Great Folio was printed ' at the hands ' of 
 Shakspere, a final difficulty has to be confronted. 
 If the two Players received them at the hands of 
 Shakspere they must have received them before the 
 spring of 1616 ; how, then, did it happen that they 
 did not publish them till the autumn of 1623? 
 The two Players profess that their only aim was to 
 do an office to the dead and to procure guardians 
 for the orphans of his genius ; but for seven long 
 years they failed to do their office, and for seven 
 long years they left his orphans to the mercies of 
 the world. And by what extraordinary conjunction 
 of the planets did it happen that they awoke to 
 a sense of their responsibilities and launched the 
 Shakespeare Folio in 1623, the very year in which 
 the press was groaning with the Folios of Bacon ? 1 
 
 The Players in speaking of their friend and 
 fellow say, ' we have scarce received from him a 
 blot in his papers.' The Players undoubtedly 
 received the papers as his, but as they could not 
 
 n
 
 Of Shakespeare and tJie Tivo Players 99 
 
 possibly have received them from ///;//, the question 
 rises, From whom did they receive them ? The 
 Cambridge Editors suggest that the Dedication and 
 the Address which constitute the Preface of the ^ 
 Folio may have been written by some literary man 
 in the employment of the Publishers and merely 
 signed by the two Players. It is a most plausible 
 suggestion. The style of the compositions is not 
 that of ordinary actors. The Epistle Dedicatory 
 reminds one in many respects of Bacon's dedica- 
 tions. The Incomparable Pair of Brethren, for 
 instance, are said to have 'prosequuted ' the Author 
 of the Plays with favour. This use of the word 
 prosecute is not to be found in any English 
 Dictionary ; in fact it is one of those Latinisms 
 which Bacon habitually affected, and the origin 
 of which is only to be found in such Ciceronian 
 expressions as ' Posidonium honorificis verbis pro- 
 seciitus est,' and ' equitem Romanum beneficiis ac 
 liberalitate prosequebantur .'' Nor is this the onl}^ 
 trace of the fine Roman hand of the great writer 
 that is to be detected in the Epistle. It was always 
 with ' a kind of religious address ' that Bacon 
 approached his patron of the moment ; and the 
 country hands that reach forth milk and cream and 
 fruits — the nations that in default of gums and 
 incense approach their deities with a leavened 
 cake — the ennobling of the meanest things when 
 dedicated to a temple — these are echoes, and not 
 
 distant echoes, of the very words of Bacon. 
 
 H 2
 
 I oo Of Shakespeare and the Two Players 
 
 But whatever may be the conclusion at which 
 
 we arrive as to the author of the Dedicatioji, we 
 
 can arrive at a satisfactory conclusion as to the 
 
 author of the Address to the great Variety of 
 
 Readers. The Address contains a number of 
 
 peculiar phrases. In speaking of his author the 
 
 writer says to the reader, ' if you do not like him 
 
 surely you are in some manifest danger not to 
 
 understand him.' This was a favourite idea of 
 
 Jonson's. In his Underwoods, when addressing an 
 
 author who concealed his name, he says that if 
 
 the reader 
 
 Only doth desire 
 To understand, he may at length admire ; 
 
 and in the very first of his Epigrams he warns the 
 reader, 
 
 Pray thee, take care, that tak'st my book in hand 
 To read it well — that is to understand. 
 
 Aeain, the writer of the Address states that in 
 the Folio the plays of Shakespeare are presented to 
 the reader ' absolute in their numbers as he con- 
 ceived them.' This is no player's phrase. It is a 
 phrase employed by the classical writers to denote 
 absolute perfection. Thus Cicero speaks of the 
 material world as ' mundus expletus omnibus suis 
 numeris,' and Pliny describes a book which he 
 admired as ' liber numeris omnibus absolutus.' It 
 was a favourite phrase of Jonson's. When he 
 published his Sejanus he was careful to remind the
 
 0/ Sliakcspcarc and the 7 wo Players loi 
 
 reader that the book was not the same ' in all 
 numbers ' as the play which was acted on the stage ; 
 in the dedication of his Epigrams to the Earl of 
 Pembroke he says the persons whom he describes 
 may not answer ' in all numbers ' to the description ; 
 in his U/idcnvoods he alludes to Sir Kenelm Digby 
 as 'a gentleman absolute in all numbers'; and in 
 his Discoveries he speaks of Bacon as one ' who hath 
 filled up all numbers,' not as conveying that Bacon 
 had written every species of verse, but as conveying 
 that in everything he wrote he was absolutely 
 perfect. These parallelisms of expression are 
 suggestive of the authorship of Jonson ; but there 
 is one passage in the Address which may fairl}^ be 
 regarded as conclusive. ' Well,' says the writer to 
 the reader, ' it is now publique, and you will stand 
 to your privileges, we know, to read and censure. 
 Do so, but buy it first. That doth best commend 
 a book, the Stationer says. Then, how odd soever 
 your brains be, or your wisdoms, make your licence 
 the same, and spare not. Judge your six-pen'orth, 
 your shilling's worth, your five shillings' worth at a 
 time, or higher, so you rise to the just rates, and 
 welcome. But whatever you do. Buy.' These 
 ' rates' are in reality Jonson's. In the articles of 
 agreement between the spectator and the author, 
 in the Induction to BartJiolouicw Fair, it is agreed 
 that * every person here have his or their free-will of 
 censure, the author having now departed with his 
 right'; and it is provided that 'it shall be lawful
 
 I02 Of Shakespeare and tlie Two Players 
 
 for any man to judge his six-pen' orth, his twelve- 
 pen'orth, so to his eighteen-pence, two shillings, 
 half-a-crown, to the value of his place, provided 
 always his place get not above his wit.' ' Marry,' 
 says Jonson, ' if he drop but sixpence at the door, 
 and will censure a crown's worth, it is thought there 
 is no conscience or justice in that.' 
 
 We may therefore safely accept the suggestion 
 of the Cambridge Editors that the documents which 
 constitute the preface of the Folio were written by 
 some literary man to be signed by the two players ; 
 and if we come to the conclusion that this literary 
 man was Jonson, we can scarcely be wrong in 
 believing that it was from Jonson that Hemming 
 and Condell received the unblotted papers from 
 which the Folio was printed. Let us see what 
 Jonson has to say upon the subject.
 
 VI 
 
 Of SJmkcspcarc and Ben yoiison 
 
 MR. Hallam tells us that of the young- man who 
 came up from Stratford we know next to 
 nothing-. Mr. Lee, on the contrary, tells us that 
 in his case ' an investigation extending over two 
 centuries has brought together a mass of detail 
 which far exceeds that accessible in the case 
 of any other contemporary professional writer ' 
 (p. 299). Among the contemporary professional 
 writers the most eminent was Jonson ; let us then 
 compare what we know of Shakspere with what we 
 know of Jonson, and see which of the two we are 
 to trust, Mr. Lee or Mr. Hallam. 
 
 What in point of fact do we really know of the 
 young man who came up from Stratford ? Mr. 
 Phillipps in his Outlines shows that we know 
 nothing of him from his baptism in 1564 to his 
 apprenticeship in 1577 ; that we have no informa- 
 tion whatever as to his occupations from his appren- 
 ticeship in 1577 to his marriage in 1582 (i. 57);
 
 I04 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 
 
 tliat from his marriag-e in 1582 to his flight from 
 Stratford in 1587 we know nothing of him but the 
 birth and baptism of his children ; and that from 
 1587 to 1592 there is not a single particle of evi- 
 dence respecting his career (i. 83). In default of 
 positive evidence the traditions accepted by his 
 biographers as authentic inform us that while he 
 remained at Stratford he was a butcher's apprentice 
 and a poacher, and that when he arrived in London 
 his first occupations were those of a horseboy and a 
 ' serviture.' Apart from tradition we know nothing 
 about his life in London till the end of 1592, when 
 we know that he had become an actor. 
 
 Mr. Lee states that his first successes were 
 achieved under the auspices of Henslowe ; but 
 Henslowe, copious as he is in his references to 
 contemporary writers for the stage, makes no 
 mention whatever of his name. During the 
 whole of his career, so far as it is known, he 
 was associated with the Burbages ; and all that 
 the Burbages have to say about him is that 
 he was one of their men-players and deserving- 
 men. Mr. Lee states that the only patron of the 
 Player that is known to biographical research is 
 Southampton (p. 103); but Southampton has not 
 given us a hint of his existence. Mr. Phillipps 
 states that as far as the social distinctions of the 
 age permitted he was intimately acquainted not 
 only with Southampton but with Essex and Rutland 
 and the other leaders of the Rebellion of 1601 ; but
 
 OJ SJiakcspcarc and Ben yonsoii 1 05 
 
 Essex and Rutland and the rest are as silent as to 
 tlie acquaintanceship as ' his own Maecenas.' The 
 Folio is dedicated to Pembroke and Montgomery, 
 who are said to have ' prosequuted' the author with 
 much favour; but neither Pembroke nor Mont- 
 i^omery took the slightest notice of the Player. 
 The Comedy of Errors was performed before the 
 gentlemen of Gray's Inn ; but to the gentlemen of 
 Gray's Inn Shakspere was merely one of the ' com- 
 pany of base and common fellows ' whom the con- 
 juror had foisted on the society. Richard the Second 
 was performed by the company to which Shakspere 
 belonged on the eve of the Rebellion of 1601, and 
 though the performance was treated as an overt act 
 of treason there is no mention whatever of anyone 
 connected with the company except Augustine 
 Philipps [H-P. ii. 360). Love's Labour ^s Lost was 
 jjerformed at the house of Southampton for the 
 amusement of Anne of Denmark in 1604, but 
 Burbage alone is mentioned in connexion with the 
 performance and Shakspere passed unnoticed 
 among the ' players, jugglers, and such kind of 
 creatures ' whom the Court officials were engaged 
 in hunting up [H. I. Sh. i. 4). The ' private 
 friends ' to whom the Sonnets were addressed, 
 the 'divers of worship' who reported his facetious 
 grace in writing, the * grand possessors ' who 
 claimed to be the owners of the Plays — not one 
 of these has left a single memorial of the 
 man.
 
 1 06 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jojisoii 
 
 London in the time of Shakspere was full of 
 professional writers more or less connected with the 
 stage. There was Marlowe, ' the famous gracer of 
 Tragedians,' and Peele, ' the Atlas of Poetry,' and 
 Lodge, the 'young Juvenal,' and Nash, the inde- 
 fatigable pamphleteer, to whom we are indebted for 
 so much of our knowledge of the literary history of 
 his times ; but not one of these has left the slight- 
 est intimation that he was personally acquainted 
 with the actor. TGreene mentions him, but only to 
 denounce him as an upstart ; f Chettle recognises 
 his excellence in the quality that he professed, 
 but admits that he had not the advantage of his 
 acquaintance ;JMeres glorifies the honey-tongued 
 Shakespeare, but he does not give us the slightest 
 idea who the honey-tongued Shakespeare really 
 was. Forman has left us an account of perform- 
 ances of Macbeth, and The Winter's Tale, and Cy?Ji- 
 beline, at the Globe in 1610 and 161 1 ; but, though 
 he minutely describes the Plays, he says nothing 
 of the Player. That the Shakspere of the Stage 
 should to some extent be confounded with the 
 Shakespeare of the Plays was inevitable. Manning- 
 ham, who records the performance of Twelfth Night 
 in the Hall of the Middle Temple in 1601, relates 
 the loose adventure in which William the Conqueror 
 is said to have come before King Richard. Camden, 
 in his Britannia, when speaking of the Parish Church 
 of Stratford, says : — ' In the chancel lies William 
 Shakspeare, a native of this place, who has given
 
 0/ Shakespeare a7id Ben yonso)i 107 
 
 ample proof of his genius and great abilities in 
 the forty-eight plays he has left behind him' — a 
 remark which shows how little Camden knew of 
 the real author. Among the contemporary notices 
 of Shakespeare adduced by Mr. Phillipps (ii. 154) 
 that of Davies of Hereford is the only one 
 which clearly identifies the Player with the Poet ; 
 and how competent the Hereford Poetaster was to 
 form a judgment on the subject is evident from the 
 terms in which he addresses the man whom he 
 supposed to be the author oi Macbeth and Lea)". — 
 
 Some say, good Will, which I in sport do sing, 
 Had'st thou not play'd some kingly parts in sport, 
 
 Thou had'st bin a companion for a king, 
 And been a king among the meaner sort. 
 
 London, in the time of Shakespeare, abounded, as 
 we have said, in literary men — poets, playwrights, 
 and pamphleteers — men who were incessantly 
 engaged either in mutual admiration or in inter- 
 necine feud. But not one of them can be adduced 
 as attesting the responsibility of the Player for the 
 works which are associated with his name. As far 
 as they refer to him they regarded him as nothing 
 but a player. Greene, in The Groatsworth, classed i ^ ^ 
 him with ' those puppits who speak from our 1 
 mouths ' ; the author of Ratsei s Ghost speaks of 
 him as one who had bought some place or lordship 
 in the country, and no longer cared for those that 
 formerly made him ' proud with speaking their 
 words upon the stage ' [H-P. i. 300) ; and the
 
 io8 0/ Shakespeare and Ecu Jonsoii 
 
 scholars In The Return frovi Parnassus sneer at him 
 as one of those who 
 
 With mouthing words that better wits have framed 
 Now purchase lands, and now Esquires are made. 
 
 It was the custom among the literary men of the 
 day to belaud their friends in verse more or less 
 ' tolerable, and not to be endured.' But Shakspere 
 was honoured with no such marks of admiration. 
 Not a sing-le copy of complimentary verses was 
 addressed to him on the publication of any of the 
 plays ; not a single rhymer bewailed his retirement 
 from the stage ; not a single threnody was chanted 
 on the occasion of his death ; and when the Great 
 Folio was published the only warblers that could be 
 procured to sing his praise were Leonard Digges 
 and Hugh Holland, and an immortal of whom we 
 know nothing butithe inanity of his verses and_the 
 initials of his name. But why continue the discus- 
 sion ? As Mr. Lee admits that Southampton is the 
 only patron of Shakspere that is known to biogra- 
 phical research (p. 102), so he admits that Jonson is 
 the only contemporary who has left on record any 
 definite impression of the personality of the Player 
 as a man (p. 224). 
 
 Let us, then, compare this mass of detail, as it is 
 called, with the mass of detail which is accessible 
 to us in the case of the great contemporary writer. 
 Born in the city of London in the early part of 1574, 
 Jonson was ten years younger than Shakspere, and
 
 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonsoii 109 
 
 in almost every respect he presents a contrast to the 
 older man. He was the son of a clergyman, and 
 the grandson of a man of famil}^ in Scotland. He 
 was educated at Westminster School, and in the 
 dedication of his first successful play to Camden 
 he points with affectionate pride to the fact that 
 Camden was his tutor. ^ He was an exhibitioner of 
 Cambridge.^ Having embraced literature as a pro- 
 fession he became one of the most prolific writers 
 of his age. His plays are second only to those of 
 Shakespeare ; his masques are inferior only to those 
 of Milton ; his poems display much of the vigour 
 and the verve of Dryden ; and his airy lyrics still 
 haunt the memory and flutter round the lips of 
 men. In the course of time he became Chrono- 
 loger to the City of London and Poet Laureate to 
 the King ; and it was in his favour that Charles 
 granted the famous tierce of canary, which was 
 continued as a perquisite of the office to his 
 successors. In the prosecution of his studies he 
 collected a library so extensive that Gifford doubted 
 whether any library in the kingdom was so rich 
 in scarce and valuable books. The commonplace- 
 books in which he recorded the results of his 
 reading were so numerous and so systematically 
 kept that Falkland expressed his astonishment at 
 the extent and variety of his collections. Accord- 
 ing to Isaac D' Israeli no poet has left behind 
 him so many testimonials of personal fondness by 
 inscriptions and addresses in the copies of his
 
 iio Of Shakespeare and Ben yonsoii 
 
 works which he presented to his friends ; and, it 
 may be added, no poet received such enthusiastic 
 testimonials of regard and admiration from the 
 friends to whom they were presented. Prefixed to 
 his various writings we see commendatory verses 
 from Marston, from Hey wood, from Chapman, 
 from Beaumont, from Fletcher, from Waller, and 
 from Herrick. Six months after his death the 
 Jonsonits Virbius was published containing elegies 
 dedicated to his memory by some thirty of the 
 most eminent men of letters of the day. Camden 
 was his life-long friend. Selden submitted his 
 writings to him ' to show how ambitious he was, 
 not only of his love, but of his judgment.' He 
 supplied a History of the Punic Wars to Raleigh, 
 when Raleigh was compiling his History of the 
 World. He acted as Aristarchus to Hobbes, when 
 Hobbes was writing his translation of Thucydides. 
 Like Hobbes, he was one of the good pens whom 
 Bacon, in his fear that modern languages would play 
 the bankrupt with books, employed to immortalise 
 his works in Latin. Herrick, in his well-known 
 ode describing the lyric feasts at The Sun, The 
 Dog and The Triple Tun, declares that Jonson's 
 verse 
 
 Outdid the meat, outdid the frolic wine. 
 
 Everyone who aspired to be thought a wit was 
 anxious to be admitted to the chamber in The 
 Old Devil, which was ' The Tavern Academy of
 
 0/ Shakespeare and Ben Joiison 1 1 i 
 
 Ben.' Beaumont, when lying among the hay- 
 makers in the country, dreamt of ' the full Mermaid 
 wine ' of Jonson's eloquence and wit. Pembroke 
 and Newcastle and Portland, Aubigny and Falkland, 
 the Spencers and the Sidneys, were not only his 
 patrons but his friends. Falkland, in the elegy 
 which he wrote upon his death, exclaims, 
 
 To him how daily flocked, what reverence gave. 
 All that had wit, or would be thought to have ! 
 
 In short, Jonson among the men of his day 
 •occupied a position of literary supremacy similar 
 to that which was occupied by Dryden in the 
 succeeding age, and even at the present time 
 Claude Halcro's ' Glorious John ' does not loom 
 larger through the mists of the past than ' Rare 
 Ben Jonson.' 
 
 That we should know so much about Jonson 
 and so little about Shakspere, that Jonson should 
 have been the cynosure of neighbouring eyes, 
 and that Shakspere should have attracted so little 
 notice, must be admitted to be strange if Shakspere 
 was generally regarded by his contemporaries as 
 the author of As You Like It and Tive/fth AUght, 
 of Hamlet and Macbeth and Lear. This absence 
 of recognition cannot be ascribed to the retiring 
 character of the Player. He was a pushing man. 
 He was desirous to be thought a gentleman. He 
 deduced his pedigree from a fictitious ancestor 
 who, he audaciously averred, had rendered important
 
 1 1 2 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonsou 
 
 services to Henry the Seventh. He pestered the 
 Heralds for a coat of arms. He inherited his 
 father's love of litigation. He was rigorous in 
 the assertion of his rights. In one capacity or 
 another he was constantly before the public, and 
 yet the public took so little notice of him that 
 practically, as Mr. Hallam says, what we know of 
 him is next to nothing. If the author of the plays 
 was some Great Unknown who kept invention in 
 a noted weed and flitted across the stage as the 
 mere shadow of a name, our ignorance of his 
 personality might be explained. But how can we 
 explain the indifference with which the world re- 
 garded Shakspere if we consider ////// to have been 
 the author ? 
 
 As a playwright by profession Jonson could not 
 fail sooner or later to become acquainted with 
 Burbage and his deserving men. The occasion of 
 his first acquaintance with Shakspere, we are told 
 by Rowe, was a remarkable piece of humanity on 
 Shakspere' s part. Every Man in His Hunioicr, we 
 are told, was on the point of being rejected by the 
 company to which Shakspere belonged when the 
 Player interposed on its behalf and secured its 
 acceptance by his fellows. Gifford very properly 
 regards this as mere Shaksperian myth. The 
 play in a less popular shape had been successfully 
 brought out by Henslowe, and it is not to be 
 supposed that when it had assumed its present form 
 the magnificent comedy, which is one of the glories
 
 Of Shakespeare and Be)i yoiison i 1 3 
 
 of the stag-e, would have been rejected by the com- 
 pany of Burbag-e. Nor is this the only Shaksperian 
 myth by which posterity has been amused. Fuller 
 in his Worthies of England talks of the wit combats 
 between Jonson and Shakspere, ' which two,' he 
 says, ' I behold like a Spanish galleon and an 
 English man-of-war,' developing the contrast in 
 language which must be familiar to every reader. 
 But Fuller, who was born in 1608, was only eight 
 years old when Shakspere died, and if he beheld the 
 wit combats of the two, he could only have beheld 
 them in a species of apocalyptic vision. L'Estrange 
 relates that Shakspere was god-father to one of 
 Jonson' s children, and that upon the occasion he 
 said, ' r faith, Ben, 1 '11 e'en give her a dozen 
 of latteiL spoons and thou shall translate them.' 
 The Ashmole Papers record how Mr. Jonson 
 and Mr. Shakspere being merry at a tavern 
 challenged one another to cap verses, and how 
 Mr. Jonson said, ' Here lies Ben Jonson Who was 
 once one,' and how Mr. Shakspere replied ' That 
 while he lived was a slow thing. And now, being 
 dead, is no thing.' Then there is the tradition how 
 Shakspere anticipated Burbage in some loose 
 amour and boasted that William the Conqueror 
 came before King Richard. Such are our only 
 specimens of the wit of him who is supposed to 
 have created Falstaff. 
 
 Whatever was the original intimacy between 
 the Poet and the Player, they ultimately quarreled.
 
 1 1 4 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 
 
 In 1 60 1 Jonson bitterly complained that for three 
 years he had been provoked by his enemies ' on 
 every stage,' and he taxes ' some of the players ' as 
 being parties to the conspiracy against him. Of 
 his enemies the principal were Marston and Dekker, 
 and of the hostile players Shakspere was the chief 
 In The Return from Parnassus, a play which, as 
 Mr. Arber shows, was performed by the gentlemen 
 of the University of Cambridge in December 1601, 
 Shakspere is described by Kempe, the morrice- 
 dancer of the Globe, as ' putting down ' all the 
 University men, ' ay, and Ben Jonson, too.' Jonson, 
 he says, ' brought up Horace giving the poets a pill, 
 but our fellow Shakespeare hath given him a purge 
 that made him bewray his credit' It was in The 
 Poetaster that he bewrayed it. The play had been per- 
 formed a month or two before ; * and in it Jonson, 
 wreaked his vengeance on his foes. Mr. Gifford 
 takes it upon himself to affirm that The Poetaster 
 does not contain a single passage that can be 
 tortured by the utmost ingenuity of malice into a 
 reflection on our great Poet ; but whether it reflects 
 on the Poet or not, it certainly reflects upon the 
 Player. In the Prologue to the Play a personifica- 
 tion of Envy is introduced which asks, 
 
 Are there no Players here, no Poet-apes, 
 
 That come with basilisk's eyes, whose forked tongues 
 
 Are steep'd in venom, as their hearts in gall ? 
 
 * It was registered on the 21st of December 1601, and was 
 published some time in 1602.
 
 /THM^vfiL, U^O^.iJLu^ 1^-^ 
 
 Of Shakespeare and Boi yoiison 115 
 
 The Poet-ape, as we shall see, was Jonson's 
 name for Shakspere. It Is evidently to Shakspere 
 that Tucca refers when he reminds players that 
 * they are in the statute which made them rog-ues 
 and vagabonds, unless enrolled as some nobleman's 
 servants, the rascals ' ; ' they are blazoned there,' he 
 says — ' there they are tricked, they and their pedi- 
 grees — they need no other heralds, I wis.'* And it 
 certainly is Shakspere who is depicted by Tucca 
 when he says' to Histrio, ' There are some of you 
 players, honest gent' man-like scoundrels, and 
 suspected to ha' some wit, as well as your 
 poets, both at drinking and breaking of jests, and 
 are companions for gallants.' ' Dost thou know that 
 P antala bus there?' he asks; and on Histrio's reply- 
 ing that he did not, Tucca continues — ' go, and be 
 acquainted with him then ; he is a gent' man, parcel- 
 poet, you slave ; his father was a man of worship, 
 I tell thee. Go, he pens high, lofty, and in a new 
 stalking strain, bigger than half the rhymers i' the 
 town again; he was born to fill thy mouth, 
 Minotaurus, he was ; he will teach thee to tear 
 and rand. Rascal, to him, cherish his muse, go ; 
 thou hast forty — forty shillings, I mean, stinkard ; 
 g-ive him in earnest, do ; he shall write for thee, 
 slave.' That Pantalabus was a player who had 
 given mortal offence to Jonson is evident, and how 
 
 ^'' Jonson, in all probability, derived his knowledge of 
 Shakspere's application to the Heralds from Camden who was 
 Clarencieux. 
 
 I 2
 
 1 1 6 Of Shakespeare and Ben yonson 
 
 bitterly Jonson resented the offence is shown by a 
 passage which he added to The Poetaster in the 
 edition of 1616. In that edition 'old Trebatius, 
 the great lawyer,' is represented as expostulat- 
 ing with Horace for condescending ' to wound 
 Pantalabus, railing in his saucy jests,' and, in the 
 person of Horace, Jonson replies that he loves peace,. 
 
 But he that wrongs me, better, I proclaim, 
 He never had assay'd to touch my fame ; 
 For he shall weep, and walk, with every tongue 
 Throughout the city infamously sung. 
 
 So powerfully was Jonson affected by the purge 
 which Shakspere had administered ; so bitterly did 
 he resent the efforts which Shakspere, in conjunc- 
 tion with his other enemies, had made to put him 
 down. 
 
 If there should be any lingering doubt whether 
 the Pantalabus of Tlie Poetaster was meant for 
 Shakspere, it will be dispelled by the Book 0/ 
 .Epigrams, in w^hich Jonson translates his Greek 
 into plain English and denounces the Player as a 
 Poet-ape who ' takes up all ' : — ,j. 
 
 On Pokt-Ape. 
 
 Poor Poet-ape, that would be thought our chief, 
 
 Whose works are e'en the frippery of wit, 
 From brokage is become so bold a thief, 
 
 As we, the robb'd, leave rage, and pity it. 
 At first he made low shifts, would pick and glean. 
 
 Buy the reversion of old plays, now grown 
 To a little wealth, and credit in the scene, 
 
 He lakes up all, makes each man's wit his own.
 
 Of Sliakcspeave and Ben yonson 1 1 7 
 
 And, told of this, he slights it. Tut, such crimes 
 
 The sluggish gaping auditor devours; 
 He marks not whose 'twas first, and aftertimes 
 
 May judge it to be his, as well as ours. 
 Fool ! as if half-eyes will not know a fleece 
 From locks of wool, or shreds from the whole piece. 
 
 / 
 
 iui-ir>\ 
 
 SUM- 
 
 Sir Theodore Martin, in his monograph entitled * / 
 
 Shakespeare or Bacon, admits that the epigram 
 refers to Shakspere, but contends that the attack 
 on the Player was made by Jonson in his early (fhruA 
 days (p. 37), and that he subsequently declared 
 that he loved the man, on this side idolatry, as 
 much as any (p. 38). But Sir Theodore does not 
 seem to be aware that the epigram was first 
 published in the collected edition of Jonson's works 
 which appeared in 161 6, the year of Shakspere' s 
 death ; and he does not seem to be aware that in 
 his dedication of the Book of Epigrams to the Earl 
 of Pembroke, the elder of the Incomparable Pair 
 of Brethren, Jonson sa3^s that though all his 
 characters may not answer, in all numbers, the 
 pictures he has made of them, 3'et his epigrams 
 were ' the ripest of his studies.' 
 
 It is interesting tocompare the judgments which 
 were formed of the successful Player by two of the 
 most competent judges, one at the commencement 
 and the other at the close of his career. No two 
 men could have been more competent to form an 
 estimate of his personality and his pretensions than 
 Greene and Jonson. Both were men of education ;
 
 1 1 8 Of S/iakcs/^carc and Ben Jonson 
 
 both were men of g-enius ; both were professionally 
 connected with the stage ; and both were personally 
 acquainted with the Player. To Greene, In 1592, 
 the Player was an ' upstart crow ' ; to Jonson, In 
 1 61 6, he was a * Poet-ape'; to Greene he was a 
 ' buckram gentleman ' ; to Jonson he was a ' gentle- 
 like scoundrel,' who affected the company of gallants. 
 Greene denounced him as a man ' with a tiger's 
 heart wrapp'd In a player's hide'; and Jonson 
 denounced him as a man whose ' tongue was steep' d 
 in venom and his heart in gall,' Greene, in his 
 Farewell to Folly, sneers at authors ' who get some 
 other Batillus to set his name to their verses,' so 
 that ' the ass was made proud by their underhand 
 brokery ' ; and it is at least a curious coincidence 
 that Jonson charges Shakspere with having com- 
 menced his career with ' brokage.' , Greene, in 1592, 
 sneered at the young Shakescene for supposing 
 that he could bombast out blank verse with the 
 best, and declared that he was a mere puppet that 
 spoke from the mouth of others ; but in 1616, and 
 for that matter in 1601, Jonson acknowledges that 
 the Player was a * parcel-poet,' that he had ' some 
 wit,' that he could ' pen,' that he could ' write,' that 
 he had his ' muse,' that he was to be credited with 
 ' works,' and that these works might possibly sur- 
 vive to ' aftertlmes.' True, he was only a ' parcel- 
 poet,' a poet who, like a goblet parcel-gilt, was not 
 genuine gold but gilding. True, he could write, 
 but he could only write in a ' stalking strain,' the
 
 fiyJ^ 0^ 
 
 Of S/iakcspccDC and Bcii "Jo?! son 119 
 
 strain of the strolling player.* True, he claimed 
 his * works ' ; but his works were the mere ' frippery 
 of wit.' Whether these works were old plays of 
 which he had purchased the reversion ; whether 
 they were old histories which were unclaimed by 
 forgotten authors ; whether they were the spurious 
 plays which were foisted on the world as Shake- 
 speare's ; or whether they were centos of stolen 
 wit which, like Bayes in The Rehearsal, he had 
 picked up at the tavern or the club ; whatever they 
 were, Jonson speaks of them with undisguised con- 
 tempt. They were the mere frippery of wit ; 
 they were the petty larcenies of a literary thief; 
 they were not a fleece, but mere locks of wool ; 
 they were mere shreds of stolen wit, and could 
 not be mistaken for a piece. 
 
 It is possible that Shakspere, like Holcroft, on 
 emerging from the stable might have written for 
 the stage. But whatever he wrote, we cannot be- 
 lieve that Jonson' s epigram on the Poet-ape was 
 meant for the Poet, who before 1601 had written 
 Lovi s Labour 's Lost, and The Comedy of Errors, 
 and Romeo and Juliet, and A Midswjwier Night's 
 Drea?7i, and As You Like It, and The Merchant of 
 Venice, and IMucJi Ado, and TivclftJi AHgJit, and who, 
 before 161 6, had astonished the world with Ha7nlet, 
 and Macbeth, and Lear, with The Tempest and 
 
 * Stalkers, in the time of Jonson^ was the name for Strollers, 
 who, in the words of The Poetaster, ' stalk upon boards and 
 barrel-heads to an old cracked trumpet.'
 
 I 20 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 
 
 The Winter s Tale. It could not have been these 
 miracles of genius which Jonson stigmatised as 
 the frippery of wit ; for he pronounced them to 
 be ' such that neither man nor muse could praise 
 too much.' It could not have been their author 
 whom he satirised as a Parcel-poet and a Poet- 
 ape ; for he hailed him as the ' Star of Poets.' 
 And we cannot possibly identify the man who 
 was to walk throughout the city infamously sung 
 with the man whose memory Jonson honoured, on 
 this side idolatry, as much as any. 
 
 In the concluding Act of TJie Poetaster hMg\x?X\}i's 
 is represented as asking his poets for their ' true 
 thought of Virgil ' ; and in answer to the imperial 
 question Horace, who was the counterfeit pre- 
 sentment of Jonson, replies that he was a spirit 
 
 Bearing the nature and similitude 
 Of a right heavenly body. 
 
 And Tibullus, anticipating the remark of Dr. 
 Johnson that a system of civil and economical 
 prudence might be collected from the works ot 
 Shakespeare, observes : — 
 
 I'hat which he hath writ 
 Is with such judgment labour'd, and distill'd 
 Through all the needful uses of our lives, 
 That could a man remember but his lines, 
 He should not touch at any serious point 
 But he might breathe his spirit out of him. 
 
 Who, then, is to be regarded as the Virgil ot 
 The Poetaster'^
 
 Oj S/iakcsf'carc and Ben j/'onson i 2 i 
 
 When Jonson first became acquainted with 
 Bacon we cannot tell. Every Man Out of his 
 Hiiniour was produced in 1599, and, in his dedica- 
 tion of the play to the Inns of Court, Jonson boasts 
 that he enjoyed the friendship of members of their 
 societies who were great names in learning-. In 
 his Discoveries he describes the effect of Bacon's 
 eloquence upon the Judges, so that he must have 
 known him while he was still practising at the bar. 
 In the preface to the Troilus and Cressida of 1609 
 the writer declares that the comedies of the grand 
 possessors ' are so framed to the life that they 
 serve for the most common commentaries of all 
 the actions of our lives'; and these words are so 
 similar to what is said of Virgil in TJie Poetaster 
 that they cannot fail to suggest the idea that 
 Jonson was the author of the preface — the more 
 so as the 'armed prologue' of Jonson's play 
 reappears as the ' prologue armed' of the verses 
 by which the play of the grand possessors is 
 formally introduced. In his BartJiolomeiv Fair, 
 which was performed on the 31st of October 1614, 
 Jonson ridicules ' those that beget tales and 
 tempests and suchlike drolleries,' and Drummond 
 of Hawthornden, on the alleged authority of 
 Jonson, relates that he had written an apology 
 for the play 'in my Lord St. Aubanie's house.'* 
 
 * Mr. Pliillipps, however, is of opinion that Jonson's ' droll- 
 eries ' referred to the tales and tempests of the puppet-shows 
 and not to 77/1? Tempest and The Winter s Tale of Shakespeare.
 
 I 2 2 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 
 
 In any case Bacon was on intimate terms witli 
 Jonson long- before he was created Lord St. Alban. 
 In 1617, when he was Lord Keeper, he engaged 
 Jonson to compose a masque for the Christmas 
 Revels of his Inn. In the summer of 161 8, when 
 Jonson was setting out on his pedestrian tour to 
 Scotland, Bacon told him that he loved not to see 
 poesie going on any feet but the dactyl and the 
 spondee. In January 1620 Jonson was present at 
 the famous banquet in York House with which 
 Bacon as 'England's High Chancellor' celebrated 
 his entrance on his sixtieth year ; and Jonson in 
 his poem on the event not only glorifies the 
 Chancellor but apostrophises the Genius of the 
 Pile ' as if some mystery it did.' 
 
 On the 27th of January 162 1 the great 
 philosopher was created Viscount St. Alban, and 
 he wrote to the King, ' this is the eighth rise or 
 reach, a diapason in music, even a good number, 
 and accord for a close.' Unfortunately this was 
 not destined to be the close of his devious 
 career. In the following March his Nemesis over- 
 took him, and he fell. He fell ; and, like the 
 fallen Archangel, he was hurled into an abyss of 
 misery and shame. Nothing in his whole career 
 is so worthy of admiration as the manner in which 
 he bore himself in this period of disaster and 
 disgrace. He fled for refuge to literature. He 
 resumed his studies. He completed the works 
 on which, according to his own account, he had
 
 \ 
 
 Of S/hikis/'Ltirc and Ben Jonsoii 123 
 
 been pondering" for thirty years. He died in the 
 prosecution of his labours. The manly energy 
 which he displayed during the last five years of 
 his life is only to be paralleled by the courage 
 with which Scott, when crushed by financial ruin, 
 and overwhelmed with domestic bereavement, and 
 enfeebled by advancing years, devoted himself for 
 a like period to the performance of his literary 
 tasks. Jonson assisted the fallen Chancellor in 
 his labours. It is probable that he assisted him 
 in the preparation of the Novum Orgaiiuvi, which 
 was published in 1620, and it is an undoubted 
 fact that the Latin of the De Augmcntis, which 
 was published in 1623, was the work of Jonson. 
 It may be assumed therefore that Jonson was 
 assisting Bacon in the publication of his works in 
 1623, when the Shakespeare Folio appeared; and 
 it is absolutely certain that he assisted in the publi- 
 cation of that memorable volume. We have every 
 reason to believe that he was the writer of the 
 Address to the great Variety of Readers, and we 
 know that he was the writer of the verses to the 
 memory of ' The Author,' and of the lines to ' The 
 Reader' which face the title-page of the famous 
 book. 
 
 It is here that the mystery begins. In The 
 Poetaster, in the Book 0/ Epigrams, to the last day of 
 Shakspere's life, Jonson had denounced the Player 
 as an impudent impostor; but in the Flyleaf of the 
 Folio, with the Figure of the Player before him,
 
 124 ^f SJiakcspcarc and Ben yon son 
 
 and writing- apparently for the information of 
 posterity, Jonson says 
 
 This Figure that thou here seest put, 
 It was for gentle Shakespeare cut. 
 
 Here the tables are completely turned. Up to 
 this point the Baconian, arguing from the circum- 
 stances of the Player's life, has contended that 
 Shakspere could not possibly have been the author 
 of the plays, and that therefore the author must be 
 Bacon. Now the Shaksperian, relying on the Figure, 
 contends that Bacon could not possibly have been 
 the author, and that the author in reality was 
 Shakspere. The force of the arg-ument cannot be 
 overlooked or disregarded. Of all the contem- 
 poraries of Shakespeare none formed so adequate 
 a conception of his supreme excellence as Jonson. 
 He was personally acquainted with the Philosopher 
 and with the Pla)^er. He must have known which 
 of them was the author of the plays ; and in 
 1623, when ushering in the first collected edition 
 of the immortal works, he undoubtedly leads us to 
 believe that the author was not the Philosopher but 
 the Player. This has satisfied the world. It was 
 the Figure that induced Milton to describe the most 
 learned, if not the most laboured, of compositions 
 as the native wood-notes of a rustic warbler. It 
 was the testimony of Jonson that prevented his 
 illustrious namesake from entertaining any mis- 
 g-iving- as to the authorship in spite of the ante-
 
 0/ SJiakcspcarc and Ben yonson 125 
 
 cedents of the reputed author. The title-page of 
 the Folio, in short, is the title-deed of Shakspere, 
 and it would seem to justify his biographer in say- 
 ing, that the Baconian Theory has no rational right 
 whatever to a hearing. 
 
 But in the present state of the Shakespearian con- 
 troversy discussion cannot be stopt by an ipse dixit. 
 That the portrait of one man should be prefixed 
 to the works of another is confessedly one of the 
 strangest things in the history of letters. But here 
 everything is strange. If Jonson represents the 
 Figure of the Player as cut for gentle Shakespeare, 
 we cannot forget that the gentle Shakespeare 
 himself informs us in the Sonnets that Shakespeare 
 was not his real name, but the noted weed in which 
 he kept invention. If the editors of the Folio 
 describe the plays as the work of their friend and 
 fellow, the editor of Troilus and Cressida described 
 them as the work of a concealed author, and as 
 the property of grand possessors. And above 
 all we cannot forget that if Shakspere is held 
 out by those who were responsible for the pub- 
 lication of the Folio as the author of the plays, 
 Shakspere himself, with no motive for conceal- 
 ment, and with every motive to assert his rights, 
 never once during the five-and-twenty years that 
 he lived in London claimed to be the author, and 
 that during the last five years of his life he con- 
 cerned himself as little with the Shakespearian 
 Plays as the merest boor in Stratford.
 
 126 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 
 
 In connexion with the Figure another curious 
 circumstance is to be mentioned. Numberless 
 copies of the Folio must have perished in the 
 lapse of time, but two hundred still exist, and in 
 ninety per cent, of these the Figure is not printed. 
 This would lead one to suspect that the Figure was 
 not intended to be the figure-head when the Folio 
 was launched. However this may be, no other 
 explanation of the mystery has been suggested ; 
 and Mr. Lee tells us with all the emphasis of 
 italics that of the two hundred existing copies 
 of the Folio ' fewer than twenty are in a perfect 
 state ; that is, with the portrait printed {not miaid) 
 on the title-page, and the flyleaf facing it, with 
 all the pages succeeding it, intact and uninjured' 
 (p. 258).* ^ 
 
 There is another aspect in which the Figure 
 can be viewed. If it is assumed that Bacon was 
 the author of the plays it must be admitted that 
 he renounced the authorship and deliberately 
 assigned it to the Player. Situated as he was in 
 1623 it might have been necessary for him to 
 repudiate all connexion with the stage ; and that 
 some such necessity may have existed is evident 
 
 * In the copy of the Folio in the Library of Trinity College, 
 Dublin, the Flyleaf is a manuscript facsimile of print, the Figure 
 is pasted upon the title-page, and the Dedication, the Address, 
 and the Verses to the memory of the Author, are literally inlaid 
 in the following pages by a species of typographical mosaic, the 
 centre of the pages being cut away so as to leave a framework of 
 paper, in which the documents are inserted.
 
 f- 
 
 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 127 
 
 from the facts which he has himself disclosed. 
 The Incomparable Pair of Brethren to whom the 
 Folio was dedicated were his friends. He acknow- 
 ledges the moderation and affection which Pembroke 
 had displayed towards him in his misfortunes ; 
 he declares that Montgomery was the most honest 
 of all the courtiers of James ; and though he 
 was socially and politicall}^ dead he solicits a con- 
 tinuance of their friendship, and their endeavours 
 for the furtherance of his private life and fortune. In 
 the dedication of the plays the writer, whoever he 
 was, declares that the Brethren ' had prosequuted 
 both them, and the Author living, with so much 
 favour ' that it both suggested and justified the 
 dedication. Here Mr. Lee supplies us with fresh 
 matter of surprise. He regards the dedication to 
 Montgomery as a mere compliance with the passing 
 vogue (p. 337), and he expresses his firm convic- 
 tion that at no time, and in no manner, was Pem- 
 broke associated or acquainted with the Player.* 
 
 But, after all, the most astonishing thing in 
 connexion with the Figure is Jonson's transfor- 
 mation of his Poet-ape into the gentle Shakspeare. 
 In Richard tlie Second we are told of 
 
 Perspectives, which rightly gaz'd upon 
 Show nothing but confusion, ey'd awry, 
 Distinguish form. 
 
 Jonson's description of the Figure would seem to 
 
 ''' This view is more or less confirmed by the fact that Pem- 
 broke was not appointed Lord Chamberlain till 161 6, the year 
 when Shakspere died, and five years after he had left the stage.
 
 ^VUAn^^ 
 
 128 Of Sliakespcare and Boi yonson 
 
 be a similar perspective. The nature of the 
 Player, if we may trust his contemporaries, was 
 anything but gentle. Greene, in TJic Groatsivorth^ 
 denounced him as a man with a ' tiger's heart' ; 
 the author of Ratsei's Ghost described him as 
 one who ' fed on all men ' ; Jonson himself, in 
 The Poetaster, complained of his ' saucy jests ' ; 
 and even Mr. Lee describes him as inheriting 
 his father's love of litigation, and as rigorous 
 in insisting on his rights. As for his claims to be 
 regarded as a man of gentle birth, Jonson, as we 
 have seen, treated them with absolute derision. 
 
 The eneravinsT and the bust in the chancel of 
 Stratford church, Mr. Lee tells us, are the only 
 counterfeit presentments of the Player that can be 
 held indisputably to have been honestly designed to 
 depict his features (p. 239). The round face and 
 the eyes of the bust, he acknowledges, present a 
 heavy, unintellectual expression (p. 234); and the 
 expression of the engraving, though less heavy, 
 is not more intellectual than that of the bust. 
 Mr. Lee acknowledges that the Figure's expres- 
 sion of countenance is ' very crudely rendered,' 
 and that it is ' neither distinctive nor lifelike,' and 
 he remarks that Jonson' s testimony to its excel- 
 lence ' does no credit to his artistic discernment ' 
 (p. 235). But Jonson's artistic discernment was not 
 at fault. Recognising its likeness to the Player he 
 clearly discerned that an engraving so mean and in- 
 significant as the Figure could not possibly pass as
 
 Of Shakespeare and Ben yonson 129 
 
 the portrait of a man of genius. Weak and 
 insignificant as it is, Jonson intimates that it 
 was a flattering likeness of Shakspere, and, adopt- 
 ing the language of Venus and Adonis in describing 
 the painter of an ideal horse, he declares it to be 
 
 a likeness 
 
 Wherein the Graver had a strife 
 With Nature to outdo the life. 
 
 Admitting, however, that the Graver had ' hit the 
 face ' of the Player, Jonson remarks that if he 
 could have ' drawn his wit ' with similar success, 
 his wit would be found to answer to his face. 
 In a poem on the Lady Venetia Digby, Jonson 
 gives a picture of her body and then a picture of 
 her mind, and he declares that ' To express her 
 mind to sense Would ask a heaven's intelligence ' ; 
 but when he comes to the picture of the mind of the 
 reputed author of the greatest works of genius that 
 the world has ever seen, all he has to say is this — 
 
 The print would then surpass 
 All that was ever writ in hrass.^ 
 
 Jonson could not have spoken more contemptuously 
 of Pantalabus the Poet-ape. Dryden long ago 
 declared that Jonson' s verses were but a left- 
 handed compliment at best ; but viewed as per- 
 spectives they would appear to be intended not 
 for compliment but for insult. In the verses to 
 
 * In the copy of the Folio of 1623 in the Library of Trinity 
 College the word ' brass ' is given in italics ; and it is also 
 given in italics in the College copy of the Folio of 1632. 
 
 K
 
 130 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonso7i 
 
 * The Author ' Jonson writes that the poet must 
 labour in his vocation, 
 
 Or for the laurel he may gain a scorn. 
 
 There the word for is used as instead of, and it is 
 scarcely possible to avoid the suspicion that Jonson 
 used the word in the same sense in his verses on 
 
 * The Figure ' when he wrote that 
 
 It was for gentle Shakespears cut. 
 The verses to the memory of ' The Author ' 
 may be regarded as a memorial of all that Jonson 
 really knew and thought about the Author of the 
 Plays. But Jonson seems to write like one who 
 was entrusted with a secret which he was bound 
 to keep, but which he was longing to reveal. It 
 is thus only that we can account for the vagaries 
 of his style. In The Poetaster and the Book 
 of Epigrams, when he speaks of his enemy the 
 Player, his language is as plain as that of down- 
 right Shippen or of old Montaigne; but in his 
 verses on ' The Figure,' in his verses to ' The 
 Author,' and in his ' Discoveries,' whenever he 
 approaches the Shakespearian question, he is as 
 oracular, and as ambiguous, as the Delphic 
 Priestess or the Spirit Asmath. Even in his 
 ambiguities a distinction is to be remarked. In his 
 lines on ' The Figure ' his tone is that of veiled 
 contempt ; but in his verses to the memory of ' The 
 Author ' the tone is that of unbounded admiration. 
 The heading of the Memorial Verses, as they
 
 0/ Shakespeare and Ben yoiisou 1 3 1 
 
 appear in the Folio, is printed and punctuated in 
 a peculiar way: — 
 
 To the memory of my beloued. 
 
 The AVTHOR 
 
 Mr. William Shakespeare: 
 
 And 
 
 what he hath left vs. 
 
 In this heading every Shakespearian question of 
 importance is sug-gested. Who was the ' beloved * 
 of Jonson ? Who was the man whom Jonson 
 venerated as 'The Author'? Who, in Jonson' s 
 opinion, was 'Mr. William Shakespeare'? And 
 what are the plays which ' he hath left us,' and 
 which alone are to be regarded as Shakespearian ? 
 With The Poetaster and the Book of Epigratus before 
 us we can scarcely look upon the Player as ' the 
 beloved' of Jonson. In the face of the declaration 
 that the Shakespearian plays were ' such that neither 
 man nor muse could praise too much,' it is difficult 
 to believe that Jonson regarded a mere Poet-ape 
 and Parcel-poet as ' The Author.' And if we care- 
 fully study the language of the verses we shall 
 find it to be so inapplicable to the Player that we 
 can with difficulty suppose that Jonson regarded 
 him as ' Mr. William Shakespeare.' Take, for 
 instance, the opening lines : — 
 
 To draw no envy (Shakespeare) on thy name, 
 A?n 1 thus ample to thy Book, and Fame ! 
 K 2
 
 132 Of Shakespeare and Ben yo7ison 
 
 To attribute a book of plays to a great noble 
 might bring odium, or, in the language of the day, 
 draw envy, on his name ; but how could it bring 
 odium on the name of one who had been lying in 
 his grave for upwards of seven years, whose name 
 had been more or less associated with the plays for 
 twenty-five, and whose association with the Book, 
 instead of bringing odium on his name, would 
 bring it into note ? Instead of praising the Book 
 Jonson would fain have praised the Author, but 
 simple ignorance, he says, or blind affection, might 
 indulge in personal panegyric. 
 
 Or crafty Malice might pretend this praise. 
 And think to ruin where it seemed to raise. 
 
 These words might with propriety be applied to 
 some great personage whose social position would 
 be ruined though his literary reputation might be 
 raised by identifying him with the ignominies of 
 the stage ; but as for the Player, ' Malice domestic, 
 foreign levy, nothing could touch him further ' — 
 he was dead ; and his reputation instead of being 
 ruined would only have been raised by the public 
 recognition of his right to be regarded as the 
 author of the Book. Jonson continues: — 
 
 /, there/ore, will begin. Soul of the Age ! 
 
 The applause ! delight ! the wonder of our Stage ! 
 
 My Shakespeare rise ! 
 
 This, certainly, was not the Shakespeare of the 
 Players. Their Shakespeare could with no appear- 
 ance of plausibility be described as the Soul of the
 
 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 133 
 
 Age in which he lived. He was not a great states- 
 man who had influenced the fortunes of the state ; 
 .he was not a great philosopher who had revolu- 
 tionised the philosophy of the schools ; at best he 
 was nothing but a playwright at a time when plays 
 were scarcely regarded as literature, and when 
 players were banned and branded by the law. 
 Jonson refuses to rank Jiis Shakespeare with any of 
 the great men of the past, for addressing him he 
 says. 
 
 Thou art a Moniment, without a tomh, 
 And art alive still, — 
 
 words which could not possibly be applied to the 
 dead Player; but, like the juggling fiend of Macbeth, 
 Jonson again palters with us in a double sense, by 
 adding, 
 
 ■while thy Book\doth live. 
 And we have wits to read, and praise to give. 
 
 Recognising the lofty aims of Shakespeare Jonson 
 speaks of ' his well-torned and true-filed lines,' 
 
 I71 each of which he seetns to shake a Lance, 
 As brandish^ t at the eyes 0/ Ignorance, — 
 
 an expression which might well be applied to the 
 author who, in his own words, was devoted to the 
 advancement of all learning and science, but could 
 scarcely be applied to the man who, according to 
 his biographers, had no literary design, and who 
 allowed his daughter to be reared in such ignorance 
 that she could not write her name.
 
 T34 Of Shakespeare and Bill Jonson 
 
 Jonson, It will be said, apostrophises Shakespeare 
 as 'The Swan of Avon ' ; but even in this apostrophe 
 he uses language which cannot with any propriety 
 be applied to the man of Stratford : 
 
 Sweet Siva?i of Avon ! what a sight it were 
 To see thee in our waters yet appear. 
 And make those flights Jipon the banks ^y Thames, 
 That so did take Eliza and our James ! 
 
 If Shakspere was ever regarded as the Swan of 
 Avon, he was in his grave ; and though the song of 
 the dying swan is a favourite fancy with the poets, 
 no poet that ever lived would be mad enough to 
 talk of a swan as yet appearing and resuming its 
 flights upon the river some seven or eight years 
 after it was dead. J And, surely, Jonson must have 
 regarded Shakespeare as still living when he ex- 
 claims: — 
 
 Shine forth, thou Star o/"Poets. and with rage. 
 
 Or influence, chide or cheer the drooping Stage 
 
 Which, since thy flight from hence, hath mourn' d lilie night. 
 
 And despairs day, but for thy Volume' s light. 
 
 Even the light of the Volume is obscured by 
 the contradictions of the preliminary papers. 
 While the two Players in their Address to ' The 
 great Variety of Readers' rely on the unblotted 
 papers which they had received as a proof of the 
 ' easlnesse ' with which their Shakespeare wrote, 
 Jonson In his Address to 'The Author' refers to 
 his ' well-torned and true-filed lines' as a proof
 
 Of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson 135 
 
 of the patient labour which his Shakespeare 
 bestowed upon his writings. The Shakespeare of 
 Hemming- and Condell is a mere happy-go-lucky 
 improviser; but the Shakespeare of Jonson is a 
 worker who ' sweated ' over his work — a craftsman 
 who * struck the second heat upon the Muse's 
 anvil' — an 'artist' who spared no labour on his 
 art — a poet who was ' made as well as born.' 
 This is not the Shakespeare of popular belief. 
 The Shakespeare of Jonson is, in fact, the 
 Shakespeare of Mr. Swinburne — the Shakespeare 
 who recast Hamlet, who rewrote Romeo and Juliet^ 
 who renovated Henry the Fifth, who struck out 
 the doggrel that disfigured The Merry Wives, 
 and converted the raw rough sketch into the 
 rich and ennobled version which we now possess ; 
 the Shakespeare, in fine, who in this respect had 
 no counterpart among contemporary writers but 
 the man whose literary habits Jonson knew so 
 well — the great writer who, according to his own 
 account, ever altered as he added, and who, accord- 
 ing to his chaplain, revised his great philosophical 
 work with such unwearied care, that year after year 
 he altered and amended it, till at length he brought 
 it to that state of perfection in which it was com- 
 mitted to the press. 
 
 Jonson died in 1637, ^^^ his Discoveries were 
 first published in the second volume of his works 
 which appeared in 1641. In this posthumous 
 work there is the celebrated entry De Shakspeare
 
 ^\ j,vur) r^ i^hM 
 
 J M 
 
 A I 
 
 136 Of Shakespeare and Bcii yonson 
 
 nostrat.* Having remarked that * nothing is so 
 preposterous as the running judgments upon 
 poetry and poets,' and that ' the most favour 
 common vices, out of a prerogative the vulgar 
 have to lose their judgments, and like that which 
 is naught,' he takes Hemming and Condell as an 
 example of the exercise of this prerogative of the 
 vulgar. ' I remember,' he says, ' the Players have 
 often mentioned it as an honour to Shakspeare 
 that in his writing (whatsoever he penned) he 
 never blotted out a line. My answer hath been, 
 would he had blotted a thousand, which they 
 thought a malevolent speech. I had not told 
 posterity this but for their ignorance who chose 
 that circumstance to commend their friend by 
 wherein he most faulted, and to justify mine own 
 candour; for I loved the man, and do honour his 
 memory on this side idolatry as much as any.' 
 Q Such is the famous entry, which is supposed 
 to be decisive of the Shakespearian question. In 
 reality it decides but little. When the Players 
 
 * In the ordinary editions the heading of the entry is 
 De Shakspeare nostrat, which is unintelligible. In the edition 
 in The Temple Classics, which professes to follow the original 
 text of 1 641, the entry stands as De Shakespeare nostrati\ but 
 why Jonson described Shakespeare as ' our fellow-countryman ' 
 is not apparent. Whoever Shakespeare was, he was an 
 Englishman, and everybody must have known it. If a narrower 
 interpretation is given to the word, Jonson was not born at 
 Stratford and Shakspere was not born in London. In any case 
 it is clear that Jonson is anxious to specialise the particular 
 Shakespeare whom he had in view.
 
 0/ S/iakcspcarc and Ben yonson 1 3 7 
 
 mentioned that Shakespeare in his writing, 
 whatsover he penned, never blotted out a line, 
 they proved to demonstration that they knew 
 nothing- of the real Shakespeare ; and when Jonson 
 expressed the wish that he had blotted out a 
 thousand, he cannot have forgotten his own 
 description of the Shakespeare who sweated over 
 his work, and struck the second heat upon the 
 Muse's anvil. Jonson, it is true, regretted, as every 
 sober student of Shakespeare must regret, that the 
 incomparable writer who in his laborious revision of 
 his work had blotted out so much had not blotted 
 out still more. This was unintelligible to the 
 Players. Hemming and Condell who, like Kempe 
 and Burbage, must have been aware of the 
 attempts of Shakspere to put Jonson down, very 
 naturally regarded Jonson's remark as a malevolent 
 speech. But it was not of the friend and fellow 
 of the Players that Jonson was thinking when he 
 wrote ; he was thinking of the friend who had 
 entrusted them with his papers and immortalised 
 their names by associating them with the publica- 
 tion of his works. Nor was it the Pantalabus 
 whom he had caused to be infamously sung 
 throughout the city that Jonson v/as thinking of 
 when he said, ' I loved the man, and do honour 
 his memory on this side idolatry as much as 
 any.' He could not have written this of the 
 Player without falsifying everything that he had 
 written during the Pla)^er's lifetime ; and we cannot
 
 138 Of Shakespeare anel Ben Jonsou 
 
 conceive that Jonson in the seclusion of his closet 
 was making secret atonement to the dead for the 
 libels with which he had lampooned the living. 
 Nor are we driven to any such conclusion. 
 Immediately following the entry, De Shakspeare 
 fiostrati, there is an entry entitled Do?niims Verii- 
 lauiius, and, curiously enough, there is not a single 
 thing which Jonson has said of Shakespeare in the 
 first entry that he does not re-say of Bacon in the 
 second. If he credits Shakespeare with ' an excel- 
 lent fancy, brave notions, and gentle expressions,' 
 he describes Bacon as the chief of ' the great masters 
 of wit and language ' who had shed lustre on the 
 age. If he declares that the wit of Shakespeare 
 was in his own power, but the rule of it was not, he 
 declares that the language of Bacon was nobly cen- 
 sorious, ' where he could spare or pass a jest.' If, 
 he says of Shakespeare, ' I loved the man, and do 
 honour his memory on this side idolatry as much 
 as any,' he says of Bacon, ' I reverence him for the 
 greatness that was only proper to himself, in that 
 he seemed to me ever, by his work, one of the 
 greatest men, and most worthy of admiration, that 
 had been in many ages.' In the Memorial Verses 
 Jonson tells us that the great dramatist stood 
 
 alone — 
 
 Alone for the comparison 
 Of all that insolent Greece or haughty Rome 
 Sent forth, or since did from their ashes come ; 
 
 and if we wish to know who this miracle of genius
 
 Of Shakespeare and Bcii yonson 139 
 
 really was, Jonson, in his Discoveries^ tells us. He 
 tells us that ' he that hath filled up all numbers, and 
 performed that in our tongue, which may be com- 
 pared or preferred either to insolent Greece or 
 haughty Rome,' was Bacon. 
 
 A final consideration will show how little Jonson 
 is to be relied on as attesting the responsibility of 
 the Stratford Player for the works which were asso- 
 ciated with his name. In his famous common-place 
 book he gives a Catalogue of Writers — Scriptoriivi 
 Catalogus — a beadroll of all ' the great masters of 
 wit and language ' among his contemporaries, ' in 
 whom all vigour of invention, and strength of judg- 
 ment met'; and he awards the palm to Bacon. 
 ' Within his view,' he says, ' and about his time, 
 were all the wits born that could honour a language, 
 or help study,' and the greatest of these, in Jonson's 
 opinion, was his patron. When Jonson wrote, his 
 illustrious friend was dead ; and ' now,' he says, 
 ' things daily fall ; wits grow downward, and elo- 
 quence grows backward ; so that he may be named 
 and stand as the mark and aK\Lr\ of our lan- 
 guage.' In this catalogue of writers Shakspere is 
 not mentioned ; among the wits born in Bacon's 
 time he is ignored ; and though Jonson attributes 
 such transcendent excellence to the Shakespearian 
 Plays, that neither man nor muse could praise them 
 too much, he does not select tJieiii as the mark and 
 acme of our language — unless, indeed, he viewed 
 them as the work of Bacon.
 
 Vll 
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Lawyer 
 
 A CLOUD of mystery overhangs and overshadows 
 much of the career of Bacon. Born on the 
 22nd of January 1561, he was three years older 
 than the man who disputes his claim to the primacy 
 in the world of thought ; and in almost every 
 respect he presents a contrast to his rival. The 
 son of a Lord Keeper, and the nephew of a Lord 
 Treasurer, he had, from his very childhood, attracted 
 the notice of the Virgin Queen ; and the fates, to 
 use the metaphor of Jonson, would seem to have 
 spun the thread of his existence, 
 
 Round and full, 
 Out of their choicest and their whitest wool. 
 
 Sent to the University when yet a boy, he spent 
 three years of his early life at Cambridge. Removed 
 from Cambridge, when little more than sixteen, he 
 spent the next three years, to use his own expres- 
 sion, in the train of an Ambassador to France.
 
 0/ S/iakcspcare as a Lawyer 141 
 
 When he was nineteen his father died, and died so 
 suddenly that he made no provision for his favourite 
 son. Compelled to adopt a profession, he entered 
 himself as a student at Gray's Inn, and was called 
 to the bar, when he became of age, in 1582. Lord 
 Macaulay, in his famous Essay, states that he rose 
 rapidly into business ; but this is a mistake. In 
 i593» twelve years after his call, no solicitor, as 
 Mr. Spedding- tells us, was found resorting to his 
 chambers. In 1594 he himself writes to Burghley, 
 ' I see the bar will be my bier.' In 1595 he writes 
 to Essex that he was ' purposed not to follow the 
 practice of the law.' As late as 1603 he writes to 
 Cecil that he had placed all his ambition on his 
 pen. The depression of his early life is attributed 
 by Macaulay to the jealousy of Burghley and his 
 son, and it is possible that he suffered from the 
 contempt with which men of affairs in high places are 
 apt to look down on men of genius. But it must 
 not be forgotten that Bacon owed his first seat in 
 Parliament to the influence of Burghley ; and when 
 he sought the office of Solicitor-General in 1594 
 Essex wrote him a letter describing an interview 
 with the Queen, in which * she said that none thought 
 you fit for the place but my Lord Treasurer and 
 myself.' The fact is, that Bacon could not be 
 depended on as a politician. By a strange way- 
 wardness he joined the party of Essex, which was 
 in opposition to the party of the Cecils. Like 
 Cicero and Burke he loved the society of the young.
 
 142 Of Shakespeare as a Lawyer 
 
 and he was fascinated by the brilHant qualities of 
 Essex and the youthful graces of Southampton.* 
 He became the confidential adviser of the one, and 
 the ardent admirer of the other. From 1590 to 
 1599 nothing- could exceed his devotion to his two 
 friends. In 1599, the prime mystery of his life 
 besfins, and he is found with those who were hunt- 
 ino- them to death. In a succession of 'Letters of 
 Advice,' presenting every consideration which could 
 influence an ardent and ambitious mind, he had 
 earnestly recommended his friend to undertake the 
 government of Ireland ; and Essex had acted on 
 his advice.t The enterprise was an ignominious 
 failure. Essex, who left London in March 1599, 
 returned in the following August, to the high dis- 
 pleasure of the Queen. The unfortunate young 
 nobleman accepted the dedication of a pamphlet 
 containing ' a story of the first year of King Henry 
 the Fourth,' which the Queen regarded as a ' sedi- 
 tious prelude ' ; and Bacon was compelled to appear 
 against his friend before the Council. ' The play 
 of deposing King Richard the Second ' was acted 
 at the Globe, on the requisition of the Earl, on the 
 afternoon before he broke into rebellion ; and Bacon 
 was compelled to appear before the Lords and 
 denounce the performance as an act of treason. 
 
 * Bacon was born in 1561 ; Essex in 1567 ; and Southampton 
 
 in 1573- 
 
 f Bacon's Letters of Apology to Devonshire in 1604 is utterly 
 at variance with the Letters of Advice to Essex in 1567, 1568, 
 and 1569. On this contradiction see note H.
 
 OJ Sliakcspearc as a I^aivycr 143 
 
 The Earl was executed in the Tower, and, by the 
 command of the Queen, Bacon wrote the Declara- 
 tion of his Treasons, which, after the lapse of three 
 centuries, we cannot read without feelings of indig- 
 nation and disgust. His worshippers have insisted 
 that Bacon acted from a high sense of duty in 
 hounding his benefactor to his fate, and devoting 
 his memory to execration. Others have attributed 
 his action to ambition. But if we may trust the 
 letter which Bacon wrote to Southampton shortly 
 after the Queen's death, he would seem in these 
 dark transactions to have acted on compulsion. 
 * How little it may seem credible to you at first,' 
 he writes, ' yet it is as true as a thing that God 
 knoweth that this great change hath wrought in me no 
 other change towards your Lordship than this, that 
 I may safely be that to you now, which I was truly 
 before.' How Bacon's safety had been comprised 
 we can but guess. If, as Lord Macaulay thinks, he 
 acted from a regard to his selfish interests as a 
 lawyer he was doomed to disappointment. In spite 
 of his want of practice, and in spite of his alleged 
 ignorance of law, he had been compelled to act 
 with Coke, his malignant enemy, and with Fleming, 
 his successful rival, on the trial of his dearest 
 friends ; and on the trial he had given conspicuous 
 proof of his ability as an advocate and his learning 
 as a lawyer. But the State Trials were scarcely 
 over when Coke insulted him in open court, forbade 
 him to meddle in the business of the Queen,
 
 144 ^f Shakespeare as a Laivyer 
 
 and threatened ' to clap cap. utlcgatuui on his 
 back.'* 
 
 On the death of Elizabeth on the 24th of March 
 1603 Bacon was compelled to reconsider his posi- 
 tion. Though he had placed his ambition on his 
 pen, his heart was still fixed on the vulgar objects 
 of ambition. The truth is his spirit, like that of 
 another famous man, was 
 
 Antithetically mixt, — 
 One moment of the mightiest, and again, 
 On little objects with like firmness fixt. 
 
 He affected to rejoice that the days of canvassing 
 were over, and he canvassed with the best. He 
 wrote to Northumberland offering to draw a pro- 
 clamation for the King ; he wrote to Southampton 
 soliciting a renewal of his friendship ; and he wrote 
 to Mountjoy, who had recently been created the 
 Earl of Devonshire, the Letter of Apology in which 
 he ignored his Letters of Advice, and tried to 
 justify himself with regard to Essex. He sent 
 Matthew to promote his interest at the Scottish 
 
 ''' As this expression has been made the basis of much 
 ingenious speculation, it may be well to consider its legal 
 import. Utlegatus is defined by Coke as extra legem positus. In 
 the old law, no one could be outlawed but for felony ; in 
 Bracton's time the penalty was extended to what he calls 
 delicta ; and subseqently by various statutes process of outlawry 
 was made to lie in account, debt, detinue, annuity, covenant, and 
 all actions on the case {Co. Litt. iz^b). What 'the old scent' 
 was on which the Attorney-General hunted we cannot safel}-^
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Laivycr 145 
 
 Court. He entreated Davies, who was in Scotland 
 at the time, 'to be good to all concealed poets.' 
 He made interest with everyone in Scotland who 
 was likely to be employed in the affairs of England. 
 No place-hunter could have been keener in his 
 hunt for place. But his efforts were in vain. He 
 was knighted; he was made a King's Counsel; 
 but he was doomed to wait. It was not till the 
 25th of June 1607, when he was in his forty-seventh 
 year, that he was made Solicitor-General, and 
 attained a recognised position at the bar. 
 
 In 1607 more than twenty-five years had elapsed 
 since he was called. During that period he was 
 not in practice, and, as he said, he had placed his 
 ambition on his pen. How was the pen of this 
 restless and energetic genius employed during this 
 period of hope abandoned or deferred ? It has 
 been said that while he was yet a boy at Cam- 
 bridge he meditated the overthrow of the Aristo- 
 telian Philosophy; but this is mere Baconian myth. 
 His earliest^^hilosophical work, a fragment on the 
 Interpretation of Nature entitled Valerius Terminus, 
 was not published till 1603 ; his first important 
 work, the Advancement of Learnings did not appear 
 till 1605 ; the Cogitata et Visa of 1607, and TJie 
 Wisdom of the Ancients, which appeared in 1609, 
 were merely fragments which were afterwards 
 incorporated in his great work; and the Novum 
 Oroamcm, the first instalment of the Great Instaura- 
 tion, did not appear till 1620. If we take into 
 
 n
 
 '4' 
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Lawyer 
 
 account first attempts, variations, repetitions, and 
 translations into Latin, the whole of the philoso- 
 phical works of Bacon might easily be comprised 
 in a couple of octavo volumes. 
 
 The philosophical works, it is evident, were not 
 sufficient to find employment for a pen such as that 
 of Bacon during- a period of five-and-twenty years 
 of obscuration. Of works which ' came home to men's 
 business and bosoms,' Bacon, up to January 1597, 
 had published none in his own home except a 
 fragment of The Colours of Good and Evil which he 
 dedicated to Mountjoy, and the ten short Essays 
 which he dedicated to his brother. It is true, he had 
 been engaged in the production of a number of 
 semi-theatrical Devices. He designed the ' Dumb- 
 show ' of The Misfortunes of Arthur^ which was 
 played before the Queen in 1589. In 1592 he 
 composed what Mr. Spedding calls ' A Conference 
 of Pleasure ' which contains the germ of fulius 
 Caesar. In 1594 he contributed the speeches 
 of the Six Counsellors to ' The Masque of the 
 Order of the Helmet ' which was performed 
 contemporaneously with The Comedy of Errors. 
 He composed or assisted in composing ' The 
 Device of the Indian Prince,' which contains 
 much that is suggestive of passages in A Mid- 
 siunnier AHglif s Dream. He composed ' The Device 
 of Philautia ' for Essex, at „ which Southampton 
 tilted and Tobie Matthew played the part of Squire. 
 When Solicitor-General he was the chief contriver
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Laivyer 147 
 
 of ' The Marriag-e of the Rhine and Thames,' which 
 celebrated the nuptials of the daughter of the King. 
 When Attorney-General he rivalled the magnificence 
 of Wolse}^ in tlie preparation of ' The Masque of 
 Flowers,' which celebrated the marriage of Somerset 
 and Lady Essex. As Lord Chancellor he patron- 
 ised, if he did not assist in the production of the 
 ' Masque of Mountebanks,' which was produced in his 
 honour by the members of his Inn. The student 
 of the Shakespearian drama will not fail to note how 
 constantly the dramatist in this respect follows the 
 example of the lawyer. In Love s Labour ""s Lost, in 
 A Midsuimner NigMs Djxavi, In The Merry Wives of 
 Windsor, in Hamlet, in Twion, in Cyuibeline, in The 
 Winter'' s Tale, in The Tempest, and in Henry the 
 Eighth we have Masques, and Dumbshows, and 
 Devices introduced for the most part without any 
 dramatic necessity or any artistic purpose. And it 
 is curious to observe how implicitly these toys, 
 as Bacon would call them, follow the directions 
 of the Essay of Masques and TriiLfuphs, and how 
 exactly the characters correspond with the Fools, 
 the Satyrs, the Wild Men, the Ethiops, the Nymphs, 
 the Rustics, the Cupids, and the Spirits, that Bacon, 
 with characteristic effusion, has enumerated In the 
 Essay. 
 
 During the whole of his career Bacon had rela- 
 tions more or less intimate with the stage. As the 
 bosom friend of Southampton he must frequently 
 have conversed with him about the Shakespeare of 
 
 L 2
 
 148 Of SJiakespearc as a Lawyer 
 
 the Sonnets and the Poems. As a Bencher of Gray's 
 Inn, if not as the Conjuror who had foisted on the 
 Inn the company by which The Comedy of Errors 
 was performed, he must have been thrown into 
 personal contact with Burbage, Kempe, and Shak- 
 spere. As counsel on the trial of the Earls he must 
 have been aware of the circumstances under which 
 Richard the Second was performed by the company 
 of which Shakspere was a member as detailed in the 
 deposition of Augustine Philipps.* As the most 
 assiduous of courtiers he must have assisted at the 
 Court performances of The Tempest and The JVinter s 
 Tale and the other Shakespearian Plays for which 
 payments were made by the officials of the Court 
 to Hemming. When he was Solicitor- General his 
 'countenance and loving affection' were gratefully 
 recognised by Beaumont. As Lord Keeper he pro- 
 cured a Masque to be written for the Christmas 
 Revels of his Inn by Jonson. His last public act as 
 Chancellor was to preside at a dinner given in honour 
 of Alleyne. His writings abound in allusions to the 
 stage which show how thoroughly familiar he was 
 with all the details of the drama, and the only thing 
 that is remarkable is the studied silence which he 
 maintains as to any personal knowledge of the 
 playwrights or the players of his time. 
 
 In or about 1594 Bacon compiled a common- 
 
 *' It is to be remarked that in the schedule of evidence 
 appended to the Declaration Bacon omits this deposition which 
 is given by Mr. Phillipps in his Outlines (ii. 360).
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Lawyei' 149 
 
 place book which has recently been published by 
 Mrs. Pott under the name of Proinus, and the 
 genuineness of which is admitted by Mr. Spedding. 
 The book has been ransacked for parallelisms to 
 the plays. Many of these parallelisms are far- 
 fetched and hardly worth the carriage ; but some 
 of them undoubtedly are striking. The book, if 
 we may judge by its entries, shows the profound 
 stud}^ of the works of Ovid which is conspicuous 
 in the Shakespearian Poems. It contains a collec- 
 tion of French, Italian, and Spanish Proverbs such 
 as those which are cited in Love' s Laborer ^s Lost. 
 There are entries which contain expressions so 
 similar to those employed in Romeo a?id Juliet that 
 it has been matter of dispute whether the play 
 was indebted to the commonplace-book, or whether 
 the commonplace-book was indebted to the play. 
 What particularly strikes one, however, is the care 
 with which Bacon compiled what he called the 
 * Formularies and Elegances ' of expression and 
 the ' Continuances ' of discourse, not for the pur- 
 poses of his philosophical works, but apparently 
 for the purposes of the dramatic writings.* 
 
 We have a number of scattered intimations that 
 during the period in which Bacon was compara- 
 tively lost to view, he was a votary of the Muses. 
 In 1594 he writes to Essex that he is drinking 
 the waters of Parnassus. In 1603 he solicits the 
 
 •" On the Promus of Bacon see Note F.
 
 / 
 
 150 0/ Shakespeare as a Lawyer 
 
 assistance of Davis, and desires him * to be good 
 to concealed poets.' In 1604 he states to Devon- 
 shire that, though he did not ' profess to be a poet,* 
 he had upon occasion indited a sonnet to the 
 Queen. It is objected that his translation of the 
 Psalms is a proof that he was incapable of the 
 higher flights of poetry ; but the translation, 
 written as it was in age and sickness, is at least as 
 good as that of Milton, and is neither better nor 
 worse than much that passes for poetry when 
 attributed to Shakespeare. Bacon's contemporaries 
 undoubtedly considered him to be a poet. Wotton 
 attributes to him verses the plaintive melody of 
 which Is recognised by Mr. Spedding. The 
 Contlnuator of Stow includes him among the 
 ' modern and excellent poets' of the time. Withers, 
 in his Great: Assizes, makes him the Chancellor of 
 Parnassus. Jonson, in his Discoveries, applies to 
 him the words which in his Folio verses he had 
 applied to the great dramatist, and describes him 
 as one who had filled up all numbers and was to be 
 preferred to all the dramatic writers that had been 
 produced either by ' insolent Greece or haughty 
 Rome.' And, finally, Sir Tobie Matthew, in words 
 which Mr. Coleridge might have used of Shake- 
 speare, describes him as ' a man so rare in 
 knowledge of so many several kinds, endued with 
 the facility and felicity of expressing it all in so 
 eloquent, so significant, so abundant, and yet so 
 choice and ravishing a way of words, of metaphors.
 
 0/ SJiakcspearc as a Lawyer 1 5 1 
 
 of allusions, as perhaps the world hath not seen 
 since it was a world.' 
 
 Matthew was the literary confidant of Bacon 
 and his ' inquisitor ' of style. In a letter to 
 Gondomar, Bacon describes him as his alter ego ; 
 and the relations between them were so intimate 
 that the evidence of Matthew, as reflecting light 
 on the Shakespearian Question, deserves more 
 attention than it has hitherto received. He was the 
 son of an eminent ecclesiastic who was successively 
 Dean of Christchurch, Bishop of Durham, and 
 Metropolitan of York. He was born in 1578, and 
 from his earliest youth he seems to have attracted 
 the regard of Bacon. In 1595 he played the part 
 of the Squire in the Device which Bacon had 
 composed for Essex. In 1603 Bacon sent him on 
 a mission to promote his interest at the Scottish 
 Court. In 1605, to Bacon's regret, he had become 
 reconciled to the Church of Rome, and, owing 
 to the feeling roused by the Gunpowder Plot, he 
 was first 'imprisoned for religion,' as he says, and 
 then banished from the country. From 1605 to 
 1 61 7 he lived upon the continent; but during the 
 whole time he maintained a constant correspond- 
 ence with his friend and patron. In July 161 7, by 
 the influence of Bacon, who was Attorney-General 
 at the time, he was permitted to return to England ; 
 but in October 1618, having given fresh offence 
 to the Court, he was again compelled to leave the 
 country. During his exile he lived for a time in
 
 152 OJ Shakespeare as a Lawyer 
 
 Spain, and when the idea of the Spanish Match was 
 
 broached it was thoug-ht that Matthew might be 
 
 of use in promoting- the wishes of the King, and 
 
 accordingly he was recalled to England. The date 
 
 of his recall may be approximately fixed by a curious 
 
 circumstance, which shows how intimate were the 
 
 relations which subsisted between him and Bacon. 
 
 In his answer to the fourteenth article of the 
 
 charges of corruption brought against him by the 
 
 Commons, the Chancellor confesses that he received 
 
 five hundred pounds from one Sir Ralph Hansbye, 
 
 a suitor in his court, and, he adds, ' the said five 
 
 hundred pounds was delivered to me by Mr. Tobie 
 
 Matthew.' Matthew therefore must have returned 
 
 to England before 162 1, the date of Bacon's fall. 
 
 From a letter of Meautys to Bacon we know by 
 
 the date that Matthew was at York House on the 
 
 7th of January 1621 ; and from a letter of Bacon to 
 
 Buckingham we know that he was still in London 
 
 on the 1 8th of April 1623. Towards the end of 
 
 that month, Matthew left London for Madrid, where 
 
 he remained till the following October. On the 6th 
 
 of October 1623 he returned to England with the 
 
 Prince ; and on the loth, in recognition of his 
 
 services in Spain, he was knighted by the king at 
 
 Royston. 
 
 The dates which have been mentioned are impor- 
 tant. Bacon was in the habit of presenting Matthew 
 with copies of his works as they issued from the 
 press ; and in an undated letter Matthew writes to
 
 Oj SJiaktspiat-c (IS a J^aivycr 153 
 
 his patron, ' I have received your great and noble 
 token and favour of the gth of April, and can 
 but return the humblest of my thanks for your 
 Lordship's vouchsafing- so to visit this poorest 
 and unworthiest of your servants.' As the letter 
 is addressed to the Lord Viscount St. Alban, it 
 must have been written after the 27th of January 
 162 1, which was the date of Bacon's patent, and 
 the only other indication of the date is the mention 
 of the 9th of April. On the gth of April 1621 
 Bacon was in the agony of his impeachment, and 
 on the gth of April 1626 he died. Those years, 
 therefore, must be excluded from consideration. 
 The Ahvum Orgaimvi appeared in 1620; the 
 Histor}'' of Henry the Seventh in 1622 ; the Dc 
 Aiiomentis and two instalments of the Historia 
 Naturalis in 1623 ; the final edition of the Essays 
 in 1625; and the Syiva Sylvaruni in 1627, when 
 Bacon was no longer living. What, then, was the 
 great and noble token, the receipt of which is 
 acknowledged by Matthew ? It is difficult to say, 
 and it is immaterial to guess. The importance of 
 his letter lies in the postscript, and in the fact that 
 Matthew was in England when he wrote it. ' The 
 most prodigious wit that ever I knew of m}" nation, 
 and of this side of the sea,' he says, ' is of your 
 Lordship's name, though he be known by another.* 
 The Dc Augnientis was published in October 
 1623, and the Shakespeare Folio was registered on 
 the 8th of the following November. Neither of
 
 154 ^/ SJiakespcaj'e as a Lawyer 
 
 these, therefore, unless indeed it was an advance 
 copy, could have been presented to Matthew on the 
 gth of April 1623. The Baconians, nevertheless, 
 insist that the great and noble token was the Shake- 
 speare Folio. Mr. Lee, who regards the Baconians 
 as insane, contends that ' according to the only 
 sane interpretation of Matthew's words, his most 
 prodigious wit was some Englishman named Bacon 
 whom he met abroad ; probably a pseudonymous 
 Jesuit, like most of Matthew's friends' (p. 308). 
 As if in acknowledging the receipt of a great and 
 noble token from the most illustrious Englishman 
 of his time, Matthew, like the slave in the triumphal 
 car of the Roman, would whisper in his ear that, 
 for all his great and noble tokens, he need not fancy 
 that he was the most prodigious wit that England 
 had produced, for the most prodigious English 
 wit was a pseudonymous Jesuit, whose name hap- 
 pened to be Bacon. This surely is not a sane 
 interpretation of the words of Matthew ; but, whether 
 it is sane or insane, it does not determine the ques- 
 tion in debate. In Bacon's correspondence there 
 is an undated letter of the Lord St. Alban to Mr. 
 Matthew, whicli is the complement of the undated 
 letter of Mr. Matthew to the Lord St. Alban. The 
 letter must have been written after the 27th of 
 January 1621, which was the date of Bacon's 
 viscounty, and before the loth of October 1623, 
 which was the date of Matthew's knighthood. As 
 Bacon requests Matthew ' to bring his friendly aid
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Laivyer 155 
 
 before night,' Matthew must have been in London ; 
 and as the matter on which Bacon required his aid 
 was connected with some transaction, as to which 
 Bacon's memory was at fault, we may conclude 
 that the transaction was of ancient standing-, and 
 therefore previous to Matthew's imprisonment and 
 exile. What is important, however, is not the 
 transaction itself but the reason which Bacon 
 assigns for his forgetting it. ' I may the worse 
 put things upon the account of my own memory,^ 
 he says, ' my head being then wholly employed 
 about Invention.' 
 
 The word Invention, in the language of the 
 Elizabethan Poets, was a term of art appropriated 
 to Poetry and the Drama. Greene, in his Groats- 
 worth, speaks of the ' admired Inventions ' of Peele 
 and Marlowe. Jonson, in his Ode to the Earl of 
 Desmond, exclaims, 
 
 Arise Invention ! 
 Awake and put on the wings of Pindar's Muse ! 
 
 Spenser, in Colin C/out, addresses a Poet 
 
 Whose Muse, full of high thought's Invention, 
 Doth like himself heroically sound. 
 
 It is in this sense that the author of the Shake- 
 spearian plays employs the word when he thinks of 
 the glories of Agincourt : 
 
 O for a Muse of Fire, that would ascend 
 The highest heaven of Invention !
 
 156 0/ SJiakespcarc as a Lawyei' 
 
 It is in this sense that the author of the Shake- 
 spearian poems uses the word when he dedicates 
 ' the first heir of his Invention ' to his friend. And 
 it is in this sense that the author of the Shakespearian 
 Sonnets asks {^S. 76) — 
 
 Why write I still all one, ever the same, 
 
 And keep Invention in a noted weed. 
 That every word doth almost tell my name. 
 
 Showing their birth and where they did proceed ? 
 
 If anyone requires an explanation of the phrase 
 * a noted weed ' it is supplied by Bacon, who, in his 
 Henry the Seventh, tells us that when Perkin Warbeck 
 took sanctuary his principal adviser ' clad himself 
 like a hermit, and in that iveed wandered about the 
 country.' Here then we have a pencil of luminous 
 rays converging to a focal point. Bacon admits 
 that in or before 1605 his head was wholly employed 
 about Invention ; the author of the Sonnets con- 
 fesses that he kept Invention in a noted weed ; and 
 Bacon's literary confidant declares that the most 
 prodigious wit he ever knew of, this side of the sea, 
 was of Bacon's name though he was known by 
 another. The author of the Sonnets, admittedly, 
 was the author of the Poems and the Plays, and 
 the whole Shakespearian question would seem to 
 resolve itself into the question, who was the 
 author of the Sonnets? 
 
 A negative answer to this question is inevit- 
 ably suggested. The author could not have been 
 Shakspere. If he kept Invention he did not keep
 
 Of Sliakcspea)e as a Lawyer 157 
 
 it in a noted weed. He had no reason to conceal 
 his name. His name was as well known as that 
 of Kempe or Burbage. It was familiar to the 
 shouting- varletry before whom he acted ; it was 
 familiar to the gallants with whom he drank ; 
 it was familiar to the whole theatrical world of 
 which he claimed to be the chief. In short, from 
 the days when Greene denounced him as an ' up- 
 start crow ' to the days when Jonson denounced 
 him as a ' Poet-ape,' his name was as well known 
 to the world as it was in the old livery-stable 
 days when his understrappers shouted ' I am one 
 of Shakspere's boys.' 
 
 Indeed, if we reflect, we shall find it difficult to 
 conceive how the Player could ever have been con- 
 sidered to be the author of the Soiincis. According 
 to Mr. Lee, the verses are arrayed in the gorgeous 
 livery of Petrarch, and Ronsard, and Desportes, 
 and De Baif (p. 92). According to Mr. Wyndham 
 they display a knowledge of the technicalities of 
 the law (p. cxxxiv) ; they show a familiarity with 
 all the philosophy of the time (p. cxxii), and they 
 prove that the author was a profound student of 
 the eternal processes of nature {ibid.^. These 
 'sugared sonnets' were t\\e poetica uiclla of the age. 
 How, then, can we believe that compositions of such 
 transcendent merit were the work of an uneducated 
 young fellow from a bookless neighbourhood, who 
 up to the age of twent3^-four was destitute of polished 
 accomplishments and unversed in the arts of com-
 
 158 0/ Shakespeare as a Laivyer 
 
 position ? And when we remember the extreme 
 social distinctions of the age we cannot help asking 
 how the horseboy of 1590 could so suddenly have 
 emerged from the purlieus of the stable to the 
 precincts of the court; how the servitor of 1591 
 could have become the companion of nobles ; how 
 the Johannes Factotum of 1592 could have been the 
 rival of a great noble for the favours of a great 
 lady; how one of Burbage's deserving men could 
 have ventured to reproach a peer of the realm 
 with his 'sensual faults' (5". 35), when a knight 
 could be haled before the Star Chamber for address- 
 ing a peer as ' good man, Morley,' and when 
 men like Jonson and Chapman could be committed 
 to the Fleet for a passing jest upon the King's 
 countrymen, the Scots. The sonnets, addressed as 
 they were to a great noble, and dealing with the 
 most delicate affairs, could scarcely have been circu- 
 lated ' among the private friends ' of a mere Player. 
 It has been said that the author of the sonnets 
 lamented that he was compelled to make a 'motley' 
 of himself (5". ex), and that his name had in con- 
 sequence received * a brand ' (5". cxi). But it is 
 difficult to conceive how the successful Player could 
 have felt degraded by a profession which had rescued 
 him from abject poverty, which had released him 
 from mean employments, which had raised him to 
 a position of wealth and independence, and which 
 he had continued to pursue for years after he had 
 become rich and independent.
 
 OJ Shakespeare as a Lawyer 159 
 
 Who, then, was the author of the Sonnets ? The 
 answer to this question will be found to depend on 
 the answer to another — Who was the personag"e 
 to whom the sonnets were addressed ? This em- 
 barks us on a ' still vexed Bermoothes ' of debate. 
 The opening- sequence of the sonnets, to adopt the 
 words of Mr. Lee, is addressed to a youth of rank 
 and beauty who is admonished to marry and beget 
 a son (p. 113). According- to Mr. Lee this youth 
 was the Earl of Southampton, while according to 
 Mr. Wyndham he was the Lord Herbert who sub- 
 sequently became the Earl of Pembroke. Each of 
 them was young ; each of them was noble ; each 
 of them was notorious for his gallantries ; and 
 each of them had the honour of beino- offered a 
 granddaughter of the Lord Treasurer in marriage. 
 Southampton was born on the 6th of October 
 1573, and Herbert was born on the 9th of April 
 1580. If, then, with Mr. Lee we accept the spring 
 of 1593 and the autumn of 1594 as the dates of the 
 earlier sonnets (p. 73), Herbert, who was then only 
 thirteen or fourteen years of age, could scarcely 
 have been the youth of rank and beauty who was 
 exhorted to marry and beget a son. If, on the 
 other hand, we adopt the view of Mr. Wyndham and 
 assign to the earliest group of the sonnets ' a date 
 before, but not long before, 1599 ' (p. 250), then the 
 Lady Bridget Vere, who was offered to Herbert in 
 1597, was only thirteen years of age, and could 
 scarcely have been the ' maiden garden ' who was
 
 i6o Of Shakespeare as a jLaivyer 
 
 to supply the happy gardener with ' living flowers.* 
 Herbert was talked of as a suitor for the daughter 
 of the Earl of Nottingham in 1599, but the negotia- 
 tions came to nothing (p. xxxviii). In 1604 the 
 young Lord, who in 1601 had become the Earl of 
 Pembroke, was married to the Lady Mary Talbot, a 
 daughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, but confessedly 
 this marriage was too late to form the theme of the 
 opening sequence. 
 
 Neither Herbert nor Southampton answers to 
 the descriptions of ' Mr. W. H.' who in the dedica- 
 tion of the edition of 1609 is said to have been ' the 
 only begetter' of the: sonnets. But every indica- 
 tion points to the conclusion that Southampton 
 was- the youth of rank and beauty who has been 
 immortalised by Shakespeare. It was to South- 
 ampton that Shakespeare dedicated ' the first heir 
 of his Invention ' ; it was to Southampton that 
 Shakespeare declared ' what I have done is yours, 
 what I have to do is yours, being part in all I have, 
 devoted yours ' ; and we cannot avoid the conclusion 
 that as the Poems were dedicated, so the sonnets 
 were addressed, by Shakespeare to Southampton. 
 
 Who, then, was the author of the Sonnets ? By 
 showing that they were addressed to Southampton 
 Mr. Lee has unconsciously suggested reasons for 
 believing that they were addressed to him by Bacon. 
 Southampton was the ward of Bacon's uncle 
 (p. 3 1 1) ; he was a member of Bacon's Inn (p. z^'^)\ 
 he was one of Bacon's set [ibid.) ; he tilted in the
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Lawyer 1 6 1 
 
 Device which Bacon had prepared for Essex(p. 313); 
 and till the miserable fiasco of 1601 he was the 
 bosom friend of Bacon. When, therefore, in 1590, 
 Bacon's uncle offered the young noble his grand- 
 daughter, the Lady Elizabeth Vere, in marriage, 
 it may well be that Burghley's nephew, who was 
 then twenty-nine years of age, was the sonneteer 
 who exhorted his friend to perpetuate his beauty 
 and his name. Bacon was no stranger to the son- 
 neteering art. We have his own testimony that, 
 though he did not profess to be a poet, he had 
 upon occasion indited a sonnet to the Queen. In 
 his Device of the Indian Prince there is a canzonet 
 describing the Queen of ' a land seated between the 
 Old World and the New,' which is cast in the mould 
 of the Shakespearian sonnets, and which anticipates 
 the description of ' the fair Vestal throned by the 
 West ' in one of the most charming of the Shake- 
 spearian plays. He possessed all the qualifications 
 that could entitle him to be regarded as the author. 
 During his residence in France he had ample 
 opportunity of studying Ronsard, and Desportes, 
 and De Baif ; and as he satisfies the requirements 
 of Mr. Lee, so he satisfies the requirements of 
 Mr. Wyndham. He was acquainted with the 
 technicalities of the law ; he was familiar with all 
 the p lilosophy of his time ; he was a student of the 
 eternal processes of nature ; and in eloquent 
 discourse and sheer beauty of diction he was 
 unsurpassed. 
 
 M
 
 1 62 Of Shakespeare as a Laivyer 
 
 Mr. Lee admits that, amid the borrowed conceits 
 and poetic figures of Shakespeare's Sonnets, there 
 lurk suggestive references to the circumstances of 
 his external life that attended their composition 
 (p. 102). Such was the opinion of Wordsworth, 
 and such was the opinion of Mr. Hallam, to say 
 nothing of the other authorities enumerated by 
 Mr. Wyndham (p. Ixxvii). Inapplicable as these 
 references are to any circumstances in the external 
 life of the young man from Stratford, they are 
 singularly applicable to circumstances in the life 
 of Bacon. His correspondence during the period 
 covered by the Sonnets shows that he was dis- 
 gusted with the bar and despaired of advancement 
 in the state ; that he thought himself exposed to 
 * the most exquisite disgrace ' ; that his ' name had 
 been subjected to envy, and his life to a ruffian's 
 violence ' ; that he had ' placed his ambition on his 
 pen ' ; and, as he subsequently wrote, his head was 
 at one time ' wholly occupied about Invention.' All 
 this is reflected in the Sonnets, in which he ' un- 
 locked his heart,' and confided his sorrows to his 
 friend. He complains that he was 'barred of public 
 honours' {^S. 25); that he was 'in disgrace with 
 fortune and men's eyes ' {S. 29) ; that he was in 
 danger of becoming ' the coward conquest of a 
 wretch's knife' {S. 74); that he ' kept Invention in 
 a noted weed' {S. 76) ; and that in spite of all his 
 efforts at concealment his ' name received a brand ' 
 (5". III). In fact, the life of Bacon is reflected in
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Lawyer 1 63 
 
 the Sonnets ; and in the transparent clearness of 
 the Poet's verse everything floats double, swan and 
 shadow, on the lake. 
 
 Even the philosophy of Bacon is reflected. Mr. 
 Wyndham describes the author of the Sonnets as a 
 student of the eternal processes of nature. In his 
 Natural History^ Bacon lays it down that the eternal 
 processes of nature are regulated by ' the spirits 
 or pneumaticals that are in all tangible bodies ' (s. 
 98) ; and, in his ' Experiments in consort touching 
 Venus ' he attributes the ill consequences of excess 
 in ' the use of Venus ' to ' the expense of spirits ' 
 by which it is attended (s. 693). A most peculiar, 
 not to say, a most fantastic, theory ! Bacon says 
 it was ' scarce known ' ; but it was as well known to 
 Shakespeare as it was to Bacon, and, in the very 
 words of the N'atnral History^ he declares that 
 
 The expense of spirit in a waste of shame 
 Is lust in action (6". 129). 
 
 The author of the Sonnets complains that his speech 
 bewrayed him, and that every word he uttered 
 almost told his name. In one remarkable instance, 
 in spite of all his precautions, his name is actuall}^ 
 told. Bacon had a number of words which may 
 almost be considered catch-words. In his Henry 
 the Seventh he remarks that the king chose to 
 advance clergymen and lawyers as being more 
 'obsequious' than his nobles. He recommends 
 Essex to adopt a policy of ' obsequious kindness ' 
 
 Ai 2
 
 164 0/ Shakespeare as a Laivyer 
 
 towards the Queen. He advises Buckingham to be 
 ' obsequious ' to James. When soliciting the King 
 for the Chancellorship in February 1615 'he presents 
 his Majesty with glcria in obscquio^ and he * makes 
 oblation ' to his Majesty of his heart, his service, 
 and his place. This word ' oblation ' is another of 
 his catch-words. He makes ' his poor oblation of 
 a garment ' to the Queen ; he dedicates his first 
 important work as ' some oblation ' to the King ; 
 he repeatedly ' makes oblation of himself to James. 
 And the author of the Sonnets addresses his ' better 
 angel ' in words which Bacon might have addressed 
 to Elizabeth : — 
 
 No, let me be obsequious in thy heart, 
 And take thou my oblation, poor but free. 
 
 If the deserving man of Burbage had been the 
 dM\S\ox oi Love^ s Labour'' s Lost, and The Comedy 0/ 
 Errors, and Rovieo and yuliet, and A Midsummer 
 Nighf s Dream, all of which had been written and 
 performed before 1593, ^^ at all events would not 
 have described Venus and Adonis as ' the first heir 
 of his invention.' The nephew of Burghley, on the 
 other hand, might risk the publication of a poem 
 where he would not venture to own that he was the 
 author of a play ; and if he was in reality the author of 
 the Poems he would naturally describe the first and 
 the most popular of them, as the first heir of his 
 invention. In the Poems as in the Sonnets, we have 
 a reflection of the life of Bacon. His Pro7nus shows
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Lawyer 165 
 
 how diligently he was studying the works of Ovid, 
 to which the author of the Poems was indebted for 
 his material and his motto. Disgusted with the 
 bar, and despairing of advancement in the state, 
 Bacon, who for the time had placed his ambition 
 on his pen, might well have adopted as his motto 
 the words of the A/iiorcs : — 
 
 Vilia miretur vulgus ; mihi flavus Apollo 
 Pocula Castalia plena ministret aqua. 
 
 And it is at least a coincidence, that at the very 
 time that the poet tells Southampton that he is 
 indulging in copious draughts from the Castalian 
 fount, the lawyer writes to Essex that he is drinking 
 the waters of Parnassus. 
 
 Every criticism on Shakespeare as the author 
 of the Poems may be applied to Bacon. Mr. 
 Coleridge describes the poet as ' a philosopher 
 gazing on the movements of the goddess and the 
 boy with observation as calm and passionless as 
 if he belonged to another planet' (p. 223). Mr. 
 Coleridge could not more felicitousl}^ have described 
 the mental attitude of the philosopher who con- 
 ceived the Lisfauratio Magna. Professor Dowden 
 points out the anxiety of the poet to preserve 
 ' a peculiarly pregnant and rich relation with the 
 actual world,' and his determination to adhere to 
 'the evidence of objective facts' (p. 53). Bacon 
 could not have been more anxious to adhere to 
 the evidence of objective facts when compiling the
 
 1 66 Of Shakespeare as a Lawyer 
 
 Centuries of his Natural History. The Poems 
 sparkle with a frosty brilliance which led Mr. 
 Hazlitt to compare them to palaces of ice. This 
 ' frosty brilliance,' according to Professor Dowden, 
 is the light with which the Ethical Writings of 
 Bacon gleam, and which plays over the worldly 
 maxims which constitute his philosophy of life 
 (p. 1 8). Finally, the accomplished Shakespearian 
 scholar observes that the poems abound with * end- 
 less exercises and variations * on such themes as 
 Beauty, Lust, and Death, as Night, Opportunity, 
 and Time (pp. 50, 51). In reality they are Essays of 
 the philosopher in verse, and even Love is treated 
 in the Poems exactly as he treats it in the Essays. 
 
 If anything is certain in regard to the Sonnets, 
 the Poems, and the Plays, it is certain that the 
 author was a Lawyer. In the Sonnets the references 
 to the law are so forced and so unnatural that were 
 it not for our reverence of the author they would 
 be deemed to be grotesque. In the 46th Sonnet, 
 for instance, the eye and the heart of the poet are 
 represented as at issue on their respective rights 
 over the mistress, or the master-mistress, of the 
 poet's passion ; a suit is instituted as the result ; 
 the plaintiff and the defendant 'plead'; 'a quest 
 of thoughts' is 'impanelled' to 'decide the title'; 
 and the 'moiety' of each is 'determined' b}'' the 
 'verdict,' which finds that the eye is entitled to 
 the 'outward part' and the heart to the 'inward 
 love.' In the 134th Sonnet the poet represents
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Lawyer 167 
 
 himself as 'mortgaged' to his mistress; his friend 
 stands ' surety' to secure the payment of the debt ; 
 the lady, like a usurer, insists on ' the statute of 
 her beauty'; the friend ' pays the whole,' and yet 
 the principal debtor ' is not free.' These certainly 
 are not the wood notes wild of a rustic poet ; still 
 less are they the voice of nature ; they are not even 
 the warblings of a lawyer's clerk. In the Poems 
 the Queen of Love proposes to * sell herself ' to 
 the young Adonis ; the consideration is to be 'a 
 thousand kisses,' the number to be doubled in default 
 of immediate payment ; the deed is to be executed 
 without delay ; and the purchaser is to ' set his 
 sign-manual on her wax-red lips.' The Roman 
 Matron in her agony of shame makes the * abridg- 
 ment of a will ' in which she bequeaths her 
 'resolution' to her husband, her 'honour' to the 
 knife, her 'shame' to Tarquin, and her 'fame' 
 to those who still believed in her purity ; and 
 Collatinus is to 'oversee' the will. In the P/ays 
 every one of the characters talk law. Greek and 
 Trojan, Roman and Syracusan, Ancient Briton and 
 Scandinavian, Venetian and Illyrian, Lord and 
 Lady, all discourse the jargon of the English courts. 
 In Troilus and Cressida Pandarus talks of ' a kiss 
 in fee-farm,' Thersites of ' the fee-simple of the 
 tetter,' Troilus of ' perfection in reversion,' and the 
 pre-contract which serves Cressida for a marriage 
 concludes with the formula, ' In witness whereof 
 the parties interchangeably,' of the draftsman. In
 
 1 68 Of Shakespeare as a Laivyer 
 
 Antony and Cleopatra the Roman Triumvir dis- 
 tinguishes between title by purchase and title by 
 descent. In The Merchant of Venice Antonio settles 
 the property of the Jew in so lawyerlike a manner 
 that Mr. Lewin, in his Treatise on Trusts, cites his 
 language in illustration of a ' use.' In As You 
 Like It the Duke orders his officers to make an 
 * extent.' In Lear the deluded Gloster proposes to 
 make his bastard ' capable.' In King John the 
 law of adulterine bastardy is laid down with 
 the precision of a text-book. In Henry the Fifth 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury delivers a lecture on 
 the Law Salique. In Henry the Sixth Somerset 
 discusses the legal effect of an ' attainder.' In Henry 
 the Eighth Suffolk cites the very words of the 
 statute when he charges Wolsey with having 
 brought himself ' into the compass of a praemu- 
 nire.' In Hamlet the Prince of Denmark talks of 
 statutes, recognisances, fines and recoveries, and 
 double vouchers, as glibly as if he was fresh from 
 reading Bacon's Law Tracts ; and the very grave- 
 diggers discuss the point of a case of felo-de-se 
 which is only to be found in the Reports of Plowden. 
 In Love'' s Labotcr '' s Lost\}cift French Maid of Honour 
 refuses to make her lips a 'common of pasture'; 
 in As You Like It Rosalind talks of 'dying by 
 attorney ' ; in The MercJiant of Venice Portia pro- 
 poses to be ' charged on interrogatories ' ; and in 
 The Merry Wives of Windsor Mrs. Page, speaking 
 of the fat knight, says, * if the devil have him not
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Laivycr 1 69 
 
 in fee-simple, with fine and recovery, he will never, 
 I think, in the way of waste, attempt us again.' 
 The practice of the courts was as familiar to the 
 Dramatist as the theory of the law. In The Comedy 
 of Errors we have a circumstantial account of an 
 arrest on mesne process in an action on the case, 
 effected on a merchant, in the streets of Ephesus. 
 And if we care to see how the noblest poetry can 
 be marred when the poet turns pedant we have 
 only to read the dying speech of Romeo : — 
 
 Eyes look your last ! 
 Arms take your last embrace 1 And lips, O you 
 The doors of breath, seal with a righteous kiss 
 A dateless bargain to engrossing death ! 
 
 All Shakespeare's characters talk law; and 
 Lord Campbell testifies that ' to Shakespeare's 
 law, lavishly as he propounds it, there can neither 
 be demurrer, nor bill of exception, nor writ of 
 error. '
 
 Vlll 
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 IT has been said that Shakspere by commencing 
 his public life as an actor had the inestimable 
 advantage of gaining a preliminary knowledge of 
 all that was most likely to be effective on the stage ; 
 that he thus became the felicitous and unrivalled 
 exponent of a language which had been ' emanci- 
 pated from the influence of literal terminations,' and 
 which gave matchless facilities for the expression 
 of earnest and vigorous English thought ; that the 
 ignorance of the large majority of his audience 
 enabled him to disregard restrictive canons and 
 the tastes of scholars ; that by exhibiting his mar- 
 vellous conceptions in the pristine form in which 
 they had instinctively emanated, he became the 
 poet of nature instead of the poet of art ; and that 
 he warbled his native wood-notes wild without 
 being 'cabined by philosophy,' or impaired by edu- 
 cation [H-P. i. 104—106). 
 
 Unfortunately there is not a point in this criti- 
 cism which has not been disputed, or is not open to
 
 Of SJiakespeat'C as a Man of Scinice 171 
 
 dispute. In his conversations with Eckermann, 
 Goethe repeatedly expressed the opinion that Shake- 
 speare was not a theatrical poet but was rather 
 a great psychologist, and that what he lost as a 
 theatrical poet he gained as a poet pure and simple 
 {Bohn, pp. 163, 173). So far was the language of 
 Shakespeare from being emancipated from the in- 
 fluence of literal terminations that he plucked up his 
 Latin by the roots as audaciously and as affectedly 
 as Bacon. So far was he from disregarding the 
 tastes of scholars that he paraded his scholarship 
 as pedantically as any Holofernes. Whether or 
 not his marvellous conceptions were ' cabined ' by 
 philosophy, Shakespeare was undoubtedly a pro- 
 found philosopher, and at times the philosopher 
 actually dominates the poet. His characters are 
 as familiar with Pythagoras, Plato, and Aristotle 
 as a schoolman ; and we might as well pronounce 
 the Cooritata et Visa of Bacon to be the native wood- 
 notes wild of a rustic warbler as the Plays of 
 Shakespeare. 
 
 That Shakespeare is to be regarded as the poet 
 of nature is not to be denied. Goethe was scarcely 
 guilty of exaggeration when he said that every 
 student of his works must be aware that Shake- 
 speare has exhausted human nature in all its 
 tendencies, in all its heights and depths ; and that, 
 in fact, he has left for the aftercomer nothing more 
 to do [Bohi, 50). But when we come to consider 
 his language, if it is not blasphemy to say so,
 
 172 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 the poet constantly degenerates into the pedant. 
 Surely he is nothing better than a pedant when his 
 Yorkists and Lancastrians wax eloquent about the 
 spear of Achilles, and the tents of Rhesus, and the 
 madness of the Telamonian Ajax ; when his saintl}' 
 king, in talking of his murdered son, runs the 
 changes on Minos, and Daedalus, and Icarus, and 
 the Sun, and the envious Sea that swallowed up 
 his life ; when the lady of Belmont, in terror for 
 her lover in the crisis of her fate, is reminded only 
 of the sea-monster, and the virgin tribute, and the 
 Dardanian wives, and howling Troy, and young 
 Alcides ; and when his Queen of Curds and Cream, 
 brought up in a Bohemian grange, parades her 
 knowledge of the Greek mythology by exclaiming, 
 
 O, Proserpina, 
 For the flowers now which frighted thou let'st fall 
 From Dis's wasrs-on ! 
 
 '00' 
 
 This certainly is not the language of nature ; this 
 certainly is not the warbling of a rustic poet ; and 
 most assuredly it was not the style of the Player of 
 the Globe. In TJie Return from Parnassus^ Kempe 
 observes to Burbage that ' the University men smell 
 too much of that writer Ovid and that writer 
 Metamorphosis, and talk too much of Proserpina 
 and Jupiter ' ; and our fellow Shakspere, he says, 
 ' puts them all down.' 
 
 Neither is the voice of nature, or the warbling 
 of the rustic poet, to be detected in the jargon of
 
 Of SJiakcspeare as a Man of Science 173 
 
 the law. Scott, like Bacon, was a lawyer, and 
 Scott, like Shakespeare, did not hesitate to utilise 
 his law for the purpose of his art. But Scott places 
 his law in the mouths of persons conversant with 
 law — in the mouth of advocates like Paul Pleydell 
 and Alan Fairford, or writers like Glossin and 
 Meiklewham and Bindloose, or pretenders like Bar- 
 toline Saddletree, or ruined litigants like Poor Peter 
 Peebles. In Shakespeare, on the contrary, every- 
 one talks law without distinction of time or place, 
 of age or sex, and in utter disregard of dramatic 
 propriety and the voice of nature. To account 
 for his knowledge of the law Shaksperians have 
 translated their idol into a lawyer's clerk, or a 
 sporting attorney, or the companion of a legal 
 friend. But these fictions fail to effect their 
 purpose. No lawyer's clerk would discuss the 
 effect of an attainder, or examine the compass of a 
 praemunire ; no sporting attorney would concern 
 himself with the Law Salique ; and no poet that 
 ever lived would take the opinion of counsel on a 
 metaphor, or resort to chambers for a phrase. 
 
 But Shakespeare was not only a scholar and a 
 lawyer; he was also a man of science, and It is as 
 a man of science that he is now to be considered. 
 If the language of the scholar and the language 
 of the lawyer almost told his name, the language 
 of the man of science actually tells It. The 
 scientific opinions of Shakespeare so completely 
 coincide with those of Bacon, that we must regard
 
 174 Of SJiakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 the two philosophers as one in their philosophy, 
 however reluctant we may be to recognise them 
 as actually one. The most important depositary 
 of the opinions of Bacon in matters of science 
 is the Natural History, and as the result of the 
 inquiry on which we are about to enter we must 
 conclude that Shakespeare was the author of the 
 Natural History, if we refuse to admit that Bacon 
 was the author of the Plays. 
 
 The N'atural History was first published in 1627, 
 a year after Bacon's death. In this treatise, which 
 Bacon intended to form the third part of his Great 
 Instauration, he recorded his observations and ex- 
 periments in what he called ' the vast wood of 
 experience ' ; and accordingly he entitled the work 
 Sylva Sylvaj'uni, or the Wood of Woods. It is a 
 wilderness as unlovely as the ' wood obscure ' of 
 Dante, and no one would traverse it for mere amuse- 
 ment. It differs avowedly from all other Natural 
 Histories, in recording experiments which are 
 'vulgar and trivial, mean and sordid, curious and 
 fruitless.' It contains a number of speculations 
 which must be regarded as peculiar and fantastic. 
 What is more surprising, it maintains, as scientific 
 truths, a number of errors which had been all but 
 universally exploded. At the same time, what is 
 equally extraordinary, it anticipates some of the 
 most profound conceptions of modern science. 
 As Shakspere died in 16 16, and as the Sylva 
 was not published till 1627, it is plain that the
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Jllaii 0/ Seiejiec 175 
 
 Stratford Player could not by any possibility have 
 entered this mysterious wood. And the won- 
 derful thing- is this. There is scarce a physical 
 fact which is mentioned in the N^atural History of 
 Bacon that is not employed as a poetical illustration 
 in the Plays of Shakespeare. There is scarce 
 an experiment however mean, there is scarce a 
 speculation however fantastic, there is scarce an 
 error however obstinate and perverse, there is 
 scarce a scientific intuition however original and 
 profound, to be discovered in the A^atural History 
 that is not also to be discovered in the Plays. 
 
 Of all the theories entertained by Bacon the 
 most peculiar is his Theory 0/ Spirits. He maintains 
 that ' the things that govern nature principall}',' 
 and by which ' most of the effects of nature ' are 
 produced, are ' the spirits or pneumaticals that are 
 in all tangible bodies' (s. 98), 'animate and inani- 
 mate' alike (s. 601). In this theory there is nothing 
 that the spiritualist would understand by spirit. It 
 does not even involve the pantheistic notion of the 
 Arabians, to whom we are indebted for the spirits and 
 essences of the modern chemist. The pncuniatieals 
 of Bacon are not even ' the virtues and qualities of 
 the tangible parts which we see' (s. 98). They 
 are ' things by themselves ' ; ' they are invisible 
 and incur not to the eye' ; * they are never almost 
 at rest' ; and they are essentially material [ibid.). 
 Even precious ' stones have in them fine spirits ' 
 (s. 960), and there is a ' spirit in the wood ' of an
 
 176 Of Shakespeare as a Man 0/ Science 
 
 'empty barrel' (s. 136); there is a 'vital spirit of 
 vegetables ' (s. 30), so that there is a pneumatical even 
 in a potato and a turnip; and in all living creatures 
 there is a vital spirit which is ' a fine commixture of 
 flame and an aerial substance ' (s. 601). Anything 
 less susceptible of poetic treatment, anything more 
 prosaic, it is difficult to imagine ; and yet even this 
 lead is transmuted Into gold by Shakespeare. 
 
 In his ' Experiments in consort touching Venus,' 
 Bacon, as we have seen, attributes the ill effects of 
 excess in * the use of Venus,' to the ' expense of 
 spirits ' by which it is attended ; and in the Sonnets, 
 Shakespeare, as we have seen, declares that ' the 
 expense of spirit in a waste of shame is lust in 
 action.' The Plays are positively pervaded by these 
 strange pneumaticals. Among the spirits which 
 are ' invisible and incur not to the eye,' Bacon 
 includes ' the spirit of wine,' which, he says, is ' hot 
 in operation' (s. 71); and in Of hello the cashiered 
 lieutenant exclaims — 
 
 O thou invisible spirit of wine, if thou hast 
 
 No name to be known by, let me call thee Devil ! 
 
 According to Bacon, tobacco 'refresheth the spirits 
 by the opiate virtue thereof, and so dischargeth 
 weariness, as sleep likewise doth ' (s. 730) ; and in 
 The Tempest Alonzo is ' attached with weariness 
 to the dulling of his spirits,' and must needs *sit 
 down and rest.' Bacon tells us that ' soft sing- 
 ing,' and the sound of falling waters, and the hum
 
 Of SJiakespeare as a Man of Science 177 
 
 of bees, are conducive to sleep, and ' the cause is, 
 for that they move in the spirits a gentle atten- 
 tion ' (s. 745); and in The Merchant of Venice when 
 Jessica remarks, ' I am never merry when I hear 
 sweet music,' Lorenzo replies, ' the reason is, your 
 spirits are attentive.' Bacon tells us that the out- 
 ward manifestations of the passions are ' the effects 
 of the dilatation and coming forth of the spirits into 
 the outward parts' (s. 715); and in Hamlet^ when 
 the Prince is startled by the appearance of the Ghost, 
 the Queen exclaims — 
 
 Forth at your eyes your spirits wildly peep ! 
 
 and in Troilus and Cressida, when Ulysses beholds 
 the heroine for the first time, he remarks : — 
 
 Her wanton spirits look out 
 At every joint and motive of her body. 
 
 When Bacon tells us that * imagining a fall putteth 
 the spirits into the very action of a fall' (s. 795), 
 we cannot fail to be reminded of Gloster's imagi- 
 nary fall from Shakespeare's cliff in Lear. In 
 his ' Experiments in consort touching the emis- 
 sion of immaterial virtues from the minds and 
 spirits of men' (s. 939), as an example of 
 the fascination which one man may exert over 
 another, Bacon relates the story of ' an Egyptian 
 Soothsayer that made Antonius believe that his 
 genius, which otherwise was brave and confident, 
 was, in the presence of Octavianus Caesar, poor 
 
 N
 
 178 0/ Shakespeare as a Illau of Science 
 
 and cowardly,' and who ' therefore advised him to 
 absent himself as much as he could, and remove 
 from him ' (s. 940). Strange to say, in Antony and 
 Cleopatra Bacon's Egyptian Soothsayer is brought 
 bodily upon the stage by Shakespeare, where, 
 having warned the triumvir that Caesar's fortune 
 would rise higher than his own, he says: — 
 
 Therefore, O Antony, stay not by his side ! 
 Thy demon, tliat 's thy spirit that keeps thee, is 
 Noble, courageous, high, unmatchable, 
 Where Caesar's is not, but near him thy angel 
 Becomes a Fear as being overpower'd ; therefore 
 Make space enough between you ! 
 
 The Egyptian Queen, like the Egyptian Soothsayer, 
 adopts the sentiments of Bacon. The Natural 
 History lays it down that ' the spirits of animate 
 bodies have a fine commixture of flame and an 
 aerial substance ' (s. 601) ; and in Antony and 
 Cleopati'a the Queen, on hearing of the death of 
 her lover, exclaims : — 
 
 Husband, I come ! 
 
 Now to that name my courage proves my title ! 
 
 1 'm fire and air ! My other elements 
 
 I give to baser life. 
 
 As a corollary to his Theory of Pneumaticals, 
 Bacon adopts the Theory 0/ Spontaneozcs Generation. 
 ' Putrefaction,' he says, ' is the work of the spirits 
 of bodies which are ever unquiet to get forth, and 
 congregate with the air, and to enjoy the sunbeams ' 
 (s. 328); and as examples of 'creatures bred of
 
 Of SJiakcspeare as a Man of Science 179 
 
 putrefaction,' he mentions the maggot, the weevil, 
 and the moth (ss. 695, 6). Here again Bacon is 
 attended by his double. When Polonius proposes 
 to loose his daughter upon Hamlet in the lobby, 
 we can hardly understand the words of the Prince 
 without a knowledge of the philosophy of the 
 Sylva ; and a reference to Bacon's theory of sponta- 
 neous generation enables us to understand them. 
 'For,' says Hamlet, most inconsequently, 'if the sun 
 breed maggots in a dead dog, being a god kissing 
 carrion, — have you a daughter?' 'I have,' says 
 Polonius. Then, says Hamlet, ' let her not walk i' 
 the sun ; conception is a blessing, but not as your 
 daughter may conceive.' 
 
 Bacon maintains a Theory of Flame which, appa- 
 rently, was peculiar to himself. He holds that 
 'flame is a fixed body' (s. 31), and that 'commonly 
 it is made of some tangible body which hath weight' 
 (s, 774), and that, consequently, ' flame doth not 
 mingle with flame, but only remaineth contiguous ' 
 (s. 31). Here again Shakespeare adopts the 
 theory of Bacon, and, according to his wont, accepts 
 the fact and uses it for illustration. Thus Proteus 
 in The Two Gentleman of Verona explains that one 
 love is forgotten for another, even ' as one heat 
 another heat expels ' ; Benvolio in Romeo and Juliet 
 remarks that in love, ' one fire burns out another's 
 burning' ; the Tyrannicide in Julius Caesar protests 
 that he pities Caesar, but that at the same time he 
 has pity for the general wrong of Rome, and ' as 
 
 N 2
 
 1 80 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 fire drives out fire, so pity pity' ; and so impressed 
 is the Poet with the idea that fiame is a fixed body 
 that in Coriolamis he introduces the Volscian chief 
 as saying, ' rights by rights falter,' just as ' one fire 
 drives out one fire, one nail one nail.' 
 
 Nothing in the history of science is more 
 astonishing than Bacon's Tlieory of iJie Celestial 
 Bodies. Bruno had been burnt in 1600 for teaching 
 that space is filled with worlds, self-luminous and 
 opaque, many of which are inhabited. Galileo, 
 in 1609, by the aid of the telescope, had re- 
 vealed the existence of innumerable stars which 
 were invisible to the naked eye, and had thus 
 supplied an unanswerable argument against the 
 opinion that the stars only existed to illuminate 
 the night. And yet Bacon, to the last day of 
 his life, maintained that ' the celestial bodies, 
 most of them, are fires or flames as the Stoics 
 held,' only ' more fine, perhaps, and rarified ' 
 than ours (s. 31). Copernicus, in 1543, had pub- 
 lished the great work in which he demonstrated 
 that the planets revolved around the sun ; and 
 Kepler, in 1609, had published his demonstration 
 that they revolved in elliptic orbits. But Bacon 
 in 1626 regarded the De RevolutionibiLs of the one 
 and the Astrono7nia Nova of the other as if he 
 were a member of the Congregation of the Index. 
 He obstinately adhered to the notion that ' the 
 heavens turn about in a most rapid motion, 
 without noise to us perceived, though in some
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 1 8 1 
 
 dreams they have been said to make an excellent 
 music' (s. 115) — dreams such as that of Lorenzo 
 in TJie MeixJiant. But the marvel is that the 
 omniscient Shakespeare with his superhuman 
 genius, maintained these exploded errors as con- 
 fidently as Bacon, and actually introduced them as 
 the highest types of certainty into the love song 
 which he composed for Hamlet : — 
 
 Doubt thou the stars are fire ; 
 
 Doubt that the sun doth move ; 
 Doubt truth to be a liar ; 
 
 But never doubt I love. 
 
 A Garden, says Bacon, in his Essays, is ' the 
 purest of human pleasures,' and ' the greatest 
 refreshment of the spirits of man,' and two Centuries 
 of his scientific work are devoted to Theories of 
 Hortiettliui-e. Mr. Spedding in an evil hour ex- 
 pressed a doubt ' whether there are five lines 
 together to be found in Bacon which could be 
 mistaken for Shakespeare, or five lines in Shake- 
 speare which could be mistaken for Bacon, by one 
 who was familiar with the several styles and prac- 
 tised in such observation.'* Let us bring the matter 
 to a test: — ' 'Tis in ourselves that we are thus or 
 thus; our bodies are our gardens to the which our 
 wills are gardeners, so that if we will plant nettles 
 or sow lettuce, set hyssop and weed up thyme, 
 supply it with one gender of herbs or distract it 
 
 * The Authorship of Shakespeare, p. 617.
 
 1 82 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 with many, either to have it sterile with idleness or 
 manured with industry, why, the power and cor- 
 rigible authority of this lies in our wills.' At first 
 sight anyone might suppose that this was an 
 extract from the Essay of Gaj'dens, If his atten- 
 tion were directed to the words * put parsley 
 seed amongst onion seed, or lettuce seed among 
 parsley seed, or basil seed among thyme seed, 
 and see the change of taste or otherwise,' he would 
 come to the conclusion that it was an extract from 
 t\\e Natural History {s. 527). But it is in reality a 
 passage from Othello, where it is put into the mouth 
 of that strangest of gardeners, lago. Take, again, 
 the speech of Agamemnon to the Grecian chiefs 
 in Troilus and Cressida : — 
 
 Checks and disasters 
 Grow in the veins of actions highest rear'd, 
 As knots, by the conflux of meeting sap, 
 Infect the sound pine and divert his grain 
 Tortive and errant from his course of growth. 
 
 Here, again, even if we hold that the hands 
 are the hands of Esau, we must admit that the 
 voice is the voice of Jacob ; for Bacon tells us 
 that in some plants there is a * closeness and 
 hardness in their stalk, which hindereth the sap 
 from going up, until it hath gathered into a knot, 
 and so is more urged to put forth ' (s. 589). 
 Bacon tells us that ' trees that show fair and bear 
 not' should be bored, ' for that the tree before had 
 too much repletion, and was oppressed with its own
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Man of Science 1 83 
 
 sap ' (s. 428); and he also tells us that ' as terebra- 
 
 tion doth meliorate fruit, so upon the like reason 
 
 doth letting of plants blood,' the difference being 
 
 that the blood-letting is only to be effected ' at 
 
 some seasons ' of the year (s. 464). Accordingly 
 
 in Richard the Second the gardener at Langley takes 
 
 the hint and says : — 
 
 We at time of year 
 Do wound the bark, the skin of our fruit trees, 
 Lest being over-proud with sap and blood, 
 With too much riches it confound itself. 
 
 In his ' Experiments in consort touching the 
 acceleration of germination ' (s. 400), Bacon re- 
 marks that ' dung, or chalk, or blood, applied in 
 substance, seasonably, to the roots of trees, doth set 
 them forward ' (s. 404) ; and in Henry the Fifth, 
 the Constable of France is so struck with the idea 
 that he describes the * forespent vanities ' of the 
 Prince as a mere outside 
 
 Covering discretion with a coat of folly, 
 
 As gardeners do with ordure hide those roots 
 
 Which shall first spring and be most delicate. 
 
 The Bishop of Ely is equally indebted to the 
 philosophy of Bacon. In the Natural History we 
 are told that ' shade to some plants conduceth to 
 make them large and prosperous more than 
 sun ' ; and that, accordingly, if you sow borage 
 among strawberries, ' you shall find the straw- 
 berries under those leaves far more large than their
 
 184 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 fellows ' (s. 441). And even so the Bishop explains 
 the large and luxuriant development of the Prince's 
 nature on his emerging from the shade of low com- 
 pany by saying 
 
 The strawberry grows underneath the nettle. 
 
 In his ' Experiments in consort touching the sym- 
 pathy and antipathy of plants,' Bacon remarks 
 that ' wheresoever one plant draweth a particular 
 juice out of the earth, that juice which remaineth is 
 fit for the other plant,' so that ' there the neighbour- 
 hood doth good ' (s. 479) ; and he suggests that 
 we should ' take sorrel, and set it among rasps, and 
 see whether the rasps will not be the sweeter' 
 (s. 487). And the Bishop catches at the idea to 
 illustrate his fancy that the Prince's contact with 
 base companions was positively beneficial to the 
 development of his higher nature: — 
 
 And wholesome berries thrive and ripen best 
 Neighbour'd by fruit of baser quality. 
 
 In his 'Experiments promiscuous touching plants' 
 (s. 610), Bacon remarks that ' generally night 
 showers are better than day showers, for that the 
 sun followeth not so fast upon them ' (s. 664) ; 
 and the Bishop refers to the fact as excusing the 
 unworthy night adventures of the Prince ; so that 
 in his speech on the transformation of the Prince 
 into the King the thought and the language of
 
 Of Shakespeare as a illan of Science 1 85 
 
 Bacon and Shakespeare are completely fused and 
 find expression in the characteristic passage : — 
 
 The strawberry grows underneath the nettle, 
 And wholesome berries thrive and ripen best 
 Neighbour'd by fruit of baser quality : 
 And so the Prince obscured his contemplation 
 Under the veil of wildness, which no doubt 
 Grew like the summer grass, fastest by night, 
 Unseen, yet crescive in his faculty. 
 
 ' Of plants,' says Bacon in his Natural History^ 
 some, like rosemar)'', are 'green all winter' (s. 592); 
 and in his ' Experiments in consort touching the 
 seasons in which plants come forth,' he tells us 
 that ' the flowers that come early with us are prim- 
 roses, violets, anemones, water-daffadillies, crocus 
 vernus, and some early tulips ' ; that ' those that 
 come next after are wall-flowers, cowslips, hyacinths, 
 rosemary-flowers, etc' ; that after them come 
 pinks, roses, flower-de-luces, etc' ; and that * the 
 latest are gilly-flowers, holyoaks, larksfoot, etc' 
 (s- 577)- And he remarks the influence that the 
 sun exerts on flowers and the sympathy that exists 
 between them (s. 493). In the Essays he develops 
 the idea, and holds that ' in the royal ordering of 
 gardens there ought to be gardens for all the months 
 of the year, in which, severally, things of beauty 
 may be then in season.' In The Wiiiier s Tale, the 
 seasons of flowers become types of the seasons in 
 the life of man. ' Give me those flowers,' says
 
 1 86 Of SJtakespem'e as a Man of Science 
 
 Perdita to Dorcas, and addressing Camillo, she 
 
 sa3^s : — 
 
 Reverend Sirs, 
 
 For you there's rosemary and rue ; these keep 
 Seeming and savour all the winter long. 
 
 Turning to Polixenes she offers him the flowers of 
 
 June, and says : — 
 
 There's flowers for you — 
 Hot lavender, mint, savory, marjoram, 
 The marigold, that goes to bed with the sun, 
 And with him rises weeping ; these are flowers 
 Of middle summer, and I think they 're given 
 To men of middle age. 
 
 She then turns to Florizel, and, wishing she had 
 
 * some flowers o' the spring that might become ' Iris 
 
 * time of day,' exclaims : — 
 
 O, Proserpina, 
 For the flowers now, that frighted thou let'st fall 
 From Dis's waggon 1 — dafl"odils. 
 That come before the swallow dares, and take 
 The winds of March with beauty; violets, dim 
 But sweeter than the lids of Juno's eyes, 
 Or Cytherea's breath ; pale prime-roses 
 That die unmarried, ere they can behold 
 Bright Phoebus in his strength, a malady 
 Most incident to maids ; bold oxlips, and 
 The crown imperial; lilies of all kinds. 
 The flower-de-luce being one. 
 
 Kempe, the morrice-dancer, had no notion of an 
 apostrophe to Proserpina such as this. It could 
 only have been written by one of those University
 
 Of Shake spea7X as a Man of Science 187 
 
 pens at whose talk of Jupiter and Proserpina 
 Shakspere, his fellow, sneered, and whom in his 
 folly he attempted to put down. 
 
 But the botany of the Master, when scientifically 
 considered, suggests reflections more interesting 
 and important than even these. Let us go deeper 
 into the wood of woods. * This writing of our 
 Sylva Sylvariim,^ says Bacon, ' is, to speak properly, 
 not natural history, but a high kind of natural 
 magic, for it is not a description only of nature, 
 but a breaking of nature into great and strange 
 works' (s. 93). ' The Transmutation of Species^ he 
 says, ' is in the vulgar philosophy pronounced im- 
 possible, and certainly it is a thing of difficulty, 
 and requireth deep search into nature; but seeing 
 there appear some manifest instances of it, the 
 opinion of impossibility is to be rejected and 
 the means thereof to be found out' (s. 525). 
 Here we have the germ of Darwin's Origin of 
 Species* To illustrate the possibility of this 
 transmutation. Bacon, like Darwin, suggests 
 experiments for changing the plumage and the 
 colouring of pigeons (s. 93) ; and, like Darwin, he 
 made experiments for ' the transmutation of plants 
 one into another,' which he sa3'S * is inter magnalia 
 ^laturce'' {?>. 525).* For effecting this Transimitatioji 
 
 * Compare the following passages from Darwin's Origin : — 
 ' Some facts in regard to the colouring of pigeons well deserve 
 consideration ' (p. 17) ; 'I have seen great surprise expressed in 
 horticultural works at the wonderful skill of q-ardeners ' in the
 
 1 88 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 of Plants Bacon proceeds to suggest a number of 
 experiments which, he says, had not previously 
 been tried ; and among other things he suggests 
 the making of some medley or mixture of earth 
 with the leaf or root of other plants, * in which 
 operation,' he says, ' the process of nature still 
 will be, as I conceive, not that the herb you work 
 upon should draw the juice of the foreign herb, for 
 that opinion we have formally rejected, but that 
 there will be a new confection of mold, which 
 perhaps will alter the seed, and yet not to the kind 
 of the former herb' (s. 528). This apparently 
 prosaic prose is in reality good blank verse ; and if 
 we lay the sea-shell to the ear we shall detect the 
 murmur of the sea : — 
 
 The process 
 Of nature still will be, as I conceive, 
 Not that the herb you work upon should draw 
 The juice o' the foreign herb, for that opinion 
 We 've formerly rejected, but that there will be 
 A new confect of mould which perhaps will alter 
 The seed, and yet not to the kind 
 Of the former herb. 
 
 But what we are at present concerned with is 
 the science and not the poetry of Shakespeare. 
 The great Poet practised the natural magic of the 
 
 improvement of flowers and fruit (p. 25); selection is 'the 
 magician's wand by means of which he may summon into life 
 whatever form and mould he pleases (p. 21). This, certainly, is 
 Bacon's Natural Magic.
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Man of iicience 189 
 
 great Philosopher ; he, too, searched into the 
 inagnalia naturcc\ he, too, foreshadowed Darwin. 
 The author of Tlie Winter' s Tale gives an example 
 of the transmutation of plants in the ' streak'd 
 gillyvors ' which Perdita viewed with contempt 
 because, as she says, 
 
 There is an art which in their piedness shares, 
 With great creating nature. 
 
 Polixenes answers Perdita as Bacon might have 
 
 answered Rawley : — 
 
 Say there be ; 
 Yet nature is made better by no mean 
 But nature makes that mean ; so, over that art, 
 Which you say adds to nature, is an art 
 Which nature makes. 
 
 In the N'atural History, Bacon suggests that ' if 
 you can get a scion to grow upon the stock of 
 another kind,' it ' may make the fruit greater, though 
 it is like it will make the fruit baser' (s. 453). 
 And even so Polixenes, in arguing with Perdita, 
 
 continues : — 
 
 You see, sweet maid, we marry 
 A gentler scion to the wildest stock, 
 And make conceive a bark of baser kind 
 By bud of nobler race ; this is an art 
 Which doth mend nature, change it rather, but 
 The art itself is nature. 
 
 The Transmutation of Species naturally suggests 
 the kindred subject of the Transfnutation of Bodies.
 
 1 90 Of Shakespeare as a Ma7i of Science 
 
 In his ' Experiments solitary touching the impossi- 
 bility of annihilation ' he cites an obscure writer 
 who had said that ' there is no such way to effect 
 the strange transmutation of bodies, as to endeavour 
 and urge by all means the reducing of them to 
 nothing' (s. 100). In an 'Experiment solitary 
 touching the growth of coral ' he describes it as 
 ' a submarine plant,' and he describes the changes 
 which it undergoes when ' brought into the air' 
 (s. 780). Even this lead is transmuted into gold 
 when the Magician assumes his magic robe and 
 Ariel sings 
 
 Full fathom five thy father lies ; 
 
 Of his bones are coral made, 
 Those are pearls that were his eyes, 
 
 Nothing of him that doth fade, 
 But doth suffer a sea-change 
 Into something rich and strange. 
 
 The play in which the magician broke his magic 
 wand, and doffed his magic robe, and drowned his 
 book suggests by its very title another topic of 
 consideration, which is more noticeable still. 
 Mr. Boas admits that the young man who came 
 up from Stratford never swam in a gondola, and 
 Mr. Lee admits that he never crossed the sea. 
 Bacon, on the contrary, was an expert in nautical 
 affairs. In his Historia Veiitorum he not only gives 
 a minute description of the masts, the spars, and 
 the sails of a ship, but he gives directions for the 
 trimming of the sails, and shows a knowledge of the
 
 OJ Shakespeat'c as a Man of Science i g i 
 
 management of a vessel in a storm — tempestatibus 
 majoribus primo devolvunt antennas, et auferunt 
 vela superiora, deinde, si opus fuerit, omnia; etiam 
 malos ipsos incidunt. Here again Bacon reappears 
 as Shakespeare. In I'lic Tempest Ariel flames 
 amazement ' on the topmast, the yards, and the 
 bowsprit' ; and the Boatswain shouts, ' take in the 
 topsail,' * down with the topmast,' ' lay her a-hold, 
 a-hold.' In the Historia Ventoruni Bacon makes the 
 remark that sometimes the sea swells without wind 
 or tide, and that this generally precedes a tempest — 
 etiam notatum est, intumescere quandoque maria 
 absque fluxu aut vento aliquo exteriore, idque fere 
 tempestatem aliquam magnam prsecedere. In 
 Richard the Third this remarkable phenomenon 
 supplies a moralising London citizen with a meta- 
 phor for his moral : — 
 
 By a divine instinct men's minds mistrust 
 Ensuing danger, as, by proof, we see 
 The water swell before a boisterous storm. 
 
 In the second scene of Macbeth the ' bleeding 
 captain,' when describing the attack of the Nor- 
 weyan lord to Duncan, says — 
 
 As whence the Sun 'gins his reflection 
 Shipwracking storms and direful thunders break, 
 So from that spring whence comfort seem'd to come 
 Discomfort swells. 
 
 On this scene Mr. Lee remarks that it ' falls so
 
 1 9^ Of Shakespeare as a Man oj Science 
 
 far below the style of the rest of the play as to 
 suggest that it was an interpolation by a hack of 
 the theatre ' (pp. 195—6). If this be so, the hack of 
 the theatre was Bacon. In his Hisiorfj 0/ the Winds 
 he lays it down as an undoubted fact that the Sun 
 by the action of its heat is the primary cause of 
 almost all the winds.* And so fascinated is the 
 hack of the theatre with this idea that in Troilus 
 and Cressida he represents the Trojan Prince as 
 saying to Ulysses — 
 
 Not the dreadful spout 
 Which shipmen do the hurricano call 
 Constring'd in mass by the almighty Sun, 
 Shall dizzy with more clamour Neptune's ear 
 In his descent than shall my prompted sword 
 Falling on Diomed. 
 
 * Sol proculdubio est efficiens primarius ventorum pluri- 
 morum operans per calorem in materiam duplicem, corpus 
 scilicet aeris, et vapores sive exhalationes. Bacon's theory, if it 
 does not anticipate, contains the germ of the best conclusions of 
 modern science on the subject. ' It is well known that the 
 tempests by which the atmosphere surrounding the earth is 
 convulsed may all be ultimately attributed to the heat of the 
 sun. It is the rays from the great luminary which, striking, 
 on the vast continents, warms the air in contact therewith. 
 This heated air becomes lighter, and rises, while air to supply 
 its place must flow along the surface. The currents so produced 
 form a breeze or wind ; while, under exceptional circumstances, 
 we have the phenomenon of cyclones and hurricanes, all origin- 
 ated by the sun's heat.' — The Story of the Heavetts^ by Sir Robert 
 Ball, formerly Professor of Astronomy in the University of Dublin, 
 p. 217.
 
 0/ Shakespeare as a Man of Science 1 93 
 
 The Historia Vitae et Mortis^ like the Ilistoria Ven- 
 toruvi, was one of the six specimens of the Natural 
 History which Bacon intended for the Third Part of 
 his Instauration, and which he published in 1622 
 and 1623 as illustrations of his scientific method. 
 In the Atriola Illorfis he enumerates as signs of 
 coming- death — the ' motus manuum floccos colli- 
 gendo,' the ' memoria confusa,' the * nasus acutus,' 
 the ' frigus extremitatum,' and the ' clamor' of the 
 dying man. In Henry the Fifth the Quondam 
 Quickly, of all people in the world, translates 
 Bacon's Latin into English, and describes Falstaff 
 as ' fumbling with the sheets,' as 'playing with the 
 flowers ' of the quilt, as * babbling of green fields,' 
 as lying with ' his nose as sharp as a pen,' and his 
 feet ' as cold as any stone,' and as * crying out, God, 
 God, God ! three or four times ' before he died. 
 
 But let us return to the ' mazes of the tangled 
 wood,' which for the moment we have left, in order 
 to inspect the more formal and symmetrical plan- 
 tations. At every turn we take Shakespeare's 
 obligations to the Natural History may be detected. 
 If Bacon discusses how it is that ' eintns is pro- 
 nounced einptus,' and the like (s. 198), he prepares 
 us for the ' rackers of orthography ' in Love's 
 Labour '5 Lost. If Bacon describes the ' choir ot 
 echos in the hills' (s. 253) he anticipates 'the 
 musical confusion of hounds and echo ' in The 
 Dreavi. If Bacon tells us that ' music feedeth that 
 disposition of the spirits that it findeth ' (s. 1 14) and
 
 1 94 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 that ' the falHng from a discord to a concord makes 
 the sweetest strain' (ss. 113, 835), Shakespeare 
 reproduces the thought and the very words of Bacon 
 in the opening lines of Tivelfth Night. If Bacon holds 
 that ' sleep nourisheth ' (s. 746) Shakespeare in 
 Macbeth apostrophises sleep as ' chief nourisher in 
 life's feast.' If Bacon tells us how ' the rising of 
 the mother is put down ' (s. 935), Lear exclaims, 
 * down, thou climbing sorrow,' as the mother 
 ' swells up toward his heart.' If Bacon speaks of 
 the bitterness of coloquintida (s. 36), coloquintida 
 is taken as the type of bitterness in Othello; if 
 Bacon speaks of the virtues of carduus benedictus 
 (s. 963), distilled carduus benedictus is recommended 
 as a specific by the waiting-gentlewoman in Much 
 Ado. If Bacon speaks of drugs that have ' a secret 
 malignity and disagreement towards man's body,' 
 ' a secret malignity and enmity to nature ' (s. 36) ; 
 the Ghost in Hamlet declares that the juice of 
 cursed hebenon 
 
 Holds such an enmity with blood of man 
 That quick as quicksilver it courses through 
 The natural gates and alleys of the body. 
 
 And if Bacon mentions mandrake and opium as 
 ' soporiferous medicines ' (s. 975), the evil genius 
 of the Moor soliloquises : — 
 
 Not poppy nor mandragora, 
 Nor all the drowsy syrups of the world, 
 Shall ever medicine thee to that sweet sleep 
 That thou ow'dst yesterday.
 
 Of Shakcspcaj'c as a ]\Iaii of Science 195 
 
 Even in their Zoology the Philosopher and the 
 Poet are at one. If Bacon in his ' Experiments 
 in consort touching emission of spirits ' (s. 912) 
 mentions ' the tradition that the basilisk killeth by 
 aspect' (s. 924), Shakespeare represents Gloster 
 as saying, ' I '11 slay more gazers than the basilisk.' 
 If Bacon records an ' Experiment solitary touching 
 chameleons ' who are said to live on air (s. 360), 
 Shakespeare feeds Hamlet with the chameleon's 
 dish. If Bacon records an ' Experiment solitary 
 touching the salamander,' who is said to live in 
 fire (s. 860), Shakespeare takes the salamander as 
 the type of Bardolph's nose. If in his ' Experiments 
 in consort touching the influences of the moon ' 
 (s. 889), Bacon observes that 'young cattle that 
 are brought forth in the full of the moon are 
 stronger and larger than those that are brought 
 forth in the wane' (s. 897), Shakespeare adopts 
 the idea, and calls Caliban a mooncalf. If 
 Bacon records an ' Experiment solitary touching 
 the glow-worm' (s. 712), and observes that the 
 light of the worm is ' drowned ' by that of the sun 
 (s. 224), Shakespeare adopts the idea, and the Ghost 
 in Hamlet observes that ' the glow-worm shows the 
 matin to be near, and 'gins to pale his uneffectual 
 fire.' In his ' Experiments in consort touching 
 the secret virtue of sympathy and antipathy' 
 (s. 960) Bacon queries whether ' the stone taken out 
 of a toad's head ' be not available for the ' coolinL*" 
 of the spirits ' (s. 967) ; and this incontinently 
 
 o 2
 
 196 Of Shakespeare as a Alan of Science 
 
 supplies Shakespeare with a metaphor, and the 
 Duke in As You Like It with a moral : — 
 
 Sweet are the uses of adversity, 
 
 Which, like the toad, ugly and venomous, 
 
 Wears yet a precious jewel in his head. 
 
 If Bacon records an 'Experiment solitary touch- 
 ing shell-fish,' and asks, ' how the shells of oysters 
 are bred' (s. 875), he merely puts the question of 
 the sapient Fool in Lear: ' Canst tell how an 
 oyster makes his shell ? ' 
 
 In the preface to the IVatural History, Bacon's 
 chaplain says, ' I have heard his Lordship discourse, 
 that men, no doubt, will think many of the experi- 
 ments contained in this collection to be vulgar 
 and trivial, mean and sordid, curious and fruitless' ; 
 but his reply was that his object was the illumi- 
 nation of the understanding, and not the gratifi- 
 cation of the fancy ; and accordingly in Troilus and 
 Cressida, the king of Ithaca exclaims : 
 
 Nature ! what things there are, 
 Most abject in regard, and dear in use ! 
 What things again most dear in the esteem, 
 And poor in worth ! 
 
 Even in their phraseology, the poet and the 
 philosopher agree. The N'atnral History gives 
 ' arcuate ' and ' adunque ' for bent, ' exile ' for 
 slight, ' ingrate ' for unpleasant, ' inutile ' for use- 
 less, ' munite ' and ' excern ' for strengthen and 
 remove ; and in Troilus and Cressida we have such
 
 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 197 
 
 * deracinated ' flowers of speech as ' concupy,' and 
 ' convive,' and ' mirable,' and 'tortive,' and 'errant,' 
 and * constringed.' In the Natural History Bacon 
 tells us that * hair and nails are excrements ' (s. 58); 
 and the Queen in Hamlet adopts the extraordinary 
 phrase and cries out to the Prince : — 
 
 Your bedded hair, like life in excrements, 
 
 Starts up and stands on end ! 
 
 Impressed with the vastness of the ' multitudi- 
 nous sea ' Bacon in his Henry the Seventh speaks 
 of a ' sea of multitude ' ; in his Charge against 
 Oliver St. John he uses the phrase a ' sea of 
 matter ' ; in his Natural History he describes the 
 alchemist as trying to turn ' a sea of baser metals 
 into gold ' ; and in Hamlet when the Prince talks 
 of taking up arms against ' a sea of troubles,' there 
 surely is no necessity for the Irving annotator to 
 fly off to Aristotle, or to ^lian, or to Nicholas of 
 Damascus, for an explanation of the phrase. 
 
 True, the Wood of Woods is not the Forest 
 of Arden, and the style of the Nattiral History is 
 not the style of As Vou Like It. Neither for that 
 matter is the style of the Argument to the Rape 
 the same as that of the Poem. The st34e of the 
 Tetrachordo)i and the Colastcj^um is not the style 
 of Paradise Lost and Comus. The style of the 
 Theory of Colours and the Metamorphosis of 
 Plants is not the style of Faust and Eginont, 
 Goethe has revealed the secret of this difference
 
 1 98 Of Shakespeare as a Man of Science 
 
 of styles. In his correspondence with Schiller he 
 remarks that he composed his early poetical pieces 
 in prose, and then translated them into verse, but 
 that when he proceeded to versify his prose he 
 found himself in ' a different jurisdiction.' This 
 explains the paradox and answers the objection. 
 In passing from the jurisdiction of prose to the 
 jurisdiction of poetry the mind rises to a higher 
 level, it breathes a finer air, it views things in a 
 fairer light, it brings a higher set of faculties 
 into play. It stands as it were upon the mount 
 of transfiguration, and the fashion of its face is 
 changed. If the reader takes the trouble to com- 
 pare the prosaic prose of the Gochhausen Transcript 
 with the unearthly beauty of the finished Faust he 
 will understand the effect of what Goethe calls the 
 change of jurisdiction. And he will understand 
 how the scientific experiments in consort touching 
 flowers in the Natural History were idealised and 
 transfigured in IJie PVi?iter^s Tale.
 
 IX 
 
 0/ certain Plays of Shakespea re 
 
 WHILE these pages are passing through the 
 press the Shakespearian Question has 
 suddenly blazed into a conflagration and roused 
 the literary world from its dogmatic slumber. This 
 renders it expedient for any person who takes part 
 in the discussion to define the precise position that 
 he takes. In these pages, then, it is not proposed 
 to prove that Bacon was a Rosicrucian ; or that 
 he was the son of Queen Elizabeth ; or that he 
 was the Shakespeare-Messiah ; or that he was the 
 author of the Plays of Marlowe and the Essays of 
 Montaigne. It is merely proposed to examine 
 the arguments that go to show that he was 
 Shakespeare. 
 
 An examination of the Great Cryptogram and 
 Bacon's Biliteral Cipher doQS not lie within the scope 
 of this inquir}^ which is exclusively concerned with 
 the historical and literary aspect of the question. 
 On this interesting question the positive evidence 
 at our command, unfortunately, is but slight.
 
 20O Of certain Plays of SJiakespeare 
 
 Bacon intimates that he was a concealed poet, and 
 he expressly acknowledges that, at one period of his 
 life, his head was wholly employed about Invention ; 
 but these were mere casual intimations. Southamp- 
 ton, to whom he is supposed to have addressed the 
 Sonnets and dedicated the Poems, was, at the time 
 they were composed, his bosom friend ; but if Bacon's 
 secret was entrusted to Southampton, he kept it 
 to the last. Matthew was his literary confidant 
 and alter ego: but though Matthew occasionally 
 cast a flash-light on the question, the light was 
 immediately lost in the surrounding darkness. Ben 
 Jonson was his literary assistant, his panegyrist, 
 and his friend, and if there was any one who could 
 have revealed the mystery of the Plays it was 
 Jonson ; but, unfortunately, much as Jonson has 
 written on the subject, what he has given us is not 
 a revelation but a riddle. 
 
 In the absence or deficiency of direct evidence 
 the only method of determining a question of dis- 
 puted authorship is that of which we have a notable 
 example in the masterpiece of Butler. If there are 
 works the authorship of which is acknowledged, 
 and works the authorship of which is disputed, we 
 compare the one with the other, and if, in the words 
 of Butler, we find that ' they are analogous and of 
 a piece,' we presume that they have one and the 
 same author. The principles on which the argu- 
 ment proceeds are the axioms that ' identity of 
 authorship leads us to expect similarity of charac-
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakcspeai^e 201 
 
 teristic,' and that ' similarity of characteristic leads 
 us to infer identity of authorship ' — the latter prin- 
 ciple enabling us to ascertain the fact, the former 
 enabling us to answer objections to the fact when 
 ascertained. These axioms, indeed, are only modifi- 
 cations of the principle that ' like effects imply like 
 causes,' which lies at the foundation of all science. 
 The genius of an individual is a natural cause 
 which produces its own peculiar effects, and when 
 similar effects are produced we naturally refer them 
 to the same intellectual cause. 
 
 Unfortunately this argument is not available in 
 the case of the Stratford Player. The only works 
 traditionally attributed to him are a ballad, an 
 epigram, and an epitaph, which are beneath con- 
 tempt. Bacon, on the contrary, is the acknowledged 
 author of a vast amount of literature, epistolary, 
 oratorical, historical, and philosophical, which has 
 been ransacked for the discovery of Parallelisms 
 between them and the works of Shakespeare. Mrs. 
 Pott, the most enthusiastic of the Baconians, de- 
 clares that ' a harmony of about forty thousand 
 metaphors and similes ' exists ' between the two 
 groups of works.' But this array of parallelisms, 
 like the array of an Oriental army, is liable to be 
 routed by reason of its very numbers, which must 
 include the worthless, the feeble, and the doubtful. 
 Mr. Donnelly, in his well-known work, has devoted 
 more than half of his first volume to an enumeration 
 of the various analogies which with indefatigable
 
 202 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 industry he has collected. But the effect of the 
 argument from analogy, as Butler remarks, is like 
 the effect in architecture; and unfortunately the 
 parallelisms of Mr. Donnelly are scattered about 
 like the materials in a builder's yard, and are not 
 combined into a building. 
 
 In the preceding discussion the Trilogy of 
 Henry the Sixih^ Love's Labour'' s Lost, and The 
 Comedy of Error's, were considered as suggesting 
 that if we have regard to the learning and culture 
 they display there is a difificulty in believing that 
 they were the work of the young man who came up 
 from Stratford. We now proceed to examine a 
 number of the Plays in which the analogies with 
 the acknowledged works of Bacon would lead us 
 to believe that Bacon was their author. 
 
 King Richard the Second is in many respects the 
 most Interesting of the Plays. It was the first of 
 the Plays that was published with the name of 
 Shakespeare. It was catalogued in the Northumber- 
 land Papers among compositions which are acknow- 
 ledged to have been the work of Bacon. It Is the 
 only one of the Shakespearian Plays to which 
 Bacon himself has explicitly referred. It Is a play 
 the performance of which was connected with one 
 of the most mysterious episodes of his career. * A 
 story of the first year of King Henry the Fourth ' 
 had been dedicated to Essex shortly after his re- 
 turn from Ireland, and * the play of deposing King 
 Richard the Second ' was performed by his direc-
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 203 
 
 tion on the eve of his rebellion. The Queen, who 
 suspected that a conspiracy for her deposition was 
 on foot, regarded the pamphlet as a ' seditious 
 prelude,' and conceiving herself to be King Richard, 
 she denounced the performance of the play as an 
 'act of treason.' The Queen refused to believe 
 that the pamphlet was the work of the man whose 
 name it bore, and she might well have supposed 
 that the man whose name it bore was not in reality 
 the author of the play. When Bacon demurred 
 to appearing against Essex in the matter of the 
 pamphlet, he objected that ' it would be said he 
 gave in evidence his own tales.' The Queen there- 
 fore suspected that he was the author of the ' story 
 of the first year of King Henry the Fourth,' which 
 she regarded as a seditious prelude, and it is 
 possible that she suspected him of being the author 
 of the play of deposing King Richard the Second,' 
 the performance of which she punished as an act 
 of treason. 
 
 There were grounds enough for the suspicion. 
 The appeal of high treason with which the pla}^ 
 com.mences is set out with all the precision and with 
 all the prolixity of a lawyer. The conceits, which, 
 as Mr. Coleridge remarks, are scattered through 
 the play, are characteristic of the man who could 
 never pass a jest, or resist the fascination of a 
 quibble. The effusion or effervescence of words, 
 the superfluous rhetoric which, as Mr. Swinburne 
 says, flows and foams hither and thither through
 
 204 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 the play (pp. 36, 7), is characteristic of everything 
 that Bacon wrote whether Essay or History, Philo- 
 sophy or Logic* The very stories related by Bacon 
 and by Shakespeare are the same. In the De Aug- 
 mentis Bacon tells the story of Anaxarchus who, 
 when placed upon the rack to make him disclose 
 the names of his confederates, cut his tongue out 
 with his teeth, and spat it in the face of the tyrant ; 
 and so in Richard the Second when Bolingbroke is 
 ordered by the king to forgive and to forget his 
 
 wrongs, he exclaims : — 
 
 Ere my tongue 
 Shall sound so base a parle, my teeth shall tear 
 The slavish motive of recanting fear, 
 And spit it bleeding e'en in Mowbray's face. 
 
 In one of his speeches in the House, Bacon says, 
 ' let not this Parliament end like a Dutch feast in salt 
 meats, but like an English feast in sweet meats ' ; 
 and even so, Bolingbroke in bidding farewell to 
 Gaunt exclaims : — 
 
 Lo, as at English feasts, so I regreet 
 
 The daintiest last, to make the end most sweet. 
 
 In the Advancement, Bacon relates that Periander, 
 being consulted how best to preserve a tyranny 
 newly usurped, took the messenger into his garden, 
 
 *" To enable the reader to understand what Mr. Swinburne 
 means by the * effusion or effervescence of words,' we may cite 
 the passage in the Advancement of Learning in which Bacon 
 laments that there was no 'just story of learning' containing 
 ' the antiquities and originals of knowledges and their sects,
 
 Of certain Plays of S/iaktspcare 205 
 
 and topped the highest flowers; and even so the 
 Gardener in Richard the Second, gives directions to 
 his servants and bids them 
 
 Like an executioner, 
 Cut off the heads of too fast growing sprays, 
 That look too lofty in our commonwealth. 
 
 In his Natural History, as we have seen, Bacon 
 
 represents the blooding of plants at certain seasons, 
 
 and the terebration of fruit trees that show fair and 
 
 bear not, in order to relieve them from being 
 
 oppressed with their own sap (ss. 428, 464); and 
 
 the Gardener in Richard the Second adopts the same 
 
 course, and says : — 
 
 We at time of year 
 Do wound the bark, the skin of our fruit trees, 
 Lest being overproud with sap and blood, 
 With too much riches it confound itself. 
 
 Bacon addressed a * Discourse touching the plan- 
 tation of Ireland ' to King James, and Shakespeare 
 attributes a similar design to King Richard : — 
 
 We must supplant those rough rug-headed kerns, 
 Which live like venom where no venom else, 
 But only they have privilege to live. 
 
 And when Bacon, after his fall, found himself in 
 ' the solitude of friends,' and bemoaned himself 
 as in ' the base court of adversity,' he might well 
 
 their inventions, their traditions, their divers administrations 
 and managings, their flourishings, their oppositions, depressions, 
 oblivions, removes, with the causes and occasions of them, and 
 all other events concerning learning, throughout the ages of the 
 world.'
 
 2o6 0/ certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 have bethought him of the words of Richard when 
 descending" from the battlements of Flint Castle : — 
 
 Down, down I come, like glistering Phaethon, 
 Wanting the manage of unruly jades. 
 In the base court ? Base court, where kings grow base, 
 To come at traitor's calls and do them grace. 
 
 And who but the author of llie Wisdo7n of the 
 Ancients would have bethought him of the ' glis- 
 tering Phaethon ' under such circumstances, and 
 associated the m3'th of legendary Greece with the 
 surroundings of a feudal castle? But the aston- 
 ishing thing is this, that neither in his conver- 
 sations with the Queen, nor in his consultations 
 with Coke and Fleming, nor in his Declarations of 
 the Treasons of Essex, nor in his Charge against 
 Oliver St. John, does Bacon mention the name of the 
 author of Richard the Second, though he must have 
 been as familiar with the name of Shakespeare as 
 with his own. 
 
 In March 1599, Essex left London for Ireland 
 amidst universal acclamation, and in the Chorus to 
 the Fifth Act of King Henry the Fifth, Shakespeare, 
 in describing how London poured forth its citizens 
 to greet the return of the victor of Agincourt, anti- 
 cipates a return equally triumphant for the Earl : — 
 
 As, by a lower but loving likelihood, 
 Were now the general of our gracious empress, 
 As in good time he may, from Ireland coming, 
 Bringing rebellion broached on his sword, 
 How many would the peaceful city quit, 
 To welcome him !
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 207 
 
 This would seem fatal to every pretence for con- 
 sidering- Bacon to be Shakespeare ; for, when 
 writing of Essex to the Earl of Devonshire, Bacon 
 says, * I did as plainly see his overthrow chained, as 
 it were, by destiny, to that journey, as it Is possible 
 for any man to ground a judgment upon future 
 contingents.' But the question is not what Bacon 
 said in 1604, but what he thought In 1599. Follow- 
 ing the example of Cicero and Pliny, Bacon kept 
 copies of all his more important letters ; and in his 
 correspondence of 1597, 1598, and 1599, we have 
 a number of letters addressed to Essex which give 
 the lie to everything he said to Devonshire. In 
 these letters he earnestly recommended Essex to 
 undertake the government of Ireland, and was so 
 far from regarding his overthrow as chained by 
 destiny to the expedition that * some good spirit,' 
 he declared, ' led his pen to presage the Earl's suc- 
 cess,' and all the circumstances led him to hope that 
 Essex would prove ' as fatal a captain to the Irish 
 war as African us was to the war of Carthage.'* 
 
 The language of the Chorus in Henry the Fifth, 
 instead of being at variance with the views of 
 Bacon, Is In strict accordance with the language 
 of his contemporary letters. And there are other in- 
 dications in Henry the Fifth which point as an index- 
 finger to the author. The dialogues in French, 
 
 '^' On the contradiction between Bacon's Letters of Advice vn 
 1599, and his Letter of Apology in 1604 see note I.
 
 2o8 Of certain Plays oj Shakespeare 
 
 with which the Play abounds, are what might be 
 expected from one who had spent three years of 
 his youth in France, and who in after years corre- 
 sponded with the Queen of Bohemia and the 
 Marquis d'Effiat in French. If we are surprised at 
 the knowledge of the topography of France and of 
 the territorial titles of the French nobility which is 
 exhibited in the play, we may remember that Bacon 
 had accompanied the French Court to Blois and 
 Tours, that he had resided at Poictiers, and that 
 he had visited the Sieur de Montaigne at the mairie 
 of Bordeaux. The discussion of ' the Law Salique 
 which they have in France ' displays the learning 
 of a lawyer, and the conclusion that ' the Salique 
 Law was not devised for the realm of France' is 
 identical with the conclusion which is indicated in 
 the Apoplithegms of Bacon. The King uses the 
 peculiar language of the Essays when he says that 
 the crimes of the three traitors appeared before 
 him ' chew'd, swallow'd, and digested.' The Con- 
 stable of France remarks that the valour of the 
 Dauphin was ' a hooded valour, and when it appears 
 it will bate ' ; and it has been said that the 07nne 
 scibile of Bacon comprehended none of the mysteries 
 of sport which were so familiar to Shakespeare.* 
 But even in his correspondence with the Queen 
 the learned courtier talks like a country squire. 
 ' I wish to God,' he writes to Elizabeth, ' that I was 
 
 ••' On Shakespeare as a Sportsman see note B.
 
 Of certain Plays of SJiakespcare 209 
 
 hooded and saw less, and was not like a hawk that 
 bates when it sees occasion of service, but cannot 
 fly because it is tied to another's fist.' So when 
 the Dauphin declares that his horse is * pure air and 
 fire ' he adopts the theory of pneumaticals which 
 pervades the Natural History ; and when he protests 
 that he is 'a beast for Perseus,' and that ' the 
 basest horn of his hoof is more musical than the 
 pipe of Hermes ' v^re catch an echo of The Wisdom 
 of the Ancients. In describing the death of Falstaff 
 Mrs. Quickly, as we have seen in the preceding- 
 chapter, actually translates the Atriola Mortis of 
 Bacon into English. Even Bacon's ' experiments 
 in consort touching the acceleration of germina- 
 tion ' (s. 401) are impressed into the service of the 
 drama ; and if Bacon states that ' dung applied to 
 the roots of trees doth set them forward ' (s. 404), 
 the Constable of France suggests that the scandals 
 in which the Prince in his nonage had involved 
 himself had only accelerated the development of his 
 nature, and that he had hidden his better cjualities 
 with foulness 
 
 As gardeners do with ordure hide those roots 
 That shall first spring and be most delicate. 
 
 But of all the coincidences, of all the identities, 
 between Bacon and Shakespeare, the most marvel- 
 lous are those to be found in the Bishop of Ely's 
 explanation of the transformation of the Prince into 
 the King. We are told in the Natural History 
 
 p
 
 2 lO Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 that ' shade to some plants conduces to make them 
 large and prosperous more than sun' (s. 441); 
 that where there is an antipathy of nature be- 
 tween plants ' there the neighbourhood doth good ' 
 (s. 479); that 'night showers are better than day- 
 showers' for the purposes of growth (s. 664); 
 and that this is exemplified by the strawberry 
 that grows beneath the leaves of borage (s. 44 0» 
 and the rasps which are planted in the neigh- 
 bourhood of sorrel (s. 487), And Shakespeare 
 adopts all this curious horticulture to illustrate the 
 paradox that the Prince's nature had been benefited 
 by the shade of low company, and by contact 
 with base companions, and by unworthy night 
 adventures : — 
 
 The strawberry grows underneath the nettle, 
 And wholesome berries thrive and ripen best 
 Neighbour'd by fruit of baser quality ; 
 And so the Prince obscur'd his contemplation 
 Under the veil of wildness, which, no doubt, 
 Grew like the summer grass, fastest by night, 
 Unseen, yet crescive in his faculty. 
 
 The Northumberland Papers are doubly inter- 
 esting to the Shakespearian scholar.* Not only do 
 they catalogue Richard the Second and Richard the 
 Third ^ith. acknowledged works of Bacon, but they 
 contain four Discourses of Bacon's, one of which 
 contains the germ of Julius Caesar. The Discourse 
 is the one in praise of Fortitude, which he regards as 
 
 * On the Norihumberlatid Papers see note H.
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 211 
 
 the Worthiest Virtue, and of which he takes Caesar 
 as a type. As Shakespeare styles him ' the noblest 
 man that ever lived in the tide of times,' so Bacon 
 declares him to be * the worthiest man that ever 
 lived.' If Antony, standing on the scene of his 
 murder, exclaims, ' here wast thou bay'd, brave 
 hart, here didst thou fall,' Bacon in his Discourse 
 describes him amid his murderers, ' as a stag at 
 bay.' And if Brutus, on the eve of Philippi, is 
 visited by his evil spirit, and exclaims, ' 111 spirit, 
 I would hold more talk with thee,' Bacon tells us 
 that the ' 111 spirit that appeared with Brutus in his 
 tent' was in reality the 'noble Caesar.' 
 
 In other directions there are noticeable analogies 
 to be detected. If Antony is to * take thought and 
 die for Caesar,* the Irving annotator refers to Bacon's 
 Henry the Seventh as the only authority for the use 
 of the word 'thought' in the sense of anxiety or sorrow 
 (v. 143). If Antony says that ' even at the base of 
 Pompey's statua great Caesar fell,' the Irving 
 annotator admits that Bacon is the only writer that 
 used statua for statue (ii. 91).* When Brutus says, 
 * as fire drives out fire, so pity pity,' he adopts 
 Bacon's theory that 'flame is a fixed body*; and 
 when Brutus says to Cassius, ' there is a tide in the 
 affairs of men which, taken at the flood, leads on 
 to fortune,' we cannot fail to be reminded * of the 
 
 * 'Without a history of letters,' says Bacon in the Adrance~ 
 rnetit, ' the history of the world seemeth to me to be as the 
 statua of Polyphemus with his eye out.' 
 
 P 2
 
 2 12 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 peremptory tides and currents ' of the Advancement 
 which, if they be not taken in their due time, can 
 seldom be recovered. 
 
 But we may ascend to higher ground, and take 
 a more commanding view o{ ficlius Caesar. Shake- 
 speare's rendering of the character of the mighty 
 Julius, we are told by Professor Dowden, has 
 bewildered all his critics (p. 285). The poet it is 
 said insists on the weakness rather than on the 
 strength of Caesar ; the Dictator, it is said, appears 
 in only three scenes of the play, and in the third 
 act he dies. Why then, it is asked, is the play 
 called Julius Caesar ? and why did Shakespeare 
 resolve to represent the foremost man of Rome in 
 such a light ? The answer, in reality, is not far to 
 seek. The Roman plays, though classed as Trage- 
 dies in the Folio, are not Tragedies but Histories — 
 Histories such as those in which Shakespeare has 
 presented the actions of the English kings. 'Repre- 
 sentative Poetry,' we are told by Bacon, ' is visible 
 History ' — * an image of actions as if they were 
 present.' Poets and writers of History, he says 
 with his wonted effervescence of expression, show 
 us ' how affections are kindled and excited, and 
 how pacified and refrained, and how again contained 
 from act and further degree, how they disclose 
 themselves, how they work, how they vary, how 
 they gather and fortify, how they are inwrapped 
 one with another, and other like particulars.' This 
 is the method which Shakespeare pursues in Julius
 
 0/ certain Plays of Shakespeare 2 1 3 
 
 Caesar. He has given us a visible history of the 
 time — an image of the actions as if they were 
 present, and performed before us. True, he insists 
 on the weakness rather than the strength of Caesar. 
 But here again he acts upon the views of Bacon. 
 He * propounds to himself a person to represent in 
 whom actions both greater and smaller, public and 
 private, have a commixture ' ; and he represents 
 Caesar as he actually was when he was murdered. 
 The chief of the democracy had established a 
 court ; he appeared in public in the purple robe ; 
 he sat in his golden chair and received the senate 
 without rising. Such is the testimony of Mommsen 
 in his History of Ro7tie{y. 336). His generosity had 
 become tinged with ostentation, his courage with 
 arrogance and his resolution with harshness ; he 
 had become fretful and impatient of contradiction, 
 and his conduct was marked with contempt for all 
 mankind. Such is the verdict of Merivale in his 
 History of tJie Romans (ii. 335). All these traits of 
 character are marked by Shakespeare ; and he even 
 reproduces the minor traits. Caesar, like Napoleon, 
 had the falling sickness; Caesar, like Napoleon, 
 was superstitious; Caesar, like Napoleon, had 
 become a ' nuincii' to himself; Caesar, like Napo- 
 leon, had outraged by his pride the men whom 
 he had loaded with his favours ; and Caesar, like 
 Napoleon, showed strange irresolution at the crisis 
 of his fate. These are the very traits which the 
 great painter of character, to the bewilderment of
 
 214 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 his critics, has so vividly painted on his canvas. 
 It was Bacon's way. 
 
 It is evident that fulms Caesar could never 
 have been the work of one who had merely borrowed 
 a copy of North's Plutarch in order to exploit a 
 play. The author shows a familiarity with all 
 the characters and events of Roman History that is 
 only to be equalled by the professed historian. 
 He talks as if he had been personally acquainted 
 with those who played a part in the final agony 
 of the Republic. Lepidus, for instance, had been 
 Master of the Horse to the Dictator ; he was one 
 of the Triumvirs ; he was Consul designatus ; and 
 yet Shakespeare describes him as what he really 
 was, a ' slight, unmeritable man.' Cicero, again, 
 is not essential to the play; he takes no part in the 
 action ; he is only introduced for a moment wander- 
 ing aimlessly through the streets of Rome on the 
 night before the murder; and yet what an intimate 
 knowledge of the man is displayed by Shakespeare. 
 The dramatist must have been familiar with the 
 Philippics to know the ferocity of Cicero ' when 
 cross'd'; he must have read the Epistles to know 
 that Cicero ' spoke Greek ' ; and he must have 
 studied the De Divinatio7ie to know that Cicero 
 attached no importance to the portents which struck 
 terror into the soul of Casca. And mark how 
 boldly Shakespeare deviates from North whenever 
 his conception of character demands it. According 
 to North the conspirators would have nothing to
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 2 1 5 
 
 do with the Orator because he was ' a coward by 
 nature ' and would ' turn and alter their purpose 
 and quench the heat of their enterprise'; but 
 according- to Shakespeare the conspirators with one 
 accord exclaim 
 
 O let us have him, for his silver hairs 
 
 Will purchase us a good opinion 
 
 And buy men's voices to commend our deeds. 
 
 And it is Brutus that exclaims 
 
 O name him not ; let us not break with him ; 
 For he will never follow anything 
 That other men begin. 
 
 This is the true historical conception. Merivale 
 tells us that ' all men, and all parties, agreed ' that 
 the Orator ' could not be relied upon to lead, to 
 co-operate, or to follow' (iii. 208); and, curiously 
 enough, Shakespeare puts this objection into the 
 mouth of Brutus who, according- to Merivale, was 
 habitually disposed to disparage Cicero's claims 
 to admiration (ii. 449). 
 
 The character of Brutus is delineated with the 
 same felicity as those of Cicero and Caesar. 
 * Surely,' says Mr. Coleridge, ' nothing- can seem 
 more discordant with our historical preconceptions 
 of Brutus, or more lowering to the intellect of the 
 Stoico-Platonic tyrannicide than the tenets attri- 
 buted to him — to him, the stern Roman republican — 
 namely, that he would have no objection to a king,
 
 2 1 6 0/ certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 or to Caesar, a monarch in Rome, would Caesar 
 but be as good a monarch as he now seems 
 disposed to be' {Bohn, 313). But Shakespeare's 
 conception of the character of Brutus was more 
 accurate than that of Mr. Coleridge. Brutus, as 
 Merivale tells (ii. 449), had been the last to join 
 and was the first to desert the cause of the 
 Republic ; he had been the first to seek refuge in 
 the camp of Caesar ; he courted the favours of the 
 victor; and he did not blush to govern Cisalpine 
 Gaul for the Dictator while Cato was holding Utica 
 against him. But the Stoico-Platonic tyrannicide, 
 as Merivale remarks, was ' by temper a sophist ' 
 (ii. 450); and the speech which puzzled Mr. Cole- 
 ridge is exactly the speech with which a sophist 
 would seek to satisfy his conscience when he found 
 that he was being suddenly hustled into incon- 
 sistency, ingratitude, and crime by the arts which 
 were employed by Cassius ' to win the noble Brutus 
 to his party.' 
 
 According to the author of The Mind and Art 
 of Shakespeare, ' it is the spirit of Caesar which is 
 the dominant power of the tragedy ' ; and it was 
 against ' the spirit of Caesar ' that Brutus fought 
 (p. 287). This was not the view of Shakespeare. 
 * Public revenges,' says Bacon in his Essays, * are 
 for the most part fortunate, as that for the death of 
 Caesar,' an opinion which he repeats in the De 
 Augmentis, where he says that the war against Brutus 
 and Cassius was a war ob vindidain (1. 11, c. xiii).
 
 0/ certain Plays of Shakespeare 2 1 7 
 
 This was the view of Shakespeare, and Antony, 
 as he stood over the body of the Dictator, gives 
 utterance to the thought of Bacon : — 
 
 A curse shall light upon the limbs of men, 
 And Caesar's spirit ranging for revenge, 
 With Ate by his side come hot from hell, 
 Shall in these confines with a monarch's voice. 
 Cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war. 
 
 Of all the Shakespearian plays Troilus and Cres- 
 sida is the one which has most sorely exercised 
 the commentator and the critic. Mr. Coleridge 
 admits that he ' scarcely knows what to say about 
 it' (p. 306). Professor Dowden believes that 'this 
 strange and difficult play was ' a last attempt to 
 continue comedy, when Shakspere had ceased to 
 be able to smile genially' (p. vi), and he styles it 
 ' the comedy of disillusion ' (p. viii). Mr. Swinburne 
 writes that, ' it would be as easy and as profitable 
 a problem to solve the Rabelaisian riddle of the 
 bombinating chimsera, with its potential or hypo- 
 thetical faculty of deriving sustenance from a course 
 of diet on second intentions, as to read the riddle 
 of Shakespeare's design in the procreation of this 
 yet more mysterious and magnificent monster of a 
 play' (p. 199). 
 
 Let us shift our ground, and examine this * por- 
 tent of supreme genius ' (ibid.) from a different 
 point of view. Troilus and Cressida was published 
 with a notification that all the Shakespearian 
 Comedies were the property of certain * grand
 
 2 1 8 Of certain Plays of Shakespeai'e 
 
 possessors,' and contemporaneously with this noti- 
 fication, Shake-spear^ s Sonnets were published with a 
 warning, that Shakespeare was not the real name of 
 the author, but the ' noted weed,' In which he kept 
 Invention. In the play the lawyer presents himself 
 without disguise. Pandarus, as we have seen, talks 
 of 'a kiss in fee-farm,' Thersites of ' the fee-simple 
 of the tetter,' Troilus of ' perfection in reversion,' 
 and the pre-contract which serves Cressida for a 
 marriage — conjugium vocat — ends with the ' In 
 witness whereof the parties interchangeably' of the 
 English lawyer. In the next place, the man of 
 science presents himself as unmistakably as the 
 man of law. The wanton spirits of Cressida look 
 out at every joint and motive of her body. Troilus 
 describes the hurricane as constring'd by mass 
 of the almighty sun. Agamemnon tells how 
 knots by the conflux of meeting sap, infect the 
 sound pine and divert his grain. Ulysses exclaims 
 with Bacon : — 
 
 Nature ! What things there are, 
 Most abject in regard, and dear in use, 
 What things again most dear in the esteem, 
 And poor in worth ! 
 
 And Ulysses like Bacon, holds that the earth is the 
 centre of the heavens, and that the planets, with 
 the glorious planet Sol to lead them, revolve 
 around the earth. 
 
 Like the baronet in Guy Manjiering Bacon had
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 2 1 9 
 
 the trick of moulding his sentences in triads.* 
 ' Some books,' he says, * are to be tasted, others 
 are to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed 
 and digested'; just as Shakespeare says, 'Some 
 are born great, some achieve greatness, and some 
 have greatness thrust upon them.' In Troilus and 
 Cressida the characters, Greek and Trojan, have 
 the self same trick. The servant of Cressida in- 
 forms her that Ajax is ' valiant as the lion, churlish 
 as the bear, slow as the elephant ' ; Pandarus 
 protests that Achilles is ' a drayman, a porter, a 
 very camel ' ; Agamemnon says, ' We shall hear 
 music, wit, and oracle ' from Ulysses ; and Troilus 
 exclaims to Cressida, ' Praise us as we are tasted, 
 allow us as we prove, our head shall go bare till 
 merit crown it.' Mr. Swinburne remarks the effu- 
 sion or effervescence of words perceptible in 
 Richard the Second and in Romeo and Juliet (p. 37) ; 
 and if we want an example of similar effervescence 
 and effusion we may take a passage in Bacon's 
 Henry the Sevefith in which he gives the instructions 
 of the king to his envoys when he thought of 
 marrying the Queen of Naples. These instructions, 
 Bacon says, were to be taken ' as articles whereby 
 
 * The trick was so inveterate with Bacon that even when 
 acknowledging his confession of corruption he exclaims : ' My 
 lords, it is my act, my hand, my heart ' — a weird echo of the 
 words of Bassanio in The Merchant : — 
 
 I will be bound to pay it ten times o'er, 
 On forfeit of my hands, my head, my heart.
 
 2 20 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 to direct a survey, or framing a particular of her 
 person, for complexion, favour, features, stature, 
 health, age, customs, behaviour, conditions, and 
 estate, as if he meant to find all things in one 
 woman ' — like Benedick in Much Ado. Here again 
 the prose of Bacon is in reality blank verse, and if 
 we apply the sea-shell to the ear we shall again 
 catch the murmur of the Shakespearian swell : — 
 
 A particular of her person for 
 Complexion, favour, features, stature, health, 
 Age, customs, 'haviour, conditions, and estate, 
 As if he meant to find all in one woman. 
 
 Returning to Troiliis and Cressida we shall find 
 the very echo of Bacon's verse in the words of 
 Ulysses when describing the talk of Achilles and 
 Patroclus : — 
 
 All our abilities, gifts, natures, shapes, 
 Severals and generals of grace exact,' 
 Achievements, plots, orders, preventions, 
 Excitements to the field, or speech for truce, 
 Success or loss, what is or is not, serves 
 As stuff for these two to make paradoxes. 
 
 Sometimes the use of a single phrase, like the 
 print of Dick Hatteraick's shoe, will supply a piece 
 of evidence that decides a question. In the 
 Adva7icement Luther is described as finding in 
 ' discourse of reason the province he had under- 
 taken in his war with Rome,' and Bacon constantly 
 employs the phrase. It is so peculiar that when 
 it was observed in Hamlet the critics regarded it
 
 0/ certain Plays of Shakespeare 2 2 1 
 
 as a misprint. But if Hamlet talks of * a beast 
 that wants discourse of reason,' Desdemona pro- 
 tests that she had never trespassed against Othello's 
 love, 'either in discourse of thought or victual deed ' ; 
 and Hector, in the debate whether the Trojans 
 should let Helen go, asks Troilus and Paris, 
 
 Is your blood 
 So madly hot that no discourse of reason, 
 Nor fear of bad success in a bad cause, 
 Can qualify the same ? 
 
 And when Paris and Troilus persist in their opinion, 
 Hector winds up the discussion thus : — 
 
 You have both said well, 
 And on the cause and question now in hand 
 Have gloz'd, but superficially ; not much 
 Unlike young men, whom Aristotle thought 
 Unfit to hear Moral Philosophy. 
 
 Here it is not Aristotle that Hector quotes. Bacon 
 in the Advancement asks, ' Is not the opinion of 
 Aristotle worthy to be regarded, wherein he saith that 
 young men are not fit auditors of Moral Philosophy, 
 because they are not settled from the boiling heat 
 of their affections.' And as Hector adopts the 
 words of Bacon so he adopts his blunder, for, as 
 every scholar knows, it is the philosophy of politics, 
 and not the philosophy of morals, which Aristotle 
 forbids the young to study. 
 
 Nothing is more remarkable than the fidelity 
 with which Troilus and Cressida reflects the political
 
 2 2 2 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 opinions of Bacon. He declares himself to be 'a 
 perfect and peremptory royalist ' ; he ' hates the 
 very word, the people ' ; nothing- can exceed his 
 fear of ' the huffing- elections and general licence of 
 speech ' which bode disaster to the state ; nothing 
 can exceed his scorn of ' the ruffians and rodomonti,' 
 who assail the seats of justice ; and he loudly 
 protests against the questioning of ' great coun- 
 sellors and officers of the crown, by courts or 
 assemblies of estates.' In a more philosophical 
 frame of mind he lays it down in the Advancemeiit^ 
 that ' nothing doth derogate from the dignity of a 
 state more than confusion of degrees ' ; and these 
 are the very words of Shakespeare : — 
 
 O when degree is shak'd, 
 Which is the ladder of all high designs, 
 The enterprise is sick. How could communities, 
 Degrees in schools, and brotherhoods in cities, 
 Peaceful commerce from dividable shores, 
 The primogenitive and due of birth, 
 Prerogative of age, crowns, sceptres, laurels, 
 But by degree, stand in authentic place ? 
 
 • This is a string on which Ulysses perpetually 
 harps, and to illustrate it he has recourse to the 
 astronomy of Bacon : — 
 
 The heavens themselves, the planets, and this centre. 
 
 Observe degree, priority, and place, 
 
 Insisture, course, proportion, season, form, 
 
 Office and custom, in all line of order ; 
 
 And therefore is the glorious planet Sol 
 
 In noble eminence enthron'd and spher'd 
 
 Amidst the other.
 
 OJ certain Plays of Shakespeare 223 
 
 And ' the glorious planet Sol, coursing through the 
 twelve signs of the celestial sphere,' it may be 
 noted, was the cognisance of the Prince of Purpoole 
 at the Gray's Inn festivities of 1594, when Bacon 
 was master of the revels. In The Rape 0/ Liicrece, 
 we read that 
 
 In Ajax' eyes blunt rage and rigour roll'd ; 
 But the mild glance that sly Ulysses lent 
 Show'd deep regard and smiling government. 
 
 This was the guiding principle of the policy of Bacon , 
 and it was the moral and motive of the play. Troilus 
 and Cressida is neither a love story, nor a comedy 
 of disillusion ; it is in reality a political tract — a 
 tract in which James is the glorious planet Sol, and 
 Bacon is the sly Ulysses. 
 
 Such is this magnificent monster of a play. It 
 is an epitome of Bacon. It embodies his legal 
 pedantry, his scientific crotchets, his deracinated 
 Latin, his affected triads, his effusive rhetoric, his 
 peculiar phrases, and his political opinions. It 
 repeats his very blunders. Passages in the play 
 cannot be understood without a reference to his 
 prose. When Troilus reproaches Hector with 
 sparing the prostrate Greeks, he says : 
 
 Brother, you have a vice of mercy in you, 
 Which better fits a lion than a man. 
 
 What is this mercy of the lion ? Bacon tells us. 
 ' Of lions,' he says, * it is a received belief that 
 their fury ceaseth towards anything that yieldeth,
 
 2 24 Cf certain Plays 0/ Shakespeare 
 
 and prostrateth Itself before them.' All the 
 characters of the play reflect the personality of 
 Bacon. Even Cressida speaks the language of the 
 Advancejuent^ and sighs that 
 
 To be wise and love 
 Exceeds man's might ; that dwells with gods above ! 
 
 In TJie Winter'' s Talc parallelisms cease to be 
 parallelisms ; the lines approach one another, touch 
 and coalesce. We have seen how Bacon in the 
 Natural Histoi'y institutes ' experiments in consort 
 touching the seasons in which plants come forth ' 
 (s. 577); how in \i\?> Essays he holds that 'in the 
 royal ordering of gardens, there ought to be gardens 
 for all the months in the year, in which severally 
 things of beauty may be then in season ' ; and 
 we have seen how all this is reproduced and trans- 
 figured in The Winter^ s Tale. Mr. Spedding claims 
 to have been the first to point out the parallelisms 
 between the Essay and the Play ; and he confesses 
 that if the Essay on Gardens had been included in 
 the earlier editions of the Essays, it would have 
 caused him to suspect that Shakespeare — that is 
 Mr. Spedding' s Shakespeare — had perused it. But 
 the retired player died in i6i6; and the Essay on 
 Gardens was not published till 1625 ; and the 
 Natural History did not appear till 1627; and the 
 player could not have plucked a single violet in 
 Bacon's garden, or wandered for a moment into 
 Bacon's wood.
 
 0/ certain Plays of Shakespeare 225 
 
 The Winter'' s Tale was written nearly thirty 
 years after the young man from Stratford had 
 arrived in London ; it was not performed till after 
 he had left the stage ; and it was not published till 
 some seven or eight years after he had left the 
 world. Whoever was the author of the lovely 
 play it was written in the plentitude of his know- 
 ledge and in the perfection of his powers ; and yet 
 it contains inaccuracies in respect to matters of 
 common knowledge so flagrant that, as critics and 
 commentators have contended, it could not possibly 
 have been the work of Bacon. The father of 
 Hermione is said to have been the Emperor of 
 Russia; Cleomenes and Dion are despatched to 
 sacred Delphos ; and the statue in the possession 
 of Paulina is said to have been newly performed 
 by that rare Italian master, Julio Romano. Such 
 anachronisms pervade the whole Shakespearian 
 Drama. But surely the dramatist who knew so 
 much must have known that Aristotle did not 
 flourish before the Trojan War ; that Cato was not 
 the contemporary of Corlolanus ; that Nero could 
 not have been angling In the lake of darkness in 
 the time of Lear ; and that there was no Emperor 
 of Russia till long ages after the oracles were 
 dumb. Shakespeare would only have smiled at 
 the hyper-criticism of his critics. Absorbed in 
 the study and the delineation of the permanent 
 varieties of human nature, he cared little about 
 mere chronological detail. And Indeed he has 
 
 Q
 
 "226 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 himself exposed the folly of his critics by the 
 mouth of the sapient Fool, who exclaims, ' this 
 prophecy Merlin shall make, for I live before his 
 time. ' 
 
 In The Winter's Tale it is the sea-coast of 
 Bohemia that constitutes the peculiar rock of 
 offence to the precisian and the purist. Here 
 again the methods of Shakespeare are ignored. 
 When Leontes directs ' this female bastard,' as 
 he calls it, to be borne ' to some remote and 
 desart place,' the Shakespearian audience did not 
 require to know the latitude and longitude of 
 the place to which it was borne ; it only required 
 that the place should be soinewhere^ and that the 
 somewhere should be designated by some familiar 
 name. The audience never fancied the ship of 
 Antigonus as setting sail from a sea-port in 
 Sicilia, running up the Mediterranean, passing 
 the Straits of Gibraltar, crossing the Bay of 
 Biscay, traversing the North Sea, threading the 
 Skagerrack and Cattegat, and sailing up the Baltic. 
 The audience did not flock to the Globe for a 
 lesson in geography ; what it expected and what 
 it found, was wit and humour, and a revelation of 
 the mysteries of human nature. The Bohemia 
 of The Winter'' s Tale, to the contemporaries of 
 Shakespeare, was no Bohemia of the Map ; it 
 was a Bohemia of Wonderland — a Bohemia which 
 its creator, for his own purposes, furnished with 
 a sea-coast, just as he adorned it with the garden-
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 227 
 
 flowers of Gorhambury and the villa by the 
 Thames. 
 
 TivelftJi Night, which was performed in the Hall 
 of the Middle Temple in February 1601, as The 
 Comedy of Errors was performed in the Hall of 
 Gray's Inn at Christmas 1594, has been ransacked 
 by the Baconians for parallels to Bacon. It is 
 urged that the diluculo surgere of Sir Toby is 
 traceable to Bacon's Proinus', that Bacon like Sir 
 Andrew despised the Brownists ; that Bacon like 
 the Clown was familiar with the opinions of 
 Pythagoras ; that the phrase * if thou thou'st 
 him thrice ' was a sneer at Coke, the life-long 
 enemy of Bacon ; that the maxim of Quinapalus 
 and the saying of the holy hermit of Prague to 
 the niece of King Gorboduc could only have 
 emanated from one who like Bacon was a school- 
 man ; that the Pigrogemitus and the Vapians of 
 the Fool could only have been the conception of 
 one who like Bacon was familiar with Rabelais, 
 and knew the Library of St. Victor [De Aug. v. i) ; 
 that the phrase ' they will kill one another by the 
 look like cockatrices,' could only have been 
 derived from the Natural History, and that the 
 triads of Malvolio could only have been composed 
 by the author of the Essay upo7i Studies. The 
 reader will assign what weight he thinks proper 
 to parallelisms and probabilities such as these ; but 
 he will be more interested in considerations such 
 as those which follow. Shakespeare in Twelfth 
 
 Q2
 
 228 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 Night displays his delight in music, just as in The 
 Winter's Tale he displays his delight in flowers ; 
 and as Bacon devotes two centuries of his Natural 
 History to the study of flowers so he devotes one 
 entire century to the theory of music. In that 
 invaluable depository of the results of his observa- 
 tions and experiments in natural science he re- 
 marks that ' music feedeth the disposition of the 
 spirits that it findeth ' (s. 114); that 'the senses 
 love not to be overpleased,' and that, accordingly, 
 ' discords falling upon concords make the sweetest 
 strains' (s. 835) ; that ' the division and quavering 
 which please so much in music' are like 'the moon- 
 beams playing upon a wave' (s. 113); and as in 
 the Essays, he remarks that ' the breath of flowers 
 is far sweeter in the air, where it comes and goes 
 like the warbling of music,' so in the Natural 
 History he remarks that * the sweetest and best 
 harmony ' is like ' the mixture of perfumes, and 
 the taking of the smells of several flowers in the 
 air' (s. 225). It is an unexpected delight to find 
 these flowers of fancy in the glades and by-paths of 
 the wilderness, which the father of experimental 
 philosophy called his wood of woods ; but there is 
 a fact which is more surprising still. All these 
 dainty and delicate conceits of Bacon — the concep- 
 tion of music as the ' food ' of love, the fancy that a 
 ' fall ' in music makes the sweetest 'strain,' the asso- 
 ciation of the warbling of music with the ' breath ' 
 of flowers — all are reproduced by Shakespeare.
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 2^9 
 
 In the Duke's address to the musicians in the 
 opening lines of TivelftJi Night we have the very 
 thoughts, the very words, of Bacon : — 
 
 If music be the food of love, play on ! 
 Give me excess of it, that, surfeiting, 
 The appetite may sicken, and so die ! 
 That strain again ! It had a dying fall ! 
 O, it came o'er my ear like the sweet south 
 That breathes upon a bank of violets, 
 Stealing and giving odour ! * 
 
 In The Tempest^ says Mr. Lee, * the dramatist 
 probably bade farewell to the enchanted work of 
 his life,' and ' traces of his lineaments have been 
 sought in Prospero, the guiding providence of 
 the romance' (p. 208). Prospero, he says, is ' a 
 scholar-prince of rare intellectual attainments, 
 whose engrossing study of the mysteries of science 
 has given him command of the forces of nature, 
 and who magnanimously renounces his magical 
 faculty as soon as he has restored his shattered 
 fortunes.' The general opinion is that the play 
 
 *The Folio gives ^ siveei sound,'' and the Irving Editor is of 
 opinion that the reading should be retained. But it is difficult 
 to imagine how a sound could either steal or give an odour ; and 
 accordingly the majority of scholars accept Pope's emendation 
 and read ' siveet south' And certainly Bacon gives some 
 countenance to Pope in the Natural History when he re- 
 commends that ' musk-melons ' should be sown ' upon a 
 bank turned upon the south sun' for the sake of warmth 
 (s. 855)-
 
 ?30 Of certain Plays of Shakespeare 
 
 was performed before the Court in May 1613 to 
 celebrate the marriage of the Elector- Palatine with 
 the daughter of the King, and therefore after 
 Shakspere left the stage. Mr. Lee, however, 
 assigns the production of the play to November 
 161 1 on the authority of entries which he admits 
 to be forged, but which, he contends, may never- 
 theless offer information which is true (p. 206). 
 But even this will not avail the biographer of 
 Shakspere. The Player was no scholar-prince 
 nor was he engrossed by the mysteries of science. 
 But Bacon in 16 13 was Attorney-General, and as 
 far as there are any intimations of science in 
 the play they point to Bacon. The description 
 of the tempest at the opening of the play re- 
 minds one of the description In the History 0/ the 
 Winds ; the mooncalf of Stephano, and Gonzalo's 
 mountaineers with wallets of flesh hanging at their 
 throats, are suggestive of the Natural History ; 
 the theory of pneumaticals pervades the play ; 
 and finally it is from the Essay of Masques and 
 Triumphs that the Poet evokes the Spii'its, the 
 Reapers, and the Nymphs who appear when 
 Prospero displayed the last ' vanity of his art' 
 for the delight of Miranda and the Prince. But 
 it is not this that constitutes the prime interest 
 of The Tempest. Though the last of the marvels 
 of the great Magician it was printed in the 
 forefront of the Folio, and it was so printed in 
 order to attest a strange renunciation. In pub-
 
 Of certain Plays of Shakcspeai'e 231 
 
 lishing- the Folio the great Magician broke his 
 magic staff, and doffed his magic robe, and deeper 
 far than plummet ever sounded, he thought to 
 drown his book. The book however was not 
 fated to be drowned. It could not sink. But 
 when the book is opened, the reader is startled 
 by a strange and unexpected thing ; for instead 
 of the counterfeit presentment of the ' large-brow'd 
 Verulam ' he is confronted with the Figure of the 
 Player.
 
 X 
 
 The Conclusion of the whole Matter 
 
 WE have before us a series of works the most 
 marvellous , that the world has ever seen, 
 and it seems strange that there should be any 
 question as to their author. For well nigh three 
 hundred years the world has believed the author to 
 be the young man who, in the words of Mr. Hallam, 
 came up from Stratford, who was afterwards an 
 indifferent player in a London theatre, who retired 
 to his native place in middle life, and who effected 
 nothing during the five years of his retirement. Of 
 recent years this belief has been boldly challenged. 
 At the present moment there is much doubt and 
 misgiving on the subject among serious men, and 
 its discussion can no longer be tabooed as fit only 
 for the lunatic, the faddist, and the fool. 
 
 In the present state of the Shakespearian question, 
 two men are presented to us as claiming to be 
 Shakespeare, — the one the young man who came up 
 from Stratford, and became a London player, the 
 other the son of a Lord Keeper, the nephew of a
 
 The Conclusion of tJic wJioIe Matter 233 
 
 Lord Treasurer, the companion of Nobles, and the 
 favourite of Princes ; the one, a man of obscure 
 origin, of defective education, of degrading associa- 
 tions, and of mean employments, a man of whose 
 personality we know next to nothing — the other 
 a man of the world, a master of all the learning 
 of his time, a scholar, a lawyer, and a man of 
 science, a wit, a philosopher, and a poet, a man of 
 acknowledged genius, and by universal admission, 
 one of the greatest of the sons of men. In the one 
 case there is a startling contrast between the man 
 as we know him and the works as we possess them ; 
 in the other, the works as we possess them and 
 the man as we know him are in strict accord. 
 And hence it is that in the latter case, we are 
 ready to infer the authorship of the works, 
 because we recognise the qualifications of the 
 man, while in the former we only attribute the 
 qualifications to the man, because we regard 
 him as the author of the works. 
 
 "Whichever side of the question we adopt, there 
 are formidable difficulties in our way ; but, as Dr. 
 Johnson remarked, there are objections to d^ plenum^ 
 and there are objections to a vacuiun, yet one or 
 the other of them must be true. In the case of the 
 authorship of the Shakespearian Plays, there are 
 circumstances of difficulty which are common to 
 both the candidates for this supreme distinction. 
 As far as appearances go, neither of them claimed 
 to be the author ; neither of them published the
 
 234 The Conclusion of the whole Matter 
 
 immortal works; neither of them gave any directions 
 for their publication ; neither of them mentioned 
 them In his will ; and to all appearance, each of 
 them was utterly Insensible to their literary value, 
 and each of them was utterly indifferent to their 
 ulterior fate. The only difference between the two 
 is this — that if the Player was the author of the 
 Shakespearian Plays, he had every motive to pro- 
 claim the fact, while. If the Lawyer and the Statesman 
 was the author, he had every reason to conceal It. 
 
 A dozen of the Shakespearian Plays had been 
 produced before they were publicly Identified with 
 the name of Shakespeare, and they were not 
 collectively published under the famous name till 
 some thirty years after the young- man came up 
 from Stratford, and not till seven or eight years 
 after he was dead. The Great Folio was pub- 
 lished in 1623. Till recent years it was thought 
 that this memorable volume was a mere gallimaufry 
 of pirated editions, player's copies, and dogs-eared 
 manuscripts collected In some Inexplicable manner 
 from the play-house. This Idea Is now definitively 
 abandoned. Recent criticism has shown that the 
 Folio Plays had been elaborately revised ; that 
 they had been revised, not for the stage, but for 
 the study ; and that the author had done his utmost 
 to make them worthy of himself and of his future 
 students. This Is a reversal of all our preconceived 
 ideas. All the biographers of the young Stratford 
 man, from Rowe and Dr. Johnson to Mr. Phillipps
 
 The Conclusion of t lie whole Matter 235 
 
 and Mr. Lee, proclaim that he never revised his 
 works, that he was indifferent to posthumous 
 renown, and that he became immortal in his own 
 despite. Mr. Phillipps, the most honest, and there- 
 fore the most trustworthy of his biographers, goes 
 so far as to say that Pope's epigram not only 
 expresses the traditional belief of his own day, but 
 one which later researches have unerringly con- 
 firmed (i. 147). Here, then, we meet a paradoxical 
 and mysterious fact. It Is admitted that the Player 
 never revised the plays, and yet the revised edition 
 of the plays on its very title-page presents the 
 Figure of the Player as their author and reviser. 
 But if the editors of the Folio present the Player 
 as the author of the Plays, the author of the Plays 
 himself declares that Shakespeare was not his real 
 name, but was the noted weed in which he keptj 
 Invention. Here again we are bewildered. If the 
 true Shakespeare was the great lawyer, and if it 
 was he who elaborately revised the plays for 
 publication, how could he have permitted the Figure 
 of the Player to appear on the fore-front of the Folio 
 for the gentle Shakespeare ? Virgil on his death-bed 
 directed his Aineid to be burned ; but Virgil never 
 assigned the authorship of his epic to Bathyllus. 
 True, if it can be shown that the Player was not the 
 veritable Shakespeare the Figure in the Folio would 
 not prove that he ivas. In any case his claim to 
 the famous name is doubtful. He never assumed 
 it. The name that he bore was Shakspere ; he was
 
 236 The Conclusion of the whole Matter 
 
 "known to his Stratford friends as ' Mr. Wm. Shak.'; 
 and even the Stratford Monument gives his name 
 a,s 5'//«/^speare. But the names were so similar, 
 and the actor was so well known, that it was inevit- 
 able he should to some extent be supposed to be 
 the famous author. It is possible, even, that he en- 
 couraged the idea. But the idea has no substantial 
 support. The contemporaries of the great dramatist 
 were loud in their admiration of his work, but they 
 say nothing of the man. They talk of the honey- 
 tongued Shakespeare, but they do not tell us who 
 the honey-tongued Shakespeare was. As to the 
 Player, the great nobles who are said to have 
 been his patrons are wholly silent. Southampton 
 never alludes to him ; Pembroke was not acquainted 
 with him ; Essex makes no mention of his name. 
 Those who knew him best, and had the best means 
 of knowing him, scouted his pretensions. ^ Greene 
 described him as a mere puppet who spoke the 
 words of others ; Jonson denounced him as a poet- 
 ape ; and the~T5urbages, at whose theatre the 
 Shakespearian drama was produced, only rank him 
 with Hemming and Condell as one of their deserving 
 men. But his Bust stands as an everlasting memorial 
 in Stratford Church and his Figure confronts us in 
 the Folio. Belief in his authorship has engendered 
 admiration, and admiration has developed into 
 worship. His pretensions have been consecrated 
 by authority, and have been hallowed by time, and 
 are maintained with all the persistency of inherited
 
 The Cone Ills 10)1 of the ivho/e Matter 237 
 
 belief. Shaksperiolatry lias become a reHgion, and 
 a religion once established bids fair to be immortal. 
 
 But nothing- nowadays is sacred. Here, as else- 
 where, the higher criticism has been at work. 
 Difficulties in the way of the orthodox belief have 
 stimulated inquiry; inquiry has suggested doubt; 
 and doubt has largely developed into disbelief. 
 Thoughtful men comparing the greatness of the work 
 with what we know of the reputed author have been 
 staggered by his defective education, by his mean 
 employments, by his indifference to the plays, and 
 by the elaborate revision to which nevertheless 
 they were subjected. But the only thing that will 
 satisfy the world that he was not the author of the 
 plays is a demonstration that another was. 
 
 Such a demonstration cannot be supplied by 
 the evidence of contemporaries, if Bacon was the 
 Great Unknown. It cannot be supplied by the hints 
 of Matthew, or by the prevarications of Jonson, or 
 by the passing intimations of Bacon himself. Still 
 less can it be supplied by Cryptogram or Cipher. 
 The author of the plays himself suggests the only 
 way of determining the question. In the Sonnets 
 he complains that every word of his all but told his 
 name; and the American school of critics has taken 
 and acted on the hint. The English school had ran- 
 sacked ancient literature to show the familiarity of 
 Shakespeare with the classics; the American school 
 on the other hand has ransacked the works of Bacon, 
 to show the astonishing parallelisms between them
 
 238 The Conclusion 0/ the ivhole Mattel' 
 
 and the works of Shakespeare. The old school at 
 the utmost threw a doubt on the pretensions of the 
 half-educated young man who came up from Strat- 
 ford ; but it is only on the labours of the new school 
 that we can rely for a demonstration that Shake- 
 speare was another name for Bacon. 
 
 Their argument is not a new one. In fact Bacon 
 himself has anticipated the argument of Butler. 
 Having compared the laws of nature with the laws 
 of religion he finds them so similar that he considers 
 it clear ' unum eundemque Deum fuisse, qui crea- 
 turis leges illas Naturae, hominibus vero legem 
 Christianam dedisset' {DeAug. vii. i). And it is by 
 an application of the argument to a less momentous 
 matter that the American school has endeavoured 
 to show that the plays of Shakespeare, as reflecting 
 all the characteristics of the acknowledged works 
 of Bacon, must be deemed to have been the pro- 
 duction of one and the same author. 
 
 That analogy is of weight in various degrees 
 towards determining our judgment is certain ; nor, 
 as Butler remarks, does it cease to be of weight 
 because persons given to dispute may find cases 
 of seeming analogies to which weight has been 
 - attached, but which, in reality, are naught. The 
 number and importance of the parallelisms which 
 \| have been detected between the plays of Shake- 
 speare and the acknowledged works of Bacon can- 
 not be denied or disregarded. It has been shown 
 that the plays are pervaded with the language of the
 
 The Conclusion of the whole Matter 239 
 
 Law Tracts ; that they are saturated with The Wisdom 
 of the Ancients', that they are alternately ennobled 
 and debased by the science and the pseudo-science 
 of the Natural History ; and that they are decorated 
 by the learning and by the philosophy of the 
 De Augnieniis. If Bacon employs the Wisdom 
 of the Ancients for the illustration of Philosophy, 
 Shakespeare employs it for the decoration of the 
 Drama. The Arms of Briareus, the Transformations 
 of Proteus, the Rape of Proserpine, the Fall of 
 Phaethon, the Harp of Orpheus, the Horns of 
 Actaeon, the Brand of Althaea, the Heels of Atalanta, 
 and the Loves ot Endymion and the Moon are 
 alike familiar to the Philosopher and to the Poet. 
 Shakespeare refers to the Constancy of Anaxarchus, 
 to the Advice of Periander, to the Wisdom of Pytha- 
 goras, and to the Frenzy of Pygmalion, as natur- 
 ally as the author of the De Augnientis. The 
 dramatist reproduces the philosopher as a man of 
 science, and there is scarce a speculation in the 
 Natural History which is not to be found in one or 
 other of the plays. Shakespeare, like Bacon, adopts 
 the theory of pneumaticals and the theory of spon- 
 taneous generation ; like Bacon he insists that 
 flame is a fixed body; like Bacon he anticipates 
 the most remarkable conclusions of modern science 
 with regard to the transmutation of species and 
 the origin of storms ; and like Bacon he repudiates 
 the conclusions of Copernicus and Kepler, and 
 obstinately maintains the doctrine of the Stoics that
 
 240 The Conclusion of tJie whole Matter 
 
 the stars are fires, and the doctrine of the Ptolemaics 
 that the sun revolves around the earth. As Solomon 
 spoke of trees from the cedar tree that is in Lebanon 
 even unto the hyssop that springeth out of the wall, 
 so Bacon and Shakespeare speak of the strawberry 
 that grows underneath the nettle, and of the rasps 
 that are planted in the neighbourhood of sorrel. 
 Poet and Philosopher both remark the bitterness 
 of coloquintida, the virtues of carduus benedictus, 
 the soporiferous qualities of mandragoraand poppy, 
 and the perilous nature of the drugs that bear an 
 enmity to the blood of man. Both of them allude to 
 the diet of the chameleon, the glance of the cocka- 
 trice, the tears of the crocodile, the element of the 
 salamander, the bite of the aspic, the wisdom of the 
 rat, the shell of the oyster, and the jewel in the fore- 
 head of the toad. Shakespeare even introduces the 
 politics of Bacon into his plays, and is as marked 
 in his contempt of the unwashed multitude, and as 
 loud in his assertion of the divine right of kings 
 as the law officer and chancellor of James. In 
 spite of the natural diversities that exist between 
 poetry and prose, the style of the Baconian prose 
 and that of the Shakespearian poetry is funda- 
 mentally the same. They parade the same de- 
 racinated Latin, they affect the same triplicities 
 and triads, they indulge in the same effervescence 
 of expression, they adopt the same peculiar phrases, 
 and they are guilty of the same solecisms in point 
 of grammar. Alike they are unable to resist the
 
 The Co7iclusio)i of the ivhole Matter 241 
 
 fascination of a quibble or to pass a jest. In their 
 style, in their scholarship, in their scientific con- 
 clusions, in their philosophical opinions, in their 
 political prejudices, in their very blunders they are 
 one. The effect of an argument from analogy, as 
 the great theologian who has made it famous says, 
 is the effect it produces as a zvhole, and it is as a 
 whole that the argument for Bacon should be viewed. 
 Each element may be as nothing ; it may be as 
 insignificant as a grain of sand, or a molecule of 
 matter. But it is not the molecule with which we 
 are concerned; it is the mass. The grain of sand 
 may be unworthy of notice, but we cannot shut our 
 eyes to the sand-hills and the dunes. 
 
 What influence this argument will eventually 
 have upon the public mind it is impossible to 
 say. To many it will be regarded as a demon- 
 stration, and by them objections may be disre- 
 garded. But Bacon has warned us, *juxtaoracuIum 
 illud Solomonis mirabile,' as he calls it, — ' Non 
 accipit stultus verba prudentiae nisi ea dixeris 
 quae versantur in corde ejus.' The more obvious 
 objections have already been considered. No one 
 will contend that the scientific genius is incom- 
 patible with that of poetry who recollects that the 
 author of Faust and Dorothea was the author of 
 the Theory of Colours and the Metamorphosis of 
 Plants. No one will insist on the diversity of style 
 who recollects that the author of Paradise Lost and 
 Comus was the author of the Tetrachordon and the 
 
 R
 
 242 The Conclusion of the whole Mattel' 
 
 Answer to Salmasius. And no one who has studied 
 the plays of Shakespeare will care to rely on the 
 anachronisms and inaccuracies in which they abound 
 as proofs of ignorance and want of education. 
 
 In the present state of the Shakespearian con- 
 troversy two objections only are worthy of consider- 
 ation — the concealment and the repudiation of the 
 authorship by Bacon — if Bacon is to be deemed the 
 author. The general craze for notoriety which pre- 
 vails makes it difficult to conceive the reserve and 
 self-respect with which a great genius may shrink 
 from the vulgarities of fame. Scott, though all 
 the world was ringing with plaudits for the Great 
 Unknown, maintained his incognito for years, and 
 had it not been for the financial catastrophe which 
 overwhelmed him would have preserved his secret 
 till his death. Bacon, if he was the great dramatist, 
 had additional motives for concealment. The player 
 in his time was a rogue and vagabond by law, unless 
 he was the lackey of a lord ; and the playwright 
 shared his degradation. The most eminent writers 
 for the stage when the Shakespearian series com- 
 menced were anything but reputable men. Greene 
 died of a debauch ; and Marlowe, the gracer of 
 tragedians, perished in an ignominious brawl. The 
 trade of the playwright, moreover, was as perilous 
 as that of the samphire gatherer in Lear. He was 
 at the mercy of the Star Chamber and the Council. 
 Nash was committed to the Fleet for some ' sclaun- 
 derous and seditious matter ' which was detected in
 
 The Conclusioji of the whole Matter 243 
 
 The Isle of Dogs ; and Jonson and Chapman were 
 sent to jail for an idle jest which gave offence to 
 the authorities in Eastivard ho ! If we wish to form 
 an idea of the social position of a writer for the 
 stage as late as 1605 we have only to read the 
 letter which Jonson addressed to Cecil, then Earl 
 of Salisbury, and the chief minister of James : — '■ 
 ' I am here, my most honoured lord, unexamined 
 and unheard, committed to a vile prison, and with 
 me a gentleman whose name may perhaps have 
 come to your lordship, one Mr. George Chapman, 
 a learned and honest man. The cause — would I 
 could name some worthier, though I wish we had 
 known none worthy our imprisonment — is, the words 
 irk me that our fortune hath necessitated us to so 
 despised a course, a play, my lord, whereof we hope 
 there is no man can justly complain that hath the 
 virtue to think but favourably of himself, if our 
 judge bring an equal ear.' The nephew of Burghley, 
 if he adopted the same course as Jonson, did not 
 care to run the same risks and to subject himself 
 to the same chance of degradation. Beaumont, it 
 is true, was the son of a judge, and Fletcher was the 
 son of a bishop ; but neither Beaumont nor Fletcher 
 was in the same case as the son of the lord keeper. 
 Though, as he said, he had placed all his ambition 
 on his pen, he never ceased to hanker after power 
 and place, and splendour and magnificence of 
 life. But well he knew that much as Elizabeth 
 patronised the players she would never select a 
 
 R 2
 
 244 ^'^^^ Conclusion of the whole Matter 
 
 writer of plays as the colleague of Coke, or as the 
 colleague of Walsingham and Burghley. 
 
 James was better fitted to appreciate Bacon than 
 the Queen ; in fact, there was much similarity of 
 nature between the great scholar and the king. 
 James had a sympathy with the stage. He took 
 the players into his service, and he issued a pro- 
 clamation commanding all municipalities to allow 
 them to perform within their bounds. But even in 
 the time of Elizabeth the puritan reaction had com- 
 menced. In 1597 the metropolitan justices had 
 directed all the play-houses within their jurisdiction 
 to be closed ; and later on the municipal authorities 
 in the country actually paid sums of money to the 
 players to induce them to forego the exercise of the 
 privilege conferred upon them by the king. To the 
 godly the play-house was the synagogue of Satan, 
 and by the serious-minded, the Great Folio itself, 
 in the words of the Independent in Woodstock^ would 
 be regarded as a book to be consigned to Tophet. 
 What was the great dramatist to do ? In France, 
 his younger contemporary, Richelieu, was not con- 
 tent with the glory of being the autocrat of France 
 and the arbiter of Europe, but, to quote the words 
 of Fontenelle, * 11 y voulait joindre encore celle de 
 faire des comedies ' ; and he was as proud of his 
 comedies as he was of his dukedom and his hat. 
 But what the great Cardinal could do, the great 
 Chancellor could not venture to attempt ; and so to 
 the last he enveloped himself In his coat of darkness.
 
 TJic Conchision of the whole Jllatter 245 
 
 It is not the life-long concealment which per- 
 plexes us ; it is the final renunciation. To conceive 
 the possibility of this we must understand the position 
 of Bacon in November 1623. He had fallen from 
 his high estate ; he was in the base court of adver- 
 sity; and it is pitiable to listen to his moans. He 
 was living on the scraps of his former fortune ; he 
 could hold out no longer ; he was at his wit's end 
 for mere subsistence. He entreats the Lord Treasurer 
 to come to the relief of his poor estate, and he 
 writes to a treasury official to despatch the warrant 
 for a petty sum to enable him to come from 
 Hertfordshire to London. Date obohivi Belisario 
 was his cry. Under such circumstances even the 
 money to be made by a revised and collected 
 edition of the plays might have been an object 
 to the miserable man, and Jonson and Matthew 
 were at hand to communicate with Blount and 
 Jaggard. 
 
 But in 1623, there was one thing which the 
 fallen Chancellor valued infinitely more than his 
 poems, his sonnets, and his plays. The most 
 illustrious of the French kings declared that Paris 
 was well worth a mass ; and the most illustrious 
 Englishman of his day regarded a seat in the 
 House of Lords as worth all the Hamlets and Othellos 
 in the world. In February 1623, he wrote a re- 
 markable letter to the Earl of Oxford, apparently 
 the great noble on behalf of whose daughter he 
 had written his early sonnets to Southampton.
 
 246 The Conclusion of the whole Matter 
 
 ' Let me be an humble suitor to your lordship,* 
 he writes, ' for your noble favour. I would be 
 glad to receive my writ this parliament, that I may 
 not die in dishonour; but by no means, except it 
 should be by the love and consent of my lords to 
 readmit me.' But though the Lords might have 
 been willing to readmit the disgraced magistrate, 
 Bacon must have felt that they would never con- 
 sent to admit a professed playwright as a member 
 of their House. During the thirty years that 
 witnessed the development of the Shakespearian 
 drama, Bacon must have been an object of sus- 
 picion. Indeed the author of the Sonnets says as 
 much. Oxford, to whom he had communicated his 
 Essays and Discourses, while they were still in 
 manuscript — Northumberland, in whose library 
 there was a manuscript volume in which the two 
 Richards were catalogued with the works of 
 Bacon — Falkland, who was the intimate friend of 
 Jonson — Pembroke, who since 1616 had been 
 Lord Chamberlain, and to whom the Folio was 
 eventually dedicated — all must have had their suspi- 
 cions of the veritable Shakespeare. Southampton, 
 who by a strange Nemesis was one of the lords 
 delegated to authenticate the Chancellor's con- 
 fession of corruption, must have known the fact. 
 We may imagine the result. On a memorable 
 occasion, the great Whig Lords required Edmund 
 Burke to sign a paper, declaring upon his honour 
 that he was not Junius ; and it is at least possible
 
 The ConclusioiL of the whole Matter 247 
 
 that Francis Bacon, in 1623, was required by his 
 fellow-nobles to make a public and unequivocal 
 declaration that he was not Shakespeare. And 
 what declaration could he more convincing than 
 the publication of the Shakespeare Folio with the 
 Figure of the Flayer ? 
 
 This, it must be admitted, is a mere possibility, 
 and possibility is not proof. But though possibility 
 is not proof, yet when once a proposition has been 
 proved, possibility is an answer to objection. No 
 objection can impair the force of a demonstration : 
 no objection can invalidate a fact. But objections 
 may prevent the recognition of the fact, and may 
 obscure the perception of the demonstration ; and 
 such an objection — it is idle to conceal it — is 
 forced even on the most candid of inquirers by 
 the Figure. 
 
 If Bacon was the author of the plays, he must 
 be deemed to have deliberately repudiated the 
 authorship, and to have given his glory to another. 
 There were many considerations which might have 
 influenced his mind in making this supreme re- 
 nunciation. English books, he said, were not 
 citizens of the world ; a literary work received 
 a second birth when translated into the universal 
 language ; the translation into Latin transmuted 
 the baser metal into silver, and made it current. 
 ' These modern languages,' he wrote to Matthew 
 in 1623, ' will, at one time or other, play the bank- 
 rupts with books, and since I have lost much
 
 248 The Conclusion 0/ the ivholc Matter 
 
 time with this age, I would be glad, as God shall 
 give me leave, to recover it with posterity.' Accord- 
 ingly, in hot haste, he procured his Advancement^ 
 his Essays, his Henry the Seventh, and portions of 
 his Natural History to be translated into Latin. 
 But his Poems, his Sonnets, and his Plays could 
 not be translated into the immortalising language, 
 and he might well leave them to perish in the 
 catastrophe which he apprehended. 
 
 Nor was the sacrifice so great as with our 
 present ideas we imagine. The boundless admiration 
 of the plays of Shakespeare which we now profess 
 had no existence while he lived. Plays, as Mr. 
 Dyce remarks in his life of Marlowe, were scarcely 
 regarded as literature in the spacious times of 
 Elizabeth. Play succeeded play as novel succeeds 
 novel in our own times, and the masterpiece of the 
 season was as speedily forgotten. Richard the Second 
 was an 'old play' in 1601 ; and Love's Labour's 
 Lost with all its ' wit and mirth ' was out of date in 
 1604. To the last, moreover, the yellow stockings 
 of Malvolio evoked more enthusiasm in the Globe 
 than the passion of Lear or the philosophy of 
 Hamlet. And Shakespeare's superiority to his riviils, 
 it may be added, was not universally acknowledged. 
 Jonson, as we have seen, attracted far more general 
 attention; Dryden preferred Beaumont and Fletcher; 
 and Tate thought that he could improve upon the 
 author of ICino^ Lear. The dramatists of the Re- 
 storation treated the Shakespearian drama as the
 
 Tlic Conclusion of t lie whole ]\ latter 249 
 
 barbarians treated the Colosseum ; they dilapidated 
 the mighty edifice to procure materials for their 
 huts. It was not till the time of Dr. Johnson 
 that any discriminating estimate of the value of 
 Shakespeare's work was formed ; and it was left to 
 Mr. Coleridge to deify him as the omniscient, the 
 myriad-minded, the superhuman, and the divine. 
 Shakespeare, though he must have been conscious 
 of his powers, could have entertained no such notion 
 of himself. He must have been aware of the imper- 
 fections of his work. He must have been conscious 
 of the lines which Jonson wished he had blotted 
 out, of the opinions by which Jonson' s illustrious 
 namesake was outraged, of the indecencies which 
 Coleridge attempted to palliate in vain, and of the 
 ' damnable scenes ' which even now raise the gorge 
 of Mr. Swinburne (p. 2)2>)' 
 
 In 1623, moreover, the mind of Bacon was 
 intent on what he considered higher and worthier 
 objects. He had devoted himself with a religious 
 ardour to the cause of 'Utility and Truth' — Truth, 
 which was an apocalypse of the glory of the 
 Creator, and Utility which was a new eleemosynary 
 boon to be bestowed upon his creatures.* What 
 was Poetry when compared with this ? A lusus 
 
 * De Aug. vii. 3 ; Nov. Org. Aph. cxxiv. In proof of the 
 religious spirit in which Bacon dedicated himself to his final 
 task we have only to read the prayers he offered up at the 
 close of his Preface, and of the Distribution of his Work.
 
 250 The Conclusion of the whole Matter 
 
 mgenii, a mere work of recreation. And It is 
 quite possible that the great philosopher and 
 statesman on the threshold of age may have 
 looked on the intellectual revels of his youth and 
 early manhood as a Midstwimer Nighf s Dream and 
 a Winter s Tale — a tale that had been told — a dream 
 that had vanished into air. 
 
 Whether Shakespeare wrote for gain or not, it 
 is certain that he did not write for glory. Whoever 
 was entitled to that glorious name he never claimed 
 it. Nearly thirty years elapsed before the Great 
 Folio was given to the world as the work of Shake- 
 speare, and during that time the mighty genius lay 
 perdu. The Player never claimed the laurels, and 
 the Philosopher renounced them. The last infirmity 
 of noble minds is not the infirmity of the noblest. 
 For what after all is literary glory ? In the highest 
 creations of genius it is the work that is immortal ; 
 the personality of the author melts into a mist. What 
 do we actually know of Shakespeare ? Whether 
 his immortalities were composed in lodgings at 
 Southwark or in chambers at Gray's Inn, we know 
 nothing, absolutely nothing, about him. We are 
 told that he was not for an age, but for all time. 
 Yet what is it that time has conferred upon him ? 
 
 The glory and the nothing of a name.
 
 APPENDIX
 
 Note A.— Of Shakespeare and Sir Thomas Lucy. 
 
 Note B.— Of Shakespeare as a Sportsman. 
 
 Note C. — Of Money in the time of Shakespeare. 
 
 Note D. — Of Copyright in the time of Shakespeare. 
 
 Note E. — Of Shake-speare's Sonnets. 
 
 Note F.— Of the Shakespeare Folio. 
 
 Note G. — Of Bacon's Promus. 
 
 Note H. — Of the Northumberland Papers. 
 
 Note I.— Of Bacon's Apology. 
 
 Note K.— Of Shakespeare's knowledge of Ireland.
 
 NOTE A 
 
 Of Shakespeare atia Sir Thomas Lucy 
 
 ROWE and his followers are of opinion that Shakspere's 
 'deer stealing' was the cause of his flight from 
 Stratford. But Sir Thomas Lucy was a knight of the 
 shire as well as a justice of the peace, and he might have 
 made ' a Star Chamber matter of it,' as easily as Justice 
 Shallow in the case of Falstaff. Shakspere's flight, as it 
 seems to me, was occasioned, not by his deer-stealing, but 
 by the financial difficulties with which he and his family 
 were overwhelmed. 
 
 It appears from a letter of Bacon to Sir Thomas Lucy 
 which must have been written before July 1600, when Sir 
 Thomas died, that a near kinsman of Bacon's had recently 
 married a daughter of the knight ; and 'this bond of alliance,' 
 Bacon writes, ' shall on my part tie me to give all tribute 
 to your good fortunes upon all occasions that my poor 
 strength can yield.' When everyone has his fancy, we may 
 be permitted to indulge in the imagination that Bacon 
 visited Charlecote, and learned from Lucy how Shakspere 
 had beaten his men, killed his deer, broken open his lodge, 
 and kissed his keeper's daughter. He may even have 
 tasted the Wincot ale, and formed the acquaintance of the 
 Rackets and the Slys of TJie Taming of tJie Shrew.
 
 254 Of Shakespeare and Sir Thomas Lucy 
 
 Bacon, moreover, would seem to have been acquainted 
 with the Gloucestershire of Shallow. He writes, in his 
 Natural History, apparently from personal experience, 
 ' There is a church in Gloucester, and, as I have heard, the 
 like is in some other places, where, if you speak against a 
 wall softly, another shall hear your voice better a good way 
 off than near at hand ' (s. 148). Bacon, therefore, may 
 have had all the knowledge of Gloucestershire which is 
 displayed in Henry the Fourth and the Merry Wives of 
 Windsor. True, this is mere fancy, but it is not more 
 fanciful than the theory that there was an interval between 
 Shakespeare's flight from Stratford and his arrival in Lon- 
 don, during which he visited certain imaginary relations in 
 Dursley, and formed the acquaintance of William Visor 
 of Wincot, and Clement Parkes of the Hill (^Madden, 
 The Diary oj Master Willi am Silence, p. 373). 
 
 I see no reason for identifying Justice Shallow with Sir 
 Thomas Lucy. The hices of the Knight of Charlecote were 
 not twelve but three ; and the ' coat ' of the knight was 
 obviously introduced to give occasion to the Welshman's 
 wit.
 
 NOTE B 
 Of Shakespeare as a Sports Jiiaji 
 
 MR. Justice Madden loves to contemplate the young- 
 man from Stratford as the huntsman, the falconer, 
 and the horseman (p. 350); but unfortunately the only way 
 in which he is regarded by tradition is the poacher. The 
 learned Judge regards the allusions to field sports which 
 are scattered through the Shakespearian drama as a 
 ' distinctive note of the workmanship of Shakespeare ' 
 fp. 319) ; and he commits himself to the assertion that 
 ' when Francis Bacon took all knowledge for his province 
 his oinke scibile comprehended none of the mysteries in 
 which the writer of these passages found unceasing delight ' 
 (p. 222). But it would have been strange if the son of a 
 Lord Keeper had never been taught to ride; stranger still if 
 one who had resided for three years at the Court of France 
 had never observed how French falconers flew at every- 
 thing they saw, and how a French cavalier could grow 
 into his seat. And we are not left to mere probabilities 
 on this interesting point. Osborne, in illustration of his 
 statement that Bacon was 'a good proficient, if not a master, 
 in those arts entertained for the subject of everyone's 
 discourse,' relates that he himself had ' heard him entertain 
 a country lord in the proper terms relating to hawks and
 
 256 Of Shakespeare as a Sportsman 
 
 dogs, and at another time outcant a London chirurgeon.' 
 As a matter of fact the works of Bacon are as full of 
 allusions to sport as the plays of Shakespeare ; and it 
 would be as reasonable to regard him as the huntsman, 
 the falconer, and the horseman, as it would be to regard 
 the young poacher as a sportsman. 
 
 The learned Judge ' doubts that Shakespeare could 
 have written the Natural History or the New Atlantis, 
 without his speech in some degree bewraying him ' in the 
 field of sport (p. 223). There is but little reason for the 
 doubt. In his Natural History Bacon shows how the age 
 of a horse may be determined by mark of mouth, and how 
 his condition will be improved by grooming ; he discourses 
 on the habits of the deer, the shedding of their horns, and 
 their time of rut ; and he inquires why the female hawk is 
 bigger than the male, why hawks grow white with age, 
 how the hawk differs from the kestril and the kite, and 
 why the bells of a hawk rattle when the holes are stopped. 
 All ' the elements of the distinctively Shakespearian allu- 
 sion ' to the mysteries of sport (p. 313) are to be found in 
 the Baconian allusions. In his Considerations touching a 
 War with Spain, he describes the ship of Grenville as ' a 
 stag among hounds at the bay,' when surrounded by the 
 Spaniards ; and in his Conference of Pleasure he anticipates 
 the words of Shakespeare, and describes Caesar as ' a stag 
 at bay ' in the midst of his assassins. In his Apophthegms 
 he compares a man who could never commend a friend 
 without adding some disparaging remark to a farrier ' who 
 never shod a horse but he cloyed him.' In his Advance- 
 ment he commends those ' who could refrain their mind in 
 praecipitio, and could give unto the mind, as is used in 
 horsemanship, the shortest stop or turn.' In his Promus 
 he has entries on the points of a good falconer, and the 
 savage nature of the haggard. In the Advancement'\\& tells
 
 0/ SJiakcspcare as a Sporhman 257 
 
 us that learning is not merely like the lark, which can mount 
 and sing, but ' holdeth as well of the hawk, that can soar 
 aloft, and can also descend and strike upon the prey.' In 
 a Letter to the Queen he writes : ' I would to God that I 
 were hooded, that I saw less, or that I could perform more ; 
 for now I am like a hawk that bates when I see occasion 
 of service, but cannot fly, because I am tied to another's 
 fist.' In a State Paper addressed to the King he warns his 
 Majesty that if the law officers are not promoted to the 
 great places of the law ' his Majesty's prerogative goeth 
 down the wind.' In his Henry the Seventh^ when speaking 
 of the report which was encouraged by the Lady Margaret, 
 that the young princes had not been murdered in the 
 Tower, he remarks, ' this lure she cast abroad,' thinking it 
 ' would draw at one time or other some birds to strike upon 
 it.' Empson and Dudley, he says, were ' like tame hawks 
 for their master, and like wild hawks for themselves.' 
 When speaking of the storm which cast Philip of Austria 
 on the English coast, he says that it was observed as an ill 
 omen to the Imperial House, that the storm ' blew down 
 the golden eagle from the spire of Paul's, and in the fall it 
 fell upon the sign of the black eagle, which was in Paul's 
 churchyard, and battered it and broke it down, which was 
 a strange stooping of a hawk upon a fowl.' And it is 
 worthy of note that here again his words, like those of the 
 witch in Thalaba, were song. The storm, he says, 
 
 Blew down 
 The golden eagle from the spire of Paul's, 
 And, in the fall, it fell upon the sign 
 Of the black eagle, which was in Paul's churchyard, 
 And battered it and broke it down, which was 
 A strange stooping of a hawk upon a fowl.
 
 NOTE C 
 
 Of Money in the time of Shakespeare 
 
 Southampton's alleged present of a thousand pounds 
 suggests the consideration of this interesting question. 
 Mr. Phillipps is of opinion that in comparing the currency 
 of Elizabeth with the currency of the present day, the 
 former may be roughly estimated from a twelfth to a 
 twentieth of the latter in money, and from a twentieth to a 
 thirtieth in land (i. 21). Mr. Lee does not go quite so far, 
 but thinks that in estimating the money value of Eliza- 
 bethan sums they should be multiplied by eight (p. 2). 
 Some incidental indications in the plays may assist us in 
 the determination of this question. Falstaff's bill shows 
 us that a capon cost two and two-pence, and that sack, 
 which was subject to no duty at the time, was two and 
 ten-pence a gallon ; Mrs. Quickly informs us that the 
 holland of Falstaff's shirts was eight shillings an ell; Justice 
 Shallow's man tell us that a score of good ewes might be 
 worth ten pounds ; and the Clown in The Winter's Tale 
 estimates the price of a tod of wool at a ' pound and odd 
 shilling.' We learn from the record of Shakspere's action 
 against Philip Rogers in the local court of Stratford, that 
 two shillings was the price for a ' modius ' of malt ; and in 
 the borough accounts, apropos of a cart-load of rubbish
 
 Of Money in the time of Shakespeare 259 
 
 from New Place, there is the curious entry ' Paid Mr. 
 Shakspere on lod of ston xd ' — {H-P. ii, 373) — an entry 
 which shows the state of education in the town, the name 
 by which the player was known by his fellow-townsmen, 
 and the value that he set on ten-pence. Shakspere's will 
 shows that a memorial ring could be purchased for twenty- 
 six and eight-pence. We know from Bartholoview Fair 
 that the price of a place at the theatre ranged from six- 
 pence to five shillings. The ' hired men,' as we learn from 
 a contemporary pamphlet, ' stood the reversion of six 
 shillings a week.' Ratsei's Ghost informs us that strolling 
 actors ' scarce had twenty shillings audience at any time 
 for a play in the country ' {H-P. i. 300) ; and we learn from 
 the official accounts that ten pounds was the sum paid to 
 the Lord Chamberlain's servants for a performance before 
 the Court (i. 341 ; ii. 87, 165). The papers addressed to 
 the Lord Chamberlain in 1635 show that a good actor 
 could make ^180 a year ; and we know from the Never too 
 Late of Greene that the theatrical wardrobe of an actor 
 might be worth two hundred pounds. The poet does 
 not seem to have been as well off as the player. The 
 highest sum that Henslowe paid a poet for a play, or for 
 the right of acting a play, would seem to have been six 
 pounds ; and what the poet could have obtained from a 
 stationer, as the bookseller was then called, must have 
 depended on his popularity. The price of a Shakespearian 
 quarto was a shilling, and that of the Shakespearian folio a 
 pound. Between the manager and the stationer, Jonson 
 contrived to secure a livelihood, if he did not, like Shakspere 
 and Alleyne, accumulate a fortune. 
 
 The biography of Bacon supplies us with a variety of 
 indications as to the value of money in his time. On one 
 occasion he found himself in a spunging house for a debt of 
 /"300. In or about 1598 Essex, as he says in his Apologv, 
 
 S 2
 
 26o Of Money in the time of Shakespeare 
 
 infeofifed him of land which he subsequently sold for ^1800. 
 When he was appointed Attorney-General he expended 
 ;^2000 on the Masque which celebrated the marriage of 
 Somerset with Lady Essex. His income as Attorney- 
 General, he says in a letter to James, was six thousand a 
 year, ' besides caps and courtesies,' and his salary as Clerk 
 of the Star Chamber was twelve hundred a year, which, he 
 says, was ' a good commendam.' But his tastes were 
 expensive ; and when he became Chancellor he was more 
 than iS"20,ooo in debt, and his confession of corruption 
 tells the rest. His enemies estimated his illicit gains at a 
 hundred thousand pounds : but this, as Macaulay says, was 
 probably an exaggeration. Among the presents taken from 
 suitors in his court, his confession admits ' a dozen gold 
 buttons of the value of fifty pounds'; ' a suit of hangings, 
 worth one hundred and three score pounds, and better'; ' a 
 rich cabinet prized at eight hundred pounds '; ' a diamond 
 ring worth five or six hundred pounds '; and ' a taster of 
 gold worth between four hundred and five hundred pounds.' 
 The sum total of what he confesses he received from 
 suitors in gifts and money amounted to upwards of ten 
 thousand pounds ; and a fine of forty thousand pounds was 
 the penalty imposed upon him by the Lords. 
 
 The results would be somewhat startling if we multi- 
 plied these various sums by eight.
 
 NOTE D 
 
 Of Copyright in the time of SJiaJcespeare 
 
 THE Decree transcribed by Mrs. Slopes, as we have seen, 
 recites that the members of the Stationers' Company 
 ' have great part of their estates in copies,' and that ' by 
 ancient usage ' their title to such estates was established by 
 being ' duly entered in the Register Book of the Company.* 
 The decree proceeds to ordain that if an entry of a book 
 is made in favour of a member of the company, and any 
 other member shall print, import, or expose for sale any 
 copy of the book so entered, the member ' so offending shall 
 forfeit ' to the company ' the sum of twelve pence for every 
 copy ' so imprinted, imported, or exposed for sale. And 
 finally the decree authorises the Master and Wardens of 
 the Company to search the warehouse of any person 
 suspected of evading the law, and to impose upon him a 
 penalty of ten pounds in case he should refuse to permit 
 the search. Of course the stationer could not register a 
 book as his copy until he had procured the manuscript 
 from the author or his representatives ; and in the case of 
 a work which was likely to be popular a smart price was 
 paid for the manuscript, as we learn from the stationer who 
 published the first collected edition of the works of Beau- 
 mont and Fletcher. Accordingly Hey wood, who, if we may
 
 262 Of Copyright in the time of Shakespeare 
 
 believe him, had a hand in some two hundred and twenty- 
 plays, records the fact that some of his contemporary- 
 playwrights ' used a double sale of their labours, first to 
 the stage and after to the press.' Such, notably, was the 
 practice of Jonson ; and Mr. Knight is of opinion that the 
 publication of the Shakespearian plays, which were published 
 in the life of Shakspere, was ' authorised by some power 
 having the right,' if it thought proper, ' to prevent it.' Even 
 when works were circulated in manuscript the pirates could 
 easily be baffled. Bacon, in the dedication of the first edition 
 of his Essays to his brother Anthony, compares himself to 
 those that have an orchard ill-neighboured, and gather 
 their fruit before it is ripe to prevent stealing. ' These 
 fragments of my conceits,* he says, * were going to print ; 
 to labour the stay of them had been troublesome, and 
 subject to interpretation ; to let them pass had been to 
 adventure the wrong they might receive by untrue copies, 
 or by some garnishment which it might please any that 
 should set them forth to bestow upon them ' ; and ' there- 
 fore,' he adds, ' I held it best discretion to publish them 
 myself.' Accordingly Bacon disposed of his manuscript to 
 a member of the company ; and the Essays were forthwith 
 entered as ' the copy ' of Humfrey Hooper, ' under the hand 
 of Master Francis Bacon.'
 
 NOTE E 
 Of Shakespeare^ s Sonnets 
 
 WHENEVER the Sonnets were composed, they were 
 not pubh'shed in a collected form till 1609, when 
 they appeared as Shake-speares Sonnets. The author was 
 not unconscious of their value, and when he declares that 
 
 Not marble, nor the gilded monuments 
 
 Of Princes shall outlive this powerful rhyme, 
 
 he intimates that he contemplated their eventual publica- 
 tion. He evidently kept copies of them, and the extra- 
 ordinary care with which they are arranged, punctuated, 
 and printed, in the edition of 1609, is of itself a proof that 
 they were published with the author's concurrence and 
 consent, if not under his actual supervision. 
 
 Mr. Lee, it is true, has a theory that the publication of 
 1609 was a piratical enterprise carried out by a ' camp- 
 follower ' of the press, named Thomas Thorpe, with the aid 
 of a 'stationer's assistant' named William Hall (pp. ^6- 
 79) — a theory based on the initials T. T. and W. H., which 
 occur in the dedication of the work. But it is difficult to 
 see how the T. T. and W. H. of Mr. Lee could have 
 managed to collect these hundred and fifty-four mysterious 
 poems. The sonnets of Shakespeare were not scattered 
 
 V
 
 264 Of Shakespeare' s Sonnets 
 
 broadcast — rapidis ludibria ventis. They were never in- 
 tended to form the gossip of the garde-robe of the theatre, 
 or to supply matter of scandal for the tavern. Neither 
 Pembroke nor Southampton was immaculate in his morals, 
 and whether the Dark Lady was Mistress Fitton, or 
 Mistress Vernon, or some other Angel, neither of the young 
 nobles was likely to have circulated the sonnets among 
 friends who would communicate them to such persons as 
 the camp-follower and the stationer's assistant. Addressed 
 as they were to a great noble and to a great lady, and 
 dealing with the most delicate affairs, Shakspere would 
 never have ventured to give copies to the players with 
 whom he lived, or to the gallants with whom he drank. 
 During the interval between 1590 and 1609 two only of the 
 sonnets had escaped from the custody of the owner — the 
 sonnet with the double etitendre which Shakespeare subse- 
 quently put into the mouth of lago {S. 138), and the sonnet 
 referring to Boccaccio's story of Rusticus and Alibech, which 
 is usually presented to English readers in the French of 
 Mirabeau (6". 144). Whether the sonnets were addressed 
 to Herbert or to Southampton, it was the author only who 
 could have arranged them and committed them to the press. 
 But whoever committed them to the press, they contained 
 the sonnet which warned the public that Shakespeare was 
 not the real name of the author, but the noted weed in 
 which he kept Invention (5. jG).
 
 NOTE F 
 
 Of the Shakespeare Folio 
 
 THE American editor of the Plays, when speaking of 
 the Great Folio, remarks that ' such is the authority 
 given to this volume by the auspices under which it 
 appeared, that had it been thoroughly prepared for the 
 press, and printed with care, there would have been no 
 appeal from its text' That it was not thoroughly prepared 
 for the press, and that it was not printed with care, must 
 be admitted ; though we may leave the twenty thousand 
 misprints of Sir Theodore Martin (p. 15) to match with the 
 forty thousand parallelisms of Mrs. Pott. But whatever 
 theory we form of the authorship of the plays, the typo- 
 graphical imperfections of the Folio may be explained. 
 Shakspere was dead : Bacon could not act ; Hemming 
 and Condell were not literary men ; and the great book 
 was printed in such a hurry that Jonson — if he was en- 
 trusted with the duty of correcting the press — could not 
 possibly have discharged the duty with effect. Mr. Lee 
 tells us that there exists a copy of the Folio in which a 
 proof leaf of Hamlet is bound up with the corrected text 
 (p. 255), and this might possibly supply a clue to the cor- 
 rector ; but unfortunately Mr. Lee is unable to ascertain 
 ' the present whereabouts ' of this interesting copy {ibid.).
 
 266 Of the Shakespeare Folio 
 
 With all its imperfections, the Folio is our sole authority for 
 the masterpieces which were published for the first time in 
 that memorable volume ; and as to the whole of the thirty-six 
 plays, we may well accept the judgment of Mr. PhilHpps, 
 when he says that ' so far from being astonished at the 
 textual imperfections of the Folio, we ought to be pro- 
 foundly thankful for what is, under the circumstances, its 
 marvellous state of comparative excellence' (i. 265). 
 
 It is important to remark that the careless printing is 
 quite consistent with the careful revision of the plays. The 
 Folio edition oi Loves Labour's Lost is a mere reprint of 
 the Quarto edition of 1598, which is described on the title- 
 page as having been ' newly corrected and augmented ' by 
 the author ; and yet the Quarto contains the portentous 
 misprint ^ Bone boon for boon prescian^ which disfigures the 
 Folio. When this escaped the eye of the author himself 
 we need not be surprised at the ' Qualtitie calniie custtire 
 me ' which occurs in the address of Pistol to his prisoner in 
 Henry the Fifth. 
 
 Unfortunately the typographical imperfection of the 
 Folio is not the only misfortune to be deplored in the 
 accepted text of Shakespeare. In revising the plays for 
 publication Shakespeare, as might have been anticipated, 
 omitted numerous passages in the Quartos which were 
 inconsistent with his ideas of perfection. This was peculiarly 
 the case with Hamlet. Mr. Swinburne has described how, 
 scene by scene, line for line, stroke upon stroke, and touch 
 after touch, the author went over all the whole laboured 
 ground again, in order to make it worthy of himself and 
 of his future students (p. 163). Every passage he omitted, 
 therefore, he must be supposed to have deliberately omitted, 
 as inconsistent with the perfection of his work as he finally 
 conceived it. These omissions, strange to say, have been 
 restored by those who have affected to give us Shakespeare's
 
 0/ the Shakespeare Folio 267 
 
 text The two hundred and fifty Hnes which he deemed 
 unworthy of his work have been considered too vahiablc to 
 be lost, and have been foisted back into the place from 
 which the author had expunged them. Take, for example, 
 Hamlet's expostulation with his mother : — 
 
 You cannot call it love, for at your age 
 
 The hey-day in the blood is tame, it's humble, 
 
 And waits upon the judgment ; and what judgment 
 
 Would step from this to this ? Sense, stu'e, yoti have. 
 
 Else could yoti ?iot have motion ; b^it, sure, fJiat sense 
 
 Is apoplex' d ; for madness ivonld not en-. 
 
 Nor sense to ecstasy was ne'er so thraWd 
 
 Bitt it reserved some quantity of choice 
 
 To serve in stick a difference. What devil was 't 
 
 That thus hath cozened you at hoodman-blind ? 
 
 Eyes without feeling, feeling without sight. 
 
 Ears withotct hands or eyes, smelling sans all. 
 
 Or bid a sickly part of one true sense 
 
 Could not so mope. 
 
 O shame! where is thy blush ? Rebellious hell, etc. 
 
 The lines printed in italics are nothing to boast of at the 
 best, and accordingly, with true judgment, the author omitted 
 them in the Folio where the passage in its concentrated 
 force reads thus : — 
 
 You cannot call it love, for at your age 
 
 The hey-day of the blood is tame, it's humble. 
 
 And waits upon the judgment ; and what judgment 
 
 Would step from this to this ? What devil was 't 
 
 That thus hath cozen'd you at hoodman-blind ? 
 
 O shame ! where is thy blush ? Rebellious hell, etc. 
 
 But the lines in italics are found in the Quarto, and the 
 stone that the builder rejected has been made the head- 
 stone of the corner by his workmen. And this is done 
 in the face of the declaration that the Folio gives the plays 
 of Shakespeare ' cur'd and perfect of their limbs ' and 
 'absolute in their numbers, as he conceived them.'
 
 268 Of tJie Shakespeare Folio 
 
 Take, again, Hamlet's final words to his mother, which 
 in the vulgar text stand thus : — 
 
 Good night ; but go not to my uncle's bed ; 
 Assume a virtue if you have it not. 
 That vionster^ custom, who all sense doth eat, 
 0/ habits devil, is angel yet in this, 
 2'hat to the use of actions fair and good 
 He likewise gives a frock, or livery. 
 That a;ptly is ;put on. Refrain to night, 
 ' And that shall lend a kind of easiness 
 
 To the next abstinence ; the next more easy, 
 For use almost can change the stam^ of nattire, 
 And master the devil, or thro70 him out. 
 With wondrous ;poteJicy. Once more, good-night. 
 
 Here what could be more unnatural than a lecture on the 
 effect of habit in the mouth of one who is quivering with 
 emotion ? The master accordingly in revising his master- 
 piece expunged it, and in the Folio we have the vigorous 
 and natural finale : — 
 
 Good night, but go not to my uncle's bed ; 
 
 Assume a virtue if you have it not. 
 
 Refrain to night, 
 
 And that shall lend a kind of easiness 
 
 To the next abstinence. Once more, good night ! 
 
 Even the ineptitudes of Osric and the imbecilities of 
 the old Lord, rejected as they were by the great writer, have 
 been foisted back into his text. 
 
 A similar outrage has been perpetrated on King Lear. 
 Mr. Craig acknowledges 'the superiority of the Folio text'; 
 but ' the chief value of the Quarto text,' he says, ' is that 
 it preserves three hundred lines not found in the Folio ' 
 (p. xiii). Every omission, as it seems to me, was made with 
 consummate judgment, and effected a wonderful improve- 
 ment. But these three hundred lines have also been 
 foisted back into the text of Shakespeare. The editors of 
 the German masterpiece might as well foist the Paralipo-i 
 mena of Goethe into Faust,
 
 NOTE G 
 
 Of Bacon's Provuis 
 
 THE Harleian collection in the British Museum contains 
 a manuscript in Bacon's own hand which Mrs. Henry 
 Pott has published under the name of Provuis, and the 
 g'enuineness of which is recognised by Mr. Spedding. A 
 facsimile of folio 96 is given by Mrs. Pott, which enables 
 us to form a conception of Bacon's handwriting, and of the 
 character of the entries. The entries, as Mr. Spedding 
 says, consist of single sentences set down one after another 
 without any marks between them. The collection contains 
 numerous quotations from the Latin poets — French, Span- 
 ish, and Italian proverbs —and verses from the Bible — all 
 set down without order or connexion. The collection is 
 rich in wise sentences and axioms of all kinds ; but it is 
 largely composed of ' Formularies and Elegancies ' of Ex- 
 pression (p. 384) and ' Continuances of all kinds' of Di.s- 
 course (p. 447). Of the Formularies and Elegancies, the 
 first examples that Bacon gives are Good morrow — Good 
 swoear {i.e. soir) — Good travail — Good matins — Good be- 
 times — and Bon jour. Bridegroom (p. 384]. Among the 
 Elegancies we find such expressions as All 's one — For the 
 rest — Is it possible— What else — Well —Amen — Not the 
 less for that — O the — an entr)- which would be unintelli-
 
 270 0/ Bacon'' s Pro/Jius 
 
 gible were it not for the ' O the father ' of Dame Quickly, 
 the ' O the heavens ' of OpheHa and Miranda, and the ' O 
 the gods' of Cressida and Regan. As an example of 
 Continuances, we have ' to the end, saving that, whereas, 
 yet' (p. 447), a sequence which reminds one of the verimi, 
 eniinvero, qiiandoquidem, igitur, ergo^ of the Curate of 
 Meudon. 
 
 These entries have been ransacked for parallelisms with 
 the Plays of Shakespeare. Mrs. Pott tells us she finds 
 by actual count four thousand four hundred and four 
 instances in which the entries are reproduced in the plays ; 
 and Mr. Reed selects some fifty or sixty, which must strike 
 every candid reader as worthy of consideration (pp. 70-76). 
 Among these entries the most noticeable are — Bon jour. 
 Bridegroom (1194) — Rome (1200) — Golden sleep (1207) — 
 the Cock (121 1) — the Lark (12 12) — and Uprouse, in the 
 sense of getting up early in the morning (12 15). Baconians 
 accordingly point with an air of triumph to Mercutio's ridi- 
 cule of the phrase Bon jour \ to Juliet's expostulation, 
 
 Wilt thou be gone ? It is not yet near day : 
 It was the nightingale and not the lark ; 
 
 to Capulet's ' Come, stir, stir, stir ! the second cock hath 
 crow'd '; and above all, to the speech of Friar Laurence 
 when Romeo visits his cell : — 
 
 But when unbruised youth with unstuff'd brain 
 Doth couch his limbs, there golden sleep doth reign ; 
 Therefore thy earliness doth me assure 
 Thou art aroused by some distemperature. 
 
 The question has been mooted, whether the Play was in- 
 debted to Promus, or whether Promus was indebted to the 
 Play} But if Promus was indebted to the Play, it is 
 strange that Bacon could have found nothing better to 
 extract than Ban jour, Uprouse, and Golden sleep.
 
 0/ Bacoii s Prom us 2 7 1 
 
 The specimen of Bacon's handwriting which Mrs. Pott 
 has prefixed to her edition may be made available for 
 another purpose. In the second garden scene Juliet ex- 
 claims, ' Romeo ! ' and in the Folio Romeo ejaculates ' My 
 Neece.' The received text gives ' My sweet,' or ' My dear,' 
 forms that the most stupid of compositors could never 
 have mistaken for the Folio misprint. In Bacon's hand- 
 writing the arch of the letter in is made at the bottom, and 
 not at the top of the letter, and in this case the word Navie 
 might easily be travestied in Neece. The true reading 
 evidently is ' My name ! ' If Shakespeare had written 'a 
 babbled of green fields ' no compositor that ever lived would 
 have perverted this into ' a Table of green fields.' If we 
 look at the third line of the Bacon facsimile we shall find 
 that the letter F as he wrote it might easily be mistaken 
 for the letter Z", and this suggests that the true reading 
 is * a fabled of green fields.' And when Pistol replies to 
 the French soldier ' Oualtitie calmie custure me. Art 
 thou a gentleman ? ' may not the true reading be ' Quality, 
 cullion? Assure me, art thou a gentleman?'
 
 NOTE H 
 
 Of the NortJiumberland Papers 
 
 IN 1867 there was discovered in Northumberland House 
 in London a manuscript volume containing a number 
 of papers which are admittedly the work of Bacon. The 
 title-page, of which Mr. Spedding gives a facsimile, supplies 
 a table of contents, which commences with Four Discourses 
 in Praise of The Worthiest Virtue, The Worthiest Affection, 
 The Worthiest Power, and The Worthiest Person, which 
 Mr. Spedding published as ' A Conference of Pleasure 
 composed for some festive occasion, about the year 1592, 
 by Francis Bacon.' In addition to the Four Discourses the 
 table of contents enumerates ' the Earl of Arundel's letter 
 to the Queen ' ; ' Speeches for my Lord of Essex at the 
 tilt ' ; ' A speech for my Lord of Sussex tilt ' ; 'Leicester's 
 Commonwealth, Incerto Auth.' ; ' Orations at Gray's Inn 
 Revels by Mr. Francis Bacon'; ^ Essayshy\\\Q. same author'; 
 ' Richard the Second' ' Richard the TJiirdl ' Asniund and 
 Cornelia^ ' Isle of Dogs, frmnt. by Thomas Nash.' Arundel, 
 the great noble in whose mansion Bacon died, was under a 
 cloud in consequence of his father's adhesion to the Queen 
 of Scots, and in his letter to Elizabeth he may have availed 
 himself of the serviceable pen of Bacon. The speeches of 
 Essex and Sussex are evidently portions of the Device which.
 
 Of the Northimiberlaiid Papers 273 
 
 Bacon prepared for Essex in 1595. The Orations at Gray's 
 Inn Revels, though not pubHshed till 1688, are admittedly 
 the six speeches composed by Bacon for the revels of 
 1 594. The Essays can only have been the ten short essays 
 which were published in 1597. A sinund and Cornelia, from 
 the way in which it is connected with the name of Bacon 
 in the margin, would appear to have been some abortive 
 attempt of Bacon's. As to the Isle of Dogs, we know from 
 Henslowe's Diary that Nash was writing it on the T4th of 
 May, 1597, and we know from the records of the Privy 
 Council that before the 1 5th of the following August, he 
 had been committed to the Fleet for some ' seditious and 
 sclaunderous matter,' which the Privy Council had detected 
 in the play, and which may have been submitted to 
 Bacon as Counsel-Extraordinary to the Queen. Leicester's 
 Coiiinionwealth charged Leicester with the murder of the 
 father of Essex, it would naturally be submitted to Bacon 
 for his advice, and, as we shall see, Bacon told his friend 
 that his father had merely ' paid tribute to nature.' With 
 these exceptions all the compositions enumerated in the 
 table of contents would seem to be represented as the 
 works of Bacon. Even the Isle of Dogs and Leicester's 
 Commojizuealth may not have been the original pieces but 
 copies of the opinions which Bacon wrote upon them. 
 
 The title-page of the manuscript volume is literally 
 tatooed with scribblings, among which there are to be 
 found a quotation from the Rape of Lucrece ; the anomalous 
 word ' honorificabilitudino' which occurs in Love's Labour's 
 Lost ; the name of Bacon's brother Anthony, with the 
 words 'comfort and consorte'; the word ' Baco ' in close 
 connexion with Asnmnd and Cornelia ; and the words 
 ' Shakespeare ' and ' William Shakespeare,' and fragments 
 of the word 'Shakespeare,' some eight or nine times repeated 
 in immediate connexion with the name of Bacon. 
 
 T
 
 2 74 0/ the Northu7iiberland Papers. 
 
 Unfortunately there is an hiatus maxime deflendiis in the 
 Papers. The Orations, the Essays, and the Plays, together 
 with Asmund and Cornelia and the fragment of The Isle 
 of Dogs have been abstracted from the pacquet ; and we 
 must form some hypothesis to account for their abstraction. 
 The play of Nash must have been published between the 
 14th of May and the 13th of August, 1597, and the collec- 
 tion could not have been made before the publication. 
 Richard the Second was registered on the 29th of August 
 1597, and Richard the Third was registered on the 20th 
 of the following October ; and if Bacon was their author 
 he might well have been alarmed by the imprison- 
 ment of Nash, and this would account at once for their 
 abstraction from the pacquet, and for their publication as 
 anonymous productions. In any case the plays only existed 
 in manuscript in 1597, and we may safely conclude that 
 that they were abstracted from the bundle for the printer. 
 The two plays were reprinted in 1598 with the name of 
 ' William Shake-speare ' as their author ; and as this was 
 the first time that the name of Shakespeare was published 
 in connexion with the plays, a Baconian might suggest 
 that the scribblings indicate a deliberation as to whether 
 the name which had been attached to the poems in 1593 
 and 1 594 could with safety be attached to the plays in 1 598. 
 
 The Northumberland Papers not only supply indica- 
 tions of the authorship of Richard the Second and Richard 
 the Third, but in ' The Praise of the Worthiest Virtue,' they 
 give the germ oi Julius Caesar. This will be considered in 
 the text ; and in the meanwhile we may inquire how it 
 was that the Northumberland Papers found their way into 
 Northumberland House. 
 
 Bacon was in the habit of presenting his friends with 
 manuscript copies of his works. We know from the dedi- 
 cation of the first edition of his Essays that those ' frag-
 
 Of tJie N'orthuiiibcylajid Papers 275 
 
 mcnts of his conceits ' had been extensively circulated. He 
 writes to Mountjoy that in tossing over his papers he found 
 something that Mountjo)' might like — in all probability 
 The Colours of Good and Evil which in 1 597 he dedicated 
 to that lord. He submitted his characters of Elizabeth 
 and of Julius Caesar to Matthew, and he states that he 
 had communicated part of them to others. Of these 
 others Northumberland probably was one. In a letter to 
 the Earl, written a few days before the death of Elizabeth, 
 Bacon writes : ' I am witness to myself, that there hath 
 been covered in my mind a long time a seed of affection 
 and zeal towards your lordship, sown by the estimation 
 of your virtues, and your particular honours and favours 
 to my brother deceased, and myself ; and in a second 
 letter to the Earl, written immediately after the accession 
 of James, he offers to draft a proclamation for the King, 
 and speaks of himself as ' one of whose style and pen ' 
 Northumberland ' had some opinion.' What then is more 
 likely than that Northumberland had formed his opinion 
 of Bacon's style and pen from the Papers which have been 
 discovered in Northumberland House ? They not only 
 gave a sample of his style, but they supplied the great 
 noble with a proof of his devotion to that Worthiest Person 
 the Queen. This surmise derives support from the fact 
 that a manuscript book containing the Essays and the 
 Discourses ' In Praise of the Worthiest Person ' and ' In 
 Praise of The Worthiest Power ' found their way into the 
 house of the Earl of Oxford who was the son-in-law of 
 Burghley and the father of Lady Elizabeth Vere, whom 
 Bacon's uncle offered in marriage to Bacon's friend in 1 590. 
 In fine, having regard to Bacon's general habit and the 
 circumstances of the case, we may safely conclude that it 
 was Bacon himself who communicates the copies of his 
 works both to Northumberland and Oxford. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 Of the Northumberland Papers. 
 
 Whatever may be the conclusions at which different 
 persons, according to their different prepossessions, may 
 arrive upon this much debated subject, there are three 
 facts in connexion with the N orthumberlmid Papers which 
 are certain, and which are recognised as certain by Mr. 
 Spedding. It is certain that on the title-page of the packet 
 the name of William Shakespeare is written eight or nine 
 times over in association with that of Bacon ; it is certain 
 that ' the name of Shakespeare is spelt in every case as it 
 was always printed in those days, and not as he himself — 
 the Player — ' in any known case ever wrote it ' ; and it is 
 certain that fronted, flanked, and followed by the name of 
 Shakespeare, two of the Shakespearian plays are catalogued 
 with compositions which are acknowledged to have been 
 the work of Bacon.
 
 NOTE I 
 
 Of Bacon's Apology 
 
 ACCORDING to Lord Macaulay in his famous Essay, 
 Bacon did all in his power to dissuade the Earl of 
 Essex from accepting the government of Ireland ; and so 
 it is stated in the Apology, which in 1604 Bacon addressed 
 to Mountjoy, who had recently been created liarl of 
 Devonshire by James. To defend himself from the charge 
 of ingratitude to Essex, he declares that he ' was not called 
 nor advised with for some year and a half before his 
 Lordship's ' going into Ireland, as in former time ' ; and 
 that when he ' was expressly desired by the Earl to give 
 his opinion and counsel on the subject,' he ' did not only 
 dissuade, but protest against, his going, telling him with as 
 much vehemency and asseveration as he could, that absence 
 in that kind would exulcerate the Queen's mind, whereby it 
 would not be possible for him to carry himself so as to 
 give her sufficient contentment, nor for her to carry herself 
 so as to give him sufficient countenance' ; and he added 
 that ' going over with such expectation as he did, and 
 through the churlishness of the enterprise not like to answer 
 it, would mightily diminish his reputation.' ' Many other 
 reasons I used,' says Bacon, ' so as I am sure I never in 
 anything in my lifetime dealt with him in like earnestness,
 
 2^8 0/ Bacoii s Apology. 
 
 by speech, by writing, and by all the means I could devise; 
 for I did as plainly see his overthrow chained, as it were, by 
 destiny to that journey, as it is possible for any man to 
 ground a judgment upon future contingents.' 
 
 Unfortunately every word of this apology can be shown 
 to be untrue. Following the example of Cicero and 
 Pliny, Bacon kept copies of all his important letters, and in 
 his works we may read a correspondence with Essex ex- 
 tending over the years 1596, 1597, 1598, and 1599 which 
 gives the lie to everything he said in 1604. In October 
 1596 he wrote to Essex recommending him to pursue a 
 policy of ' obsequious kindness' towards the Queen, and 
 begging him not to ' judge of the whole play by the first 
 act.' In 1597 he writes that he had ever found Essex to 
 be his ' good lord and true friend,' and asks him to exercise 
 his influence with the Queen in his behalf In 1598 he 
 writes two ' Letters of Advice' X-O the Earl 'touching Irish 
 affairs, considering them as they might concern his lordship.' 
 In the first of these letters he begs that his lordship would 
 ' secure him touching the privateness of what he wrote,' and 
 he states that for various reasons he was moved to think 
 that the Irish affair was 'one of the aptest particulars that had 
 come, or could come, upon the stage for his lordship to pur- 
 chase honour upon.' In the second letter of 1598, 'written 
 before the Earl was nominated to the charge of Ireland,' 
 Bacon in answer to ' the advertisements which his lordship 
 had imparted to him touching the state of Ireland,' gives it 
 as his opinion that ' if his lordship lent his reputation in 
 this case,' it would ' win him a great deal of honour gratis.' 
 But of these letters of advice by far the most important 
 is that which Bacon wrote to Essex ' immediately before 
 his going into Ireland ' in March 1599. He writes : — ' Her 
 Majesty, known to be one of the most judicious in discern- 
 ing of spirits that ever governed, hath made choice of you
 
 Of Baco}C s Apology 279 
 
 merely out of her royal judgment (her affection inclining 
 rather to continue your attendance) into whose hand and 
 trust to put the command and conduct of so great forces ; 
 the gathering of so great charge ; the execution of so many 
 counsels ; the redeeming of the defaults of so many former 
 governors ; the clearing of the glory of her so many happy 
 years' reign, only in this part eclipsed.' The end of the war 
 in Ireland, he said, was ' to replant and refound the policy 
 of that nation, to which nothing is wanting but a just and 
 civil government.' The father of Essex had commanded 
 an expedition to Ireland in 1573, where he died in 1576 ; 
 and accordingly Bacon remarks : ' The design doth descend 
 unto you from your noble father who lost his life in that 
 action, though he paid tribute to nature, and not to fortune.' 
 And as he commenced his letter by assuring his patron that 
 ' some good spirit led his pen to presage his success,' so 
 he concludes his letter by the expression of a confident 
 hope that his lordship would be ' as fatal a captain to this 
 war as Africanus was to the war of Carthage, after that 
 both his uncle and father had lost their lives in Spain.' 
 
 A still more extraordinary contradiction is to be noted. 
 In his Apology Bacon says to Devonshire : ' And because I 
 would omit no argument, I remember I stood also upon the 
 difficulty of the action, setting before him out of histories 
 that the Irish was such an enemy as the ancient Gauls, or 
 Britons, or Germans were ' — enemies ' which placed their 
 felicity only in liberty, and the sharpness of their sword, and 
 had the natural elemental advantages of woods, and bogs, 
 and hardness of bodies'; and ' I concluded,' says the Apolo- 
 gist, ' that going over with such expectation as he did, 
 and through the churlishness of the enterprise not like to 
 answer it, would mightily diminish his reputation.' Strange 
 to say, the considerations which Bacon in his Apologj' says 
 he pres.sed on Essex in order to deter him from hi.s Irish
 
 28o Of Bacon'' s Apology. 
 
 enterprise, are the very considerations which in his Letters 
 of Advice he urges as calculated to enhance its glory. In 
 the last of the letters he says, ' If any man be of opinion 
 that the nature of the enemy doth extenuate the honour of 
 the service, being but a rebel and a savage, I differ from 
 him ; for I see the justest triumphs that the Romans in 
 their greatness did obtain, and that whereof the Emperors 
 in their styles took addition and denomination, were of 
 such an enemy as this, that is, people barbarous and not 
 reduced to civility, magnifying a kind of lawless liberty and 
 prodigal of life, hardened in body, fortified in woods and 
 bogs, and placing both justice and felicity in the sharpness of 
 their swords ; such were the Germans, and ancient Britons, 
 and divers others ; upon which kind of people, whether the 
 victory were a conquest or a reconquest upon a rebellion 
 or revolt, it makes no difference, that ever I could find, in 
 honour.' 
 
 Bacon remarks in the Advmiceinent that ' Letters bring 
 things home, and represent them more to the life, than 
 either Annals or Lives.' His Letters of Advice to Essex, 
 which are printed in every edition of his works, afford a 
 remarkable illustration of the justice of this remark.
 
 NOTE K 
 
 Of Shakespeare's Knozvledge of Irelafid. 
 
 ACCORDING to the Natural Histoiy, 'No instrument hath 
 the sound so melting and prolonged as the Irish 
 Harp (s. 223), and Bacon would seem to have been fascinated 
 by its wail. In an undated letter to Pearce, the secretary of 
 the Lord Deputy of the day, he asks for information about 
 Ireland, and having expressed his anxiety to understand 
 how things pass in that kingdom, he adds : 'this is not merely 
 curiosity, for I have ever, I know not by what instinct, 
 wished well to that unpolished part of the croAvn.' How 
 well he wished the country is patent in his writings. In 
 the Considerations wliich he addressed to Elizabeth, he 
 showed himself so far in advance of his times that he 
 recommended the toleration of Religion, the endowment of 
 the University, and the establishment of local Courts of 
 Justice. In the Considerations which he addressed to King 
 James he recommended the great Plantation which w\is 
 foreshadowed by Shakespeare when he represents King 
 Richard as determined ' to supplant those rough rug-headed 
 kerns.' Even after his fall, he was constantly pressing upon 
 Buckingham the necessity of keeping his eye on Ireland. 
 The Poet, like the Statesman, exhibited a minute knowledge 
 of the Island. In Hamlet \.\\q Prince of Denmark swears
 
 282 0/ Shakespeare' s Knowledge of Iielajid. 
 
 by the Irish saint. In TJie Comedy of Errors Dromio of 
 Syracuse is acquainted with the Irish bogs. In As You 
 Like It RosaHnd declares that she was ' never so berimed 
 since Pythagoras' time, that she was an Irish rat ' ; and for 
 the barking of ' the wolves of Syria ' in the tale of Lodge 
 on which the play was founded, she substitutes the howl- 
 ing of the Irish wolf In TJie Merry Wives of Windsor 
 Ford declares that he would sooner trust an Irishman with 
 his aqua vitae bottle than a woman with herself In Henry 
 the Fourth Hotspur protests that he would sooner hear 'Lady 
 my Brach howl in Irish' than listen to Lady Mortimer 
 when she sang in Welsh. In Henry the Fifth Macmorris 
 presents us with a specimen of the Irish brogue ; the 
 Dauphin laughs at Orleans for riding like an Irish kern ; 
 and the Chorus predicts the triumph of Essex over the Irish 
 rebels. In Henry the Sixth Beaufort urges York to proceed 
 against 'the uncivil kerns of Ireland'; York proposes to 
 'nourish a mighty band in Ireland' in order ' to raise a storm 
 in England ' ; and the soldier who proclaims Edward the 
 Fourth displays a lawyer's knowledge of the Royal style 
 when he proclaims him ' King of England and France and 
 Lord of Ireland.' Finally, in Hejrry the Eighth Griffith's 
 character of Wolsey is the mere versification of a passage 
 in Campion's History of Ireland, and the dramatist talks 
 as familiarly of Kildare's attainder, and the policy of Wolsey 
 in sending Surrey to Ireland, as if he had been the successor 
 of Wolsey as the Lord Chancellor of England.
 
 I N DEX
 
 INDEX 
 
 Address to the great Variety of 
 Readers, signed by Hemming 
 and Condell, but probablywritten 
 by Ben Jonson, 100-102. 
 
 Advice, Letters of, addressed by 
 Bacon to Essex, in relation to h is 
 Irish Expedition, 207, 278 ; com- 
 pared with the anticipations of 
 the chorus in King Henry the 
 Fifth, 20"] ; and contrasted with 
 the Letter of Apology addressed 
 to Devonshire in 1604, 207, 277. 
 
 American School of Shakespear- 
 ian Critics, their difference from 
 the English School, 3, 237 ; their 
 employment of the Argument 
 from Analogy, 238. 
 
 Analogy, the argument from, ren- 
 dered famous by the work of 
 Bishop Butler, 200 ; adopted by 
 Bacon in the De Augmentis, 
 '238 ; the axioms on which it 
 depends, 200, 201; its effect com- 
 pared to the effect in architec- 
 ture, 202 ; the argument to be 
 considered as a whole, 241. 
 
 Anaxarchiis , the story of, 204. 
 
 Apology, Letter of, addressed 
 by Bacon to the Earl of Devon- 
 shire, contrasted with the chorus 
 in the Fifth Act oi King Henry 
 the Fifth, 207 ; and with the 
 Letters of Advice, which he 
 addressed to the Earl of Essex, 
 with regard to the Irish expedi- 
 tion, 207, 278-280. 
 
 Arber, Professor, fixes the date of 
 The Retur?i from Pariiassus 
 in December 1601, 114. 
 
 Aristotle, the opinion of, cited in 
 Troilus a?zd Cressida, repro- 
 duces the blunder of Bacon in 
 the Advaticement, 221. 
 
 As You Like It. — The Duke orders 
 an 'extent' to be made, 168; 
 Rosalind speaks of the Irish rat 
 and the Irish wolf, 28. 
 
 Atriola Mortis of Bacon, trans- 
 lated by Mrs. Quickly in de- 
 scribing the death of Falstaff in 
 King He7iry the Fifth, 193,209. 
 
 Authorship, the question of 
 Shakespearian, how to be de- 
 cided, 200.
 
 286 
 
 Index 
 
 Bacon, Francis .—His want of 
 success at the Bar, 141 ; places 
 all his ambition on his pen, 141 ; 
 writes to Essex that he is drink- 
 ing the waters of Parnassus, 
 149; desires Davis to be good 
 to concealed poets, 150 ; writes 
 to Devonshire that upon occa- 
 sion he had indited a Sonnet to 
 the Queen, 150 ; writes to 
 Matthew that at one time his 
 head was wholly employed upon 
 Invention, 155 ; the common use 
 of the word 'Invention' to denote 
 Poetry and the Drama, 155, 156; 
 was the author of a number of 
 semi-theatrical Devices, 146 ; 
 such as those which are intro- 
 duced into a number of the 
 Plays, 147 ; his relations with the 
 stage, 147 ; with Jonson, with 
 Beaumont, and with Alleyne, 
 148 ; must have been person- 
 ally acquainted with Burbage, 
 Kempe, and Shakspere, 148 ; re- 
 fers to Richard the Second'm his 
 Declaration of the Treasons of 
 Essex, and in his Charge against 
 Oliver St. John, but makes no 
 mention of the author of the 
 Play, 206 ; his early relations 
 with Southampton, 160 ; evi- 
 dence that he was the author 
 of the Sonnets, 160-164; paral- 
 lelisms between his works and 
 the Plays of Shakespeare, 198- 
 231 ; the Science of the Plays 
 taken from his Natural His- 
 tory, 170-198. 
 
 Baconian Theory. — Mr. Lee de- 
 clares it to be a fantastic theory, 
 17, and that it has no rational 
 right to a hearing, 19 ; but the 
 theory was accepted by Lord 
 Palmerston and by John Bright, 
 17 ; and was foreshadowed by 
 Mr. Hallam, 18. 
 
 Ball, Sir Robert, attributes the 
 tempests by which the atmo- 
 sphere is convulsed to the heat 
 of the Sun, 192 ; the same 
 theory is enounced in Bacon's 
 History of the Winds {ibid.), 
 and is adopted by Shakespeare 
 in Macbeth, 191 ; and in Troilns 
 and Cressida, 192. 
 
 Bright, John, his opinion of the 
 man who thinks that WiUiam 
 Shakspere of Stratford wrote 
 Hamlet or Lear, 18. 
 
 Burbage, fames, employs Shak- 
 spere in connexion with his 
 livery stables, 53. 
 
 Burbage, Richard, the rival of 
 Shakspere in a loose amour, 
 
 113- 
 
 Bit7'bage, Cuthbert, describes 
 Shakspere as a man-player and 
 a deserving man, 54. 
 
 Burbages, The, had no conception 
 of the intellectual supremacy of 
 Shakspere, 53. 
 
 Burghley, Lord, helps Bacon to 
 a seat in Parliament and sup- 
 ports his claim to the office of 
 Solicitor-General, 141 ; offers 
 his granddaughter in marriage 
 to Southampton, 161 ; probably
 
 Index 
 
 287 
 
 the occasion of the opening 
 sequence of the Sonnets, 161. 
 
 Burke, Edimmd, required by the 
 Whig- Lords to declare that he 
 was not the author of the Letters 
 of Junius, 246. 
 
 Butler, Bishop, his A)ialogy, 
 200 ; the principles on which the 
 argument is based, /d/d. ; its 
 effect compared to the effect in 
 architecture, 202 ; the force of 
 the argument depends on its 
 consideration as a whole, 241 ; 
 the validity of the argument 
 recognised by Bacon, 238 ; its 
 application to the Shakespearian 
 QuestionbytheAmerican School 
 of Critics, 238 ; the General 
 Result, 238-241. 
 
 Caesar, Julius. — Parallelisms 
 between the Play and the 
 acknowledged works of Bacon, 
 210-212 ; the diflSculties by 
 which the Critics have been 
 bewildered, 212 ; it is a History 
 and not a Tragedy, 212; and 
 complies with Bacon's maxims 
 as to making History visible, 
 213; Shakespeare's conception 
 of the character of Caesar the 
 same as that of Mommsen and 
 Merivale, 213 ; and his delinea- 
 tion is in accordance with the 
 rules of Bacon, 213 ; his con- 
 ception of the character of 
 Cicero, 214 ; and of Brutus, 215 ; 
 
 the passage which bewildered 
 Mr. Coleridge explained, 216 ; 
 Dowden's view of the spirit of 
 the Play, 216; not the view of 
 Shakespeare, 216 ; Shake- 
 speare's view identical with that 
 of Bacon that the war against 
 Brutus and Cassius was a war 
 ob viiidicta 7U, 217. 
 
 Cafnde?i, Williafn, the tutor and 
 life-long friend of Jonson, 109; 
 as Clarencieux probably in- 
 formed Jonson of Shakspere's 
 attempt to procure a grant of 
 court armour for his father, 1 15 ; 
 attributes forty-eight plays to 
 Shakspere, 107. 
 
 CafJi^bell, Lord, his opinion that 
 to Shakespeare's Law, lavishly 
 as he propounds it, there can 
 neither be demurrer, nor bill of 
 exception, nor writ of error, i6g. 
 
 Castle, Ilr., supplements the 
 work of Lord Campbell as to 
 Shakespeare's Law, 2 ; supposes 
 that the Law of the Plays was 
 supplied by a legal friend, 173 ; 
 infers that the author of Hciiry 
 the Sixth was acquainted with 
 the habits and life of members 
 of the Temple, 43 ; suggests that 
 Bacon as the namesake of the 
 famous Friar was the Conjuror 
 who was put upon his trial for 
 foisting on his Inn the 'company 
 of base and common fellows' by 
 whom The Cojnedy of Errors 
 was performed in 1594, 48.
 
 I)idc. 
 
 IX 
 
 Chapman, George, imprisoned 
 with Jonson, for reflections on 
 the king's countrymen, the 
 Scots,'mEasiwardIIo/ 72, 243. 
 
 Chef lie, He?iry, publishes Greene's 
 Groatsworth, 61 ; and apolo- 
 gises to Shakspere for Greene's 
 attack upon him, 62, though he 
 was not personally acquainted 
 with him, ibid. ; attests his ex- 
 cellence in the quality he pro- 
 fessed, and states that divers of 
 worship reported his uprightness 
 of dealing, and his facetious 
 grace in writing, 63. 
 
 Coleridge, S. 7\, thinks that the 
 habits of the author of Love's 
 Labour 'x Lost had been scho- 
 lastic, 44 ; that the style of the 
 play had been formed on the 
 Arcadia of Sidney, 45 ; and 
 that the blank verse had nothing 
 equal to it but that of Milton, 
 46 ; is puzzled by Shakespeare's 
 treatment of the character of 
 Brutus, 215 ; admits that he 
 knows not what to make of 
 Troilus and Cressida, 217 ; 
 the first to describe Shake- 
 speare as the omniscient, the 
 myriad-minded, the super- 
 human, and the divine, 249. 
 
 Comedy of Errors. — The author 
 must have been a Scholar, a 
 Lawyer, and a practised Writer, 
 46-48. 
 
 Copyright. — Mr. Lee's opinion 
 that there was no copyright in 
 
 the time of Shakespeare, 92 ; is 
 refuted by Mrs. Stopes in her 
 Bacon- S/iakspere Qicestio7i An- 
 sivered, ibid. ; the Decree of the 
 Star-Chamber on the subject, 
 261 ; the testimony of Heywood, 
 261, 262 ; the practice of Ben 
 Jonson, 262 ; the copyright of 
 Bacon's Essays, 262 ; the cost 
 of the first collected edition of 
 the works of Beaumont and 
 Fletcher, 93 ; the commercial 
 value of Shakespeare's work, 92, 
 96. 
 Craig, TV. y. — His edition oiKing 
 Lear recognises the superiority 
 of the Folio text, and admits 
 that three hundred lines have 
 been foisted into the received 
 text from the Quartos, 268. 
 
 Darwin, his Origin of Species, 
 187 ; Bacon's principle of the 
 Transmutation of Species, ibid. ; 
 adopted and illustrated by 
 Shakespeare in the Winter's 
 Tale, 189. 
 
 Davis of Hereford identifies the 
 Player with the Author of the 
 Plays, 107. 
 
 Davis, Sir fohfi, is requested by 
 Bacon to be good to concealed 
 poets, 150. 
 
 Dedication of the Plays to Pem- 
 broke and Montgomery, its 
 Latinisms, 99 ; is in the style of 
 Bacon's Dedications, ibid.
 
 Index 
 
 289 
 
 Discourse of RcasotJ, a phrase 
 peculiar to Bacon 220 ; and 
 found in Hamlet, Othello, and 
 Iroihts a7id Ci'essida, 221. 
 
 Divers of Worship report the 
 uprightness of Shakspere's deal- 
 ing and his facetious grace in 
 writing, 63 ; were persons of posi- 
 tion, /<5/(S?. ; probably the friends 
 of Bacon, 65. 
 
 Dontielly, Ignatius^ his Great 
 Cryptogram, 199; his collection 
 of parallelisms between the 
 plays of Shakespeare and the 
 acknowledged works of Bacon, 
 3, 201. 
 
 Dowden, Professor, his Mi7id 
 and Art of Shakspere, 2 ; com- 
 pares Shakspere in his enormous 
 receptivity to the Arctic whale, 
 40, 50 ; admits his unfaltering 
 insistance on the positive fact 
 in the matter of his pecuniary 
 rights, 95 ; his criticism on the 
 noble positivism of the poems, 
 165; and the frosty brilliance 
 with which they are enveloped, 
 166 ; and their endless exer- 
 cises and variations on certain 
 themes, ibid. ; regards Troilus 
 and Cressida as the Comedy of 
 Disillusion, 217; speaks of 
 Julius Caesar as bewildering 
 the critics, 212 ; supposes that 
 the spirit of Caesar is the domi- 
 nant power of the tragedy, 216 ; 
 Bacon describes the war against 
 the tyrannicides as a war ob 
 
 vindictani, and Shakespeare is 
 at one with Bacon, 216, 217. 
 Drugs mentioned by Bacon, and 
 also mentioned by Shakespeare, 
 coloquintida, carduus benedic- 
 tus, mandragora, and poppy, 
 194 ; and drugs that have a 
 secret enmity to nature, ibid. 
 
 Editors of Shakespeare have 
 foisted into the received text a 
 number of passages deliberately 
 omitted by the author, 266-268. 
 
 Effusion of Expressio7i remarked 
 by Mr. Swinburne as a charac- 
 teristic of Shakespeare's style, 
 203 ; a characteristic of the 
 style of Bacon, 147, 204, 212, 
 2ig. 
 
 Egyptian Queeti \vl Antony and 
 Cleopatra adopts Bacon's the- 
 ory of Pneumaticals, 178. 
 
 Egyptian Soothsayer. — Trans- 
 ported from the Natural 
 History of Bacon to the Antony 
 and Cleopatra of Shakespeare, 
 177-8. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, suspected Ba- 
 con to have been the author of 
 ' the story of the first year of King 
 Henry the Fourth,' 203; possibly 
 suspected him of being the 
 author of ' the Play of deposing 
 King Richard the Second,' ibid. 
 
 Eme7idations of the text sug- 
 gested, 229, 271. 
 
 U
 
 290 
 
 Index 
 
 Epigra^ns, Book of, first pub- 
 lished by Jonson in 1616, 117; 
 dedicated to the Earl of Pem- 
 broke, ibid. ; described by Jonson 
 as the ripest of his Studies, 
 ibid. ; contains his epigram on 
 Poet-ape, 116 ; errors of Sir 
 Theodore Martin on the subject, 
 116. 
 
 Epistle Dedicatory to Pembroke 
 and Montgomery, 99 ; speaks of 
 the favour with which they 
 had prosequuted Shakspere, 
 99 ; although they had never 
 been either associated or ac- 
 quainted with him, 127; could 
 not have been written by 
 Hemming and Condell, 99 ; 
 resembles the dedications of 
 Bacon, ibid. ; the theory of the 
 Cambridge Editors, ibid. 
 
 Essex, the Earl of, enthusiastic 
 reception predicted for him on 
 his return from Ireland in 
 Henry the Fifth, 206 ; this 
 utterly at variance with the 
 Letter of Apology which Bacon 
 addressed to the Earl of Devon- 
 shire in 1604, 207 ; which is 
 utterly at variance with the 
 Letters of Advice vi\i\c\\ Bacon 
 addressed to the Earl of Essex 
 in 1597, 1598, and 1599, ibid. ; 
 evidence that Bacon appeared 
 against him before the Lords to 
 secure his own safety, 143. 
 
 Every Ma?i in his Humour. — 
 Originally performed by Hens- 
 
 lowe's company, 112 ; performed 
 in its final form by the company 
 of Burbage, 1 13 ; the ordinary 
 view of Shakspere 's interposi- 
 tion rejected by Mr. Gifford as a 
 Shaksperian myth, 112. 
 
 Every Man out of his Humour. — 
 Dedicated to the Inns of Court, 
 121 ; in which Jonson claims 
 men of eminent learning as his 
 personal friends, ibid. ; his 
 character of Master Clive, 39. 
 
 Excrements, the hair described 
 as, by Bacon in the Natural 
 History and by Shakespeare in 
 the tragedy oi Hamlet, 197. 
 
 FalstafF. — The reference to him 
 in the Letter of the Countess of 
 Southampton, 67 ; the descrip- 
 tion of his death by Mrs. 
 Quickly in Henry the Fifth, 
 193 ; a transcript from Bacon's 
 Atriola Mortis, ibid. 
 
 Fancy Shaksperes — Fictions to 
 fill up the lacunar in the life of 
 the Stratford Player, 8 ; their 
 common characteristic, 9. 
 
 Figure, The, prefixed to the Folio, 
 apparently authenticated by 
 Jonson, 124 ; induced Milton to 
 regard the works of Shakespeare 
 as ' the native wood notes wild ' 
 of a rustic poet, 124; implies a 
 final renunciation of the author- 
 ship by Bacon if Bacon was the 
 author, 247 ; was not originally 
 imprinted on the title-page of
 
 Index 
 
 291 
 
 the Folio, 126; and cannot be 
 regai^ded as authenticated by 
 Jonson, 127-130 ; a suggested 
 explanation of its presence, 
 
 245-7- 
 
 Flame, the Theo7-y of, stated in 
 the Natural History, is found in 
 The Two Gentlemen of Verona, 
 in Romeo and Juliet, in fulius 
 Caesar, and in Coriolamcs, 179, 
 180. 
 
 Fletcher^ John, his metrical 
 peculiarities, 27 ; to be detected 
 in Shakespeare before Fletcher 
 had begun to write, ibid. ; and 
 afford no ground for assigning 
 to him one -half of King Ife?iry 
 the Eighth, 21, 26. 
 
 Folio of 162J professes to give all 
 the Plays of Shakespeare, cur'd 
 and perfect of their limbs, and 
 absolute in their numbers, as 
 he conceived them, 20, 80 ; con- 
 firmed by the elaborate revi- 
 sion to which the plays had 
 been subjected before their final 
 publication, 86-91 ; the typo- 
 graphical imperfections of the 
 Folio accounted for, 265 ; the 
 marvellous state of its compara- 
 tive excellence, notwithstanding 
 its textual imperfections, 266. 
 
 Folio text impaired by the fact 
 that the editors of the received 
 text have foisted into it the 
 passages which the author in his 
 Folio revision had deliberately 
 omitted, 266-268. 
 
 Fontenelle — his estimate of the 
 early works of Corncille, 25 ; and 
 his remarks on the literary 
 vanity of Richelieu, 244. 
 
 Forgeries, Shakespearian litera- 
 ture corrupted by, 8, 75. 
 
 Formaji. — Has left an account of 
 performances of Macbeth, 21ie 
 Wiiiter's Tale, and Cymbeline, 
 106. 
 
 Fuller. — His apocalyptic vision of 
 the wit-combats between Shak- 
 spere and Ben Jonson, 113. 
 
 Furnivall, Z>r.— His chronology of 
 the early Shakespearian Plays, 
 40, 41. 
 
 Garrick — his description of Strat- 
 ford in 1769, 17 . 
 
 Globe. — The circumstances under 
 which Shakspere became con- 
 nected with the Shakespearian 
 Playhouse, 54; Sonnet on the 
 burning of the Globe descriptive 
 of Hemming and Condell, 81, 
 82. 
 
 Grand Possessors, the authors of 
 the Shakespearian Plays, ac- 
 cording to the editor of Troilus 
 a/id Cressida, in 1609, jt,, 121. 
 
 Grant of arms — Mr. Phillipps 
 ridicules the pretensions of the 
 Shakspere family to gentility, 
 13 ; and Jonson ridicules the 
 application for a coat of arms, 
 115- 
 
 U2
 
 292 
 
 Index 
 
 Greene, Robert, makes the first 
 mention of Shakspere after his 
 arrival in London, 55 ; derides 
 him as an 'upstart crow,' 56; 
 his Groatsworth of Wit, 56 ; 
 his Meiia;phon, 28 ; his Fare- 
 well to Folly, 118; his Never 
 too Late, 259 ; the Winter'' s 
 Tale founded on his Pandosto, 
 55 ; described by Shakespeare 
 as ' Learning late deceased in 
 beggary,' 55 ; the views of 
 Greene and Jonson as to Shak- 
 spere compared, 11 7- 119. 
 
 Goethe, like Bacon, a natural 
 philosopher and a poet, 197 ; 
 originally composed his poetical 
 works in prose, 198 ; the differ- 
 ence of jurisdiction in the two 
 cases, ibid. ; the passages in 
 theQuaitos omitted in the Folio 
 compared to his Farali^ojnena , 
 268. 
 
 Gray's Inn. — The Comedy of 
 Error's performed in its Hall, 
 47- 
 
 Hall, Dr., Shakspere's son-in- 
 law and residuary legatee, 97 ; 
 proved his will, ibid. ; erected 
 his monument, 98; glorifies him 
 as Shakspeare, ibid. ; but took 
 no part in the publication of his 
 works, 81, 97-98. 
 
 Hallam, Mr., declares that we 
 know next to nothing of the 
 young man who came up from 
 
 Stratford, 7, 103 ; felt himself 
 unable to identify the young man 
 with the author of Macbeth and 
 Lear, 18. 
 Halli'well-Phillip;ps . — His Out- 
 lines the most trustworthy life of 
 the Stratford Player, i, 13 ; his 
 indefatigable industry and re- 
 search, I ; accepts the current 
 traditions as to Shakspere's early 
 career, 10; his estimate of Shak- 
 spere's intellectual attainments 
 when he arrived in London, 16 ; 
 accepts the tradition that his 
 first employment in London was 
 that of a horseboy or stableman, 
 II ; admits that he could only 
 have been engaged in a servile 
 capacity at the playhouse, 16; 
 rejects the current opinion that 
 he commenced his theatrical 
 career as a toucher-up of old 
 plays, 57, 58 ; is of opinion that 
 the divers of worship who re- 
 ported the honesty of his dealing 
 and his facetious grace in writing 
 were persons of position, 63 ; 
 thinks that he was intimately 
 acquainted with Essex, South- 
 ampton, Rutland, and the other 
 leaders of the rebellion of 1601, 
 104; gives a transcript of the 
 paper in which Cuthbert Burbage 
 describes Shakspere's connexion 
 with the Globe as that of a man- 
 player and a deserving man, 
 53, 54 ; admits that the Burbages 
 had no conception of his in-
 
 Index 
 
 293 
 
 tellectual supremacy, 53 ; ac- 
 cepts Milton's description of 
 Shakespeare, 170; accepts the 
 theory of Pope tliat he wrote for 
 gain, 85 ; admits that he gave 
 the world no revised edition of 
 his works, 94. 
 
 Hamlet — the Hamlet of 1603 an 
 improved edition of the Hamlet 
 of 1589, 28, 29; elaboratclv re- 
 vised by Shakespeare, 87 ; re- 
 vised for the study, not for the 
 stage, 88 ; two hundred and fifty 
 lines of the Quartos omitted in 
 the revised text, but foisted back 
 into the received text by the 
 editors of Shakespeare, 267, 268. 
 
 Hawki7ig Language. — Judge 
 Madden thinks that the oinne 
 scibile of Bacon comprehended 
 none of the mysteries of sport, 
 255 ; Osborne's testimony that 
 Bacon was master of the lan- 
 guage of the sportsman, ibid. ; 
 allusions to hawk, and horse, 
 and hound recurring in the works 
 of Bacon, 256, 257. 
 
 Hazlitt compares the Shake- 
 spearian poems to palaces of 
 ice, 166 ; and Dowden speaks 
 of the frosty brilliance of the 
 ethical writings of Bacon, ibid. 
 
 He7try the Fifth. — The Bishop of 
 Ely's reference to the strawberry 
 that grows underneath the 
 nettle, and the rasps that grow 
 in the neighbourhood of sorrel 
 185, 210. 
 
 Hen7-y the Sixth. — The Trilogy 
 the exclusive work of Shake- 
 speare, 23 ; commenced in 1590, 
 and completed in 1592, 41 ; the 
 vast amount of learning which 
 it displays, 34, 42. 
 
 Henry the Eighth. — The futility 
 of the metrical tests, 26 ; the 
 character of Wolsey taken from 
 Campion's History of Irelaiid, 
 24 ; Shakespeare's familiarity 
 with Kildare's attainder, and 
 the policy of Wolsey in sending 
 Surrey to Ireland, 282. 
 
 Henslozve never mentions the 
 name of Shakspere, 53. 
 
 Holcroft emerged from the stable 
 to become a writer for the stage, 
 119. 
 
 Holmes, fudge. — His Author- 
 ship of Shakespeare, 32 ; cor- 
 respondence between him and 
 Mr. Spedding, 181. 
 
 Honorificabilitudino — found on 
 the wrapper of the Northuviber- 
 la7id Papers, 2"] 2^. 
 
 Horticulture. — Bacon's theories 
 reproduced in the Plays, 181 ; 
 the conflux of meeting sap, 182 ; 
 oppression with sap, ibid. ; the 
 terebration of fruit trees, 183 ; 
 the strawberry that grows under- 
 neath the nettle and the rasps 
 that grow in the neighbourhood 
 of sorrel, 184, 210; Bacon's ac- 
 count of the seasons of flowers, 
 and the royal ordering of 
 gardens, 185, and the transmu-
 
 !94 
 
 hidex 
 
 tation of species, 187, and the 
 transmutation of plants, 188, 
 reproduced in llie Winter's 
 2'ale, 189. 
 
 Identity of Shakes;peare. — The 
 evidence, 52-78 ; summarised 
 and contrasted, 232-250. 
 
 Invention — a term appropriated 
 to Poetry and the Urama, 155 ; 
 Bacon acknowledges that at one 
 time his head was ' wholly 
 employed about Invention,' 
 ibid. ; and Shakespeare admits 
 that he ' kept Invention in a 
 noted weed,' 156. 
 
 Ireland — Bacon's interest in, 
 281 ; the knowledge of Ire- 
 land displayed by Shakespeare, 
 281, 282. 
 
 Irvifig Sha/eespeare cited as to 
 the authorship of Henry the 
 Sixth, 26 ; as to the metrical 
 texts, 27 ; as to the authorship 
 of Hamlet, 30 ; as to the 
 revision of Lear, 89 ; as to 
 the language of Julius Caesar, 
 211 ; and as to the evidence 
 that the author was a Lawyer, 42. 
 
 Isle of Dogs, 77^(?.— Nash im- 
 prisoned for matter contained 
 in the Play, 72 ; the matter 
 probably submitted to Bacon for 
 advice, 273. 
 
 Jaggard acquainted with the 
 commercial value of the Shake- 
 speare's work, 92, 96. 
 
 James the First — his accession, 
 'j^i ; well disposed towards the 
 stage, ibid. ; takes the Lord 
 Chamberlain's servants into his 
 own service, ibid. ; gives them 
 the rank of grooms of the 
 chamber, ibid. ; and orders the 
 municipal authorities to allow 
 them to perform in their bailie- 
 wicks, ibid. 
 
 Jonson, Ben . — The mass of detail 
 respecting him compared with 
 the little that we know of 
 Shakspere, 103-108 ; his family, 
 109 ; educated at Westminster 
 School, ibid. ; an exhibitioner 
 at Cambridge, ibid. ; his works, 
 ibid. ; his offices, ibid. ; his 
 library, ibid. ; his common- 
 place books, ibid. ; his friends 
 and admirers, no ; compared 
 with Uryden, in ; his ac- 
 quaintance with Shakspere, 112; 
 Shakspere attempts to put him 
 down, 114; Jonson denounces 
 Shakspere as Pantalabus, 115; 
 sneers at his attempt to procure 
 a coat of arms for his father, 
 ibid. ; derides him as Poet-ape, 
 116; assists in the publication of 
 the Folio of 1623, 123 ; his verses 
 on 'the Figure,' 127-130; his 
 verses to the memory of ' the 
 Author,' 131-135 ; his Dis- 
 coveries, 135 ; the entry De 
 Shakespeare nostrati com- 
 pared with the entry Doniinns 
 Veriilamiifs, 136 - 139 ; his
 
 Index 
 
 295 
 
 idolatry of Shakespeare, 136 ; 
 his idolatry of Bacon, 138 ; his 
 declaration that he that was to 
 be preferred to ' insolent Greece 
 or haughty Rome ' was Bacon, 
 j'bid. ; his Scriptoruin Catalo- 
 g'us, a beadroU of all the great 
 masters of wit and eloquence 
 among the contemporaries of 
 Bacon, 139 ; regards the works 
 of Bacon as the mark and acme 
 of our language, ibid. ; and 
 does not mention the Player 
 among ' the wits that could 
 honour a language or help 
 study,' ibid. 
 "JoknsoJi, Docto7-, remarks that at 
 Stratford Shakespere made no 
 collection of his plays and 
 showed no anxiety to give them 
 to posterity in their genuine 
 state, 76, 85 ; shocked at the 
 opinions propounded in the 
 Plays, 249. 
 
 Kei7ipe, the Morrice-dancer at the 
 Globe, plays with Shakspere be- 
 fore the Queen in 1594, 49; one 
 of the characters in The Return 
 frovi Parnassus, 1 14 ; expresses 
 his contempt and that of Shak- 
 spere for University Writers, 
 ibid. 
 
 Knight, Charles — his account of 
 the Revision oiHenry the Fifth, 
 90 ; thinks that the publication 
 of the Plays which were pub- 
 
 lished in the life of the Player 
 were published by authority, 262. 
 Kyd, supposed by IMr. Lee to be 
 the author of the Hamlet men- 
 tioned by Nash in 1589, 21. 
 
 Law. — Shakespeare's employment 
 of legal phraseology, 166-1&9; 
 Shakespeare in this respect 
 compared with Scott, 173. 
 
 Lee, Sidney— \a's, Life of William 
 Shakespeare, i ; denies the 
 unity of Shakespeare, 20; thinks 
 the Baconian Theory has no 
 rational right to a hearing, 19 ; 
 thinks the mass of detail relat- 
 ing to Shakspere exceeds that 
 which is accessible in the case 
 of any other professional writer, 
 103 ; admits that Southampton 
 is the only patron of Shakspere 
 that is known to biographical 
 research, and that Jonson is the 
 only contemporary who has left 
 on record any definite impres- 
 sion of hispersonality, 108; holds 
 that at no time and in no man- 
 ner was Pembroke associated 
 or acquainted with the Player, 
 127 ; admits that the Player was 
 no classical scholar, 14; and 
 that he only valued his literary 
 attainments as furnishing a per- 
 manent provision for himself and 
 his daughters, 94-96 ; asserts 
 that in his time there w^as no 
 such thing as copyright, 92, 261 ;
 
 296 
 
 Index 
 
 but that Jaggard nevertheless 
 had long known the commercial 
 value of Shakespeare' s work, 92 ; 
 admits that only one instance of 
 any protest on his part against 
 the injuries he suffered at the 
 hands of publishers can be 
 adduced, 75 ; is of opinion that 
 the publication of the Soiniets 
 in 1609 was effected by a camp 
 follower of the press and a 
 stationer's assistant, 263-264. 
 
 Leicester ^ s Comtnonwealth — 
 catalogued in the Northumber- 
 land Papers, 272 ; a suggested 
 explanation, 273. 
 
 Love" s Laboicr ' x Lost — the habits 
 of the authorhadbeen scholastic, 
 44 ; he was well acquainted 
 with the politics of France, ibid. ; 
 was familiar with the habits of 
 fashionable life and the gossip 
 of the Court, ibid. ; and was 
 probably a Lawyer, 168. 
 
 Lyly — Shakespeare's obligations 
 to, 24, 45. 
 
 AJacaulay, Lord — his description 
 of the State of England in 1685, 
 17 ; his allusion to Southamp- 
 ton as the generous and dis- 
 cerning patron of Shakspere, 66. 
 
 Aladden, Mr. Justice, his Diary 
 of Master William Silence, 2 ; 
 his description of Shakspere as 
 the hunter, the falconer, and 
 the horseman, 10; his astonish- 
 
 ment at the indifference which 
 Shakspere displayed as to what 
 became of the works of which 
 he is the reputed author, 84 ; 
 regards the allusions to field 
 sports as a distinctive note of the 
 workmanship of Shakespeare, 
 255 ; holds that the oinne sci- 
 bile of Bacon comprehended 
 none of the m.ysteries of sport, 
 ibid. ; consideration of the jus- 
 tice of this view, 255-257. 
 Marloive, Christopher — Compari- 
 son of the lives of Marlowe and 
 Shakspere, 60-1 ; his death on 
 the 1st of June, 1593, 61 ; Mr. 
 Swinburne's theory of the co- 
 operation of Shakespeare with 
 Marlowe in the Trilogy of 
 ILeJi7-y the Sixth, 58-59. 
 Martin, Sir Theodore, his mono- 
 graph Shakespeare or Bacon, 
 117; his misapprehensions as 
 to Jonson's Epigram on Poet- 
 ape, ibid. 
 Matthezv, Sir Tobin, the literarj^ 
 confidant of Bacon, 151 ; impri- 
 soned for religion in 1605, and 
 subsequently driven into exile, 
 ibid. ; during his exile is in 
 constant correspondence with 
 Bacon, ibid. ; recalled to Eng- 
 land to promote the Spanish 
 match, 152; in England from 1620 
 till the death of Bacon in 1626, 
 with the exception of an inter- 
 val between the end of April 
 and the beginning of October,
 
 Index 
 
 297 
 
 1623, 152 ; furnislied witli copies 
 of Bacon's works on publica- 
 tion, ibid. ; undated Letter to 
 the Lord St. Alban in which 
 he acknowledges the receipt of 
 a great and noble token on the 
 9th of April, 153 ; was in Eng- 
 land at the time, ibid. ; iiis 
 statement that the most pro- 
 digious wit of his nation on this 
 side of the sea was of Bacon's 
 name, though known byanother, 
 ibid. ; undated Letter of Lord 
 St. Alban containing an ac- 
 knowledgment that at one time 
 of his life his head was wholly 
 occupied about Invention, 155. 
 
 Jlleres, his Palladis Taiuia con- 
 sidered, 70. 
 
 Metrical tests, the opinions of 
 Mr. Phillipps and of Mr. Swin- 
 burne, 26. 
 
 Milton — His description of Shake- 
 speare suggested by the 'Fi- 
 gure ' on the title-page of the 
 Folio, 124. 
 
 Moim}ise7i and A/erivale — their 
 estimate of the character of 
 Julius Caesar, 213. 
 
 Montgomery, the Earl 0/— the 
 Lord Chamberlain to whom 
 Cuthbert Burbage addressed the 
 Memorial in which he described 
 Shakspere as a man-player and 
 deserving man, 54. 
 
 Name, My — Suggested as a cor- 
 rection of the 'My Neece'' in the 
 
 garden -scene of Romeo artd 
 Juliet, 2yi. 
 
 Napoleon — Lord Roseberj^'s re- 
 mark upon, 4 ; compared with 
 Julius Caesar, 213. 
 
 Nash, Thomas. — His preface to 
 the Meftapho7i of Greene, 28 ; 
 imprisoned by the Privy Council 
 for sclaunderous and seditious 
 matter in The Isle of Dogs, 
 J2 ; a fragment of the Play 
 mentioned in the table of 
 contents of the Northumber- 
 land Papers, 272 ; possibly an 
 extract of the objectionable 
 matter submitted to Bacon for 
 his opinion and advice, z^t,. 
 
 Nor tluimber land, the Earl of. — 
 The correspondence of Bacon 
 with the Earl, 275 ; statement 
 that the Earl had some opinion 
 of his style and pen, ibid. 
 
 Nortlnimberland Papers — an 
 account of, 272-276 ; contain 
 a number of compositions ac- 
 knowledged to be the work of 
 Bacon, 272 ; W\e.ioViX Discourses 
 mentioned in the table of con- 
 tents contain the germ of Julius 
 Caesar, 210 ; Richard the 
 Second and Richard the Third 
 mentioned in the table of con- 
 tents, 274 ; the title-page is 
 tattooed with scribblings of the 
 word ' Shakespeare ' and frag- 
 ments of the word ' Shake- 
 speare,' I'jT^.
 
 igS 
 
 Index 
 
 Originals from which the Folio 
 was printed, gi, 92. 
 
 Osborne, his testimony to Bacon's 
 acquaintance with the mysteries 
 of sport, 255. 
 
 Ovid, Bacon's exhaustive study of, 
 149, 165 ; Shakespeare's obliga- 
 tion to, ibid. 
 
 Oxford, the Earl of, the son-in- 
 law of Burghley, 161 ; his 
 daughter the Lady Elizabeth 
 Vera offered in marriage by 
 Burghley to Southampton, ibid. ; 
 the probable occasion of the 
 opening sequence of the vyow^z^/j, 
 ibid. ; Bacon sends him his 
 Essays and two of his Discourses 
 in manuscript, 275 ; Bacon's 
 letter soliciting his influence to 
 procure his readmission to the 
 House of Lords, 245, 246. 
 
 Oysters — Bacon's question, ' how 
 the shells of oysters are bred,' 
 196 ; repeated in King Lear, 
 ibid. 
 
 Palladis Tamia, of Meres, 70. 
 
 Palmer sto II. Lord, a believer in 
 the Baconian theory, 17. 
 
 Paiitalabus of the Poetaster, The, 
 a description of Shakspere, 115. 
 
 Parallelisms between the works 
 of Shakespeare and the acknow- 
 ledged works of Bacon in 
 matters of Natural Philosophy, 
 174-197 ; in certain of the Plays, 
 199-231. 
 
 PedaJitry of Shakespeare as a 
 scholar, 33-38, 172 ; as a lawyer, 
 166-169 ; '^"d as a man of 
 science, 170-197. 
 
 Pembroke, the Earl of, at no 
 time, and in no manner, asso- 
 ciated or acquainted with Shak- 
 spere, 127 ; befriended Bacon 
 in his fall, ibid. 
 
 Periander, the advice of, 204. 
 
 Pericles, not a work of Shake- 
 speare, 82, 83. 
 
 Phillip;ps — see Halliwell-Phil- 
 lij)fs. 
 
 Plagiarisms — the plagiarisms of 
 Shakespeare compared with 
 those of Moliere, 24. 
 
 Pjietimaticals , Bacon's theory of, 
 adopted by Shakespeare, 175- 
 178. 
 
 Po;pe — his account of Shakespeare, 
 85 ; accepted by Mr. Phillipps 
 and Mr. Lee, ibid. ; but rejected 
 by Mr. Swinburne as a vulgar 
 error, 86. 
 
 Portraits of Shaks;pere. — The 
 Bust in Stratford church and 
 the Figure of the Folio the only 
 counterfeit presentments of the 
 Player that exist, 128. 
 
 Pott, Mrs.— her edition of Ba- 
 con's Promus, 269. 
 
 Promus ransacked for parallel- 
 isms with Shakespeare, 270 ; 
 especially in connection with 
 Romeo and Juliet, ibid.
 
 Index 
 
 299 
 
 Qjta7-fer/y Rei'/c7c — on the obliga- 
 tion of Shakespeare to Du 
 Bartas, 24 ; on the handwriting 
 of Shakespeare, 78. 
 
 Quartos — the passages omitted 
 by Shakespeare in the Folio 
 foisted into the received text, 
 266-268. 
 
 Quickly, Mrs., her description of 
 the death of Falstaff in Henry 
 the Fifth, 193. 
 
 Qidtiey, Richard, his Letter dated 
 the 25th of October, 1598, the 
 only letter addressed to Shak- 
 spere, which is known to exist, 
 78. 
 
 Quiney, Thomas, marries Shak- 
 spere's daughter, Judith, 76. 
 
 Ratsei' s Ghost describes Shak- 
 spere as no longer caring for 
 those who formerly made him 
 proud with speaking their words 
 upon the stage, 107. 
 
 Repudiation of authorship by 
 Bacon, if he was the author, 
 124, 235, 245, 247 ; attempt to 
 explain this repudiation, 245- 
 247. 
 
 Reticrn from Parnassus sneers 
 at those who purchase lands 
 by mouthing words that better 
 wits had framed, 108 ; repre- 
 sents Shakspere as endeavour- 
 ing to put Jonson down, 114. 
 
 Revision, the elaborate revision to 
 which tlio Plays were subjected, 
 
 86-96; the commercial value of 
 a revised Edition of the Plays 
 must have been known to Shak- 
 spere, 92, 96. 
 
 Richard the Second the first of 
 the Plays that bore the name of 
 Shakespeare, 202 ; catalogued 
 in the Nortliumberland Paf>ers 
 with works of Bacon, 2']2 ; ex- 
 pressly referred to by Bacon on 
 two different occasions, 206 ; 
 intimately connected with the 
 most mysterious episode in his 
 career, 202 ; whether the Queen 
 suspected Bacon to be the 
 author, 203 ; this would ex- 
 plain his letter to Southampton, 
 143 ; evidence of his authorship, 
 203-206. 
 
 Rogers, Philif — Professor Dow- 
 den's remark on Shakspere' s 
 unfaltering insistance on the 
 positive fact of his pecuniary 
 rights, 95. 
 
 Scott, Sir IValter, our Second 
 Shakespeare, 76 ; commenced 
 his Romances at the age when 
 Shakspere retired from the 
 stage, ibid. ; maintained his 
 incognito, though it caused his 
 brother to be regarded as the 
 author of Waverley, 65 ; his 
 treatment of the Law contrasted 
 with that of Shakespeare, 173. 
 
 Shakspere, William (the Player), 
 the spelling of liis name, 6, 14,
 
 300 
 
 Index 
 
 276 ; tlie little that we know of 
 him according to Mr. Hallam, 
 7 ; the lacunae of his life filled 
 up with forgery and fiction, 8 ; 
 the fancy Shaksperes, 9 ; repu- 
 diated by Mr. Phillipps, 10; 
 Mr. Phillipps accepts the local 
 traditions as authentic, 10; the 
 birthplace of Shakspere, 13 ; 
 his parentage, ibid. ; his de- 
 fective education, 14 ; his ap- 
 prenticeship to a butcher, ibid. ; 
 his improvident marriage, 15 ; 
 his poaching escapade, 11 ; his 
 flight from Stratford, 15 ; his 
 intellectual qualifications when 
 he arrived in London, 16; his 
 first emplo3'ment in London, 11, 
 53 ; could only have become 
 engaged at a playhouse in a 
 servile capacity, 16; not heard 
 of as an actor before 1592, 42 ; 
 described by Greene in 1592 as 
 an upstart crow, 56 ; praised in 
 the following year by divers of 
 worship, 62, 63 ; his literary 
 pretensions ridiculed by Greene, 
 56 ; and by Jonson, 116-119 ; 
 never assumed the name of 
 Shakespeare, 6 ; never claimed 
 to be the author of the Shake- 
 spearian Plays, 48, 233 ; never 
 revised them, 76, 94 ; or disposed 
 of their copyright, 95-96 ; or 
 mentioned them in his will, "]"], 
 96 ; the Burbages had no con- 
 ception of his intellectual su- 
 periority, 53 ; admitted to a 
 
 share in the profits of the Globe 
 as a man-plaj^erand a deserving 
 man, 54 ; was not regarded by 
 his literary contemporaries as 
 an author, 106-108 ; the only 
 patron known to biographical 
 research, 108 ; the only con- 
 temporary who has left a 
 description of him, ibid. ; the 
 only letter extant that was ad- 
 dressed to him, 78 ; the only 
 letters in which he is mentioned 
 or referred to, 14 ; the only 
 specimens of his handwriting, 
 6, 78 ; the only verses attributed 
 to him by tradition, 78 ; the 
 only specimens of his wit that 
 have been preserved, 113. 
 Shakespeare (the Author of the 
 Plays), the noted weed of the 
 author of the Sonnets, 64, 156 ; 
 first assumed in connexion with 
 the Poems in 1593, in connexion 
 with the Plays in 1598, and in 
 connexion with the Sonnets in 
 1609, 63 ; was never assumed 
 by the Player, 6, 276 ; the author 
 of the Shakespearian works, a 
 Scholar, 32-40; a Lawyer, 166- 
 169 ; a man of Science, 170-198 ; 
 and all his science and pseudo- 
 science is derived from the 
 Natural Histo}-y oi'Q2iQ.ox\, 174- 
 197 ; his knowledge of medicine, 
 9, 43, 193-4 ; his love of Flowers, 
 185-189 ; of Music, 227-229 ; 
 his knowledge of the mysteries 
 of Sport, 255-257 ; his know-
 
 Index 
 
 ;oi 
 
 ledge of Ireland, 281-2 ; his 
 Zoology, fabulous and real, 195 ; 
 his deracinated Latin, 196, 197 ; 
 his affected Triads, 219 ; his 
 effusion and effervescence of 
 Speech, 147, 204, 212, 220 ; his 
 peculiar phrases, 163, 164, 197, 
 220 ; his anachronisms and in- 
 accuracies, 225, 226 ; his pedan- 
 try, 170-172; his plagiarisms, 24. 
 
 Shakespearian Plays, the unity 
 of their authorship, 19-31 ; the 
 learning displayed in the earliest 
 of the Plays, 32-49 ; the paral- 
 lelisms in certain of the latter 
 Plays with the acknowledged 
 works of Bacon, 199-231 ; the 
 Folio, the only authorised edition, 
 19, 80, 265 ; variations in the 
 estimate of, 248, 249. 
 
 Shakes_peare's So7iiiets addressed 
 to Southampton, 159, 160; proba- 
 bly on the occasion of Burghley's 
 offer of the Lady Elizabeth Vere 
 to the young Earl in marriage, 
 161 ; Mr. Wyndham's descrip- 
 tion of their author, curiously 
 applicable to Bacon, 161 ; evi- 
 dence of the authorship of 
 Bacon, 161-164; must have been 
 published in 1609, with the con- 
 sent and under the supervision 
 of the author, 263. 
 
 Southampton , the Earl of, the 
 the only patron of the Player, 
 according to Mr. Lee, who is 
 known to biographical research, 
 65 ; his alleged present of a 
 
 thousand pounds, 66 ; has left 
 no record of his patronage, 67 ; 
 his early friendship with Bacon, 
 161 ; Bacon appears against 
 him on his trial for high treason, 
 142 ; and writes him a letter of 
 apology on his release from the 
 Tower, 143 ; one of the Lords de- 
 legated to authenticate Bacon's 
 confession of corruption, 246. 
 
 Spalding, Air. , cited on the scho- 
 larship of Shakespeare, 31 ; the 
 language of Shakespeare, 181 ; 
 on the spelling of his name, 276. 
 
 Stapes, Mrs. C, The Bacon - 
 Shakspere Qttestion Anszvered, 
 92 ; on the Law of Copyright in tlu' 
 time of Shakespeare, 261, 262. 
 
 Strawber?-y, The, that grows un- 
 derneath the nettle, and the rasps 
 that grow in the neighbourhood 
 of sorrel, 185, 210. 
 
 Sylva Sylvarnni — the Latin name 
 of Bacon's Natural History, 
 174 ; a kind of Natural Magic, 
 187 ; is conversant with Magnalia 
 Naturaj, ibid. ; supplies the 
 whole of the Natural Philosophy 
 of Shakespeare, 174-198. 
 
 The Taming of a Shrew not the 
 work of an eclipsed precursor, 
 22 ; but an early work of 
 Shakespeare, 2}^. 
 
 The Tempest produced after the 
 retirement of Shakespere from 
 the stage, 75 ; evidence that it 
 was the work of Bacon, 230 ; his
 
 3o: 
 
 Index 
 
 repudiation of his dramatic 
 works, attested by the Play, 229. 
 llie Theatre the name of the play- 
 house erected by James Burbage 
 
 in 1576, 53- 
 
 Tradition accepted by Mr. Phil- 
 lipps as authentic evidence, 10; 
 the traditions as to the early 
 career of Shakspere accepted 
 by all his biographers, 11. 
 
 Transmutation of Bodies — 
 Shakespeare adopts the theory 
 of Bacon, 190. 
 
 Transjnutation of Plants — iden- 
 tity between the Natural His- 
 tory and The Winter's Tale, 
 188, 189. 
 
 IVansunitation of Species — 
 Shakespeare, like Bacon, antici- 
 pates the theory of Darwin, 187. 
 
 Triads — characteristic of the style 
 of Bacon and of the style of 
 Shakespeare, 219. 
 
 Trilogy of Henry the Sixth — the 
 exclusive work of Shakespeare, 
 22i ; the vast amount of learning 
 which it displays, 34-36, 42, 43. 
 
 Ti'oilus and Cressida — parallel- 
 isms in the Play with Bacon's 
 acknowledged works, 217-224. 
 
 University Pens — Shakspere's 
 attempt to put them down, 114, 
 172, 186. 
 
 Utlegatus, the meaning of the 
 term, 144. 
 
 Venus and Adonis— not the first 
 heir of the author's Invention, 
 164; circumstances under whicli 
 it was composed, 165. 
 
 Wincot, The, of the Tamitig of 
 the Shrew and the Woncot of 
 Henry the Fourth were possibly 
 well known to Bacon, 253, 254. 
 
 Winter''s Tale — founded on the 
 Pandosto of Greene, 55 ; follows 
 the Natural History of Bacon 
 in relation to the Transmutation 
 of Species, the Transmutation 
 of Plants, and the Seasons of 
 Flowers, 185-189 ; Perdita's 
 address to Proserpina, 172, 186. 
 
 Words and Phrases — arcuate, 
 adunque, exile, excern, ingrate, 
 inutile, 196 ; deracinate, con- 
 cupy, convive, mirable, tortive, 
 and errant and constring'd, 
 197 ; excrements, ibid. ; obse- 
 quious and oblation, 164 ; statua 
 and thought, 211 ; discourse of 
 reason, 220 ; expense of Spirit, 
 163 ; a sea of troubles, 197. 
 
 Wyndham, Mr. — his edition of 
 Shakespeare's Poems, i ; his 
 description of the parentage, the 
 education, and the adventures 
 of the young man from Stratford, 
 1 1 ; his description of the author 
 of the Sonnets in reality a de- 
 description of Bacon, 12, 161. 
 
 THE END
 
 
 
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 Srt.^ k^,^^ Isu^ ,U::^Mil. ^^^^'^ jja^^^U s/rOv^ ,

 
 H Classifieb Catalogue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 
 
 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, and 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE). - 
 BIOGRAPHY. PERSONAL ME- 
 MOIRS, &c. - - - - - 
 CHILDREN'S BOOKS 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- 
 LATIONS, ETC. . - . . 
 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 
 MENT, &c. 
 
 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 &c. 
 
 FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - - - 21 
 FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES 12 
 FINE ARTS {THE) AND MUSIC - 30 
 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, 
 
 POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - - 3 
 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND 
 
 SCIENCE OF 17 
 
 LOGIC, RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY. 
 
 &C. - - - - - - - I4 
 
 26 
 
 19 
 
 29 
 
 18 
 
 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 14 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 
 
 WORKS 31 
 
 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - - 20 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 
 NOMICS 17 
 
 POPULAR SCIENCE - - - - 24 
 
 RELIGION, THE SCIENCE OF - 18 
 
 SILVER LIBRARY (THE) ■ - 27 
 
 SPORT AND PASTIME - - - 11 
 
 STONYHURST 
 SERIES - 
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL 
 
 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE 
 COLONIES, &c. - - - - 
 
 WORKS OF REFERENCE - 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND 
 
 Page 
 3. 19 
 
 14.15 
 15 
 
 3 
 29 
 
 8 
 26 
 19 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) 
 
 {|.H. M.i 
 
 (T. K.) - 
 
 (E. A.) - 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) 
 Acton (Eliza) - 
 Adeane (J. H.) - 
 Adelborg (O.) - 
 iCschylus 
 Ainger (A. C.) - 
 Albemarle (Earl of) 
 Allen (Grant) - 
 Allgood (G.) - 
 Angwin (M. C.) 
 Anstey (F.) 
 Aristophanes - 
 Aristotle - 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) 
 
 (Dr. T.) - 
 
 Ashbourne (Lord) 
 Ashby (H ) 
 Ashley (W. J.)- 
 Avebury (Lord) 
 Ayre (Rev. J.) - 
 
 Bacon - - 7. M' ': 
 Bagehot (W.) 7, 17. 27. 31 
 
 Page 
 Baring-Gould (Rev. 
 
 S.) - - - 18, 27, 31 
 Barnett (S. A. and 
 
 H.) - - - 17 
 
 Baynes (T. S.) - - 31 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 21 
 
 14 
 
 9.20 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 3. 17 
 
 Bagwell (R.) 
 Bailey (H. C.\ - 
 Baillie (A. F.) - 
 Bain (Alexander) 
 Baker (J. H.) - 
 
 (Sir S. W.) 
 
 Balfour (A. I.) 
 
 (Lady Betty) 
 
 Ball (John) 
 Banks (M. M.I - 
 
 21 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 31 
 9 
 II, 18 
 6 
 9 
 
 21 
 
 Beaufort (Duke of) 
 Becker (VV. A.) 
 Beesly (A. H.) - 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) 
 Bent (J. Theodore) 
 Besant (Sir Walter 
 Bickerdyke (J.) 
 Bird (G.) - 
 Blackburne (J. H.) - 
 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 
 Blount (Sir E.) 
 Boase (Rev. C. W.)- 
 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 
 Bowen (W. E.) 
 Brassey (Lady) 
 
 (Lord) 
 
 Bray (C.) - 
 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - 
 Broadfoot (Major W.) 
 Brown (A. F.) - 
 
 (J. Moray) 
 
 Bruce (R. L) - 
 Bryce(J.)- 
 Buck{H. A.) - 
 Buckland (Jas ) 
 Buckle (H. T.)- 
 BuU (T.) - 
 Burke (U. R.) - 
 Burns (C. L) - 
 Burrows (Montagu) 
 Butler (E. A.) - 
 
 EDITORS. 
 
 Page Page 
 
 Cameron of Lochiel 13 , Dallinger (F. W.) - 5 
 
 Campbell(Rev.Lewis) 18,19 ' Dauglish (M. G.) - 8 
 Camperdown (Earl of) 8 , Davidson (W. L.) 15, 17, 18 
 
 Ca\vthorne(Geo.Jas.) 13 Davies (J. F.) - - 19 
 
 Chesney (Sir G.) - 3 Dent (C. T.) - - 11 
 
 Childe-Pemberton(W.S.) 8 De Salis (Mrs.) - 29 
 
 II, 12 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 12, 13 
 
 Cholmondeley-Pennell 
 
 (H.) - - - II 
 Christie (R. C.) - 31 
 ChurchilU W. Spencer) 3,21 
 
 De Tocqueville (A.) - 4 
 
 Devas (C. S.) - - 16, 17 
 
 Cicero - - - 19 
 
 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 16 
 
 Climenson (E. J.) - 9 
 Clodd (Edward) - 18, 2"; 
 Clutterbuck (W. J.) 
 
 Colenso (R. J.) - 30 
 
 Conington (John) - 19 
 
 Conway (Sir W. M ) 11 
 Conybeare(Rev.W. J ) 
 
 & Howson (Dean) 27 
 
 Coolidge (W. A. B.) 9 
 
 Corbin (M.) - - 26 
 
 Corbett (lulian S.) - 3, 4 
 
 Coutts (W.) - - 19 
 
 Coventry (A.) - - 12 
 
 Cox (Harding) - n 
 
 Crake (Rev. A. D) - 26 
 
 Crawford (J. H.) - 21 
 
 (R.) - - - 10 
 
 Creed (S.) - - 21 
 Creiehton (Bishop) -4, 5, 8 
 Crozier (J. B.) - 
 Castance (Col. H.; 
 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) 
 
 Dickinson (G. L.) 
 
 (W. H.) - 
 
 Dougall (L.) - 
 Dowden (E.) - 
 Dovle (A. Conan) 
 DuBois (W. E. B.)- 
 10 Dufferin (Marquis of) 
 Dunbar (Mary F.) - 
 Dyson (E.) 
 
 Dabney (I. P.) 
 Dale (T. F.) 
 
 Ebrington (Viscount) 
 Ellis (I. H.) - 
 
 (R. L.) - - 
 
 Erasmus - - - { 
 Evans (Sir John) - 
 
 Falkiner (C. L.) 
 Farrar (Dean) - - i; 
 Fitzgibbon (M.) 
 Fitzmaurice (Lord E.) 
 Folkard (H. C.) 
 Ford (H.) - 
 
 (W.J.) - - 
 
 Fountain (P) - 
 8, 15 i Fowler (Edith H.) - 
 13 \ Francis (Francis) 
 5 j Francis (M. E.) 
 I Freeman (Edward A.) 
 20 1 Fremantle (T. F.) - 
 12 Fresnfield (D. W.) -
 
 INDEX OF 
 
 Pa,g,e 
 
 Frost (G.)- - - 31 
 Froude([ames A.) 4,8,10,22 
 
 Fuller (F. W.) - - 4 
 
 Furneaux (W.) - 24 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 
 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. 
 
 A. E.) - - 13 
 Geikie (Rev. Cunning- 
 ham) - - . 31 
 Gibbons (J. S.) - 13 
 Gibson (C. H.)- - 14 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 9 
 Goethe - - - 20 
 Going (C. B.) - - 26 
 Gore-Booth (Sir H. W.) 12 
 Graham (A.) - - 4 
 
 (P. A.) - - 13 
 
 (G. F.) - - 17 
 
 Granby (Marquess of) 13 
 
 Grant (Sir A.) - - 14 
 
 Graves (R. P.) - - 8 
 
 Green (T. Hill) - 15 
 
 Greene (E. B.)- - 5 
 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 4 
 
 Grose (T. H.) - - 15 
 Gross (C.) - - 4, 5 
 
 Grove (F. C.) - - 11 
 
 (Lady) - - 10 
 
 (Mrs. Lilly) - 11 
 
 "Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 22 
 
 ■Gurnhill (J.) - - 15 
 
 ■Gwih (J.) - - - 25 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 10,22,31 
 
 Hake (O.) - - - 12 
 
 Hallivvell-Phillipps(J.) 9 
 
 Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 5 
 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 30 
 
 Harding (S. B.) - 5 
 
 Harmsworth (A. C.) 12 
 
 Harte (Bret) - - 22 
 
 Harting(J.E.)- - 13 
 
 Hartwig (G.) - - 25 
 
 Hassall (A.) - - 7 
 
 Haweis (H. R.) - 8, 30 
 
 Head (Mrs.) - - 30 
 
 Heath (D. D.) - - 14 
 
 Heathcote (J. M.) - 12 
 
 (C. G.) - - 12 
 
 (N.) - - - 10 
 
 Helmholtz (Hermann 
 
 von) - - - 25 
 Henderson (Lieut- 
 Col. G. F. R.) - 8 
 Henry (W.) - - 12 
 Henty (G. A.) - - 26 
 Herbert (Col. Kenney) 13 
 Herod (Richard S.) - 13 
 Hiley (R. W.) - - 8 
 Hill (Mabel) - - 5 
 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 11 
 Hime (H. W. L.) - 15 
 Hodgson (Shadworth)i5, 31 
 Hoenig (F.) - - 31 
 Hngan (J. F.) - - 8 
 Holmes (R. R.) - 9 
 Holroyd (M. J.) - 8 
 Homer - - - ig 
 Hope (Anthony) - 22 
 Horace - - - 19 
 Houston (D. F.) - 5 
 Howard (Lady Mabel) 22 
 Howitt (W.) - - 10 
 Hudson (W. H.) - 25 
 Huish (M. B.) - - 30 
 HuUah (J.) - - 30 
 Hume (David) - - 15 
 
 (M. A. S.) - 3 
 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) - 5 
 
 Hunter (Sir W.) - 5 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) 
 
 ". I3i3i 
 
 Ingelow (Jean) - 20 
 
 Ingram (T. D.) - 5 
 
 AUTHORS 
 
 Page 
 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 31 
 Jones (H. Bence) - 25 
 Joyce (P. W.) - 5, 22, 31 
 Justinian - - - 15 
 
 Kant (L) - 
 Kaye(Sir J. W.) - 
 Keller (A. G.) - 
 Kelly (E.)- 
 Kent (C. B. R.) 
 Kerr (Rev. J.) - 
 KiUick (Rev. A. H.) - 
 Kingsley (Rose G.) - 
 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 
 Knight (E. F.) - 
 Kbstlin (J.) 
 Kristeller (P.) - 
 
 AND EDITORS— CO n^mwecZ. 
 
 15 
 5 
 
 15 
 5 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 10, 12 
 
 8 
 30 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 
 Lang (Andrew) 5, 11, 12, 14, 
 18, 20, 22, 23, 26, 32 
 
 Jackson (A. W.) 
 James (W.) 
 Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 
 Jefferies (Richard) - 
 Jekyll (Gertrude) 
 Jerome (Jerome K.) - 
 
 Lapsley (G. T.) 
 
 5 
 
 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 11 
 
 13 
 
 Laurie (S. S.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Lawley (Hon. F.) - 
 
 12 
 
 Lawrence (F. W.) - 
 
 17 
 
 Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 29 
 
 31 
 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) 5, 16 
 
 20 
 
 Lees (J. A.) 
 
 10 
 
 Leighton (J. A.) 
 
 16 
 
 Leslie (T. E.Cliffe)- 
 
 17 
 
 Lieven (Princess) - 
 
 8 
 
 Lillie (A.) - 
 
 14 
 
 Lindley(J.) 
 
 25 
 
 Loch (C. S.) - 
 
 31 
 
 Locock (C. D.) 
 
 14 
 
 Lodge (H. C.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Longman (C. J.) - 11 
 
 13 
 
 (F. W.) - - 
 
 14 
 
 (G. H.) - -II 
 
 13 
 
 (Mrs. C.J.) 
 
 30 
 
 Lowell (A. L.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Lubbock (Sir John) - 
 
 18 
 
 Lucan 
 
 19 
 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 
 
 16 
 
 Lyall (Edna) - 
 
 23 
 
 Lynch (G.) 
 
 6 
 
 (H. F. B.)- - 
 
 10 
 
 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 
 
 II 
 
 (Hon. A.) - 
 
 12 
 
 Lytton (Earl of) - 6 
 
 20 
 
 Macaulay (Lord) 6, 8 
 
 2C 
 
 Macdonald (Dr. G.) - 
 
 20 
 
 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 
 
 30 
 
 Mackail (J. W.) - g 
 
 19 
 
 Mackenzie (C. G.) - 
 
 14 
 
 Mackinnon (J.) 
 
 6 
 
 Macleod (H. D.) 
 
 17 
 
 Macpherson (Rev. 
 
 
 H. A.) - - 12 
 
 13 
 
 Madden (D. H.) 
 
 14 
 
 Magnusson (E.) 
 
 22 
 
 Maher (Rev. M.) 
 
 16 
 
 Malleson(Col. G.B.) 
 
 5 
 
 Marchment (A. W.) 
 
 23 
 
 Marshman (J. C.) - 
 
 8 
 
 Maryon (M.) - 
 
 32 
 
 Mason (A. E. W.) - 
 
 23 
 
 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 
 
 14 
 
 Matthews (B.) 
 
 32 
 
 Maunder (S.) - 
 
 25 
 
 Max Miiller (F.) 
 
 
 9, 16, 17, 18, 23 
 
 32 
 
 May(SirT. Erskine) 
 
 6 
 
 Meade (L. T.) - 
 
 26 
 
 Melville (G. J. Whyte) 
 
 23 
 
 Merivale (Dean) 
 
 6 
 
 Merriman (H. S.) 
 
 23 
 
 Mill (John Stuart) - 16 
 
 17 
 
 Millias (J. G.) - 
 
 14 
 
 Milner (G.) 
 
 32 
 
 Monck(W. H. S.) - 
 
 16 
 
 Montague (F. C.) - 
 
 6 
 
 Mooh(G. W.)- 
 
 20 
 
 Moore (T.) 
 
 25 
 
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 14 
 
 Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 
 
 17 
 
 Morris (Mowbray) - 
 
 II 
 
 (W.) 19, 20, 23, 30 
 
 32 
 
 Mulhall (M. G.) 
 
 17 
 
 Murray (Hilda) 
 Myers (F. W. H.) - 
 
 Nansen (F.) 
 Nash (V.) - 
 Nesbit (E.) 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 
 Newman (Cardinal) - 
 Nichols (F. M.) 
 
 32 
 
 15 
 23 
 
 8,31 
 
 19 
 
 12, 14 
 9 
 
 Ogilvie (R.) - 
 Oldfield (Hon. Mrs.) 
 Oliphant (N.) - 
 Onslow (Earl of) 
 Osbourne (L.) - 
 Packard (A. S.) 
 Paget (Sir J.) - 
 Park (W.) 
 Parker (B.) 
 Passmore (T. H.) 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir 
 R.) - - - 
 Pearson (C. H.) 
 Peek (Hedley) - 
 Pemberton (W. S. 
 
 Childe-) - - 8 
 
 Pembroke (Earl of) - 12 
 Pennant (C. D.) - 13 
 Penrose (Mrs.) - 26 
 
 Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 11,23 
 Pierce (A. H.) - - 16 
 Pitman (C. M.) - 12 
 
 Pleydell-Bouverie (E. O.) 12 
 Pole (W.) - - - 14 
 Pollock (W. H.) - II, 32 
 Poole (W.H. and Mrs.) 29 
 Poore (G. V.) - - 32 
 Pope(W. H.) - - 13 
 Powell (E.) - - 7 
 
 Powys (Mrs. P. L.) - g 
 
 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 
 Prevost (C.) - - 11 
 Pritchett (R. T.) - 12 
 Proctor (R. A.) 14, 25, 28, 29 
 Raine (Rev. James) - 5 
 
 Ramal (W.) - - 21 
 Randolph (C. F.) - 7 
 
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 Ransome (Cyril) - 3, 7 
 Raymond (W.) - 23 
 
 Reid (S.J.) - - ' 7 
 Rhoades (J.) - - 19 
 Rice (S. P.) - - 10 
 Rich (A.) - - - 19 
 Richardson (C.) - 11,13 
 Richmond (Ennis) - 16 
 Rickaby (Rev. John) 16 
 
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 Riley (J. W.) - - 21 
 Roberts (E. P.) - 26 
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 Romanes (G.J.) g, 16, i8,2i 
 
 Page I Page 
 
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 Somerville (E.) 
 Sophocles 
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 Southey (R.) - 
 Spahr(C. B.) - 
 Spedding(J.) - 
 Spender (A. E.) 
 Stanley (Bishop) 
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 6 Stephen (Leslie) - 10 
 12 ' Stephens (H. Morse) 7 
 
 24 Sternberg (Count 
 j8 Adalbert) - - 7 
 
 g Stevens (R. W.) - 31 
 J. Stevenson (R. L.) 21,24,26 
 32 Storr (F.) - - - 14 
 ,2 ' Stuart-Wortley(A. J.) 12, 13 
 ■^ i Stubbs (J. W.) - - 7 
 
 Suffolk & Berkshire 
 
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 32 
 17 
 7. 14 
 10 
 23 
 
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 Roosevelt (T.) - - 5 
 
 Ross (Martin) - - 23 
 Rossetti (Maria Fran- 
 
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 Rotheram (M. A.) - 29 
 
 Rowe (R. P. P.) - 12 
 
 Russell (Lady)- - g 
 
 Saintsbury (G.) - 12 
 
 Sandars (T. C.) - 15 
 
 Sanders (E. K.) - 8 
 Savage- Armstrong(G.F.)2i 
 
 Seebohm (F.) - - 7, g 
 
 Selous (F. C.) - - II, 14 
 
 Senior (W.) - - 12, 13 
 Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 23 
 
 Shakespeare - - 21 
 Shand (A L) - 
 Shaw(W. A.) - 
 Shearman (M.) 
 Sheehan (P. A.) 
 Sinclair (A.) 
 
 Skrine (F. H.) - - 8 
 
 Smith (C. Fell) - 9 
 
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 13 
 7. 31 
 
 23 
 
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 Suttner (B. von) - 24 
 
 Swan (M.) - - 24 
 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - i5 
 
 Symes (J. E.) - - 17 
 
 Tait (J.) - - - 6 
 
 Tallentyre (S. G.) - 9 
 
 Tappan (E. M.) - 26 
 
 Tavlor (Col. Meadows) 7 
 
 Te'bbutt (C. G.) - 12 
 
 Terry (C. S.) - - 8 
 
 Thomas (J.- W.) - 16 
 
 Thomson (H. C.) - 7 
 
 Thornhill (W. J.) - 19 
 
 Thornton (T. H.) - 9 
 
 Todd (A.) - - - 7 
 
 Tout (T. F.) - - 6 
 
 Toynbee (A.) - • 17 
 
 Trevelvan (Sir G. O.) 6, 7, 8 
 
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 Trollope (Anthony)- 24 
 
 Turner (ri. G.) - 32 
 TyndalKJ.) - - 8, 10 
 
 Tyrrell (R. Y.) - - ig 
 
 Unwin (R.) - - 32 
 Upton(F.K.and Bertha) 27 
 
 Van Dyke (J. C.) - 30 
 
 Virgil - - - 19 
 
 Wagner (R.) - - 21 
 
 Wakeman (H. O.) - 7 
 
 Walford (L. B.) - 24 
 
 Wallas (Graham) - g 
 
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 Walpole (Sir Spencer) 7, g 
 
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 Walrond (Col. H.) - 11 
 
 Walsingham (Lord)- 12 
 
 Ward (Mrs. W.) - 24 
 
 Warwick (Countess of) 32 
 Watson (A. E. T.) - 11,12 
 
 Weathers (J.) - - 32 
 Webb (Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 Sidney) - - 17 
 
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 Weber (A.) - - 16 
 
 Weir (Capt. R.) - 12 
 Wellington (Duchess of) 30 
 
 West (B. B.) - - 24 
 
 Weyman (Stanley) - 24 
 Whately(Archbishop) 14,16 
 
 Whitelaw (R.) - - 19 
 
 WhittalKSirJ. W. )- 32 
 
 Wilkins (G.) - - ig 
 
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 Willard (A. R.) - 30 
 
 Willich (C. M.) - 25 
 
 Witham (T. M.) - 12 
 
 Wood (Rev. J. G.) - 25 
 
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 24 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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 26 
 
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 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 27 
 
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